ijv^- ^ 2f<^' '■■. '1 •. V -A^-^<- ^ -:^3 ^•^ . V «• ^ > ■ T - ' ^ V>-' 1 '>/:;- _j^^^i "^1 ■*?-^:^?- *AV g^:^?j-j> r^:'/^^ "l^'Jv'E ' ij / ,/4^'^ ''--;m^J yP mfm H^^^p0 w \ I ' .. c. -— -4. \? THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES v^ ^^ Jk^c./^^ /f/^. TO PERPETUATE, AS FAR AS THESE PAGES MAY EXTEND, THE WELL-EARNED FAME OF THE MOST LEARNED PRINTER OF HIS AGE, THESE REMAINING TESTIMONIES OF MR. BOWYER's INDUSTRY AND ABILITIES ARE SELECTED BY J. NICHOLS, IN GRATEFUL REMEMBRANCE OF AN EARLY FRIEND AND GENEROUS BENEFACTOR. HIC CESruS JRTEM^UE REPON/T, 1260597 n TO RICHARD GOUGH, ESQ, THESE REMAINS OF MR. BOWYER, WHOM HE VALUED AS A FRIEND, AND RESPECTED AS A SCHOLAR, ARE INSCRIBED BY THE EDITOR, IN ACKNOWLEDGEMENT OF MANY LITERARY FAVOURS CONFERRED ON HIS PREDECESSOR AND HIMSELF. t "' 3 PREFACE. LITTLE is neceflary to be faid to Introduce a CoUedtion of Mifcellanies which claim for their author the laft of learned Printers. The public have been fufficiently apprized of Mr. Bowyer's early attention to every department of literature, and to every book which came under his father's or his own prefs, while finiftiing a learned education at the univerfity, and while applying the ftore of knowlege there treafured up, to improve the claffic authors which he printed, or to criticize thofe publirtied by his friends. Mr. Bowyer's Life Is the beft illuftratlon of his Mifcellanies ; and the Editor of them thinks he could not do him greater ci-edit than in leaving him to fpeak for himfelf in the various forms of Author, Commentator, Critic, and Correfpondent, on and with fome of the firfl Literati of his age. His Commentary on the New Teilament is a copious memorial of his critical talents ; and, though it needs not to be fet off by any lefier work, we trufl the loofe notes', from the margins of his Interleaved claffics, will not be deemed unworthy to follow It. The Epitome of Selden's book " De Synedriis veterum Hebrae- *' orum," and the other memoranda from that learned writer, were b 2 the vm PREFACE. the refult of his fiipenatendance of the complete edition of Sel" den's works in his prefs, 1722 — 1726 '. His admirable Sketch of Mr. Baxter's Gloflary of Roman An- tiquities had the fame origin ^ His feafonable correftion of the Vicar of Dewfbury, may be feen in his " Remarks on Mr. Bowman's fingular Sermon on the " Traditions of the Clergy \" Though he bore no part in the brilliancy of the public a>ft at Oxford in 173^, he attended it as a fpedtator j and, while he was printing fome of the productions which it occalioned, wrote an imitation of one of the fprightliefl: of them. The ftriftures which he threw out anonymoufly in the newf- papers on the republication of " Stephens's Thefaurus"" were principally occafioned by his friendship for Dr. Taylor, who of courfe fupported him in the controverfy \ A Roman infcription found at Bath, and illuftrated by Mr. Roger Gale *, gave rife to much learned difculTion between him and his friends. How much he Ihone in fuch a walk may appear from his marginal notes on Mr. Chifliull's Anti- quitates Afiatic^ ' ; as his Comment on the Saxon Feaft of Yule ^ was a proper return for the honour conferred on him by the Society of Antiquaries * in appointing him their printer, who was before a member of their body. His intimate acquaintance with the hiftory and antiquities of Greece and Rome, as well as with their relpe£live languages, will appear from his obfervations, though little more than marginal, on Dr. Middleton's Life of Cicero '° ; on Rennet's Roman Antiquities " ; on Colonel Bladen's Tranflation of Cd?lar's Commentaries '% the latter making part of the edition of that tranflation printed at his prefs''; and on the Life of Julian**; iind from his Mifcellaneous Remarks on Roman Hiftory **. ' Lifi-, p. 49. » Ibid. 3 Lifp, p. 69. * p. 86— 1 28. 5 Life, p. 63, * P. 133. M'. 161 — 188. *P-iS4- "Life, p. 7? '^P.281— 363, " ]'. 377— 420. "P. r'^q_23r. »' Life, p. 217. '♦ P. 493—496. '5 P. 364—376. Nor PREFACE. ix Nor had he beftowed lefs attention on the controverfy concern- ing Grecian and Roman money, from his thoughts on which his friend Mr. Clarke's learned " Connexion " derived fo much affif- tance '. Mr. Bovvyer's ftri£tures received from the gentleman on whofe opinion they were made that candid acknowlegcment which is infeparable from true polltenefs. If the publication of marginal notes on books ftand in need ■of any apology, the Editor cannot make a better than by referring to thofe multifarious and learned notes which compofc the two volumes of " Mifcellaneous Obfervations," by Dr. Jortin and his friends. Let it not be fuppofed, however, though this volume is profeffedly a colledlion of fragments, that it contains the gleanings of Mr. Bowyer's libnry. An ample harvefl yet remains on the margins of many of his books, which, though they may be too minute perhaps for extraftion in the prefent jTiode, would be of no f nail utility to future editors ; and they fhall be communicated to any gentleman who may in future be engaged in the talk of publication. Were even the feveral indexes which Mr. Bowyer drew \ip to various books for his own ufe proper fubjefts for detached or colle6tive publication, the Editor is perfuaded he (hould obtain the thanks of the moft fuperficial, as well as of the moft attentive, reader. Kow many books would be benefited by an index made out by fuch an hand, which would at once be a glolfary, a fyllabus, and a table of correftions ! Nor was our learned Printer fo devoted to the ancient clafllcs as not to pay a proper regard to thofe of his own country \ But, atter all, fhould the tribute of private gratitude be deemed •uninterefting to the literary public, the Editor, while he indulges his own feelings, will not regret that he has introduced to the world the correfpondence with Mr. Bowjer's friends, and fuch illuftrious names in the republic of letters as clofe this volume, and form at leaf!; a third part of it. » P. 259-280. * P. 433—449. 496—493, 504-509- Mr PREFACE. *^* Mr. Bowyer's own publications, which appeared during his life, befides thofe which are included in the prefent volume, are, The Beau and Academick, 1733 See his Life, p. 8^ Tranflatlon of Trapp's Leftures on Poetry, 1742 i6r Seventh Volume of Swift's Mifcellanies, 8vo, 1742 168 A Pamphlet on the prefent State of Europe, 1744 176 Kufter, de vero Ufu Verborum Mediorum, 1752 211 New edition of Pindar, 12 mo, 1755 259 Verfes on the Coronation of King George II. 8vo, 1761 .3zi Thirteenth and Fourteenth Volumes of Swift's Works, 8vo, 1762 338 New Teftament, 2 vols. lamo, 176^ 344 Notes and Index to Mr. Clarke's Connexion of Coins, 1767 383 Conjeftures on the New Teflament, 8vo, 1772 430 Select Difcourfes concerning the Hebrew Months, &c. 8vo, 1773 446 New edition of Schrevelius' Lexicon, 8vo, 1774 449 Origin of Printing, 8vo, 1774, and again in 1776 4^0 New edition of Bentley againft Boyle, 8vo, 1777 477 Apology for Mr. Hooke on the Roman Senate [pollhumous, if 82.] CON- t »! CONTENTS. EPITOME of Part of Selden, « De Synediiis Veterum E- brseorum," taken by Mr. Bowyer in hajle as he read the Proofs^ 1726 p. I — 38 Operum Seldenianorum Ordo Chronologlcus 39, 40 A View of a Book, iiiiituled, *' Keliquise Baxterianee," in a Letter to a Friend, 1726 , 41 — ^^ Additional Remarks, from Mr. Bowyer's Mff. c,^, 56 Notas breves, per Gul. Stukeley, F.R.S. 57 The Traditions of the Clergy not deftrudiive of Religion ; being Remarks on Mr. Bowman's Vifitation Sermon; expofingthat Gen- tleman's Deficiency in Latin and Greek, in Ecclefiaflical Learn- ing, and true Reafoning 2)9 — 75 Verfes occafioned by Mr. Bowman's Sermon, 173 1 76 — 79 Bellus Homo et Acadcmicus, 1 733 80 — Sc Papers occafioned by the Re-publication of Robert Stephens's " Thefaurus," 1732 86 — 128 Propofals for printing Dr. Johnfon's Collections relating to the An- tiquities of Yorkfliire 1:9 — 132, Letter from Mr. Bowyer to Mr. R. Gale, on the Bath Infcription, 17^16 , 133 Letters on the fame Subjefl from Mr. Clarke to Mr. Bowyer 144 — 1,9 Letter from Mr. Markland to Mr. Bowyer 150, 151 Marmora qusedam penes illuftriffimum Comitem Exonienfem in sedibua XII CONTENTS. sedlbus Burleianis ; coiTimunicated to the Society of Antiquaries by Wr. Bowyer '52> 153 Differtaiion on the Gu'c or Yule of the Saxons, in a Letter from Mr. Bowyer to Blfhop Lyttelton 154 — 160 Additions and Correclions in ChifliuU's " Antiquitates Afiaticas," tranfcribed from the margin of Mr. Bowyer's Copy, now in th-e poffcilion of Edwin Lord Sandys i(5i-— 188 Mr. Bowyer's Notes on Csefar's Commentaries, with References to the Tranflations of Bladen and Duncan iSg—iz^a Chronological Anecdotes of Cailar's Life 223 — 226 Letters to and from Mr. Bowyer, Dr. Taylor, and Mr. Clarke, on the fubje^ of Atticus's Expences 227 — 230 Mr. Bowyer's Preface to Momefquieu's Reflexions on the Caufes of the Rife and Fall of the Roman Empire, 1759; with his final Correclions 231 — 249 Notes on Montefquieu 250, 251 Dialogue between Sylla and Eucrates, tranflated by Mr. Bowyer 252 — 257 Obfervations on the Ufe of the Word Nfmmus in Plautus, by Mr. Clarke and Mr. Bowyer 258 — 261 Diflertation on the Roman Sefterce, by Mr. Clarke and Mr. Bowyer 262 — 265 Remarks occafioned by a Differtation on the Greek and Roman Money, originally printed by Mr. Bowyer as a Supplement to Mr. Clarke's Book on Coins 265 — 274 Difcourfe on the Commerce of the Romans 275 — 280 Isiotes on Middleton's Life of Cicero 281 — 358 Epitome of Cicero's Life 359 — 363 Mlfccllaneous Remarks on Roman Hiftory 364 — 376 Detached Notes on Kermet's Antiquities of Rome 377 — 420 Preface to " Kuder De veto Ufu Verborum Medlorum," Sec. 1773 421—425 Index Verborum Homeiicorum, in quibus Clarkius primigeniam Vocis Mcdis fi^nificationem indicavit 426,427 Correclion of a Pafllage in Pope's Homer 427 Preface to Leedes"De ancipitum Gracarum Vocalium in prioribus Syllabis Menfura," &c. 1773 4^^ — 43^ Two CONTENTS. Two Letters from Dr. Bentley in the Shades below to Lord Orrery in a Land of thick Darknefs ; written and printed by Mr. Bow- yer, but never publifhed 432 — 445 Mr. Bowyer's Preface to a Tranflation of Roufleau's Difcourfe which obtained the Prize atthe Academy of Uijon in 1750 450 — 452 Remarks on a Speech made in Common Council, ^on the Bill for permitting perfons profeffing the Jewifli Religion to be naturalized, fo far as Property is fiippofed to be aflcifted by it, 1753 450 — 452 Preface to " Scleftte e Veteri Teflamento Hifforix" 453 — 458' Preface to " Sele^lai e Profanis Scriptoribus Hiftorias" j\62 — 469 Preface to Wallis's " Grammatica Lingus?, Anglicante," 1765 470 AnEnglilh Preface defigned for Wallis's Grammar 471 — 477 Preface to Hardouin's " Prolegomena ad Cenfuram Scriptorum ve- terum;" 1771 478 — 482 Ctirfory Reraarks on Dr. Wotton's Edition of the Laws of Howel Dha 483 — 487 Letters occafioned by the Publications of Two learned Divines 488 — 49 z Notes on the Life of Julian 495 Notes on Bifhop Warburton's Julian 494 — 496 Pvcmarks on Dr. Johnfon's Criticifm on Pope's Epitaphs 496, 497 Letter on the Arrangement of Types in the Cafes ufed by Printers Obfervations on the Sixth Chapter of Daniel Account of the Chronicon of Dexter .Specimen of Pope's ElFay on Man, attempted in Profe by Bowyer Pope's Verfes on his Grotto, imitated bv Mr. Bowyer Extrafts from Mr. Markland's Letters to Mr. Bowyer Extrafts from Mr. Clarke's Letters to Mr. Bowyer Extradts from Mr. Pcnoyre's Letters to Mr. Bowyer Letters from Mr. Amlirofc Bonwicke to his Earlier, tranfciibed by his grateful Scholar W. Bowyer 597 — 6oi Poems by Mr. Bonwicke 603 — 6:9 Letters between Mr. Bonwicke and Mr. Etechingclen concerning the Oaths 620 — 654 Abridgement, by Mr. Bowyer, of Phil._^Rohr's Pi^or Errans 653 — 6oq Original Letter from rrofellar Ocklcy to Dr. Wotton, on the Con- fufion of Tongues 661 — 677 c Dif. xni 498 449 502, 503 Mr. 5°4- -5°9 510 ^'l- -543 544- -59^ 59^ xvv N E N S. Diflertation, by Dr. Owen, on i Kings, x. 22, and 2 Chronicles, ix. 21 . 678 — 680 Difquifuions on the Land of Goflien, by Mr. Coflard and Mr. Bryant 681 — 693 Two original Letters from Mr. Nelfon, to his young Coufins George and Gabriel Hanger, containing fome admirable lu- ftruflions for their Conduft through Life 694—712 HISCEL= MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS BY MR. B O W Y E R. EPITOME OF PART OF SELDEN [a], "DE SYNEDRIIS VETERUM EBR^ORUM [^]." Taken in hafte as he read the Proofs. L I B. II. C A P. IX. S^ia life at Ions of the Members of the Synedriuin Magnum and Vigintiiriumviralc. I. 'W T was rcquifite that all who were admitted members of the Synedriuin ^ i Magnum, or of the Synedrium Vigintitriumvirale, fhould have a tho- rough knowledge not only of the Law of Mofes, both oral and written, but of all kinds of arts and fciences, even thofe which related to witchcraft and conjuration. An exadl knowlege of languages was particularly required, and that to the number of yt'-jw/j. They fix upon this number, becaufe the [a'\ The works of Selden were colIcAed by Dr. Wilkins, and printed at London in three volumes, folio, under the following title, " Joiinnis Seldeni T"rifconfulti " Opera omnia, tarn edita quam inedita, in tribus voluminibus collegit ac recen- " fuit, Vitam Auctoris, Pra;fationes, & Indices adjecit David Wilkins, S. T. P. " Archidiaconus Suftblcieniis, Canonicus Cantuarienfis, Rcverendiflinio in Chrifto Patri " ac Domino Domino Gulielnio Divina Providentia Archiepifcopo Cantmrienfi, &c. &c. " a Sacris Domefticis, 1726." The three volumes (the two tuft of which are his Latin works, and the third his Englifli) confii> of 804 flieets ; and were publiflied hv fubfcription, in a manner which would now be thought fmgular. The fniall paper copies were paid for at the rare of two pence a flieet, and amounted to 6 /. 14.'. ; the large paper, at three pence a fheet, coll 10/. i s. A chronologUai view of the whole works of Selden will be found in this Epitome. J. N. [/;] The ancient Jews had three kinds of bynedria, confiftories or courts of judicature, eftabliflieil among thein. The firft, called Kyndh-lnm Magnum, confided, according to fome authors, of LXX, LXXI, orLXXlI members. The fecond, zA\e^A Synedrium llglnti- trium-vb'alc, confiiled, as the term fliews, of XXIII. And the third, or loweil court, called SyiicJn'u.vi Triu/nvlnilf, was clhibliflied in the villages, and confided of three pcrlons only. See Selden, vol. L p. lij;, &c. J. N. - P. canh I MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. eanh is faid (in Deut. xxxii. 8.) to have been divided according to the' number of the children of Ifrael ; and feventy is the number which, in Gen. xlvi. 27. is faid to have gone down into Egypt. Though this num- ber was fixed upon as a round number to comprehend all languages ; yet we can no more fuppole that any one man aftually underflood fo many 14^4? languages, than that all Mafters of Arts are thoroughly verfed in the 1415- feven fciences. , [A fnort digreffion [fl], containing an account of fome perfons, who have been famous for being great linguifts.] Were we to fuppofe that mofl of the SyneJri came up to the character here required, it would be hard to reconcile Mordecai's being fo particu^ larly celebrated beyond all others. IL But flill, how fhall we reconcile that paflhge in Jofcphus (lib. xx^ c. 9.), where he fays, that the /peaking ibe dialed of feventy nations was a thing not praftifed by his countrymen ? this docs not feem to relate to nations of different original and place, but only that it was not the 1416. cuftom of the Jews to fpend their time in examining nicely tlie different dialefts of the Greek tongue, which, befides thofe five noted ones, were very numerous in Europe, Afia, and Egypt. It is certain fome fuch in- terpretation mufl be given of the place, to make it agreeable to the fenfe of the Talmudilfs, and the authority of abundance of other tellimonies^ Tne LXXII Interpreters, to omit Philo and Jofephus, are fufHcicnt evi- dences of the Jews /kill in the Greek tongue^ And as to the Grecian arts 14^7" and fciences, Origen mdeed fays, that thejeius dont miah concern thcm- felvcs in Grecian pbikfophy. But this mufi relate to the cuflom of the An- ticnt Jews. The quotations of St. Paul from Aratus, Epimenides, Menander, and his caution to theColoffians (ii. 8.) who were converted Jews, againft being led by philofophy, &c. fufficiently fhew that the Jews were not ftrangers [«] Mithridates (Val. Max. 1. viii. c. 7.) is ftiicl to have been mafler of twenty-two languages; and ApoUoni is Tyaneiis (Philofti. Vir. Apoll. Tyan. 1, i. c. i3.)» not only " xiniverfas honiinum voces feu linguas optiiae calluifie ;" but even " qure tncehant aut " cBgiiahant homines, imo & avium, aliorumque biutorum voces omncs intellexifle ;'* v/hifh, Selden gravely obfjrves, " parilis eft faiin;r, paiiterque credendum." Marcus Antoniniis, after mentioning the Induftry and abilities of Livius Laurcnfis (by others calle4'9- It may be obfervcd, as a farther explication of the paflagc in Jofephus, 1418, that at the time that Titus befieged the city, (which was about twenty- five years before the writing this pafllige) they made a law 72? quis f/ium fiium Greece doceret. But this the Rabbics underftand only of the Grecian cuftoms and religions. [A paffage from the Mifna, tit. Suta, c. 7. Talmud Babylon, fol. 32. i. to flicw what paffages in the lervice muft be repeated in their own language, what not.] A pafllige in the Gemara Hierofolymi- 1419. tana, xXi.McgUla, c. i. fol. 71. tries to Ihew that there are but four languages over all the world wherein Grecians are called Barbari. III. Authors enumerated that have written about the number of differ- ent languages, whether 70, 72, or 75. IV. There are mentioned in Maimonides fome farther qualifications necef- 1422. fary for all that were chofen into the Syuedrium Magnum and the Viginti* triumvirale. An old man was particularly excluded, and an eunuch ; and, by all that appears, as well he that is born fo, as he that is made fo. Whereas it is obfervable, that he who makes jiimfelf, an eunuch is only excluded from orders by the apoftolical canons ; but he that is born fo, or made fo by others, is not excluded. It has already been obfervcd, that in the firft ages old men were excluded. In the latter ages, fome fay any one could be admitted either into the Synedrium Magnum or XXI II. at twenty years, or even fooner. But whether then they might be judges in capital cafes feems uncertain, fince the authoiyties which are produced for this indulgence may refer to their being one of the Triumviri, and fo judges only in pecuniary matters. However, the rule of admitting men 1424. into the Synedrium at fuch an age feems to have been overlooked when any one fupplied what he wanted in age by the forwardnefs of his parts : this we learn from the example of Jofephus -j-, who, at the age of four-t i" ^-it. teen, ufed to confult with the high priells in knotty points of law. So Eleazar Ben Azaria was admitted into the Synedrium at the age of four- teen, or at fartheft eighteen. But as none were to be admitted too young, fo neither thofe who were worn out with age. But, in general, it was required that they fhould be pcrfons of good appearance in their pcrfons, and of pretty plentiful eftates. B 2 V. The t M I S C E L L A N E O U S T R A C T S. 1425. V. TheMifna mentions farther fome certain cuftoms of life, to which if any one gave himfelf up, he was to be excluded from the S)'ncdrium» The difqualifications are four : playing at dice; ufury, whether giving or taking ; teaching doves to fly ; and making gain of the fruits of the fab- batical year. Before any perfon could be admitted who had been no- toiioufly guilty of thefe things, he was to fhew his repentance by fome contrary afts. Thus they that had been guilty of gaining by the fruits of the fabbatical year, were to flay till another feven years were paft. 1426. Alci?tus quotes Ecclef. xxxviii. that tradefmen were not admitted to the Svnedrium, becaufe it is there faid, fuper fellam Judicis non Jedebimt. In the firft place, it is very uncertain whether the paffage be genuine; for thouo-h it is in the Complutenfian edition, it is not in feveral others. Be- fides, it is only an oratorical flourifli to fliew that men of low births were not generally to be advanced to fuch high pofts ; but, if there was no. other obflacle but their trade, it does not appear that that excluded them.. 1427. VI. A pafFage or two out of Maim.onides, to fliew that, among the mem- bers of the Synedrium and Vigintitriumvirale, deformity and illegitimacy were fometimes overlooked. VII. Of the king's being admitted into the Synedrium. C A P. X.. Tlace and Time of the meeting of the Synedrium Magnum. J 410. I. The greateft deference imaginable was paid to the prefident of the Synedrium.. II. As to the times of the Synedruim's fitting, it muft be obferved that they met on the Sabbath-days, and other feflivals ; but then that was noC in the Lifgnth-hugazith, but only b^n^ before the wall of the Temple : this too, not to pafs judgement,, but only to confult ^bout any aflairs, and converfe with one another. But when they met in their public court of judi- cature, they fat from morning to the eighth hour and a half, /. e. about half an hour after two, the Leflcr Synedrium breaking up at about twelve. From judicature they went to their evening facrlfice, which always began about that time, unlefs upon the prejiaration for the Paflbver, when they went to facrifice an hour fooner; if that fell on the Sabbath, two hours.. Thefe J. ,2. rules of their breaking-up at fuch a time arc not to be llridly taken ; for upon fome emergent occafions they could fit up late at night ,• and in civil EPITOME OF SELDEN, clv'tl caufes, and thofe that did not reach the life, they covild pafs judgement in the night, though they never gave fentence fo late in capital cafes. However, it niuO; be obferved they never entered .upon a new caufe at fuch an unfeafonable time. And this circum (lance is agreeable to a maxim in the Roman laws. In relation to their days of fitting, it muft be ob- ferved, that in Ezra's time it was decreed th::t the Synedrium Ihould fit on the fccond and fifth common days, /. e. Mondays and Thurfdays. This was not to exclude them from fitting on other days, but only to oblige them to fit on thofe two. So that it was lawful to hear any caufes lefs than capital on any common day ; but capital they could not on any day preceding a feflival, or the Sabbath [«]; becaufe fentence, in thefe cafes, was always to be given the day after the caufe was heard. Now if a feflival followed the day on which the caufe was heard, fentence could not Wx given on the following da)\ It may be obferved, that in the Apoftolical .Conftitutions, 1. 1, c. xlvii. there is a command which fecms to have had its rife from this pradlice of the Jews. T« liiiocqri^ux, v^mv ysvio-Oui §;J/io« trci^^dTuv, i. e. on Monday, lluii if any difpiite Jhall arife afterwards upon that judgement y it may be re-sxamined ixjithcut any interruption, III. All caufes and all perfons whatfoever were fubjedl to the determination of the Synedrium Magnum. Some there were which fo peculiarly belonged to this, that they could not be heard before the inferior courts of judicature. Of thefe I fhall treat in my third book.. All thofe caufes, as well capital as civil, which are not there excepted, belonged to the XXIII. Judida de Hominei^ Bejiia coeuntibus-^. £?<-.. Dc Bove petulco, ^c. IV. The Triumviri were a fort of a court of judicature below thefe- As the XXIII., determined capital and civil caufes, fo thefe determined civil caufes, and all fuch as were not capital. Here, it muft be obferved, there were two forts of Triumviri; the one appointed in towns and cities by authority ; thefe could inflidt whipping upon offenders : the other v/ere fuch as the parties difagreeing pitched upon for arbitrators. [(?] This ferves to expl.iin a very perplexed paffage in St. John's GofpeI,,ch. xviii. 31. 'Then /aid F Hate loto them, Take yc him, and judge him according to your law. The Jcv.'S hereupon /aid unto him, It is not kiivfid for jis to put any man to death. That the Jews had power of inflifting capital punilliments is evLdeat from Pilate's propcfal. And it is no lefs evident from John xix. 7. that ly their law they thought Jefus ought to die. What therefore hindered them from laying hold of the conceffion here granted, and jud^-ing him accordingly, but only the law mentioned by our author, wiiirh forbad them. »7ro«Ti(koM, to condemn any man'/o death on the Prefab ation-day ? H, O^ V, All 6 T^IISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. V- All pcrfons whatfoever were fubjedt even to the Triumviri, except the king ; though he, in civil caufcs, might be tried by XXIII. Nay, the Gemara HierolbL determines that the king was liable to the fcntence of being fcourged. And as all perfons, fo all caufes, whether facred or pro- fane (except Ibme, which, as we faid, the Synedrium Magnum took cogni- zance of), were within their jurifdidlion. For the reader muft not imagine that there was any fuch thing as an Ecclefiaftical Court, becaufe there was 1438. fomevvhat like it among the Romans and the Grecians ; for, even in their States, whatever power the college of the priefls claimed, it was derived to them by the fupreme fecular power, and they received it intirely as a grant from thence. A remarkable pairage[(7] in Thucydides upon this fubjedt. ^439* VI. As to what Ibme learned men dream of a great power in the High Prieft, we fhall confute that opinion more largely by-and-by. In the mean time, there are exprefs teftimonies from die Mifna, from Gemara Babylon. 1441. Sec. that he was fubjed: to the Court. In this fenfe they expound Zeph. ii. I. The Gemara Hierofolym. mentions, that when the High Prieft was to be tried, ")*?Q3i4 CJitoler, i. e. a procurator, was to be afligned him. VII. Hence an excurfion, whence this word fliould be derived. Some expound it c\ Iv tIKh^ i. e. Magijiratus. Others from e^chns, i, e. ol c«f>-x/)vjsc. But both thefc conftrudtions fecm to favour too much of a fuperiority and dignity in the word j and the latter o» ivjiXni is fo very rarely ufcd in the fenfe alledged, that it is not probable the Jews Ihould borrow a word from the Greeks to ufe it in a diiferent fenfe from what they generally did. TKe moil: likely derivation, in Ihort, is from a word ufed among the Greek [al Hik; fane fpeSat illud Athenienfium cadiiceatoris ad Bceotos apud ThucydiJem (lib. iv.) miffi, qui a fuis pioculdubio reftc edoftus, eorumqne verbis iilus ad illud quod Bocotonim dixerat caduceator ad Atheiiienfes, nimirum, " jiixta Grxconim jura omni- *' bus effe conftitutum, eos qui alienam terrain invaderunt a locis facris qua; illic funt " abflinere;" refpondir, " Jus apud Gra?cos hujuimodi effe, ut penes quos imperium ** fit cujufcunque live magni five par\'i territorii, penes cofdem lint femper templa & loca *' iacra, uhi eifdcm modis aut ccremoaiis fiant facra q\iibus more receptum lit, & pra- " terea etiam quibus quifve poffit." Adeoque penes eoldem ipfos quibus imferittm fum- mum erat, idem erat parile, uti etiam apud Ebracos, tarn circa facra quam profma turn apud Grnecos turn Romanos ; uti etiam penes Druidas (Ca;far, l.vi.) aj)ud (lallos vete- res, qualcs itjdem apud alias olim gcntes, turn niythicis tiun hiftoricis feculis, palfim obtinuit. — The Athenian lierald replies to the demand of the Boeotians, that places of worfliip fhould be rei'pedted in theirinroads; that it was the culbm of Greece, that the temples belonged to the party that was in poffelHon of the country. Tov Si vifiov rot( E?>ri(ny ftvai, uv ccv ij tc xfccTOi rm; fxacri; t.stuv xai ra ifpa aiH yiyviSca. Thucyd.lV. 4:. f/8. Ed. Diikeri. This does not feem to imply v.hat Selden underftands by it. R. G. lawyers EPITOMEOFSELDEN. lawyers IvjoXsCi, which is cxprefly interpreted hoiKyijr,g, procurator. If any one fliould objed that the Greek ends with a f, and the Hebrew with -|, we anfwer, that the changes in the derivation of words from Greek to 1444 Hebrew were frequent: thus from Ki^oc^ig, n^DTp, nay T'S^3->*, from Papa, is a far greater change. VIII. But further : as the word occurs but feldom, fo the copyift might eafily miftake it, and from a worn-out D write a n. Or even the 1447, Greek word might be frequently wrote sv]oKcvg with aj ; for we know it^^ was the dialedt of feveral nations to change es into / : thus iWsj, &c, * Vide eaf. m^dv.in Athen. lib. viii. c. II, CAP. XL. Forms of profccuting, of appeals, and of oaths. I. It now remains that we fhould fhew the forms ufed in profecuting, 1449. citing, and pleading in thcfe feveral courts. There were fome particular forms too, which were ufed in appealing from the XXIII. to the Syncdrium. Thofe we Ihall fpeak of in the third book. But, before we enter upon the forms, it will be requifitc to premife fomewhat about oaths, as being ufed in all courts whatever. II. All lawful oaths, then, were made by the name of God. This they found upon Deut. vi. 13. Nor were they to add any other name to the name of God in their oath. If a man could not fpeak the oath plain, it was ftill valid. But if any one declares his affcnt to an oath, without repeating, he was not reckoned guilty of perjury if he did not keep it, though he was ftill bound to the performance of it. Though the faying Amen was reckoned, to all intents and purpofes, the fame as repeating an oath. In all oaths there was an execration implied againft the violator of them, befides the guilt of perjury. It was thus In oaths which heathens made. III. An excurfion upon heathen forms of oaths. What feems moft re- 1452,- markable is their fwearing by common things which they could not efteem as gods; fuch as a goofe, a dog, &c. The oath of the gods, by Styx. ■ IMention made in Sophocles, of trying by ordeal.. The league between the Carthaginians and Romans was confirmed by an oath per Jovem Lapi- ij^rj^, (iem*. Mention is made of the oath being cut upon pillars in the places* Pdjb. 1. where the Olympick and Pythian games were celebrated. The oath which all j , , Athenians took after the expulfion of the thirty tyrants ; and that which 1^56. the Heliaftas, or chief judges, took,. The gods, which the Ephebi called to witnefs. 8 M I S C E L L A N E O U S T R A C T S. witnefs. [Q^ Apollo in Pandis [d^] ?] The invocation which Plato, which Solon prefcribed. The Mountain Taurus fworn by in the oath of the Cap- » Miximu! nadocians ; as the Palus Moeotis and Tanais, by the Maffaget^e*. The oath Tvrius.Diir. ^ . . ;S. publiflicd from the Cretan Marble being pretty fcarce : in it, remarkable, 14; J. the title of T-Kaiog 2.-iV, a title peculiar to Jupiter in Crete, according to Hef3'chius. '^lig Laconke cff Dorice pro ©cjJf. lY. The philofophers had particular forms of oaths, by which they obliged their difciples to fecrefy. A paflage in Julius Firmicus, collated with MS. in Lincoln Coll. Oxon.— Plato (Epift. vi.), in the oath he would have Hermias, Src. oblige themfelves by, defcribes God in fuch attributes f In Cell, as are agreeable to the true God. And Origen-f' accordingly applies it as if It was laid of the Son of God ; though for r,yc^ov<^ he reads riys^vtr^. The greateil oath of the Pythagoreans was by vkl and a [Ji]. Pythagoras called t From sto- T i-:^xTt{cicc. A remarkable difagreement % between Cleanthes and Cryfippus, 1460. '''' their opinion of perjury. The ilrft thought a man was not perjured if lie did but intend to keep his oath when he took it ; but if he broke ic afterwards, it fignified nothing. The other was orthodox in his opinion, and believed that then was the trial, whether a man was guilty of perjurj', when he came to the performance of his oath. As all oaths implied an imprecation againfl the violators of them, fo very rarely was there any human punifhment inflidted upon the violators of them. It was thought, as appears from Hefiod, that every fifth day the Furies went about to punifh the breach of oaths : fuch a notion had they, that fome remarkable 146 1, judgement always followed perjury; though the gravell of them, even Plato, thought that lovers falfe oaths were excufable. It is obfervable, that in the Roman law, and even in Juflinian's Code, though perjury was left wholly to the punifliment of Heaven when they fvvore by the name of the true God yet when they had fworn by tjie emperor, his ge- nius, his health, 8cc. if they fwore in a heat and paffion, thc\- were guilty of treafon ; or, if deliberately, fuftigation was their punilhment. After- wards the cuftom .came of affixing a puniflimcnt to perjury. Remarkable tcftimonies of heathens againft fwearing in common convcrfation. [Q^ This whole fen.tence, and whether Mich. Attaliates' verfion ought to be blamed?] {(:'] " Magnetes jiirabant per Tcrrnm, Solem, Mnrtem, Miiiervam Martiam, Diannm, ■" Matrem Sipylenem, Apollincm inPandis." Petit, Comm. ad Leg. Attic, p. 154. J.N. [i] Ho-.v conformable is this to oui- Saviour's precept, Matth. v. 37 ! H. O. I V. A^. EPITOMEOFSELDEN. 9 V. As to the Mahometans ; fome pafTages in the Alcoran compared with 1462, the Latin tranilation of Robertus Rctinenfis. They fwore by other things as well as the name of God. Perjury not punifhed in human courts by 1464. their law ; but certain expiatory penances prefcribed by the Alcoran. VI. As to Chriftians ; Matth. v. 33. examined and explained. The ftory of Linacre [«] throwing away the Teftamcnt upon reading the 5th, 1465. 6th, and 7th chapters of Matthew, the firft time he ever took the Bible in his hands, though he was a Divine as well as Phyfician. The meaning of a corporal oath. Specimens of different forms of oaths ufed among Chrif- 1467. tians. A remarkable way of fvvcaring a Jew, about the year 9S0 after Chrift. Particular feafons in which oaths might not be taken, nor caufes 1470. heard, even in the Chriftian church. Hence the original of Terms. I47i« ' VII. But to come at length to the Jews again. Though, as we faid be- fore, p. 7, the moft folemn and judicial oath of the Jews was to fwear by the name of God; yet in converfation, and in folemn promifes, they ufed to fwear by other things ; but took care that the name of God fliould not be joined with them. See Gen. xlii. 15. 2 Sam. xi. 11. Matth. xxili. 16. 1472. However, as thefe fort of oaths were not efteemed univerfally obligatory, when a Jew was ftridtly to be bound, they had a very emphatical form of adjuration, per ^*, T, &c. through each letter in Adonai. Our Saviour refers to this diftindtion (in Matth. xxlii. 16.) of the Pharifees, who did not think themfelves obliged, if they fwore only by the Temple, if the name 1473. of God was not mentioned. So Martial, Epigr. 9<;, 1. xi.'yV/w, vsrpe, per Anch'ialum. Steph. Forcatulus oblerves, that Anchialus was the mofl: I474« facred Name of God, according to the Romans ; and Jofeph Scaliger * has * p™'- <)« obferved that it came from Chi alLih, by the Living God. Two or three Tanp.' pafTages out of Philo relating to fwearing, and his notion of the Iford of God not difagreeable from that of us Chriftians. Thefe pafTages ill tranflated. Swearing in common converfation to be avoided, according to 1476. the precepts ot Jewifli Rabbles. Certain ceremonies ufed, to add to the 1477. folemnity of an oath in courts of judicature; fuch as producing a blad- der blown up, and which fhould blow out a candle, at the fame time ut- 1478. [ij] It appears from Sir John Chekc, " de pronnnciatione GrscaiTJngua;," p. ::S:!, that Linacie di I not begin the ftndy ot Divinity till he was broken by age and infirmities. — It was after this change in his ftiidies that he projected the College of Phylicians, where he pre- fided till his death; which happened OA. 20, 1524, at the age of 64. J. N. C tcring 10 MISCELLANEOUSTRACTS. 1479. tering imprecations, &c. Exprefs caution, that he that was fwom did not take the oath in any private fenfe of his own, but in that of the impofer. 1480. VIII. Four nice diftindtions of oaths. — Exod. xx. 7. Different tranfla- tions of it. 1482. IX. There was a fort of abfolution ufed, if any one had taken a rafh oath. The abfolution was to be pronounced by one wife man, or by three of the vulgar when fach an one could not be had. i486. X. Cuftomary to put the oath upon which they examined any one ia feveral lights ; changing the form, and urging the words with all the ways of emphafis they could think of. To this fort of examination the "Orat.aciv. Chriftian, in St. Chryfoftom *, brought a noble lady. " A Chryfoftomo " rogatus caufam ob quam, ecclefia relifta, earn in Ebfsorum fynedria " traxiffet; refpondet multos ei dixiffe formidabiliora effe juramenta ibi " adhibita." CAP. XIL 'The Mode of Judicial Proceedings in the Synedrium Triumvirak^ 1487. I. In what cafes oaths vs^ere required to be taken. 1490. II. Forms of procefs on debt. 1491. Ill' The expreffion judicare feipftim arofe from a mode of felf-exculpa- tion peculiar to this judicature. Hence feveral paffages of St. Paul may be illuilrated. See particularly Rom. xiv. 22. i Cor. iv. 3. xi. 28. 1492. IV. In what cafes appeals were allowable. In cafe of difagreement in this court more members were called in from amongfl their pares, to the amount fometimes of LXXI. C A P. XIIL Capital Punijlviunts. Scourging. 1494. I. — VIII. On capital punifhments amongft the ancient Jews. \cic, IX. Scourging, however infamous eflecmcd among .'he utftcrn nations, was not fo in the eaftern parts of the world. It was fometimes ufcd as a fore-runner of fome greater punifhment, either condemnation to the mines, * jofcph. or even death itfelf. Thus Antigonus *, kin^ of the Hafmonjeans, was firft ). XV. C. I. Tiutarch. fcourgcd, and then put to death by Antony, out of refpedt to Herod ; though his punifhment is not to be reckoned as inflitflcd upon him after the Jewifli manner, but purely Roman. That this natiou anciently made 4 ufe in Anton. EPITOMEOFSELDEN. ii life of fcourging appears from Suetonius in Neron. c. xlvii. Pet. Faber In Semeftr. 1. ii. c. 12. Valcr. Max. 1. ii. c. 7. § 4. From this Roman cuftom of fcourging thofc who were not citizens, it was thought, our Sa- viour was fcourged : for the inflidting of that punifhment upon a perfcn con- demned to death was contrary to the Jewifh law. Among the Greeks this was fo far from being infamous, that- he who had undergone it was thought to have expiated for his ci Ime, and to be fet right again in the eye of the world. As v/cU c'cti'cns as foreigners underwent it: even Lichas, the fon of Archefilaus, for violating fome rule in the public games, was fcourged. Thrcvd. lib. 5. It was a cuftom among the 1517. LacedjEmonians to lafh their children once a year, at the altar of Diana Orthia, for a whole day together. X. Two witnefles required to the atteftatlon of every fadt. • XL Ten forts of ptrfons difqualified from being witnefles. Women, 1520. fervants, minors, idiots, the deaf and dumb, the blind, the impious, the impudentiores, thofe of the fame kindred, and thofe who have been before convidled of falfe evidence. XII. Some various ledtions from a MS. of Philo's book tu -zui^l ^tnagi, ^5^^' A caution againft taking a particular pafliige in Philo as if it mentioned a tribunal of the priefts alone. CAP. XIV. Extraordinary Courts of Judicature. Having given fome account of the Synedrium Magnum, it now 1524* follovv'S that we Ihould treat of the extraordinary courts : fuch were t\ie. Royal Tribunal, and the'determination of a fingle judge; the Zelotes ; the Synedria of fome particular fefts, and thofe belonging to one tribe, or diviiions of that tribe; and, laftl)^, the prieft's determination* in the * Noth. cafe of leprofy. Ezra X, 8. The power of confifcation, there threatened to be per- 1527. formed according to the coiinfcl of the princes and the elders, is not to be taken as a power inherent in the king by virtue of his regality, but as a power flowing to him from the Synedrium Magnum, which he and his collegues at that time reprefentcd. II. Though, as we have before fliewn, the members of the Synedria were to be either III, or XXIII (,:;), or LXXI, in every cafe confifting of [aj Grotius, on Deut. xvii. 5, Ipeaks " de numero XXIII. aiit minimum XXI." C 2 an ji MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. an odd number ; yet fince all the numbers were arbitrary, except the LXXI, which was determined by Scripture, it was allowed that one alone might determine in fome plain civil cafes, but never two, or any cvtn number. 1529. IIL We have before fpoken of the cafe of the Zclotes («). A remarkable paffage from Philo adduced. The Jews feem to have pretended ignorance of the power allowed thefe Zelotes, when they accufed Herod, the fon of * Joreph. Antipater before Hyrcanus, for killino; Ezekias an idolater *. Something Orig. 1. iiv. . ^ . ' . . c. 17. like this cafe of the Zelotes in heathen laws. An outlazued perfon given over to the power of every one that would kill him. Some tliought that they who incurred a praemunire were liable to the fame fate; but this exprelly guarded againft in Stat. 5 Eliz. c. i. 153°* Utlagatiis and caput lupini fynonymous. Wolfes hede ufed for outL'zv by + P- 46- Chaucer -}-; whofe defcription of an unthrifty 'prentice is but a prologue to the Coke's Tale of Gamelyn, which immediately follows it. The four lines which Sclden quotes from his MS. as the beginning of this talc, are diffe- rent from the printed edition [b'], both in the words themfelves and the meafure of the feet, though they are the fame in fenfe : " Lithen and liftneth and harkneth aright, *' And ye fhall heren of a doughti knight, " Sire John of Boundis was his name, " He cowde of nurture and mochel of game." Seldcn fays, that as this defcription is part of the Coke's Prologue, fo thofe two lines at the conclufion ot ver. 34, " And therewitliall he lougt, and made chear, " And faid his tale, as ye Ihallen after hear," Ihould be printed at the end of it (according to his MS.) as an intro- dutlion to the following flory. The fuppofuion of this Dffniption being part of the Coke's Tale, and fo kit imperfeft, he fa)s, is HaUucinatio fuintna, ac prccjlanliJJ'nno foetie fraus non toleranda. iSj^' IV. As to the Synedria of particular fed's, fomething of their authority may be feen in Jofcphus, Halofeos IL c. xii. or vii. '533* V' According to the Law of God, Lev. xiii. 2. xiv. 3. the piicfV, I mean any pricft, was to judge of leprofy, &c. Deut. xxi. 5. Jnd by their \a\ De Jure Nat. & Genr. lib. iv. c. 3, 4, 5. \b'\ \ riy's ec.ition, p. 36, is iieie retened to by Mr. Powycr. Wharever relates to the Father 01 Miglifli I'oetry hiis been Dnce lo admirably ehicidatcd by Mr. Tyrvt'hilt, tiiat it is fufficieut lu refer the reader to the Preface ot that geiuleman's cditn.,n, p. -\ix, J.N. •wurd ^3 EPITOME OF SELDEN. word Jhall every confroverfy a)id every flrokc be tried, not to be taken as if all manner of power was in the pricfts, but onl)- in relation to the cafe of leprofy ; as it is particularly expreffed in Dcut. xxiv. 8. CAP. XV. Where the Synedr'iumfat ; their migrations ; decay of their jurifdiclicn ; power of the priefihood, &c. I. Of their ordinary fittings before the time of Chrift, taken from 1536. writers not Talmudical. II. Of their continuance after Chrift, from the fame authorities. I5-1-0- III. Some flight interruptions to their fitting, particularly in the times 1541. of Antiochus Epiphanes and of Herod the Great. IV. Th(tftonc-eha?nL'er, where the Synedriimi Magnum aflembled, why 1544. fo called. V. In what particulars the Nazarene Synedria rcfcmblcd thofe at Je- 1550. rufalem. VI. As to the place where the Synedrium Magnum ufcd to fir, the 1552. Lifketh Hagazith; it muft be obferved, that, according to the original ■nfticution, no other place was allowed for the Synedrium ; and the Tal- muds fay, they had no power to judge in capital cafes but there. And as this fupreme court, to which the others appealed, was of no force except in this place, fo the inferior courts ceafed in like manner in their feveral migrations. VII. Now the migrations were three; from the Li/keth Hagazith to 1555, Hanoth, /. e. the /bo/ s [taberncej fituate on the mountain of the Temple; from thence to Jerufalem, /. e. other places in Jerufalem ; from Jerufalem to Jabne. VIII. As to the time; the firft happened about forty years before the deftiudlion of the fecond Temple, which happened in the fecond of Vefpa- fian, and feventicth after Chrift. Of this the Chaldee Paraphraft interprets the 60th Pfalm. Lebanon, ufed fometimes for the Temple, fometimes for the city of 15550 Jerufalem,. and even for the whole land of Ifrael. A meeting of the wife men at Jericho and Jabne, where Samuel, in the prefence of Rabban Gamaliel, firft formed that curfe againft heretics, in the ancient copies of which the Chriftians are curfed by the name of □"'3*0.. But afterwards, as Buxtorf obfervesj it being notorious that the Chriftians weter 14 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. were meant bv that word, they changed it into Epicuriojin ; which conies either from Epiaims, or from IpS, to profane, and defe crate. IX. Of Jabne, which of the two cities of that name the migration was made to. 155y. It feems probable, from Jofephus, in his own Life, that the Synedrium Magnum remained, even at Jerufalem, till the time of the deftruftion of the fecond Temple. When he was prsfeft of Galilee, he wrote, he fays, lUi (rvj'^^iM 7WV ^h^oa-cKv^izMy. It may be obferved too, that Jofephus himfelf eftabliflied there a fort of Synedrium Magnum. ir_58. X. As to the reafons of making thefe migrations. The caufe of the firft, the Talmud fays, was owing to the frequent murders which hap- pened, while the perfons guilty of them were profccuted by the Roman prfefcfts, who were now their conquerors, and carried on the profecutions in the Jewifli courts. The Jews were not driven away by force, but chofe • to go to fome other place to avoid thefe inconveniences. Poftellus, there- fore, is miftaken in faying the Jews were driven away forty years before the deftrudtion of the Temple. Petrus Galatinus is ftill more miftaken in faying " about forty years, 8cc. they were driven our, on account of ihe falfe "judgement they gave of Chrift ;" as their migration forty years before the deftrud:ion of the fecond Temple muft have happened two or three years before they paffed their judgement. 1560. XL So much for the place where the Synedrium Magnum ufed to fit, and its feveral migrations. We now come to treat of the decay of its jurifdiftion. Here abundance of teftimonies mention the ceafing of all capital caufes about forty years before the deftrudlion of the fecond Temple, /. e. at their firft migration. Though, as we faid before, feveral Chriftian writers, fuch as Galatinus and Poftellus, are to blame in thinking that the power of fitting was wholly taken away by the Romans. There is a great deal of difference between being deprived of- a power, and the perfons in whom it refides voluntarily ceafing to exercifc that power, which was the cafe of the Jews. The word bt^l in the Talmud, on which 156 1, they found the former interpretation, may very well fignify intermitterc. Nay, even after the overthrow of the Temple, the Synedrium does not feem to be whol y cxtinguiihcd ; b it to have been of force, in fome parts of the Holy Land, for fcveral j-cars after. This aflertion confirmed from *Tit.^io,/aXhofiptha * ; and it will be farth..r confirmed from the New Tcftament in the EPITOME OF SELDEN. 15 the third book. For the pvefent, that the Synedrlum had a power of in- 1564. fli»5ting ftripes a coiifiderable time after our Saviour's Paffion, and therefore within the forty years before the deflrudion o*" the Temple, appears from St. Paul's receiving forty ftripes fave one, 2 Cor. xi. 24 ; where it is ob- fervable, that though as a Roman citizen by the Portian law he could not be fcourged at all, yet as a Jew he underwent the law inflidcd by his countrymen. XII. We come now to fpeak of the power which the priefts had in the Synedrium. Here wc have before fhevvn, that as Priefts and Levites were more particularly addidied to the ftudy of the law, fo they were more frequently chofen as members of the Synedrium ; but this only by ac- cident, not as piijls. However, in the time of the Hafmonasans, or Mac- cabees, /. c. one hundred and feventy years before Chrift, a revolution was made, and the power of the State was fixed in the pricfthood. After the Hafmonsans had thus begun, Julius Csefar put Hyrcanus the fon of 1565. Alexander in poifcffion of the high priefthood, as Pompey had before in that of the kingdom. See the Decree in Jof. 1. xiv. c. 17. From this i_566. full extent of power fixed in the priefthood, the fuccccding Roman princes took the hint of joining the fupreme power to that title, which they them- felves affcdted to join to theirs. But before this of the Hafmonffians, it does not appear that the priefts were chofen on account of their office to prefide in the State. If we are to give credit to the Excerpts out of Diodorus Siculus* inPhotius,we muft believe thatMofes himfelf appointed *i.ib. xU priefts to prefide, in the firft inftitution of the Jewifti government. That paflfage particularly examined. As it was written at a time when the priefthood came into greater power in governing the State, about the time of the building the fecond Temple, hence the error might arifc, and the writer might be apt to think the firft was like that under v^'hich he lived. And hence Trogus Pompeius, who lived about the fame time with 15680 Diodorus, has propagated the fame error, and it is prcfervcd to us by Juf- tin *. Jofephus, adv. Apionem, 1. ii. magnifies the power of the priefthood "11.^.36. to the fame height. Eufebius -f" has tranfcribed a paflage from him, im- t Prccep, porting that the power at firft was wholly in the priefts; but, as Scaligcr 1. m-u' obferves, what he there alTerts may be eafily confuted.. A paflage i6 M I S C E L L A N E O U S T R A C T S. 1569. A paflage from Synelius of Cyrene. An obfervatlon on excommunica- tion. Jofephus, 1. xi. c. 8. fays, that Manaffes was forbid by the elders of Jerufalem (/. c. the Synedrium) to come to the altar. This is not to be taken as if he was excommunicated from partaking of the facrifices, but only put out from officiating in the priefthood. Sal. Ben Wirga runs into another error, by faying it was an aifembly of priefts that degraded him. XIII. Concerning the obfervation of the phafes of the moon. 1570. XIV. A great miftake of fcveral learned men, who give out that there was a particular convention of the priefts to judge in ecclefiaftical matters. Nor is it any more to be believed that the high prieft was head of tie Syne- drium as high prieft. From the time, indeed, of the Hafm.onaans the high pritfts prefided in the Synedrium ; but that was only becaifj rue chief power of the State happened to fall into their hands. 157 1. XV. As to thofe heads of the Synedrium, whether priefts or not, it cannot be denied but that, in the latter times efpecially, they were fre- quently changed, and others put into their government. On this account it 1573. happened that one was put in by the Romans, while another was head ac- cording to their own laws. Thus St. Paul, Adls xxiii. 5, did not know that Ananias was high prieft when he pleaded before him : where it may be ob- fervcd, that St. Paul fuppofes him a ruler of the people as well as high prieft; Thou Jhalt not [peak evil of the ruler of my people. Ananias was the prince put in by the Romans ; whereas by the hereditary rule Rabban Gamaliel the elder (who is faid to be St. Paul's tutor), or his fon Simeon, was the high prieft. CAP. XVI. Traditions in refpcd to their Lazes. 1574. I, The traditions of their oral law. That Mofes wrote thirteen books of the law. That he gave one to every tribe, and laid one up in the Ark. But as for precept (or oral law), which they diftinguifti from the written law, that Mofes gave it to the LXX. in the Synedrium, efpecially to Elca- zcr, Phincas, and Jofliua. 1576. II. Jofhua, the chief of the Synedrium, delivered it to Phineas, Phi- neas to Eli ; though there are three hundred yeais bet vvccn Jofliua and Eli : all the reft which come between arc not taken notice of. III. EPITOMEOFSELDEN. 17 III. But others have given a more particular account of the tradition, and 1577. mentioned throughout the feveral princes of the Synedrium. They ac- count with fome difficulty for Deborah * being the prefident of the Syne- * Judges drium. IV. The prince of the people and of the Synedrium, as far as David, 1578. were the fame perfon. Saul the prince and Jonathan the father of the Synedrium. V. Jerem. xxxviii. 5. Therefore the princes faid unto the Mti^, is taken 1582. for the Synedrium. 2 Sam. viii. 18. And David's fons were chief riders. The Vulgate Latin renders it wrong ; Filii David facer dotes erant, led to it by]n3, which fignifies properly A«7«p7«)'. Thence the participle K^iipyw, if applied to God ; and txvKo'-^.'xj/iv, if applied to a king. See Grotius. — 2 Sam. XX. 26. explained. VI. Different opinions about the Synedrium. In the vifion of Ezek. viii. II, Grotius thinks that Jezonias Ben Saphan was the chief of the LXX there named : others, as Vorftlus, take them to be all priefts of the tribe of Levi, as if none but priefts could perform thofe rites to idols there mentioned. How the Synedrium flood under Ezra at the Reftoration, may be learnt from Artaxerxes's mandate -f. From thence it appears, that fE^" Ezra was probably prince of the Synedrium. Mention indeed is made of CXX, inftead of LXXI. But this number probably includes fuch new mem- 1386. bers as were elefted to fill up all the vacancies occafioned by death in the whole of Ezra's time. VII. Mention made of the oral law, which Ezra is faid to have put ^587* into writing at this time. Joannes Pica mentions three of thefe books being tranfcrlbed into Latin by order of Sixtus Quintus. Though he is in fuch raptures upon the fight of this Cabala, it is probably no other 1589* than what was printed at Venice by Dan. Bomberg, A. D. 152^, and quoted by feveral others. VIII. A lift of thofe who prefided in the great Synedrium, till the over- i590' throw of it. An explanation of the Catena. From this it appears that fometimes the high prieft was chief of the Synedrium : fometimes their kings were fo, according to the will of their conquerors. Thus, when 1592. James the Juft is condemned *, Ananus Is fiiid to have prefided In the Svn-* Jofeph. edrium; though, according to our Catena, either Rabban Jochanan Ben Zacai or Rabban Gamaliel ought to have prefided. Upon this it may be D obferved. j8 miscellaneous tracts. obferved, by the way, that Jofephus only fays that Ananus condemned Sc» *593' James to be ftoned, which was a Jewilh punifliment infliifted upon blaf- phemers. From whence fome have invented a ftory of his being throwa down from the pinnacle of the Temple. The cafting a perfon headlong, indeed, from fome eminent place, was agreeab.e enough to the Jewifh manner of ftoning fometimes ; but it never ufed to be from the Tem- ple. But to return: Jofephus tells us, that Ananus \\as put out from the high priefthood by Agrippa. In the fame place of Jofephus- 1504. there is another inftance of the power of the Romaas over the Syne- drium. IX. That Jofliua Ben Peralkiah could not be our Saviour's pneceptor, as ». Gcmar. fomc * ridiculoufly pretend. Abrliwm X. A farther account of the perfons mentioned in the Catena i whence ac^zacut? the exiftence of the Synedrium is traced to A. D. 430, the time of Valentinian IIL The whole hiftory clearly treated of in the obfervations of Sam. Petit, 1. iii. c. 3. It has been obferved by fome writers, that ^595' as the Areopagus at Athens and the Synedrium had a beginning about the fame time, fo had they their end nearly together. Vefpa- fian overthrew the Temple, and by that means put an end to all capital caufes in the Synedrium, and in a great lueafure may be faid to have ex- tinguilhed it : Vefpalian reduced Achaia, wherein Athens was,, into a pro- vince, and fo took away the power of the Areopagus. The Jews never fo far fubmitted to their conquerors as to give up their right to the Holy ^Land, &c. X598. XI. From what has been faid of the Synedria and of their prefidents, fome light will be given to determine when the fceptre departed from Judah. Grotius, de Jure Belli & Pacis, in the Paris edition of 1625, and that of Amflerdam 1731, fays that the fceptre remained till the confirmation of Archelaus. But he afterwards, cd. Amft.. 1642, corredls the paflligc, and fays " remained after the confijcation" The confifcation happened a few years before the birth of Chrift. 1600. A reflcfti.on on Sigonius, who reprefents the ft-ate of the Jewifli Syne- drium Intirely wrong. 160 1. On Thomas Aquinas and feveral others, who magnify the authority of the priefthood, as if all the power lay there. 1602. On Rabbi Eliazer; and upon all thofe who give the high pricft a place in the Synedrium on account of his pricllhood,. L I B. I EPITOMEOFSELDEN. 19 L I B. III. C A P. VI. On FrophctSy true andfalfe. The Synedrium judged of a falfe Prophet. I. Of falfe prophets, the Synedrium Magiium alone had cognizance. 1650. II. Of the credit to be given to prophets in tranfaftions pafl orprefent. 1651. III. And in their predid:ions of future events. 1652. IV. An example of the power which the Synedrium Magnum had in 1653. judging a falfe prophet, is flievvn in the ftory of Jeremiah, xxvi. 8. Some think too, that our Saviour's being tried as a falfe prophet was an inftancc of the fame power ; and upon this depends what our Saviour fays, that it is impoffible that a prophet Ihould be condemned to death out of Jerufa- lem, fince there it was the Synedrium fate. As for the facerdotal degrees which St. Jerom talks of, I can find nothing like it in the Jewifh writers. But Baronius agrees in the opinion I am now fpeaking of, that our Saviour was tried as a falfe prophet. Thus too, our Saviour * exclaims, Jcru- "< Mattii. falem, Jerufalem, thou that killeji the prophets, and Jloneji, &c. ; kllkjl, that is, by ftrangling, the punifliment due by law to falfe prophets ; Jionefi^ which was the punifhment of thofe who did not pretend to prophcfy, but only to lead the people into fome new doiftrine, CAP. VIL Expiation cf uncertain Murder, I. The law concerning the expiation of an uncertain murder, Deut. xxi. i. 1655, This affair under the diredtion of the Synedrium Magnum. Jofephus, Ant. Jud. 1. iv. c. 8. feems to have defcribed this law with lefs exaftnefs than he fliould have done. He makes the Priefts, the Levites, and the whole Synedrium of the neighbouring cities, pronounce the expiatory fentence ; whereas, according to the Jewifh writers, it was to be pro- Bounced by the priefts alone. According to him, the Priefts and Levites, with their friends ; according to others, only the Synedrium LXXIII. «nd the reft of the elders [«]. [«] " The raoft natural and religious couife in making laws is, that the matter of them ■*' be taken from the judgement of the wifeft in thofe things which they are to concern." Hooker, p. 159 *' It cannot in anyreafon feem otherwife than moft fit, that unto " ecclefiaftical perfons the care of devifing ecclefiaftical laws be committed, even as the ■" care of civil unto them which are in thofe aftairs moil fkilful." Ihld. VV. B. D 2 VIL 20 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. « muc 1660. VII. The dodlrine of expiation in the cafe of murder imitated in fome meafure b}' heathen nations. 1661. VIII. This naturally puts us in mind of the ancient cuftom among the Englifh : when any psrfon was found, and it was not known by what means he died, the body was reckoned as fome foreigner's ; and the coun- ty in which it was found was fined on account of the murder, unlets they came and fwore publickly in court that it was no foreigner, but an Eng- 1662. lifhman that was killed. Hence, anciently, the word murdnan fignified not only murder in the prefent fenfe, but the fine that was the confequence of it. This proof, which w^s- offered to fliew he was no foreigner, was called Engkfcheria. There was the fame thing in Wales, which was called Wallejheria. But this was aboUfhed in the fourteenth of Edw. III. A. D. 1339. Bra(fton has a particular account of the rife of this, though I There Is cannot find from what authority he gathered it *. He tells us, that the ich the J to ' fame iWy Batons of England defired Canute the Dane, after his conqueft here, to wldofWil- ... . liarn the fend back his army, which was a grievous burden to them, to Denmark ;. Conqueror, i ^ n y -x r rr ?-itT-- f* bythe au- and, on engagement that he mould luner nothmg by the diminution of de scacca- his powet hctc, they promlfcd that if any Dane, of the number he re- iav,s7r.^'' tained with him, Ihould be found dead,, and the perfon accufed of his ziz. w.B.jg^j.j^ could not clear himfelf by the ordeal, he fliould fuffer juftice; and if he fled from it, the parifh wherein the dead man was found Ihould pay fixty marks ; if the parifh could not pay, the fine was to be laid on the hundred, and paid into the royal treafury. CAP. VIII: Frivileges of the Priejlhood. 1663. I. That capital caufes of the high.prieil were to be judged only by the Synedrium Magnum. . 1664. II. The fame circumftances in proceeding againfl a high priefl as againfi others ; only, in civil caules, he was allo.vcd to appear by his proftor, as • Sccp.c. we have already fhewn in the fccond book, c. x. § 6, 7. * 1665. III. Something particular relating to the Afyluni. Others (according to the Law, Num. xxxv. 24. Exod. xxi. 13.) in c:ife of chance murder,. flew to theCityof Fxfuge, and thcre.flaid till the death of the high prieft. But if EPITOMEOFSELDEN. 21 if the higli prieft had killed a man, or any man had killed the high prieft, they were to ftay in the City of Refuge all their, life. In cafe of the high prieft's flying to the altar, fome fay he might be dragged from thence, though he had begun to facrifice ; others fay not. IV. Of the particular honour and dignity of the high pricfl:. He was 1667.. not obliged to be a witnefs in any cafe ; no, not in the Synedrium. The fame privilege was allowed to the Flamen Dialis among the Romans. V. That it was the Synedrium that excommunicated, already fhewn in 1668,. another work *. It was the Synedrium that determined all caufes againft ^Lib. ii. /Y- 1 • ni 1 dc Succeff. tl.e lucceflion io the pnelthood. in Pomif. VI. Whomfoever the Synedrium chofe to be made high prieft, if he .was poorer than his brethren, care was taken to make him richer.. And they 1669, always chofe one that excelled in other qualifications. . Out of the prieft- hood there was chofe pD, feg^n, as vicarius to him; and to the fegeni they chofe two or more cat/jicolf, 'who were as vicarii to them. CAP. IX. Kings fubjed to the Synedrium^ I. Some cafes which the Synedrium had a power of judging, and the king 167C3 . had nor ; particularly cafes about the determination of the tribe any one belonged to ; cafes concerning the high pricfl and prophet. Grotius in-- Itances in Jer. xxxviii. 5. He farther adds the ftory of Herod's being 1671. . called before the Synedrium, though Hyrcanus was ftrongly againft it -f ; t Meph- Ant. 1. xiv. and at laft Hyrcanus was forced upon a ftratagem to fecure hnu from their c. 17. power. Petit makes a wrong conclufion from this ftory. II. Various opinions whether the Synedrium had a power of paffing 1673., - judgement on the king's perfon : Baronius for it ; Cafaubon againft it. III. The Rabbles different; the Fathers againft it. 1675.. IV. V. Grotius would reconcile the different opinions of the Jews, by 1676. . fuppofing that where they fay that the king was fubjedt to ftripes from the Synedrium, It was to be meant only of fome voluntary penance which the king underwent for his fins; but that they had not power of inflicfting it by way of punifhment. Agiinft this, Malmonides has a paffage v/hich can hardly be got over. The opinions of Pctit^ Cafaubon, and Salmafius, given in their own words, . VL . xvii. 15. it MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. 1679. VL That the Synedrium conftltuted kings. They looked into their Deut. family, to guard againfl the violation of the law * of chufing one that was of their brotherhood. Li determining on this queilion, they 1680. had always the greatefl regard to the mother's fide. This notion agreeable to other nations. So Virgil, de Drance, ^n. xi. A fentence from Julian brought to favour this notion. [Qu. If not wrefted to this purpofe ?] , CAP. X. Tributes fcr the Sacrifices, 1 68 1 . I. As to the tributes ufually paid towards the facrifices ; we mufi: confider * Numb, facrifices in two rcfpedls". One fort * were fuch as were duly and regularly Sec. performed on the Sabbath, new moons, &c. for the fake of all the people + Lev. iv. in general. The other-}-, an expiatory facrlfice, which was performed in cafe the whole congregation of Ifrael had finned through ignorance. Towards jEsod.xxx. the firft, every man was to pay the half fliekel of the fandtuary ;|: ; that is, 16S2. a whole common fhekel, equal to the Attic didrachma. This tribute was :increafed for a while to a \a~\ third part of a fhekel, under the beginning of §Kehem. flic fccotid Temple §. After the overthrow of the fecond Temple, the Jews vi'ere compelled to pay their half fhekel ftill to the Capitol. .1683. II. This tribute was to be paid fomewhat before the beginning of the * They put year ; that is, before the month Nifan, which anfwers almofl to our ciamation, Match *. Thofc that gathered it flood ready to receive it tlie 15th of ginning of that month ; but if any by the 25th refufed it, they took it from them ingmoinh", by force. From all, I fay, except priefts; who though they were obliged thejMiwuid '^o P^y? y^t were never feized on, out of refpeft to their order. Women, fhciMhl^ fcrvants, and minors, were exempt from the tribute. ,kcis. jjj^ -pjjg povver of the collectors allowed by the Synedrium Magnum. ((?) It is fo expreffed in Neheminh. Qn. If it fliould not be three parts of a flickel ? How elfe can a third part of a fliekel be more than half a fliekel ? H:df a fliekel was •the ufiial tribute. But, provifions for the facrifices being dearer, they were forced to in- creafe the tribute to a third part (he fays) of a fliekel. W. B. The words of Sel- ,den are, " Tenia pars ficli — edifto temporario adjqfta eft;" whence it Ihould feem that both tributes were to be paid, the hctlf-fJjckel as originally dircfted, and a third pa) I in addifioii to it. The paflageof Nchemiah, however^ docs no way countenance this con- jecture. J. N. 6 IV. EPITOME OF SELDEN. 23 IV. If there was any thing remauiing at the year's end of the fhekels 1684. which had been gathered, the number of facrifices was difcretionally in- creafcd, whieh were then cMcd/acriJIcia altaris Jeciipda. If any beafls were remaining, bought witli the former year's money, they returned them to the owners who fold them, taking care always to begin the new year with facrifices bought with the new year's money. CAP. XL Ceremonious regulations of the Priejlhood, their drefs, &c. I. Under the fecond Temple it was a cuftom, that, feven days before the 1686. Feaft of Expiation*, which was the loth of the month Tizri, the prieft fhould*^i-ev. xvi. keep within the veil of the Temple j and the Synedrium deputed fome one to read over to him every day the whole office he was to perform, that he might be the more expert at it. And the night before the feaft they fuffcred him to eat but little, and not to fleep at all, for fear of pollution. II. As the prieft was to offer incenfe within the veil, fo that nobody 1687. could fee him -f-, they made him fvvear that he would innovate nothing inf Lev. xvi. the ceremony. The Sadducees did not allow burning the incenfe within the veil. III. Sheringham had objedted toSelden, that the priefts were not diftin- 1689. guiftied, out of the Temple, from the common people by their habit. This Selden here maintains, and proves that the girdle, which was an he- terogeneous garment, /. e. made of wool and linen both, might not be worn, except at the very time of officiating. As for the other garments, they might be worn all day within the Temple, but never out. Befides teftimony from Jewifti tradition, he fays, the Scripture itfelf confirms it, in 1693. Exod. xxviii. 43. Two derivations of the word Hierufalem. Every thing great 1 696* and eminent in its kind called by the name of h^og, or Jaccr. So the fa!li?ig Jicknefs is called jj vo I Reg. the month Ethariim '*, which is the feventh month from Nilan, i. e. Tizri, anfwering to our September. IV. The ceremony ufed when the city was to be enlarged. V. And when any thing was added to the court oi the Temple. 1732. VL Under Ezra, Nehemiah, Sec. VvC have feveral exprefs examples of f Nehem. the rltcs ufcd upon thefe occafions -\~. The Rabbies fav, however, that they could not at this time confer any new holinels to the place, becaufe the king and oracle were both wanting. In 2 Mace. i. 9 and 18, there is a letter to the Jews, to invite them to keep the feaft of purification of the IJ33. Temple on the xxvth of the month Caflcu. The fecond book of Macca- beus rejefted by many as not genuine ; and many difficulties have arifen upon this very place. Here is mention made of the facrifice being lighted with water found in the place where fire from the altar was had. And this feafl of Fire (ra -ujv^^ai) many interpret to be in memory of the J 111 print- fire Nehemiah found when he purified the city. Nehem. xii. 31 t, con- Jiitiii SJa -ar.'fi citv;aneous tracts. Enrl of Briftol, i Car. I. accufed by a formal information exhibited in .parliament, ibid. >■ Henry earl of Nortliumberland, and Tliomas lord Bardolph, 7 Hen. IV. accufed by the king's command, upon former proceedings againft them in Chancery, ibid. — how proceeded againft, p. 1608. Sir John Mortimer, 2 Hen. VL accufed upon requeft: of the Commons, "ibid. — Indiifted t£rft in London, and the indictment returned into Chan- cery, p. 1604. — His cafe falfely made ufe of as a precedent, p. 1606.—. The fubftance of the proceedings againft him, p. 1609, 16 10. Alice Pierce, i Rich. 11. Gomeniz, Wefton, and the bilhop of Norwich, J Rich. II. accufed ex ■parte Domini Regis, p. 1600. Edmund earl of Kent condemned 4 Ed. III. and executed for trea- ibn, p. 1600. — The next year that judgement repealed, ibid. Simon de Hereford, knight, an affiftant of Roger de Mortimer, .ibid. John Mautravers, Thomas dc Guerney, and William dc Ogle, 4 Ed. III. condemned, p. 1601. Spencers, Lords join widi the Commons in their accufation againft them, ibid. Lord Berkley arraigned for the death of Ed. II. and waives his right of being tried by his peers, p. 1602 — Tried by a common jury, and why, p. 1634. — The manner of his arraignment reprefented, p. 1603. Sir Ralph Ferrers, knight, 4 Rich. II. arraigned for fufpicion of treafon, p. 1603. — Two queftions refolved relating to his cafe, p. 1604. Thomas Holland earl of Kent, John Holland earl of Huntingdon, John Montague earl of Salifbury, lord de Spencer, and Ralph Lumley, 2 Hen. IV. beheaded for rebellion, p. 1605. — Judgement againft them en- tered, but not the information ex farte Domini Regis, though it is necefla- rily underftood, ibid. John earl of Briftol, i & 2 Car. I. the method of proceeding againft him, p. 1605. — Objeftions anfwered in relation to the legality of his indiftment, p. 1606. Duke of Clarence, 18 Ed. IV. arraigned in Parliament, p. 1607. Northumberland, carl of, 5 Hen. IV. the manner of his trial, p. 1607, 1608. f Mom- E P I T O M E O F S E L D E N. 33 MompefTon, lord chancellor and treafiircr, the jiroceedings of the Lords againft him examined, p. 161 1. John at Lee, ftevvard of the king's houfe, 42 Ed. III. proceeded againft upon the complaint of William Latimer, p. 161 2. William Ellis, 50 Ed. III. bills exhibited againft him by John Botild and William Cooper, p. 161 3. Sir William Cogan, knight, accufed by R. Clynedon, 5R. II. p. 16 14. Cambridge, mayor and commonalty of that town, accufed of outrages againft the icholars, p. 1614. 1625. 1632. — The liberties of the town feizcd by the king, and the aflife of bread, &c. granted to the fcholars, p. 1628. Michael de la Pole, chancellor, and John Otrey his clerk, y R. II. complained of by John Cavendifti fifhmonger, p. 1614. 1649. 10 Rich. II. the Commons accufe the chancellor openly before the Lords aiid King, p. 161 7. 16 19. Thomas Philips complains againft the bifliop of London, for his long Imprilbnment on fufpicion of herefy, ibid. Duke of Gloucefter protefts to Richard II. his innocence of defigning to dethrone him, p. 16 iS. Nicholas Brembre, 11 Rich. II. his cafe, p. 1619. Sir Roger Belknap lord chief juftice, and Sir John Carey chief baron, II Rich. II. accufed for untrue anfwers made before the King, ibid. The duke of Gloucefter, Richard earl of Arundel, and the earl of War- wick, 21 Rich. II. an appeal drawn up in writing againft them by the Lords, p. 16 1 9, 1620, — Thefc appeals jifterwards abolifticd by Hen. IV. p. 1620. Thomas Mortimer, 21 Rich. II. fummoped to appear, and judgement pafled againft him for not appearing, p. 1620. Earl of Northampton and lord Bardolph, 7 Hen. IV. fummoned by pro- clamation to anfwer in parliament, p. 1621. Duke of Gloucefter, 21 Rich. I', fummoned to anf^ver in parliament, though the lords appellants knew he was dead, p. 1621. — The method of- proceeding againft him, p. 1622. Richill, juftice of the Common Pleas, i Hen. IV. dcfcrvcd to die for . not declaring that the duke of Gloucefter's confefilon was altered after he had returned the commiffion to examine the duke, ibid. F Duke MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. Duke of Ireland, archbifhop of York, and Michael de la Pole, ac- quitted by Richard the Second's proclamation, p. 1622. Mompeffon, 18 Jac. condemned, without a proclamation citing him to appear, p. 1623. Sir John Mortimer, 2 Hen. VI. made anfwer to his indidlmcnt of cfcapc out of prifon, though not recorded, ibid. Sir Thomas Talbot, 1 7 R. II. to be convifted of treafon, if he do not appear upon proclamation, ibid. Duke of Suffolk, 28 Hen. VI. not committed before he was accufed of particular treafon, p. 1624. Michael de la Pole, 10 Rich. II. after his anfwer committed, and then bailed, p. 1624. — Not denied counfel when tried for mifdemeanors only, as the parliament under Charles J. thought he was, p. 1626, 1627. William lord Latimer, and John lord Nevil, 50 Ed. III. anfvvered in their places, p. 1624. Billiop of Norwich and lord chancellor, 7 Rich. 11. anfvvered in their places, ibid. Lord chancellor, 10 Rich. II. anfwered in his place, ibid. Richard Lyons, William Ellis, and John Peach, 5 Ed. III. anfwered as freemen, ibid. Adam de Bury, 50 Ed. III. his goods put in arrcft, for not appearing before the Commons, ibid. Earl of Middlefex, lord treafurer, 21 Jac. I. accufed of mifdemeanors, p. 1625. — Does himfelf the firft wrong, by abfenting himfelf from the Parliament, ibid. Sir Ralph Ferrers, 4 Rich. II. refufcd counfel, being accufed of treafon, p. 1625. Sir Richard Cogan, 5 Rich. II. rcfufed counfel, when tried for ex- torting money from the prior of St. John's of Jerufalem, p. 1626. Duke of Suffolk, 28 Hen. VI. anfwered to his accufation of treafon, without counfel, ibid. Earl of Middlefex wrongfully denied to anfwer by counfel, touching mif- demeanors only, 21 Jac. I. p. 1628. Earl E P I T O M E O F S E L D E N. 35 Earl of Biiftol, i Car. I. allowed counfel by a miflakc, though tried for treafon, p. 1628.— Two queftions arifing from his cafe forbidden by the King to be determined, p. 1635. Billiop of Norwich, 7 Rich. If. refufed counfel, p. 1627. Duke of Buckingham, i Car. I. anfwers to his impeachment for mifde- meanors by counfel, p. 1627. Richard Lyons, 50 Ed. III. , his impeachment, p. 1628. His anfwcr, and the replication of the Commons, p. 1629. Lord Latimer, 50 Ed. III. his impeachment, ibid. His anfwer to it, 1629, 1630. William Walworth of London fworn againft him, p. 1632. William Ellis, 50 Ed. III. anfwers to his impeachment, and the Commons reply, p. 1630. The witnefles againft him, p. 1632. John lord Nevil, 50 Ed. III. the fubftance of his impeachment and de- fence, p. 1630, 163 1. The witnefTes againft him, p. 1632. Duke of Bucks, i Car. I. Commons reply to him, p. 163 1. John Peach, 50 Ed. III. The witnefles againft him, p. 1633. Alice Pierce, i Rich. II. The witnefles againft her, and who the com- mittee to examine them, p. 1633. Richard earl of Arundel, temp. Rich. II. when brought to anfwer appeals, the Lords appellants throwing down their gloves by way of a challenge, anfwered. Si ejfcin liber, ?2on refurgeram, p. 1634. Lord Cobham, 22 Rich. II. condemned for procuring a commiflion de- rogatory to the king's prerogative, p. 1634. George duke of Clarence, i8 E. IV. an account of his accufation, from a MS. in the Cotton Library, p. 1635. Roger Mortimer, 4 Ed. III. the flender evidence againft him, p. 1636. The judgement againft him reverfed, p. 1646. Barons awarded and judged in his cafe, p. 1637. MompeflTon, 18 Jac. I. refolved in his cafe that none might be exa- mined upon any thing that might aecufe, p. 1636. Davenport, 18 Jac. I. puniflied for reprefenting a cafe worfe than it was in Parliament, though it was not upon oath, ibid. Thomas earl of Salifbury, 2 Hen. V. petitioneth to revcrfe a judgement iagainft his father John, 2 Hen. IV. p. 1637. F a John 36 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. John Mautravers, the Khig's aflent not mentioned in the judgement againfl: him, p. i6^S. So Boeges and John Deveroil, Tho. de Gurney andW. DeOcIe, ibid. Earl of Siliibury and others, 2 Hen. IV. judgement againll them for treafon, by the King's confent ; and fo in the judgement againll tlie earl of Northumberland, p. 1639. The articles objefted againft Simon de Burley without the King's con- fent, and againfl his will, ibid. In judgement on mifdemeanors the King's aflent not requiredj. p. 1 64 1. The King's prefence, p. 1642. The prefence of the Lords Spiritual, p. 1643 — 1646, The prefence of the Commons in capital cafes, p. 1647. Not to be prefent when the Lords confider of the delinquent's anfwer and the proofs, and determine of their judgement, ibid. 7 Hen. IV. the Comrnons prayed to have cognizance of what was done touching the faid rebellions of Salop, p. 1648. Gomeniz and Wefton, i Rich. II. brought before les Seigneurs en plan Tarhment, which includes the Commons, ibid. Their prefence not neceflTary, unlefs they impeach the delinquents, ibid. Their interference in the cafes of lord Latimer and William Ellis, ibid. How concerned in the trial of lord Nevil, ibid. Michael de la Pole, 7 & 10 R. II. fifhmongers complain againfl him, and the Commons prefent at his anfwer, p. 1649. Alice Peirce, i Rich. II. her trial deferred by the Lords till the Com- mons departed, ibid. — Purchafes fhe made by durefs held for none, P- ^^Sl- Judge Trefdian (21 Rich. II.) blamed for his anfwer touching the judgement of Michael de la Poole, p. 1649. Earl of Northumberland, 5 Hen. iV. delivered to the judges, p. 1650. Simon Burley, 21 Rich. II.. appeals m Parliament concerning his death, p. 1650. Earl of Kent, the King's uncle, 4E. III. condemned to be drawn, hanged, and beheaded, p. 1651. — King Edward, in a letter to the Pope on this judgement, fii)s, cui fent entice dolentes acqidevimus, ibid. Mortimer, EPITOME OF SELDEN. Mortimer, 4^E. III. lunged as a traitor, p. 1651. — Wliy notliing faid in the judgement againfl: him of what he ftiould forfeit to the King, ibid. Simon de Hereford, the fame condemnation, ibid. Wcfton, I Rich. II. adjudged a traitor, ibid. Jo. lord Gomeniz, a German, being an alien and a banneret, beheaded, thi't being the death ufed in Germany to gentlemen, ibid. Simon de Burlcy and the earl of Arundel, 12 Rich. II. adjudged trai- tors, ibid. Earls of Kent and Salifbury, 2 Hen. IV. adjudged traitors, p. 1652. Earl of Northumberland, 7 Hen. IV. adjudged to forfeit all his lands, ibid. John de Lee, 42 Ed. III. adjudged to pay a fine, without fixing the fum, ibid. Richard Lyons, 50 Ed. Ill adjudged the fame, ibid. Lord Latimer, 50 Ed. III. to pay fine at the King's will, ibid. William Ellis and John Peach, 50 Ed. III. to pay fines at the King's will, ibid. William Latimer, 42 Etl. III. reftitution made to him of the wardfhip he was outed of by John de Lee, ibid. William Ellis, c^o Ed. III. pays 20/. damages, ibid. John Peach and John Nevil, 50 Ed. III. to make fatisfacftion in general, P- ^^Si- John Cavendifli, 7 Rich. 11. adjudged to pay 1000 marks for flandering the Chancellor, p. 1656. William Ellis, 50 Ed. III. accufed by Botheil and Cooper of extorting feventeen nobles from the merchants of Prufe, and the caufe referred to the civil lawyers, p. 1653. Clynedon, 5 Rich. II. referred by the Lords to be tried at common law, ibid. Weflon and Gomeniz, i Rich. II. arraigned by the fleward of the King's houfe, p. 1654. Thomas Haxey, soPvich. II.. arraigned by the lord fteward of England, ibid. Earl of Northumberland, 5 Hen. IV. if the lord chancellor kept his place at his trial (which it is not certain that he did), ic was becaufe he was to deliver the opinion of the Lords, ibid. Earl 37 38 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. Earl of Briflol, i Car. L lord keeper kept his place while articles were read againft him, but did not arraign him, ibid. Mortimer, 4 Ed. IIL commands given to the earl marflial for his exe- cution, p. 1655 * ; and for that of Simon de Bereford, ibid. Earl of Warwick adjudged to die; but that punilhment exchanged for banifhment, ibid. John de Lee, 42 Ed. III. committed to the Tower, In the cuflody of - Aleyn de Buxhull, ibid. Lord Latimer, 50 Ed. III. committed ; afterwards, upon mainprife of idivers perfons, fufTcred to go at large, p. 1656*. William Fitzhugh, i Rich. II. committed to the Tower, ibid. Earl of Berks, 18 Jac. I. why fent to the Fleet, ibid. Earl of Middlefex, 21 Jac. I. committed to the Tower, ibid. Earl of Briilol, i Car. I. brought before the houfe of Lords by the gen- tleman-ufher, ibid. James Wright, 1 8 Jac. I. his punifhment, for arrefting a fervant of the Parliament, ibid. Botheil and Cooper, 50 Ed. IIL 20/. damages allowed them; but not mentioned how to be recovered, ibid. John Nevil, the fame year, awarded to make reflitution, but not men- tioned how nor when, ibid. Alice Pierce, i Rich. II. The Lords determined that the party aggrieved by her Ihould have remedy by procefs in Chancery, ibid. John Cavendifh, 7 Rich. II. to pay 1000 marks to the Chancellor, ibid. John Talbot -j-, 32 Hen. VI, why exception taken to a writ againft him, p. 1725. * Mifprinted, ifi Selden, "1659 and 1660. J. N. -j- This inftance is taken from the " Argument concerning the Baronies of Grey AndRuthirt." J.N. OPERUM t 39 ] OPERUM S E L D E N I A N O R U M Ordo Chronologicus*. A. D. Analedta Anglo-Britannica. Script. An. -^t:it. 22. 1606 England's Epinomis. 16 10 Janus Anglorum. ibid. The Duellum. ibid. Notes on Drayton. 1612 Titles of Honour, / A"- ^^^'- 3°]^ ^614 (. An. ^tat. 47 J 2 1631 Notas in Fortefcue de Laud. Leg. & in Sum. D. Rad. de Henghatn.^ 16 16 De Diis Syriis. 16 17 Of the Jews in England. ibid. HiHory of Tithes. 1618 The Privilege of the Baronage, fcript. A.D. 1621 Notae in Eadmerum. An. ^Etat. 38. 1622 Letter to Mr. Vincent. ibid. Commentaries on the Arundclian Marbles. 1627 De Succeffionibus in Bona Dcfunfti, fecundum Leges He- brsorum. 1629 De Jure Naturali & Gentium. About 1634 Mare Claufum. 1 636 De Anno Civili & Calcndario Judaico» 1644 Uxor Llebraica. 1646 Differtatio ad Fletam. 1647 * " I mod heartily thank you," fays Dr. TVolton, in a letter to Wr. Bowyer^ d.ited' St. Lulie, 1726, " for the truft you liave repofcd in me, in lending nie the new Seldcn.- " Aflure yourfelf it fiiall bs particuhirly taken care of." — To which IVJr. C/a/if fub- joins, " I can only add my thanks to the Doftor's, for- the great treafiire you hava " ient us. They came down fafe ; and I will take- as much care as polTible that they re- " ceive no damage. I have already put new coats upon them^ t]«t ciiar>ge of air and " other like accidents might not afFccit them. I fltall not think of returning them till " the i-oads are fair again ; nor fludl 1 forget your direifi-ions abo\it h ly, though I hope *' you do not take me to 'h^vc foenum in cornii." — This Chronological View, drawn up by Mr. Clarke, accompanied the volumes en their return. J. N. I Dc .40 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. A. D. De Synedriis 8c Pra:fcfi:urias Hcbrasoium, lib. L 1650 Jiidlciuai de X Scriptor. 1652 De Synedriis, &c. lib. II. 1653 Vindicia fecundum Integritatem Exiitimationis fuze. ibid. OPERA POSTHUMA. A Review of the Hiftory of Tithes. 1661 Lirth-day of our Saviour. ibid. Office of Lord Chancellor. 1671 Of the Judicature in Parliament (an imperfedt piece, MS. loft). - 1 68 1 Of the Original of Ecclefiaftical Jurifdidtion of Teilaments ; written about the year 1628. 1683 Table-Talk. 1689 PubliJJjsd by Dr. Wilhns. 1. Anfwer to Sir James Sempill. 2. — — to Dr. Tilfeley. 3. Of the Number 666. 4. Of Calvin's Judgement of the Revelations." 5. Of his purpofe in writing the Hiftory of Tithes. 6. Letter to the Marquis of Buckingham. 7. Argument concerning the Barony of Grey and Ruthin. 8. Speeches. 9. Letters and Poems *. * In 1671, came o\it, under his name, a " Difcourfe of the Office of Lord Chancellor " of England :" in 1675, " Joannis Seldeni Liber de Nummls ;" but this latter was written, before he was born, by Alexander Sardo of Ferrara. In 1683, Dr. Adam Lialeman publidied his Englifn tranflation of " Jani Anglonun Facies altera;" with " The Original of Ecclefiaftical Jiirildiclion of Teftanients ;" and " The Dif- ♦' pofition or Adminiftration of Intcftate Goods." And " The Table-Talk" w into 0, Q^YiMic.^ QfiUKsc. From whence Brigantes, Frixi, Frigones, Fri- fones, Britones, Britunni. See Ant, Brit. p. 48. Ant. Rom. p. 248. As they received different names according to their different plantation?, . fo Mr. Baxter reduces them ail to much the fame fignification. Tnui from T'cci, Terra. Arahes, Armenii, Erembi, from wj tyiV 'E^mv [Sxfvm, or Ii^uivhv. So in Perfic TSox, and Britifh Turch, is the fame with the Greek Dop^, , Sus, whence came the name of Turks ; Hunni from"Oxvi', in Tartary frgni- fying Sues, p. 281. What the language of rhefe ancient Scythians was has been matter of enquiry among the learned. Salmafius -\- fuppofes that from thence great numbers Be/'yf?- Stepli. Byz. f Salm. De Hcllcniflica, p. 3^8. " Noii dico eandcm omniiio AiiHc !iiig\nuii Gr.xco- " rum, Gctariiiu five Tiiraciim, & Te\Uorniiri five Germanoriini ; fed multa has ire's " gcntes habiiiifc vocabiiU coinmunia, &: ab eadcm originc venieiuia, PcrUca ijiuxhw *' live Parthita, qua: & ipfa aiiftores originis habuit Scythas, inlinitas pr;Efert voces *' r^4iae eacdem rcperiuntur in Gracci paritef dialefto & Teutonjca. — Crcdidcrim taincn H E L I QJJ I .E R A X T E R I A N ^. 43 Jiunibers of words were received into the Greek, the Perfic, and the Teu- tonic or German ; that the Teutonic in particular Iprang from it. Before him Goropius Becanus fpcnt two folios to prove that the German was the Scythian dialed:; that Jajihet and his progeny, having no concern in the Tower of B-ibel, preferved this original language from being loft in the confufion which followed that undertaking. Mr. Baxter at length (with what fuccefs I leave you to determine) fets up the Armenian. In this he finds thofe old Scythian words, prefen-ed in Herodotus, and other Greek writers, which Salmafuis owns himfelf at a lofs to explain. " ''Apiy-a (fays Salm. p. 394) Scythis apud Herodotum ■" idem eft quod wius, ctttS quod oculus. Quod nulla Scythica lingua " earum quas praediximus agnofcit." Euftathius makes t\pi unuf, and ■M«V(r(^ oculus. " Sed falfus eft doftiffimus Grammaticus (fays Baxter, " p. 238) ficjuidem Armenis, qui hodie veteri Scytharum lingua loquun- " tur, Aij3 eft Vir, quje vox ha:ret in Grajcarum vocum terminationibus, ut *' «y>;p, ■nruir,^, &c. Latinis Integra vox Vir eft, Sax. pep, Brit. Our (ipfi *' fcribunt Wr), Hebrceis liquefafto Rk;*K Ais &ty")2»^ Anos pro A;^ &'Aiw^ ■" ab ipfis piincipiis divcrfas fuifTe lingiias Geticam, a qua Germanica, & Grscam ; fed •" propter vicinitatem Getariim, Thraicum & antiquorum Helleuuin, qui MacedoHL-a ." erant, qnali in agris collimitantibus, radices ab uno in altenim tranfiffe." Ibid. p. 380. *' Regionem, quam poi^ea Geta? tenuerunt, nili iidem (ieta; & Scytha; hoc '• modo vetuftioribus <5rascis iimicupati, ilio recentioribus," p. 381. I chufe to give _ }'ou Salmafius's opinion in his own words, becaufe'in the learned bilhop Nicholfon's Dif- courfe at the end ot" Chamberlayne's Lord's Prayer, through fome typographical error I iuppofe, it is not very intelligibly reprefented. " Boxhornius & Salmafius Grxcam, *' Z-fl/-'«aw, & Periicam, non niii j«.7/K!>/- veteris Linguae Scythica: dialeftos fniffe exifti- " mfirimt," p. 13. Bowyer. " I am glad that Tra£t concerning the original of languages was capable of giving ^' you any implement, but am afraid it was too much at my coll:. What I wrote I gave " Chamberlayne in Engliflij and he, without acquainting me at all with it, got fome " Proletarian T\thing-man or other to turn it into Latin : who it was I never inquired, " and to this day don't know. There are grofs taults in the tranflation, as I find by an " Englifli copy which I have by me. I fliould be glad if it was forgot, becaule 1 can't " own it for mine. Baxter's whim of ^712 Cohen to anfwer to Svf^Trpfo-EuTfgj; is his *"' own. Cohen is an original Hebrew, conhftlng of three radical letters which are ef- " fential to the roots of that tongue. To make "rn hen an intire root, it muft be a " contraftion from hanan, of which there is nee vola nee veftigium in Hebrew ; and " whatever W. B. might have thought, the Jewifh prieft Cohen can have no analogy ♦' with the Greek -js^iij^iri^q, becaufe Cohen is as old as Aaron, who was fole prieft ; " i.e. had no comprefbyter ; I can't bring Hebrew from Armenian." Dr. fFotton, JLetter to Mr, Bowyer, dated St. Luke, 1726. G 2 " vd 44 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. *' yel 'Ayy^f proferuntur. lifdem Armenis M? eft Unum, quod plane Grze- *' cum eft, natumque de Fceminino Mr«, unde M.n'^. Denique'^A^j^ dici- " tur Ocuha, uti veteribus Grtecis 'Oitk,®^, unde "Octo-Qh & 'Oy.K(% & "OTrTrc,, *' & Latlnum Oculus. Et ab ''A^;c Arm. eft 'A^«,«7r Of«//j intenie fpedam " & per hoc Fafcinator, ut ex Rivols Armeniaco Lexico comparet : quo " & Grjeca SniTr/w & Sjco'^®-' referenda elTe manifeftum eft." Again. Do Salmafius* and Becanus both require, that the original tongue fliouid abound in monofyllables, which other languages -j~ have fince improved * " Nemo dixerit Parthlcum, five Scythiciim Deh ex Gripco Aixa effiiflum. Contra . " eft. Qusecunque enirn illx lingua orientalmm ex Grieco mutuantur voc.ibula, Integra ". " ea repr^efentant, non contrafta nee abbreviata per Apocopen. Certum quippe ell, *' linguas omnes, quas monofyllabis conftanr, effe ceteris antiquiores." Salm. de Hcllcn.. p. 390, f " I don't remember what I faid about Mr. Baxter's Armenian grandmother, that " could injure either of their reputations ; but it is luch a dodlrine as will never go " down either with Jews orChriftians. I'be antiquity of very ancient languages can- *' never be eftabliflied by the languages themlclves ; at the diftance we are fpeaking of, " we can never be able to diftinguifli the Mother from the Daughter without forae other " evidence than the relicks which are left of them : as, in your inftance (if we knew " nothing of the antiquity of Greece and Rome), xoi'm might as well be fuppofed to " come from coena, becaufe many eat together, as vice vcrfa ; for eating in every coun- " try is certainly of as ancient date as its inhabitants ; and the Welfli bara has as much " antiquity in its found and fignification as the Hebrew : it is therefore from the hilfory *' and progrefs of nations that v.e mull learn the progrefs of languages. Colonies mull •' not be fuppofed, but fettled firft, and then we may have leave to fuppofe afterwards; " not but that I think we may fafely fay that this or that vs^ord could not be borrowed " from another language, becaufe we find it under fuch reftriftiont as are peculiar to *' its own : general rules in grammar, that are drawn from the genius of a language, " muft be as old as the language itfelf ; though general rules, as to writing or teaching " it, may be of any later date; but without hiftory, etymology would be a veryufeleis " amufement. JTp, Gr. xspaf, Lat. fornw, Wallice coryi, Angl. horn: how would it *' be poflible to know which was the Mother of thefe words without knowing the hiftory «' of the language ; though, by knowing the rules, I could fafely fay that ]Tp did not " come from horn, becaufe in that language p is never put before any word, unlefs it " was originally a part of it. From horn the Jews would have made ]Tn ^t P"l, " haran, or rannan, but never keren. I don't know how much weight there may be *' in this way of reafoning, but I think enough to overbalance fuch colonies as have " been planted only in the imagination ; and ^nD therefore has as fair a plea at leaft " for antiquity as hen ; it is certainly the firft word that ever we know of to have been " ufed for pricft, i. e. faccrdos publicus : it is applied to Melchifedeck; and Will. Baxter ♦» had read of few priefts much older, even in his Hieroglyphicks. *' I have R E L I CLU liEBAXTERIANiE. 45 improved into a greater length? Mr. Baxter appeals to the fame tefti- mony, and produces words which appear in Armenian in their fimplc form, but in other tongues only as compounds, or with prefixes and affixes joined to them. So Sus in Latin, from the Greek '^Tj, that from Jrm, Xsf, whence the Hebrews, adding the Armenian mafculine termination, which I mentioned jufl now, made Ttn Cbazir, Porcus. Hen in Arm. and Brit, is Senex, for which the ancient Greeks faid "Ev®-'. Cohen in Arm. and Brit, is Co/ifenex, HvixTr^c-a-^vTi^'^f' ; hence the Hebrews borrowed what is fuppofed to be their radix, ]rf2 Cohen, fignifying/i?««/ijr and facerdos . See Antiq. Brit. p. 11. Ant. Rom. p. 19. Mr. Baxter mentions nothing of the difficulties which occur concerning the confufion of tongues ; but concludes (as I fuppofe) with Becanus, that the country where the ark refled was firft peopled, and the original lan- guage there preferved. The ark ftopt (according to his and the moft re- ceived opinion |) at the top of Mount Tavirus in Armenia Major ; from whence Japhet's progeny, having pafled into Scythia and Thrace, fpread themfelves over Afia and Europe. I might go farther back, and obferve to you, that Mr. Baxter makes mankind to have been firft planted, where it was afterwards renewed; and as the Tygris and Euphrates were agreed upon to be two of the rivers of Paradife, he firft difcovers the Araxes and Phafis to be the other two, p. 281. •*' I have one thing to obferve further, though, as it is againft very great authors, I *' do it witli great diffidence. Sahnafius afferts, as you quote him, " Linguas omnes, •' qu» monofyllabis conftant, efle ceteris antiquiores ;" now I take the very reverfe of " that affertion for truth. Time has iifed languages as Procruftes did legs ; and I think " in etymology you oftener find words fliortened than extended. It would be endlefs " to pretend to inftances, and the controverfy would at lail; be decided only by the beft " arithmetician. But I muft give you a few : calamus, calav; rep^u, terminus, tervjn; *' |3svo;,bann; arvum, ar; y?.auxof, glds in Ifeljh; xXw'Sto, cloth; xaV)), cnaepp ; moth^ *' atomus; ordior, op& ; vinum, vin, wine; tempus, temps ; feptimana, femaine; vado, *' Ital. vo ; dicere, d'tre; loro, from illorum. I have not Ikill enough in languages to *' prove this point ; and I don't care to trouble the Doftor with it at prefent, though I •' can't tell whether he is of my opinion." Mr. Clarke, Letter toMr.B. i-jzb. i The two chief who have oppofed this opinion are Becanus and Sir Walter Raw- leigh, who plead for Mount Caucafus or Paropamifus, becaufe that lies eaft of the plains of Shinaar ; and in Gen. xi. 2. it is faid, as they journeyed from the Eaji, they found a plain in the land of Shinaar. But fince the original may be tranllated as well jn the Eaft as from the Eaft, little can be founded on this their main argument. This 46 M I S C i: L L A N E O U S T R A C T "S. This conjefture he endeavours to confirm from ctvmology ; but as t1ist ■ cannot afford much certainty on lb obfcure a lubjed:, I fliall rather giv^e you an hiftance of the ufe it may be of, in fettling the true meaning of .common words. How grofsly is Ovid miftaken, when (in his Faili, lib. ii. ver. 569) he dQr'v-.'esfeitilla iromfcro, *' quia jurta ferunt," a word which is as applicable to all llicrifices, as to thofe which are offered tor the dead ! But we have fome foundation tor the fignification of It, if we derive it trom E^x, /Eol. F-ySi, 'Terra, urtde 'Evspoi, Inferi^ Ivferia, p. 2iy. Another ufe Mr. Baxter makes of etymoiogv, is to unravel the myfterics of the heathen mytholog\', and Ihew how they multiplied their gods un- -der different names of the lame fignification ; whereas, when that obfcurity is once removed, the fun, moon, or liars, generally appear to have been ..the foundation of their fables, and the original objcttj of their worfliip. He has Ihcwn likewife the conformity of the heathen religion among different people, and how they borrowed from each other ;the fame deities, though they gave them new appellations. He has farther illuflrated the heathen theology from the writings of the Oneirocritics, whofe obferva- tions being founded on the hieroglyphics of the Egyptians, let us into a reafon why particular honours were paid to ordinary creatures, inftead of .the things they once reprefented- Adonis may be an inflance of all thek particulars, p. 37, 38. " Phrygibus. Attiii, Gr. ^^'u^Mvivc, 'Ai'S^f, "AS/-j, " Teutonibus £)t)tll vel JSHotJtrj, Cilicibus, telle Steph. dc Urbibus, "■ 'A§«;':^-.— Idem Numen quod cornutus tibicen Pan, h. c- & Primus Sal ■" & Dcus Lufiuj, five Jttis Menoiyrantius, qui Sol erat lunari fcapha cir- " cumvedtus, Latinis Virbius, quod fcepius interirct & revivifceret. — Apcr " igitur, qui Deum dente fuo intenecit, nihil aliud crat quam Hyhertium •" tenipus : fiquidem Hyemis Genium & porcis & capris ineffe credebatur. ■" Quare Dex Syrias cultores abflinebant fuilla. 'Evxy^og virw n (Tr,^xtvH ^ f' ■yfi^moi^iiMov, inquit Oneirocrites.Artemidorus.'" In a glolfary of this nature you will eafily imagine Feflus is often cited and illuflrated ; the emendations of Scaliger upon that author are fre- quently confirmed, and fometimes new ones propofeil; and fince other au- thors, both facred and profane, receive light from Mr. Baxter in abun- , dance of inftanceg^, J.fli^ll jufl give. a fp^cimeii or. twQ of his illuftratioU i.n each particular. la ,R E L I QLU I jE BAXTER f X N :e:' 47 In p. 33, we have a new interpretation of Pralm Ixviii. 13, 14. He tranflatcs the original thus, " Si requieveritis Tub oris alarum columbse " deargcntatte, cujus akirum terga funt de fulgore auri ; hzec, ubi difpcr- " Tcrit Saddai rcgcs per earn, nivea comparebit in vexillo." It was the cuftom, he tolls us, for the Hebrew armies, as well as the Syrians and Af- fyrians, to have a dove for thtir ftandard ; to which the Pfalmift alluding fays, " If yon lliall abide b.y. your ftandard the filver-coloured dove, *' whofe wings are gilt with gold, when the Almighty by its means has •' fcattered the kings,, the marks of vidtory fhall be difplayed in your er- " fign, and your dove appear as white as fnovv." All interpreters have blindly followed the LXXII in this place, who either ignorantly, or per- haps wilfully, rendered it obfcure;- for, being umviLling to gratify the Syrians, who worfliiped a dove, with fo honourable a mention of their ^eity, inftead of traiiflating the Hebrew word a jlandard, as they ought to have done, they made a proper name of it, and rendered it Mount 6V/;«o/u On this head he obferves, there was a fed: of Samaritans among the Jews, who corrupted Judaifm with heathen notions, and confounded the true God with the Syrian Pantiieus, who is the fame \\\([\DiUS Liaius, Adonis or Bacchus, Dca Luna, or Sennramis. Thefe worfhiped a dove, to fpeak in the terms of their grofs idolatry, as the bird of God. By one of this fed: he thinks the 4th bock of Efdras was writ, which was juftly coa- demned as uncanonical by the Council of Trent, though cited by Clemens Romanus. Accordingly he endeavours to fhew evident marks of the forger's principles in that book. — But the proofs being too long to infert here, I refer you to thicm, and feveral other curious obfervations, under the Article Atossa, p. 330- To come now to profane authors : in the fixth ^neid, where the poet reprefents his hero in Elyfium, the commentators are miferably upon the rack to explain one particular in the defcription. Ver. 658, ^neas fees, — — latum choro Paana canentes Inter odoratum hurt nemus : U7ide fupenig Pluiimus EiiJani per fy ham volvilur c.nmis,. . " — — fome the choir maintain " Beneath a laurel fhade, where mighty Fo " Mounts up to woods above, and hides his head below." Dryden^ ■ The- 4S MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. The difEculty in the original I chufe to reprefent in the words of the ju- dicious Mr. Trapp. " Servius, and after him Ruceus, interjiret fuperne " as of running from Elyfium to the upper world. But I willi either of *' them had given us an inflance, in any good author, in which fuperne is " ufed for furfiwi, upwards. I imagine it is always ufed for defuper, " from above. But, taking it in the fenfe which I chufe, they know not " how to account for iinde,]\\'^ before it. Why not? The river runs *' from the wood, becaufe it runs beyond it one way ; and comes from " above, becaufe it is beyond it another way ; the wood being fituated in *' a declivity." Accordingly he tranflates the paffage thus : — — " In the fragrant grove *' Of laurel; whence defcending through the wood " Eridanus abundant rolls his waves." Though this tranflation may poffibly be juft, the comment upon it, I fear, will hardly hold. That fuperne does not akvays fignify defupcr is plain from Hor. lib. II. od. 20. " Album mutor In alitem fuperne." So again, De Art. Poet. ver. 4. " Definat in pifcem, mulier formofa fu- *' pernc." And, notwithflanding the authority of Lexicographers and Grammarians *, I much queftion whether it is ever 4ifed in that fignifica- tion ; and much more, whether it is ever fo ufed, without being joined to fome other word that neceffarily betokens defcenU Volvitur fuperne can never fignify rolls from on high, if fuperne devohitur poflibly may do fo. The words then in Virgil, if they are fo to be connected, can fignify no more thzn from zuheiiee the river rolls on high, not furfum, but infupero loco. But if unde fuperne joined together will exprefs the fame as ex quo fiipero loco, the fcnfe will then be from ivhich afcent the river rolls. Either of thefe conilruCtions (and thefe are the only ones the words can poflibly admit) are a confirmation of Mr. Baxter's explication, viz. That we have no occafion to confider this Eridanus in Elyfium as defcending from earth, no not of coming from beyond the wood where jEneas views it (for you * I add Grammarians, becaufe they place this adverb only amonjj thofe which exprefs tnotum a loco ; whereas, with equal right at lead, it ought to be ranked among the Ad- verhia in loco ; juft as intus is placed under both claffes, being ufed to exprefs from within, when joined to exit, evocat, prodit, or a verb compounded with fome fuch prepofition. .7 "^3y, R E L I Q^U I^ BAXTERIAN.?:. may, if you pleafc, fuppofc it to take its rife there), fince as the ancients divided tlie world into three parts, fo they gave the fame names to rivers and places in each of them, and they had a diflindl Eridanus in heaven, in earth, and the fhades below; as they had three funs. Sec. p. 284. To give one fpecimen more of Mr. Baxter's illuftrations, I fhall men- tion that of the famous pafTapic in Martial, lib. xi. Epigr. 95. " Jura, Verpe, *' per Anchialum *." Anchialus he fuppofcs to be made from a Hebrew word "pK^n^K Anchiel, h. e. Riidens Dcus, or 'Ow^.-:^, a word compounded of niN and b'A, asbi*ni* Ariel, Leoninus Deus, is of nj* and "7^. You know it was a common fcandal cafl upon the Jews, and afterwards on the Chriftians, that they worshiped an afs. Theodorus, a Latin Jevvifh poet, to clear himfelf of the crime he was taxed with, fwears by Jupiter Tonans, an oath which Martial knew he took in vain, how facred foever it was among the heathens, who efteemed that God as the more efpccial revenger of perjury. The heathen poet then thus retorts the fneer upon the Jewifh : " No, by thy long-ear'd braying godhead fwear, *' Such is thy Jove, thy dreadful thunderer." The foundation of this falfe report concerning the Jews has been mat- ter of as much enquiry as the palTage before us. Fuller fuppofes it to have taken its rife from what Mofes relates of Anah the Horite, Gen. xxxvi. 24- " This was that Anah that found the mules in the wildernefs, <' as he fed the afles of Zibeon his father." He might with as much rea- fon have pitched upon any other paflage in the books of Mofes, where an afs is fo much as mentioned. Tanaquil Faber, therefore, having juftly wondered that fo great a man as Fuller -f- ihould invent or Voffius j" fub- fcribe to fuch a poor folution, propofes another of his own, in Ep. vi. Vol. I. " Jofephus, fays he, gives us an account of Onias's building a Jewilh temple near Heliopolis, from whom the city where the temple jftood was called 'Ow«ov, and the country thereabouts 5? X'^p^ 'Ow«. The people of Alexandria, and other Ghrecians, hearing the Jews often talk of going up Hg Tfiv 'Owk, wilfully miftook it for "Ova; and from hence propa- gated the ftory, as if they had it from the Jews' own mouths, that they went up to the temple of an afs. * See above, p. 9, -j- Mifcell. Sacr. 1. iii. c. 8. J De Idololatr. 1. iii. c. 75. p. 565. H Without 49 50 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. Without examining into the probability of this conjedture, I proceed ta Mr. Baxter's ; and, to prepare the way for your reception of it, be pleafed to rcfleft on the oppofition between the Jews and Egyptians- in their reli- gious cuftoms. It is remarkable (as Origen -^ obkrves) that the ceremo- nial law appointed thofe beafts in particular to be unclean, by which the Egyptians and other nations ufed to make their divinations, and allowed the Jews the free ufe of nioft others. On the other hand, the Egyptians increafed the oppofition, and would not fuffer the Jews to flay thofe creatures which they themfelves worfliiped -j^ ; and on this account their facrifices are faid in Scripture to be " an abomination to the Egyptians." Now Plutarch tells us, that an afs and a hog were the ufual victims of the Eg}ptians to their god Typhon, who was faid to be the father of Hiero- folymus and Judjeus. The Jews then (fays Mr. Baxter) might perhaps purpofely avoid putting thofe two creatures to death, in oppofition to the Egyptians, who fo frequently facrificed them, and from hence might oc- cafion the ftory of their paying divine worfiiip to them. I will only add, that as they were forbidden by their law the ufe of fwine's flefh, fo were they commanded to redeem every firflling of an afs with a lamb j. Their obfervance of thcfe precepts, Selden § thinks might occafion the report. But the difficulty is, why their abflinence from fwine's flefh fliould be more notorious than that from feveral other creatures, efpecially fince the Egyptians ||, and many other nations, in like manner ufually abflained from it. Mr. Baxter's folution will hardly account for this notoriety, if xvhat Dr. Pridcaux ^ obferves be true, that the ancient Egyptians made ufe of no bloody facrifices at all; and though in Herodotus's time they ofTered fome animals, yet but very few, before the Ptolemies brought in the Grecian way of worfhip among them **. As * Cent. Celf. 1. iv. p. 225. f '^ee Bochart, Hieroz. Par. I. 1. ii. c, 34, 35. Prid. Conneil. Part IT. Book I. p, 11, Ed. Fol. J Exod. xiii. 13. Numb, xxxiv. 18. § De Synedr. I. ii. cap. i. II See Jcnkin's Truth of the ClirilUan Rel. c. xv. feft. 2. f Conne£l. vol. II. 1. i. p, m, ii. ** " I don't like Will Baxter's interpretation of the paflage in Martial, though I *• had not thought of thofe reafons you give for rejefting it. But, notvvithllanding " tbit, you afted rightly not to omit it in the account of the book. You had no '• thoughts of defending all Baxter's notions ; but to fliew what noflrunis and how much " variety there was in it, and how agreeable an entertainment it might be for a man of " let- R E L I CLU I^BAXTERIAN^. 51 As to the letters at the end of this book, the firfl of them to Mr. Llwj-d 'bcghis with an obfervation concerning the Iriib anciently ufmg the letter C for P, as among the lonians K for II, fo ri.77.7rc quinque, "lT:-n(^ equus, 'E-TTOiv l^ qiiando. 1\h(ju} quecro, K^j for T\ug. [See Gloff. p. 136. and 156.] From hence he takes occafion to mention a new notion of his own con- cerning the origin of letters, which he fuppofes to have received their feveral forms from particular creatures froni whence their founds were borrowed. Thus A wide, fiiys he, is the voice of a bull, called by the Syrians "AA(fi«, i. e. A;A aTtTra. ; in Phrygian "Tr/jg utJvh ; in Latin Liber Falcr, who is called in the hymns To:v^cSoag. The figure therefore of this letter firft reprefented ji bull's head, to which the Hebrew Jkpb is not much unlike. Baita is Litera ovina, &c. He obferves, the ancient alphabets are but different hands of one and the fame character, and there- fore refers for the fhape of each letter to that alphabet which belt fuits the name of it. His obferving that the Greeks corruptly faid Tfanpi for Tfaiiti, or TfadJe, gives me an occafion of fubmitting to your judgement a corredfion of thofe writers, who (and I think there are none who do not) fuppofe that the charadler which the Greeks put for 900 was compounded of the letters a-iyij-a, (which the Dorians called cr«>) and ttI, and that there- fore it had its name 'Ett/cdj^oi/ cr«W/. But fince both the other fupplemen- tal charadlers in the Greek alphabet are put for Hebrew ones, is it not *' letters. The true fcnfe oi per Anchialum was undoubtedly firft owing to Jof. Scaliger, " n'7K 'n. /"^ii.'// D«a was the Jew ifli oath : whatever has been done fince, has been, *• I believe, upon that plan ; and they that have come neareft the found of Anch'ial^ " think they have fucceeiied beft : Mr. Farnaby's am, chi, ala,Ji vlvit Deta, feems to be *' as good as any of them. Mr. Chappellow thought the true fenfe of this place fo " confiderable a difcovery, that he gave us notice of it in his Propofals for the new " Spencer de Legg. &c. I don't know what he there fays of it j but I think Scaliger " deferves all the honour of the difcovery. He firft fhewed th:itAnehJale (urbs), which ♦' honeft Brodaeus embraced, was nonfenle. To talk as w'ell as live in a manner pecu- *' liar to himfelf, was a privilege Will Baxter always claimed : it is now too late either *' to correftit, or complain of it. It was great pity that his executor did not bury him ** in his beaver. That exact editor of his works has let the world know th:it the ori- *' ginal W. Baxter could never be without it : there muft be fomething odd in a lay- *' man's head, that would always be under fuch hat. — And 1 can't imagine who CaJmus " the Carian was, unlefs he was his hatter, — Will Baxter perhaps difcovered this third " gentleman in fome corner, where I (hall never find him." Afr, Clarke to Mr. B. Jan. 31, 1726-7. — See fome fevere ftriftures on Baxter's etymological reveries by Dr. Davies, in the " Orisjines Divifianre, 1754;" reprinted in " The Repofit-^ry, a fekft " collection of fugitive pieces of Wit and Humour, in profe and verfe, by the moit; *' eminent hands, 1777." J. N, H z r''°" 5^ MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. probable this was fo llkewife, elpecially when no reafon can be affigned why Sigma and Pi, either joined or feparately, Ihould fignify dcccc ? In whatever form therefore this charadler was firfl; exprefled, little doubt, I think, is to be made but that it was called 'Ettio-i^imv ; i. e. Signuni, th Ta-a^h or Tcruvli ; as it exprelied the fime number among the Greeks which the final Tfadde did among the Hebrews ; and perhaps received its ihape from a fmall variation of that letter inverted, as the '£7r/tr>j//.cv B<%u came probably from a reverfion of the Hebrew Vau. The fecond Letter is no more than a congratulatory epiftle to Mr- Llwyd, on his publishing his Archseologia Britannica. • In the third, to a perfon of quality, he obferves, that before the inven- tion of letters they ufed to count by the heads of nails, and for a great - while afterwards kept memorandums of years that way. Livy and Feftus mention the cuftom, and the officer appointed pajigendo clavo. Hence likewife (p. ii) Accensi nwnerati a k-'^'-oj, pungo. Without the know- ledge of this, fays he, how unintelligible is Ecclef. xii. 1 1 ! The fourth letter to Mr. Gardiner is concerning the ancients writing />fr 7iotas. The author's Life * is rather a fliort account of his family than of him-- felf. The name Baxter he derives from the Saxon Bscej-teri, ?l Baker; for which reafon he writes himfelf, from a word of the fame fignification in Welfh, Po/j/J/mj-. He begins with John Baxter under Hen. VI. Ed. IV. and Hen. VII. who received an addition to his arms for his ftriS: adhering to the York facftion. He mentions, by the way, the original of the Wellh proverb, " Howel is equal to Heylin ;" and the reafon why among the burgeffes of Shrewfbury the right of burgefship defcends to all their pofterity. He introduces an old compofition, under Henry VII, between the vicars of St. Chadde and John Baxter in com. Salop. By all that appears, the father of this John Baxter had left to the vicars, for certain obits in St. Chadde's for ever, an annuity of eight fliillings. The fon contefts the vicar's right to it. The arbitrators compromife the matter, and award that the vicars Ihould enjoy the annuity left them, but Should pay to the faid John Baxter 4 s. yearly out of it, during his natural life. I mention this ftory, becaufe I cannot fee any reafon for that rcilcftion with which * See fome particulars of him in the " Anecdotes of Mr. Bowyer," p. 46. J.N. the R E L I QJJ I ^ B A X T E R I A N ^E. 53 the author prefaces it, " unde licet asftimare & cgrcgiani vicariorum " Sandti Ceaddas impudentiara & gentis noflrae i7rtHK(^ixv, ne dicam tvyi^Hav" I wifh he had fhewn a little more of this family-difpofition in the exalted charadtcr he gives his great-uncle the famous Richard Baxter. " Vir ex- *' temporanea dicendi facultate incredibili, zelo plane Apoftolico (quem *' fcurrse noftrorum temporum cantwn dicunt) morum etiam fmiplicitate *' nimis Britannica, contemptuque rerum humanarum incognito fuo <* fcculo. — Non ferens provincialium fui temporis faccrdotum infcitiam *' atque impuros mores fpontc quadam indolis fuae ad Calvinianos, Puri- *' tatis eo tempore damnatos deflexit, etfi ab epifcopo tunc temporis *' Brennogenienli in facerdotem Anglicanum evedtus." If in this paflage you think him guided by too much heat, in the deference he pays to his own dreams "•* and to the heathen -f divinations];, you'll condemn him of too much fuperftition. But you may eafily indulge the old man in his dreaming faculty, it you don't find him guilty of it waking ; you may fhsre with him in his knowledge of the Oneirocriticks, in explaining the heathen mythology, as well as with the learned Daubuz in unfolding, the Revelations. Upon the whole, whatever imperfedtions may be found in this work, the Glolfary muft be confeffed to be a fpecimen of a noble undertaking, which, if it had met with the encouragement it deferved §, would have re- m'ained a lafting repofitory of all forts of antiquities. However, unfinilhed as it is, all thanks are due to the learned editor, who has rendered the * Vitse, p. penult. -j- P. 267. % " Antequam ftantes repiitat paludes " Imbrium divina avis imminentum, *' Ol'cinem corvum prece fufcitabo " Solis ab ortii." Hor. Carm. III. xxvii. Arufpices non fuiffe ex iv Sacerdotionim CoIIegiis cenfent ndverfus Giitherium Gift, Ciiperus, lib. iv. Obf. c. 13. & Norilius Cenotaph. Pifan. DifT. II. c. v. § Hiiic operi ut hie addatur neceffe eft, Phira enim D. Baxterus fuper hac mate- ria chartx non commiiit. Totum Alphabetiim peicurrere in animo habuiffe probe novi, id quod manifellum eft vel ex vocibus quamplurimis ad quas Leftorem fubinde refert. Quod vero non ultra procefl'erit, Bibliopolaruni vafritiei tribuendum eft, qui Glossa- RiUM Antktuitatum Bri tann I CAR um ab hoc autore prelo paratum ipfil'que impri- iriendum oblatum improbarunt. Intempeftlvam operis tanto labore elimati, nunc quovis pretio compaiandi rejeftionem fumnia cum indignatione (cum par erat) ferens autor manum de tabula fubduxit non fine immani literatoorbi detrimcnto. Moses Williams. The firft edition of the GlolT. Antiq. Brit, was publiflied by fubfcripticn : only 350 Copies were printed ; and more thnn 250 were fubfcribed for. J. N. work 54 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. work as ufeful as poffible, by adding an Index of all the words occa- fionally explained in it, as was done (I fuppofe by the feme hand) in the former Gloffary ; I fhould firft have faid, who has preferred thefe remains from oblivion, to his own and the author's honour, and to the difgrace of thofe who, by rejcfting his former Gloffary, difcouraged him from com- pleating this. I am. Sir, with very great refpedt, yours, &c. — W.B. INDEX of Authors corredted and illuftrated by Mr. Baxter, . in his Glossarium Antiquitatum Romanarum. Artemidorus correfted Athenagoras Apoll. correfted Bochart cenfured Baptirta Bello cenfured Camden cenfured Dacerius cenfured Donatus on Terence cenfured Dionyfius Halicarn. cenfured Euftathius cenfured — — — corre(5led Feftus cenfured 217, 219, 304, 309 — — correfted 17, 78, 79, 80, 99, 140, H3. 15^' '975 218, 227, 300, 337, 352, 353. 361, 366, 381, 395 — — explained 240 .Gen. xlix. II. illuftrated 291 Gloff.Vet. correfted .142, 274, 374, 397 Herodian cenfured 302 Hefychius correfted 37J 74, 266 137 242 59 141 X44 32, 396 240 266 238 281 Homer illuftrated Horace explained Hyginus correfted Ifidorus's Gloflary cenfured . I—!- — ^- — ' correiTted ' Juvenal illuftrated Livy, lib. vii. 3. explained Lucan explained Luke xxiv. 4. illuftrated .Alacrobius cenfured 160 .85 291 304 S3> 142 127, 216, 355 122 184 9 3« Martial illuftrated Matt, xxiii. 27. illuftrated Orpheus in Argon, cenfured Ovid in Faftis cenfured illuftrated Perfius illuftrated Petronius correfted Placiades Fulgentius explained Plautus illuftrated Plutarch cenfured no, — — correftecl 108, 214 276 24-5 217 121 68, 168 260 167 96, 381 220,352 i3i> 254 Paulus, Fefti Epitomator, cenfured 377 Salmafius cenfured ^40) 265 Sanftius cenfured 34 Scalig. onFeftus cenfured 87, 168,271,395 Septuaginta Jnterpr. corrected — — cenfured Servius on Virgil cenfured Sigonius cenfured Stephanus correfted ■ Strabo cenfured Suetonius illuftrated Terence explained Tzetzes on Lycophron cenfured Varro cenfured correifled 243, Virgil illuftrated 190, 240, 285, 364 Vitruvius correfted 390 Voffius (Gerard) cenfured 373 1 10, 251. 61 333 378 391 37 364 296 201 274 354 A D D I- C 55 3 ADDITIONAL REMARKS, FROM MR. BOWYER'S MSS. P. 402, &c. Bellarmini, & Caninii & Chevalerii iiiterpretationem lite- rarum nominum addidi ex Hcrmanni Hugonis libro de prima fcribendl origene, c. vi. " Signlficationcs alias longe adfcrt Eufcb. lib. ix. & x. " de Prjep. Evang. & ex eo D. Hieion. Comm. ad Threnos & Epiftola *' ad Paulam ; quos aberrafle quidem demonftrat egregie Goropius, Hiero- *' glyph. 1. i. fed ipfe multo certe miferabilius lapius, cum totiu3 alpha- *' beti Hebraici Uteris omnibus, miram quandam orationem ad Spir. *' Sanftum docet contineri ; fecutus, ut opinor. Martini Gilberti commen- ** turn, qui Hebraicum alphabetum in feptem fententias Kteris Hebraicis *' fignificatas diiperfit ; de quibus nihil habeo dicere fimplicius, quam *' quod — Turpe ejl difficiles habere nugas." ibid. ii Alepk. Ita Plut. in Sjmpof. p. ... Caninius in Iiift. Ling. Syr. & Jof. Scalig. in Eufebii notis. Ac Bellarm. in Gram. Hebrsa Aleph, q. Aluph^ i. e. Princeps, didt. putat. 3 Beth, Do?nus. Chevalerius, Caninius, Bellarminus. 3 Gimel, q. Gamal, i. e. Camelus a gibbo. Cheval. Canin. Bellarm, Grffici Tci^ix-Uf -lsu^u to djj^^v, quod fit fimilis falci. T Daleth, q. Doleth, Porta, a fimilitudine. Cheval. Canin. Bellarm. rt He, nomen a fono fidrum, inquit Bellarm. Caninius Vermem punici interpr. 1 Fau, i. e. Uncinus, a forma. t Zaijn, q. Zen, Anna, exprfmit enim clavam. n Cbeth. Sic Canin. a fono inq. Bellarm. to Tetha. Ita Canin. hmolucrnm. ^ hda. Sic Canin. fed Bellarm. & Chevalerius quafi Jady i. e. fpatiuniy quod ob exilitatem fuam vacuum relinquit. 3 Cappha. Sic Bellarm. a S33 iiicurvare. Canin. Palhiam interp. ^ Lamda. Ita cateri. D Mem, Macula, Canin. A fono, Bellariti. 3 Nun. Sic Canin. A fono, Bellarm. D Samech, Ba/tSj Canin. continuum & in fe dudum, alt Bellarm. 56 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. y Aijn, Fans. Canin. Ociihis, Bellarm. S Pe. Ita csteri. S 'Tfaddi, or Tfa7ip'i, CteUfpeai:, Alii Venahiilwn & Hamus. p ^topha. Sic Canin. Alii a Cupb, circulus. T B.efch, q. i?f_/7j, caput, - ' 10 Shin, Sic alii. r\ Tau, Signum five Terminus, quia claudit alphabetum. Eupolemus (ut refert Eufebius, de Prsepar. Evang. 1. ix. c. 26), Mofem fapientiffimum fuiffe virum prodidit & literas Judasis primum tradidiffe, & a Judeeis Phoenices, Griecos autem a Phoenicibus accepiffe. Europsea vocabula in America, p. 6. Short Remarks on Baxter's Glossarium Antiq^ Britann. P. 6 & 138, in Folc valde errat Baxter. p. 7, Q. Senecio & Palma Coff. fub Domit. T- ■ T? n- r^ r \ \ T\ f^' Cornel. Palma I. Legimus in raliis Conlul. A. D. 99. ^ L C So/jius Senecio II. Nonius vero Senecio nondvim mihi occurrit. p. 19, Pen & Caput 8? Finis vel extremitas rei cujufpiam. Sic 'Ap-x/it Aft. Apoft. x. 1 1. P. 41. '^tUerica^ in (S^fteua- Unde nomen duftum inter doftos non con- ■venlt. An Vil/a-ericeti, an Villa-regia, an Villa-kaefaris. Suet, in Aug. .c. 60. Reges amici atque focii iS finguli infuo quique regno c^sareas urines . condiderunt. Ptolemtei Geogr. p. lii. Antonini Itinerar. p. iii. audtorem ejus Itinerar. fuifle 'Ravennas Monachus, p. iii. Baflianum cenfet Galasus, Numeri in Notitia, 1 Praepofitus numen, J Peutingiana Tabula, p. 5 Scoti 7'° fee. vix iiuti in Valentia, p. 95, 97 WiiCy p. 157 imperii Notitia, p. 190 Pifti, p. 195, 2.18 NOT.E R E L I QJJ liEBAXTERIAN^. 57 N O TiE breves, per Virum Reverendum Gul. STUjcEt^EY *, S. R. S. Ad PoNTEM. Prope TI5;iCgfO(jD, In comitatu Nottinghamicnfi, fuper Viam Foflam (ur vulgo dicitur) ubi rudera antiqua, h Antonini niilliaria, locum quafi digito commonftrant. Aqxtae. J^ubbo? iiglj ad ripam amnis Trovcntionis & ALontri aftuarli, in comitatu Lincolnienfi, ubi caftrum Romanum adhuc manet. Infere Benavona, OTceOoiT, Caput Aufonas. Caleva atrebatum. 5farnl)am, vel SDansljam quod juxta eft, ubl im« manes antiquitatum rcliquios effoffie. Cantennis. Redtius Causennis, apud pauntoil magnam, ubipavimenta teflelata quotidie eruuntur. Crocolanum, Juxta CoUingfjam apud llB^oagf). ad viam regiam JTolTe vocatam, in agro Nottlnghamienfi, ut rudera antiquitatis, nummi Ro- mani, & Antonini milliaria oflendunt. Dannavantria. Omnia iramerito, reftet Benavona .... Caput Aufons amnis ad WC£Don> Durobrivae. Apud Cfjeffcrfon ad auftralem Ninse fluvii ripam, ubi ^ttmttttttctt fluviuiH tranfit, hie enim ingentia caflri five oppidi rudera profundiffima fofsa muniti. DuROCOBRivis. 'IBcrgljamttcD omnino, ubi Antonini mmiaria ex omni parte conveniunt. DuROLEVuM. Recftius Durolenum, Cijacin juxta ilculjam. DuROLicuM. Redtius Durolitum, Kumfo^D, i> e. Trajeftus Romanus. Durotuoeriga. Immerito cundta, redtius enim fcribitur Puntuobice, quod apud ^eWtS ftatuendum eft -f. Durovernum- Infert the Englifli name d^mttthttV^, Caesaromagus. Proculdubio apud C^elmsfojD. Eburacum. Put the Englifli name ^orfe. * Thefe obfervations were inferted in the fecond edition of the Britifli Antiquities. As they are not in the Jirji edition, it was thought proper to tranfcribe them here. J.N. •f On this etymology, fee Dr. Davies' " Origines Divifians, Lond, 1754, 8vo." re- printed by Dilly, in " The Repofitory," vol. II. p. 217. J. N. i Eltabom. ^8 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. Eltabon. The Englilh name jOojffjamptOlt, Etocetum. CljcffcrficiD toall, prope Lichfield, ubi magna antique ur» bis rudera ad viam Watlinftreet. Ibelnium. Rede Ibernium, IJSere in Durotrigibus. p. 137. 3lcan|)O0, place the prefent name HBottoit- IscALis. The Englifti name ^Icfjettcj. Lactorodum. Apud ^ID ^tcatfo;D juxta ^fong ^fraffo;tD, ut neminl dubium. Leucomagus. ^ttat Wevboin, LiNDUM CoLONiA. The Englifli name iLtltfolm Margidunum. Juxta OTtUug^bg on tijc CQlolDS ad viam ^oITC. Naina. Englifh word !^ttn. Regentium. HingtoCDO, Tripontium. Ad SDotjebjiDg. Tuijnocenum. Scribo Itunocenum, fc. Itunje fluvii ollium, ad JlBoul^ nefg. Iht C 59 1 The Traditions of the C/crgy not dejlru^ive of Religion. BEING RE M ARKS ON MR. BOWMAN'S VISITATION SERMON*. Expofing that Gentleman's Deficiency in Latin and Greek, in Eccleliaflical Hiftory, and true Reafoning. BY A GENTLEMAN OF CAMBRIDGE. •" Now I praife yon, brethren, that you remember me in all things, and keep the TaA- " DiTiONs, as I delivered them to you." f Cor. xi. 2. •*' Therefore, brethren, (land faft, and hold the Tradition! which ye have been •*' taught, whether byword, or our epiitle." 2 Theff. ii. 15. WITH humble fubmiffion to our learned Preacher, I cannot but think he opens his Sermon too much like an Empirick in Divinity, In endeavouring to gain the elleem of the populace by depreciating that of his own order. The upftart retailer of Phyfick never fails to tell you, that the reft of the Faculty only make fools of others to enrich them- felves ; that they pick your pockets, even at the expence of your confti- tution : " But I, fays he, am come purely to undeceive you ; and were I *' as fure of lofing an eftate, as by my fuccefs I am likely of getting one, *' would ftill perfevere In this glorious attempt." In like manner our preacher introduces the weaknefs of the people, and the knavery of the prietts, in his fecond paragraph : " Prieftcraft has ge- *' nerally been reputed the parent of Superftition ; and as It is the un- *' doubted Intereft, fo has it been the great defign, of Priefts of all Reli- **' gions to inculcate this profitable delufion." The dangers to which * See an account of this Sermon, and fome particulars of its anfwerers, in the " Anecdotes of Mr. Bowyer," under the year 1731. I 2 Priefl- 6o MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS-. Prieftcraft (as he calls it) expofes our civil conjlituiion, the reader will fee » p. 13. urged in the fequel of the Sermon *, and the exalted charadler of a difin- terefted preacher in the Preface to it ; where, if the author has rejedted' the commifEon of an apoftle, he has glorioufly aflerted to himfelf the fpi- rit of one : ** For the fake of truth I am content to face an inquifition,^ *' or to ftarve in a dungeon ; to be deftitute, afflidted, tormented j to ** wander about in goat-fkins and fheep-fkins ; to be flayed with fcourges,. ** or broken on racks." I beg leave to carry on the comparifon between the Mountebank and Divine one flep farther, becaufe I intend afterwards to follow the reafoning of the latter without interruption. The itinerant Phyfician (the Divine, I confefs, is too well fixed to deferve that epithet), before he comes to the end of his fpeech, too often betrays his ignorance in the language of his faculty. A hard word mifapplied, or wrong tranflated, lays him open to- the feoff perhaps of fome fauntering fchool-boy. This unluckily proves, to be Mr. Bowman's cafe. He happens to ha\'re one Greek citation in his- Sermon : Timeo Danaos ^ dona ferentes. MjjSaj %'*'?'$ tS iTrta-Ko-Trii t/ ts-facr- (TiTU) 7MV avrjKoyjoov fig t/jv s}iKXyittionalis libri duo : quorum primus G. Hickefii S. T. P. Lingua- " rum vctcrum Septentrionalium tlicfaurum grammatico-ciiticum et arch?eologicum, tjufdem dc an- '•' tiqua: literaturse Septcntrionali'. utilitate dilfcrtationem epiftolarem, ct Andrea! Fountaine equitis " auiati numilmata Saxonica ct D.uio-Saxonica, compleilitur : alter coiitinct Humfredi VVanleii liliro- " rum vetcrum Septentrionalium, ([ui in Anglirr l)il)liotliecis extant, catalogum hifiorico-criticum, '' nccnon multorum vctcrum codicum Septentriondlium alibi cxtantium notitiam, cum totius operis " (ex indicil)us. Oxon. 1705." z vols, folio, 3. A letter in the Pliilofophical Tranfaflions, No. 302, p. 1076, intituled, " Epiftola viri Reve- " rendi I). G. Hickefii S. T. 1'. .id D. Hans Sloanc, M. D. et S. R. Sccr. de vaiia kilione infcriptio i' njs que in (l-itua Tagis exaratur pcrquatusr alpliabeta Hetrufca." )'ear REMARKSON MR. BOWMAN. €3 Does this Author infinuate that circumflances are now fuch that they have been, or that they may be fuch ? If he difputes only about a poffibility, it is a little unjuft to fall fo hard upon two gentlemen who cannot now ap- pear for themfelves, on account of a cafe that in all probability will never appear againfl: them. For furely, if Epifcopacy is " admirably adapted " for the confervation of Peace," and has been found by experience to agree with all forms of governments from the firft inftitution of a Church, we may flill hope it will never deferve this character of being the " worft *' and moft detrimental ordinance" that can be. We deny not but animofitics and tumults have arifen among Bifhops ; but we fay, they were owing to the faults of the men, not of the inftitu- tion. And we have reafon to think fo, becaufe all forms of government are fubjed: to^them. Dr. Maurice * has fhewn, that, whatever calamities . have befallen Epifcopal Churches, the Diffenting ones have been equally liable to the fame. This Author knows thaf it has been often urged, that the prudential reafons for which our Saviour or his Apoftles inftitute'd Epifcopacy will always fubfift, and plead for the neceffity of its perpetuity. But, it feems, the perpetuity of it is frequently eftablifhed upon a wrong foundation. For "'from this Apoftolical inftitution our Clergy, defiroUs ** to perfuade the world that they have fomething in them of fo divine a " nature as in an efpecial manner diftinguifties them from the reft of *' mankind, draw, this pleafant inference in favour of themfelves, viz. That " Epifcopal ordination is effential to the Church of Chrift ; that without " it the pure word of God cannot be preached, nor the facraments duly *' adminiftered, and confequcntly that there are no true Churches upon *' earth but thofe of England and Rome -j-." t P- 9^ year 1713 he found himfelf under a neceffity of leaving the kingdom, and retiring to the Pretender's court ; where he was allowed to officiate in a private chapel after the manner of the church of England. He went with the Chevalier into Italy, and about a year before his death returned to England ; where having prepared for the prefs a col- ledion of his Theo'ogical works (of which a large impreffion was printed by Mr. Bowycr, in two volumes, folio, 1721) he went into the North of Ireland, his native country ; and died, foon after his arrival, April 13, 1722. He defended the Bilhop of Exeter againft Mr. Hoadly, in " The beft Anfwer that ever was made," &.c. and was author of " The " Rehearfals," and many other political trafts. J. N. * Anfwer to Mr. Baxter's Church Hiftory, p, 367, &c. From ^4 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. From this laft confequence one more inference will be drawn, not (o phafant as feme others to this Author, viz. that tlie Enquirer into the nature of a Chriftian Church knows lels of the hiftory of it than he would have the world imagine. I will prove it in the words of an Author, whom he has mide free with by name, but whom he likewife is lefs acquainted with than he would make us believe he is. The palTage being fomewhat remarkable, I will give it at length *. *^ The whole Chriflian world, as *' it always has been, fo at this prefent is, epifcopal, except a few Dif- " fenters, who, in lefs than two hundred years laft paft, have arifen like *' a wart upon the face of the Weftern Church : for little more proportion " do our Diflenters here, the Hugonots in France, the Prefbyterians in '^ Holland, Geneva, and thjereabouts, bear to the whole body of the Latin *' Church, which is all Epifcopal. But if you compare them with the *' Catholic Church ail over the world, which is all Epifcopal, they will not *' appear fo big as a mole. 2- If our Diflenters think it much that the *' Church of Rome fliould be reckoned in the lift againft them, we will *' be content to leave them out : nay more, if we ihould give them all *' thofe Churches which own the fupremacy of Rome to be joined with " them (as they arc the neareft to them), it will be fo far from cafting *' the balance on their fide, that the other Epifcopal Churches will by far " out-number them both. Let us then to tbefe Diflenters againft EpiC- *' copacy add the Churches of Italy and Spain entire, with the popiflr " part of Germany, France, Poland, and Hungary (I think they have no *' more to reckon upon). Againft thefe we produce the vaft empire of " Ruflia (which is greater in extent than all thefe Popifh countries before- ** named), England, Scotland, Denmark, Sweden, and all the Lutheran " Churches in Germany, which will ©ut-number both the Papifts and " Prefbyterians before mentioned. And this comparifon is only made as ** to the Latin Church : but then we have all the reft of the Chriftian " world wholly on the Epifcopal fide, againft both the fupremacy of " Rome and parity of the Preftjyterians ; the whole Greek Church, the " Armenians, Georgians, Mingrelians, Jacobites, the Chriftians of St. " Thomas and St. John in the Eaft Indies, and other Oriental Churches. * Leflic's Difcourff, fliewing who they are that arc now q\ialiried to adminifter bap- •tifm, &c. § iv. 7 « Then R E M A R K S O N M R. B O W M A N. 65 '^' Then in Africa, the Cophties in Egypt and great empire of the Abyffins •^' in Ethiopia. Thefc are all Epifcopal, and never owned the fupremacy *' of Rome, and over-reckon, out of fight, all that dilbwn epifcopacy, *' and all that own the fupremacy of Rome with them." As to our want of Chriftian charity *, for thofe who do not enjoy the • i'. ■* benefit of an epifcopal miniftry, it has been often anfwered, that we judge them not; to their own Mailer they mufl ftand or fall. We doubt not bur a merciful God will make allowances for cafes of neceffity, and even invin- cible prejudices. Thcfe arc proofs of our Charity, " Vv'hich believeth all *' things, hopeth all things." But Charity does not, cannot, make me difbelieve my own title to an eftatc, becaufe my neighbour cannot produce as good an one ; nor can I think a good title lefs requifite, becaufe he •wants it. The author proceeds to confute this plcafant infa-ence, that Epifcopal ..ordination is eliential to the Church, becaufe it is an Apoflolical inilitu- tion. He argues thus ; if it is eflential becaufe an Apoltolical inftitution, then it mull be fo, becaufe it is an Apoftolical inftitution defigned to be fofUive and perpetual ~\. But this is what he denies. So that you fee thct P-it- difpute at laft turns \\\)0\\ prhwpks., XiOX-M^ja-a inferences, which this gen- ■tleman is fo dclirous of being /)/iv/«?z/ .with.; for all allow that there were fome Apodolical inftitutions which wer« only temporary. That Epifco- pacy was not defigned to be perpetual, the author argues, becaufe " a God '■" full of mercy and compaflion cannot but make every thing that con- ^* cerns the everlafting happinefsofour fouls cle3r,obvious,and intlifputable^ " But that this [/Zj/wp'/j concerning Epifcopal ordination is not fo, I leave its ■" bigoted patrons to judge. The prefent ftate of the Church of Scot- '•' land, of the Rei'ormed- Churches abroad, and of the modern Diffenters " in En.i-land, is an inconteftable evidence of this." This is Des Cartes' proof of his own exiilencc fomewhat inverted : " I -' doubt; therefore I am." But this author fays, " The truth of a pro- '^' pofuion is called in qucfi.ion ; therefore it is not true." If we muft difoelieve al! religious principles till mankind are agreed in them, we have nothing to do but to turn Atheifts. As Charity before oblin-ed \i3 to think that mankind had not erred in O anv of tlie effentiils of Religion, fo novv^ from God's mercy w-c are to con- K -elude .6 H I S C E L L A N E O U S T R A C T S. dude that they cannot err. " He cannot but make every thhig that con-^ *' cerns the everlafting happinefs of our fouls clear, obvious, and in- " DISPUTABLE." Objefts appear plain, according to the different tex- ture of men's eyes. The necelTity of Infant Baptifm is not clearly enough reveal'ed to the Anabaptifts, of neither Sacraments to the Quakers; and Revelation in general is difbelieved by thofe gentlemen who have fur- nifhed our author with this argument. Will he therefore arraign God's mercy ? or will he conclude, as his teachers have done, that becaufe there are difputes about the fenfe of a Revelation, therefore Godhas made none? One of thele are the inevitable confequcnces of his affertion. I, for my part, tremble at thefe truths, which appear in fo amiable a light to ■ others. But I am furprized to think this gentleman fhould not fee tiie weakncfs of this whole argument from his own conceffions. He allows Epifcopacy to be an Apoftolical inftitution, becaufe it appears to him " evident from » Seep. 9, t« Scripture" to be fo *. Now this very point not one in fix hundred of the Reformed Churches abroad, or the madcrn Diffetiters in England, wiH allow him, moft of whom maintain that no Bifhop is defcribed in Scrip- ture but Antichrift. Now where are the effedls of our author's great Cha-- rity, I am forry I muft add, God's Mercy; neither of which, we fee, have wrought between him and his brethren a coalition? There is nothing more in the Author's argument, unlefs he expedts I- fhould anfwer his appeal to the mofr bigoted patrons of Epifcopacy, and determine whether the perpetuity of it is clearly expreffed in Scripture. I anfwer, that, though it is not expreffed, it is fufficiently implied in it. And I think our Author's conceffions go a great way to prove it fo. If fome kind of miffioii is abfolutely ncceffary, it is highly probable our Saviour or his Apoillcs appointed one: if Epifcopacy in particular ii + Ch. Gov. clearly defcribed in Scripture, as Bifhop Potter -f- has excellently proved, _ and this gentleman does not deny ; if no good reafon can be produced why It fhould not be perpetual, as this gentleman has not produced one; if thofe who were contemporary with the Apoftles have mentioned it as de-^ figned to be perpetual ; and the Chriftian Church in all places for fifteen hundred years has thought herfelf obliged to adhere to it; this to me is argument lufficient for the neccfiaty of its continuance. However, I beg leave p. E M A R K S -0 N MR. B O W M A N. 67 leave to confirm this concurrent proof in the words of the prefcnt Arch- bifliop of Tuam*. He lays down this rule -f- ; " That tbc pifitive laws and '" inJHtutions of our Saviour 'Jefus Chrijl are always to be interpreted adording " to the umverftd and received praHicc of the Apojlie:. Nor is this any " more than what for ever takes place in all kingdoms, cornmoiiwealihs, " and communities, throughout the world. Let us fuppofc, for example, " that a cafe arifes upon a ftatutc of the land (as many needs mull) that " the exprefs letter of the law docs not reach to, and therefore alone can- " not determine: if, in fuch a cafe as this, it fufficiently appears that, *' immediately from and after the making of that law, the univcrfal and " allowed prailice, and that in furfuance of the law itjelf has conftantly " been in fuch a certain inanner; this fi'iie pr a ^iiee fliall be reckoned as an " authentic interpretation, or rather as a part of the law, and equally " obligatory with the letter of it. And this with all the reafon that may *' be : for, whenever a law is made (efpecially by a legiflator that is wife ^' and .good), it is always to be fuppofed, that they with v/hom the exc- " cution of this law is fiift intrufted (and who therefore are to be an ^' example to thofe that are to come after) have fuflkient inflruftion and " information given them concerning the full import and defign of what " is enafted ; and if they in any thing relating to that law lliould att " othcrwife than was intended bv the law itfelf, it is not to be imagined " but the law-maker would immediately in terpofe, and not fuffcr his in- ♦' tcntion in making the law to be from the very beginning fo abufed or *' perverted. Thus, I fay, the matter (lands with relation to all worldly " communities ; and that the fame rule will even much more -ftrongly " hold in the Chrillian Church, will, I think, eafily be granted, if we " confider that the Apnllles not only were, as judges and maglflrates in a '' Civil flate, entrulled with the execution of the laws and iuftitutions of " our bleffed Saviour; but alfo had herein fuch conllant, certain, and " even infallible affiftance from the Holy Ghofl, who gidded them into -" all truth \, taught them all things, .and brought all things to their rcmem- t Joan ■*' braijce, zmbutJMevcr Chyijl had f aid unto tkem\, as put them be35ond all i| c'h. u. 25. * Dr. Edward Svnge, author of many valuable religiov.s treatilcs. J- N. + Divine Authority of Church Government, Sic. in a feimon preached at the coiife- command for abrogating the Jewifh Sabbath, and fetting apart the Chriftian Sunday inftead of it : for the Laity, at leaft for the women's partaking of » Chriftjan the Eucharifto- Dr. Hickes* has likewife obferved thefe and other parti- p.'j! °° ' culars. But I would not trouble this gentleman too m.uch with invidious names. Another reafon alledged, why Epifcopacy was not defigned for a pcrpc-- tual ordinance, is, becaufe, " from the fuppofed perpetuity of it, a con- " fequence will naturally refult, which will overturn the foundation of all *' Civil governments ; the deftrudlion of which, we are fure, the Apoflles • " could never defign : for, as it implies an entire independence of the " ftate, and is a difcretionary act of the Bifhop, independent too himfelf (for a divine inftitution is not cognizable by the Civil power), it follows ■ that the government can exadl no legal fccurity for the behaviour of the f p. 13. " clergy, but what they themfelves are pleafed to give -j-." The Author here defigned, I fuppofe, to reprefent a confufidn between * the Church and the State, and the words moft elegantly echo to the fenfe. The i/ijlitvtion of Epifcopacy is laid to be a difcretionary act of a Bifiiop;, . who is fiid to be independent in his perfon ; and the person is faid to be independent, becaufe the institution of his office " is not cognizable by " the Civil Power." The confcquence the Author draws from hence, that the government can impofe " no oaths, fubfcriptions, nor declarations," is confuted by every day's experience. The objcftion, I fuppofe, that the Author aimed at isj that Bifiiops having in themfelves an inherent power of ordaining, they may carry on, it they pleafe, a fucceffion of their own order in oppofition to the ftatc. Allow this objecftion all the force ima- ginable, it makes no more againft the perpetuity of Epifcopacy than of Frefbytery, or any other miffion whatfoever, or even of Chriflianity itfelf. Fix a Church under what form of government you pleafe, the finccre members of it will think themfelves obliged to continue that Church, though the State fliould ufe its utmoft endeavours to deftroy it. In ordi- nary R- E M A R K S O N MR. BOWMAN. 69 nary cafes the Church may, for prudential reafons, reftrain herfelf from exercifing many of her inherent powers : or (if this gentleman will infifl upon my fo fpeaking) the Supreme Magiftratc has a right to impofe fuch a reftraint. Thus in England the power of nominating Bifhops, of ratifying canons, &c. belongs to the King. But no one can be fo abfurd as to think that the Church (be it what or where you will, any religious fociety what- foever) would not exercife thefe powers independently of the Prince, when- ihe found he made ufc of them to her deftrudtion. Difputes may have arifen about the limits within which flie is ordinarily reftrained, or ought to be fo J and men have differed about the circvimftances that oblige her to break through them, and to ad: according to her original independency : but (till, I fay, all allow independency is at laft the Church's elTential pre- rogative j and I therefore urge, that this argument againft the perpetuity of Epifcopacy, drawn from a jwffible inconvenience to the State, may as well be urged againft the perpetuity of any Church, any Religion, even of Chriftianity in general : " No civil deprivation [_no rejiraini \ can flop its ** mouth, its character extends over all its juembcrs, and to all nations, and " fubmits \_to be confined'] by no authority upon earth." " Another reafon why Epifcopal ordination is fuppofed an efTential call *' to the miniftry is, that it conveys to thofe upon v/hom it is conferred *' fome necelTary requifite for the work of the miniftry.'.' I pafs over the abfurdity of reckoning ordination a call. The author's anfwer to this is, " That he knows no other requifite for the work of the Miniftry, than " piety and learning." I thought he had allowed, " That fome kind of *' MISSION was abfolutely neceffary*." Yes, he will tell me, " for the^P. ». " fake of order, and to avoid confufion." On whatever account it Is al- lowed, I know not how to reconcile the difference between abjblittely necef-- fary which it is granted to be in one place, and a necejfary reqiiif.te, which k is denied to be in the other. . To proceed : This gentleman, I cannot but obferve. Is a mighty frii- - dcntid interpreter. If he can but difcover the reafon of an inftltution. It prefently removes the divinity of it : he feems to invert the poet's maxim, and reads in his manuicript, " Nullum Numen adcjl, fi fit Prudentia." It 70 IvIISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. t Heb. V. It is fufficient for me that we are told in exprefs terms, in Scripture '^^ That no man taketh this honour of being an officer in God's Church to him- felf; but only he can claim it, who is called and commiflioned by God, as was Aaron. Na)', that even our Lord, who was God as well as Man, glorified not himfelf to be nude an High-priejl, but he who /aid unto him. Thou art wy Son, this day have I begotten thee. Accordingly we find in the Gofpels, that he lived privately, and affumcd no part of that office, which he came into the world to execute, till he had lirft been iblemnly anointed to it by the defcent of the Holy Ghod *. I ffiould think, after fo great an example, our Author might allow fome other requifite for the work of the miniftr)', befides piety and learning. He plumes himfelf, no doubt, upon his imagined pofieffion of both thefe qualifications, and he reafonably thinks there is only wanting the will of the State to make the vicar of Dcwjbury equal to any Spiritual Vicar in Chriftendom. You fliall pre- fently fee him difplay his gifts : " The fiffl difpofes us to be fcrious, de- " vout, and confcientious, in the difcharge of o.ur duty ; the fecond fl;ore3 *' OUR minds with ufeful knowledge, furnlflies us with materials to diftate, *' with elocution to pcrfuade, and with examples to propofe. — But, my " brethren, does Epifcopal ordination confer either of thefe?" Allow him materials to diBate in the Church (according to his own beautiful expref- fion), he needs no authority for that purpofe. But, as large as this gen- tleman's principles are, I don't knon^ any Church that would unite with him upon them- The Qiiakers, to whom he comes the neareft upon this head, though they would allow his piety a nejccflary requifite for tbe work of the minijhy (as he and they both .call it), )et would reject his learning' Mr. Henley -j~, who lets up for a Church himfelf, and is the next moft likely to join him^ though he is charmed with " materials to didlate, clo- " cution * See Potter on Church Government, p. 216, &: 136. -j- John Henley, fon of the vic:ir of JVleltcn Mowbray, in Lciceflerfliire, xvas born Aug. 3, 1692. From the free-fchcol in that town, he wns removed to that of Oakham, where he became a proficient in the graces of poetry. At the age of 17, he H'as entered of St. John's College, Cambridge ; and, after talcing the degree of batchelor of arts, became mailer of Melton fi.hool in 1715; M. A. in 1716,; was ordiincd deacon by bifliop Wake, and ))rieft Iw bifl'.op Ciiblbri, and be;;an his *' Uiiiverfal Grammar'' in 1719. Rciigning the fchool, he came to London, ftrongty recommended by the moft confidcrabie perfons in his native country ; had a benefice given him by the earl of Macclesfield, was appointed chaplain to "lord Molefworth, had a Icfture in the city, was an afrift.:nt to Dr. IJurfcough, afterward bifliop of Limerick, and became REMARKSONMR. BOWMAN. 71' ** cutton to perfuade," &c. yet infifls not on piety without fome terms of abatement. I muft leave our Author then to ftand alone, unlefs he is pleafed to join with thofe gentlemen from whom he has borrowed fome hints in the profecution of this argument. With the Reader's leave, I will once more return to it. The Author was to fliew that no neccffatj requijtte, 5cc. was conveyed by ordination. How does he do this ? Why, by alleging that it conveys no " extraordinary helps and afliftances *." Has the Church of England, or 'P- !«• any one of her members, ever faid or thought it did ? Was his defign then to drefs up her principles in odious colours, only to make her con- temptible to her enemies ? Well, but how does he prove that it does not convey even extraordinary afft/lances? Becaufe the Clergy find thcmfelves ** men of like paffions with their lay-brethren, fubjedt to all the frailties ** and infirmities of human nature." But, if this Author would look into his good friend Dr. Hickes's Sermon, called " The Spirit of Enthufiafm " cxorcifed," he will there fee that even fupernatural gifts did not, in the became a popular preacher. He publiflied, among other pieces, a tranflation of Pliny's- Epiftles, 2 vols. 8vo, 1714; of ftveral works of Vertot ; of Montfaucoii's Italian Tra- vels, fol. 1725, &c. Thefe particulars are taken from his " Oratory Tranfadions," which were publiflied under the diiguifed name of Welftcde. — Mr. Henley preached on Sundays "upon theological matters, and on Wednefdays upon all other i'ciences. Each auditor paid one fiiilling. This v\on-ierfvd perfon ftruck med.ds, which he difperfcd as tickets to his fubfcribers ; a ilar rifing to the meridian, with this motto, ad summa; and below, inveniam viam, aut faciam. He was author of a weekly paper called " The HypDoftor," for which he had a hundred pounds a year given liini. See notes on the Dunciad, III. r^g, where is a fuller account of him. He died Oft. J4, 1756. — Henley ufed, every Saturday, to print an advertilement in The Daily Advertifer, con- taining an account of the fjbjefts * he intended to difcourfe on the cafuing evening, at his Oratory near Lincoln's Inn-Fields, with a fort of motto before it, which was generally a fneer at fome public tranfadion of the preceding week : and Dr. Crofell -f , one of George the Second's chaplains, having preached a fermon at St. James's from thefe words, " Take away the wicked from before the king, and his throne fliall be eftabliflied. " in righteoufnefs ;" it gave ia much difpleafure, that the doftor was flruck out of the lift of chaplains ; and the next Saturday the following parody of the Doftor's text ap- peared as a motto to Henley's adsertiiement : " Away with the wicked before the king, " And away with the wicked behind him ; " His throne it will blefs " With righteoufnefs, "And we fliall know where to find him." J. N, * HisLtbrary, including his Difcourf.s in MS. was foM at ElVex-Houfe by Mr. Paterfon in i7;9 : and feveral more of Mi. Henley's Difcuuifcs were (oUl in two ditferent auftions by Mr. Paterfon in 1779. t Not Dr. Cobden, as primed by miftake in the " Supplement to Swift." Apollo- 72 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. Apoftollcal age, exempt the poflfefTors of them from human naflions or frailties, but often made them more liable to both, by la} ir;g them under temptations to pride, env}', contention, and the like.; that wicked Inftru- ments often had them in great abundance ; and that therefore " difcerning • I Cir. " of fpirits *," as it was neceflary for the Primitive Church, fo is expreffly ^■"'*" faid to be one of the gifts granted to it. Laftly, If the Author intends to prove that ordination conveys no ordi- nary grace, fuch as is requilite /cr an ordinary, though important ivorkf I may venture to fay he has proved nothing to the contrary.; for he only argues, as the Quakers and Infidels do, againft both Sacraments, from the effedts not being always vifible. Eur the wit is applicable, if not the argu- ment ; and that receives a double fting from the character of the fpeaket- Hear then how — Truths, not divine ! come mended from hi! tongue. " Does " piety or learning," fiiys he, " -follow the impoiltion of hands ? Does " either ignorance or immorality flee at the Bifliop's approach r" No ; and much lefs, I fuppofe;, at an Archdeacon's vifitation! But, becaufe I am dcfirous not only of filencing this gentleman, but convincing him, I will anfwer all the cavils he or his ihop of eloquence can furnifn out upon this head, in the words of the yW/t/ow Author of + Book v. Ecclcfialtical Polity -\- ; a title, which I wifli this writer may merit by the work he is engaged in of a like nature. " A thing much fturnbled.af: in the manner of givijig orders is our unng " thofe memorable words of our Lord and Saviour Chrift, Receive the " Hok GhojQ.. The Holy Ghoft, they fay, we cannot give, and therefore " Y'lt foolifaly bid them receive if. — The Holy Ghoft may be ufcd to fignify " not the pcrfon alone, but the gift of the Holy Ghoft ; and v.e know " that fpirituAl gifts are not only abilities to do things miraculous, as t© " fpeak with tongues which were never taught us, to cure difeafes with- <« out art, and fuch like; but alfo that the very Authority and Power " which is given ;men in the Ciuirch to be Miniftcrs of holy things., " this is contained within the number of thofe .gifts whereof the Holy " Ghoft is author ; and therefore he which giveth this power may fay, " without abfurdity or folly, lleccive the Holy Gho/i, fuch power as the '• Spirit of Chrift hath endued his Church withal, fuch power as neither " Piincc nor Potentate, King norCaifar, on earth can give. — Our Saviour, " after his refurredtion from the dead, gave his Apoftles their commiilion, " faxlT.g, REMARKSON MR. BOWMAN. 73 /( faying, All power is given me in heaven and in earth : go therefore and " teach all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father, and the Son, *' and the Holy Ghojl, teaching them to obferve all things whatfoever J have *' commanded you* In fum, As my Father fent me, fo fend I you. Where- • Matrh. *' unto St. John doth add farther, that having tlmx fpoken, he breathed on " them and faid. Receive the Holy Ghoft f . By which words he muft of + J"'"' »' likelihood underfland fome gift of the Spirit, which was prcfcntiy at " that time bcflowcd upon them, as both the fpeech of acftual delivery in " faying Receive, and the vifible fign thereof, his breathing, did fliew, *' Abfurd it were to imagine our Saviour did, both to the ear and alfo to ■" the eye, exprefs a real donation, and they at that time receive nothing. " It refteth then, that we fearch what fpecial grace they did at that tinie *' receive. Touching miraculous power of the Spirit, moft apparent it ^^ is, that as then they received it not, but the promifc thereof was to be *' Shortly after performed. The words of St. Luke concerning that power " are therefore fet down with fignification of the time to come. Behold, I " WILL fend the promife of my Father upon you; but tarry you in the ■*' city of Jerufalem, until 3e be endued with jx)wer from on high. *' Wherefore, undoubtedly, it was fome other effctfl of the Spirit, the " HolvGhoft in fome other kind,, which our Saviour did then beftow. *' What other likeliei" tliaii that which himfelf doth mention, as it fhould *' fcem of purpofe to take away all ambiguous conftruclions, and to de- *' clare that the Holy Ghoft, which he then gave, was a' holy and ghoftly ^' Authority, authority over the fouls of mcn.^" By this time, I hope, the Author will allow he received fome other ■cffedts of the Holy Ghoft at his orduiation than what he had before it, liow itrongly foever he was m.oved to undertake the holy fund Subfcriptions, who have acknowledged the King's *' Majefty fupremc." As fuprc?)ic as be is, he has declared he has not the Power of minijlering either God's WorJ, or the Sacraments. And yet this Adthor has advanced doftiincs from whence he might eafily claim it. I leave him the hopes of enjoying a great ihare of his bleffing. Upon the whole, as azvakening a preacher as Mr. Bowman would make lis believe he is by his Preface, I think I have fhewn he fometimes 7iQds emphatically. La VERSES 76 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. VERSES OCCASIONED BY MR. BOWMAN'S SERMON. I. An Epigram in the Grub-ftreet Journal, N° 82. In durance vile when pious Woolstou lies. And Death waits near to clofe learn'd Tindal's eyes j The Prieft's hard fortune, and the Layman's fate. Seem to prefage Religion's finking ftate. But thou, O Bowman, wilt the lofs fupply Of both ; and whilft thou liv'ft, fhe cannot die. Oh ! mav'ft thou not, like Thofe, remain fo long Unpay'd, unhonour'd, 'midft the vulgar throng ! To thy due ftation may'ft thou rife much quicker j And ceafe to lye of Dewsbury the Vicar ! II. A Fable, at the end of the firji Letter^ in anfiver to Mr. Bowman's Sennen^ in N° 85. A Peacock once there was (but when, or where,. My Author tells me not, nor do I care). Which, fcreaming loud, with inharmonioiis found Often diflurb'd the neighbourhood around ; And Hi!], at time of prayers, as beft of all, Perch'd on the Church, or Parfonage-houfe, would fquawl. For harflicft note preferr'd, as fome fuppofe. The noify Peacock nuptial Juno chofe. But Venus' Bird, not her's, was our loud Prater; A Female-lover, but a marriage-hater. In youth his Qiiecn he ferv'd : now age had fhed The glorious honours of his tail and head. With rhefe, though faded, a pert Peacock younger Adorns his creit, and forms his train the longer. Then VERSESONMR. BOWMAN. 77 Then cocking ftruts the felf-conceited Prig, Saucy, and (juaint, like Independent Whig. But, as his j)lumcs were loofely ftuck together. Still as he ftalk'd along he dropp'd a feather. A bold young Daw, thefe fccond, third-hand plumes Picks up ; and both his air and voice affumes. Then, mixing with his tribe, the faucy Jack Inveighs againft them all, becaufe they're black.. Him loud haranguing, in his full career, A Brother interrupted with a fneer : " Hadft thou, in borrow'd finery array 'd,. 'Mongrt birds of other kind thy parts difplay'd;. Thus oddly dight, thou might'ft have made them wonder,, Who could not know thy head and tail afunder. Thy learned fpeech, without or head or tail. They might have lik'd, well pleas'd to hear thee rail.. For us, with all this infolence dcfy'd. Who know thy malice, ignorance, and pride;. With fcorn thy ftol'n, old fripcry we view :. To us thy Impudence alone is new.?' III.. The Co'nclujion of the fecond Letter, &c. , in N" 87.. " Though far be it from, me (as I am exceeding zealous for good breeding) to call Mr. Bowman any names, yet I cannot forbear fubjoining a few verfes, which I remember to have heard feveral years fince ; and that upon a pamphlet,, the fubjedt of which was very nearly a-kin to this. Others had gone about to prove that theCharcb has no power at all ; and the Writer of this Pamphlet, rcfolving to go beyond them, would fhew that the State likcwife has none in matters of Religion. The lines are thefe : No right or power on earth, thou fay'ft, is given, To punilh vice, and guard the laws of heaven. This villain do Latin is a violation of common and received Syntax : and we maintain tiiat an author may, with equal propriet}-, fay refer re inter debit a, as re-^ ferre inter accepta ; in tabidam debitonm, as in tabtdam acceptonnn. How happens it that accedere operi fubeimdo is bad ? We prefume he has no quarrel with thacafe, and that operi or ad opus may be ufed indif- ferently. Then where is the difference between accedere operi fubcundo, or ad opus Jubeundum, and that ot Brut, ad Cic. Accedere ad remp. liber ari- dam ? We cannot conceive upon what he grounds his next charge of ambi- guity, and muft leave it with the candid reader, with whom alfo we flialh null the objedtion of bad Latin in the next inftance. It would be fruit- lefs to produce an authority for the notion we have ufed yz/^V^r^' in, be- caufe our adverfary declares againff any authority that may be brought, . There are a few more paffages objected to, which we fliall copy, and leave them to anfwer for themfelves. PauciJJlmorum hominum ejfe — Ingenti literal rum difpendio — Cum R. S. The/aurus paucijljimorum hominum. e£e ccepit : nos vi- c'rffim — And that very difficult one, citra renatas literas, by which we meaa- fince the reiloration of learning. Having Ihewn how credible our Exa- miner is in that part of his aflertion, that this Introduftory Difcourfe is- very bad Latin, we return him his firing of epithets to enrich his next controverfy ; or, which is equally indifferent to us, to be affixed to thls- performanc-e upon the credit of his word, and the authority of his judge- ment. His firil objedtion to the work itfelf is, that- of Julianus ', v^Vich con- tains two afTertions: I. That, as the word occurred in the Ljo^zj edition,- we did not underfland it. 2. That we altered it. We are- forty a falfe- print iVi'Stepbens fhould efcape -us-; but that we altered it, is fomething for which. good-manners wants a name ; the very copy being ftill luckily pre- ferved to confront his afTertion. And to affirm that we did not underfland'' it, muil depend upon the probability of this propofition, that a number, of perfons concerned in a work, where Julianus is quoted in almofl every fleet, could not underfland it, Vi'hen- they met with it incorredly- printed*. His PA-PEPvS ON R. STEPHENS'S THESAURUS. 9.3 His next charge is fo ver)- inconfiderable, that we don't know how to rtply to it. After having informed the reader that damnare has two con- ftrndtions, a genitive cafe and ablative, and producing diflindt inftanccs of each, it would be injurious to fuppofe, that any one would not be apprifed of an ablative cafe, when he faw it quoted ; and if the citations are dif- ferently ranged from the former edition, it was in regard to that alpha- betical order which Stephens had a view to, but fometimes overlooked. It were an objedrion^ndecd, if thofe citations, where the ablative is go* verned, were put in a wrong place ; that is, crowded with the genitives. But our Objedlor rifes uponns, and denounces anathemas and zoaftg faper, Cap'ite ob rem aliqitem damnan, Stephens. The editors, capite alr- •quem damnare, without ob rem aliqimm ; and>, what is worfe, left it among the pajjroes. Whether we are wrong in ftriking out thofe words, the quo- tation from Tidly, referred to in Stephens, and one which wc have added, will abundantly fliew : Cie. i. 2«/r, 50. Sed plurimi contra nituntur, animofq\ quoji capite darnnatos morte militant. Auth. ad Herenn. ^. 33. /it euni "vcs jvrati capite damnajlis. That we have left it among the pafiives, is an ob- jedtion we cannot comprehend; finee neither :Stephei>3 nor we hare made fo unneceffary a diftindbion in- any one fi-ngle article, as if Capite damnars was not the fame cafe and conftrudtion as Capite damnari. How creditor comes to be omitted, we are at a lofs to account for. It is weak to fuppofe wefhould quarrel with itj as it is falle to fay the place is nonfenfe without it. However, to oblige him for his dtfcovery, it fhall •meet witb amends in the Errata; which our Examiner is defired to look . upon, as a place beil fuited to the fize of his criticifm. He defires to know the meaning of vulgo contemnuntur. Stephens, to fupport the ufe of tributis damnare, has cited Tacitus ; where he follows ■the authority of Rhenanus for his reading; a readings which, though much preferable to the common one, and approved by the beft critics, has not yet found a place in the text of the author. For all the copies to this day exhibit tnbutis contemnuntur , and not cmdsmnsntiir, as- the quota- tion fuppofes it to be. After having followed the Examiner through fo many qucftion j, we beg leave to put one to him ; which is. What fo great a cenfor of inaccuracy ///'j Didio- nary gcnerall)' afcribcd to him were fo fupcrficial and indigeUcd, fo un- worthy of, and lb nnfuitable to, the account here given of his great abi- lities and erudition, that our Editors moft readily affcnt to the opinion of very competent judges, that he had really no hand in that Lexicon at all ; and that the imputing a lliarc of it to him was only a trick and knavifli device of the bookfellers who had the copy-right, to enhance the reputa- tion of their book, and promote the fale of it. This memorable writer, however, left feveral genuine pieces behind him that juflify his characfler. There are fome beautiful poems of his extant in the third tome of the Delilicc Gallica ; but his moft valuable work is a treatife vf the Exchange and Affinity of Letters; printed at P(?nj 1606, \\\ oBavc. Our learned Editors obferve very juftly, that it would be endlefs to write particularly of all Caleplns benefadtors : of Jac, Mont anus, Paul Ma- nutius^ Laur. Chiflctius, Lud. de la Cerda, Conrad. Ge/nents, Buduuj, Afcen- fius, &c. all which were one way or other concerned in new-moulding or enlarging his Dicftionary : for what we have now under that name is a great fuperftrudture ralfed indeed by their hands, in which he had very little concern befides that of laying the foundation. But though they excufe themfelves the talk of pointing out thefe gentlemen's merit, they have al- lowed Gcfner the liberty of fetting forth his own, and commending him- felf. And he tells us, " that he had correfted the impreffion of Calcpin " fet forth 2X Bafil in 1544, in innumerable places; that he had tranf- ** planted into it the four thoufand words, which the laft Venetian edition *' had been enriched with from the moll approved authors : and which " had been reckoned the chief ornaments of it; and had taken a peculiar " care of what related to the Profody ; revifing the whole for that pur- " pofe, and nicely diftinguifning the quantities of the f) llablcs in all the " principal terms. That he had feledled the proper names, which till " then had been promifcuoufly difpcrfed throughout the work, and ranged •' them in a feparate alphabet ; adding to them as many others as he could' " find in the lateft poetical didtionaries." The next Lexicographer in order is Marius Nizoliits, author of Thefau- rum CiCercnianum, or, " Ohfervaticns on Cicero, alphabetieally digejled, ** wherein the true rides of the Latin Tongue an deli'vercd, and the feveral " ways Hi MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. *' zvjys of dijltngu'ijlying and diverjifying ike words of it clearly de7fio'iifiraicd " by examples drawn from the writings of that famous Orator." Printed at Bi/fi', 1530; afterwards at Venice^ 1535, folio; and again there, 1541 ; with the addition of feveral words collected from Ciceyo after Nizolius by Zanchius. Hervagius publiflied it again in 1548, with very great improve- ments by C^//w 6m/7ZflW r^n'o ; and a fccond time at Francfort, 1568. It had after thefe fo many editions, that it would be tirefome to enumerate them. Our Editors have marked that of /.jowj, 1608, folio, and that of Genei'a, 161 2, 4/0, as the moft corredt and copious. At length this work, which at firft fprung from Cicero alone, and was confined to him only, be- came more univerfal, and grew up to be in all refpedls a complete Lexi- con. The finifliing hand was fet to it by M. Ludovicus Lucius, Profeffor in the univerfitv of Bafil, who, in the year 16 13, publifhed it there in two volumes m folio, under the title of " Latinee LiJigtia'Thcfaurum bipartitum, " &c. or, A Treaiife of the Latin Tongue, in two parts : thejirf. coiiftfing of " N'lzollus's ColleBions from Cicero only: the fecond, extracted from feveral *' other Authors, containing and copioufly explaining the terms ?Jtade ufe of by *' the mofl approved orators, hiflorians, lawyers, phyficians, and poets ; *' with rules for exprejftng them grammatically" Much of this latter part was undoubtedly borrowed from Stephens. To return to Nizolius ; our Editors obferve, that, whether through his own modefty or ill-fortune, it happens that we have hardly any memoirs of him, and that very few particulars relating to him have been handed down to pofterity. It appears indeed that he was happy in the friendlhip of- fonie very confiderable perfons, whofe bounty relieved the domeflick po- verty he feems by his own expreffions to have laboured under. Our Editors take notice of a book of his, " De veris principiis & vera *' raiione philofophandi, &c. printed at Parma, 1553." He likewife tranflated Galen's Explanation of the obfolete words in Hippocrates, which was publifhed with the works of Galen 1550. The Thcfaurum Ciceronianum was his mafter- piece; but even that is now in no efteem with the Learned, who think it never was anfwerable to the time and pains he profeffes to have expended in the compofing of it. The lafl of all thofc that precede the immortal Stephens in the rank of Lexicographers is Bafdius Zanchius of Bergamo. He has a title to this character. PAPERS ON R, STEPHENS'S THESAURUS. 113 cTiarafter, both as he contributed to Nizolius's Obfcrvations on Cicero, and as he added a great collection of \\'ords to Calcpin, gathered from fonie of the beft and purcfl: authors. He was a canon of the order of Later an^ and refided for almoft the whole of his life at Romey beloved and honoured by the literati of that city, which at that time were more than ordinarily numerous and eminent. He wrote Obfcrvations on all the books of Scrip- ture, which were printed in 8vo at Cologn 1602 ; and Qucflions on the four books of Kings and two of Chronicles, which he extracted chiefly from the works of Theodore! : likewife a Treafury of Latin Epithets, and fome facred Poems very much efteemed, efpecially the Hortus Sophia, in heroic verfe, infcribed to cardinal Bembo. He was made keeper of the Vatican Library ; filled that poft with dignity and applaufe; and died at Rome in 1560. *^* The Critics, from whom I have extrafted this curious account of the early Lexi- cographers, promifed a continuation of it. As that promife was never performed, I lliall fiipply the deficiency with an account of i?. Stephens and his family, and bring down the hiftory of Lexicons by an abftrad from the Preface of Mr. Jin/worth. J. N. N» VII. ABRIDGEMENT OF MAITTAIRE'S "VIT^ STEPHANORU M." From The Biographical Dictionary, 1762, 8vo. THE name of Stephens is greatly reverenced in the Republic of Letters, and with good reafon ; fmce to this family it is indebted for the moH: corredl and beautiful impreflions of thebeO: authors, the ancient Gz-f^^^ ones particularly. Henry Stephens, the firft diftinguiflied perfon of his name, was a French- man, and one of the bcil printers of his time. He died in the year 1520, and left three fons behind him, who carried the art of printing to per- fettion ; and were, two. of them at leaft, very extraordinary. men, exclu- fively of tlicir profeflional merit. Robert, his fecond fon, was born at Paris in 1503; and applied fo fevevcly to letters in his \'outh, that he acquired a ])erfc(fl knowledge in CL the 114 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. the Latin, Greek, and Hebre-jj tongues. His father dying, as we have faid, in 1520, his mother was married the year after xo Simon de Coliiws, in Latin Colin^Ks; who by this means came into the poffeffion of Henry Stephens's printing-houfe, carried on the bufinefs till his death in 1547, and is well known for the neatnefs and beauty of his lialic charafter. Li 1522, when he was nineteen years of age, he was charged with the management of his father-in-law's prefs ; and the fame year came out, under his infpedtion, a New Teftament in Latin, which gave fuch offence to the Paris Divines, that they threatened to have it burned, and him banifhed. He appears to have married, and to have fet-up for himfelf, foon after ; for there are books of his printing dated fo early as 1526. He married Perretc, the daughter of Badius^ a printer ; who was a learned woman, and underllood LatinvieW, She had, indeed, more occafion for this accomplifliment than wives ufually have : for P<.obert Stephens had always in his houfe ten or twelve correftors of his prefs, who, being learned men of different na- tions, fpoke nothing but Latin ; from whence there was a neceffity that his domeftics fhould know fomething of the language. He refolved from the beginning to print nothing but good books : he only ufed the Roman characters at firfl, but afterwards employed the Italic. His mark was a tree branched, and a man looking upon it, with thefe words, no/i ahum fapere, to which he fometimes addedy^^^ lime. In fome of his firft editions, he did not ufe figures and catch-words, as thinking them of little impor- tance. In 1 1^39, Francis I. named him his printer ; and ordered a new fet of letters to be founded, and ancient manufcripts to be fought after, for him. The averfion which the dottors of the Sorbonne had conceived againft him, on account of the Z,rt//« New Teftament in 1522, revived in 1532, when he printed his great Latin Bible : Francis proteded him; but this king dying in 1547, he faw plainly that there was no more good to be done at Paris ; and therefore, after fuftalning the efforts of his enemies till 1552, he withdrew from thence toGeneva. It has been pretended by fome that Robert Stephens carried with him not only the types of the royal prefs, but alfo the matrices, or moulds, thofc types were caft in : but this cannot be true, not only becaufe no mention was made of any fuch thing for above fixty years after, but becaufe none of the Stephens's afterwards ever ufed thefe types : and if Robert was burned in effigy at Paris, as Beza in PAPERS ON R. STEPHENS'S THESAURUS. 115 in his Icones relates, it was not for this, but for his embracing Calvinifm at Geneva, of which he was fufpedred before he left Paris. He lived in intimacy at Geneva with Calvin, Bcza, Rivet, and others, whofe works he printed, and died there the 7th of Septetnber 1559. This eminent artift was fo exadt and folicitous after perfcd:ion, that, in a noble contempt of gain, he ufed to expofe his proofs to public view, with offer of a reward to thofe who fhould difcovcr any faults : lb that it is no wonder his im- preffions fhould be as corrcd: as beautiful. He was, like the reft of his family, not only a printer, but a writer : his 'Thefaurus Lingucc Lalina is a work of immenfe learning, as well as labour ; and . he publiflied alfo in 1552, when he went to Geneva, a Latin piece, in anfwer to the Paris divines, who had abufed his Latin editions of the Old and New Teftament, which Ihews his parts as well as learning. He left his fubflance, which was very confiderable, to fuch of his children as fliould come to Geneva, exclufivel}' of the reft. He had a daughter who underftood Latin well, which {he had learned by hearing it talked in her father's family ; and three fons, Henry, Robert, and Francis. But, before we take any notice of thefe, we muft fay a word or two of his brothers, Francis and Charles. Francis, older than himfelf, we know no more of, than that he worked jointly with his father-in-law Colinaus, after Robert had left him ; and that he died at Paris about the year 1550. Charles, his younger brother, though more confiderable than Francis, was yet inferior to himfelf both as a printer and a fcholar : neverthelefs, Charles wrote and printed many ufe- ful and valuable works. He was born about the year 1504, and became fo perfectly ikilled in Greek and Latin literature, that Lazarus de Baif took him for preceptor to his fon /hitoity, and afterwards carried him with him \nx.o Germany. He fludied phyfic, and took a dodtor's degree at Pai-is; but this did nor hinder him from following the profeffion of his father, and being printer to the king. In the mean time, he was more of an author than a printer ; having written upwards of thirty works upon various fub- jedts. He died at Paris in 1564, leaving behind him a very learned daughter. henry, Robert, and Francis, the fons of Robert, make the third genera- tion of the Stephens's, and were all printers. It is neceffary to be ibnie- what particular about //(.Y//7. He was.born at P^r/> in 1528 i and, being 0^2 moll ii6 M I S C E L L A N E O U S T R A C T S. moft carefully educated by his father, became the mofl learned of all his learned family. He was particularly {killed in the Greek language, which he conceived a fondnefs for from his infancy, iludied afterwards under I'lirncbus and the beft mailers, and became at length lb perfedt in, as to pafs for the beft Grecian in Europe, after the death of Budaus. He had alfo a ftrong pafTion for poetry, while he was yet a child, which he culti- vated all his life J and gave in his tendereft years fo many proofs of un- tommon abilities, that be has ahva)"s been ranked among the celcbres enfans. He had a violent propcnfity to aftrology in the younger part of his life, and procured a mailer in that way ; but foon perceived the vanity of it, and laid it afide. It feems to have been about the year 1546, when his father took him into bufinefs : yet, before he could think of fixing, he refolved to travel into foreign countries, to examine libraries, and to conneft himfelf with learned men. He went into Italy in 1547, and ftaid there two years; and returned to Paris in 1549, when he fubjoincd fome Greek verfes, made in his youth, to a folio edition of the New Teftament mGreek, which his father had jufl finifhed. In 1550, he went over to England; and in 1551 to Flanders, where he learned xhe Spanijb tongue of the Spaniards, who then pofTefled thofe countries, as he had before learned the Italian in Italy. On his return to Paris, he found his father preparing to leave France: we do not know whether he accompanied him to Genevan but, if he did, it is certain that he returned immediately after to Paris, and fet up a printing-houfc. In 1554, he went to Rome, vifiting his father at Geneva as he went, and the year after to Naples ; and returned to Paris, by the way of Venice, in 1556. This was upon bufinefs committed to him by the government. Then he fat down to printing in good earneft, and never left off till he had given the world the moft beautiful and corredl editions of all the ancient Creek and other valuable writers. He called himfelf at firft printer of Paris ; but, in 155S, took the title of printer to Ulric Fugger, a very rich German, who allowed him a confiderable penfion. He was zxGeneva in 1558, to fee his father, who died the year after; and he married in 1560. Henry III. of France was very fond of Stephens, fent him to Switzerland in fearch of manufcripts, and gave him a penfion. He rook him to court, and made him great promifes : but the troubles, which accompanied the latter part of this king's reign, not only occafioncd Ste^ phens PAPERS ON R. STEPHENS'S THESAURUS. 117 phem to be difappointed, but made his fitiiatlon in France fo dangerous, that he thought it but prudent to remove, as his father had done before him, XoGcneva. Notwithllanding all his excellent labours, and the infi- nite obligations due to him from the public, he is faid to have become poor in his old age ; the caufc of which is thus related by feveral au- thors. Stephens had been at vafl expence, as well as labour, in compiling and printing his Tbefaurus Lingua Grceca : fo much, in fliort, that, with- out proper rcimburfcmcnts from the public, he and his family muft be inevitably ruined. Thefe reimburfcments, however, were never made ; for his fervant, Joht Scapula, extrafted from this treafurc what he thought would be moft neceffary, and of greatefi: ufe, to the generality of ftudents, and publifhcd a Lexicon in4to, under his own name, which has fince been enlarged and printed often in folio. By this ad; of treachery he dcftroyed the laic, though he could not deflroy the credit, of the Thefaurus ; and, though he ruined his mafler, left him the glory of a work, which was then pronounced by Scaliger, and has ever been judged by all learned men, moil excellent *. He died in 1 598, leaving a fon Paul and two daughters ; one * I am in this place tempted to fubjoin an anonymous letter to the hueft Editors of the Ihcfaurus : " ClarilTimis Roe. Stephani Thefauri Editoribus, Salutem. " Qiiis fim, iciri pauhim intereft ; non certe mea, qui innotefcerc non percupio; " minime omnium, veftra, Viri Clariffimi, quibns notiffimis quid ex uiu fuerit nofl'e ig- " nobilem !> Quid autem velim, breviter expediam. Non potui me continere, quin " vobis, quas gratias nemo literatus non fatebitur fe debere, ego quoque, paitiei;la " qiiantulacunque literarise Reipublicx perexigua, agereui : Sr gratuhtrer, quod opus " ilhid grande, coniUio laudabili fufceptum, magna laboris pertinacia conrinuatum, ad " exitum tandem omnium votis reiponl'urum perveneiit. Ex quo Romanus fcrmo defiit " effe vernaculus, illitis lingus cultoies, qui puram diftionis elegaaiiam ftuduerunt (& *' pauci admodum potuerunt, & etiamnum pofi'unt) affequi, coafti fsmt cum mortuis " verfari, frequentcmque cum authorum veten;m fcriptis familiaiitatcm inire. Si eorum " imitationi paulatim afi'ucfcere. Ciim autem id penl'um lequireiet nailtum oper^t mag- *' namque memoris vim ; Diftionariorum iifus iiuroduftus ell, ut illam minuerer, hi-nc " fublevaret. Non longc ab Artis Typographic^ initiis, piinnim Le.. icon prodiit in " hicem. Deinceps, literis incrementum cspientibus, exorti funt qui hnic ftudiorum " generi excolendo nianus feliciter admovenint. Verdm omnibus patmam priripuit *' RoEERTUs Stefhanus : qui, ppftquam in perficiendo operis inftituti, quod anno "■ 1J32 propofucrat, tentamine decenniiun exegiffet, anno 11:43 opbem literatum The- •' fauro fuo donavit : in tpiem Latina; lingua; opes imdecunque conquifitas recondi- *' dir ; novijque ordinis artificio tarn commode difpofuit, ut, cum niliil uiilius pofTct *• excogitari, multi poilea in Lexicis contexendis eandem rationem fervare volueririt. " Aaura ii8 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. one of which, named Florence, had efpoufed the learned Ifaac Cc.fatibon in April 1586. He was the moft learned printer that had then been, or per- haps ever will be: all Kis Greek authors are moll corredtly printed ; and the Latin verfions, which he gave to fome of them, are, as Co.faubon and Huetius have faid, very faithful. The chief authors of antiquity, printed by him, are Anacreon, Mfchyhis^ Maximus Tyrius, Diodonts Sictdus, Pi?idar, Xenopbon, Thucydides^ Herodotus, Sophocles, Diogenes Lncrtius, Plutarch, Plito, Apollonius Rbodius, Mfchines, Lyfias, Calliinacbus, Theocritus, Herodian, Diomfi'is Halicarnajeiifis, Dion. CaJJius, Jfccrates, Appian, Xiphilin, &c. He did not meddle fo much with Latin authors, although he printed fome of them ; as Horace and Virgil, which he illuftrated with notes and a commen- tary of his own ; Tally's familiar epiftles, and the epiftles and panegyric of the younger Pliny. But he was not content with printing the works of others : he wrote alfo a great many things himfelf. His Thefaurus Giceas Lingua has been mentioned : another piece, which made him very famous, was'his Infroduclion a I'Apologie poitr Herodote. This ran through many edi- tions, and is a very fevere fatire upon popery and its profelibrs. Paul Stephens, the fon of Henry, though inferior to his father, was yet well fkilled in the Greek and Latin tongues. His father was more folicitous about his being inftrudied in thefe, than in the art of printing. He car- ried on the bufinefs of a printer for fome time at Geneva; but his prefs had greatly degenerated from the beauty of that at Paris, and he after- wards fold his tvpes to Cbouet, a printer. He died at Geneva in 1627, aged 60 years, leaving a fan Antony, who was the laft printer of the Ste- *' Aftum agerem, fi Robert! . Stephani laudes poll; Thuanum profequerer, Annis " deinde haud paucis elapfis, Thefaunim illius reciidere Si locupletare aggreffi funt " Liigdimenies ; quos fua lucri fpes minime fefellit. Eoiuru editioni defuit neqiie laus " neqiie pretium. Si ciii tamen libeat & vacet illam fubaSo jiidicio propiiis exauiioare, " erit noniumquam, ubi in irientem venint proverbiiim, Thejaiirus Carboncs, Id vos " non fugit, Viri Doftiffimi, Qunm enim in animo huberetis Robcrti Stephani Thefau- " rum luci redonare, & (neqxiid in re tanti momenri delider aretur) rieceii'e ellct cvol- *' vere, quid alii pra;{literint, pncfcrtim Lugdunenres ; tot in horum editione animad- " vertiftis menda, ut in iis corrigendis poni oporteret operam, fere qualem Hercules in " ftabiilo Augis repurgando inlumpferat. Port cditionem a Rob. Stepliano finitam, " nihil prodiit ad iifiis literarios magis ncceffariiuii ; nihil magis opcroi'um attentiore *' diligentia, nihil grandiiis elcgantiore cultu, claboratuin crt. Ille nunc '^ hefauru3 " preciolilliin-is novani foque digiiam induit formam ; & illius Author (li ad luperos " daretur defumftis rcditus) optaverit revivifcere ; ut fuum opuB tanto cum hoiiore, cuai " tanta bonae frugis acccilionc, rcdivivum contemphindi vohiptate frueretur. V'aletc, " 1735, 3 Id. Api-ilis." — This letter I Aifpcit to be iJ/rt/»m><.'j. J.N. 4 pbens's. PAPERS ON R. STEPHENS'S THESAURUS. 119 pbois^s. Antony, quitting the religion of his father for that of his ancef- tors, (juitted alfo Geneva, and returned to Paris, the place of their origi- nal. Here he was fome time printer to the king ; but, managing his affairs ill, he was obliged to give all up, and to have recourfe to an hofpital, where he died in extreme mifery and blindncfs in 1674, aged eighty years. Such was the end of the illuftrious family of Stephetis, after it had flourifhed for five generations ; and had done great honour to itfclf, by doing incredible fervice to the Republic of Letters. W VIII. A Jhort Review * of the fever al Dictionaries that have been puhli/fjed, with a view to promote the Knowledge of the Latin a7id Englifli Tongues ; extracted from Mr. Ainsworth's Preface to the firfl Edition of hi% Latin DiSlionary, 1736. PRomptorium parvulorum five dericorum, printed by Richard Pynfon in the year mccccxcix, in folio, is the firft book of this fort I have ever met with. This confifteth only of one part, which exhibiterh the Z;?^- ///7j words before the Latin, being deftitute both of the Latin and hiflorical parts. But thefe defefts were in part fupplied by Orti/s * I the rather choofe to reprint this curious article, as it is omitted in all the later editions of Mr. y^/;?/ic'o;//)'i Dictionary. To preferve the chain of conne.MOn, I fliall annex the names of fuch Lexicographers as occur between the time of R. Stcphens^s publication and the firft of thofe mentioned by AinJv.idon, in a large and well printed folio, in mdclxxvii. Nicolas Grey likewife made fome additions to Rider, which were feveral times printed at London, faith J.Wood; but the fame author owneth himfelf at a lofs as to the time of its firft publication, and addeth, that a fccondor third edition of Holyoake's coming out prevented, as it is faid, the further publication of it. This gentleman was born in London, eledted ftudent of Chrijl Church, Oxford, from Wejhninfler School, in the year mdcvi, and was afterwards the firft mafter of the Charterhoufe School in London ; but, after fome years, marrying, againft the ftatutes of that houfe, the governors thereof difcharged him from that employment, by prefenting him to the benefice of di/lle Camps in CambridgefJnre. In January mdcxxiv he was ad- R 2 mitted «24 - MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. mitted chief mafler of Merchant-I'ayhrs School in London, and in mdcxxxi chief maftcr of Eion, out of which he was expelled in the time of the Civil Wars ; but being reftored on the return of king Charles II. he died at Eton towards the clofe of the year mdclx, and was buried in the chapel there. Cbrijlopher Wafc, fellow of King's College in Cambudge, and afterwards fuperior beadle of law in Oxford, publifhed likewife a Latin diftionary, the fecond edition of which was printed in mdclxxv. This is a compen- dium of Calepine ; but done with fo much judgement, faith Dr. Littleton in his J^tin preface to his diflionary, that one can hardly find any thing in it which favoureth of barharifm. However, it feemeth to be rather defigned for the ufe of thofe who have made fome proficiency in the Latin tongue, than for fuch as are only beginning to learn that language. Francis Gouldman, who was educated in Chriji's College in Cambridge, was for fome time redtor of South Okendon in EJfex, and died in mdclxxxix, publifhed alfo a Latin dictionary in quarto, in the year mdclxiv, which was afterwards reprinted feveral times, and the Cambiidge edition in mdclxxiv much enlarged by William Robert/on *. But Gouldman's defign, according to the account of Dr. Littleton, his fucceflbr in this fort of learning, was rather to make new additions than to correal the former mijlakes, or to throw out the many barbarous Latin words which had crept into the dictionaries then ex- tant. For this reafon. Dr. Ada?n Littleton undertook to reform it ; whofe greatejl aim, as he tells the Englijlj reader in his preface, was to carry the purity of the Latin tongue throughout, and not to take things or words upon trujl, Jo as to trari" Jcribe others mijlakes. This was firft published in quarto at London in MDCLXxviii, and hath met with fuch a general approbation, that the fixth edition thereof was publifhed but a few months ago. He was a minifter's fon, of an ancient and genteel family at IVcftcot in Worceflerjhire, eledted ftudent of Chr'ijl Church in Oxford in mdcxlvii, was fometlme an ufher in Wejlminjler School, and in mdclviii became fecond mafter of the fame. After the Reftoration he was chaplain to king Charles II, redtor of Cheljea, and fubdean of Wejlminjler. He died in the beginning of July, mdcxciv, and was buried in Chcljea Church. *'It was ftilj further enlarged, in i6j8, by Dr. Scatter^ood, J. A\ The PAPERS ON R. STEPHENS'S THESAURUS. 125 The Cambridge diftionary in quarto, printed in mdcxciii, with the title of Lingua Romana diBionarium luculentum novum, is an improvement of Littleton, made by feveral pcrfons, whofe names have been concealed from public knowledge. What plan the editors of this have proceeded upon may be learnt by their own preface ; in which, after a grateful acknow- ledgement of the great affillance they had by the extraordinary pains of the reverend and learned Dr. L;V//f/i?«, as to the EngUJh Latin part, they principally fet forth, that they have inferred feveral whole claffes of words, which had been either omitted before, or were very lately introduced into our language ; and that they have been more exaft, more diflind: and full, in noting the various fignifications of verbs and nouns : that in the Latin claffic they began their coUeftion by a careful perufal of feveral authors, as- Lucretius, Terence, Cafar, Phcedrus, Gratius, Petronius, &c. fome of whom, they obferved, had fcarce been named, or if fometimes quoted, often to very little, and fometimes to very bad purpofes, in diftionaries of the fame volume with theirs ; that the fecond edition of Robert Stephens's Latin 7'be- faurus lay always before them, and was conflantly confulted by them ; that they likewife ufed a manufcript colIed:ion iu three large folio's, digefled into an alphabetical order, made by Mr. John Milton out of all the beft and pureft Roman authors ; and further, that the complete indices generally an- nexed to the Dauphin editions of mod of the Roman writers had been very ferviceable to them ; that they had retrenched many far-fetched etymons in former didlionaries, had given a larger account of the conftrudtion of verbs, had rejeifted all words and phrafes, whofe authors- were either not to be found, or, when found, appeared in fo barbarous and uncouth a drefs as made them very unfit company for Tully, Cceja r,. Sc c. ^ Aiu], finally, had diftinguifhed the poetical Lj//« words by aflozver^ placed before them. ■ Thus far they. Thofe who are defirous to; have a more particular account of the difference between this didiionary and that publiflied by Dr. Littk- toii, as to the Englijl:> and Latin jrart, may fatisfy their curiofity by the com- parifon of a few flieets of each ; but it is very manifeft that thefe editors have made very large and ufeful improvements in the letters L, M, N, O, and P, in the Latin claffical part, and augmented or correfted what had been done by Littleton (though neither in fo large nor careful a manner as under the aforefaid letters) in moll of the other parts of the work. The improve- 126 ^I I S C E L L A N E O U S T R A C T S. improvements made under the aforefaid letters, as alfo a large part of their title, as well as the preface, have been inferted in the feveral editions of Littleton (except the laft, which hath a new preface, and hath been other- wife fomewhat altered) printed fince the publication of this work at Cam- bridge ; but the other parts of Littleton in general remain as they were when firfl publiflied. Elijha Cols publifhed alfo z Latin and EiigHJJj didtionary in the year MDCLXXvii, defigned chiefly for the ufe of fcholars of a lower clafs. He hath indeed confiderably enlarged the Englijh Latin part, which containeth many more Englijh words and phrafes than any Latin didtionary publifhed before his time. But not a few of thofe words are now intirely obfolete, many of them interpreted in a wrong fenfe, and worfe tranflated Into Latin. And the Latin Englifh part is very defeftive, both with regard to the feveral fenfes of the Latin words, and the citation of the Roman writers proper to fix their authority. This work, however, being not half the price of Dr. Littleton's, hath gone through twelve impreflions ; the firft whereof was printed in a fmall quarto, and all the following in oBavo, The author of this work was born in Northamptonjhire, entered into Mag- dalen College in Oxford in the year mdclviii, taught the languages to foreigners in the parifh of Covent Garden in London, and was afterwards for fome time an uflier in Merchant Taylors School ; after which, on fome de- fault, being obliged to quit that employment, he went into Ireland, where he continued till his death ; but of the precife time thereof I have not been able to get any certain information. 1736, R. AlKSWORTH. N" IX. OF THE DIFFERENT AGES RELATING TO THE PURITY OF THE LATIN TONGUE. THOUGH the origin, growth, flourifhing ftate, and decay of the Latin tongue, may, in my opinion, be moft properly reprefentcd by the different ages of man, as infancy, youth, manhood, and old age : yet, fince thofe periods of time have been more ufually diftinguilhed by metals of PAPERS ON R. STEPHENS'S THESAURUS. of greater or lefs finenefs, as gold, filver, brafs, and iron; I choofe to keep to the method of digcfting them prefcribed by others^ rather than feem too fond of my own opinion, by introducing a new method of my own. The golden age, in this cafe, is generally computed from the time of the fecond Punic war to the latter end of the reign oi Augujlus Ccefar, and com- prehendeth the oldeft authors in the Latin tongue now extant, excepting the hdgments of Livitis Androfjiciis. Though, for a confiderable time after the commencement of this period, the language was but yet forming, and by gradual improvements afterwards arrived to its ftate of perfedtion un- der Ai'gtijlui, Theftlver age is reckoned to have com.menced on the death of Awyiifms^ and continued to the end of Trajan'' s reign. The brafen age began at the death of Trajan^ and lafted till the time that Rome was taken by the Gothsy about four hundred and ten years after the birth of Chrijh The iron age commenced from the flicking of Rome before mentioned, after which the Latin tongue was very much negledted, and multitudes of barbarous words and forms of expreffion introduced, to the great difparage- ment of that noble language.. How rude and unpoliflied this tongue was in its infant ftate appeareth from hence, that the hymns of the Saliar pricfts, inftituted by Numa,v,'€Te fcarcely underftood by the priefts themfelves, who were contemporary with the flourifhing times, as Labius telleth us, Inji. Orat. i. 6. And the de- cemviral and pontifical laws had nothing of that beautiful di(fiion whrch may be obferved in the writings of the Augujlan age. Ennius the poet is alio defcribed by Ovid, Trijl. ii. 424, as ingenio maximus, arte rudis. And Ccecilius is faid hy Tally ad Alt. vii. 3, to be malus Lutinitatis auHor. But in after-times the Ronians took great pains in polilhing their native language ; and even Cafar himfelf, when otherwife engaged in bufinefs of great moment, writ a book relating to the fpeaking of Latin accurately, and declareth therein, vcrborwn dcledam ori^^inem eff'c eloqiienlicz, Cic. de Clar. orat. 72. Cafar, Cicero the father of the Roman eloquence, Cornelius Nepos, Varroy Sallujl, and Livy, mayjuftly be reckoned the greatcil writers in 127 128 M I S C E L L A N E O U S ' T R A C T S." in profe ; and Piautus, Terence, Lucretius, Vugil, Horace, and OviJ, the greateft poets ; who all lived in the golden age. Celjlis, Pateiculus, Columella, Curtius, Tacitus, Pliny the hiftorian, Sueto- ffius, and fome other profe writers, flour iflied in the filver age ; and Per- fnu, Lucan, Situs Italicus, Valerius Flacciis, Juvenal, and Martial, among the poets ; and the two Seneca's diftinguifhcd themfelves by their writings on moral and other fubjedts. Jujiin, MUus Spartianus, with the other writers of the Augujlan hiflory ; Eutropius, Vegeiius, Alacrobius, and Aiirelius. Victor ^ writers in profe; Neme- f.anus, Aufonius, Prujentius, and Claudian, poets ; lived in the brafen age, and were a conliderablc ornament to it. Though it is ufual to judge of the didlion of the P\.o?nan writers by the age they lived in, yet that this may admit of fome exceptions is evident from hence, that Vitruvius, who writ even in the Augujlan age, finketh in fome places far below the diftion of his contemporaries ; and the ftyle of Valerius Maxiimis, the writers of the Hijlcria Augujice, Ammianus Marcelli- nus, and Apuleius, is much worfe than of fome others who lived in their times ; and yet feveral lawyers, as Emilias, Papinian, Vlpian, and others, ■writ in a good Latin ftyle under Alexander Severus ; and even La^lantius, a Chrifllan, writ good Latin in the reign of Conjantine, Sulpitius Severus in, the time of Honorius, Claudian the poet in the time of Severus ; yea and long after, under Theodorlc the Goth, Boethius, a man of confular dignity, wrote in fo pure a Roman ftyle, that, if we were ignorant of the age he lived in, we fliould take him for a contemporary of Cicero. In after-times the beauty of the Latin tongue declined very much, and many bafe words were introduced into the language, efpecially by the ec- clefiaftic and phyfical writers, the ufe of which ought to be carefully avoided by all perfons ftudious of writing in a good £«/;'« ftyle. The fureft way of obtaining which, is carefully to read, make obfervations upon, and imitate the pureft Latin writers, efpecially thofe who come the neareft to QcerOi to whole valuable writings this language is very much indebted. [ 1^9 ] ♦»* The Reader, it is hoped, zvill net be difplcajed with feeing theje Pro- posAts in the Middle of a Bool? \ though certainly in no other Manner conneSled with Mr. BowYER than by having been produced from bis Prefs. The valuable Work, however, having never appeared, and the Propofals themfelves being grown exceedingly fcarce *, the Editor of this Volume has thought proper to preferve them as a Curiofity, PROPOSALS FOR Printing bySubfcription, in one Volume in Folioy COLLECTIONS FROM THE MSS. of Dr. Nathaniel Johnston t, RELATING TO The Antiquities of the County of York. ■ • r;;*.©r. Ducarel ^r.s one copy of them, and Mr. Brooke another. J. N. t See ihc HiHory of thefe MSS, in tlie " Anecdotes of Mr. Bowyer," under the arficle Torkjhire (in the Index). J. N. S 1^0 I. In the Method lotended to be obfcrved in this Volume, the Publiflicr will begin the Work from the South, and South-Weft Parts of the County, adjoining to the Counties of Nottingham and Derby, which will take in the Wapentakes of Strajf'ord 2iX\<\Tickl:iU, and 0/];odcroJs, &cc. in the Weft Riding, and thence will proceed in due order through the whole. II. This Volume containing great Variety of Draughts of Churches, Abbies and Monaftcrics, Monuments, Arms, Seats of Noblemen and Gentlemen, Roman and Saxon Fortifications, R.oman Altars, and Infcrip- tions. Maps of the particular Wapontakes, with a general Map of the whole County, will make about 170 Sheets, to be printed on the fame Paper and with the fame Letter, as the Specimen annexed. [This was on a Genoa Demy, and in a Type one Size larger than thefe Conditions.] ill. The Copper Plates fhall be engraven by the bcft Hands : Which by realbn of their Number and Charge will make the Price of this Book to the Subfcribers two Guineas, one to be paid in hand, and the other upon the Delivery of a Book in Sheets, which fliall be publifhed with all poffible expedition. IV. The Names of the Subfcribers Ihall be printed, as Encouragers of the Work. SUBSCRIPTIONS are taken in by the Editor, Henry Johnston, M.A. and Reftor of Wkilton in Northampionjlyire ; and William Bowyer *, Printer, in White Friers, London. Received the Day of 172 the Sum of Guinea in Part for the firft Volume of Dr. Nath, Johnjlon's Antiquities of Torkjhire. And I promife to deliver the faid Book in Sheets, when printed, upon Payment of the like Sum. I fay received by mc * It is probable that not a finglc fubfcription was received by Mr. Bowytr, z% he was never paid for printing the Propoi'als. J. N. C MI ] A s r N. THE Town {lands pleafantly, having an open Profpctft to the Weft to Cbejicrfit'ld in Dcrbyjhire, and the Country adjoining. On the Eaft is the Parilh of Tod-wick; Thorpe Salvame, South Ealt ; Wales, South; Beighton, Wert; and Treton, North-Weft. The Hamletts within it are Aghton Weft, half of Ulley, North- Weft, and Hardwich. The Hall, or principal Manfion, ftands on the Eaft of the Town, adjoining to the Church. There have been three Parks, the old Park lying North, the new Park South-Weft; which is in three Parifhcs, viz. Jjion, Wales, and Treton; but was difparked fonie years fince. The tionownhle. Conyers D'Arcie, Efq; the fecond Earl of //(j/^trw^y}, hath made the third Park, Eaft from the Hall, with a noble Vifto through the Wood, fo that Todzvick Church may be fecn. In the Conqueror's Survey, the Town is reckoned among the Lands of Doomrday- Hugh Earl of C/j^7?6T*******. It is writ EJlan, being Eaftward of Bcigbion Book, and Aghton. In it Lepes had a Manor of 2 Carucates ami 2 Bovates geldable, and there were then 2 Carucates which Richard Surdus held, and it had in it 5 Villaines, and one Sockman, with 2 Carucates. There was then a Church, and a Prcfbyter, alfo a Wood fit for Pafture a League long, and half a League broad : In the time of King Edward it was worth 20.f. and in the time of the Survey 8x. The next Account I can find of this Place, is, that it was the Pof- feilion of the Family De Arches, and held of Thomas de Fiiniival, and he of '+ ^''^' Ga/frid Luterc/l. The firft that I find of this Family, that was Owner of it, was OJhert de Arches, who lived 20 //. 3. and if his Anceftors were alfo Owners of it (as it is probable) then this following Pedigree will elucidate the Proprietors. Gilbert be Arches, teftis Cnartas W^'/7/VW filii Henricus re Archfs D)Jfwortli, Berlriimi Haget ; ubi conctA'li Roherto /e I'a'vafor friittr (> Ihcrti temp. 2. ColK'i^. dimid. caruc. in Aoyngham, ijuond. Gilb, dt 11. 2. S; 1° Johannh. Archts. ' I / ' PliTS US DE ArcHKS GuLiLLMi'S fiiius Pe:ri ik Arches, Hekricus. tetlis cum IV. Decano Elwr. Si Rogtro Ba-ve).t, ^V. Ai-ANus DE Arches fil. l-fiHu'/.-Ji dedu terras 4*^ 'Jch/iunii nioiirtll. lie Fi,Mibus. OSBERTUS 132 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. :MatIUPA / OsBERTUSDF: AncHES con- firmavit m. ds F'jniit-us terras iii Re- tningtor^ fjuas hahuerunt ex don. Tho. (xA- tris 20 H. 3. Wl I.I. I.1M=:MATILDA,i"|Ua; deCanlilupe. dedit aflenfu mariti i melT. 4 car. in Brid- iiiiglon. 14 EH. I. Ooiil fine prole. Thomas de Arches de- dit nion. de Funi. terras in RemingtoH cum capeila, 20 H. X. _/^ Alan us Christiana Alici.\ Johannes DE Ar- ches o- biit ap. mon. de Font. V /- ■" Johannes ..y Margareta==Thomas Vidua, 5 yS. 2. I damat 20!. in | Bridiingtcn de Piiore. r. .yv_ Defen- \V. DE OuTHEKBY dens ^ £■. 2. de tenia par- te man. de Jjion & Kirk- hy \ux\3. HarVLOoJ. / ' RiCAIt UUS / " . Edmundus Man SELL ^Ed. 2. c'.araat ter- tiam partem manerii Ji Mon U Kirkhy juxta Har- luooJ. < ' » Walterus Win. E'gham Dcfendeiis S £. 2. OsBERT de Arches is Patron of the Church of Afton 1253. 38 Pont'ificat. Walieri Grey. The King grants to OJbert de Arches Free Warren in all his Demefne Lands in Ejton and Kirkhy. 19E. I. I find a Wnt ad qriod damnu»i, if the King grant Licence, to Tho. Baude-Jjiii to give 2 Oxgangs in Ajion to the Abby of St. Maries in Tork. William ^f CiTw//////^ and £■;;/;«« his Wife (perhaps Matilda), have an Enquiry concerning their Liberties in /y/?o«, Kirby, Ravenjihorp, Balhy and Thnbergh, 21 E. i . 14 E. 1. Thomas de Aubk, alias Aiuhenby and William Cantihtpe, held a Knight's Fee thereof ot Thomas Funiival, and he of Galfrcd Lutercl. 17 £.2. IVilliani MarP^all of Hardzvich (in 4/^^'^ P^^'if^) gives to Sir IJardulph de Gajicneys, i.e.JVaJIeneys, Knight, and 6'j/'J/ii his Wife, all the Manor of Ajlon and Tati.zvich, uc.Todwick, which he had in his feifin, Tejii Domino Edmundo de Gajleneys mil. W. fil. Greg- de Taicwyke. I fup- pofc this mufl be in truft, except this Sibyl were relidl of fonie of the coheirs, from which coheirs by purchafe it came to William Melton Archbifiioj) of York : for 6 E. 2. I found Thomas Oiuhenby releafeth to the faicl Archbifliop all his right in the Manor of Ajlo7i in Mortbing. Of this l^yaiiam Melton, Archbifliop, I fliall firil treat in general, and then more particularly. The Book of M-aux /ibby gives a fair charaftcr of Ccenfield. him, and Bifhop Goodzvin hath enlarged it out of other authors : I fliall interweave botli. The Book of Meaux thus. Will. Greenfield Archbifliop of Tork dXcd 13 15. William Melton, Canon of the Church and Provoft of Beverley J was confecratcd by Pope John XXIJ. nt Avignon, 13 17. v; ^; * ft * Regift. Wal. teri Grey. Chart. 41 H. ^. m: 2. eSca.ipE.l. r. g6. Quo War- ranto 3 1 E.I, Roc. 24. Kirk by Inquifit. Coll. Dodf- worth. E. I. 521. Ri.r. 6 E. 3. [ '33 3 t MR. B O W y E R'S LETTER T O ROGER GALE, ESQUIRE; Concerning an Inscription found at Bath, Auguft 1736; and the Omiifion of the Letter N in feveral Latin Words. SIR, March 4, 1738. I Have herewith fent you my thoughts upon the Bath Lifcrlption, and am much obliged to you for the honour you do me in giving them a reading. I have got them tranfcribed by no very ikilful hand ; on which account you will pardon any inaccuracies in the copy, though I know I have more reafon to apologize for the imperfedtions of the original. If what I have fent Ihould occafion you again, to turn over Schelius, De Caftrametatione Romanorum, you'll perhaps with pleafure obfcrve an emendation in Manilius ; which it is twenty to one Dr. Bentley takes, and, if we may judge from the accufations againfl him, will fcarcely own. I am. Sir, &c. W- B. L. V I T E L L I V S. MA Lucius Vitellius Ma- NIAL. L. F. ANCINVS r.ialis, Lucii Filius, Ancinus, GIVES. HISP. C AVRIESIS Civis Hifpanus Caurlenfis f EQ^ ALAE. VETTONVM. C. R * Eques Al« Vettonum Civis Rom. ANN. XXXXVI. STIP. XXVI Annorum 46 Stipendiorum 26 H. S. E. Hie fitus ell. * The point between C and R occafioned my thinking tl-.at they denoted two diftinft words ; but as there is no fiich point in Mr. Ward and iMr. Bowyer's copy, 1 believe it is an error in this, and that C R fignify cueator, as they read them. R. Gale. + Caurium, hodie Coria inC'.i;;ilia. WHEN 134 M I S C E L L A N E O U S T R A C T S. WHEN we were favoured with Mr.Ward's reading of the Bath Infcrip- tion of Vitellius, at the Antiquarian Society, I prefumed to fuggeft an In- fcription in Reincfius to confirm his conjefture of Alse Vettonum CURA- TOR, where the fame officer, I faid, was more determinately exprefied. I faid fo, indeed, upon no lefs authority than the great name I cited ; which having fincc found reafons to dilFent from, I am obliged, both in juitice to ) ou and myfelf, to lay them before you. The Infcription in Rcinefius runs thus. Clafs II. 77. L. AMEILIVS. L. F. LATINVS AR. PRISCVS. EQJIT. ROM. CVI JOVI CONSERVATORI CV STODI. LVD. FECIT TI. CLAVDIO. CAES. AVGVSTO. V SERGIO. CORNELIO ORPHITO COS Lucius Amelius Lucii filius Latinus Arnienfis Prifcus Equitum Romanorum CVRATOR Jovi Confervatori Cu- ftodi Ludos fecit Tiberio Claudio C^efar Augufto quintum Sergio Cornclio Orphito, Confulibus. This officer, he fa}s, is otherwife called Curio Equitum Romanorum in Ligione ; and to prove it refers to Gruter, p. dxliix. 8. DIS MANIBVS M. JVNIO CVRIONE EQ^R. LEG. XXn. VIC * TVR. VERISSIMI. VIXIT, &c. This Infcription at firfl view is ambiguous, fincc C V R I O may poffibly be the name of a family, not of an office ; and I think, from the rcafons 1 fliall prefcntly offer, it mull neceflarily be fo ; and that Rcinefius, by reading this Infcription wrong, is mlftaken in his interpretation of both. 1 don't fav there was no fuch office as Curio Equitum Romanorum ; though this, at beft, is an uncertain j)roof of it : we need not go out of the iEmi- lian family for a better. — V. Gruter, cccxLviii. i. * Vidricis Turnije. L. LETTER TO MR. R. GAL E. 135 L. AEMILIO. L. F. PAP. ARCANO TRL MIL. LEG. XL GEM. E F. TRIE MIL. LEG. II. AVG. OMNIBVS. HO NORIBVS. IN. AMPLISSIMVM ORDINEM. AB. IM. CAES HADRIANO. AVG. Inil. VIR EQVITVM. ROMANORVM CVRIONI QVAILSTORI VRBANO, &c. From comparing the Infcriptions on the two ^51milii, it Is natural to fup- ply the one from the other ; to read therefore in the firft CVRIO Eqiiitum Romanorum, not with Reinefius CVRATOR, we fliall foon find that this was a civil ofEcer, not a military one; not, as Reinefius would have it, Equitum B^man. IN LEGION E. The proof of this depends upon fome difcoveries in the Hifl;ory of the Roman Army firft made by Schelius, in his admirable Comment upon Hvginus de Caftramentatione Romanorum * ; which, though publifhed fix or feven years before the death of Reinefius -J-, it is probable, from this and other circumflances I fiiall hereafter mention, that great critic and anti- quary had not the happinefs of feeing. 'Schelius has been fecondcd by Grsevius in his Preface to the firll volume of hisThciaurus, from both whom I will juft lay before you as much as may ferve for our prefent purpofc. From Romulus to the time of Marius, the Roman horfe confiftcd only of horfe who were of the Ordo Equcjlris, called fo in difiinftion to the Sc- natorian Order in the city, and the infantry in the field ; where again we find them equally diftinguiflied from the auxiliary horfe, which with the auxiliary foot made up the Ala;. Thus Livy, lib. xl. c.40. Alarii Equites pcji- quam turn niemorabUefacintis Equ'iium Romancrum videre, &c. See alfo xxxv. 5. After the Social War, the allies of Italy being incorporated in the city jointly with the original citizens, made up the legionary foot, and jointly with the Externi made up the cavalry of the Ala. The legions ftill confiftcd of citizens old and new ; but the ftatcd legionary horfe were laid afide. We hear no more oi jujius Legionis Equltatus ; and it is not likely that the * Graev. Thcf torn. X. p. to7(;. ^ 1660, Reinelius died 1667. Y, Ffbric. Bibl. Lat. Equites i;6 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. Eqii'ites liiviarii, who before made a diHinft body in the army, fliould be indifcriminately reckoned among the j^la, fince the privilege of knighthood (if I may fo term it) was not enlarged to other nations, though thatof citi- zenfhip was. This farther appears from the regulation made by Auguftus, who, as Herodian * obferves, eafed Italy from the burthen of war ; from which time, though the Prastorian and City Cohorts were raifed near home, the Legions were collcdled chiefly from the provinces : the former called by Otho, in Tacitus -f~, Italue alumnos is" vere Romanwn juventiitem ; the lat- ter by H}ginus, Militia Frovincialis fidelijfvna ; but thefe Equites PrtXloriani, though a more honourable Militia than the Als, did not confift of Roman knights : thefe were ftill of a higher diftindllon ; and inftead of ferving, as Pliny \ fays,/« tiinnis Eqiionim,\\^xt either dignified at home with civil offices, or clfe with potts of command in the army, which for tliat rcafon are ftiled Equi-Jtres Militia by Suetonius §. It mufl be owned there is fome difficulty in accounting for thofe pafTages in antient infcriptions and hiftorians that mention Equites Legioti'is in thefe latter times. Thus Tacitus, lib. i. 57. Fabius Vale7is pojlero die cum Equiti- biis Legionis I. auxiliorumque coloniam Jigrippinenfcm ingrejfus hnperatorem Yitel- lium confalutavit. So again, lib. ii. Dextra fronte prima Lcgio inccjjit cum duabus VexiHnribus Cohortibus & quijigentis Equitibus : fiiper hos e Prcetorio auxilii'.quc m lie F.quifcs. — It is probable, that as the legions Hill confifted of citizens (civitate donatij, any party of horfe, that were- citizens like- wife, were on that account and relation ftiled Equites Legionis, to give them fomevvhat of an honourable diftinftion from the y\.uxiliarics : but whatever they were, it is enough for my purpofe that they were not the ancient legionary horfe : their number here is different, as well as their quality ; they are never ftiled Equites Roman:, that title being appropriated to the Roman knights onlv. — Allowing therefore Marcus Junius to be Eques Roiiianus in Lc'rionc, there could not be a body of that rank in the legion with a ftated officer prefiding over them. There was no CVRIO Equitum liojiianorum in Legione here, as Reinefius imagined, who has con- feauently, as I faid, miftiiken the name of a family for that of an office ; and, from this falfe proof, found out a military office in the other infcrip- tion Inftead of a civil employment. * l.ih. ii. c. IT. t Hift. lib. i. 84. X Niit. Hill. >..\.\iii. I. § Claud, c. xxv. But L E T T E R T M Pv. R. G A L E. 137 But fo do further juftice flill to this Marcus Junius Curio, as I may now call him, I would obferve, that as this is the only infcription in Gruter, perhaps the only inflance in hiftory, from the time of the emperors, of a Roman knight ferving as a common trooper, I fliould much fufpedt that this has been ill copied, efpccially lince it has other marks of incorred:- nefs. The letter P for Prtefcftus, or a T included in the letter L for Tri- bunus, would reftore our knight to one of the Equeftres Militi* due to him and his order. To conclude then as I began : what I have offered is not to leflen the probability of Mr. Ward's ingenious reading of the Bath Infcription, but only to remove from it a falfe fujiport. We have in one infcription in Gruter CVRATOR VETERANORVM, and CVR. MIL. in another, which are foundation enough for reading in our Equitum ales Vettomim CVRATOR. II. But Reinefius ftill fuggefts to us another reading, which may feem to deferve the more regard, as he fupports it from an infcription found in the neighbourhood of this before us; and yet his interpretation of it has not, fo far as I have feen, been taken notice of by any of our Antiquaries, though the infcription has pafled through the hands of feveral. The ab- breviation of CR. may as well fignify Centurio as Curator ■-■; and what ob- jedtion is there to it, fince, according to this author, there was a Centurion of horfe as well as of foot : this he endeavours to prove, againfl; Herman- nus Hugo, from various infcriptions, and from one which feems the moft full to his purpofe found at Bath, which I will lay before you from Mr. Horfley's copy. DIS MANIBVS M, VALERIVS. M FIL. LATINVS CEQ^ MLES. LEG. XX. AN XXXI. STIPEND. XX H. S. E. Mr. Camden, who firfl publlilied it, reads Cohortis Equitum Miles Lc- gionis vicejjima:, which Dr. Mufgrave -,'- changes, 1 know not why, into * "^yiitaf;. Tnfcrip. p. i6. f Belg. Briran. p. 70. T Cohors io8 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. 'J Cohors Equitum Miles Legionis, &c. but as all the cohorts were denomi- nated * either from their order in the legion, or, if they were indepen- dent of it, from the nation they confifted of, or from the perfon that col- ledled them, all which are omitted here, both Mr. Camden's and Dr. Mufgrave's readings muft be rejedted. We come then to Reinefius, who will have it Ccntiirio Equitum Miles Le- gionis -f. Mr. Horfley reads it to the fame purpofe, only fomewhat worfe^, Centurio Eqiics Miles Legionis ; thus making a threefold inverted kind of gradation ; the like to which, he fays, appears in other infcriptions, but he has not produced one %. However, another obfervation of Schelius will overtlirow both thefc readings efFedtually. The Equeftrian Cohorts, as he proves from Hyginus and Vegetius, confifted both of horfe and toot, in one company of about 24 to 76, or 3 to I ; a proportion that is obferved in the Adls of the Apoftles, where the Tribunus Militum orders two Centurions to make ready 200 foldiers to go to Csefarea, and horfemen threefcore and ten : it Is no wonder, then, thefe companies retained the name of Cohorts, fince they confifted of foot chiefly ; or that, as they were divided into Centuria,. they were commanded by a Centurion : though therefore we have frequent inftances of a Centurio Cohortis Equejlris, they are of no authority to prove, as Reinefius fuppofes, that there was a Ce?iturio Equitum. The infcription on Valerius Latinus had remained ftill in the datk, had not the preface to Mr. Horfley's book ftruck out a better conjedlure than any hitherto produced, by reading the united letters CE Decurio Equitum. The point of honour indeed remains ftill inverted, as well as the letter D ; and one would have more naturally expected Miles Legionis xx Decurio Equitum, as in Grutcr, p. ccclv. 5. C. ARRIO. C. F. COR. CLEMETL MILITL COH. IX. PR. EQVITI. COHORTIS. EJVSDEM. But whether this decorum was always obferved In infcriptions, I muft Tcave to others more verfed in them to determine. * Cohortcs finguli ex qiiibus confcriptae vocabulo, item, audorum qui JciipfifTent, &■ fi plures erant, ut Cohortes Legionarix etiam numero dillingucbantur. Schel. p.1095, »pud Graevium in Thef. torn. X. Viile etiam p. 1092. •j- The true rculing fceiiis to me, Cohortis Equitata Afilcs, &ic. R. Gall. X Ca]). xxiii. vcr. 3. UL. L E T T E R T O M R. R. G A L E. 139 III. One infcription on VitcUius is as follows * : L. VITELLIVS. MA NIALI-F-TANCINVS ^ GIVES ^ HISP (5 CAVRIESIS ECL^ ALAE. ^ VETTONVM f . CR. ANN. XXXVI. STIP. XXVI. H. S. E. It has recorded his country, as ufual in infcriptions on fokliers. He WAsCiVi's Caurujis. ^ Cives forC/w is undoubtedly the orthography o^ the age in which the infcription was written. Nouns, I imagine, of two genders (and fuch were all thofe which included both fpecies), had origi* nally in this declenfion two terminations; is mafculinc, and cs feminine. In time both terminations were ufcd in fome words indifcriminately ; and the mafculine or feminine were folely appropriated to others. Hence eifisy V)nd apes I vulpis and vulpes ; vallis ^nd vallcs. Servius j;, obferving thefc double terminations, makes one the genuine nominative, the other the poetical, introduced for the fake of quantity ; and fays the genuine nomi- native is always diftinguilhed by the formation of the diminutive; that valiis therefore is the true nominative, becaufe we have vallecula, not valli- cula. I rather think, that time has preferved only fome of the diminutives, as well as originals, promifcuoufly, as apes, apis, apicula ; intlpis, viilpes, *uulpecula, &c. It is enough for our purpofe, that feveral words had two nominatives, and cin:cs may be added to the number, as plebei from plehes in the Monumentum Ancyranum. The omiffion of n in Caxiriefis is another regular peculiarity, as was obferved || before this Society, and has been ehewhere fo learnedly proved §, that it needs no farther evidence; but ftil!, * Rfinef. Chff. viii. 44., &c. f Vettonc?. ^[ The remainder of this letter is confiderably enlarged (after having been colluted with the original) from Mr. Bowycr's Preface to a Grammatical Treatiie by ^Mr. Leedes, annexed to Kufter " dc vero uhi Verborum Mediorum, &c, 1773," p. Si. \ Metri neceflltate compellimur, lit Wfl///i dicamtis. Statius : Vallis biamp'exu tiemo- rum Jedct : nam plenum eft valla, ut nunc Virgiliu.; pofuit, quod ita cifc diminutio in- dicat : nam vailecula, vit vulprs, vulpecula, facit. Ergo in es vel in is, quando v.furpa- t'lve aiit quando naturaUter exeunt noniina, fola diminutio iadicat. Serv. in Virg. j\Lu, xi. 522. II By R. Gale. Pee before this Infcription,, the two copies differ in feveral particulars. § Dr. Mufgravc in Jul. Vital, p. 57. Mr. Gale in Phil. Tranf. N° 357. Abridgm. vol. V. par. ii, c. 2. p. 52, Ed\r. LUiwyd's Arch.-eol. Brit. Tit. i. Obf. 16. T a I hope. I40 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. I hope, I fhall not be thought too officious if I add one or two obferva- tions, which can only, I confefs, lay claim to your attention from their minutenefs. In the firfi: place, I would obferve, that it is probable the old Romans, in the infancy of their language, preferved the found of the letter N * be- fore S, becaufe it occurs fo regularly in all their partici-ples of the prefent tenfe, and is inferred in many words which want it in the language from whence they were borrowed. That afterwards, however, the Romans dropped or foftened this found, as they grew more acquainted with the Gre- cians ; and the feveral nations, which by degrees compofed the Roman empire, fell more or lefs into this pronunciation, as it was more or lefs agreeable to their own refpedive languages. I will not pretend to trace out the various tongues that were fpoken through Europe and Afia, before the Roman conquerors introduced theirs : it is fufficient to obferve, that this pronunciation prevails among many of them to this day. The Germans abound with N, and therefore retained it in the words they borrowed from the Romans ; but the Italians, French, and Spa- niards, very frequently omit it. Thus, agreeably to our infcription, \\c learn from the Italians to fay Mila?ie/e, Gencuefe, and the like, for Mila- nenfes^ Genouenfcs, &c. The French, for Burgcnfcs, Nivernenfcs, fay Bur- geois (whence our Burgefs) and Nivernois ; and in Spain (the country of the Ala Veitonu?n as well as of their Curator Vitcl/ius) they fay Se/o for Senfus, Ef(>ofa for Sponfa, and we Spouje. Thus Menfis is hhje in Italy, in Spain Mcs, and in France Mois, But this is too large a field to enter farther into. I faid we might carry up the original of this pronunciation flill higher, and trace it from the Greeks, who are known to have been the mafters of fpeech to the Romans : Cicero himfelf affedted it, as appears from a paf- fage cited by Dr. Mufgrave from Velius Longus -|-, who lived before Ha- * N filent. f Sequcnda eft nonnunquam elegantia eruditorum, quod qiiafdem litteias levitatis caui'a omifenint, licut Cicero, qui Forejla &c Hortejui fine N litera dicebat. Gram. Vet. perPutfchium, p. 22. 37. And D. Vollius complains of the Mlf. inferting N Ltfore S, ai ia licnfauriy quoUens. Sec liis note on C;cf. Com. B. C. ii. 9. T he VVeHh alfo, though <;reatly delighting in confonants, omit the N in Latin names, turned into Britifli ; as Kufifint for Condantius, which probably Ihcy leaint from the Bo mans. R, Gale. drlan» LETTER TO MR. R. GALE. inan. Longus afcribes it levitatis caiifa, for the fake of fmoothncfs : I would afcribe it to his imitation of the Greek tafte. That the Grecians omitted the N before S,. appears, 1. From proper names, where the Romans inferted if. Thus, 'O^Y,-', 'OSoV > whence the Latin Dens ; or rather, both in Greek and Latin, gtxvjg and ooov7j ; yjrj, yjf'Oi, XHN2 or XANS, Belg. Gans, whence, by cutting off the N, comes our Gocfe ; by retaining the N, and adding the Mafculine Termination, comes the Latin Anfcr, and our Gander \. — So hc, Ivoq, tvq or ;Vf ; whence the Latin Unus is not derived from the Oblique cafe (as has been hitherto fuppofed), but from the Nominative cafe. 3. This omiffion of the N before S appears again in the Datives plural, from pAajK in the fingular, ^sA«cr; in the plural, not jJ?^jxKa-i ; gavji, goctrr oSofjt, e^5 144 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. APPENDIX T O T H E PRECEDING ARTICLE. N"L Letter from Mr. Clarke to Mr. Bowyer, Nov. 17, i73('* SI N C E I received )'onrs, I have fear ce "had an hour to myfelf — taken up with ceremonies that were due either to the Living or the Dead. You charge brifkly, and feem to command the Cohors Vigiliim ; and are as bufy as if Rome was burning. But where ? in what quarter ? If you don't tell me, I fliall imagine tliat you not only rally your Horfe, but your Friends. I am fometimes afraid, that, like other difputants, we Ihall be in danger of lofing the nucflion. Let us therefore review the firft point: you have now put Mr. Ward's reading of CR. intirely out of doubt. If there were Curators of the Infantry, nobody will queftion but there might be the fame officers among the Horfe ; and as the abbreviations naturally lead you to it, and cannot well bear any other explication, it v^ould be ridiculous to dovibt of it. EQi ALAE. VETTONVM. cvRATOR. is therefore indifputable, and a ruled point. The only queftion now is what the office was. Now as to the incidental queries, that arofe from hence. I much fufpedted that AMELIUS, the Eqmt. Rom. Curator mentioned by Reinefius, CI. II. n-77» might be a civil officer, becaufe his other titles had that appearance only. But^ be that as it will, I cannot think that either of Rci- nefius's miftakes about Citrator, or Curio from Grater, were owing to any perfuafion or opinion of his about the Legionarii Romani Eqiiifes. Curator or Ctirio might denote military offices, whatever fide of the queftion you take ; nor will the clearing that queftion get us a ftep forwarder, with rela- tion to the meaning of thcfc two words, I fee no connexion between them. LETTERTOMR. BOWYER. them. Becaufc Curio often expreffes a facred or civil office, Rcincfius too liaftily quoted a marble to prove it a military office, where it is no office at all, and only a proper name. And whether he is miftaken in interr preting the other infcription (CI. II. n. 77) may be ftill a Quiere, though I am inclined to think he is. Now for the great queftion that employs your thoughts fo much. You fay that where infcriptions mention Eq. Leg. the meaning is, that the per- fon fo diftinguiflied was Eques Romanus (in a civil fenfe) and Allies Lcgionis, and that Schelius and Grasvius undertake for this fide of the queflion. Let them undertake what they pleafe, I cannot believe any thing but what is proved, efpecially in a queflion fo various and intricate as the exa.vlg, and Jlants in Latin : and olo\]s (not olmg), whence the Latin word dents originally, not dens. So (p. 142) Dr. Clarke's ;:«Ax«yj cannot make K. 1 as LETTERONTIIESAXONYULE. 15s as they applied the old name F.ojlcr, from ihc goddcfs Coj-cpe, to denote their Pafchal Fcaft ; whence, as Bcdc informs us, April was called €ofCupmonat). But whence the Saturnalia, or Mid-winter Feftivals, re- ceived this appellation, is a point on which the learned are nor agreed. I. Some (whofe opinion is exploded by Loccenius in his Suco-Gothic Antiquities, lib. I. c. 5) think they were inftituted in honour of Julius Cafar; and Buchanan fuppofcs that the Britons, adopting the Roman Sa- turnalia, called them Julia, changing the name of Saturn for the prse- nomen of Julius Cafar. II. Others think that the word lol was derived from the Greek "iKAor, which fignifics an hymn fung by the fpinftcrs of wool, in honour of tj|9 god Mercury, agreeably to the following verfe : DIdymus fays, the hymn was in praife of Cifra, w-hich is confirmed by Athenseus, lib. xiv, from Semus of Delos, and by Theodoret in his book De Materia & MunJo, in thefe words : Let us 7i(rju fing our Tulc to Ceres, or to Bacebus our Diibyrambic. Which correfponds indeed (fays Pon- taaus) with our fenfe of the word, and with the Yules of our country- men, celebrated after the barns had been filled with the fruits of Ceres, and when the new-revolving year brings on the fcafon for cultivating the ground to receive the feed again. But it will be afked. How could an exotic word, and fo obfolete, be known and familiar to the Northern People ? I anfwcr, fays he, that we have other more remote words bor- rowed from the Greek, which the Danes and we to this day retain. Is not our word Fo, i. c. born, from $ iw, 7iafcor ? And nothing is more common with us than Smor, Butter, from Mv^ov, which, by adding 2, is ^[jivpov, ointment ; as the Attics for ^ly^m fay a-jjuxficv. Such is the opinion of Pontanus (cited by Olaus Wormius in his Fafti Danici, lib. I. c. 7), which he confutes in the following terms* : " What Pontanus aflcrts is very true, except that the word Id is of a " more extenfive fignification than only an hymn to Ceres. It denotes *' fomewhat more: fuch a feltivity as is celebrated not with hymns only, " but with fports alio, and compotation, and every mark of feftal joy. " From whcnQt lola genio in ciulgere ; hla, and la la, confabulari." * Notes on Hervarar Snga. c. iv. X 2 We . S56 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. We may farther add, in confutation of Pontanus, that the Cimbric lul was by the ancient Englilh, before Bede, written Giidi, and by the Anglo- Saxons jeol, ^ehul, jeohol ; which words have little or no affinity with IkA@-'. On the contrary, the Cimbric lul, or lol, feems derived from the Anglo-Saxon gehul, jeol ; je being changed into I, as Ifur, Saxon jepip, •very four \ Ignen, Saxon jejpene, very green. And fo in the Dano- Saxon dialeft, the prafix ge is melted into I, as in lola, or lul, from jeul or jeol, emphatically jeula, jeola. To trace then the original of the Cim- bric lol or lola, we muft firit find whence the Anglo-Saxon geol or jeul is derived. in. Gudmundus Andrea?, a ftranger in the Anglo-Saxon tongue, and who affc£ts to derive every thing from the Hebrew, confiders lol as a neuter gender plural, in a two-fold fenfe; either, in the more recent fignification of it, denoting the feftival of the birth of Chrift ; or, in the more ancient, the winter fellival, celebrated long before, even amongft the giants, fup- pofed to have been the defcendants of the original inhabitants of Canaan. In the former fenfe, the word, he fays, may not unfitly have a reference to the Hebrew ^V, parvulus puerulus, when to us a Son was born, Et nova progenies cxio demiititur alto. If we take the word in the other fenfe, what hinders but that the defcendants of the Canaanites might borrow from the Hebrew Jubilee both the name and thing ? for the Jewifii ^2V was fo called from the founding of [rams] horns. Both thefe fenfes are fo foreiga to the purpofe, that they need no confutation. IV. Olaus Wormius, in his Falli Danici, lib. i. cap. 14. with no lefs impropriety derives lul from the Daniili Huilc, refl. The two months called Giuli, fays he, receive that name from the Sun's returning to increafe the length of the days ; one of the months preceding, the other following, the commencement of Inch increafe. This he cites as the words of Bede, and then adds his own : " huilc, fays he, ftill with us denotes rejl, as I " imagine, from the winter folftice, becaufe the Sun feems then to rest, " before he fets forward towards the Equator. Now, from lluile, to reft, " the change of H into G is very eafy, as thofe letters are contiguous in " the alphabet, and the Printers, through hafte in compofing, often make " fuch miftakes. But if, with Scaliger, we read Giuli, we fliall not im- •* properly derive it from the fcflival which was celebrated at that feafon " in LETTERONTHESAXONYULE. 157 " in our country, and is ftill called lueL" Here this learned writer (through ignorance of the Anglo-Saxon tongue, in which, as we have ob- ferved, the Danifh lul, formerly called lol, is written jeol, &c.) would, againft all analogy, for Giuli read Huilc. Bcfides, Bede fays the two months December and January were called by the ancient Englifh Giuli, not from the Sun's feeming to rest at the winter folfticc, but from his TURNING back to increafe the length of the days, manifeflly alluding to the Anglo-Saxon hpeol, hpel, or jeheol, gehpel; Iflandic ///o/ and Hiiel, a WHEEL. All, therefore, which this great man obfervcs of the eafy change of H and I, and of the Printer's miftakes, is to no purpofc. Nor am I more fatisfied with what he further advances, that Giuli, the plural of Gtul, if we mufl read ib with Scaliger, was derived from the Cimbric M, iince I have fhevvn, from the analogy of other examples, that the latter is rather to be derived from the former. V. Let us now, then, proceed to enquire from whence Giul of the an- cient Englifh (who came hither with the Jutes and Saxons), and the Saxon jeol, emphatically jeola, are derived. Bede, as above cited, thinks they are derived from hfeol, hpel, with the fyllabic augment jehpeol, jehj'el, in the Cimbric Hiol and Hueh Of the fame opinion feems to be the author of the Anglo-Saxon Menology preferved in the Cotton Library, B. 1. " In the twelfth month, fays he, are xxxi days. This month is called in ** Latin December, but in our tongue the forn.er Gecla ; for there are two " months of the fame name, the one called the former Gech, the other " the latter Geola." One of thefe comes before the Sun bends his courfe towards lengthening the days, the other follows it. This .opinion of Bede, that jiul from hpel, or ^ehpel, is confirmed from^^ehul and jehol being written with an h, as in the laws of King Alfred, c. 39. the twelve days from the feafl of the Nativity are called xii bajaj- on jehol. Which is ftill farther confirmed from what Loccenius, in his Suco-Gothic Antiqui- ties, lib. L cap. 5. obfcrves, that on the Runic-Norwegian Staff a zcbeel is reprefented at Chrift's Nativity. This Verelius freely allows; but yet does not acquiefce in Bede's opinion. He owns that the Scandinavians denoted both folftices by ix wheel; " as I have feen it, fays he, depicted in " a certain kalendar at the fummcr folftice." But I ftill deny that they therefore derived the word lul troai the return of the Sun at the winter 153 M I S C E L L A N E O U S T R A C T S. winter folflice* ; becaufe the other return of the Sun, at the fummer folftlcc, ought to have been called fo likewife. VJ. Verclius therefore, perfuaded that the {ignificatlon of the word mull: be elfewhere derived, contends that lul and lol denoted a time of feafting and joy ; and becaufe thefe feafts were kept with the greateft lolcmnicy, after the winter facrifices were finilhed, they were therefore called lol, loliibiid, £cc. by way of eminence, which he confirms by feveral au- thorities. VII. But I wonder he did not, with all his fagacity, difcovcr the ori- ginal of the word in ol, ale, or beer, which, by a metonymy, fignifics a teaft or compotation. In his Scandic Dicllonary he fays ol is properly a!c, but is otten ufed for a feaft in general. Thence olgiora, to furniJI} oitt -a fcnjl ; oljlcmna, anlnvilatlon to a fcojl ; olbod'ni, one bidikn to afeajl ; and famburdar aid, i, e. cl, a conipoiation at a covimon expcnce. Nay, thofe em- blematical horns, filled with ale, which denoted the Vidian feflivity in the Runic calendar, pointed out the derivation oi hi from OL And Gudmun- dus AndrejB feemed to difcern fomewhat of that derivation in his word lol: " He enjoined, fays he, this Bacchanalian feafl: from 01, Ale.''' But you will afk, perhaps, what hindered Verclius from difcovering this derivation ? I anfwer, it was the prefix /, which is a fyllabical aug- ment, increaling the fignification of words, and adding an emphalis to them. Gudmundus Andres, in his note on the fecond Strophe of Volu-fpe^ fays, " In Ivide, I is prefixed, being an intenfive particle ; as in igUde, " very dear ; ifurt, very four ; and igr^nc, very green," To this intenfive particle /, ufed by the Cimbri and Scandinavians, the Englifh-Saxon je anfwers, as I have obferved above, in my Grammar, chap. ix. 17. Hence it is that the Cimbric lol, in Anglo-Saxon jeol, and in Dano- Saxon lul, formed by the eafy change of into u, denotes, by way of eminence, thofe feftal folemnities which accompany the facred rites of mid-winter, as being the mofl: public and the principal of all. But Hill Bede's authority will be objctfted, who derives the old Englifh Giol from hpel, jehuel, or hiol. I anfwer, Bede, writing as a mathema- tician concerning the m^afurc of time, was led naturally to pay a greater regard to an etymology which pointed out the time of the retrograde motion of the Sun, when the days incrcafe, than to the ruks of gram- * QS. if not printed by miftake circa tequino Ilium, in the original, mar; LETTER ON THE SAXONYULE. 159 mar; for as he flouriflicd about the year dcc, when the folftice fell on the feventeenth of December, the Sun on the twenty-fifth of that month, when the Yulian feafts were celebrated, was got forward twelve days in- his progrefs towards the fummer tropic. So much for the feafts of /o/, jeol, &c. from whence the twelfth and firfl month of the Julian year received the name of the firft and fccond Teola and iola ; the former fo called, becaufe, on the twenty-fifth of it, viz. on the eighth of the calends of January^ which the ancients thought to be the winter folftice, and thenee began their year, they commenced their Yulian feftivities ; which they ufed to prolong for many days, even to the thirteenth of January ; and after that, to renew them about the end of that month, and the beginning of February j whence January was called by the Anglo-Saxons the fccond jeola.. It muft be obferved, that the ancient northern world thought the fol- ftice, or the middle of winter, fell on the viiith of the calends of January, or twenty-fifth of December ;. from whence they began their year, and celebrated feftivals, on account of it, long before the birth of Chrift ; per- haps as early as when the folftice fell in reality on that day, which v/as in the year of the world mmmdlviii. the year before Chrift cccxc." Thus far Dr. Hickes. I will only add, as a further confirmation of his etymology, that OvKxi, in Greek, is- preferved in Hcfychius, under the words OvXoxoiov and OvAoximy-g, fignitying Barley ; from whence that beverage is made which ufed to be the principal ingredient of the northern- feafts. Lwill prcfunic to-hazard one conj'efture more on the word y;Afk', which' (whence foever derived) I would propofe for the original of our word laugh; fince it was ufual with all nations to exprcfs the found of the digamma between two vowels, and the northern nations to expjrefs it ftronger than the others did.. But to prove this would be too large a field. to enter into.- Laftly, I would proceed one ftep further, from words to things. As Dr. Hickes has calculated how high he can carry the heathen fcftival 0/ or Tu/e, fo has Mr. Sclden tried how far he can, by the fame ars^umtnt, carry back the obfervation of the Chriftian feftival of the birth of Chrift. " Vyhcnlbcver, fays he, it was firft inftituted for anniverfary cckbration, "it i6o M I S C E L L A N E O U S T R A C T S. " it was in fuch an age as had the fuppojttion of the whiter folpce being " on the 25th of December, yet retained in the church : otherwife what " dependence were there betwixt the name of the feaji and i\vq foljiice ? " But that dependence is by confent of the Fathers fully teftified, as a tra- *' dition of former times ; and the lateft age which in the church retained " t)\2itfuppofttioii, muft at leaft be before the Council of N/Vif ; therefore, " at leaft, the inftitution of it muft precede that Council." But though we were to carry up the firft injlitution of this feaft fo high as urged, yet it does not follow that it was rightly placed, becaufe (as Sir Ifaac Newton obferves *) tlie Chriftians of the firft age let thefe great occurrences pafs without regarding the year, or the feafon of the year, on which they hap- pened ; and when they began firft to celebrate the feafts in memory of them, arbitrarily placed the chief of them in the cardinal points of the year: the Annunciation on the 25th of March, or the Vernal Equinox; St. John's Baptifm on the Summer Solftice ; St. Michael's at the Autumnal Equinox ; and the Birth of Chrift at the Winter Solftice. " For which " reafon there is not one month of the year, except July, which one or " other of the Learned have not fixed for the real month of the Nati- " vity f ." Very different is the reafoning of a Philofopher and an Antiquary from the fame fatts : the one finds the birth of Chrift commemorated at Mid- winter-day fo early, or fo late, as the Council of Nice; therefore his birth- day was fo in reality : the other finds the Heathen fcftivals were converted into Chriftian, therefore they were arbitrarily placed upon them, knd it is no mark of the feafon of their lb falling out. Undoubtedly the jufter conclufion. * Obferv. on Prophecy, chap. xi. t See Fabricius, Bibliotheca Antiquaria. ADDl' C i6i 1 ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS In ChISHULL'S AnTIQUITATES AsiATICyE, Tranfciibed from the Margin of Mr. Bowyer's Copy, Now in the Poffcffion of the Right Honourable Edward Lord Sandys. Prjef. iii. 1. 22. lege, Hzec inter, duo pras ceteris eminent monumenta. Inscr. Sic. p. 4. 1. 29. asy^.-ig.'] 1.iyHHc, pro XiyH-g. Cafu plurali quarto aut forte quinto. Nee obftare debet aut Lucianus in Solceciftii, aut Hel- ladius apud Photium, aut iis confcntiens doftiflimus J. Gr^vius, quanquam hi omnes ncgavcrint pluralem quartum antiquitus defiilfe in «?. Contra enim ftabit M-ig^netum & Smyrnjeorum foedus in Marmorc Oxonicnfi, ubi p. 6. legitur /3ao-;A«c, Itttth;, iterumque p. i2. 'ititthc cafu quarto, ut etiam in Marmore Chronico lin. 87. (I'a))cf7j cafu plurali primo, & Homero OdyflT. ^. ver. 170 — -sroArtf jp'y)ja-jv a'i^Aiff. Chishull. Scribe, Ytynic pro X;yft>j? ap. reccntiores Atticos, non pro 'S.iyHH;. " Quant£B [enim] levitatis fuiflet in ifto marmore poteftatcm EI nuda vocaliE defignari velle, cum in fyllaba proxime prsecedente eadem potcftas plene exhibe- retur. Fefellit viros crudites analogia in hujufmodi nominibus ab Atticis fervata, quam fie concipi velim : a redto — .-wj obliques formabant lones — cWof, — cW/, — sVJoc, — £W5, — iWctv, — c\V;$, — evfuv, — ;wcr/, — :-W«j. Illud autem iWag Attici juxta crafin ipfis folennem negled:a afpirationc w in yig mutabant. Hinc apud Poetas Atticos legimus /TTTrn?, A%api'j)?, Miyupn;: redte nifi quod liters -/j fubjiciatur /. Dawes, Mifc. Crit. p. 121. — Notandum prasterca SIFETETSIN & SIFEIES parum fibi invicem conftare, legi autem oportere vel SinrrETSIN & SIFETEZ, vel, quod reftius, SirEIETSIN & SIFEIES. Ibid Not. 1. ult. lege, ME AEi:iAINEN-EO.— Tandem vero Toup in Suidam, par. HI. p. 306. voc. XaA/j5, & legendum i%£i/ i^hi^os. immo perpetuo apud Homerum i^^v^cg, non iiyi^ujj.05. Chishui.l. P. 36. not. 1. 2. lege, cap. 8. p, 4S0. — Ita fcribcndus videtur ifle locus ; A. Niiy* , oiTTovicMv tjjv kvKix.ch, 5>jo"w Tiriz'tv, B. AAA iyyjov, iTTiSits iw rij)ua;\ A. Nunc verb, calice abluto, dabo quod bib as. B. ^\n iu ciffundito, cold superimposito. Toup, Epift. ad Ep. Gloceftr. 1767. p. 122. P. 37. 1. 25. l.r/Hivs.'] MvYiiJ-oc, non ut alias monwnentvm Jepukhrale, fed quicquid quis memoris ergo reliquerit. Sic arcum ab Iphito fibL do- natum ejus p-^//« Ulyffes fervavit. Odyfl". . ver. 40. — jMvijjWos ^sfmo (pihoio P. 3S. 1. 12. commendo.'] Si fie legatur, adducetur eodem fenfu verfus Homericus II. 0. ver. 428. isx^' eyujFz NoJ/v £w Aiog Kvja. (Sfiojoov iyixvj "STdh&^'ilHV. Ibid. not. 1. ult. adde. Hoc certe fenfu occurrit vox i'w apud Hom. II. ©, ver. 428. & apud Soplioclem in Ajace Flagel. ver. 429. P. 44. 1. 38. lege, excipir. Adde Epigramma Gr. e Gortyna, YJ-mm Tiji/S" ia-»9p», & Prophetffi Sacri Jeremis c. xxii. ver. 24, 25. P. 46. 1. 12. -L'f/?;^/?/;;?.] NuUus videtur efle dubitandi locus, quin in verbo MEAEAA. INEN vacuum fpatium minus redte collocetur ; ecqua enim tandem litera fuppleri poterit ? Oportet autem MEvVEAAINE.N quod fie complendum eft MEAEAHNEIN. Dawes, Mifc. Crit. § iv. p. 1 20. P. 47. 1. 9. adde, ubi pro STror/iir; reponendum vetuftum STrorjo-;. — Apud Sponium etiam Mifc. E. A. p. 348. TON 20$0N EN ANAPASIN EiaNIKON ANAPA MEFISTON KTINTON lOTAION MEIAHTON 01 TEXNITAI ANE0HKAN. Q^ IVLIVS FAENTIVS ALVMNVS Y 2 CVM l64 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. CVM ARTIFICIBVS POSVIT.— Aft (ut inquit Plin. 1. xxxvi. 5.) Multoriim obfcurior fama eji, quorunJam claritati in operibus exsmiis ohjiante numeroArtificum, qucniam nee units cccupat gloriam , nee plures pariter nn/i- cupari pojjunt , fieiit in Laocoonte, qui ejt in Titi Iniperatoi-ts domo ; opus omnibus (jf pi^ura & JidtiMria art is pr^eponendurn. Ex tino lapide eitni, et liberos^ druco- numque mirahihs nexus de confd'ii fenienlia fceere fujnmi artifiees Agej'ander et Polydorus tf Aihenodorus Rhodii. Chishull. PsEPHisMA SiGEORUM, &c. p. 54. 1. 12. ?wn adnwdum vulgari.'] Vox fatis obvia in Ep. Pauli et alios fcriptores. Coloff. v. 12. & apud Jof. Ant. IV. ii. 4. "nr^'igccvai 7r,g ivtn^Hc.g, rebus divinis praejfe ; & V. i. 24. VII. xiv. 5. VIII. xii. 3. Krebsius, in Col. v. 2. L. 13. lege, ziT^oigcii79i, Uipi>VMv iCxo-^'i'^toiv : item in Xnllarj- o'tjuv \l'ri,;7r7n3j Macedonice, tcfte Euftathio, ad Odyff. 341. Pari modo e Gr;fCO Saij Latinum DAPIS, jEolcs enim fcripfere AAFIS, mox AA^^IS, unde AAniS, Latini Dapis. Chishull. L. 37. adde, De svrx^fcx, vide Ciceronem in OiHc. 1. I. c. 40. ubi ivra^toi vocatur modeftia five fcientia earum rerum, qu£ agentur aut dicentur, loco fuo collocandarum. Chishull- Certum etiam vocis priefidium in Polybio, qvii 1. IV. c. 82. de Rege Philippo nxrcx n t);v Xcnrri)! dvugctopYiV ?c, Jug zs'pa^fig n^oiVfimr^voi VTrsp rijV r,KfA.lca: Et Arriano 1. I. Difji. Epidt. c. 9. h 5j ©ioj iv iivi X'^f^' ^ (xva^poipn xazcir'cTOiyj. Vid. & Arrian. 1. IV. c. 7. 8c Teletis Philofophi verba a Stobaso nobis fervata Serm. ccxxvii. p. 780. Ita etiam Inlcriptio Berenicenfis, an- notante P. Weffelingio, p. 14. P. 128. 1. 17. lege, Lacedamoniorum dcTimotheo pfephifma, lingua La- conica )_, h. e. de foro, de trlbu- wali, &c. His confer qu^e habet de foro a fe ftatruto Cicero ad Atticum lib. V. Ep. 2. Forum conjiitueram agere Laodicca, he. Chishull. L. 13. Adde, iTTiKpnrifiiov ii7\HTCii, i. e. facrificlwn iTrtxptT^piov didtum perficiafur ; ut Herodoto lib. viii. c. 41. £7r//^)}K« TsArtW/. Chishull. L. 20. yf^a'?, Subeffe videtur is ipfe fenfus, qui & o-vij-QoKm Chrifti- anae Fidei. Chishull. P. 133. 1. 10. AOPATPION.] Hoc, li rede fcribitur, fingukre & igno- turn eft, originem forte ducens ab aop, enfis ; ita utMartis fit epitheton : ab «op enim interpofito Digamma & pr^epofito m eft mayors, ut ab "A-prjc, mars. At fi fubfit mendum, conjedlura fuciic dahk prodopxTpiov, aut aopajov, aut (xpoTploy, utrumque Jovis epitheton» Zriva dporpiov, hoc eft cr/rs & dpoTpa- inventorem (Adyoova, i. e. S/rwvft; vocatum) memorat Sanchoniathon (aut ejus Intcrpres Philo Byblius) apud Eufebium Prsp. Evang. 1. L p. m. 25. & 23. Forte pro AOPATPION legendum tranfpofitis Uteris (ut Kapms: pro Craneus Paufanice) APOTPAION, & intelligendum Deum Arationis' prafidem, Veftse, hoc eft Terrs, non male fociatum. AOPATPION fi legatur poteft efl'e Jovis epitheton, idem ac Xpva-dcpig aut 'Pc^Sw'joSof, de quo. p. 162. ex Strabone, & utriufque origo forte fuit ex Gencfeoscap ver. ult. cum epitheto 'Pf/-t.S«Vo^of comparando; Chishull. P. 134. 1. 5. /idde, Latiorum & Olontiorum padta de vi hoftili invicem ab alterutris propulfanda : quibus conferantur & quje padta funt inter Ro» manos & Judsos, i Maccab. c. viii. Chishull. P. 135. noi. 1. 2. Jddi", Romffi quoque prandia in fe?nitis decumx 7iomine aliquando publice prxbita laudavit Cicero de Offic. 1. ii. c. 1 7. Chishull. P. 136. 1. 27. Zy])/ci Tw KpyiToysvsM.'] Jovem Creta genitum, quem etiam in Creta niortuum & fepultum fuiflfe traditur. Illic ejus cr^/x« decantatum a Poetis, fpeciatim e Callimacho — x, yup 7K(pov, Z dva, o-ho — Kprirsg, hsx]Hvocvjo« Hanc fabulatn diluere voluit Scholiaftes in Apollonium ; narrans quidciu in Creta extitifle infcriptioncm TOT AIOS TA'fOS. Earn vero non aliud fuiffe quam reliquias alterius quae ab origine fie Integra Icgebatur MINfl- 02 TOT AI02 TAfl'OS. Atat non ea fuit decantata a poetis fepulchralis infcriptio. Aliam ifti indigitarant in oppido Cnofo, 2AAN KPONO, cu- jus CHISHULL's ANTIQUITATES ASIATICS. ,71 jus ex Euheniero memlnit Ladtantius lib. i.e. 11. Porphyrius vero in vita f ythagors verfum affert ab eo Jovis tumulo infcriptum. "^Clh Bctvuv khtki Zcxv, ov Aic^ KfithYio-KiKTiv J at Suidas in voce IIjJtcoj — Ivdah khtou Soimv tuijKog Zivg. Chishull. L. 33. Swf pro Q-og Doricum erat & ^olicum : Dorico-Laconiciun Tm. Ita enim Hcfychius I,iop, Qtop, AcixMi'ss. Hinc Lampitus Lac^en^ foeminse per Diofcuros juramentum, vxi tu Xm, apud Arifloplianem in Lyfiftrata idemque apud Plutarchum in Apophthcgmatis Laconicis. lifdcm igitur SftoV dvrip, vir divinus, ut teftis eft Ariftoteles Ethic. Eudem. lib. vi. c. r. Adde Athenaeum lib. viii. ubi ocurig ing Q:ig (inquit) ol AxytuiKg Hiig q.cwl. Pari modo pro uycxGog dixerunt illi (xyccTog. Ariil. in Lyfiftrata fub ipfuui finem, & pro Ticcp^ivog, Tiwpa-svog. Xiiig, Deos, non 0j»j appellabat (Varro) jEolico genere dicendi Ladtantius, lib. i. Chishull. Not. 1. 4. ijMxv,'] i. e. r,ij.riv. Vox in jurando folennis, non hie tantum fed & in Magnetum cum Smyrnjeis foedere, & apud lxx verfionem Exod. XXII. 12. item Horn. II. A. ver. 77. fepius etiam apud Thucydidem lib. vi. c. 72. Chishull. L. ult. adde, Lapfus eft etiam dodiflimus Meurfius in notis ad Phle- gontem Trallianum, c. 35. ubi opnov tanquam vocem Grjeco-barbaram ex Latino horreum deducit. Scribe vero apud Phlegontem Iv 7oig wmoig [non opioig'\ Tir/xpixcVf/iSiicg, Chishull. MoN. Attal. p. 148. 1. 5. Kctvov fyjg 'Eyjua crvjjiij.optxg'] i. e. Dionyfiacorum ■art'tficum fodalitium ab Echino didtum. Verifimilem nominis rationem fubminiftrare videntur Epigrammata Grsca in Anthologia 1. vi. p. m, 554. «nde dicitur Echlnum Dionyfi donis infeftum Dionyfo fufpendi fuetum. 'K.MjJMvkog ton 'E-xjvov i^oov jV< vuitos (pepovja 'Vocyccg, dTTiKJe-tvsv TiiS' STfl 3yj\!midu\ M''kjo!g ^^iyj49-/jK6 i^iKciK^YjTM AiovvSp«OF 7tci9's(;yiKB 7rcitihv6jj.isc. Chishull. P. 160. 1. 24. Nota vj/^'i/tr^os Ts-a/S/KJ? a ptedonomo confcribendum, in quo notatu non indignum fcribi crw7r«y, (xvavy'zKta.v, Uteris ob fequentcs tt & y non mutatis, in eodem /':iJr« numquam reperies affixum dativis. Hoc nempeRo- manis qui ad ledtionem inftituerentur impedimento fuit, obfervante Quin- tiliano lib. i. c. 7. Erant vero inter Latinos Grammaticos qui e fuis quoque Dativis illud / exulare juflerunt. Telle Agellia 1. iv. c. 16. C. Ccejlir gravis audlor Linguae Latins in libris Analogicis omnia iJIii.frnoJi (pufa, Senatu, Viefa, Jfpe^u, &c.) fine litera i dicenda cenfet. Do Grscis vero Strabo lib. xiv. p. m. 446. ■zcoAAoi x^pV "'^^ ' yfidpycri ooTiKxg, Xj £«,So;A- ?-.ii(ri T6 e'^05 (pucr/K,»jy ciijfav »% f'xof- Chishull. P. 162. 1. 46. Z)f/V Qnamquam, Scc.n/que ad videtur, 1. 49. P. 163.1. II. Jdde, Et Mamertinus in Genethliaco five Panegyrico MaximianI op. x. non npiinone traditus, fed con/picinis fff prafens juppiter cominus invocari. Vegetius vero de re militari, 1. ii. c. 2. Imperatcri cum Aiigitjii nojncn accepit tanquam present: & corporali Deo Jidelis pr<£fiinda eji dcvotio. Chishull. L. 15 — 28. Hiec incertus auftor an deleat, necne. L. 24. lege, At fucatus ille apud Zofimum pocta Sibyllinus & Lcuncla- vius, &c. Chishull. MoN. Ancyr. p. 171.1. 24. adde, Emendationes aliquot in Mon. Ancyr. vid. in Biblioth. Choific, tom. viii. p. 328. Masson, MS. * EHOYZIAN YnATOYPlAN. Not. CHISHULL's ANTIQUITATES ASIATICiE. 173 Not. 1. 4. Addc, nee non ct pr£eftantiffimus SpanhemiuSj in fecundo illo Dc prcejiant. ^ vfu Numifnu volumine, p. 362. Chishull. — ubi tamcn cl. viri ( Spanhemii] periodus manca. Inde etiam liquet Iftam Tcurnefortii copiam minus accuratam fuifle ilia cxarata a P.Luca, vcl potius a Le Fevre, qui per plures annos Ancyrs degeret, et a cujus hjeredibus exemplar habuit P. Lucas, ut mihi narravit Dr. Sherard, qui ultra decennium Smyrna conful Anglorum fuit. — P. Montfauconj Palsogr. p. 162. Faure ilium vocat. Masson, MS. P. 172. 1. 18. coMPARAvi] Cicero Phil. iv. p. 296. Cafar ferttir in cczhau, qui contra te, Antoni, exercitim comparavit. Phil. vii. p. 324. Ei pono honor es a Scnatu decretos immor tales et Jingulares^ quod co?ilra Af. Antonium exercitum comparavijjet. Masson, MS. Ibid, oi^stinatione] Jac. Gron. legit iomiNAXioNE. — Veil. ii. 60. Aperle deinde Antonii ac Dolabellce conjulum ad nefandam dominationem eriipit furor. Fabricius. L. 19. DECRETis HONORiFicis ab Scnatu in ordinem svxM adlcdlus fed CONSVLJBVS mortuis in vacantEM locvm exercitus imPERivM mihi dedit, &c. Jhid. HONORiFicis] Ea funt qu£B refert Die, p. 310. D. Fabricius. Ibid^ ornatus decretis hctiorijicis non probatur a Gronovio effe locutionem Romanam. Aliud eft ornari laudibus, honoribus, tejlimoni^s, verbis ampHJJtfiiiS:. .Dein dicitur adlcBus ad et cooptatvs in. Grut. Infcript. p. 300. n. i. 2. Nee vocula ornatus locus eft in vulgari vel Coflbniano exemplar!. Forte igitur poft viNDicAvi locus fie fupplendus : quam cb caufam Scnalus decre- tis HONQRIFICIS IN ORIJINEIVI SVVM COOpthVit. Et Ut CUM CONSVLIBVS 1)1 exercitu au^loritati-u LOCVMque haberem, zotperivm mihi dedit cxtra^rdi- narium respvblica, quo pro praetore simvl cvm Hirtio et Penfa consvlibvs bellum gererem. — Vel fie ; vindicavi. Earn ob caufam ^f/iaTVS. decretis HONORIFICIS IN ORDINEM SVVM me cooptavit.. , Et ut cum CQNSVLiB.vs in belk contra bojlem locvm habcrem imperivm mihi dedit cxiraordinanvm rhs- pvblica, quo pro praetore. simul cvm Hirlio etPanfa co'SS\lib\s exerciiui p-aefew. Masson, ibid, , Hjec forte id fpedlant quod Veil. 1. ii, c. 6i. Eum Senatus honoratuin equejlri Jlatua — propnztore ; una cum confidibus der fipiatis, Hirtio i^ Panfa, bellum cum Antonio gerere jufjit. Suet. 1. ii. c. ip.. , Jufufque comparato exercitui Proprietor praeffe^ et cum Hirtio ac Panfa, . qui confulatum acceperant, D. Bruio opcm ferre, 8cc. Tac. Ann» 1. i. c^ lo.. Moa 174 M I S C E L L A xN E O U S T R A C T S. I\bx iwpenum tibi dcaeta Pat rum fcifces et jus Pr ceteris invafcrat, &c. Dio, 1. xlvi. p. m. 422. Paulo poji, priufqihim de Antonli fenientld jierent ccrtiores^ tiimultum itrbi impendere cenfuerunt, 'vejlem Senatoriam exuerunt, bellu7n centra Antoniwn confulibus et LcElari, cut praioriamfntejlatsm tribiieranty injunxe- rt/nA, &c. vid. et p. 426. Cicero Philip, v. p. 310. Confulibus totam rem- puhlicam commendv.ndam ccnfco. Piiil. iii. p. 283. ^oufque enim tantum bellum privaiis coiifiUis propulfabitur ? Cur non quam primwn publica accedit auSloritas ? Caius Ccsfar ad'olefcens, pajie potius puer, incredibili ac divina qitadam tnente atque virtiite, tutu a/m 7naxinie furor arderet Antonii, cumque ejus a Brundufio crudelis et pefifer rediius timeretur, nee pojlulantibus, nee cogitantihus, nee opiantibus qiiidem — firmiffimum. exereitum invido genere ve- teranontm militum eomparavit ; patrimonium fuum effudit-^ &c. qua pcfle Remp. privato confdio {nee enim fieri potuit al'iter) Ctefar liberavit .~~Cui qiiidem hodierno die, P. C. tribuenda ejl auEloritas, ut Remp. non modo a fe fufceptam^ Jed etiam a nobis commendatam, pojfit defendere. Vid. et Ep. Fam. 1. xi. 7. Masson, MS. Vid. et Cic, ad Brut. Ep. xiv. p. 405. Tantum dicam Ca- farem hunc adolefcentem, &c. Ad Fam. Ep. 1. xii, ep. 25. Phil. v. p. 306. Idem, ibid. lbid> F. EleElus in eum ordinem svM admiffus. G. Clarke. h. 22. fiffedum'] F. folutum leglbus confulem — fcil. lege annuali confulum stati prsellituta. Mamertina ceteris. L. 24. co'i^ivrati, ScCoJ Vel conjax2.tione faSla interfecerant in, &c. Massom, MS. L. 31. DEDV.rz, &c.] Vix- Latine dicitur ; deducere in colonias. W. B. P. 173. 1. 2. PatritiorvmJ Vid. Tacit. Ann. xi. c. 25. Dio 1. lii. L. 3. Senatvm] Cenfor, Collega L. Philippo legerat. Val. Max. 1. viii. c. 13. Sic et Plin. Hift. Nat. 1. vii. c. 48. L. 8. De civium Romanorum in Imp. Claud. Cenfura, vid. Tacit. Annal. xi. c. 25. cum Lipfii notis. Masson, MS. L. 9. Leg. Proconsvlari ex Dione 1. lv. p. 557. ubi prodit Auguflum \it recenfionem in Italia perageret, Proconfulare wiperium accepijfe. Masson, !MS. — Imo, quod Dio narrat, ad Italiam, hoc vcro ad Romam fpedlat j adcoque omnino Conjulari rctinendum. Idem, ibid. L. 51. I'RiNciPEM ivvENTVTis, Scc] Gronovius legerat ex Coflbniano ex- cmplari, Principeni Juventutis Komahorvm parmis utnmque et hajlis argenteis. Redte CHISHULL's ANTIQUITATES ASIATICiE. 175 Redle tamen vidit CI. Spanhemius De pr^ft. Num. torn. II. p. 361. vocem RoMANORUM. haud convenire : et quideni ex Luc£e exemplari patet legen- duni ; utrunique eorum parmis et hajlis argenteis, &c. quod mox confirmat ex alio exemplari^ quod CI. viro communicatum a Chifivell, innominato tamen, liquet, quodque is a CI. Tourncfort habuerat. Hunc enim defio-- nare voluit nomine Tournebantil. Nee etiam rem clare fatis exponit p. 361, 3,62. Quinimo periodus omnino manca eft. Masson, MS. L. 54- Addey \}k. Cong.] * L. 56. Adde, [II. Cong.] * * Ex his et fequentibus patet Qov^^-ix\zfeptles Auguftum dedifle ; I. Patris nomine ; et fuo nomine V. Plebi urbanjE, et I. Coloniis fuorum Militum. Masson, MS. F. 174. 1. 2. Adde, [III. Congiar.] L. 5. ad fefinrtiwjA] ad hominvM vel potlus cIvivm. Ibid, ad /ejkriixu. millia] Oudanius explevit ^d homimim miJHd, nunguam minus quinquaginta ^ ducenta. Et quis non ita expleret, quuni m leqq. Temper exprimatur numerus hominum, qui Congiaria acceperunt. Ver. 15. 320000 plebis ur-bansj dein v. 19. hominum i2cooo in triumphali Congiario ; v. 21, denique pau/o plura quam 20000. Notandum ell in hifce Congiariis ab Augufto plebi Rom. fuo nomine datis, fingulos hominos acce- pifle femper ^ladringenos nummos. Vid. Tab. iii. ver. 12, 13. Jam vero fi in iis Congiariis fumma univerfa fuit 250000 nummorum, unusquifque habuit 400 nummoSj ne mille quidem homines, immo, fi redla ratione fubducas, tantum fexcentos & viginti quinque reperies nummos accepille. Perizon. Diff. de morte Judse, c. x. L, Bat. 1702. Chifhullius in eundem errorem labitur, atque etiam falfa computatione novas tenebras- ©bducit. L. 7. Adde, [IV. Congiar.] Ibid, sexagenos] Sic et Dio, 1. iiii. vid^Modi. ad Livium,. p. 423.. Masson, MS. L. 8. Adde, [V. Congiar.] L. 9.- singvla] Sic Sueton. in Aug. c. lOi. Legavit — Prstorianis mili- tibus SINGULA MILLIA iiummorum. et c. 40. Singula viillia numrnum a fe dividebat. c. 48. singula nummorum millia, Tac. An. i. c. 9. Miliiibus siKGULA nummum millia. Masson, MS. L. ic,. 176 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. L. 10. * VI. Congiar. PI. Rom.] L. I I . Frvm f N 1 VM i V d. Contarenum de Frument. p. 1 23. HIc Jacobus -Gronovius exclamat, " An exped:avlfti unquam ab Caiaubono, ut ftatucret " Augufteo ffivo diftum fulfil', mililes aaipere Congiaria ? Spartiano et li- " milibus idrelinquatur,non Augufto." Quidiii vero nonet Augufto,cum jam fuerit in ufu anno Urbis 710, paucis poll Julii necem mcnfibus, ut liquet ex Cic. ad Att. XVI. 31. ep. 7. ubi de tribus Legionibus Macedonicis ife, ait, Congiarium ab Antonio accipere nolueiunt, &c. Vid. ad Att. Oivi. 8. et Savllii not. ad Tac. Hift. I. p. m. 15. ct Annal. xiii. 31. ColonicR Capua ■ atqiie Nuceria additis veteranis firmata funt, plebeiqiie Congiarium quadrin- geni nwnmi viritim dati, &c. Et Annal. iii. 29. xii. 41. xiv. 1 1. ac Script. de Orat. c. 17. Sueton. 1. iii. 20. de Tiberii triumpho Dalmatico ad Ann. U. C. 765. Prandiitm dein popitlo ?nille menfts et Congiarium trscenos nummos viritim dcdit. Masson, MS. L. 15. sExsiEKs. F. Sexcigiens vel Scxcenciens. Mox— ^qv-am vero coLcniis et PRO pmdiis — ut conjecerat Masson in MS. L. 19. ITEMQVE. C. ANTISTIO] F. ITEM VETERE C. ANTISTIO. MaSSON, MS. L. 21. coNsvLiBVs peciiniam mHitibus quos emkriteis. stipendiis in sva MVKiciP/Vz reniiji — nifi malis pecuniam omittere, et pramia poll remi/t infe- rere, quod melius convenire videri poteft. Masson, MS. — Feliciffimam conjedturam confirm at Iftud exemplar. L. 26. AD EOS Oil] Vid. Bibl. Choif. T. viii. p, 328. L. 31. ¥, eo anno quo [fcil 736.] L. 35. poRTicuM AD circvm] Dc hac porticu Odtavia ad clrc. Flamin. vid. Donat. de urbe Roma, 1. i. c. 21. p. 77. c. 24. p. 87. Nardini Ant. Rom. p. 333. Masson, MS. L. 41. IN PALATioJ In quo jam ante fimuhcrum erat Matrls Deum,; telle Dione 1. xlvi. ad Ann. U. C. 711. Masson, MS. L. 5 \ consvl] Forte leg. conlapj'a\Q\ confumpta. Masson, MS. L. c^c^. Ad. id. . . .] F. a me empto. Lipsius et Masson, MS. L. 56. ge^eri nitescit") F. generi mei ejfet. Masson, MS. P. 175. 1. 7. niuavs gladiatoriumJ ut Suet. 1. iv. c. 18. Munera gladi' atoria. vid. 1. iii. c. 7. Masson, MS. Male Gron. SpeHacula Gladiatortim. L. 14. tempvs] Vox tempus pereat, inquit Jac. Gronovius. Imo fubflct, cum agatur de Ludis fsecularibus. , f. ad id tempvs, dc qua phrafi vide 4 Sueton. CHISHULL's ANTIQUITATES ASIATICS. 177 Sueton. 1. IV. c. 15. vel fie Icgcndum, fccculares lvdos dcdi, quales nullus videnit ante id tempvs. Masson, MS. IbiJ. 1. 15, 16. beJitaKVU africanarum] Sueton. 1. iv. c. 18. Edidit et Clrcenfes plurimas — interje£la modo Africanarum venatione, modo Trcja dccur . J^one, Dc Africanis fcil. Pantheris vid. Liv. 1. xliv. Ciccr. Famil. 1. viii ep. 8 & 9. Plin. Hift. Nat. 1. viii. c. 17. Plin. Jun. 1. vi. cp. ult. Suet. Calig. c. 18. et Claud, c. 21. Masson, MS. L. 33. Atticis et Perjicis classibvs] Legerem ^i classibvs pvgnave- RVNT PRAETER REMiGEs MiLLiA boiiiinum triceiita, vel quid fimile ex Lucse apographo. Masson, MS. P. 176. 1, 3. FiLivM MEVM REGi ARi-"] Emcndavcrat Jac. Gronovius ArmemAE regnum per Tiberium AKtaxiae ademptum Tigrani cuioam tradidi. ET postea illo viortiio Parthis adimcniibus filio ejus artavasdi. AriobarzanEM QV'I ERAT EX REGIO GENERE ARMENIORVM ORIVNDVS IM ID RESTITVI Vcl REDVXi. — At Tiberius tunc nondum fuerat adoptatus ab Augufto. Vid. 1. 19. Masson, MS. L. 7. Siciliani] Hue ego referendos exiftimo nummos AuguftI qui re- periuntur cum Uteris modo imp. ix. sicil. modo imp. x. sicil. item imp. XI. SICIL. et IMP. XII. SICIL. Jac. Gronov. — Vid. Biblioth. Choif. t. viii. p. 336. Masson, MS. L. 9. colonias, Sec] De Augufli Coloniis vid. Suet. 1. il. c. 46. Masson, MS. L. 10. VKaeter praeffDiA] Tofi legit'ima Jlipendia, \s\ poft emerita ftipcndia, vel poJi,a5fa Jlipendhi, vid. Tac. Ann. vi. c. 3. Peraolis Jlipendiis Val. M.ix. 1. vii. c. 7. n. I. Masson, MS. L. 15. SPOLIA ET signa] Tac. An. ii. i. T^ottuik habet Strabo !. vt. p. Ed. nov. 441. et 1. xvi. p. 1085. Masson, MS. L. 19. PRAEERfl/ f.\rrW//Zivs] F. praetorivs, vel VRcpraetor mcxs. Sic Veil. Pat. 1. ii. c. 75. 73. Masson, MS. L. ^^. Senatus it eqiiesrER ordo popvlvs^?^^ romanvs] De co vide Pli- nium 1. 33. c. 2. & Manilii Aftronomicorum lib. 5. in fine. P. 177, 1. 30. Adde, Emendationes aliquot in hoe monumcntum vid. Biblioth. Choifie, torn. viii. p. 327. P. 181. 1. 3. folummodo] Imo, et ex Ovid. Fafl. V. 527. Masson, l^IS. P. 182. 1, 3. ftatimque ab eo natali] Vix statim ab eo natali die ; nam A a ex 1^8 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. ex variis Ciceronis Epiftolis demonftrari poteft, mcnfe demum OHobri iftius anni mdccx (non vero Scpicmbri) Odiavlanum Veteranos circum- feribere, exercitumque contra Antonium ducere coepiffe ; cum jam unde- vicejimum statis annum modo abfolviflet, ac jam aufpicatus effet vkeji- Vium ; quo labcnte & U. C. mdccxi. haud multum adulto M. Antonium armis vicit fugavitque. Masson, Vit. Ovid. p. 114. ct Jani Tempi. Refer. P-333' P. 183. 1. 3. Adds, Idem de Lepido vide apud Grut. p. ccxcvii, Chis- HLILL. L. 34. h Xy HKO(riv] Bed Grammaticam defidero : abs quo cnim fubllan- nvo dependet IV. Si Dionem libeat mutare, ego malim ix.xt»-K.o(rcxKig. Sed rotundo ufum numero credimus : iv hkotlv intelligo i[.yoiq, quod continuo prjecefTerat. Extat certe nummus apud Gokzium imp. caesar. divi. f. AVGVSTVS. IMP. XXI. ^ PONTIF. MAXIM. TRIBVN. POTEST. XXXVI. Ct vid. Tacit. Annal. i. p. J. Reikold. Cenfus habitus nafcente Chrifto, p. 17. P. 184. 1. 17. Adde, Quin & primus hie Augufti cenfus in Colledlione quadam Hiftorica Chronographica inter Canifii Ledtiones Antiquas, torn. II. p. 174. Simili loqucndi modo, quanquam numeris paulo variantibus, fie narratur. Cenfu Roma agitato invcnta fiint civhim Romanon/m xli mi/lla centena, iS lxiv miU'ia. H-tc dcfcriptio xiii anni Imperii 0£laviani fa£la efi^ ClariJJimum, &c. Chishull. L. 24. Adde, Ecce igitur Hebraifmum in ipfa aurei feculi Lat^nitate t non aliter ac in Horatiano illo, Nejlor componere lites — Inter Pellden feftinat fcf inter Atridem. & A. Hirtii de Bello Hifpan. c. 4. Oppidani di/coidare caperunt fere inter Cafarianos & inter Pompeianos. Hoc enim pare eft He« brsum, ut Gen L 14. n'?''bn Vll DVn X'2 quod Sc Septuaginta ad verbum fie verterunt a'^a^jo-Qv t^^j Ji^ffxsjj ;^ «v»^£crov t^j yvjcjog. & faepius alibi. Vide Oericum ad Homeii Iliad E. ver. 769. Chishull. L. 49. AdJe, Notandum vero exemplar iftud Marmorls Ancyrani fati« 1-vabere praefidii ex integritate fua contra conjefturas & argumenta Joannis Maflbn, qui in libello cui tit. Jani temphtm Chiijio naJcerUe rcjeratum, p*. 280 — 283, contendit alterum luftrum cenfumque minime U. C. 746, Cenforinp iS Afinio CofT. faftum efie, nee re(3:e lacunam, prout olim patcbat^ lifce nominibus ftippleri, " Nulla apud Dionem, inquit, cenfus mentio <■' per totuni U. C 746, confulatumvc Afinii Galli & M. Cenforini, vcl ** pjoxime fcqucntcm, Tibcrii & Piibnis, ctiamfi in hujus biennii hiftoria. « Yd CHISHULL's ANTIQUITATES ASIATICiE. 179 " vel minimum lacunje dcfcdtufve indicium non apparcat : Vcium prsc- " terea in U. C. 743 aftis difcrte tradit, Auguftum tunc ccnfum, (x,7ioy^o!,taq " egifle, & fenatum legifle, 1. 54. p. 545. Etfi vero non cxpreffc fcribac " luftrum quoque tunc temporis conditum, id tamcn liaud obfcure fignt- " ficat, dum prodit Senatum ab Atigufto k6lim. Etenim ex hifcoria pater, " Cenfores, numero et facultatibus populi cognitis, deinde cum lullrum " condituri erant, Senatum in curuli fella fedcntes legilTe. Quinctiam *' ex tabulis Ancyranis perfpicuum eft Auguftum toties Senatum Icglffe " quoties luftrum condidit : nam initio dicitur, 'Jujju populi iS Scnatus Se- *' natum legi. — Igitur audtoritatc ct teftimonio Dionis fulti aflererc poflu- " mus fccundum populi ccnfum mediumve luftrum U. C. 743, non au- *' tem 746 adtum conditumque fuifle." P. 185. viroruni] Forte Suidas vel ipfius auftor fcripferat five fignis, live vocibus integris, quadragies decern myriades et millia X^. quE fumma illi refponderet quje Latinis numeris in monumento hoc reperitur : ficque verbatim Grace redderetur. Igitur refcribendum ■r-(r(Ta.ria.y.o7,a.yjc, VsKa ^v- pidhg X, yjAiot T^ioiwvloi-TpiCK. Kuftcr fie Latine interpretatur, Ei inventi ftint qui Romananun diiioncm inhabiiabant, quadragies et fcmel centcna niillia, mille et feptendecim. Vide de hoc Suid^ locoRualdi Animadv. in Plutarch. p. 106. Dion. Halic, 1. v. c. 75. p. 324.de Cenfu T. Lartii Diftat. A. U. 258. iTfldKoa-iiig TrAfis? iupWctruv cl iv yfon 'Ymijlk'iujv TnyjsKuihx.a ^vfii'x'Sxv, fcil. CL millia et dcc. Masson, MS. L. ulr. IMP. XX.] Lege vero imp. xxi. ut apud Occonem. Extac nummus apud Goltzium, imp. caesar. divi. f. avgvstvs. imp. xxi. }f t PONTIF. MAXIM. TRiBVN. POTEST. XXXVI. Qui crgo in Tiibunicia poteftate XXXVI. erat imp. xxi. non potuit effe imp. xx. in Tribunicia poteftate xxxvii. Monum. Ancyranum tab. I. et a?fella!us fum viciens et /lmel, iMPERATOr. Et Tacitus Annal. 1. i, c. 9. de Augufto, }i07!icn Imperatoris femcl y viciens partum. J. Reikold. Cenfus habitus nafcente Chrlflo, p. 17. Vid. fupra p. 183. P. 188. 1. 31. utrumqiie eorum'] Jo. Eberhardus Raue, dc tumulo Call ct Lucii Casf. p. 91, A. D. 1738, legit principem jnventutis caivm. Quod (Inquit vir idem dodtus) is jetatis prarogatlva prs fratre Eucio Princcps Juveiituiis, ficut Auguftus Priyicpi Scnatus, falutandus eflet ex voluntate Augufti reliduri eum fuccefforem imperii; idclrco in nummis qul- A a a bufdam. lao MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. bvifdam, & primum quidem excufis, folus Cains cernitur una cum Au- guflo ; noil item Lucius. Poftea vero et hunc eodem honoris titulo po- pulus Rom. condecoravit ; quamobrem uterque fcriptoribus et in num- niis Princeps Juveniu'is audit. Quee ratio fugit Cafaubonum in Animadver- fionibus in lapidem Ancyranum. Atque hiec de filiis fieri a Senatu po- puloque Rom. Auguflum, fpecie recufantis, flagrantiffime cupiiffe, Tacitus prodidit Anna). 1. iii. P. 191. I. 12. — 4'-. iod.\] Lege 2/. 8/. 5iXmv, a'yoj^ijj (tv^&cXom k'TrXor/jc. Urium e puppe quis viiE duccm invocct Jovem, cum rudentibus velum expandlt. Seu ad Cyaneos vortices curfus fit, ubi Neptunus Curvum volvit iludtum ad arenas litoris, Seu per ^gtei maris jequor reditum qusrat, Proficifcatur, cum ad hanc fuderit liba flatuam* Hie propitium Temper Deum, Antipatri filius Pofuit Philo, fecund^ fignum navigationis. Fer/io altera. Urion inclamato Jovem comitemque ducemquc Navita, cum ventis pandere vela parat. Sive ad Cyaneas immani in vortice petras Tendat, ubi horrificis icftibus unda fremif ; Sive iter jEgaei fcopulofa per asquora tentet. Tutus, ubi huie flatus liba facrarit, eat. Huncce Deum hie pofuit nautis Ijetabile fignum, Prsfidiumque Philo, filius Antipatri, N O T A E,- Ver. 3. EiV] Whelerus de verfu parum folieitus vocalem hie in marmore feriptam prstermittit : Sponius autem Ig" exhibet, quod tamen loco minus convenit. Chifhullius igitur mutata iitera legit ht\ 1. chtk, lum ; & rsd:e quidem quod ad literam attinet, fed* ad Poets mentem. aecommod^- ti'us mihv vidctur ht' five, ut fit, nii ^oiJiog sgt (vel ri) i. e. five curjum iiijli- iMflt i, cui confonat nn vogcv ioiw^ vcrfu 5 to. Nempe nautce profpcrusa' utroqua: i84 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. utroque verfum iter pollicetur, feu in Euxinum, feu contra In JEgxum navigare velit. Ver. 5. EiViJ Apte hoc refpondet fuperiori ht. Atque ita legenduiii efle offendit plane Sponius, qui male notatis literarum duftlbus ineptum illud EFIE pro EITE exhibuit. Whele'r vero, noii fatis certus antiquitatis auftor, legit htck, quod Chifluillius iterum male arripit, Sc prster Poetje mentem perperam hoc diftichon Latine reddit,7"HW reditumMgcei meditam — ram qua qusfo meditationc, quove Dei dud:u, nauta qui a Jovis Urii fano ad Symplegados profcdius eft ad idem turn fanum per ^gJEum redire pofTit ? mecum vero facit ChlfhuU. not. 4. lb. vogov'\ Reditum proprie ; hie autem clioliafls. t Ver. 6. CHISHULL's ANTIQJJITATES ASIATfC^. 185 Ver. 6. vho-Om'] Proficifcatur, fidentcr cat, vszt^co, 7rcfjsxio9u. Schol. in Horn. II. r, 159. & al. fa;pe. vHo-Soctf •ncpivsaSat, Hefych. Sic ApoU. fiipra vfJcrjo, ■proficifcere. ChifhuUius male vertit_/«c redl ^xofac redeas, feu potius redeat. vHtrdui enim eft tertise perfona; & nautam quemlibet defignat : fic vcrf. i. tJj xtxT^TM. Sed quorfvim nautEe ut redeat prscipis, cui nihil mngis in votis eft, quani ut incolumis redeat ? yfio-duj vero, ut ante dixi, fonat hie, eat vol fergat. Ibid. (SciTv^v -^(xi^ci] Hoc poft rcditum fieri vult ChifhuUius, ego vero ante •iter inceptum. Nauta nempe invocato Jove hsc ei -^aigx tanquam iTnCcunpix offerre jubetur, ut a-vv @;r2 falvus ire redire poffit. Sic apud ApoUonium Jafon navem confcenfcurus Apollinem invocat : AvTog >iy ay; y/\a, m'j -^mgd Tro-.pci ruh ^ok'.m ma-Ow, oblatis Ubis hide Ontiia pergat ire. Ibid. Tioipol ^occi'Ui'j Turpitcr hie hallucinati funt Antiq^uarii ambo, quorum alter orthographia metroque repugnantibus legit ttccpcc tw ^okvm, alter multo pejus 'TTccpa. TM ccvu) (lat. fupernej quod nee Grzeci fermonis ratio nee res ipfa patitur. Eorum utrique, ut opinor, erroris caufam pra.'buit prifca litera ^ forma non fatis intellefta (de qua vide Monfauc. Pahrogr. 153, 185, 233, 236) : utcunque vero ea fe res habeat certiffima eft hiec faga- cifiimi Chifhullii emendatio 7re;p' ^oww, quem & fequens diftichon confirmat, & metri ratio plane poftulat. B b Ver. 7. i86 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. Ver. 7. wSiJ Uterque hie Antiquarius exhibet oh, nulla metri ratione ha- bita, quod nvh potius cxigit. Redtiffime vero vir acutifiimus correxk wo.-,. etfi minus redte qm Latine reddidit, fc. qua pofiiit, pro hie vel hoc loco, uh InoiuSct, Hefych. ms oivjl t5 h9dh Suidas, qui & exemplis rem demonftrat. His ita refpondet E. Chishulltus. " Gratias ago hiiic doftiflimo, quicunque is fuerit, Ariftarcho : & quod 10 EITE bis, loco t5 EITA, reponendum, emendationem facile accipio. Hue etiam ipfe prius propendebam, ut ex nota 4. redte deprehendit vir eruditiffimus. At vero EPETNflN quod attinet, vocem illam Wheleria- nam omnino retinendam cenfeo ; pro qua Sponius fubftituit EPETNAI, . cum poll: edita Whcleriana interpretationem inaufpicato eft aggreflus.. Jam vero omnia quadrabunt, fi modo nova hffic diftiudtionum. nunc de-^- mum habeatur & admittatur ratio : Ovficv Ik 7Tpv[j.y/ig tic oS/jyjjr^pa KaXnTco Zrivu, TUxlci 7rf,070VUiv Lgiov =K7rsTaa-a.g, EiV iTTt YLvoiViug §/y«5 ^ooy-oq (jvQa Ylo t 189 J Mr. BOWYER'S NOTES N CiESAR'S COMMENTARIES. **• ^ The Notes diftingniflied by this mark (-J-) are now for the firft time printed'j the others are copied (with occafioiial correftions) from the edition of Blaukn's Tran- flation, 1750, to which the references are made to correfpond. — The page and line of Mr. Dumcan's Tranflation, 1755^ to which moft of thefe notes are equally applicable, arc placed in the margin. ■j- P. X. 1. 29. Two incomparable majlers, the prefent BiJIjop of Rochejier and Sir Roger L'Eftrangel Two very different majlers, the latter of whom this author chofe to imitate in his vulgar expreffions ; as, p. z. eafilier. — p. 9. Toferve the Swifs on the score of his marriage. — p. 10. Cafar repri- manded Dumnoi'ix, telling him he was well acquainted with his practices : It is a mere)' he did not fay, pranks. — p. 15. Demanded sf Ccefar a private audience^ that they might TiiscovRSK him a hut an affair. — p. 17. The Swifs were mightily encumbered with their target. — ibid. Ccefar having heard their complaints bade themfiake hands with Dcfpair, for he would do them what fervice he could. — p. 21. Cd:far had a particular ejleem for this Legion, hi whofe courage he placed a mighty confidence. — p. 83. The day being fpent, he refolved to bejiow the rejl on't ///, &c. — p. 89. Not one veffel loji, for all, the Jhips were fo numerous, — p. 96. Much 10 do maintained their ground %. — " Bladen tranflates Britannia by England ; and as he affedts to modemiza " the names of the feveral people, he renders the Morini by Teroiici.nns, " a country hardly heard of in England fince the reign of Henry VIII, " who took that city." Pegge. ■f P. xvi. who zf as adlually with the foips /« perfon] It is not faid Labit enus had joined the Ihips. Ipfe pofi paullo^filentio egrejfus cum III. legionibus eu?n locum petit, quo naves appclli jufferat. The Gauls, on the othe-it hand, left one part of their forces in their camp ; another party were to gQ * Of this gentleman an account is given in the Anecdotes of Mr. Bowyer, p. 124. X Thefe vulgarifms were removed by Mr, Bowyer, arwJ the fty-l-c in foiue degree cor- reited, throughout the editioa of 1750, to 190 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. to the place whither Labienus's fliips were deflined ; a third attended Labi- enus's ir^otions. Csefar had not joined them. — Labienus 7mlites cohorfari, utj'ua prijlina virtiith — memoriam tenerent, at que ipjlim Cafarein adejfe exijllma- rcnt, lib. vii. § 62. •\ P. xix. 1. 25. Flnmcn D'uilis'] No one was created Flamen Dialis from 667 to 743. Tac. Annal. 1. iii. c. 30. L. 26. afjir?i!s be did\ Affirms in thefe words : " Sequentibus confulibus " Flamen Dialis destinatus Corneliam duxit." He was dejlgned for the of- fice ; but Suetonius docs not affirm that be obtained if. See Pet. WelTeling, Obf. 1. ii. c. 18. •f h. 2,'^. pcntif.cate'] Rather " priefthood," Flamen Dialis was a 5iZf«-- dotimu, but not one of the College of Fontifices. This makes afterwards, p, 3ii,Domitius Scipio and Lentulus contend about fucceeding Cafar in this Priefthood of Flamen Dialis, which he himfelf fuppofes Csfar never obtained. He was defigned Flamen Dialis when a boy, U. C. 667, Suet, in initio ; Veil. Pat. ii. 43. but not inaugurated, by reafon of the civil war between Marius and Sylla. He ilood for the priefthood U. C. 672, the third year after his father's death, and was hindered from obtaining it by Sylla. In 6S0 he fucceeded Cotta in the Pontificate, and 691 was made Pontifex Maximus. Duncan, .*.. p, j, J. 2. BelgiC, Jquitaiiis, and Cclta^ In this triple divifion of Gaul, 'Ca^far does not mention Niirbonenfts, which had been before made a Roman province, and is called by him Pyovincici, whence that part of it adjoining to Italy Itill retains that name. Gallia Celtica was fituated be- tween the Rhofne, Garumna, and the Ocean. Aqtiitanica bounded by the Garumna, the Pyrencan Mountains, and the Ocean ; Belgica, by the Rhine, the Ocean, and the Seine ; Provincia, by the Mediterranean and the Alps. r. 5. 1. 9. P. 2. 1. 25. 240 v;ilcs, &c.] In reality not above 172 miles in length, nor above 60 in breadth. A miftake probably of Cieiar himfelf, not of the MSS, becaufe Julius Cafar cites the lame numbers. Life of Casfar, i. i. P. 6. 1. 10. P. 3. 1. 15. his relations, friends y clients, and debtors, to the number of 10,000 men~\ Read " his flaves and domeflics to the number of 10,000 men, befides his clients and debtors, who were very numerous." It is in the original omncm fiiam familiam cocgit, which word in it-s proper and ori- ginal fignification is ufed to exprefs a family of Haves, fubjeded to the au- thority of the proper /'^;/fr/ij;«7/V?.', as appears from Briffon, "De verborum fignificatione," NOTES ON BLADEN'S C Ji: S A R. ,9-, fignlficatione," voce Familias ; from 1. 9. fl'. de jurifdidtionc ; from the title de ^dilitio edidto ; from 1. i. § 1 6. and fcveral other places of the title De vi et de vi armata ; from both the rubric and the laws of the title 6V familia furlumfecife dicetur ; from 1. 195. ff. "De vcrborum figiiificatioiic/'and from mimberlefs other places in the Pandedfs. And that the Gauls had do- meftic flaves appears further from Bell. Gall. vi. 13. " Plcriquc cum aut *' jere alieno, aut magnitudine tributoruwi, aut injuria potcntiorum prcmun- " tur, fefe in servitutem dicant nobilibus." See Diflcrtation orv the Numbers of mankind, in antient and modern times, p. 315. •f- P. 4. 1. '^S' '''■'ft ^P ^^^ introicbment, &c.] Read " carried on a wallP. 9- 1. 3- " from the lake of Geneva, where the Rhofne flows into it at the moun- *' rai "^ Ju'-a which divide the people of Franchecomte from the Swifs, L high, and xix miles in length." Vofllus has clearly fnewn, that .v-Vf *i rampart was raifed on this fide the river Rhofne*; not, as has b i vulgarly fuppofed, from Nion to Mount Jura near Gingen. TIk' proofs are rhefe : i. The Helvetians feem already pofTeffed of the country en the other Jide ; for the place of their rendezvous was on the banks of the river, between Geneva and the Straits of Cli/fiim. 2. Csefar, when he came to Geneva, broke down the bridge there. A very impolitic flep, had he been on the other fide of it, by which means he would have cut off his own retreat, without in the leaft incommoding the enemy. 3. Casfar can- not be underftood on the other fuppofition. The Helvetii, after they had been retufed a paflage, uavibus jiinEiis, alii vadis Rhodani perrumpere conati. . It is plain then they attempted to force the intrcnchment, but without fuccefs ; and it is plain, the means they ufed v.-as by croffing the river firft. 4. There were only two pafles from Switzerland into Gaul ; one by the Allobroges, the other by the Streights of Ciiifnim, § 6 ; the latter of which was from Mount Jura, the only pafs pradlicable for an army, ac- cording to Viginere. Suppofing tlie rampart carried on from h'im to * I had long been certain, from Csifar's own account, that his works were oji the Geneva fide of the Lake. When ProfciTor Pvlartyn went abroad about tiiree years' ago, 1 drew up my reafons, and defired hiai to confult the Literati on the fpot ; he didfb, and- reported that there was no doubr. At the fame time he fcnt ree.over a tranflation, by himfelf, of a Geneva Phyfician's treatife to prove the fame point. He ufes every arjfu- ment exactly as I had done. I had been much confirmed in my opinion by Sir G. Shuck- burgh's excellent plan of the environs of Ge£u£v;i, in. tiie Phiiofophical Tranfafiions. G. A. Gifige/1^ . . 192 M I S C E LLANEOUS TRACTS. Gingen, both paffcs were cut off at once ; and yet Ciefar fays, after the Helvetii were repulfed, relinqitebatur una per Sequanos via, one of the two he had mentioned before, § 5. From thefe arguments then, it is plain, . Cffifar's rampart was on this fide of the Rhofne. But what lliall we do with ad montem Juram — mtinm; — -foffamqiie pcrditcit, which the geographers all place on the other fide the Rhofne ? To folve this difficulty, Voffius fairly •removes the mountain to this fide; and would ftrike out the words ^r« fines Helvstiontm a Sequanis dividit. But Butin, at the end of Spon's Hiftory of Geneva, interprets ad Juram to be the fame as adverfus Jumm ; which clears all the difficulty. The rampart is faid to have been carried on for •XIX miles, which fome think too fmall for the fpace it extended, and Clewer ■ alters it to decern. But in the year 1699, the diftance from Geneva to the Straits of Clufium was meafurcd, and, following the winding of the river Rhofne, was found to be exadly xix miles. From NioH toGingen on the North of the Lake is but five, befides being in every refpedl unfuitable to the defign of the Helvetians. I need not obfcrve that murus does not im- ply a wall made with lime, but a rampart of earth or any materials. And here I cannot but note a fimilar palfage in Polybius, which has led the ■Geographers into a like miftake ; and the two may ferve to corredt each other. That hillorian fays, Molo made himfelf mafter of Parapoia?uia as far as the city Europus, and of Mefopotainia as far as Dura, tiJi/ V- ^^Isostto- To-jj-tav sMg Aisp:. -f. P. 36. 1. '^'S. heavy bagga?^e'\ F. Whiljl they were encumbered with their knapfacks. The Roman foldicrs on their march, befides their arms, carried- provifions, tools, and falcines [ye2llum'\. Without thefe they were faid to be cxpediti ; with themy«^ onerc, or fub Jarcinis. Bell. Civ. 1. i.e. 66. Veriti ne mSlu impediti fitb oncre conjiigere cogerentur. B. G. 1. iii. c. 24. Sub farcinisinfericres anlmo adoriri cogitabant. Hirt. viii. 27. perterritcfque fid' fardiiis in itinere aggrcjji. Cic. Tufc. Qusft. II. Arma membra ejfe miliiis. d-.cunt, qu,€ qu'idem ita geriinlur, ut fi ufus fucrat, obje^is oneribus, expeditis armis, ut membris, piignare poffinL E. 8g. 1. 8. 'Y P. 56. 1, 32. once infix hours'] bis fcmper accidit horarum xii fpatio. As the new philofophy afcribes the tides to the attra«3;ion of the moon on one fide of the globe, and to the centrifugal force on the other, there can be from thofe two caufes but two tides in the circumvolution of that planet round the earth. And yet all the Mff. read bis xii horarum f patio, except one at Oxford, which leaves out bis. Or read bis horarum y.x.iw fpatio, either of which, as Dr. Jurin fays, is agreeable to truth. So in Dugdalc's Hif- tory of the Fens, in Lincolnfhire, p. 216. thai the river mentioned in that prefentment then zvas, and long had been, an arm of the fea, luhereinto the ■ tides did ebb and fioiv twice in 24 hours. r.89.1. 28 -f P. 51. 1. 27. without fear of the rocks'] minus commode fcopulis con-- '~^'^' tinebantur. Scaligcr and others of the moderns read minus incommode fcopulis coniinebantur ; could ihelter themfelves with fafety among the flats, without fear of the rocks, as Edmonds. — Perhaps, wc fhould read Copulis, 6 which: NOTES ON BLADEN'S C ^ S A R. 195 which are ufcd for harpoons ; and for iron fetters in Plant. Epicl. V. i, 11. in nianibus gcjiantcs copulas fccuncias. Thcfc fhips were fo high, that it was difficult to grapple them. Jurin. 'Y P. 55. 1. 7. The Roman prcvinci] ex his regioiibus in the text was pro-P.95.l.:T. bably added by another hand, and is not in the Greek verfions. Jurin. '\~ Ibid. 1. 33. copper mines'] a^rarias fedturjE. metcilla aris, jnetalla (2TttnV?,i'-96.l'9. &c. in Pliny, were likewife called cerarice. Seilura, or, as others, y?n^z/;vc, is a glofs. The Greek %q7Jmv or>m yjxhitHMv. And in 1. vii. 22. jiiagna: funt ferraria. Jurin. •f P. 56. 1. 21. Serior'iits'] Sertorius had followed the faflion of MariusP-97.l J?- and Cinna ; and when Sylla had overthrown both the elder and the younger Marius, he fled into Spain, and there maintained the quarrel on foot againft Pompey and Metellus, and overthrew them in many battles : but in the end was treacheroufly flain by Perpenna at a banquet. See Epit. Liv. I. xcv. Plutarch in his Life, Appian, B. C. 1. i. Florus, 1. iii. 22. Edmonds, Glandorp. •\- Ibid. 1. 37. the auxiliaries'] auxiliis inmediam aciem conjeRis. He placed?. 98. 1.i5- them in the middle that he might keep them the more eafily to their duty. Wherever there have been fet battles fought, the ftrcngth con- iifted always in the wings, as the two principal inftruments of the battle. Edmonds, — It is ftrange to fay that the wings were the principal inftru- ments. Perhaps common relaters may divide an army grofsly into two parts only, and then no wonder if all is done by one wing or the other. J. N- , -j- Ibid. 1.41. better] iutius effe arbitrabantur. Probably it fliould be 11^. 1- 22. fatius. Tutius would denote to gain a bkodhfs viftory. Jurin. -j~ P. 57. 1. 9. enemy were afraid of them] quum fun rundatione atque ^^-^^ 34- opinione timidi'ores hcjles. Read, qiw?n fua eunclaiione atque opinicne timi- DiORES [jam fafti] nojlros alacriores ad pugnandum efflcissekt, as the Mff. Clarke, Jurin. ■\ P. 66. 1.34. their name alone] cpinione et aintcitia Fop. Rom. Rcad,^"''--- opinione amicitia, the credit of their fricndfhip would be a fufficient de- fence. Jurin. •fP. 70. 1. 3. about eight miles of] I am inclined to think this port was^.-i-'-'O- either Gravclin, or near it. For it was only viii miles from Portus Itius, from whence he tells us he fc.t out, in his fecond expedition, B. G. V. 2 ; and the wind, that carried the fhips from this latter port to Bri-" C c 2 tain, ,96 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. tain, prevented the other fhips at the former port coming to Partus Itlus. Now a fouth-weft wind would do both, which is the wind that Csefar ex.- prefsly tells us he failed by in his fecond expedition ; and by Csefar's order- ing the horfe to the other port and to follow him, one would be emboldened to think that the fame wind which carried him from where he was to Bri- tain, would alio ferve at the other port for the fame purpofe, which is manifeflly true of Gravelin and Calais. He calls thefe ports partus jupe- ricr and partus inferior, c. iv. 26 and 21 ; and, fpeaking of the two fhips that mifcarried in their return to Britain, he fays they were carried _/}?r//6ifr down. lb. IV. 32. No^v the upper haven is the farther to the north or north-eaft, as Gravelin is with refpedt to Calais higher up on the coaft. If Boulogne be the port frx)m whence Czefar failed, Calais was probably the other port to which the horfe marched. The diftance indeed between tliem is too great, computed to be xx miles : and Ccefar fays it was only eight. But if Calais was then ufed as a port, it is highly improbable that Ccefar would fay of any other place, when compared with it, that the pafTage from thence to Britain was the moft convenient and fhortefl:.. Calais is therefore moft probably C^efar's Partus Itius, whence he fet out, and Gravelin where the horfe were detained. Horfley, B. I. c. i. p. 11, 12. P.iii.1.20. -^ p. yo. 1. 13. abatit one. i?i the morni/ig] tcrtia fere vigilia. The watches, containing three hours each, were computed from fix in the evening. Therefore fere tertia vigilia, is one in the morning. Bp Gibfon tranflates it, I know not why, about three in the morning. There were four watches in the night ; and four in the day ; the fourth is mentioned by St. Mat- thew, xiv. 25 ; confequently of three hours each, which it is flrange the Bifhop fhould be ignorant of, and more ftrange Paulus Manutius fhould miflake in Cic. ad Att. 1. iii. c. 7. Nox in tres I'igilias, y oiiAXERNAs horas vigilia dividibantur ;. he fhould have faid ;« QyATERNAS vigilias, iff TRES horas vigilia dividebantur. lb. 1. 23. ^ iij. 1, 18. about ten in the morning'] hara die'i quarta, i. e. the fourth hour, reckoning from fix in the morning, which confequently is ten y which Bp. Gibfon tranflates, /o«?- d'eloek. lb. 1. 16. -J- lb. 1, 20. the impending hills'] montibus atigufis. Read, abruptis. So Julius Celfus : rupcs praruptas pelago impendentes. Such the mountains, at Dover are. Jurin. — But Q^ if abrupta is ever joined to riipes. What if it were to be read auguflis ? J. N. NOTES ON BLADEN'S C^SAR. 197 •f- P. 70. 1. 36. a plain and open Poore] At what place Cjefar attempted to^-'^--^-^* land, as well as where he landed at laft, is uncertain : Richborough was at that time the mofl: noted port, and agrees as well at leaft with his account as any other. Dr. Halley [Phil. Tranf. vol. xvii. A. D. 1690. Num. 193.] thinks he made at firft for Dover; and finding that place not convenient for him, he landed at Deal. Dio, 1. xxxix. fays, "Ak^ocv Zv Tim 'rrpoTi'yjiJ-a.v TTtxpcyyTtXcVToii STcpOtxrs 7rcxpsxo[/.if P. 95. 1. 13. an account of the aS7ion~\ This was the grcateft lofs thatP-'S^-'-u ever befell Ca;far at once, from the time he was proconful in Gallia to the end of his didlutorfliip. In the two overthrows at Dj'rrachium he lofl: not above 1000 men; in that of Gergovia not fo many; but here 15 cohorts were cut to pieces, amounting to 6000 men. Edmonds, p. 118. -j-P. 96. 1. 13. Cicero fent away cotirterf\ In thisaftion Quintus Cicero'sP.iso.I 'S. behaviour defcrved as great reputation as ever his brother Marcus o-ained by his eloquence. And if it had been the fortune of the latter to have performed the like fervice, he would have made it the greatefl exploit that ever Roman had atchieved by arms. Particularly he is fo praifed for raifing fo many towns in fo fmall a time ; for providing the night before fuch things as were neceffary for the next day's defence ; for making fo many flakes hardened at the end with fire for defence of the rampart; and for the ftore of mural piles, which refembled the form of the ordi- nary pile, but were far greater and heavier, as they were to be caft from the rampart, and confequently would do greater execution. Edmonds, p. 119. •^- P. 97. 1. 16. carry it in their cloaks'] 7nanibus sagclis^?/^ terram exhau-p. jg,.!.^. RiRE cogebantw. The tranflator fupplies what is not in the text, when he fays, they carried it away in their cloaks ; a liberty which Orofius took before him, lib. vi. 10. who explains the paflage hy gladiis concidendo terrain iS sagulis eaportando. But it Ihould be read TRAGVLisque tenam exportare cogebantiir. I'ragula was a fort of bearded dart, as appears from Gell. x. 25. and ufed by the Gauls, as appears above, § 35. 38. and from lib. I. 26. Markland, Quseflio Grammatica, p. 62. — We may in fome meafure judge of the form of this weapon from our Englifh word trowel de- rived from it. •f P. 1 1 6. 1. 22. were obliged to attend them to another luorWlJuJiis funeribu- nenfi provincia contennini, N. H. iv. 19. which is agreeable likewife to Strabo, who places the Gabali and Rutheni on the confines only of the pro- vince, i. e. of the Rutheni which was not fubdued, part of Gallia Celtica, af- terwards made part of Aquitania by Auguftus. Dom. Vaifette and the au- thors of the Colleifiion of the Gauliih Hiftorians think that the Provincial Rutheni were thofe whom Ciefar had conquered, and afterwards incorpo- rated with the Roman Province ; and others of the Rutheni, who had vo- luntarily fubmitted to him, were indulged with the excrcife of their own laws. But it is manifeft, from B. G. i. 45, that when Fabius Maximus conquered the Rutheni, he did not reduce them to a province j and from the paffage before us, that a part of the Rutheni were before his arrival included in the province of Narbonne. To fuppofe that he paffed over the conquell of them in filence, is not confident with the exaftnefs of the detail of his commentaries, or with the importance of fuch a conqueft. When the Rutheni were made a province, can only be colled:ed from hiftorical circumftances, not from any exprefs teftimony. Livy, Epit. 73. fays, C. Caalius in Gallia Tranfalpina Saliios rebellanies vicit, U. C. Var. 664. The king of the Salii, Teutomalus, after his defeat by C. Sextius, U. C. 630, took refuge among the Allobroges. Thefe drew the Arverni into their alliance, to whom the 5^/// were probably feudatories. For, according to Strabo, the territories of the Arverni extended to Narbonne, and from thence to the territories of Marfeillcs. In the defeat, therefore, of the Salii, other nations that joined them were probably included ; and if the Arverni, we may conclude the Rutheni. p I?. 1.42. '!~ -P' '34' ^' ^9- ^ ^"^'^ belonging to the county of Berry'] Biturigum pojiium in vid. Thefe words ihould poffibly be omitted. Sec Oudendorp and Jurin. p 6 1 i -f P- 164. 1. 3. between the gates of their camp] angiijlioribus portls rcliilis. The Gauls, when they drew a ditch round their camp, left the gates nar- rower N O T E S O N B L A D E N ' S C .1^ S A R. 203 rower than ufual. Boll. C. ii. 9. Fcncjlras rdiquerunt. Hirtius, B. Al. 38. Non ita magtio intcivallo reli{lo. D. VofTius, without realbn, is for leaving out angujl'wribus. Jnrin. •f- P. 186. 1, 34. When they came to the interview'] Oudendorp, in hisP. 9:.!. i- laft edition, has given a reading, which, if it had authority, would render ■the place clearer, ^um in colloquium venttan cffet, et ut convenerat, manum Conwiii yolufenus arripuijfet , centurio, vel ut infucta re permotus VEL celeritcr -a familiciribus protitus Cofiimii, conficere homiiiem non potuit, gravitcr tamen, &c. the words vellet Commiuin interjicere being left out. •f- P. 202. I. 12. Cafar's letter] The beginning of this book is fuppofed-'-'l-'- to have been loft ; and a Fabio at leaft to have been inferted. The begin- ning of Suetonius is likewlfe perifhed, beginning in the King of France's Mf. annum agens fcptiim decimum. So that we have no account of Julius Caefar before his xivth year. Jut in. -j~ P. 203. 1. 20. thofe of them who were of his party] We fhould obferveP.iij i--. here a feeming difficulty in the original, which has puzzled all the com- mentators. " Miflb ad vefperum Senatu, omnes, qui funt ejus ordinis, *' a Pompeio evocantur. Laudat Pompeius, atque in polterum confir- " mat." So all the Mff. and old editions read. Ejus ordinis are undoubt- edly of the fenatorian order. As Cicero in Catil. II. frinceps ejus ordinis. But in the firft place, it cannot be fuppofed that all the fenators in general were called out by Pompey, whether there were 400 or lefs. How then fhall we reflrain, omnes qui fun t ejus ordinis ? An ingenious critic would read, " omnes sui ejus ordinis — evocantur," the word sui being corrupted into QiTi. But the whole difficulty is removed, if the comma at ordinis we place after Pompeio. " Omnes, qui funt ejus ordinis a Pompeio, evocan- " tur." All, that zuere of Pompey s party, were called out. Then follows, in the Nominative, " Laudat Pompeius," &c. But, 2dly, fay the com- mentators, we flill want a word to oppofe to '■'■ fegniores cajligat." Why fo ? He calls out all of his party, confirms the refolute of them, re- proves the timid and wavering. The paflage is originally right in the MAT. and only confounded by the commentators. ■f- P. 204. 1. 4. the prcetorfhip] Pompey and Craffus, who were confuls, Ife. 1. 31 A. U. 684, when Cato flood for the ptcetorffiip, joined with Cffifar in op- pofing him, becaufe he fufpefted he would not bear their adminiftratlon, and were unwilling to flrengthen him with a legal power againft them- D d 2 felves, . 204 I.I I S C E L L A N E O U S TRACTS. felves, as Dlo tells us, 1. xxxix. p. 117. (^far, with fome artifice, afcribes Cato's enmity to him to that oppofition to him, which was formed jointly by all three, and which therefore fhould have made him now an enemy to Pompey as well as Caefar. The one indeed was his competitor, but the other two oppofed his intereft. ^.114.1.29. -|~ P. 234. 1. 33. tht: fe-venth day after the entrance upon their charge'] They were created Dec. 10, according to Liv. xxxix. 52. Dec. 5, Cicer. Pro- cem. Ver. c. 10. Dec. 13, Dion. Halic. Urfinus and Ciacconius greatly miftake, in fuppofing this apprehcnfion of danger was on the feventh day from their entering on their office, which is to be underftood the viitli day from the commencement of the year, which was Jan. i . Afterwards, for towards the viiith month of their adminiflration, Ihould probably be the xiith month. J. Vossius. P.125.I.1?. -j~ p. 205. 1. 9. which he hoped 7mght have reduced all differences to a peaceable ftatf\ The propofals which Cffifar made were fent in a letter by Curio, viz. i. That Pompey fhall retire to his government in Spain. 2. That the forces the fenate had raifed Ihall be di{banded, and the garrifon evacuated. That he, on the other hand, would deliver up the farther Gaul into the hands of Domitius ; and the nearer Gaul into thofe of Con- fidius Nonianus ; the perfons to whom thefe provinces had been refpec- tively allotted. That he would refign his right of fuing for the conful- fliip in his abfence, and return to Rome to fue for it in perfon. Cic. Ep. Fam. 1. xvi. 12, lb. 1 30. -j- lb. 1. 23. Mauritania] Not that any part of Mauritania, either Tin- gitana, or Ciefarienfis, was fubjedt to the Romans till U. C. 716, after Julius Cffifar's death, as appears from Dio, 1. xlviii. who tells us, that the Tingitani revolting from their king Bogud, Bocchus fcizcd the kingdom, in which he was confirmed by Auguftus, and the people admitted to the privileges of the city. And that Mauritania Csefarienfis was likewife exempt from the Romans, is plain from Hirtius, Bell. Alex. c. 62. who tells us, that Pompey, the fon of Pompey the Grcsit, went from Utica into Mauritania, and entered the kingdom of Bogud, and, having fuficrcd there a great defeat, was forced back to his fhips. And Afinius Pollio, in an cpiflle written the year after Csefar's death, fays, that Balbus the quaeftor, having got together a great quantity of gold in further Spain, failed from thence into Bogud's territories. NOTES ON BLADEN'S C^SAR. 205 territories. In this place, therefore, we mufl: underftand that part only of Mauritania which was fubjedt to the Romans ; or that Fauflus Sylla was fent with a hoftile intent againft both kings, who were not very favourable to Cffifar. This Spanheim did not rightly underfland, Nuniilm. Diff. ix. p. 768. nor Patin on Sueton. c. 6^. nor J. Voffius, on Pomp. Mela, II. c. 6. See Noris, Cenotaph. Pifana, Dlff. 11. p. m. 88. It is further to be obferved, that Fauflus Sylla is here faid to be fent Proprcetnr ; and yet he is called, by Cicero to Atticus, 1. ix. Ep. i. Froquaflor. To reconcile this, we muft fuppofe, as C^efar fays, that Philip the tribune forbad his going with that charadter, but that he went under an inferior one, Vroqutzjior. J. Vossius. — But as the MlT. read here propere, inftead of pro-prat, that fhould be the true reading, which confirms the hoftile intention of the fenate. •f lb. 1. 29. tiuo confular province s~\ Under the republic the confular pro-^-'*''''*^* vinces were thofe which were governed by fuch as had been confuls ; the prastorians by fuch as had been praetors. They were obferved here to be given privatis, to perfons who were out of office. And this was agree- able to the law procured by Pompey, U. C. 701, that no one fhould enter on the confular or praetorian provinces till five years after he had been con- ful or prcetor. And yet this law was not precifely adhered to in this inftance ; for though L. Domitius ^Enobarbus was conful, A. U. 700, five years before, yet the other, Q^Metellus Scipio, was conful with Pompey but three before, U. C, 702. C^efar obferves, that Cn. Cornelius Lentulus MarccUinus and L. Marcius Ihilippus were poflponed, who had fairer pretenfions than the other two, having been confuls, U. C. 698, two years before the firfl of them. I read, therefore, with Voflius and Pighius, Marcellinus, not Marcellus as the copies print it. We may here obfervc, that Cardinal Noris confines the fenfe of privati too narrowly, when he fuppofes, Cenotaph. Pifan. Diff. ii. c. 9. that it means thofe who had never ferved any magiflracy : S/' cui privato, qui nullos antca in ttrbe magiftratus gefferat, belli ndminiji ratio comniitiebatur, is dicebatur pro pratore vel pro confule, bellum genre. He inflanccs in Auguflus, who was made pro-prsetor at XIX years of age ; and Pompey, who was fent with proconfular power againft Sertorius in Spain, while he was only a Roman knight. But on the other hand, Domitius and Scipio are both here cxprefsly llyled privati, though they had been confuls. Laflly, we fliould obferve, that this Scipio was father-in-law to Pompey, who had married his daughter Cornelia, the widow of CrafTus who was flain by the Parthians, Patcrc. ii. 54. t P. 205. 2o6 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. P.i:6.I.i3- -jv P. 205. 1. wlt.The confuls, i^c.'] Duncan tranflates it thus : The confuls left the city, a thing unheard of till that time : which is not true. The word confuls fliould probably be tranfpofed, and it fliould be read, departed for their feveral commands in a miliiary habit \ a thing unheard of till that time. The CONSULS left the city, and lid or s, &c. Davics and Ju-'in. — Suppofe we were to read. Confides, quod ante id tempus accederat nunquam, ex urbe profi' cifcimiur privati, UElorefqiie, Sec. The Confuls left the city as private men, which had never happened before : and other really private perfons were attended by their officers, G. A. lb. 1. 30. -j- p. 206. 1. 14. oppofed by arms] When the fenatc decreed that Casfar ihould difband his army, and Pompey keep his, only two fenators dilTented, Ciecilius and Curio. Dio, xli. p. 171. Notwithftanding this confent of the fenatc was almoft unanimous, yet the tribunes, M. Antony and Q^ Caffius, as they had a right, put a negative to it. This interceffion of the tribunes, as it was called, being difregarded, and the tribunes themfelves threatened, gave Ctefar's caufe a plaufible colour, which he does not fail to fet in an advantageous light to his army. Yet this very man, who now defended the facred charafter of the tribunes againft the fenate, afterwards procured the fenate to depofe and expel from the houfe two other tribunes, C. Epidius and L.,Cecilius Flaccus, becaufe they rcmonflrated to the pub- lic that they were abridged by C^far of their freedom in the exercife of their funnF- '*• J- ?> pratorfhip, Duncan.] inimicltiafque — cum Cxfare ex ^dilitaie et p-^etore con- ceptus. That there was a quarrel between C^far and Bibulus about the ^dilefhip and Confulate, Suetonius tells us, c. 10. and 20. and Dio. 1. xxxviii. p. 60. But that the fame happened about the pr^rorfhip is no where faid. Yet all the MIT. read fo. Davies. ■f- P. 282. 1. 12. JJjould compound for half they oived~\ ut fexies fcni diesfir.e^- -"■ '• '" ufuris. The place is corrupt, and thus reftored by the greatcft mafter in this branch of learning at leaft, ut fcmife in dies fine ifuris credits pciuniiz folvantur : J. F. Gronov. de Pec. Vet. 1, iv. c. v. p. 6^5. •\ P. 287. 1. 7. by way of loan] It mull be obferved, that the provinces^'- "• '• i- ufually paid the contributions impofed on them every five years. Varro, 1. v.. 214 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. 1. V. de LL. fays, Lufirum, nominatiin tempus quinquennale, a luendo, hoc eft JrAvendo, quod quinio quoque anno veBigalia et ultra tributa per cenfores per- fohebantur. Cic. in Verrin. iv. ^into quoque anno Sicilia iota cenfetur, Erat cenfa Prafore Peducco. ^dntus cum te Pratore incidijfet, cenfa denuo eft. And fee ad Att. vi. ep. 2. Now Syria was made a province by Pompey, U. C. Var. 690. The fourth Lufirum confequently began, U. C. 705. when Scipio was made Proconful of Syria ; which province fuf- fcred greatly, it feems, under the two years of his adminiftration, paying the taxes of two years, and advancing a third before hand. But he being obliged to quit Syria, to go to the affiftance of Pompey, U. C. •J06. Antioch was eafed of his immediate opprefEon, and afterwards, U. C. 707, totally reftored to its immunities, as will be obferved § 102. Noris, Ep. Syromac. Diff. IIL c. 5. p. m. 198, 199. P. 18. 1.4. -f- P. 2S7. 1. 36. as a new loan] ^.libus in rebus prolatictiem diet dona' tionem cffe dicehat — They are obliged to apply for a delay of payment, which at any price is ftill accounted a favour. Duncan, lb. 1. II. -j~ lb. 1. ult. the next yearns tribute upon intereftP^ uli in forte fecerant, G. Faernus, and Ciacconius, and R. Steph. in ed. 1544. read in Syrioy againfl the authority of all the MAT. But Casfar means the fame thing as they had done when they entered upon their lot the province of Syria. Davies. ?. 5^. I. -j- P. 295. 1. 32. the corn began to ripen"] Towards the end of May corn ''™"' ' began to ripen at Durazzo. Sueton. in Jul. c. 35. fays, that Pompey, after he had been befieged near four months [at Durazzo] was defeated at Pbar- falia. The winter was far advanced before Antony embarked the troops [fee c. 25.], fuppofe towards the aid of January ; four months brings us to the end of May. Appian fays, that the feventh day after Cccfar broke up his camp, he removed to Pharfalia. And we fhall fee, c. 8:. that Pom- pey within a few days followed him to Thellaly. So that the decifive bat- tle was fought in June, as Cardinal Noris has fhewn againft Petavius, who places it May 12. See Ep. Syromacedon. DifT. IIL c. 5. p. m. 189, 190, 4to. p. 41. 1.15. -J- p. 297. 1. ult. fix hundred fi-\iy fix pounds, thirteen fhillings, and four pence fterling, Bladen ; two hundred thoufand afjes, Duncan ; millibus ducen- tis aris gravis, C^SAR.J i. e. AfTes of the old valuation, of ten to a Dena- rius, at which rate they were, till reduced to one ounce alone, U. C. 500, when XVI were made equal to a Denarius. At this time the method of exprcfling fums was b)- fcftcrccs ; but the old valuation of the as is fomctimcs. NOTES ON BLADEN'S C^SAR. z'S fometlmcs, though not very comtnonly, exprcffed by difFerent authors. Two hundred thoufand aris gravis d^moxinzcd to 20,000 Denmii, or 80,000 LL.S. 640/. of our money, as Perizonius has clearly proved in his Diff'crr. de are gravi. Upon this occafion I will beg leave to mention an undoubted emendation I had from the mouth of the late Rev. Chancellor Taylor, of his favourite author Cornelius Nepos, in the life of Atticus, c. 13. who fays of him, Scimus non aniplius quam tenia vnllla aris peraquc i/i Jingulos menfes ex ephemcride cum cxpenfum fumptus ferri foUtiiin, i. e. that he expended no more than three thoufand afles of the old flamp, or 750 denarii, 3,200 LL.S. i. e. 24/. Englifh per month *. And yet he kept feveral readers and libra- rians, of which nine are upon record ; and we have many inftjnces of his generofity and munificence ; particularly to Cicero, when he fl.d his coun- try, he gave 250,000 LL.S. How can we reconcile this, which the hiftorian' mentions as an inftance of his oeconomy, but by changing in fingidos menfes into in fingidas menjas? The ordinary expence of each table was 24/. a month. ■j- P. 298. 1. 2. Jirjl ce)iturion of the legion] ab oElavis ordin'ibus ad primi-^-^^-^-l^' ftdum diixif. i. e. who was before the viiith centurion of the Triarii to be the/r/?of them, fiiys Aldus Manutius de queefitis per Epill. 1. ii. c. 3. But the promotion was from the tenth of the Haflati to the tenth of the Principes ; from the tenth of the Principcs to the tenth of the Primipill. Then from the ninth, the eighth, and, laftly, to the firft of each order in the cohort. Thus from the firft of the Haftati to the firft of the Principes, thence to the firft of the Primipili. Vcgetius, 1. IL c. 8. Vetus confuctttdo temdt, ul ex prima principe hgionis promoveantur priiiiipil:. — ■ Trimi ordinis are thofe of the firft cohort, the firft centurions of the Haftati, the firft Princeps, and the firft Pilus. Tacitus, 1. IIL c. 22. Urgibaiur tiiaxihie feptima legio niipera Galba confcripta ; occifi fex primorum ordinu/n ccntU' rlones. Six, therefore, all the centurions in the firft cohort, were flain, Lipf. de Militia Rom. 1. IL Dial. 8. p. 79, 80. The Triarii, who are mentioned in the ancient Militia, were laid afide in the new under Marius, and before, and called Decimus, Nonus, &c. Pri/ni pili. See Aquina's Lexicon Militare, voc. Triarii. So of Pulfio and Varenus, Cafar fays, jam prinds orditnbus appropinquabajity they were very near the dignity of the firft cohort. See Edmondes, p. i8. • The reader will find this fubjed difcufled more at large in the fucceedingTiafts. J. N. p. 101. 2i6 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. P.55.1.13. j- P. 307. I. 19. apprehenfive his convoys tnigbt be cut ojff"^ Cafar having luclofed Pompey within fome works he had thrown up to facilitate the piffiige of his own convoys, and to hinder his enemies, c. 43. and Pom- pey having broken through thofe works, c. 65. and Cafar having quitted them, c. 73. he was confequently now folicitous for his convoys, which the other, who was fuperior to him in horfe, might poffibly cut off. Jurin. P-iT ! 5. -|~ P. 308. 1. 20. eight miles'] Lipfius, upon the authority of Vegetius, 1. L c. I. fays, that the foldien marched xx miles in five fummer Lours, and loith fpecd XXIV miles in the fame time. Lipf. de Mil. Rom. 1. V. c. 14. P)Ut he is confuted from this place, where Cjefar is faid to have marched VIII miles ijlum iter, and from B. Gall. vii. c. 7. where two days march is faid to be about xv miles. See Edmondes ; and Vignolius, Diff. IL Apologetica de anno primo Imperii Severi Alexandri, c. L p. 5. — Fifteen miles a day, i. c. from one town to another capable of lodging them, is the ordinary march of our foldiers in changing quarters : and there is no doubt of their performing the double in cafe of neceffity. I believe Ve- getius is only fpeaking of their exercife in the Campus Martius, or parade : and I very well remember feeing a memoir (I think) in Acad, des Infcrip- tions, that the French minifter referred to them for a determination of this very paflage, and that they anfwered, that the French foldiers did ex- adtly the fame, i. e. xx and xxv miles in 5 hours. T. F. P. 62. 1. 4 -f- P. 31 1. 1. ult. Cafar's priejlhood'] This premature competition was between three who were already of the College of Priefts ; what each therefore wanted was to fucceed J. Crefar in the High-priejihood, which office Xvas filled up by the whole College of Priefts themfclves, and not, as the pricfls now were, by the voice of the people. For this reafon, the feveral competitors here mention their refpcdtive merit; the one his age; an- other his intereft with the city ; and the third his alliance with Pompey. See Noris, Cenotaph. Pifana, p. 6 1 . r. 66 1. 5. -\ P. 314. ]. 22. an himdred and ten cohorts'] Voffius and others in vain fay, that ex cohorts made L thoufand men, and that probably Csfar wrote fo. Legions, at different periods, confifted of different numbers of men. At the battle of Canna; they were encreafcd from iv thoufand foot, and two hundred horfe, to five thoufand foot, and three hundred horfe, Liv. XXII. c. 36. Polyb. 1. III. c. 107. But that in thefc later times they 4 were NOTES ON BLADEN'S C iE S A R. %.h1 were funk to four thoufand Is very manifefl:''*. A cohort contained 400 men, and a legion, being ten cohorts, 4000 men, at this time and atcerwards. Appian 1. II. fays, Pompey had xi legions, which is ex cohorts, as Cffifar himfelf fays here, or 44000 men. The fame Appian lays, Ca;fur had xxii thoufand men, and that Pompey had double the number, xliv thoufand, at 400 to a cohort. Plutarch, Life of Ciefar, p. cxlvi. is exprefs xlv thoufand men. Even in the fedition raifed after the death of Augullus, 3.x. the commencement of Tiberius's reign, Tacitus fays, that the fixty centuries in the legion, containing each lx men, rofe againll their rcfpc(ftiv.e ■centurions- Now fixty times 6o makes 3,600, befides fubaltern officers. Rualdus in Plut. vol. I. ed. Bryan, p. 5. 6. -j~ P. 321. 1. I. not to come near Aiitiocb at their peril.'] The attachment ''-^s- '■ 's- of this city to Csfar, whofe fide it efpoufed, was a great happincfs to it, after Scipio's extortions exercifed in it. For when Csfar had ftaid nine months in ^gypt, arriving here he confirmed to them the privilege of ufing their own laws, which they had purchafed at firft of Pompey, and which they were apprehenfive of lofing, from the tyranny they had lately felt, and he remitted to them thofc taxes which Scipio had exacted of them. In gratitude for which favours they commenced a new ara, dating it not from the year, U. C. 707, when thefe immunities were granted, but from two years before, viz. U. C. 705, when their efiefts took place. Ulher fuppofes it commenced U. C. 705, becaufe that year Csfar was firft created didator for xi days only, from whence he was made conful ; but Noris thinks that was not notorious enough for the Antiochians to be ac- quainted with. Noris, Ep. Syromaced. DilT. III. c. 4. p. 165, ed. 4to. This iera continued many years. Two coins in the pofleffion of Mr. Duane, one of Galba, the other of Otho, precifely determine vv'hcn this sra com- menced, and are a treafure the King of France would be proud to be pof- fefiTed of. "J- P' 339" !• 37- ■P^/', 1725, that the title oi free cities, libera civitates, was never given to thofe who were free of' Rome, but to. fuch as enjoyed their own magiflratcs and laws ; and which are likewifc litid to be imnnines, v,'hen they were exempted from tri- bute : that this city, though favoured by Julius Csefar, fo far as to be called Jiiliopolis, and by other emperors, fo as to be called by their refpedlive names, Hadriana, Severiana, Akxandriiht, Antonina, Mncriniana, &c. was nei- ther a colony "nor municipium : that therefore St. Paul's freedom mult be fetched from fome other fourcc. Sec the note (in next page) on Leptis. P. 359. 1. 14. ufe his brother too feverely'] What fecurity then didP- j;4.l.9. CjEsar give ARiARATEs againft the ablblute power of his brother? He made him king of Armenia the lefs : and fo this place fhould be fupplied. See the foundation for this emendation in Dr. Jurin. ■f P. 364. 1. 18. thirtieth of September'] ad xiv kah Jan. in Lilybaum^-i'>il'^- pervenit ; i. e. December 19, according to Julius Csefar's calendar, which was not introduced till his return from Africa. Confequently the dates are all here reckoned by the old calendars ; according to which xiv kal. January, or December 17, were on September 30, the calends of January being now run back to Odober 13 of the Julian reckoning. The long reformation year, confifling of 445 days, was brought about the very next year, when Cafar entered into his fourth confullhip, and was Pontifex Maximus, 45 before Chrift, U. C. Var. 709 ; Per. Jul. 4669, which the late learned Dr. Afliton has drawn out at length, in his ingenious Difiertation on that fubjedt in Biblioth. Liter. 1722. -j~ P. 365. 1. 25. the eighth of Odober'] Cicero de Divinat. 1. ii. c. 24.Pj67-I.i*. fays, Csefar fet fail for Africa, ante brumani, which the Arufpices had for- bidden him to do, underftanding by bruma the winter Solllice, as it is often ufed : Bruma novi prima eji,'veterifque nov'ijftjna folis. Ovid. Faft. L 163. For the intention of their ftale cant, which they would have put upon Cienir, was that no new enterprize was to be gone upon in the dead of the year, before the days began to lengthen, as is obferved by Donatus on Ter. Phorm. Adt. iv. Sc. 4. Now the winter Solftice was always in the old calendar fixed to viii. kal. Jan. or Dec. 25. But at this time the Kal. of Jan. were run back to the third of the Ides of Oft. i. e. to Oft. 13 ; and F f 2 the ziQ M I S C E L L A N E O U S T R A C T S. the 6th kal. Jan. to C.£t. 8, when he failed. Confequently, as the feafon or the year Ilood fixed, though the months varied, he went out eleven, weeks cuite brwnajn, a^ Cicero fays. [Dr. AJhiojT, Tully and Hirtius recon- ciled, B'lbl. Lit. N" VII. p. 29. J Plutarch in Czef. & Dio 1. xliii. though they fpeak of Csefar's reformation of the Calendar, yet mention his fetting fail about mid-winter, without obferving that the winter months were at: that time fallen down into autumn. 5.369 l-H- 'f P. 367. 1. 26. Leptis, a free town] \. e. both in the exercife of its laws-,, and in its exemption from tribute to the Romans ; which is implied in the word immttncm. This epithet is carefully expreffcd : So Cic. in Verr. III. c. 6. Slitviqtie ftne fadere imnnmei civifales ac libera:. See likewife pro Font.. c. 8. In Verr. v. c. 21. Pro Balbo, c. 8. Suet, in Aug. xl. c. 7. and Ez. Spanhcim, du ufu Numifm. DifF. ix. p. 676. Such cities are called IXixj^iL-dc, ^ osT5A«f by Appian, B. C. 1. L. p. 668. Joan. Arntzenius, Dif- fertat. bins, ed. 1725. p. 140. P.376.1.33. p. 372- !• 16. Pharjalia] The original is from Brindifi : but that is a palpable error, for Brindifi was in c. tsar's cuftody long before the battfe of Pharfalia. Bladem. — But the inconfilleney is removed, if we tranflate it-, "Which, after pompey's defeat, he had brought along with him, " having before tranfplanted^ them from Brindifi;" However, fee Glan- DORPIUS. ?. 393. 1. -f P. 385. r. 8. About this time, &c.] Per id fere iempus; i. e. about tlie ^''°" '' IV or III of the Kalends of February in the old calendar, or November 8 or 9th of the Julian. For after he had told us, c. xl to xlii, what Ccefar did VI kal. Feb. and alfo what pafled in the mean time at other places, he fubjoins this ftrange accident : Vergiliarum figno confedo cir- citer vigilia fecunda noftis ; i. e* about the fccond zvatch in the night, i. e. about 9 or 10 at night, ivhen the winter was begun. About November 11, ^Jlorm arofe, he. Cellarius afks, what fetting of the Vergiiis this could be ; fince it could not be Cofmieus, nor Hcliacus, nor Achronyebus ; whereas the fun being mPifces, the Ve rgili a CdiWnot but fet vigilia fecunda Ho£lis. But how } Not in the way oi annual obfcrvation, mentioned by Cellarius (which all the Romans think new), but by daily rotation. As if' Hirtius had made an aftronomical calculation of the daily motion and dillances of the Am and ftars, and fo told us, like an almanack-maker, about what hour the fevcn flats fet, A piece of fkill, which very few, if any, of the Romans then had. They had no other notion of the fetting of the Ver^ilicc or any 3, othej-j. NOTES ON BLADEN'S C ^ S A R. t^l other flars. than with refpcd to the fcafons of the }ear, in one or other of thofe ways v.c have menuoned. However, allowing; the calculation which the Dodtor has made for Hirtius to be txattly right, he has only helped him to a tautology, fince, according to him, the ouufus VcrgiUiiruiii in fcv bruary, zwAVigiUa fecunda^ mean the fame lime of the night. Vs'"^ then have recourfe to its denoting the feafon of the year.. The V. '■^ Pleiades, it is well known, arc a conftellation in 'Taurus, whici. fun is in that fign rife together with him cofiiiice, and confequent! he rifes in the oppofite Scorpio, they muft iet cofndce. Now the tii,;; ^^ the Sun's entering into Scorpio, according to antient obfervations,vvas about the 1 8th of our Ottober, for they generaliy fvippofed the xv of the' Calends, or thereabout, to be the day of the Sun's- entry into every fign. The Sun then- was in Scorpio from about Oftober iS to 'about November 17 ; when the Vergilice, being in. the oppofite fignj muft by their account fet cojhiice. — Now this ftrange thing, as we faid, happened about the 4th or 3d kal. Feb. in Numa's year, which is the 8th or 9th of November in the Julian year.. — But after all, I obferve that the antients infixing the four feafons, make the. Occafus Vergiliarwn to denote one particular day, that is Inithim hyemis,. Plin. ii. 47. Some place the Sih, loth, or nth of November, upon which day the Vergiliarum Sidnswas properly faid to be confe51uin (i. c. pcrafliim) in the introduftion of winter. And according to this, I take Hirtius's true meaning to be, that when wintervvas begun, about November 11, the tem- peft of hail and lightning was. Dr. Afilon, ubi fupra. — I cannot but ob- ferve, that the wonder of the fad: confifts partly in the time of year, when thunder and lightning do not fo commonly happen at Rome at leaft, but chiefly in its adhering to the tops of their fpears, and is a proof of the truth of the ftory ; iron being a conduttor of lightning, which we all know now, though Hirtius did not. ■f- P. 391. 1. 1.5. his Itft wing'] llabuit in finiftro cormt. Inthe firft place, p.40i. 1.27.- here is no mention of the tenth legion, which Ccefar always places on the left wing. 2dly, The line is faid to extend to the middle legion, when there were only eight legions in the wings and main body, sdly, He had ten legions with him ; we have an account of only nine ; eight as I have men- tioned, and, the fifth to fuflain the cavalry. Read the whole thus: The ninth and xxviith form the left luitig ; and the rjh and thirtieth the right ; the ibkte£nth, fourteenth, twenty-eighth, md twentj-fialh, the main body. Jurin. 124 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. P.402.1,31. -j- P. 391.1. 19. the right zy/«?] Ipfum autem dextrum cornv, jecundam aciemfcrc, in ear urn legionum partem collocaverat. Read, Ipfo autem dexti cornu, iecunda in acie veteranarvm legionum partem, &c. Mf. Leid. Oudendorp. Jurin. P.405.I.21. P. 393, 1. 21. the fame ivind~\ The Cothou, or port of Adrumetum, was to W. or S. W. of the promontory ; which as Caefar in his purfuit of Varus was not able to double, he was obliged to lay at anchor before it, i. e. to the eaft of it. Csefar diredted his courfe from Leptis, or Lempta ; no other than a foutherly or wefterly wind could have brought him hither. It is certain, an eafterly wind, from the very fituation of this port and pro- montory, would have eafily conduced him within both. Hamamet there- fore, as Ibmc pretend, could not have been the Adrumetum, becaufe as that place lies nearly in the fame direftion with Lempta and Herkla, the fame 'Wind which brought C^far to the promontory of Hamamet, would have condufted them within the port that was formed by it. Neither have we a view from Hamamet, or the bay before It, of the coafl; of Clybea ; a cir- cumftance which agrees with the fituation of Herkla, and is one proof among many others of its being the Adrametum. See more In Shaw's Tra- vels, p, 106. ed. 4to. p.406.1.7- P. 394. 1. 8. caverns under earth'] It is more probable, that thefe pits, or mattanorcs, as they are now called, were contrived in thefe earlier ages, as they continue to be to this day, for the greater eafe and convenience of the inhabitants. For it cannot be fuppofed that either the ancient Numades, or the prefent Arab:, would be at the expence of eredting flore-houfes of fioues, when they could at a much cheaper rate, and at every ftation, where they encamped together in their harveft, be ferved with private caves to fecure it from, the enemy. Shaw p. 140, ed. 4to. The fame cuflom is ufed in Hungary, where, as Dr. Edward Brown obferves, " they do not ufe " barns, or flacks of corns, but have many deep and large caves under " ground, wherein they lay it up fafe, both from robbers and fudden in- " curfion of the enemies." Travels into Hungary, &c. p. 12. ed. 4to. 1673. p. 4-7. -j- P. 498. l.ult. Ca^far began the war in Gaul with fix legions, continued it with eight, and ended it with ten, — He began the civil war but with one; he arrived at Brundufium with fix ; ke followed Pompey into Greece with 15,000 foot and 5,000 horfc ; and ended that war with 22,000 foot and 1000 horfe. — He began the war at Alexandria with 3,200 foot, and ended it with fix legions. — He began the war in A trie with fix, and ended it with eight Ic- giois Thus he imitated natural motion, ftrongcr in the end than in the beginning. Edmondcs, [>, 128.. C tl R O- [ 223 ] CHRONOLOGICAL ANECDOTES OF C^SAR's LIFE. U.C. 654 Born, CofT. M. Antonius, and A. Poflhumius Albinus. Hookcj p. 301. 4to. iii..Id..Julii Julius Cajfar born,, according to Macrobius, In tlie con- fulfliip of C. Mariusj and; L. Flaccus. Thirteenth of July (but changed by the Triumvirs to the 12th as Ma- crobius, Saturn, xii. reports); Vignoles, in MafTon Hiftoire Critique vol. XII. p. 23 ; that is, the 20th of the Julian year, p. 25. Caius Julius Cffifar,fon of Caius by Aurelia, had for his inftrudlor at home M. Antonius Gnipho. 664 Marius dies. WefT. Prob.. ii. c. 18. p. 27. 667 Cffifar this year probably st. 13, defigned by Marius andCinna to fucceed Merula in the Prieflhood of Flamen Diah's, but was pre- vented by Srl/a, (Pctr.'Weff. Obf. ii. 18. ex Suet. i. Veil. ii. 43.) Takes the manly gown at 14, and is betrothed to Codutia, of equeftrian family, and very rich. Sueton. 669 He loft his father, when he was in his i6th year. Sueton. c. i. The firft office he obtained by the fuffrage of the people, was that of tniUtary tribune, Hookc III. p. 303.. Cinna iv Cof. whofe daughter J, Czefar married next year, was killed this year in his office, and Cn. Carbo his colleague held the confulfhip alone for the remainder of the year. Pigh. Ann. Wef- fel. Prob. p. 219. 221. Sueton. d'jo Puts away his firft wife, CofTutia, in his iSth year. Sueton. 671 The civil war between Marius and Sylla ; when the latter being con- queror would have obliged Cffifar to have put away Cornelia ; but on his refufal, deprived him of his eftate and the priefthood of Flamen Dialis, which he had not yet been inaugurated into. He was now, as Vellcius obfcrves, in Jiis i8th year. L. ii. 41.. Weffel. Obf. 1. ii. c. 18. Hooke, p. 161. 672 He applies to the people to be one of the college of priefts, j'uft be- fore the Cornelian law was made- this very year for the priefts to- fill up their own body by their own choice, . 67Z. 224 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. U.C. 672 Having married Cornelia tlie daughter of Cinna, and being nephew to the wife of Marius, he was very near being put to death among the profcribed enemies of Sylla, Hooke, p. 161. 302. 673 Serves firll in Afia. Goes to Nicomedes king of Bithynia. Gains a civic crown, for faving a citizen's life, in taking Mitylene. Suet. c. 2. 674 Serves, under Servilius Ifauricus in Cilicia. 675 Hearing of the death of Sylla, quits his province, and returns to Rome. Suet, c 3. 676 Compofcs a civil fedidon : he accufes Uolabelia of bribery. Sueton. In the 23d year of his age. Figh. Annal. vol. III. p. 286. 67,7 The Greeks plundered by P. Antonius cite him before M. LucuUus tlie praetor, when Julius Caefar pleaded their caufe. Afcon. ad Orat. in toga Candida. 6^8 Sails, to Rhodes, is taken by pirates, and detained 28 days, near the ifle of Pharmacufa, when Junius was prcetor of Afia. Suet. c. 4. Veil Pat. ii. 42. • 679 Studies under Apollonius at Rhodes, a celebrated orator. Cotta dying this year or the next ; 680 Julius Cirfar, though abfenr, was chofen Pontiftx in his room. Cic. in Pifon. c. 26. 689 Made .^dile. Midd. I. 143. Hooke, p. 326. 690 V/hen out of Edilefhip is made Judex qujeltionis. lb. p. 327. One of the afliftant judges to the prator. lb. p. 306. Julia died, the widow of Marius, and aunt of Julius Csfar, who made a fpeech in the forum in praife of her. lb. p. 304. His wife Cornelia dying, he made her funeral oration. Ibid. 691 Made Pontifex Maximus [nondum prjetorius], in the room of Me- tellus Pius. DIo. 1. 37. A law, fays Dio, being repealed at the inftance of Labienus, which reftrainsd the choice to the college. In which Dio is miftaken, for the choice was always in the people, in their comitia tributa. See Noris, DiflT. ii. p. 124. in which Dio is miilaken, and mi/lcads Mr. Hooke. See p. 168. 306. Oftavlus Auguftus born, 692 Prjetor. I-Iooke, i>. 38^. 693 Had the province of Fui iher Spain allotted him. 694 N'O T E S ON B'L A D E N 'S C ^ S A R. 694 Upon his return, fues for a triumph and the confulfhip. But as the former obliged him to keep out of the city, while the latter de- manded his prefence within, he ceafed his purfuit of a triumph to fue for the confuUhip. Hooke, p. 399, Dio. .'695 Is chofen conful L with Bibulus. Marries Caipurnia, who furvived him, daughter of L. Calpurnius Pifo, who was next year to fucceed him in the confullhip. The firft triumvirate formed between Craflus, Ponipey, and Caefar. 696 Sets out for the war in Gaul. B. G. i. 7. 1703 Syria fgperior made a Roman province by Pompey (Veil. Paterc. 1. 11.) who was now at Ravenna, the iaft town, in his province. Csefar harangues the viiith legion ; next day pafles the Rubicon, and arrives at Rimini, where the Tribunes waited for him. B. Civo i. 8. The. city alarmed and deferted. Pompey went towards Campania, and defigned to get into Apulia. Propofals of peace carried by L. Citfar and Rofcius from Pompefo Ibid. jq4 Several towns in Italy having furrendered to Czefar, he lays fiege to 'Corfinium, takes it in feven days, and marches immediately after Pompey, who was then in Brundifium. B. Civ. i. 24. vii Id. Mart. Dec. 26, Ccrfar arrives at Brundifium. Cic. ad Att. ix. 16. -.705 XVI. Kal. April. =7«/. "Jan. 3. Seven days after Ccefar's arrival at Brundifium, Pompey quitted it, and failed to the other fide of the Adriatic to raife all the forces he could. (Ep. ad Attic, ix. 18.) for which Caefar allowed him a year. Next day Caefar entered Brun- difium ; and having harangued the people, fet fail for Rome, de- figning to be there before the Kal. of April, (lb.) After he was come to Rome, he releafes Arijlobulus, whom he fend^ into Syria, to fccure that province : but he is poifoned by the Pom- peians. Jof. Ant. xvi. 13. Bell. Jud. I. 7. And Alexander his fon is beheaded by Scipio in Syria. Ibid. ■Csefar leaves Rome, and having reduced Spain, returns to Rome about the autumnal equinox. 'Here, by the means of Lentulus, he is created Di£}aior for holding the ■ comiiia^ and the Ferice Latina j and declares himfelf conful. In G g eleven a^5 »26 M rS C E L L A N E O us T R A C T S. eleven days lays down his didiatorfhip, and comes a fccond time to Brundifium before Kal. Jan. or 061, ii Julian. Bell. Civ. iii. 2. From the time of this diifiatorlhip, the Antiochian sra (fee p. 217) commences, according to Ulher, U. C. 705. p. ^^^*. Arrives at Geranium non. Januarii, i. e. Odt. 15 of the Julian yeaiv B. Civ. iii. 6. 705 Kal. Jan. [0&.. 22. 704.] Curio arrives at Rome, with a letter from Gffifar to the fenate. Voff. p. 202. VII Id. Jan. [Oft. 28.] decree of the fenate toprovide for the fafety of the {late. B. Civ. i. 5, Next day [Odt. 29] the fenate aflembled out of the city, and the pro- vinces were affigned to the feveral perfons out of office, Syria to Scipio, and the confuls left the city. lb. c. 6.. VIII Kal. Mart. Dec. 11, the day of the Feralia (as in Grut. p. 153.) Czefar fet out from Corfinium for Brundifium; and Pompey from Canufium to the fame place. Cic. ad* Attic. 1. viii. 22. ix. i. Pompey fends Scipio from Brundifium into Syria to. raife forces and a fleet. (Ep. ad Attic, ix. i.) prid. nonas Mart. Dec. 23. 706 Antony embarked. the troops, which Cafar waited for, probably about the end of Jan. B. Civ. iii. 24. See note c. 49. 719 Killed in the fenate,. in the 56th year of his age, Pighius iii. p. 286. His mother Aurelia died about the. time that a legion of his was loft at Gergovia -f- in the war with Gaul. Suet. i. 26. * It is not eafy to underftand what connexion a diftatorfliip of 1 1 days could have with an sra of fo dil^ant a city : did he decree in it any thing in their favour ? jEras are irmch fiirer fettled by later fcholars, particularly the MedalLills,. as Noris, Bozc, Bcllcy, Froeikh, &c.. T. F. f ^. Boiorum, or Arvernorum ? Perhaps the latter. See BelK Civil, vii. c. 51. He owns the lofs of near 700. Suetoi>, in Jul c. 25.. calls it legione fufa. Seep. 217.. 3iut it is by no mcBns clear to me that his mother's death happened juft at that time ; but rather that he loft her and two more relations during the nine years of his being in com.^la^d. Stieton. c. 26, T, F, . Lette RS t 227 ] - ^ ^5 'i u XrETTERS to and from Mr. B w Y e r. On the fubjedt of Atticus's Expences, (fee p. 215.) 1. Mr. Chancellor Taylor to Mr. Bowter. S I R, 1762, I FIND you very happy in calculations of Roman money. Pray untye this knot : ♦* Quum imprimis lautus eflet Eques Romanus, & non parum libera- " liter domum fuam omnium ordinum homines invitaret, fcimus non am- ** plius quam terna millia arts peraeque in Jingulos menfes''^- ex Ephemeridc " eum expenfum fumtui ferre folitum." Nepos in Attico, c. 13. Three thoufand afles {Jerna millia aris) reckoning eight-pence Engllfh to a Roman Denarius, amount to ten pounds fterling. Is it poffible, that Atticus, who was what we may call an hundred-thou- fand-pound-man, and lived handfomely (imprimis laule) though with good eeconomy, could be fuppofed, to maintain his family at \zol. per annum ? Only confider how many he mufl: have in family, Haves, &c. befides the imnium ordinum homines, quos domu?n fuam non parum liber aliter invitavit. What is faid upon this in the notes is not to the purpofe. J. Taylor. * " 1 have reafon for thinking that Dr. Taylor entirely changed his ground, by reading *' not Jitigtilos mcnfes, but fmgulas menfas. If this is right, and the Romans fat down " only g to a table, then we have more than a guinea a head, and I think the King of " Frujfia eats for a crown a cover." T. F, — The being unacquainted with the methods of reckoning the Roman money has led fome very confiderable authors into great miiiakes. Sir George Wheeler^ in his Travels, mentioning an infcription upon an arch at 'Jadera^ or Zara, fays " tt coft 630 feflertia, which is a piece of money that welgheth about " two -pence halfpenny, and amounts to about twelve pounds fterling ; which was a *' great deal of money in thofe days." But, in his Preface, he corrects this eftimate, as rather too high ; that a feftertium, or feftertiiis, weighed not above two-pence of our money, fo that the whole coft was about five pounds five (hillings of our money. If the numerals are read right, LLS. DCXX, the l»m could not be lefs than 5040/. The arch was erefted by Afelia Anniana, to the memory of her hufband, and adorned with ftatues. See Clarke on Coins, p. 517, G g z IL *2 M I S C E L L AN E O U S T R A C T S, i 11. Mr. Clarke to Mr. Bowyer. DEAR SIR, F^3. 27, 1762. I AM a little furprifed that Dr. Taylor did not explain the difficult/ he propofed to you, about the Roman money in Nepos. Gronovius mif- took the matter quite, and I think your folution is not the true one. The. paffagc in Paterculus is a different thing.. When the fort of money is not- mentioned after the n\amerals, it is always fefterces ; but when ceris follows^ it is the old way of reckoning, per as grave, or the brafs pound. Though chls was not fo common, it was perhaps in the ephemeris of a clerk of the kitchen (where fo many pence and half-pence mufl be brought to- account) more convenient, and always as eaiily underftood. . From the time of the Papirian law, and under many of the firll emperors, the As was half an ounce, and confequently 24 Affes (which made one Denarius and. a half, or 6 fefterces) were a pound of brafs. The paffage in Nepos without an ellipfis would be, terna millia pondo aris : milk pondo was \_fex millia fejlertiortim,. or] about 50/. Jierling^ and tertia millia [or 3 times milk pondo'] juft 3 times as much, or 350/. per month ; i..e. 1800/. per year. This was the expence of Atticus' table, and a very moderate one, confidering his gr£at fortune, 10 or 12,000/. a year. The paflage in Casfar is the fime way of reckoning. He prefented Sesva for his gallant behaviour miUibus ducentis ^ris, with a hundred pounds [Qu. 640 ?J or, as we fliould now fay, with a hundred guineas ; for an exact prccifion in fuch matters is ridiculous. Gronovius's account of the paffage in. Nepos is not quite fo bad as you reprefent it. He reckons the tenia millia aris, not at 5/. \r,s. per month; but at 12/. c^s. and confequently,. the whole year's expence, at 147-'.. But Gronovius,. which is not ufual with him, falls here into a grammatical error, miftakes the ellipfis which he had fo often had occafion to mention, and takes terna millia ceris to be trcs milie numml areiy which neither the language, nor the reafon of the thing will bear. W. Clarke. III. LETTERS ON ATTICUS. 229 IIL Mr. BowYER to Mr. Clarke. REV. SIR, March, I'jGi, YOU have made the expences of Atticus fuitable to his charadter. But a fmall objection ftill remains, which I doubt not but you can remove.- The fubjeft of yE; grave has employed the pen of Perizcnius-, who makes it to confill: only in allowing ten Affes to the Denarius, according to the firfl valuation, inftead oi fixteen, which was the alteration of U. C. 537. His opinion would be but an opinion, were it not fupported by the autho- rity of Plutarch, who defcribes tiie fum, which Livy calls 15,000 cer'is [gravis] to be 1500 Denarii, in the time of Cato the Cenfor. At this rate no confideration is had of how many Afles made a pound, but only of the net proportion it bore to the Denarius, viz. of ten to one in the old pound in diftindiion to what it bore in the new pound of xvi to one. As you. make the 3,000 arts of Atticus to be fo many times 24 Affes, becaufe 24, Affes made then a pound : fo in Cato's time, the As being one ounce, we ihould fay his 15,000 aris was fomany times xii Affes, i. e. 180,000 Affes, ©r 1 1,250 Denarii. I want your Tondo to carry me through In both periods. W. BoWYER. IV. Mr. Clarke to. Mr. Bowyer. D E A R S I R, March 27, 1762; I FIND,, by your letter, that wh.it I did to favc Atticus's credit was at my own expence, and I thank you for bringing me back again to Peri- zonius's opinion. The accounts of the Roman ar'is can be adjufted no other way : and there feems to be no difficulty, not even what Perizonius himfelf (as Mr. Ward reprelents him) feems to fuggefl. When the Affes WQxe m^dkQjextantarii, the old. a fes librdes ■^■x\iGd. for fix ; when uncinks, ths/extantariiv/ere dupondia; and in the next redudtion the wwfw/^j had that cftimate. But the old proportion of reckoning ten affes to a denarius was never altered in their accounts ; though in common currency a denarius paffed for 1.6. My fon tells me, that the Spaniards have at prefent an in- ftance exadlly of the fame nature. — There was an old Spanifn dollar, of pefo of 1 1 rials, 2 maravedics, which, though it has been now difufed for many years, and the current dollar, or piece of 8, is 20 rials ; yet, in all 7 accounts t^o MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. accounts ivhatfoei'er where the dollar is ufed, v is reckoned at the old eftimate of eleven rials two maravedies. What is now to be faid to the paflage in Kopos ? Nothing more, than that this is the true reading. This feems upon the whole to be a fair conclufion. Atticus was remarkable for his frugality. His expences ran no higher in fejiertio centies, than they did before in fejiertio vicies. But thefe tenia millia aris were the expence of his own table, not of his hout- hold. Plutarch fays, that Cato, when he was prjetor, and even conful, fpent no more ufually for fupper than da-o-oipi .... r^iKKOi^a, i^d. Englifli. The whole amount of this for a month would only be 2/. at moft. Allowing half as much more for his prandiuvi, which was generally incoBum, the whole would be 3/. per month. This could not poffibly be his whole fa- mily expences — Atticus' tcrna millia were juft thrice as much, and might pro- bably fupport a table at that time with tolerabie elegance : for as no cuf- toms or inland duties were, for a great part of that time, paid in Italy, provifions muft be very cheap *. Bina millia aris was often given as a prefent by the Roman fenate to ambafTadors from foreign ftates. This made C^far's reward to Sceva a fafliionable gratuity. Thefe paflages fuggeft to me a query or two that has fome relation to them from your preface to Montefquieu's Rife and Fall, &c. There you place the nKts/cxtantarii about A. U. ,490. / know it is twt pojjlblc to fix the Jimef but farely ibis is placing that e.vent rather too high. The firfi Punic war began A. U. 489, and lajied z/^ years. Pliny fays, librale pondus aris immi- vutum bello Tunica primo, cum impenfis rcfpublica non fufficeret. This looks as if the war had continued fome yenrsTiefore they were reduced to that neceffity, and would induce one to fix that redudlion nearer A. tJ. 500. Then you fay, 47 years afterwards, A. U, 537, the^j unciales were intro- duced : that was certainly done, A. U. 537, when Fabius Maximus was diftator. Both Livy and the Capitolinc marbles agree in this. The next ftep, the reducing the affes to half an ounce, is more difputed. You fay, A. U. 676, when Papirius Turdus zvas tribune:; Ainfworth when Papiriuf Carbo was proitor 586, ten years later: Pliny fays, mox lege Papiria; which furely does not imply that this was clone at a greater dijlance than He former redvBicn, but came onfooncr. W^hy therefore fliould we not place it, A.U. 54:5, //7jf« C. Papirius Turdus -was tribune, according to the Capi- tolinc marbles, 8 years rafter a former rcdudion? VV. Clarke. * 'I'he reafcn giv^aUplaujible ; b'.it (I tliink) Dr. Aibuibnol has determined, that the nf ce^'aiies of lUe vy.ere much the lame as-vvith its ; but the luxuriei much higher. T. F. M R. MR. BOWYER*S PREFACE T O M O N T E S QJJ lEU'S REFLEXIONS O N T H E CAUSES OF THE RISE AND FALL OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE, I759> With his final Corredlions. THE learned author of this work having fallen into two or three mif- takes in relation to the Roman money, I fhall take the liberty of pointing them out to the reader, to prevent his being mifled by fo great authority. That we may be the better underftood, it will be neceffary to open the fubjedt a little from the beginning. Pliny [a], who is the moft particular on this head,, tells us, that, from the time of Servius Tullius, till the year 485, brafs was the only coin among the Romans j viz. the as of a pound weight, with fome other pieces, which were fubdivifions of it ; as the triens^ of four ounces ; and qiiadrans, of t/jree[li']. [fl] Nat. Hid. 1. xxjiiii. c 3. [^J Pliny fays, on one fide of the as was the head of Janus ; and on the other, the beak of a fliip, Rojlrum navh; in tr'ientc vera, it quadrante rates. And yet we find on the iffc^i which are now rennaining, much the fame form of the fore part of a Ihip, as on the trientes, and quadrantes. How then was rates the diftinguifliing mark of the two latter ? The late worthy Prefident * of t.vo literary Societies, and an ornament of the amiable p^rt of human Society in general, obferved tome, that he was inclined to think Pliny for rates uled the word ratioses, or fomewhat like it, to denote the rate or value, which was at firfl ftampt only on thofe two coins, before any lower divifions of the as were coined. For thus we find four round balls expreflld on the triens, fignifying four ounces, and three on the quadrans, fignifying three. The words of Pliny will thus be very clear : Nota arisfuit ex altera parte Janus aeminus, ex altera roflriim navh ; in irienie vera cl quadrante rat:ones i. e. All the brafs coin had on one fide the head of Janusy on the other the beak of a fiiip ; but on the tridcns and quadrans [the only fubdivifions at firrt ftampt the value moreover of each was exprefled, Ovid, Fafti, i. 2^9. confirms this fenfe, where, fpeaking of this very circumrtance, he ufes cur navalis forma, and' caufa rat:s as terms promifcuo.is. He knew no dift'erence between navis and ratis, on the coins, which was thought to djfcriminate them in the age of Feilus. * Mania Folfccs, Efq. When ,3a MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. When filver was coined, A. U. 4S5, viz. five years before the firft Punic war, the denarius was fo called from its being worth ten affe^, or pounds of brafs ; quinarius worth five ; andfc-Jiertius, vv irth two and an half. In A. U. 490, the firft Punic war commv.nced ; during which the as^ from a pound, or xii ounces, was lefiened to two ounces ; and the denarius v;as fiill worth only x ajfcs ; the quinarius v , .b:c. as before. This war lafled XXIV years ; and whether it was at the beginning of the war, or in the progrefs of it, that this change was made is uncertain, fince Pliny only fays, it was cum iinpcnfis re'pi:':!ica non fufficeret. Perhaps the reducftion of the as lliould be placed above A. U. C. Var. 500. A. U. Var. 537, when C. Fabius Maximus was dictator, the as was di- minifhed to one ounce, and the fubdivifionsof it in proportion ; and iixteen of them were now made equal to a denarius, as they continued ever after- wards. A. U. 576 [c], when P-apirius Turdus was tribune, the as was reduced to half an ounce. From this general view of the alterations of the brafs and filver coin of the Romans, the reader will naturally afk, What can the Baron mean, when, from the authority of a piiffage in the Moftellaria of Plautus, he would prove, that in the firft Punic war. a foldier's pay w a.s Jix ounces of brafs a -day, which he calls in the note three ajfes of ten ounce s\_d']. And yet it is certain, as we have now feen, that no affes of ten ounces were ever coined. We muft fuppofe then he intended to fay, what fome others have advanced from the fame authority of Plautus {e\ that the pay was at that time three ajjes of two .ounces, ten of which ajes were equal to a de- narius. Ubi funt ifti plagipatldte, ferritribaces viri ? Ifti, qui TRiuM NUMMORUM caufa fubeunt fub falas ? *• Where are thofe fellows, who fubmit to be fhot at for three pieces a *' day ?" But here, if with Lipfius [/] and the Baron we fuppofe by nummi to be meant ajfes of two ounces each, it is inconfiftent with the age ©f the poet, who wrote, under the fecond Punic war, when the afcs were ^educed to «2f. ounce. Jf with Puteanus [^], that alfes of one ounce are [(] The editions of Ainfworth place it 586, when P;rpirius Carbo was prator. But perhaps it was in tlie year 543 of the Cajjitoliiie Marbles, i. e. 544, according to the Varronian account, when we find C. Pajiiriiis Turdus Qi F. Q^N. tribune in Pighius's Annals, p. 190. ld\ Ch. xvi. p. 321. [f] Aft I. Sc. 1. 9. [/] Eka. i. 2. [^] De ftipend. mil. c. 3. meant PREFACE TO MONTES Q^U I E U. 233 meant, it is inconfiftcnt with Polybiiis, who tells us (as we fliall fee prefent- ly) that the pay was at this time Jive afles of one ounce : and it is not likely he fliould fpeak of ajfes which prevailed in his own age, and of a pay which was in ufc before. Againft both it is .contended, that Plautus al- ways ufcs nummus for the Jlater or two drachms \_h~\ ; but undoubtedly ne- ver for the as. In flwrt, the pafTagc in Plautus has nothing to do with the foldiers pay : it is manifcftly corrupted, and Ihould probably be read thus, as a very ingenious friend has obfcrved to mc : Ubi funt ifti plagipatidce, ferritribaces viri ? Vel ifti, qui trium nummorum caufa fubeunt falas ? Ubi illi, qui quindenis haftis corpus transfigi folent ? That is, "Where are the flaves, the gladiators, the foldiers?" The laft verfc may be a compliment to the bravery of the Roman legions, which was then greatly diftinguifhed. But whether it is fo or not, the fe- cond line has not the leaft reference to their pay. Whatever is here meant by num?m, it is a fum far above the foldiers pay at that or any other time. If we take it for a drachma (as Plautus, tue prefume to fay[?], always ufes it ; unlefs aureus, or Philippeus, is mentioned, and then it is the \\?L\i aunus) inftcad of five aJJ'es, it is forty-eight a day. Or, if for a didrachma, as Gro- novius imagined, then twice as much. The Baron was milled by Lipfius, or rather by the Delphin editor of Piautus, who very roundly applies this paflage to the foldiers. It is ftrange that Gronovius, in his edition, fhould let Lipfius's note pafs without any notice of the miftake in it, fince, a-; we have feen, he exprefsly fays elfcwhcre, that nuinini always fignifies di- drachma. Having then fet afide the authority which mifled the Baron, let us fee what clearer light hiftory affords us, towards forming a judgement of their pay, under different periods of the republic. The Roman foot firft received pay at the fiege of the Vcii \k\ U. C. Var. 347, and (as Livy has been underftood) the horfe three years after- wards [/]. But he tells us, Servius TuUius [;h] had defigned for the horfe [/;] See particularly Plant. De Pfeudol. iii. 2. 19. and Salm. De modo ufur. c. ii. Rab. Schelius, De ftipendio milit, c. iii. Gronov. De pecun. vet. p, 123. ,[;] See this clearly proved in Mr. Clarke's Connexion of Roman, Saxon, and Eiiglifh Coins, p, 236, & leq. \k\ Liv. iv. 59. V. 4. [/] Liv. V 7. [w] An eqiios emendos dena millia seri-s ex publico data, et qiiibus equos alcrent, viduK attribiux, quji bina millia a^ris in annos linguloi pendcrent. Liv. i. 43. H h a yearly Z34 M I S C E I. L A N E O U S T R A C T S. a yearly pav before* How fliall \vc reconcile this > The eaficft anfwcr is, That at the fiegc of Veii, the horfemch or equites provided their own horfes [«1, as the Epitome of Livy exprcfles it, and as it probably flioukl be read in the hiflory itfelf. Before, a horfe was fupplied by the govern- ment at 16,000 aj/es foi" ten years (that being the time prefcribed for fervin^ in the afmy before they could enjoy any office [&] at home),- and the horfc- nifin'S' pay was 2000 'aj/is yearly j but afterwards 3000 (jjfes were paid to- the foldier, and he proc-ur-ed a horfe at his own expence. The' full pay of the cavalry is called triplex ftipen(lium[_p'], it being three times as much as was paid to the foot. Gronovius [^7] therefore concludes the pay of the latter was originally m ajjes, when they were at xii ounces each (which is two affes and 4 of ah as per day, reckoning, according to the cuftom of the ancients, 360 days to the year), and that this continued the pay till the fe-- Cond Punic war. And yet it is not without probability that Schelius collcfts the yearly pay was originally, or at leaft before the fccond Punic war, mc afes in the year, fomewhat mote than three affes per day. In proof of this,, it is ob- ferved, that at the end of that war, during 'which the horfe, from a fenfe of the diftrefs of the ftate, rejed-ed[r3 all pay for fome time, Porcius Cato- advifed the fenate: to reftore it to ifs ancient ftandard, and to give them 2200 [iQ dra ox ajfc!. He takes no notice of the other third part of the pay, which perhaps bad been continued without any interruption. Grono- vius, with fomewhat of diffidence, thinks ara erjuejlria cannot fignify 2000 afes to be paid to the horfe, but 20C0 horfe, i.e. loea, of llipendia a^rum, as miles XX aruni, a foldier who has received twenty years pay.. In which fcnfe Cato's motion was, that they fliould ptit 2:00 horfe on the eftablifli- mcnt. ' But fince iSi is fometim^s ufed for the ^^ (viz. mi'le aris Ic^afjc, Varro, L. L. viii. Modiiu daiur arc quatenio. Mart. xii. 62.), circumflanccs [w] Tiim primum equis [fuis] niciere equites cttperunt. Lir. v. 7. the very words ui'cii in the E])itome. [0] Pol}b. vi. 17, [/>] Liv. V. Polyb. I. vi. 33. [7] De pec, vet. 1. tii. 2. [»■] Manavit ea privatonim benigiiitas ex urbe etiam in caftra : ut non eqiics, non ccntiirio ilipeiidiuni acciperent ; mtrcciiariunique increpantcs vocaient, qui accepid'et. Liv. xxiV. 18. [i] Nunc egc> arbitror reftitui oportcre no quo minus duobus n-.illibus ihicentis (it xiiun cfiucfliiiiin. Catonis nut. tij>. Prijcunium, 1. ii. Kcad quo ne niiuui, as Liv. xxxiv. 6. particularly PREFACE TOMONTES QJJ I E U. 235 particularly lead us to think it ufcd fo here. The number of cavalry varied according to the number .of legions raifed, 300 to a legion : fmce thofe depended on thefe, it was necdlcfs for Cato to propofc multiplying them. There was no fettled ftandard, except of pay, to which he could want them to be rejlored. I'hc very neceflity which 1 induced the forces to re- linquilh pay, obliged the State to keep up the number of them ; and we find the war carried on, during the three lafl years of it, with xx, xvi, and xiv legions [/]. When times were mended, the propofal was natural for reftoring the juay to its former rate, not for augmenting the troops |_z<]. Under the fecond Punic war, the pay was, as Polybius tells us [at], two cboli a day. The obolus was the fixth part of a drachm or denarius, now raifed to xvi qffis ; confequently two oboli were fomething above five affis, I. e. -I. But this was as near as Polybius could cxprefs it in his language, and perhaps he did not . intend any greater precifion. So that, inflcad of ■three ajjes, ox fix cz, of brafs in the firlt Punic .war,, the .pay was Jive ajfes, or jii'e OS. in the fecond, 'as the Baron defcribes k ; .in weight of brafs dimi- niflied a fixth, in number of a[j~es raifed -above a third ; inftead of a HS, and half an as, it was now a tiS. and an as ; inftead of i lo^- den. in the year, now xtz'f dc7i, Pliny [y] fays the denarius, when raifed to xvi affcs, in the foldiers pay, was Hill valued at x only, /. e. in regard to xkiQw jormer \f\ Liv. XXX. 2. 27. 40. _ '.:,"■ [;/] Here, I may be allowed to obfeive, Groribv'ius, in reply tO Salmafuis, fays there , were more c^«;/^j, or knights, under king Servius, than under the fecond Punic war. He fays fo on a prei'uniption that many were knh^hts by ejiatr, who had not pay, nor a pul'lic horfc affigned thein. And to the fame purpofe, the lall learned writer on the Roman Senate, that many received ^rty, who were not knights. "The U\\t oi tqu'ncs " was not given inriife.riminately to all thofe who ferved in the Rorrntn cavalry, but to *' thofe only, who, by their efbates, were placed in the equellrian tiafs *." Cavu.vy, ' and not equites ! wliat name then fliali we find for them ? He means, though they were tavaliy or equ'ites, they were not all of ihscque/lrlau order. But we will prefume, againll: Dr. Chapman, Groaovius, Sigonms, and other great naiues, in the firll pl.ice, that tho igh many might have the qualilicatioji for knights, the ccnjus equrflris, yet none were acftually fo, till they were placed on the ertirfjlifliment by the cenfors, and had a horfe alligned them .at the public expence. 3cl'y, That the I^oman or Legi-oitaty hoffe, till the time of cbe Social war, confilled of none but fuch knights fo eftabliOied ; a ftanding militia, who feem to have been admitted by the cenfors to a third part of pay, an allowance for a public horfe ; till ihey were drawn out as occafion required, and put on whole pav, crra eijurjhia, by the confuls. This vve have formerly obferved on another occafion: but for lurther proof ot' it muft now lefcr to Schelius, in his Comment on Hyginijs in Grjevius's 'i'hefaurus, vol. ix. and to Gra;vius's Preface in vol. i. [.v] Lib. vi. 37. [v] Iiat. liift. xxxiii. 13. ed. Hard, • Dr. Chjipman, p. i6. H h 2 pay t-6 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. "J pay of loco "Jt!, upon every Un they received ^.v additional ^^j ; in the year 660 tjj'es, and an advance of z ' ddn. or 40 ijj/i's more ; making in all i^QO affes. Or take it in their daily pay, when the c;/c/w/-<7/j- went for /en (ijfes, the foldier had three ajj'es per day ; when ior fixteen, he had^'yr, i^e. he was paid jull in the fame manner, as he was before the a(ft:s were re- duced. Polybios and Pliny fay the fame thing, only in different words. If, laftly, we fhould fay, that the pay was originally 1125 ajfes^ and that 675 were added to the new pav, to make up the value of the old, ivz. \\i\ den. it W'Ould be more exadtly conformable to Pliny. So that with- out any variation in filver, inftead of an old den. of x ajfes, the foldier re- ceived a new dm. of xvi. And what hinders this from being the caie ? The paffage in Livy, concerning the pay of king Servius's horfe, admits of various interpretations, and might be no precedent for the foot 150 years afterwards. Cato, as is ufual in round numbers, might defignedly omit mentioning the odd parts above the hundred : in this very fpecch it fol- lows. Be duobus millibus adiaii ejl ; when his words before were, quo iie 7nwus duobus ?iiiUibus ducentis. 'Tis certain Livy [s] alludes to the pay of 1 12 J- den. even before filver was coined. He fays, the Campanian knights, who refufed to join their countrymen in their revolt againft the Romans, U. C. Var. 414, had each a yearly penfion affigned them of 450 denarii; which is exadtly four times 112-^; the pay of the foot, as we have feen, under the fecond Punic war ; and we now add, perhaps under the firlL Scaliger throws out denarios, and underilands affes. Mr. Hooke, following him [ «], fays the penfion was ncnr thirty Shillings ; — a poor re- ward for fo fi.gnal fidelity. No, the Romans affigned them for life a quarter more than ufual pay, and made the revolters raife it. See the procedure againft the Latin colonies, Liv. xxix. 1 j. If we leave out denarios, it will be hard, I believe, to find nummos ufcd for affes. This continued to be the pay in filver through the remainder almoft of the republic ; though the as, U. C. Var. 576, being funk to half an ounce, the pay (in number of affes ftill the fame) in weight was only 2' oz. Julius Ca:far[Z'] doubled it. Accordingly the foldiers in a mutiny under Tiberius \^7.'\ Liv, viii. 1 1. Denarios nummos quadringenos qiiinquagenos, i. e. of Englifli money, 15/. iVeiling reckoning the denarius at 8^. [ft] Rom. Hirt. vol. i. p. 393. [/'J Lfgionibus llipeadium in pcrpetuum duplicavit. Suet. Ca:f. xxvi. complain PREFACE TO M O N T E S QJJ I E U. 237 complain tluit they hn/.anlcd their lives for ten [r] ^//es a day, or v oz. which is 3600 qffa, or 225 denarii in the year. Harduin, ftrangeiy miftak- ing the pafliigc in Pliny, makes the pay advanced to a cknarius a day under the fecond Punic war : which leaves no room for Julius Csfar's d'.ublinr it, and fo contraditlrs the reflimony of Suetonius as well as of Polybius. Say, Julius Ocfifar raifcd it to ■xdenariw. Then, inftead oi doublini;^ it, he made it above triple to what it was. Unlefs we fuppofe, that, when the as was reduced to half an ounce, the pay was eight ajjes, or iv ounces per day ; in the year 2880 c-Jjes, or 180 denarii % and that Julius Ciefar made it 360 denarii. But this ill agrees with what Stietonrus [^] and Zonaras [ on the Roman money, fhall I prefume to fub- mit one or two paflages on this head, in the Baron's larger work, to his fccond confideration? If they are fmall miitakes, I am fure no writer has more excellences to counterbalance them. He thinks i'/'], againft the opinion of -feveral authors, that the law ob- tained by L. Valerius Flaccus under Sylla, and mentioned by Paterculus [/J, related to the leflening of intereil;, not to the difiblving part of the princi- pal. The Romans called twelve per cent, ajfes ujura -, therefore quadmiu, he thinks, fignified a fourth part of that-interefl, or three per cent. He fays, " Qiiadrans cannot (ignify a fourth part of the principal according to *' the language of the Latin writers ; in that fenfe they faid, tctia et qu( rta «' pars, not quadram." Under favour, I would aJk (i) what fhall we think of this paffage. Fecit palam te ex libella, me ex tcruncio ' k]. Whatever fum was here bequeathed (for which the reader may confult Gronovius) it k plain a principal fum is fpecified, not an interefl. So in Martial, 1. xi. 51.. Mittebas libram : cu'Adrantem, Garrice, mittis ; Saltern semissem, Garrice, mitte mihi. Again, 1. viii. 9. Solvere dodrantem nuper tibi, Quindle, volebat Lippus Hylas : nunc vult folvere dimidium. The commentators may interpret the lall two palliiges of intereft, but he that confiders them impartially will make a different judgement. For (2) fo far is qtiadrans, &c. from being the language of the Latin writers for [/] Keiinct, p. 218. [»] Elci'l 1. i. c 2. op. veil. I. [A] L'Efpi'it dcs Loix, 1. xxii. c. 22. [/] In huius luciim fiifteftus Valerius Flaccus, turpifiinia; Icgis auiSor, ijua crcditoribiis quudrantem folvi juirerat : ciijus f'adi nieiita euiii poena inter bicnniiun conleciita ell. Faterc. 1. ii. c. 25. [/tj Cic. ad. Attic, vii. 2. iniercjlsj P Pn, E F A C E TO MONTHS CLU I E U. 239 intcrej}s, tluit it is rarely or never fo iifcd in the fint^ular number, if we may believe two great matters [/j in this and every other branch of literature;, und one of them affigns a very good reafon for it. The Romans computed their intcrelt by the month, whenc(» Horace [w], irijlcs mifiro vcncre katenda. It was often paid, however, only half )eurl), fo that one payment contained the intercfls ol feveral months. Thus affis vfunE was one j)er cent, per nionth. Confcqucntly, quadrantcs ufiira: (not qiiadrans) was the fourth part of that intereft, or three per cent, per annum. (3.) The conditions of this Valerian law are defcribed in Salluil[«] thus : Ac mvijjime vumor'ia nojivii propter magnitudinem a'ris tilieni, volentibus onwibus bonis, argentu.m. ^RE folutum eft. It is plain . that folverc quadraiite/ii in Paterculus, is the fame with fo/vere argcntinn ccre in SallulL Now \i affes, a brafs coin, were paid (ov/e/krces, a fdver coin, at that time worth iv afles, a fourth part of the principal was paid for the whole. But fuppofe qi/adram to fignify three per cent, or a fourth part of n[]ii vfur^v, it will be impoflible to reconcile it with ARGiiNruM ] De nummis nonculis, p. 2;:g, 230. 6 wice ■ •24» MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. voice of every good citlzev, the creditors zvere obliged to take a compojitlcv. He leaves out, what his original tells us, — of Jive /hillings in the pound. 1 he author of a free tranllation lays, h'afs was made to pafs in payment for fiver, WEIGHT FOR WEIGHT. He had better have gone no further than Kord for word. The as was at this time half an ounce, the denarius ths feventh of an ounce, and worth xvi affes : fo that brafs was to filver as i to 56 ; confequently the compofition of the debtors would, at this rate, amount to not above ^^d. in the pound : and if the money pound was, as is ulually reckoned in round fums, 100 denarii, it would not come to fo much, A compofition, which the legirtature would hardly have been at the trouble of faving ; but would with a better grace have cancelled the debt. In the former law we have brafs offered us for filver : a fimilar fraud has deceived the Baron, with many others, in the interpretation of the Voco- nian Law. Few monuments, he obferves, have reached us of it[y], and as it has hitherto been fpoken of in a moft confufed manner, he will en- deavour to clear it up. '' The Voconian law, he fays, was made to hinder '' the women from growing too wealthy ; for this end it was neceflary to *' deprive them of large inheritances, and not of fuch as could not give " rife to luxury. Thus we find in Cicero (Orat. againft Verres, 1. i. 41.) *' that women were rendered incapable of fucceeding to thofe only who *' were rated hioh in the cenfor's books, ^li cejfus ejjlt, which Dio explains " of him who had a hundred thoufand, i. e. of him who had the frjl ccn- *' fits, as we may fee in Livy, 1. i. and Dion. Halicarn." Now, with fub- mlffion, here fccms fomething of that uncertainty and confufion, which moft other writers have fallen into, who have treated of this law. i. Cicero is fuppofcd to fay, that women are prohibited from fucceeding to thofe only who were rated high in the cenfor's books, without fpecifying what that high rate was, which laid them under this incapacity. 2. Dio is fald to explain this high rate at a hundred thoufmd, and yet to leave his reader in the dark whether it was {.So-i, p. 6q. ed. Bryant, tiuenty-five myriads f of drachms] the Romam called dedcs, or a million HS. [/] Cic. in Vcrrem, 1. i. Ad ii. c. 41. \ii'\ P. Annius Al'ellus mortuus eft, C Annio Sacerdote prajtorc. Is cum haberet imicam filiam, neque cenfus effct, quod eum natura honabatur, lex nulla prohibebat, fecit uf filiam bonis fuis hajredem inftitueret. [a-] Neque cenfus ejpt] Neque centum millia fejicrtium poffideret ; nam more veterum cenf dicebantur, qui centum millia profciTtonc detulifl'ent : hujufmodi adeo facultates cenfus vocabantur. Jfcon. I » af *4« MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. at a time when it would fcarce be fufficicnt to place him in the loweft. The very year in which this law was paffed, it was ordered, that thofe citizens, who were not poffeffed of land in the country worth xxx thoufand fejlerces, befides money aud eftates in town, Ihould be paffed over unre- garded in the cenfus [/]. The next year L. Paullus, the father of Scipio >Emilianus, is faid to have died not rich, though he left [z] above Ix ta- lents, or, as Plutarch, xxxvii myriads [of drachms.] Much lefs could c ihoufmd fejlerces be deemed a fortune In Cicero's time. Auguftus, it is ob- ferved, hearing that fome who were banifhed, lived too high, debarred them from poffeffing more than cxxv thoufand fejlerces [a], indulging them even under a reftraint of indigence a greater fum than Afconius makes a mark of opulence. But what effeftually overthrows this interpretation, P. An- nius Afellus, who is here faid non cenjus, was, as appears from this very oration, a fenator. Now the loweft qualification in Cicero's time was (if we may conclude from what it was under Auguflus [^b"], dccc thoufand HS.. Servius's diftribution of the people into claffes, upon which Afconius's in- terpretation is founded, had long fince received great alterations [f]. An- other diftinftion prevailed of three orders. Senators, Knights, and People,, arifing likewife from different eftiniates of wealth. Whence Livy [d~\, un- der the fecond Punic war, joins cenjus and ordines as terms in fome refpedt equivalent. After cill, the reader will a/k, why did Cicero infert fo ufelefs a circum- flance concerning Annius Afellus, that he was not enrolled, neque cenjus ept? When the Voconian law paffed, each citizen was obliged to be en- rolled as often as a luftrum was held by the cenfors, that fo he might be entitled to pay his juft proportion of taxes. By laying then a reftraint up- on all who were enrolled at the laft luftrum, and lliould be fo for the fu- ture [f J, it laid a reftraint on every citizen. B\.u it was foon evaded two [)'] Liv. xlv. 15. [z] Polyh. p. 1427. 1454. 8vo. Plut. in vit. [tt] Mr,T' a7iav [Jtsj JjJJrKa xj into-f]. Dr. Chapman fetches out the eftates of the fenators ta [a] — qui lupra trecema mitiia ufque ad' decies ^eis, quinque nautas ; qni fupr.i decifs,. feptem; fenatores, o<5to. Liv.^ xxiv. ii. that thofe ix>ho were rated from 240o''. to fioool. J^wiiLl furnijh five failors, &c. Middleton, Rom. Senate, p. io->.. He fiiaulJ have id'Afrom looo/. to iij^l. i6s. ^d, amount' 246 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. amount at a medium to 1,040,000 ajjes, or 416,000 HS. *' Now the firft ** lenatorian cenfus (fays he) under Auguftus was, on the authority of *' Dio, but 400,000 HS. whence the reader may judge of the improbability " of its being greater by 16,002 HS. at a time when the Roman riches " were fo compatatively inconfiderable, as uiider the fecond Punic war." If he means, at the time when the contribution was made, his number of ajfes amounts only to 260,000 HS. He Ihould have faid, juft before the commencement of the fecond Punic war. For it appears that the eftimates here mentioned were taken U. C. Var. 534, when that war was fcarce begun, and after the republic had been fuperior to its moft formi- dable rival in a former. Now under Auguftus, Dio fays, p. 540. x}\efena' torian cenfus vizsjixt, i. e. funk to 400,000 HS. in confideration of the cala- mities cf the civil warsy which, as they pull a nation back for many years, might well induce that emperor to lower the Senatorian cenfus to what the Equeftrian was before. But low as thefe Senators eftates can poffibly be brought, it is a far more reafonable fum than that to which the flories told by Valerius Maximus will deprefs them ; who reprefents the Senate in greit munificence advancing out of the treafury xi thoufand affes [jf\ (or 22/. i8j. 4a'.) to the proconful Cn. Scipio's daughter for her fortune. Be- lieve it who can. When I fee Afconius and Dr. Middleton confounding HS. with nffesy I can eafily imagine fome fuch error has mifled this writer of Metnorablcs : we learn from unqueftlonable authority, that ladies in thofe days had much higher fortunes ; that within a few years afterward, P. Scipio Africanus the elder, firft coufin of the forementioned lady, pro- mifed to give, firft and laft, with each of his two daughters, xxv talents [r], which is two millions four hundred thoufand ^Jfcs, in our money 5000/. 2. It is obfervable, that when the Roman Senators obtained the privi- lege of fitting by themfelvcs at the fliews in the theatre, U.C. Var. 560, the people complained of the faftidioufnefs of the zvealthy\_s']; notwith- ftanding they had then the equites among them to keep them in counte- rs] Val. Max. vi. 4. Dr. Chapman fays 55/. los. ^J. He is too indulgent in purfu- ance of his prercding miftake ; the dcyiurius was worth xvi ajfa then current ; not only X, as he comprites. [r] Polyb. Excerpt, p. 1460. Ed. 8vo. \s\ Ilornm adilitiuni iudos Romanos primum fenatus a poptilo fecretiis fpeftavit— ad r>Lvin in proaiilcuo (pcftatum cfi'c ? Cur Dives paupcrem confefforena faftidiret ? liv. xxxiv. 44. nance. PKEFACE TO MONTES Q^U I E U. 247 nance. About the fame time T, Quincftius, in reforming the cities of Theflaly [/], m general nominated Senators and Judges according to the value of their ejiates. Whence fhall we think he drew this plan, but from the e:iamplc of his parent city, Rome ? If the conformity was kept exactly, . the paffage may feem to imply that the cen{ors Jometi?nes put men of dif- tinguifhcd abilities on the roll without having a Senatorian eftate : but it fhews, that /« general there was a certain ccnfus for that fiiperior order. Thus again, among the regulations prefcribed to the Halefmi by C. Clau- dius the Pr^tor, and to the people of Agrigcntum by Scipio, one was that the Senators fhould be poffcfled of an ejlate to a certain value [u']- I ufe here the authority, as well as argument, of Dr.. Middleton, who cites this paffage of Cicero to prove the Senatorian- age among the Romans from what they direfted to other nations. If it is good for a certain tf^f, it is equally fo for a certain ejlate. 3. Though we allow Afconius miftaken when he treats, as he pretends,^ de more veterum, yet his authority is good when he fpeaks almoft of his own times. If fo, his teftimony is decifive for a Senatorian cenfus prevailing at leaft in the latter end of the republic. A Roman citizen, fays he, was fpecified in the cenfor's books ^ either by hh pranomen, his family name,, or fur- name ; from- his tribe or curia in which he was enrolled i^ or from his effedts, as being a Senator or Knight \_x'\. Again ; 'Tis certain, during the time of the republic, a cenfus was prefcribed for the judges by the Aurelian, Pom- peian, and the Julian laws [j]. Now our Afconius tells us [2,], that by the Pompeian law, the Judges were to be,, differently than hcretefore, nomi- nated out of the three orders c/ Senators, Knights, and Centurions; a'-l of them to be of the higheft cenfus,. Sigonius [a] thinks this jrW^tw/ ff«//a was.- [/] A cenfii MAxiME fenatum et judices legit. Liv. xxxiv. 15.. [«J Cic. in Verrem, ii. 49, 50. [*■] Moris autem fuif, fajs he, ut, cum aliqxiis civis Romanus oftcndendus effet; figni— ficaretur aut a pranomine fuo, aut a nomine, aut a cognomine ; aut a trihu in quo cen-- feretiir ; aut a curia; aul a f«j/M, ut fi erat fenator, equefve Romanus* Afcoa. ad Cic.; in Verrem, i..8. [7, Gic. Fhilipp. i. 8. [2] Ut ampliilimo ex cenfu, excenturiis, aliter tjuam ante, lefti judices, jeque tamen 8X illii5 tribusordinibus, rcsjiidicarent. Afcon. in oral, contra L. Pifon. c 39, \a\ Significat fenatores legi pocuifle, qui oftingenta miilia poffiderent ; equites, qui; quadringenta ; at judices e fenatorio ordine, aut eque.lbi, nifi qui amplifima cenfu eflent,. id eft, qui. fupra fenatorium, aut equeftrem cenl'um ^ioffidcrent, conllitui non licuiffe.. Sigon, De c.ntiquo Jure civium Rom. 1. ii. c. xviii.. not" ' 24? MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. not only diftind: from that of knights and fenators, but higher than the loweft limits of each, i. e. that the judicial knights were to be pofleiied of rmre than what was prefcribed to the knights in general, and the juaiaal fenutors of a larger ccnfus than that prefcribed to the fenators. This leems to me, with fubniifficn, a forced interpretation. Many had been the con- tells between the knights and fenators tor the judicial power. Pompey's law compromifed the difference; it laid open the diftinifion of order, but with this reftridtion, that though the judges were not to be all fenators, they iliould all be poirefled of a fcnator's eflatc, ex amplijfimo ccnfu lc£li : which I (hould interpret ex caifu ordinis ampiijjimi. — But whatever was this judicial ccnfus, Pliny afcribes it [Z-], jointly with the Jenatorian, to the effedts of luxury ; and he would hardly fo ill diftinguiih times as to jumble two inftitutions, which began, one, as we have feen, under the republic ; the other, as Dr. Chapman imagines, under the emperors. We will apply, with this accurate writer [c], the particulars enumerated by Pliny to the times of affluence and of agonizing liberty. But we need not wait for thofe days till the reign of Auguflus. Though it is allowed, by the conqueft of Ecrypt[ri], a new fund of riches flowed into his capital, yet more great fortunes feem to have been raifed before the civil war broke out, when whole armies were fupported by Angle perfons, than were ever afterwards. The donations made by that emperor prove at once the immenfe wealth he was poflcffcd of, and the want of it in others. He fupplied not only the legal qualifications to knights and fenators, but even the deficiencies of the treafurv. We learn from the infcription at Ancyra, that, at four dona- tions [(?] onlv, he diflributed to 250,000 men iv hundred HS. i.e. about r^l Pofteris h\itr> ya^ [iiy.u. /nt.giwJ'wv] to |3a?iii/lixcv Tifin^a Trj» ta^lirrit tUcii iTa^iv, ittcHx. jc, £>'; i!;i»Tt ■«J si/.oo-i iA.v^iii,ix,f a.t,"i crpo^^afs. Die, 1, iv. p. 532. vid. & p. 54O. [«J T<,Ti fiii wAsiocrt TO Tiiayfiivoi Tip-iu,* a.>i'^hii-^u(7it, oyJo?i<(i(lx Js Tiai '9 s; Tjicxoila ^ujiaJa; -£to h!r,iin7t. Dio, lib. Iv. p. £-7, K k , accounts 150 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. accounts are daily adjufted without offcnec ; it would be flrange, if any fhould be i:aken where we are lefs interefted, where the fums are Roman. If I have not tranfgreffed the decent bounds of liberty, which is as necef- fary to the welfare of the literary, as of the political republic, I will truft to the Baron's natural, I may add national, humanity to pardon me. I claim no merit to myfelf, nor will I decide on the different titles of others to it : Perierunt judiee forms Pergama. I have only produced Gronovius, Perizonius, ^c. who have varied from the Baron in computing fraftions, while he has been holding the balance of kingdoms, and, no lefs a philofopher than ftatefman, accounting for the fcveral operations of the commercial, political^ and fecial world, on as regular principles as our Newton has fixed thofe of the natural: nay, . what is more, has reconciled the difcordancy, I had almofl: faid madnefs of Religion, to the uniformity and rcdtitude of Reafon. N. B. I have fuppofed the denarius to weigh 62 grains troy, under the republic and the firit emperors, as Mr. Greaves has proved it ought to weigh, and experience that it did weigh. He reduces it, and Dr. Ar- buthnot after him, (sic. to j^d. Englifh, taking our ounce at a round fum to be 5f. But filver being in reality at 5^. 3^/. per ounce, the denarius amounts to Bd. which is thus more eafily computed without any fradlion, ard is more exaftly the truth. Several /wall tiotcs by Mr. Bowyer are inicrfperfed throughout the -vch'u.'ne of Montefquicu's Reflexions ; moji of them too tniiiute to be here tran- fcribed. The following, however, is added,, as having not before appeared in print. " The divifion into centuries," Htys Montcfquieu, " was a dlvifion ra- " thcr of eftates and fortunes, than of pcrfons, • The whole body of the " people was divided into a hundred and ninety-three centuries ^, which * See L;vy, lib. i. 43. & Dionyf. Halicarn. lib. iv. & vii. « had' NOTE ON M O N T E S Q^V I E U. 151 *' li;;(.l each a fingle vote. The patricuins and leading men corripofed tl c *■* firft ninety-eight centuries ; and the other ninety-five confirted of the " remainder of the citizens. In (lis divljion, thcrcfirs, the Pairiddns zvcre " nmjhrs of the fuffrages." The author before obfcrves, that the claim of Scrvius Tulhus was to ctigmenl the poivcr of the people, and to lucnken the real dignity and aulhoiii-; of the Senate, p. i rS. Yet now he fays in the eoiniiia cenluyiato, tlie .5*1- nate, or the Patricians, were inajlers of the fijfrages. And this by niillaking the fenfe of Livy, 1. i. c. 43. which has been the common error of ahnoil. all writers. Livy fays, ho divided the people fo, tit neqiie eKchtfus qufquani fiijfyagio videretur, et vis onmis penes primarios civitatis rffet. 'I'ha pri/iiarii c'.vitatis were the diies, mentioned before, who compofed the firlt clafs, or the xcviil centuries. Now let the number of Senators be at this time 200 or 300, we cannot fuppofe they were fo fplit into companies, or centuries, as to make many votes in each of the centuries. (2.) This fcheme of Ser- vius was inftituted to conftitute not an Ariftocratical, but a Democratical government, and to take the power out of the hands of the Senators, who had oppofed his being king. (3.) If the Patricians were more powerful in thefe aflemblies than the Plebeians, neither Dionyfius nor Livy would have laboured to affign a reafon, whether true or faife, why the people chofe none but Patricians to be military tribunes, Y. of R. 309. Such a choice would have been the confequence of Patrician fuperiority. How confummately ridiculous would be Livy's admiration of the virtue of the Roman people for their chufing to the military tribunefliip Patricians only, though the Plebeians were qualified by law to be chofen to that ma- giftracy. Livy, 1, iv. c. 6. Hooke, vol. L p. 369. 4to. (4.) Li fad, the great points carried by the people againfl the Senate were in the aflemblies by centuries, as the law for eled:ing tribunes in the Comitia Tributa, U. C. Var. 283. The Lex Horatia, which gave the Pkbifciia, made in the Co- mitia Tributa, an authority binding upon the whole Roman people, U. Q 282. And it was in Comitia Centuriata that Coriolanus, in his abfence, and Mencnius, after trial, were condemned, and Servilius, after trial, was ac- quitted. U. C. Var. 264. 279. 280. Hooke's Rom« Hilt, vol. 1. p. 244. 369. 4to, His Rom. Senate, p. 137. 185. K k 2 .A 252 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. A Dialogue between SYLLA and EUCRATES. Translated by Mr. Bowyer. Some days after Sylla had refigned the didtatorflilp, I was told, the re- putation I had among the philofophers made him defirous of feeing me. He was at his houfe on the Tibur, enjoying the firft peaceful moments he had ever known. On coming before him, I felt nothing of that confufion which the prefence of great men generally occafions in us. And when we were alone, " Sylla," faid I to him, " you have then voluntarily reduced " yourfelf to that middle condition of life, which to moft men is an af- " fliclion. You have refigned that command which your glory and your " virtues gave you over all men. Fortune fecms to be vexed that Ihc " could not raife you to higher honours." " Eucrates," faid he, " if the eyes of the whole univerfe are no longer " fixed on me, it is the fault of human things, which have their prefcribed " limits, and not owing to me. I imagined I had tulfilled my deftiny, " when I no longer had great things to atchieve. I was not made for " governing in quiet an cnflaved people. I love to obtain vidlorics, to " found or overturn ftates, make alliances, punilh ufurpers : but, as to the " little fubordinate branches of government, wherein middling geniufes *' fhcw themfelves to fo much advantage, the flow execution of the laws,, " the difcipline of a tame militia, my foul could not employ itfelf in them." ** It is very Angular, "^ faid I, " that you Ihould have mixed fo much " delicacy with j'our ambition. We have feen many great men unaffedted *' with the vain pomp and fplendor which wait on rulers j but there have " been very few infenfible of the pkafui-e of governing, and of having ■" that refpcft, which is due only to the laws, paid to their humour." " And I, Eucrates, was never lefs fatisfied, than when I faw myfelf a'bfo- *■■ lute mafter in Rome ; when I looked round me, and found neither rival *' nor enemy. I thought it would be one day faid, that I had only chaf- *' tifed flaves. M''ould you, faid I to myfclf, have no more men in your «' country capable of being affedted with your glory ? And fince you •• cilablifh defpotifm, don't you clearly fee, that no prince can come after " you A Dialogue between SYLLA and EU CRATES. 253 " you fo cowardly and defpicable, whom flattery will not equal to you, *' and adorn with your name, your titles, and even your virtues ?" " My lord, you have quite changed the idea I had formed of your con- " dudt. I thought you had ambition, but not a love of glory : I favv very " well that you had a high fpirit, but I did not fufpeft that you had a " great foul : your whole life feemed to difcover you to be one preyed on " by lull of power, and who, full of the moft dellruftivc paffions, chear- *' fully loaded himfelf with the fhame, the remorfc, and even the mean- *' nefs attached to defpotifm. For, after all, you facrificcd every thing *' to your power ; you were feared by all the Romans ; you difcharged, " without pity, the fundlions of the moft terrible magiftracy that ever fub- *' filled. The fenate looked with dread on a defender fo relentlefs. Some " one faid to you, Sylla, how much Roman blood will you flied ? Do you " want to command bare waits ? You then publiflied thofe Tables by " wljich the life and death of every citizen were determined." " And it is the Ihedding lb much blood that has enabled me to do the " greateft adlion of my whole life. Had I ruled the Romans with gentle- " nefs, what wonder, that wearinefs, difguft, or caprice, fliould make me " Hcfign the government ? But I laid down the diftatorfliip at a time when " every one thought I entirely owed my fafety to my being inveftcd with " it. I appeared before the Romans a citizen in the midft of my citi- " zens, and had the boldnefs to fay to them, I am ready to give account " of all the blood which I have flied far the republic ; I will anfwer all " who fhall come to demand of me their fathers, their fons, or their bro- *' thcrs. Every Roman was filent before me." " This great attion which you fpeak ot, appears to mc very imprudent. " The aftonifliment, indeed, into which you had juft thrown the Romans, " was of fervice to you : but how could you dare to talk of vindicating " yourfelf, and taking for judges perfons who had fo much to revenge " on you ? Suppofing your adtions had been only feveiities while you *' was in power, they became frightful crimes the moraejjt you was out of " power." " Do you call crimes," faid he, " what faved the republic ? \ypuld " you have had me quietly fee fenators betray the fenate, for that people, *' who, imagining that liberty ought to be as extreme as llaycry_ can be, ■" wanted tp ahoJilh all authciiry ? The people, kept under by^tbe laws (( and 254 M I S C E; "I, ]. A N E O U S T R A C T S. *' anu the weighl' of the fcnatCj have always endeavoured to overturn liotli. " But he who is fo ambitious as to ferve them againlt the fenate and the " laws, had always ambition enough to become their mafler. It is thus " we have leen an end put to fo many republics of Greece and Italy. " To prevent a like evil, the fenate hath always been obliged to cm- " ploy this untraftable people in war. It has been forced, againrt its " inclination, to ravage the earth, and .reduce fo many nations, whofe fub- " jeftion is a burden to us. At prefent, when the univerfe can furnifh no " more enemies againft us, what would be the fate of the republic ? And, " without me, would the fenate have been able to prevent the people, in " their blind fury for liberty, from delivering themfelves up to Marius, " or to the firfl tyrant who fliould have given them hopes of independence? " The gods, who have given to mod men a cowardly ambition, have " attached to Liberty almofl as many evils as to Slavery. But whatever " may be the price of this noble Liberty, the gods muft be paid it. " The fea fwallows up veflels, and lays under water whole countries ; " yet it is ufcful to man. •* Poflerity will decide of what Rome has not as yet ventured to cxa- " mine : it will find, perhaps, that I have not flied blood enough, and " that all the partifans of Marius have not been profcribed." " I mufl own, Sylla, you aftonilh me : How ! was it to ferve your "" country, that you fpilled fo much blood ? and had you no attachment •* but to her >" " Eucrates," faid he to me, " I had never that predominant love for *' my country, of which we find fo many examples in the firfl ages of ■*' the republic : and I love Coriolanus, who carried fire and fword to the " vet}' walls of his ungrateful city, and made every citizen repent the *' affront which every citizen had done him, as much as I do him who " drove the Gauls from the capitol. I never piqued myfelf on being the *' flave, or the worfiiiper, of a focicty of my equals : and this fo much " boafted love is a paflioa too popular for fuch a high fpirit as mine. " All my adllons proceeded from reflexion, and principally from the con- " tempt which I entertained for men. You may judge by the manner in " which I treated the only great people in the world, how high my con- " tempt was of all others. " I thought that, while I was on the earth, I ought to be free. Had I ** been born among Barbarians, I fhould have fought to ufurp the throne, " Icfs A Dialogue between SYLLA and EUCRATES. 2^5 *' lefs to obtain commaud than to avoid obciliencc. Born in a Republic, " 1 have acquired the glory of a conqueror, in fccking only that of a free *' man. " When I entered Rome with my troops, I breathed neither rage nov *' revenge. I palled fentence, without hatred, but alfo without pity, on *' aftoniihcd Romans. You were free, faid I ; and you want to live flaves, " No, Die ; and you will have the advantage of dying Citizens of a free " city. " To deprive of its liberty a city of which I was a citizen, I looked on *' as the greatefl; of crimes : I piiniflied that crime ; and was little concerned " whether I fliould be the good or the evil genius of the Republic. How- " ever, the government of our anceftors has been re-eftablilhed ; the peo- " pie have expiated all the indignities they put on the nobles ; fear has " fufpended animofitics, and Rome never enjoyed fuch perfedt tranquillity. " This it was which determined me to all the bloody tragedies you have " feen. Had I lived in thofe happy days of the Republic, when the citi- " zens, quiet in their houfes, prefented to the Gods a free foul, you would " have feen me pafs my whole life in this retreat, which has coft mc lb *' much blood and toil. " My lord, faid I to him, it is well for mankind, that Heaven has been " fparing in the number of fuch men as you. Born for a middling " ftation, we are overpowered by fublime geniufes. One man's being " raifed. above humanity, colls all the reft too dear. " You looked on the ambition of heroes as a common paffion ; and " made no account of any but a reafoning ambition. The infatiable de- " fire of ruling, which you found in the heart of fome citizens, made you " refolve to be an extraordinary man : love of liberty determined you to " be terrible and cruel. Who would have thought, that a heroifm founded " on principle would be more deftrudtive than a heroifm founded on fury " and impetuofity ? The Roman people, you fay, beheld }oa unarmed, " and made no attempt on your life. You have efcapcd one danger ; a " greater may await you. A grand offender may one day take advantage " ot your moderation, and confound you in the croud of a fubjcdlcd people^ " I have acquired a name, faid he, v/hich fuffices for my fafety and the " fafety of the Roman people. That name prevents ail attempts ; thcve " i& no ambition, which does not Hand in awe of it. Sylla lives; and his genius is more powerful than that of all thcRym.ns, S\ila is fuf- ■• ro'iindeu • u i-;6 MISCELLANEOUS TRACT S. *• rotluded by Chjeronea, Orchomems, and Signion; Sylla hath given " every family in Rome -a tferrible example within itielf : ev-ery Roman will " have me always before him, and even in his fleep I fhall appear to him " covered with blood ; he will imagine he fees the fatal Tables, and reads ^"' his name at the head of the profcribed. My laws are murmured a:t in ^' fecret ; they can never be effaced but by floods of Roman blood. Am " not I in the midft of Rome ? You will flill find with me the javelin " I had at Orchomenus, and the buckler I wore on the walls of Athens. *' Bccaufe I have no lidtors, am I the lefs Sylla ? I have the fenate, " juftice, and the laws for me ; my genius, fortune, and glory are for *' 'the fenate." " I own," faid I, " that when a perfon has Once made afty one tremble, " he almoft always retains fomething of the advantage he had over him. " Undoubtedly," faid he, " I flruck men with aftonilhment ; and that " was a great deal. Review in your mind the {lory of my life : you will " fee that I have drawn all from that principle ; and that it has been the " foul of all my a&ions. Call lo mind my quarrel with Marius : I was " ftung with indignation to fee a man of no name, proud of the meannefs " of his birth, attempt to pull down the firft families in Rome, and " confound them with Plebeians; and at this time I bore all the weight •' of a great foul. I was young, and I refolved to put myfelf in a con- *' dition to call Marius to account for his infults. For this end, I fought " him with his own weapons, that is to fay, by viftorics over the enemies " of the Republic. « " When I was forced, by the caprice of •chance, to leave Roiiie, I pur- " fued the fame plan : I went to make war on Mithridates ; and laboured " to deftroy Marius by vanquifhing the enemy of Marius. While I left " that Roman to enjoy his power over the populace, I multiplied his mor- " tifications, and forced him to go every day to the Capitol to return thanks " to the Gods for fuccefles which drove him to dillradtion. I waged a war " of reputation againfl; him, a hundred times more cruel than what my " legions made on the Barbarian king. Every word I fpoke fhewed my " daringncfs; and my moft inconfukrable aftions, always lull of haughti- " nefs, were fatal prcfagcs for Marius. At laft Mithridates fued for peace; " the terms were reafonable ; and had Rome been in quiet, and my lor- " tunc not flill wavering, 1 would have accepted them. But the bad flatc " of my affiiirs obliged me to make the terms flill harder j I demanded 7 " that A Dialogue between S YLL A and EU CRATES. 257 " that he fhould tlcflroy his fleet, and rcflorc to the kings his neighbours ** the territories he had taken from them. I leave you, faid I, the king- *' dom of your anceflors ; to you, who ought to thank mc that I leave *' you the hand with which you figned an order for the execution of *' 100,000 Romans in one day. Mithridatcs was ftruck motionlcfs, and *' Marius trembled in the midfl of Rome. *' This boldnefs, which was of fuch fcrvice to mc againfl: Mithridatcs, *' againft Marius, againft his fon, againfl: Thelifinus, againfl: the people " which fupported my didlatorfhip, alfo protedicd my life the day I re- " figned the didtature ; and that day infures my liberty for ever." '* My lord," faid I, " Marius reafoned in the fame manner when, *' covered with the blood of his enemies and of the Romans, he gave *' proofs of that boldnefs which you have puniftied. You have, it is true, " a few more viftories, and greater excelTcs on your fide. But, in affum- *' ing the didatorfliip, you fet an example of the crime which you pu- " nifhed. This is the example which will be followed j and not that of *' your moderation, which will only be admired. " When the Gods fuffered Sylla with impunity to make himfclf Difta- *' tor at Rome, they profcribcd Liberty from it for ever. They muft *' work too many miracles now to root out of the heart of every Roman ** leader the ambition of reigning. You have taught them, that fherc is *' a much furer way to arrive at defpotifm, and to maintain it witliout *' danger. You have divulged the fatal fecret, and removed what alone *' makes good citizens in a Republic too rich and too great, dcfpair of ** being able to opprefs it." He changed colour, and was filent for a moment. " I am only afraid," faid he, with emotion, " of one man, in whom I think I fee many Marius's. " Chance, or perhaps a more powerful defl;iny, made me fpare him. My *' eyes are ever on him ; I fl:udy his foul, where he hides deep purpofes. " But if he dare to form the dcfign of commanding men whom I have *' made my equals, I fwear by the Gods, I will punifh his infolence." LI O B 3 £ R- 258 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. Observations on the Ufe of the Word Nummus in Plautus [a]. By Mr. CLARKE and Mr. B O W Y E R. IN order to do juftlce to the point in queflion, it cannot be improper to offer two or three preliminaries, which are on all fides univerfally admitted. 1. That Plautus ufes the Greek \vay of computing money, by mint?, drachmae, oboli ; the fums, divifions, and valuations, are all Athenian. For he fecms to lay down this as a rule, " Hoc Poetae faciunt in Comoediis, " Omnes res geftas efle Athenis autumant." Prol. Menaech. 2. Num?mis was a word not known among the Athenians, but came tc Eome from Sicily, and was ufed by the Romans as a term equivalent to the Greek ;ipcrju,«, fignifying mo7icy in general. And therefore, when nummus is ufed indefinitely in Plautus, and applied to either gold or filvcr, it is highly reafonable to think, that it means the moll ufual coin of either fort, which was underflood in common converfation, and by which fums of mo- ney were computed at Athens. This is a very probable conclufion, and fuch as fhould not, without exprefs evidence, be over-ruled. Let us fee what that evidence is in the cafe before us. It is plain, that Plautus ufes nummus for the aureus, but then Phi/ifpcus,^ or aureus, is always firft mentioned : Thus, " Sunt tibi intus aurei " Trecenti nummi Philippei." Poenulus, i. i. 38. And afterwards in the third Aft, " Hie trecentos nummos numerates habet." iii..2. 17. Again, " Quia centum nummis minus dicetur." iii. 4. 24. But in both thefe places it means aitrwn ; the fenfc is determined by what goes before or follows : As in the firft inftancc, " Nos infpicere oportet iftoc aurum." iii. 2. ic. In the laft, " Cum auri ducentis nummis Philippeis. iii. 4. 22. [a] See Clarke on Coins, p. 196. AnJ ON THE USE OF NUMMUS IN PHAUTUS. 259 And fo in many other i)laccs, where aurcis, or Pbilippeisy is addid, as, " Qui mihi millc numiiium crederct " Philippeum." Trin. iv. 2. 112. " Illo millc nummum Philippo circumducerc. Ibid. 1 17. But fuimmus in Plautus generally means a filver coin ; it is often io ci- prcflcd, as, " Tamcn nunquam hinc feres Argcnti nummum." Afin. ii. 4. 80. " Dividere Argenti dixit nummos in viros." Aulul. i. 2. 30. " Locare Argenti nemini nummum queo." Moflell. iii. i. 4. " Nummum nufquam rcperire Argenti queo." Pfeudol. i. 3. 95. And where neither aurum nor argenlum is mentioned, it means filver only ; fo in the Perfa, " Ut mihi des nummos fexcentos." Pcrf. i. 1.37. " Ut nummos fexcentos mihi *' Dares utendos mutuos." i. 3. 37. " Nunimi fexcenti hic erunt." iii. 3. 32. And in the Rudens, " Nummos trecentos — quadringentos — quingentos, " Sexcentos — feptingentos — mille dabo nummos — " Centum et mille." Rudens, v. 2. 36, &c. " audiarium *' Adjicito, vel mille nummum plufquam pofcet." Merc.il. 4. 23. In all thefe places it is moll; probable, that the fums mentioned are drachmae ; becaufe Labrax advances juft fo many nummi dvery time as came to a mina : and it is very well known (as Dr, Taylor has fliewn by feveral inftanccs, Alarm. Sandvicen. p. 29.) that the Greeks, when they faid, htxKCcriocc, Tp:xKoa-tas, iclpax-ocriccg, 's^svjccKOO'fcxc, %iXio!g, ri^ia-KiXicxs, fj.vpi«g, &c. without any addition, always meant o^oiy^^ai, becaufe this was pcrvul- gattffima nummi /pedes : the addition of niimmus could make no difference in this cafe ; a common audience would certainly underftand all thefe fums of dracb7nae^ when the particular coin was not fpecified. A comic writer would fcarcely introduce a language entirely different from that univerfally received in the forms of doing bufinefs. Terence, who lived fome years before Plautus died, never ufes nu/iimus but in this fcnfe, as a drachma only. L 1 2 But ■ 26o M I S C E L L A N E O U S T R A C T S. But there is one paflage in I'lautus whicli fecms to pvit this out of all doubr. The ancients, both Greeks and Romans, weighed every thing of value by the drachma weight : and therefore, when Plautus fays, " Inaurcis da mlhi *' Faciundas pondo duum nummum ftalagmia." Menaech. ili. 3. 18. the nummus here can mean nothing but a dracbinn. It would otherwife be unintelligible, and i->o dircftion to the goUlimith. This feems to admit of no other fenfe. And all the other pallagcs, where manmiis is mentioned, fall-in with this valuation, and have a greater force and clcarnefs by ad- mitting it ; as, " Nunquam hinc feres argcnti nummum." Afin. ii. 4. Zo' •■' Non eft verifiraile, homincm pauperem •' Pauxillum parvi facere, quin nummum pctat." Aul. i. 2. 34. " Eum fi reddes mihi, praeterea unura nummum ne duis." Captiv. ii. z. 8i» " Nummum nullum habes." Epid. iii. i. 9. " Ut uno nummo plus petas. Moft. iii. i. 123. *' Haud nummo amplius." Ibid. iii. 3. 16. " Nummum nufquam reperire argenti queo. Pfeud. i. 3. Sc,:^ All thefe mean, not a fingle crofs ; and are confequently applicable to that lower fpecies of filver, which was then commonly ufcd. Nobody would think that, when a man faid he had not a fingle fhilling in his pocket, he always meant he had not two. But let us now confider thofe particular paflages from whence fuch great men as Salmafius and Gronovius draw this conclufion, that nummus in riautus always fignifies a didrachma : and they are thefe three : I. Pfeud. iii. 2. 20. " Illi drachmis iiffent miferi j me nemo poteft *' Minoris quifquam nummo, ut furgam, fubigerc.'* Hence, they fay, it appears, that 7iu?iimis in Plautus fignifies a dldr/tthma^ becaufe the nummus feems to be of more value than the dr:uhma, and, as^ there was no intermediate coin, probably twice that fum. But the turn of this fentcnce does not lye in the difference between drachnls and nuinmusy. but between iiffent and furgam. " Thefe fellows, fays he, would have " tramped, off with you for s. draclvna ; bur, for my part, I would not fo- " much zi/iir iff my feat for a^ doit lefs." This, as it is moft probably the true fenfe, inftcad of fhewing any difference, proves they were the- I ON THE USE OF NUMMUS IN PLAUTUS. 261 fame. And here I fliould be for reading from the authority of Lambiii's MS. iiOt, as he did, drachniijjhit, but drachma iijfcnt. The other, viz- (irachmis iiffciit, is more ambiguous, and does not exprefs fo much contempt.. 2. The next is, Trucul. ii. 7. 1 1. " Nam jam de hoc obfcio, de mina una dcminui *' Modo quinque nummos : mihi dctraxi partem herculancam."" Here tlic qiihiquc niimmos ajid the pars hcrciilanea are fuppofed to be the fame thing; and, therefore, if qui/iquc nuinmi were equal to the tenth part of a pound, each tiummus mufl be a didrachma. But what occafion for this^ fuppoficion ? It is fo far from being neeeflary, that, it fpoUs all the fpirit and humour of the paflagc, and makes a dull and ufclefs tautology.. It niay be explained to more advantage very differently. " Out of this 7nina •' (the fum given for buying in provifions for the family) I h-avc already ** guttled up five drachmae^ and put twice as many into my pocket." This makes the fpecch more in charafter, and the fums different : dctra.xi, and demi/iui, do not fecm to relate to the fame thing. 3. The lafl is, Epid. i. i. 52. " Id adco, argcntum, abdaiiifta apiul Thcbas, fumnfit foenorcj. " In dies minafque argcnti fingulas, nummis." — Here Salmafius fays, .that, as xhe. foc7ius 7tienJIruum ws.s -tvfo drachmae per month ; fo the foenus diurman muil: be two drachmae a day :. but why lb ? Thefoenuj 7uenJ}ruuni, at two drach/iiae a month, came to twenty-four per- ce>2t. per ojtn.. The foenus d'mrnwn, at two drachmae a day, came to above - fe'ven times cent, per ce7it. Sure this is being aiHave to an hypothefis with. a witnefs ! Half that favour was fuflicient : above three times cent. p(r cent. in .a year would be enough to fatisfy the molt execrable ufurcr.; and, I think, might be admitted as a proof oa the other fide, . that nummui could . not polTibly be more than a drachTna, The fimilar ufage of nunwnis in .. Plautus and Terence,, is no inconfidcrable argument in favour of this opi- nion : they lived, almoft at the fame time, in» the fame country : the plan . of their. dramas were. both Athenian, and muft be. fuppofed to> all-ude to the fame cuftoms. From all this, I think, we may juftly conclude, that 7ium7nus is never ufcd in Plautus, but for the tf«r«i/eo-cr, as being of one iini- form clafs. Thcfe two modes of expreffion the great Mafter of Northern Languages has confounded, when he makes {ipeo htfalp and fji'^*'* healp to fignify tlie fame thing. Gram. Anglo-Sax. c. vi. vol. I. p. 33. And If. Cafanbon himfclf, who, with great ac- curacy, pointed out the difference between the twg forms, did not iiitficiently attend to it, when he interprets quinus fcmlpcs in Plin. N. H. xvii. 11. /. e. 24 feet, to be the fame with wjV»1i» n^iiTaJiov, or 4^ feet. He probably miftook quinus fur quintHs, the car- dinal for the ordinal number; for quinus femij/cs, in Greek, is t^ito* i/xivoJioi', not roi^ifflof. In Tlieoph; Ch.tr. c. vi. I II. As ON THE ROMAN SESTERCE. 263 II. As fur as a thoufand they iifed Sejiertii or Niimnd, jointly or fepa- ratcly, in the Mafcvilhie, with a numeral AdjeBlve in the fame Gender and Cafe : As, Tiuo or bini, -viginti or bis dent, mille Sejlerlii, or nummi, or Sejicrti'i nummi, i. e. two, twenty, a thoufand Scfterces. This was fo uni- formly prcferved, that even the excurrent parts of a fum under a thou- fand, when fubjoincd to an Integer above a thoufand, were exprcfled in the Mafculinc, though the Integer was in the Neuter : As, Sejlertii'itn vi- gitili ?ni/liii quadringenti. Cic. ad Att. i. 7. which Ivlanutius was not aware of, wdicn he explains it quadrinp^enta, in the Neuter. For a thoufand Seflcrces they ufed not only milk Scf.crtii, as above, but- mille Sejlertiihn ox mille }mmmum ; which different conltrudtions arofe from, mille being ufed either as a Subftantive or Adjediive ; as they faid equally mille paffus, or mille drachmarum, Ter. Heaut. III. iii. 40. III. But all higher fums, under a million, were exprcfled by SeJIertia [r] in the Neuter Plural, without mille or m'dlia. If millia was added, Sejler- iia was omitted, and ScJIertium (for Seflertioruni) was fubftltuted in its ■ place, or was underftood ; as Millia quinqiic rapit. Mart. 1. iii. 62. denoting five thoufand Sefterces ; which might have been exprelied hj quinque or- quina Sejlcrtia, — or qiiinque millia Scjlertittm, — or quinque millia nummiim, or quinquc millia Sejlcrtiiim ?wm/)ti1m. But not by qitinque mille Sejer'ii ; — much lefs by quinque millia Sejlcrtia, . — or Sejiertia quinqiie millia nitmn.uhi, — or Sejiertii qiiinque millia. — The firft' mode was rejefted, becaufe though k?///^ S^tr/// was ufed for a thoufand ' Sefterces, yet they left off there, as the ultimate limit of the Mafculine f^H/^«dr/ Numeration. The Millenary numeration was hy Sejiertia, fell, fondcra. They could not add- miilia to Sr/lertia, becaufe that Neuter. plural, being always a Subftantive, would require a Genitive cafe after it :- For though mille viginti quaturr pajjiis is xxiv, miles ; millia viginti qua-- tuor pa(fuur!i is xxiv thoufand miles, i. e. xxiv mille pajfus. Gfon. ad Liv. . Fpit. LV. — The difficulties about the Roman way of exprefiing fums of" money are contained within thefc limits, between mtlk Sejiertii and deeies, or between a thoufand ar^d a million. IV. The Romans reckoned by Decids, juft as we do, till they came to ten hundred thoufand, or a million, for which, having no nevv term or [f] The French writers In general call' Sc/lrrt'ia the Great ^rflcrce. I know not for what reaion. In this, from an ill-placed' complaifan'ce, they arefoliov.ed by fevcral of our countrymen ; paracularly by .Mr. Gordon, in his trandation of Tacitus. do no- 264 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. ►denomination, they multiplied their higheft numeral term by the Decad Adverb in cs, and fald decies centena niillia, or Dccies centeiia ; leaving 7mllia to be undcrftood ; as Decies centena dabuntur, Juv. x. 335. which, when fully exprellcd, is Decies centena millia Sejlertitun iiiimnnlm. But, to avoid this circumlocution by Centena millia, they had recourfe generally to a new term, and denoted this fum by Decies Sejicrtium ; ufing Sejiertiumy in all numerations from Decies, noi as a Genitive plural, which it was irr the inferior numerations, but as a Neuter Angular, agreeing with pondus argenti undcrftood. That in this form it is a Neuter fingular appears, i. Bccaufe nummum is never added to it, with which it might agree, and therefore was probably not undcrftood ; for though they ufed Decies centena millia Sejicrtium num- 7imn, they never faid Decies Sejlertiu?n nummum, or Decies nummum. Nummwu was excluded from the Adverbial Million clafs. 2. Becaufc Dciics, Vicies, &c. Sejhriiwn is always joined with a Verb fingular, and with an Adicftive and Relati'-» both fingular and neuter : As, Scjlerthmi fcxagies, (itrOD advexerat Domitius, allatum ad fe Corfinievfibus reddit, Caef. B. C. L 23. Huic Sena t us deer evil Sejlertium centics qidnq-.iagies — cujus honorc ccntenlus fuit. Plin. Ep. vii. 29. where fee Cafaubon. 3. Be- caufc it is ufed in the oblique cafes fingular, where there can be no fufpi- •cion of its being a plural : as, In sestertio vicies, quod a patre acceperat. Corn. Nep. Attic, c. 14. Sexagies sestertio, — tricies sestertio, Val. Max. IX. c. I. 4. Accepio centies sestertio, Veil. Pat. 1. ii. 48. and Ta- citus, difpoftio per vienfas millies sestertio, Ann. vi. c. 17. Svngrapba SESTERTII centies, Cic. in Philip, ii. Libertimts sestertii ter millies pojfejj'or,- Tac. 1. -MI. To fuppofe with fomc, that, in thefe and many more in- ftanccs, all the MSB. arc corrupted, is begging the qr.eftion, againft evi- dence i to fay with others, that, in acccpto centics Sejiertiwn, wc muft un- derhand it in the Genitive, centenorum Jiiillium nummorum pretio, the queftion iVill remains, why they ufed the fingular, not with the numeral AdjeClive, but with the Millionary Adverb only ; why they never faid accepto binitmf dcniim, cenlcman nummum [pretio] ; but accepto decies [pondere]. As then ip the firft clafs, pondera in the fecond, and pondus in the third, uniformly folve all the dilFicultlcs of conftruftion. This is a fhort view of the whole ; allowing for fuch inconfill;cncics as incorrect paflages may polTibly tjccafion. But fee Gronovius more fully on this head, Pec. Vet. 1. ii. c. 3, 4. Th IS ON THE ROMAN SESTERCE. 265 This Adverbial Decad form was regularly preferved from Decies, Vlciesy Tricies, Sec. to Ccntiei, which was ten times as much as Decies, or ten- millions ; and Millies, ten times as much as Centies, or an hundred mil- lions. If a numeral Adverb of an inferior denomination is placed before one of a higher, the former becomes the multiplier of the latter ; as, bis decies is two millions : But if it follows, or is diflinguilhed by the Copula- tive et, it denotes the number only of its fpecific clafs ; as, decies bis, or bis et decies, is one million two hundred thoufand Seflerces, as if it were, Decies fejlertiian et bis centena millia mwmiim. So Decies millies is a thoufand millions ; but Millies decies only an hundred and one millions. The different ways of writing thefe larger Sums in Roman Numerals is a point that docs not feem to be fufficiently explained. REMARKS occafioned by a Difl'ertation on the Greek and Roman Money, printed in 1772. By Mr. B O W Y E R. Originally printed as a Supplement to Mr. Clarke's Book on Coins. REGI CHRISTIANISSIMO Guilidmus Bovjyer, Typographus /Inglicanus. Judicium lit fubeat magis squum, candiciiufve, Qui poiii potuit CDnimodioro loco r ABOUT two or three years after this book was printed in England, a very refpcftable gentleman*, fellow of a very honourable Society, pub- lifhed, in the Tranfadtions of that learned body, An Inquiry into the Value of the Antient Greek and Roman Money, without taking notice of the difco- veries of this Author, which furely merited his attention at leaft, if not his approbation. But, whether it was owing to his humanity, or to not hav- ing feen the book, I Ihall not enquire. As he has paflcd it over, however, in filence ; I fhall beg leave to call fome things into queftion which he has advanced, differing from Mr. Clarke, and defire he would candidly iiive thcni a fair hearing;. '&• * Matthew Rapcr, eiq. fee the " Anecd.tes of Mr. Bozuycy," p. 444. M m In z66 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. In Phil. Tranf. vol. LXI. p. 518. the famous paflagc of PHn)', which has raifed fo many difputes, Nat. Hilt. 1. xxxiii. § xiii. ed. Hard, that gentleman thus explains : " Aureus nunmms pojl annum lxii percuff'us cjl " (juarn argent ens, ita ut fcrupulum valeret fejlertiis vicenis ; q.'wd effecit in " libras, ratione fejlcrtiorum qui tunc erant, sestertios dcccc. No\v, if *' the Scruple Was valued at xx Sellerces, the pound, inftead of being *' worth DCCCC, muft have been worth 5760 fuch Seftcrces : but if, for *' SESTERTIOS 900, wc read denarios 900, the account will be clear and *' intelligible. The words, ratione fejhrtiorum qui tunc erant, imply, that ** the Seflerce of that age was different from the Scjlerce cf Pliny s time ; " but the quarter of the filver Denarius, or Nummus Seftertius of four *' Affes, was the fame at both times : and we know of no ether Sefterce •' but the ancient one of 2^- Affes ; which, multiplied by 288 (the num- *' ber of Scruples in the Roman pound), give 14,400 A[fes for the value " of the pound of gold: and, reckoning 16 A(fcs to the filver Denarius " (which it pafled for at the time of this coinage), 14,400 Ajfes make " juft 900 fuch Denarii ; which is Pliny's number." The learned writer (I would obferve) fays, " The pound, inftead of ** being worth 900, muft have been worth 5760 fuch Scfterces." Pliny is not here relating what the pound was worth ; but what the Hate gained by it, quod, \_fcrupulum'\ effecit in libras. As in the Greek Teftament, Mat. XXV. 16. sVc//;(r£i/ o:.'KKm zstivIb tkKoc-jIx, lucratcs est alia quinque ta- lenta, Vulg. Lat. & Caflel. where, in the next vcrfe, it is i->d^lvj(riv. What a pound [or 288 Scruples] of gold gained, is a different thing, in the changeable proportion of gold to filver, from what a pound of Sefterces was zvorth. Thus he miftakes the objed; of Pliny's point in view ; and then, as error errorem parit, perverts, I think, the whole Icufe of the paflJage. A. 547, the thirteenth year of the fccond Punic war, Pliny tells us, the value of the Sefterce was changetl, and gold was ftruck, by which the ftate gained fo much ; that is, by the Sellerces then in ufe, which conti- nued the fame till after Pliny's time ; though this gentleman fuppofes they were different, and that the Sefterces then, and upon that occafion, ftruck, were thofe worth z\ Affes each, againft the- exprefs authority of Pliny. Eefidcs, when he is fpeaking of Sefterces, why fliould he change to Dc- yarics, which always bore an uniform j)roportioa to the Sefterce ? It would be ON THE GREEK AND ROMAN MONEY. 267 be as abfurd, as if, after faying the flate had gained a number of Englifli Shillings, we fliould exprefs the amount in Groats. I would next obferve, that Doiarios muft have been written at length, and could hardly be miftaken for Sejlertios : and it is much more probable a tranfcriber fhould miflake in numerals than in words ; as particularly this very number II. has been fo [<;] often changed to a V, that it fccms to have been the peculiar hand-writing of the MSS. See a difcourfe of Vignoles,- Maffon, Hift. Crit. vol. XI. p. 44, 45. where a paffagc of Pliny (_Nat. Hift. II. 13.] is exprefsly mentioned, in which XV. has been corrupted to XII. which is much more probable to be the cafe in the palFage now before us. To throw a further light on this fubjcdl:, I fhall give the whole of the argument, as ftated by another writer, and printed in the Genu Mag. for Sept. 1754; and will then fubjoin, from Mr. Clarke, with whom I was at that rime engaged in enquiries of this nature, what I prefume is an eafier and more probable interpretation. " The difficulty has been, to make out how one Scruple of gold " fhould be equivalent to 20 Sefterces of filver ; and 288 Scruples, *' which make one pound, fliould be worth no more than 900 Scfterces ; " for the produft of 288, multiplied by 20, is 5760, widely different " from 900. " But Pliny, having fet about to afcertain the values of the feveral " forts of money that had been current at Rome, firft diflinguifhed them " into brafs, filver, and gold coins, then noted the time that each was " firft introduced, and next jnuticularized their fpecics and original va- " lues. After this, he fpeaks of the increafed values fet upon them, for " fome reafons of ftate ; and, laftly, counts the profits which thus accrued " to the public treafury. " As for the brafs money, he fays, that it was firft coined by Servius *♦ Tullius, the 6th king of the Romans. The weight of the As was one ** entire pound of brafs ; and that of the other fpecics in proportion. " This continued till the firft Punic war. The treafury being then unable " to furnifii the expences of the war, it was judged expedient to cry ** down the old money, and to coin pieces confiderably lefs. So that, out [ «] In Cic. Catil. I. c. 7. And in a MS. of Virgil in the Vatican Library frequently. M m 2 " of . 268 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. '•' of one As, or one pound of brafs, were made fix JJ/es ; and out of *' every one the public gained five. Ita quinque partes fa5lae funt lucri. *' The ?ix?i filver coined at Rome was in the 485th year after the foun- *' dation of the citv, in the confulate of Q^ Ogulnius and C. Fabius " Pidtor. There are coins in being of Fabius, with this legend on one " fide, C. FABI. C. F. and, on the other, EX. A. PV. that is, EX " ARGENTO PVBLICO. There have been alfo, though rarely, found " Denarii, ^uinarii, and Seftertii, which are the different fpecies of filver. * ' The Dcimriits was worth ten Roman pennies ; the §!jiinarius, five ; the * ' Sejiertiia, two and a half. Some time after, when Hannibal advanced " towards Rome, Q^ Fabius Maximus being Di<5i:ator, in the year 537, " the value of the Denarius was raifed to 16 pennies ; the ^linarius, to *' eight ; and the Sejlertius to four. The brafs monies were raifed at the " fame time ; and, fix having before been made out of a pound, they " now made 12 ; by which the republic gained one half. Ita refp. dimi- *' dium lucrata ejl. And fuch was the profit which, according to Pliny, *' accrued to the ftate. It did not arife folely out of the brafs money, as ** Budaeus and others have fancied. Otherwife this reflexion, which Pliny *' makes immediately after mentioning the raifing the filver money, would *' be unnatural and out of place. But it was out of the brafs and filver *' together that the ftate gained one half. So when of ten Affes, which *' weighed each two ounces, they made 20 of one ounce, and, at the *' fame time, the Denarius was taxed at 16 pennies, they gave at the " mint, for the Denarius of the antient coinage, 16 of the new Affes\ and *' there remained four for profit to the public treafury, with the fix *' pennies, or fix Affes, which the filver Denarius was then worth more *' than it went at before. This made ten pennies, that is, the half, or " once as manv pennies, as ten AJJes, of two ounces each, were worth ; *' and this is the half which the republic gained. — ^Thus the difficulty is *' folved ; and there appears no reafon to accufe the copyifls of altering ** and corrupting the whole paffage, as feveral have too rafhly done. •* As to the gold, Pliny leaves the time when it was firft coined uncer- *' tain. Troximum fcelus fecit, fays he in the fame chapter, qui primus ex " auro denarium fignijicavit ; quod et ipfum latct, auBore incerto. Livy, 'tis " true, fays, that gold was coined at Rome in the year 543. " After this 62d year which Pliny mentions, being the year of Rome ." 547> «>"^ ^he thirteenth of the fecond Punic war, as there was a " neceffity ON THE GREEK AND ROMAN MONEY. 269 • ' neceffity of augmenting the public treafury, gold was fet at a very higli *' rate in a new coinage, as brafs and filver had been before. This is the ** extraordinary and tranfient, or occafional money, which Pliny fpeaks of *' in the famous paflage cited above, and of which this is the natural *' reading and meaning: Jurats nummus poft annum lxii percuff'us rji quam *' argenteus ; ita ut fcrupuliuii valeret fejlertiis vicenis ; quod effecit, ratioue *' fejlertiorum qui tunc erant, fejiertios dcccc. In Englifh, lxii years after *' the firft coining of filver, there was a coinage of gold ; and it was or- *' dained, that each Scruple of that money fliould be valued at twenty *' Sefterces of filver [which was before at xv HSS.] ; fo that the republic ** gained 900 of the then current Sefterces on every pound of gold," [/. e. 1440 of the prefent HSS.; for 900 is to 1440 as z\ is to 4 : this writer falling into the fame miflake with the other gentleman, of fuppofing the Seflerce to be different from that of Pliny's time.] ** This rendering is not only confonant to Pliny's meaning, but to *' truth, and is confirmed by two fine gold medals, now in the poffcffion *' of Sir J. A. bart. fome centuries older than the firfl: period of the Ro- " man emperors. The firft, fig. 6, weighs only 21 grains ; which is the " exadt weight of the ancient Scruple. On one fide is reprefented an *' eagle, with this infcription, ROMA, in the exergue ; on the other, a *' head of Mars, with thefe two letters behind it, XX, fignifying the " value of the piece, 20 Sejierces. The other medal, fig. 7, is of the " fame age, and weighs 63 grains, being confequently three times the *' value of the former ; and fo, inftead of the two XX, has one X and a " V behind the head, denoting ic, filver Denarii; as the other v^'as worth " only five filver Denarii .- it has the fame figures and legend as the firft. " Here is a very authentic tcftimony of the truth of what Pliny relates. *' And the coin is, in all probability, the very fame he there fpeaks of, " whofe Scruple was equal to 20 Sefterces, and its Denarius equal to 15 " filver Denarii." The following arguments of Mr. Clarke (p. 386 & feq.) will, I doubt not, be of fufficient weight to prove there is an error in Pliny. " What the neceffary emendation fhould be is, I think, evident enough " from the premifes we are poffelTed of. Let us fee what they are, and ** what the conclufion is that arifes from them. " Firft of all, Pliny tells us, that, when gold was firft coined at Rome, " one Scruple of gold paffed for 20 Sefterces. And, zdly, it is well . " known, 270 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. " known, that the number of Scruples in the Roman pound was always " 288. Hence it follows, that a pound of gold, or 288 Scruples, were " then current for 20 times as many Seflerces, i. e. for 5760. So far all " is clear. The next point is, how many Sefterces were then in a pound ** of filver. If there were 84 Denarii in the pound, as there certainly " were till after the Confular times, there muft be 4 times as many Sef- " terces, or 336. Let us now take the exchange between gold and filver, " as it was then in Greece, and foon afterwards at Rome ; which was ten " to one : ten times 336 Sefterces are 3360; dedudt this fum from 5760, " the number which a pound of gold then pafled for at Rome, and the " remainder is 2400. This therefore was the advantage which the repub- " lie made in circulating their firft gold coins. They had gained five " parts in fix, not long before, by the firft redudlion of the AJfes ; and " then one half more at the fecond reduftion ; and now foon afterwards *' feventy per cent, by the firft circulation of their gold coins, or the dif- " ference between an exchange at ten to one, and 174 to one. Thus the " account ftands. And I fee no reafon to queftion, but that this fliould " be the true reading in Pliny : quod effecit, ratmie fejlertiorum qui tunc " erant, fejlertios IICCCC [_luciyin rcipublicae']. The numerals are not very " different from the former ; the four laft exadtly the fame. The duo " millia in this form II, with the line over them, by a carelefs or ignorant *' tranfcriber, not knowing what it meant, were eafily turned into a D ; or, *' thinking the fum exceffive, he might, out of pure judgement, indulge " himfelf in the liberty of corredting it. There is no correfting nume- *• rals, but upon the principles by which they were formed. When we " have a given quantity, from which a known proportion muft be de- " dufted, we need not fcruple to fay what the remainder ought to be : " the work is eafy ; it proves itfelf ; we cannot be miftakcn. " It muft, however, be allowed, that Harduin has given a very fpecious " folution of this difficulty, approved by fo confiderable a judge as '^ Graevius, which therefore ought not to be rcjedled without being exa- " mined. He produces two gold coins from the king of F"rance's cabinet, " as an evidence of this exchange. One of them, fupjiofcd to weigh " exadly the Roman Scruple, has a Mars galcatus on one fide, with thefe *' two numerals, XX, behind the head : on the revcrfe, an eagle, charged ", with thunder, and in the exergue, ROMA, without any other legend. "The ON THE GREEK AND ROMAN MONEY. 271 *' The other coin, weighing juft thrice as much, has the fame imprefs on " each fide, only the numerals behind the head are VX. ' Suppofing thcfe coins genuine, and that the numerals exprefs their value according to Harduin's interpretation, viz. the XX fignifying 20 *' Scilerces, and the VX, 15 Denarii, juft three times as much, vvhich is ** making two great conceffions ; yet what is it that thefe coins really ** prove ? Nothing more than what is allowed on all hands, that a Scruple *' of gold then palled for 20 Sefterces ; but nothing at all in favour of the *' prefent numerals in Pliny, the only point in difpute. But there is great *' realbn to believe, that the coins themfelves are fpurious. Morcll, who " could be no ftranger to them, as being in the king of France's col- " led:ion, and produced before his time by Savot, takes no notice ol them among his Confular coins, though he exhibits even thofe dubiae Jidel. Gold was not coined at Rome till A. U. 547, the very year that Scipio had driven Afdrubal out of Spain, and entirely reduced that kingdom to a Roman province. At fuch a jundlure, the praetors, or *' whoever then had the diredtion of ftriking thefe coins, would not have ** fuffered them to be ftruck without recording fome of the glorious e^nts *' of that year. This was agreeable to the taftc and fpirit of the age, as " appears in the Cornelian, Caecilian, and Afranian coins. But here the " artift durft not hazard the credit of his work. He knew not who were " the praetors, or raint-mafters, of that year : a legend was a dangerous " thing, it might have difcovered the fraud. Befides, I believe there is *' no fuch imprefs as a Mars galateus on any of the Confular coins ; there *' is certainly none in all Morell's colledlion. Roma galatea was then the ** favourite device : the other is more fuitable to the Imperial than the Con- " fular coins ; and there we find it. Their exadt agreement in weight, and " their entire prefervation, furnifli other objections. It is not very credible, *' that two coins, ftruck almoft 2000 years ago, fhould not have the leaft dit- " ference in their proportional weight, not even half a grain. Befides, the *' weight of them is fo different from the proportion of the Confular Aurei, " that they are not aliquot parts of their gold coins. But let the coins be " what they will, is there any authority for reading the numerals on one *' coin, Sefterces, and on the other, Denarii ? Or is there any inftance, " where the figures VX fignify XV m the Roman arithmetick ? It is con- " trary to the very principles of their numeration : and, upon the whole, " thefe coins have all the appearance of fraud. 6 " But ■ '■^^ MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. " But flill, if we fuppofe them genuine, they are of no ufe in fupport- " ing Harduin's reafons for eftablifhing the authority of the prefent read- " ing. Thefe are two; but neither of them appears to have the leaft " folidity. Firft, he concludes, that Pliny applies this obfervation to the *' old Sefterces, viz. when ten AJfes made a Denarius. But this is abfo- " lutely contrary to Pliny's own account : the Denarius paffed for i6 AJfes " fome years before they coined any gold at Rome : Pliny exprefsly fays, " the Sejlerces that were then in ufe ; and therefore the proportion of two " and a half to four, or of 900 to 1440, [which the two other gentlemen " have fuppofed, p. 553. and p. 557.] is foreign to the purpofe, and not " to be admitted in this computation. Secondly, to come at this propor- *• tion, he begs the queftion, and eflablilhes fuch an exchange as was " never known at Rome, viz. fifteen to one ; and therefore cannot pafs in ** this account : the prefent reading is not to be fupported by fuch reafons " as thefe ; it is quit« indefenlible, and mull be given up." The laft paradox, Phil. Tranf. vol. LXI. p. ^'^e,. that the Libra, which 7veigked but 84 Denarii when Livy wrote, fiould be valued at 100, though thought fo by Salmafius, Gronovius, Smith, and others, is folved by the practice of all nations ; which Mr. Clarke has illuftrated, p. 148. " This difficulty is eaftly removed, and not peculiar either to the Greek *' or Roman ways of reckoning ; for the difference between the pound in " tale and in weight has continued in fome form or other, either by in- *' creafe or diminution, from Solon down to the prefent time. It was " begun and altered jull as the convenience of public bufinefs, the real " exigence of flates, or the feeming intereft of princes, directed and re- " quired. The Greek and Roman pounds in tale were, in the earlier ages, " much heavier than the real pound ufed at the mint ; by degrees they " became fomething lefs ; an incrcmentum was required. Our pound in " tale is a mere nominal thing, very little more than a third of the ori- " ginal and real pound." Again, p. 88, 89. " The pound of iS ounces, or the difference be- " twccn the two commercial pounds of 16 and 18 ounces, is eaftly ac- " counted for : it is the very fame that now fubfifls in our Averdupois " weight. The Averdupois pound is only 16 ounces, the current com- " mercial pound; but the hundred, by which the cuftoms are rated, and " the tradcfmcn buy their goods, is i 12 of thcfc pounds, or, what amounts " to ON (Iir': GREEK AND ROMAN MONEY. ^' to tin- fame thing, a pouml of 18 ovmccs, or cxii to the hundred." And foe pp. 96. 395. 87. 495, 496. I dial! omit any further enquiry into the difTcrcnces bc-r-,vecn this wfr. iiious writer and Mr. Clarke ; but have gone thus far, defigning only to tnention the paffage of I'liny, which was never uiiderltood before, and which Mr. Clarke fcems to have taken a particular nleafurc in difcoverin"- : ,ns appears from his letter to me, which I hope I may be indul'^cd the vanity of iuferting here : " De A R S 1 u , ^ Chichcjhr, Dec. 16, 1 7 6 1 . <' I thank you for finding time and Inclination to read over the papers I ♦' fcnt you ; and am much obliged to you for all the correftions and re- " marks you have made upon them : I approve them all. I was pleafed " to find Harduin's Hiadowy folution of the difficulty in Pliny difappear, " as foon as you examined it. Your objedions are unanfwerable. Ti>e " exchange between gold and filver was not, that I know of, eftimated in ■*' brafs. 'J he Denarius paiied for xvi Affis fome years before the Romans *' coined any gold at all,; and therefore the queftion has nothino- to do ■*' with the relation of 900 to 1440. The Serterces, at the time ookl *' was firll coined, whether in brafs or filver, were jull in the fame pro- *' portion in their currency as tliey were long afterwards. Pliny's words *' fcem to imply this : Seftcriiorurn qui iunc crant (i. s:. in ufi/).. Had lie *' meant a different fort of Sefterces, he had moil probably faid quaks., and ■*' not qui. 1 wonder therefore how it has hajipcnetl, that the exprefTion *' has been fo often, if not always, underflood in fucb a manner as to *' imply fome difference, &c." 27i Upon a Review of the argument, I find three ways l:)efore us of re- moving die difficulty. I. That which Father Harduin advanced^ that the State, by coining gold, gained 900 LL.S. which had been then cur- rent for ten years at 4 AJfes., which were 1440 fuch Sefterces as went be- fore for 2^ JJh : that thefe Seflerces were always meant iu rating the ], where he complains that the Indies and Arabia took away every year from the Roman empire near 30,000,000/. fterling of our money [Ovi- not half a million ?]. Add to this- the great fums of money fent to fo many other provinces, from whence the Romans had " in exchange the moft delicate things that could in any ways " contribute to luxury," according to Sidonius Apollinaris [^]. For all thefe things they paid filvcr and gold, having nothing of the product of their own country to exchange for merchamiizes. Hence it was that the emperours forbad the people to fend gold to the barbarians [r] ; which law was in force before, as appears from Cicero's Oration for L. Flaccus [i] : Exportari aurum non cportcre, cum fatp£ anteafenatus., turn me conjul:, gra- •vijjlme judkavit.. The reafon of this difcouragemi-'Dt gi\en to commerce was, that il carried away their money, and brought them nothing in return but luxury, the bane of virtue and deilrudtion of tnipire. I need not ob- [«] XL 4^. [c] Tuvenal, III. 62. [/>] VI. => [q] Cam. V. 4:. [r] C. 4- 63. i. [:] § 2S. fcrve 273 MISCELLANEOUS TRACT S. fcrvc that, after the conqueft of Afni, all forts of luxury were introduced into Rome, and titterly enervated and overturned an empire, which feemed to be eternal. " Sacvior armis " Luxuria incubuit ; vidumque ulcilcitur orbcmf/]." I cxped: it will be objetted that many paflages of the Iloman law, and of the antient writers, feem to contradidt what is here advanced. We read in Suetonius [_;/'], that the emperour granted great privileges and immuni- ties to fliipbuilders and merchants, particularly that if any trading fhips were cafl away, or damaged by ftorms, the ftate fhould bear the lofs. We alio find in Tacitus [.v] mention made of a conftitution of Nero's, that the fliips of merchants fliould not be entered in the books of rates, nor any culloms paid for them. Lampridius, in the life of Alexander Severus, tells us, that emperour granted to merchants divers immunities. And 'Ulpian[j], fpeaking of a certain privilege granted to merchants, gives this general reafon, becaufe " Navigation is of the grcateft advantage to the «' ftate." In anfwer to this I obferve, that all thefe pafiagcs relate to corn-mer- chants, who imported provifions in their own fliips for the ufc of the city. Claudius gave great and certain advantages to merchants for this reafon : that once, in a time of great fcarcity of provifions, he was ftopt in the Forum by the populace, and fo difagreeably entertained with fcandal and crults of bread, that he with great difticulty got out of their clutches by a back-door ; and from that time he made it his great care and concern to o-ct corn imported even in the winter. The lame Claudius- granted the freedom of the city to him that built a fhip capable of 10,000 tnodii of bread-corn, and had applied it to that fervice for fix years, as Ulpian in- forms us,[s]. And to this may be referred thz feiiatus confuitwn produced in the Digeft [_a\. It is faid that Nero granted privileges and immunities to merchants and traders : but what fort of merchants and traders they were, Scaevola [/;] informs us, viz. fuch as built fliips for the importation of corn, capable of 30, coo 7hodii. So long as they were employed in that fervice, or others in their room, fuch perfons were exempted from public cjficcs. It is certain [/] Juven. VI. Sat. 292. {11'] '^laud. § 18. [a-] XIII. Anna), c,. i. [_yVD. 14. I. I. 20. [:::] Tit. HI. 6. [«] D. 47. 9. 3. 8. [/.] D. 50. i;. 3. that ON THE COMMERCE OF THE ROMANS. 279 that this privilege granted by Nero extended to none but the traders for corn, as appears Iroin Tacitus [cj. The occafioii of this conititution wc learn from Suetonius [_d^, where he fays the populace were highly incenfed agauifl that enipcrour, becaufe, in a time of great fcarcity, a lliip from Alexandria, inllcad ot com was laid to have brought nothing i)Ut a cargo of di/Jl for the court-wreitlers. The fame may be faid of the immunities granted by Alexander Sevcrus. They extended only to corn-merchants, as appears from Calliftr.nu3 [/], who lived in that emperour's time, and Paulus \fl, to whofc counfel Se- verus jiaid a very great regard, and from Ulpian [^1, who was in good re- pute with that cmpcrour. Thefc corn traders were likevvife a corporation^ which enjoyed many privileges and immunities [/jj, which to entitle them- felves to, they were obliged either to navigate fliips in perfon, or to cm- " ploy the greatcfl part of their fubftance in the corn trade. The fame immunities were granted to the fame fort of people by the tmperour Conftantine, ' as appears from a whole title of the Theodofian code[/\ This law feems to have been made, that the city of Conftanti- nople, which Conflantine had built about Jour years before, might be the more readily fupplied with provifions. From what has been fald it' appears that thefe privileges were granted in favour of the corn trade, and extended no farther. But It may be afked, why fo many provifions made, and encouragements given, for the importa- tion of corn ? I anfwer, the Roman territory did not produce fufhcicnt for ' the fuftcnance of fo great a number of inhabitants, for which reafon it was imported from Sardinia, Sicily, Africa, and Spain [/• |. At firft the Aediles diftributed corn at a very low price, in procefs of time gratis. Clodlus was the author of a law by which corn was to be diftributed to the people gratis ; nor was the expence of it fmall. Plutarch tells us, that in Cato's time there were fpcnt in that comimodity 1250 talents. Julius Caefar, after the conqueft of Africa, imported 1,200,000 bufhels for the \\{c of the people. A bufhcl weighed ordinarily about 25 pounds. P.. Victor relates that Auguuus imported yearly from Aegvpt 20 000,000 builiels ; double the quantity was fcnt from Africa, as Jofephus informs uf .. In the times of the empcrour Jullinlan, 8,ooo,cco bufliels were carried [.] XIII. Antial. 51. [d] Ner. § 45. [r] C. 50, 6. 5. 3. [/] D. 50. 5. 9. i.. [^J D. 14. I. I. f/j] r..3. 4. I. [/] cli; Naviculanis. {k\ Tnci>. Xli. Annal. Plin. i'aneg. 6 from. • 28o MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. from Aegypt to Conftantinople [/]. Of fo great concern was the provifion of bread-corn, that Augurtus, finding in the granaries but enough far three days, determined to kill himfelf by poifon, had not the corn fleets arrived frora the provinces within that fpace of time. I have but little to fubjoin to thefc iuft rcfledlions, which I have here prefented to the public for the firft time. I would only add, that every branch of the Roman hiflory and charafter juftlfies the truth of thefe ob- lervations. A people of foldiers, whofe trade was their fword, and whofe fword fupplied all the advantages of trade ; who brought the treafures of the world into their own exchequer, without exporting any thing but their own perfenal bravery ; who raifed the public revenues, not by the culture of Italy, but by the tributes of provinces ; who had Rome for their Man- fion, and the world for their Farm ; a people, I fay, of this difcipline and conftltution, could have no leifure to fet forwar] Ad -\tt. I. i. [.;J Tunftall, p. 35. 4to. NOTES ON MIDDL ETON'S LIFE OF CICERO. 293 4to. I. 146. 8vo. I. 154. Cicero's father died this year, on the 24th of November, and wanted but the addition of one year more to have made him witncfs of the glory of his Confulfhip. It was in this year alfo, moft probably, that Cicero gave his daughter Tullia in marriage, at the age of thirteen, to C. Pifo Frugi. — It is certain, at lead, his fon was born in this fame year, as he ex-, preffly tells us, L. Julio C^efare et C Marcio Figulo Coff. Ad Attic. I. 2.] Not one of thefe fads happened in this important year. The daughter was married three years earlier, as we have feen before, trom Ep. ad Att. . L 3. writ when Pifo and Glabrio were confuls, U. C. 686. " TuUiolam " C. Pifoni, L. F. Frugi defpondimus." The death of his father is mentioned Ep. VI. where Manutius exprefsly guards againft Pedianus's error, which -yet Dr. M. follows, " hanc epiflo- " lam fcripfit multo ante petitionem confulatus." The death of the father- is mentioned in the next letter to that which tells us of Lucius's death, Ep. V. which was writ Metello et Marcio CofT. A. U. C. 685. and was dif- tant from it about three months, not three years, as Dr. M. I. 117.. 4tOi. L 123. 8vo, So that the father wanted above three years to be a witnefs of the glory of the fon's Confulfhip. Laftly, the fon, how exprefsly foever he is faid to be born when L. Cse- far and Marcius Figulus were Coff. was undoubtedly born fome months fooner. For he mentions, in that very letter, his intended defence of Ca- tiline, which was while Cotta and Torquatus were Coff. who were the predeceffors of C. Czefar and C. Marcius. \^'hat then are we to do with t\\^ exprefs teftimony of Cicero? Only by Coff. underftand Co/f. dcftgnati, and the difficulty is removed. So vi. 8. Lentu/o Co/, i. e. defignato. Orat. Phil. xiv. c. 3. Bellum inexpiabile infat quatuor Coff. i. e. Hirtius and Panfa, Confuls ; Brutus and Plancus, Confuls eledl. Here again Botius on the place guards againft this error, which has deceived the Dodtor^ *' non tempus notat, quo illi inirunt, fed quo defignati funt ; idque apertius " oftendit ex iis, qua; mox fubjicit de inftituta defenfione Catilina;, &C,'! Tunftall, p. 9, ID, II. 4to. I. 190. 8vo. I. 199. Cato accufed Murena of bribery, yet connived at the fame time at the other Conful, Silanus, who had married his fifter, though equally guilty . with ^94 MISCELLANEOUSTRACTS. with his colleague] Cato declared in the Comitia before the people, that be would file a bill againjl any one that Jl^ould give money ^ whoever he be, ex- cept Silanus, on account of the relationjhip between the?n\j-~\. "Which was fair and open ; and Ihews withal, that he had not baniJJjcd, as Dr. M. fays, 4to. II. 163, 8vo. II. 34.7. all the foftcr affections, as natural enemies to jujiice, and as fuggejiing falfe motives of a£iing, from favour, clemcntj, and com- pajjhn. Tunflall, p. 138. 4to. I. 253. 8vo. I. 263. Upon which the Consuls were ordered to provide a law for bringing Clodius to a trial before the people. But Q^ Fufius Calenus, one of the Tribunes, fupported by all the Clodian faction, would not permit the law to be oftered to the fuffrage of the citizens. This raifed a great ferment, Hortenfius propoled an expedient, which was accepted by both parties, that the Tribune Fufius Ihould publijli a law for the trial of Clodius by the Pr^tor with a select bench of judges.] Here Dr. M. follows Manutius, in fuppofing that the trying Clodius before the people is what the Senate propofed : which appears from Cicero's words to be quite otherwife. The affair of Clodius, he tells us, being laid before the Senate, it was referred to the priefts to enquire into the crime, who having made their report, that they had found it to be of a very heinous nature, dcinde ex S. C. confules rcgatidnem promulgarunt \_s~\. What that rogalio was appears exprefsly in the next epiftle : " Fufius in concionem produxit Pompeium, " quzefivit ex eo, placeretne ei judices a Pr.5;tore legi, quo confilio " idem Prietor uterctur. id autem erat de Clodiana religione ab senatu " conftitutum." Here we fee, that the trial of Clodius by the Pr^tor with a Seled Bench of Judges, is what the Senate decreed fliould be propofed to the people, and what the Tribune and the friends of Clodius were averfe to, knowing that the higher the quality of the judges, the lefs likely they were to be tampered with, and brought over to fide with Clodius, — How- ever, it will be urged, it is certain the Senate did not carry their point, and yet Clodius was not tried before the peopk\j~\. True, nor did either party propofe it. The expedient of Hortenfius (which they came into) was, that, whereas the Senate propofed Clodius Ihould be tried, as in extraor- dinary cafes, by the Praetor and fuch as he fhould chufc for his coaffclTors, [1] riut. ia Cato. T. p. 138. in not. [jJ Ad Att. 1. 13. [t] MiJd. I. 116. the NOTES ON MIDDLETON'S LIFE OF CICERO. 295, the trial fliould be before the Prstor and r\\c Jiated ordinary judge;, who, according to the Aurelian law, confiftcd of three ranks of men, defcribcd in the prefcnt cafe to be " maciilofi Senatores, nudi Equites, Tribuni non *' tarn erati, quam erarii [//] :" This latter kind of trial, fays Cicero, differed nothing from the oti.n-r, except in the quality of the judges ; but in that was every thing. Tunftall, p. 28, 29. Perhaps it would be too minute to obferve, that the term which Dr. M. ufes of the Senate's ordering the Confuls to provide a law for bringing Clodius to a trial, and the Tribune's publijlnng a law, &:c. very much ob- fcure the Englifh reader's idea of the Roman proceedings. By the former he might think that 'the Confuls were ordered todrmvvp a law, and by the latter, that the Tribunes publijhed what was before enadted. But the cafe was no more than this : It is well known, that before a law could pafs it was to be propofed to the people, thence termed liogatio ; and the people teftified their confent by a ballot, on which was infcribed t^ti roga,. and their diflent by another infcribed antiquo. Now here the Conful's providing a law, and the Tribune's publijhing another, is no more in Cicero than the Rogatio, the Propofal, of one and th-e other for the trial-of Clodius by zfelell ]\iXY, or by a common one. And after all, it is not true that Fufius Calenus, the Tribune, hindered ihe Itnv from being offered to the juffrage of the citizens. The matter was agitated feveral times in the Senate [.v] : " In Senatu adta res efl : con— " curfu OPTIMATIUM comitia dimiffa funt." Fufius, as Tribune, had in- deed fuch a power of interpofmi in the decrees of the Senate, called Intcr^ ceffto; but we do not find he made ufe of it : He only took out Pompcy from the Senate, to declare to the people, in condone, what he thought of the Senate's propofal, as Dr. M. himfelf mentions afterwards, p. 275. But even at the laft, when that houfe divided upon the queftion about trial by Seled Judges. '* Fufius tr. pi. confulibus ccffit." Ep. iv. T. p. 33. 4to. I. 256., 8vo. I. 266. Plutarch fays, Cicero was urged on to oppofe Clodius againfi; his will, by the importunity of his wit~jea!ous of Clodius" s filler, whom fhe fuf- pedted of fome defign to get Cicero from her. The fiory does not feem improbable; for, before the trial, Cicew owns himfelf to be growing [«] Midd. I. i6. [a:] Ad Att.XlV. I. 4 every 2^6 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. every day more cool and indifferent about it.] But does not Cicero affign a better reafon of his coolnefs ; becaufe, when he found the method of trial, which Hortenfius propofcd, to take place, he forefaw all the evidence in the world would be fruitlefs ? It was upon this, he tells us, " contraxi " vela, perfpiciens inopiam judicum ; neque dixi quicquam pro teftimo- " nio, nifi quod erat ita notum atque teftatum ut non poflem pr^terire." Ep. XVI. The Dodtor here gives up his hero with as little reafon as he fometimes magnifies him. Tunflall, p. 30. 4to. I. 258. 8vo. I. 268. But what has a clown of Arpinum to do at the Hot Wells ? Aflc that friend of yours, replied Cicero, who had a month's mind to yon Arpinum clozvn — alluding to his filter Clodia, who had been trying all arts to tamper with Cicero to put away Terentia, and to take her.] " Quid, inquit, ho- " mini Arpinati cum aquis calidis ? narra, inquam, patrono tuo, qui Arpi- " nates [1. Arpinatis] aquas concupivit. Nofti enim Marianas [1. Mario- " nas] [j]." Say that to your patron Crajfus, who ivanted the baths of a certain perfon at Arpinum ; you have heardy I fuppofe, of Marim^s baths. This Marcus Craffus was a friend of Clodius, who by bribery got him ac-. quitted at his trial. By the favour of Sylla's profcription he wanted to get feveral polfeffions ; among the reft, the baths that belonged to Marius at Baiaj, which Plutarch mentions. To this Cicero alludes [z] : " Ibi fum, *' ubi is, qui optimas Baias habebat, quotannis hoc temporis confumere '* folebat." Which Dr. M. tranflates [a], / am^ where he, who had the bejl houfe at Baia, chafe to be in this part of the year. As if he was then living. No, where he, who had chose to be, meaning Marius then dead. Tunftall, p. 32. 4to. I. 260. 8vo. I. 270. M. Pupius Pifo, Conful — favouring neither the popular nor the ariflo- cratical party.] Much too mild a character. " Nihil agens cum Repub- " lica, fejuniflus ab optimatibus." Ep. I. 13. ASling nothing with the RepuhUc, and yel of a feparate interejl from the Optimatcs. No idle indif- ferent, but one who joined with the enemies to both. " Voluntate ita " KoiK:yJ-^s, ut Pompeiuni poll illam concionem, cpia ab cofc?iatuj laitdatus Ij] Att. 1. 16. [^] Att. XII. 40. [,/] II. 18.:. 369. NOTES ON MIDDLETON'S LIFE OF CICERO. ^97 g/?, odifle ccepcrit. Itaque mirum in modum omnes a fe bonos alicnavlt, neq'ue id magis amicitia adduftus Clodii fecit quam ftudio perditarum re- rum atque partium. Ep. 14. T. p. 34. 4to. I. 263. 8vo. I. 273. The Senate pafled a Decree, that Pompey on all feftival days fliould wear his General's robe — and in the Equeftrian Races— his triumphal habit : an honour which when he had once ufed, to Ihew his grateful fenfe of it, he ever after prudently declined, Sec] And yet Cicero tells us I. 18. a year after this triumph, " Pompeius " togulam illam piftam filentio tuetur fuam :" which feems to imply that he had this robe on, and with a fecret complacence too. If he did not wear it oftener, it was more owing to a defire of popularity, tlian a principle of gratitude. I. p. 39. 4to. I. 264. 8vo. I. 276. Pompey and Cicero's feeming union was fo generally agreeable to the city, they were both of them conftantly clapped, whenever they appeared in the theatre, without a hifs from any quarter.] But this circumftance of being clapped Cicero fpeaks of himfelf only, I. 16. " Nofler flatus eft hie *' apud bonos. lidem fumus, quos reliquifti, apud fordem urtis et fecem, *' multo melius quam reliquifti." — He then fpeaks of the advantage he re- ceived in being thought to be in Pompey's efteem. It gave him an afcen- dant over his enemies, who were wont to turn it into ridicule, and to call Pompey Cnseus Cicero. " Itaqtte et ludis et gladiatoribus mirandos sV^cnj- *' yMo-txi fine uUa paftoritia fiftula auferebamus." He is magnifying his own popularity, not Pompey's. T. 35. Dr. M. proceeds — Yet Cicero eafily difcovered that Pompey's outward civility was but feigned and artificial, that he was full of envy within, and had no good intentions towards the public, nothing candid or fincere, nothing great, generous, or free in him. J This from Ep. 13. " Tuus au- •' tern ille amicus (fcin' qucm dicem, de quo tu ad me fcripfifti, pofteaquam *' non auderet reprehendere, laudare ccpifTc) nos, ut oftcndit, admodum di- " ligit — aperte laudat; occulte, fed ita ut perfpicuum fit, invidet ; nihil " come, nihil fimplex, nihil Iv roig srcXutKctg honcftum, nihil illuftre, nihil " forte, nihil liberum." This is luppofed by Dr. M. and indeed by all the commentators, to be a notion of Pompey ; which yet Mr. T. obfervcs is O q impoffiblc ; 298 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. iinpoflible ; for Pompey was not yet arrived in the city after his return from the Mithridatic war ; his firft appearance there being mentioned in the next epiftle ; at leaft he could not have been fo long arrived as to have given Atticus in Greece an opportunity of hearing of his tranfaftions, and obferving upon them pojleaqiiarn non atideret rcprebendere, laudare cxpiffe. . But all thefe reflections fall exadtly on HorleBftus. Cicero was before fpeaking of the- aifair of Clodius, not knowing what turn it would take, and had reafon to think Hortenfius privately efpoufed the favourable fide, as it appeared afterwards he did : " Vereor ne hac negledta a bonis, ** defenfa ab improbis, magnorum reip. malorum caufa fit." Then follows, " tuus autem ille amicus." T. p. 37. 4to. L 268. 8vo. L 278. Before Quintus Cicero went to take pofleflion of his Province, He earn- eftly prefled Atticus, whofe filler he married, to go along mth him as one of his lieutenants ; and refented his refufal fo heinoiijly, that Cicero had no fmall trouble to make them friends.] The quarrel was not now firfl: com- menced, but was an old family one, which the reader had as much right to be acquainted with, as of this renewal, of it. Quintus and his wife Pomponia, who was Atticus's fifter, had but 111 agreed for a long while, _ even from before the birth of Quintus the fon. [" De fratre, confido efle, " ut fcmper volui et elaboravi. Multa figna funt ejus rei non minimum, ^ " quod foror prasgnans eft."] When fhe was big with him, Cicero was in hopes her being fo was a fign of their agreement, and to be a means to confirm it [/<]. In the letter which the Doftor has given us, Cicero ftill hints at it : IVhere the blame of all this lies, it is eaftcr for me to imagine, than to write ; being afi'aid left, zvhile I am excufing my own, I fhould be too fever e upon yours. . Ad Att. I. 17. It come at laft to a divorce. " Quintus de cmcndo nihil " curat hoc tempore. Satis cnim torquctur debitionc dotis — A ducenda " autemuxore hie abhorret, ut libero Icdo ncget eflTe quidquam jucundlus." ' Ad Att. xiY. 13. T. p. 179. 180. 4to. I. C77. 8vo. I. 287. Ckero now finifiied in the Greek language, and in the flyle and manner of Ifocrates, Memoirs of his Confulfliip.] Cicero defcribes it in much- a^ore, boafting terms [(]: *' Mcus autem IJbcr totum Ifocratis /AUfoS^K/ov,. {/] Fp. 1. 10. ["] Ad Att. II. I. ** atc^ue NOTES ON MIDDLETON'S LIFE OF CICERO. 29) " atquc ejus dlfcipulorum arculas, ac nonnihil etiam Ariftotelica pigments, *' confuinpfit." My booky the very quinteffence of IfocraieSi has robbed all the treafures of thofe that have Jlole?ifrom him feme of the colourings of Jirijtotle [d']. In another place : If there is any thing written by man that exceeds it, let that' have all pojjible praifes, and let my work have none [e]. Dr. M. adds afterwards — What he fays in excufe for taking that taflc upon himfelf, is, that it was not a panegyric, but a hiftory : which makes our lofs of it the greater. This is not urged in excufe for his undertaking the work, but for his fpeaking of it in the boafling terms above cited ; *' quamquam nou lyKoiuacgmci funt hasc, fed l^^oor/A quje fcribimus [/]•" 4to. I. 290. 8vo. I. 302. In finding fault with my windows, you condemn the inftitution of Cyrus [the Architect], for when I made the fame obje^ilion, Cyrus told me that tht profpeH of the fields did not appear to have advantage through larger lights.] A wrong interpretation, ow ing to a falfe reading ; " Cum ego idem " ifthuc dicerem, Cyrus aiebat, vi radiorwn [not viridariontni] hccpda-Hs latis *' luminibus non efle tam fuavcs. Etenim i'guj o-^is ^h •// a., tc 11 oi^ij-iv /3y. *' dnfiv^i 5s 5. /x; J. Vides enim. Cetera. Nam fi, kcct nlolihcv l-rflujKHg vide- *' remus,valde laborarent hIcajKk in anguftiis." — The li!,picureans' maintained, that vifion was performed by rays coming from the obje(9:; Cyrus the architedl, following the philofophy of Empedocles, fuppofed that it was by rays from the eye. Windows, fays he, with broad lights are not fo plea/ant, by reafon of the force of the rays from the eye. For let u be the fight,; 6, y the objedt; §, i the rays [j^ ]. *TIs much Dr. M. fliould overlook this, when both Vidtorius and Manutius read radiorum for vipidarioium, and fo explain the paflage. 4to. I. 291. 8vo. I. 504. Bibulus, who was an Augur too, fint notice to Pompey, that he was ob- serving the heavens, and taking the aufplces, during which fundlion it was illegal to tranfadt any bufinefs with the people.] This is obferved, to prove the illegality of Clodius's tribunefliip. But this fending notice to Pompey does not feem to be a legal method of ftoppi-ng any .proceeding by the aufpices. The Augur was to be prcfent upon the fpot, wherever the af- [./] Ad Att. I. 19. [f] T. p. 103. [/] Ad Att. 11. 3. [^] T. p. S^i 'Q^q 2, ■ femblj' . 300 M I S C E L L A N E O U S T R A C T S. fembly was held, as appears from iv. 3. where we fee Milo with great joy going from the Campus Mariius to the Forum, and from the Forum £0 the Campus- Martias, to prevent any thing pafling in either affembly [_/P, 4to. I. 293. 8vo..r. 305. That no injury or diminution fliould be done to the dignity of religiouj rites of either family.^ It is hard to fay what the Author means. It could not be fuppofed, that a Patrician's being adopted by a Plebeian could injure x\\c family he left, or a Plebeian being adopted by a Patrician could affcdl the family he came into. Dr. M. would fay probably, that a Patrician could not be adopted by a Plebeian. But that is a miftake : it was not a circumftance alledged againft Clodius, th^t. ]\q could 7iot be adopted, but. that he aded by collufion, and did not keep to. the laws of adoption.. Adoptioncm fcquebatur h^reditas nominis,.,pccu7iiiS, ^ facrorum, {^ys Cicero < prO'Domo, c. 13* Now Clodius, he obferves, when adopted by Fontcius, did not take his name (.2), did not become his heir (3), did not quit his-- ewn family, and become one of the father's family that adopted him. Dr. M. p. 306, urges as an obftacle to this adoption, that he was afenatov. cf the noblejl birth in Rome,. In which,, as well as Joannes Corrafius, hs confounds two different tilings, birth- right and nobilit}'. The rights o£ birth were loH by adoption, but not nobility. Nobifu was oppofed to/r/V iialus : Palridus to P/ebeius.. He might be a Senator, though adopted by a Plebeian, but he would ceafe to be a Patrician. Cicero obfcrves liimfelf, that by this means iti would come to pafs, ut- nemo pairicius rf- linquatiir, ut populus.Rom, brevi tempore ncque regcm Sacronim,Jicque Flaminesy neque Salios, ^c. habeat, Thefe honours belonged only to Patricians. It is farther obfervable, that Cato maintained the validity of Clodius's Tri-, bunate[;l, though he difliked many of the laws which were pafled while it lafted ; which is a^ proof th;rt the adoption of a' Patrician into the fa- mily of a Plebeian- was not a thing null in itfelf [it] ;. though the man- ner of obtaining that adoption and conforming to it might be contrG■^ verted. A like inftance may be feen among the Greeks in If [.] Midd; p. 367. \k] Thi:rc aie inflances of it. I'.Scip'i', a Patricinn, was adopted by O. M]," Lacry mas meorum " me ad mortem ire prohibucrunt," which the Doftor applies only to his taking up arms againft Clodius. Thus he fpeaks in the fame ftrain, when in banifhnient, of his rcfolution to kill himfelf, if he was not reftrained by the tears of his friends. Ep. ad Att. III. 1 9. " Si Epirus prscifa erit, nuf- ** quam facilius hanc miferrimam vitam vel fuftentabo, vel, quod multo eft *• melius, abjecero. Sed quoniam coeptum eft, non deferam neque optimi *' atque unici fratris miferas atque ludtuofos preces. Sic." See Ep. ad Q^ Fr. I. 3.4. ad Att. III. 3. 4. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 16. 19. &c. It is much this Author fliould not fee fomewhat of this deliberation, which is fo often hinted at in the Letters.- 4to. L 3^0. 8vo. I. 368. Cicero left Rome about the end of March, for o!i the 8th of Af^ril we find him at Vibo, where he fpent feveral days with a friend named Sica.J Cicero never came to VibOyOr: fpcnt any days with his friend Sica. " Non ** habebam," ftys he, " locum ubi raeo jure diutius effe poffem, quam in fun- ** dum Sica :" I had no more liberty of continuing at any particular place, than at my friend Sica's. And Plutarch, in the Life of Cicero, remarks, p. 877, that this Vibius Siculus, thence called Sica, -cw/ft; ^h ix. ^^'-^0:70, to %u}piov Si yMraypx-^Hv eTTYifyeKiTO, did 7iot receive him into bis own houfe, but' PROMISED to procure another for him. He defires Atticus indeed to meet him at Vibo, III. 4. But in the next letter he acquaints him that he had altered his rcfolution of going thither : " Miferi^e noftr^ potius velim " quam inconstanti."E tribuas, (|uod a Vibone, quo te arccftebamus, " fubilo difcejjlmus,^' Not that he was departed from Vibo, but had changed his refolution at going thither. So Ep. 26. " Poft tuum a me difceffum." After your cbanjre of mind of coming to ?;/r, -which exprellioa has again de- ceived the Dodor,, p. 377. 4to. Cicero's rout feems to have been fnft to \j>] Ad Atr. X.- 4. the-- jo4 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. the w-ood-fide at the River Nar, from whence he dates to Attlcus at his departure, April 8 f j ]. But, with fubmiffion, this metaphorical fenfe of difcejfus wants a farther proof; for otherwife it is hard to conceive that Difcejfus a me, means only a mcrrtal departure. Befides, to fupport Mr. T's interpretation, we mud carry on the metaphor, for in the fame Ep. ad Att. III. 4. it follows, Ne et Sica, apud qi'em eram, periret ; i. e. At whofe houfe I was not in reality, but intended to be. 4^0. L 373. 4- 8vo. I. 394. The eight Trib'unes, who were Cicero's friends, offered a law to the people, the third claufe of which enadted, That if there was any thing in it, which was prohibited to be promulgated by any former law, partial' hrly by that ofClodius, or which involved the author of fuch promulgation xn any fine or penalty, that in fuch cafe it Jhould have no effefl, Cicero was furpri/.ed that his friends could be induced to propofe fuch an adt, which feemcd to be againft him, and to confirm that claufe of the Clodian law, ivhich made it penal to move any thing for him. The moll probable folution, Sec. -3 Cautious as Cicero's friends were, they were not fo weak withal as to coii' firm In exprefs terms the very law of Clodius, which they propofed to refcind. While they only made this law of theirs void, with an ex- ception to its not being contrary to any former law, there was a latitude- left to prove hereafter that Clodius's was no law : But, to let the excep- tion rcll: fo far as to fay, if it is contrary particularly to that of Clodius, was annulling in terms, as I faid, the very law they propofed. Sec then the original : " Si quid in hoc rogatione fcriptum ell, quod per leges, Ple- ** bifve S. C. \_hoc efl, quod per legem Clodiam promulgare, abrogare, derogare, *' abrogare fine fraude fua non liceat'] non licuerit, — ejus hac lege nihil ro- ** gatur." Where Malafplna was at a lofs to know why, in a pviblic adl where propriety is always obfervcd, it Is not called, inllcad of the Clodian, the Fontciiin law, fince Clodius was adopted at the making it into that fa- mily. But Briffonius clears up the difficulty, by obferving that the words Hoc efl, quod, &c. — Uccat, are Cicero's glofs, added by him to Ihew yjiore glaringly the abfurdity of his friend's exception. T. 91. [ f 3 Ad Att. III. 2. 4to. I. NOTES ON MIDDLETON'S MFE OF CICEP.O. 305 4to. I. 377. 8vo. I. 398. Attlcus, inftead ol" anfwcring this letter, or rather indeed before he re- ceived it, having occafion to vifit his eflate at 1 .pirus, took his way through Dyrrachium, on purpofc to fee Cicero.'] This interview is built on a paf- fage in Ep. ad Alt. III. 25. " poft tuum a me difccffum," which ^ir. T. as we have obferved before, fays bears a different fenfe ; and faves us trom the abfurdity of imagining that Atticus, from December 10, the date of Ci- cero's laft letter, had come from Rome to Dyrrachium, and after fome flay with him had left him, with a promife of paying him another vifit by the •firft of January, for foEp. 25. " Des operam, illud quod mihi affirmafli, ut *' te anteCal. Jan. ubicunque erimus fiftas." T. p. 90. P. Manutius faw the difficulty, and propofes to read without " a me," andGravius " a noflris," after your leaving our friends at Rome. 4to. I. 4T0, 411. 8vo. II. II. Cicero's Palatine houfe, which Clodius had contrived to alienate, as he hoped, irretrievably, by demolifhing the fabric, and dedicating a temple upon the area to the Goddefs Liberty ; where— he pulled down alfo the adjoining Fortico of Catului, that he might build it up anew, of the fame order with his temple. — When he had finilhed the portico, and annexed his temple to it, which took up fcarce a tenth part of Ciccrd's houfe, he left the reft of the area void, in order to plant a grove, or walks of pleafure, plans of tvalks, and gardens quite imaginary [r].] i. In the firfl: place, though Clodius pulled down the portico of Catulus, we have no proof in the world that he rebuilt it. 1. This Temple of Liberty, which Ci- cero's houfe makes room for, was no more than a \\X.x\& fhr'ine to that God- defs, wherein her image was placed, called by Cicero himfelf an Altar, Orat. pro domo c. 46. and by Plutarch & Dio vkoc, of the nature and ufe of which fee Hammond on Aft. xix. 24. Thefe chaplets went under va- rious denominations; being fometlmes ftiled monumenia znAfeptdchia, from their likenefs to them, Orat. pro domo c. 37. and fometimes Teinpla. " Cum- '•' que id quod dabatur, non effet interiturum, fed in ornamentis Templi futu- '.' rum — tamen — id — accipiendum non putavi." Ep. ad Q^Fr. i. i. 3. As we interfperfe a wildernefs in a map with trees, fo .nine parts, that were ['•J T. p, 84. R r not 3a6 M I S C E L L A M E O U S T R A C 1* S. not built upon, are deftined by the Do*5tor to groves or walks of pleafure. But Clodius Ibid them. " Clcdius vendidit, emit, quod, conjiinita Poft- •' humii nren, in Palatio, pulcherimo profpedtu, porticum cum conclavibus *' paviraentaturn trecentum pedum concupierat,ampliffimum periftylum[ij.^ 4to. I. 411. 8vo. II. 12. The affair [of reftoring to Cicero bis houfe] was to be determined by the COLLEGE of Priefts, who were the judges in cafes relating to religion— he reckons up xix by name.] From hence one would think that the col- lep-e of nricils confifted of x:x at leaft ; whereas they confided of xv from the time of Sylla. 2. Nor were the college of priejh the folc judges, fcr Cicero in the place cited de Harufp. refp. c. 6. enumerates xix judges pre- fent at the trial ; of whom xiii were of the college of greater priefts, and two Flamines, and one rex Jacroritm, and laftly three of the lejfer priejfs i as follows : P. Lxntulus. C. Fanniiis. P. Scrvilius. " M. Lepidus. M. Lucullus. L^ Clodius rex facroruffi. Man. Glabrio. M. Craflus.. M. Meffalla. C. Curio. L. Lcniului Fltim, Sex/. Cj'far. Flam. ^ir. Dial. P. Cornelius ^ T, ^ ,, 1-, .,1- I Pontincea P. Galba. 1 . Albinovanus > ^ o • • r^ T- .• Minores. <^ScipiQ. Q^Terentius J Two therefore of the college of priefls were abfent, who were Jiil.Cafar Pont Maximus, [Sec Veil. Pat. 1. ii. & Cief. Bell. liv. 1. iii. c. 83.J and Fiilvius Natta, fon of Sempronia, and brother of Fulvia, who was wife of C'.lodius. The Po7itiJices minores were not of the college of priefls ; any juore than the Flamines, three of whom were at firfl: appointed by Numa, viz. to Mars, Jupiter, and Romulus. Afterwards each God had'his F/a/w//.. •See Norisj Cenotaph. Pifan. Difl. i. c. 5. 4to. I. 419. Z\o. II. 1 3, 19. The Senate Wict next day, when Marcellinus, one of the confuls clciH", aiUlrcflfed himfcif to the priefls, and defired them to give an account of the grcund 1 >ui meaning of ti ir fentence in relation to Cicero's houfe..] *'"Q«]id eflVnt in dcccrnei.do ftcuti" — i. c. " on what part of the caufe they " had NOTES ON MIDDLETON'S LIFE OF CICERO. 307 *' 'had given their dccifion," whether as it was a matter of religion, or 95 matter of law [jj. 4to. I. 118. 8vo. IF. p. 24. The Senate met, on the fourteenth, to take thefe diforders into confide- ration, Clodius did not think fit to appear there; but 6ylla cavw, to clear h'lmfelf probably from the fufpicion of encouraging him in thefe violences.] The common reading here all agree to be in fome degree corrupt. ^ Flaccus eduxlt v'nos acres — fed ilk [Clodius] fe in interioretn cediutn — Sull^-Ej fe in Senatu pojlridie Idus, domi Clodius, egiegius Marccllinus, onirics acres. Ad Att. IV. 3. Gra;vius makes no other alteration than reading Sulla se, according to which Sulla came to the Senate, but not Clodius ; and yet it follows ; Ille pojlca, ft com'itia non fierent, uvbe minari : where and when were thofe threats of Clodius, but in the Senate, when his friends omnes acres were there too ? To reconcile all this, Mr. T. very ingenioufly reads, Sed ille fe in interiorem adiuin Sylla:. Se ni Senatum pofindie promit Clodius, T. p. 89, 4to. I. 424. 8vo. II. 24. The Senate met on the fourteenth. Milo declared, that as long as he con- tinued in office, the conful Metellus fliould make no eledlion.] Milo did not declare, but writ his opinion, and not in the Senate. " Sextius furere — *' propofita [in tabula] Marcellini fententia, quam ille de fcripto ita dix- " erat ut — omnia comitiis anteferret, profcripfit fe peromnes dies comitiales '' de coelo fervaturum [/]." — Sextius Milo, the Tribune, tvas enraged, and having read the opinion of Macellinus in writing; ivherein he preferred my caufe and every thing that related to it to the holding the tomitia for the eled.ing Clodius, he writ underneath [on the fame tablet] that he zvas deter- mined to take the aufpices every day the affcmbly was to meet, to prevent their meeting. T. p. 69. 4to. I. 428. 8vo. II. 29. The Tribune Cato, who was perpetually inveighing againft keeping Gladiators, had lately brought up a band of them. — Being unable to maintain lliem, he was contriving to pait with them without noife. — Milo £.] T. p. 88. [.'] Ad Att. iv. 3. R r 2 got 30& M I S C E L L A !n' E O U S TRACTS. got notice of it — employed a perfon to buy them. And then Raciiius^, another Tribune, pull-'hed a procLirnation that Cato's family of Gladiators was to be fold by puftlon.j The joke half loft by putting in the word Glruiiatoi-5, which fpoils the aoubk entendre ^-fe projcripjit fa'niliam Cato^ r.iancm i-endituruni [«], That Cato's foiiiiiy ivat to be fold; which might be underAood that he was gone off, and had left his goods to be fold by one of his brother Tribunes. T. p. 93. 4.to. I. 428. 8vo. II. 29. Lupus, in his fpcech for annulling the a which, after a folemn confecration of Religion, was now rendered profane, Clodius charging all the difpleafure of the Gods to Cicero's account, who affedted nothing lefs than a tyranny and the opprefiion of their Liberties.] The Decree of the Augurs Clodius would not underftnnd to be againft him ; therefore exhorts the people to follcv him, and defend his Liberty ; Hortatur iit fe — jcqiuntur, ct fuam hiiERTATHM ut defendant. Orat. pro domo, c. 77. T. p. S^. 4to. I. 462. 8vo. II. 66. Cicero fccms to have corapofed a little poem about this time [U. C. 697.] in compTiment to Cfefar, and excufed his not fending it to Atticus, becaufc Cn;far prefled to liave it, and he had referved no copv.] In proof of this is cited Ep. ad Art- IV. ;. " Urgebar ab eo, ad qucm mifi, et non habe- " b:im exemplar, &c." and cd Qiiint. II. 15. " Scribis poema ab eo ■" nollrum proliari." The paliage in Ep. ad Att. relates quite to another tbinor^ and the Ep. ad Quintum to .".nother ti?ne. The piece mentioned in the Ep. ad Ate. whether an oration or difiertaticn, was wrote probably in favour of Pompey, and againft the Optimates, particularly Hortenfius, with whom Cicero had fome cnmirv. The letter is altorcther bv way of [/J Ad Att. v. 4. obiicfVion NOTES ON MiDDLETON'S LIFE OF CICERO. 311 objeiftion and anfwer, which, bocaufe Dr. M. and other commentators have not quite underfiood, I Ihall give the grcateil part ol" it : " Ain' tu ? an '* me exilHinas ab uUo malle mea Icgi probariqne quam a to ? Cur igitur *' ciiiqiiam miji prius ? Urgebar ab co ad <|ucm mifi. Et non habebain cxcm- '* plar ? quidf Etiam (dudum enim rodo quod devorandum eft) lubturpi- *' cula mihi videbatur effe x^ciKivuVtci. S:d valeant verUy reHa, honejia con- '^ /ilia. Non eft credibilc, quae fit pcrfidia in Iftis principibLis, ut volunt *' cfle, et ut elFent fi quicquaui habcrent fidci. Senlcram, noram, indudli.!-, *• relidlus, proiedlus ab iis — Vix aliquando te auitorc vefipivi. Bices en te •' monuijfe^juoft{}'c que? facercm ; non ctiam ul fcribcrem. Ego mchcrcule mihi •' neceflitatcin \Glui imjwnere hujusnovie conjundiionis ; ne qua mihi liccrcc " labi ad illos, qui non definunt invidcre ; Scd tamen modicv fuinius viro^'irn, " tit feripft, Erimus uberiores fi et ille Hbcnter accipiet, et hi fubringentur *^ qui villam me molefte ferunt habere — Sed quid ad hoc ? fi qulbus feiiten- " tiis dixi, quod ct ipfi probarcnt, Isetati funt tamcn me contra Pompeii vo- " luntatem dixifle ? Finis. [1. Sinis.~\ Sed quoniamqui nihil pofiunt, ii me no- " lunt amare, demus operani, utabiis, qui poifunt, diligamur. Dices ve//ein *■' Jampridem. Scio te voluifle. Et [dices'^ me aftnum [\. a.^i^ov'] gennaiium fu- " ijfe. Sed jam tcmpus cfl meipfum a me amari, quando ab illis \_a.^igoi{] nuUo " modo pofTum." — Do yuu think I am more deftrovs of any onc'i q^ood opinion, ciiber of ?nyfelf or my Wiitin^s, than of yours ? " Why then, 5'ou will fay, " did not you let me fee them firfl ?" Iwas prcffld by the pcrfon io '-jjhonv they ivere fent. " What, and had I no copy ?" T'es, (to confcfs an un- graieful truth) they feemed to be but a dirty recantation of my old principles. " Adieu then to all true honcfl counfels." Why, really, on the other hand, ii is incredible what perfidy there is in thoj'e that went to be leaders, and who really would be fa if there was any faith in thtm. I felt what they were to my cofl, when I was drawn in, di.fert.cd, and betrayed by them. I refolvcd fiill to an with them in all things, but found them the fame as before ; till by your advice I came to a better mind. You will tell me, " you advifed mo " indeed to adt, but not to write." 'Jts true; but I was zcilling to put my/elf under a neceffity of adhering to my new alliance, and preclude the pojfi- bility of rcturnirg to thcfc,%vho, in/lead of pitying me as they cu^:^h:, never (ccife envying me. " But, if I did write, why fo moderate ?" Oh, I will be more fid., f ke fall 'n^e t'ns well, and my enemies be irritated at if, who envy me the houfe Ipiff/s of Li.tulus's, z.iti.iUt co'fderiv.g that I lough t it 'J SI* MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. of Vettius. — But this is nothing, in ccmpayifon of their taking a plea/tire in feeing me gain the ill-will of Pompey, by declaring tkefe principles which they themfehes approved of. " Yoii allow their treachery." But fince thofe -who have no pctver ivill not love me, my bufinefs is to acquire the love of thoje who have. " You will fay, I long ago wifiied you had done lb." 1 know you did. — " And that I was a perfedt Ariftotratical partifan." But it is now time Ijliould have fome concern for myfelf ftnce thefe Arijlccratical gentlemen have none for me. 'Tis plain this letter relates to Cicero's ingratiating him- fl'lf with Pompey, not with Cafar [/j]. The other paflage in Ep. ad Quint, n. 15. mentions a poem of Cicero's which Caefar had approved of, and another defigned for him. But from this very letter, with almoft two years after the time affigned by Dr. M. for this complimental poem to Cjefar, it is plain it was not then fent [/] : *' Ego quoniam in ifto homine [Caefare] " colcndo tarn indormivi diu, te mehercule fape incitante, curfu corrigam " tarditatem, turn equis turn viris, tum vero (quoniam fcribis poema ab eo " noflram probari) quadrigis poeticis." — Having fo la»g negleBed to pay my court to him [Cafar~\, notwithjianding you have fo frequently preffed me to it, / ivill now by my -zeal make amends for my delay, and will run to him with viight and main, nay even tcith poetic feet^ fince you tell me he approves of my poem, 4to. 1. 467, 8. 'Svo. II. 72. Atticus's conflant advice to him was, to confult his fafety and intcrefl: by uniting himfelf with the men in power.] Atticus went more upon mo- derate principles, and advifed him not to be too violent a party- man. When he was too much courting the men in power, he called him back : when irritated againll them, perfuaded him to keep on good terms with them. [" De CO quod m.e moncs, ut et rooA/r/?iwf [^] mc geram, et i-^v " IsM yf^xix-jxyfj tcneam ; ita faciam. Sed opus eft majore prudcntia, quam " a tc, ut folco, petam." As to uhat you advife mc, not to fly out, but to ac- commodiite myfelf to the times, as a wife citizen fhouki, I fmll endeavour to do fo : but I have iif.cd tf nil your prudence to teach me the art.'] Dr. M. has cited a remarkable paflage, which fliews us Aiticus's diflerent council, which Dr. M. has milhken the fcnfe of in one or two inrtanccs, and has followed a falfc reading in more : Nam tu quidem ctfi natura xsoXt]iKc:, tamcn nuUam habcs propriam fervitutcm comniuni frueris fermono [leg. [/.] T. ).. 107—112. ['] Ad Qijint. Fr. II. 15. [^-J Ad Att. IV. 8. 7 nomine]. NOTES ON MIDDLETON'S LIFE OF CICERO. 31J *'nomine]. Ego vcro qui li loqmr de rep. quod oportet infanus; fi quod " opus eft, fcrius exiftimor; fi taceo, opprcflus ct captus; quo dolore eflc *' debco ? — Quid fi ceflarc libeat ct in otli portum confugere ? Ncquic- *' (piam. Inmio etiam in bcllum et in caftra. Ergo erimus ottuIcI qui Tixyo) '^ effe noluimus. Sic faciendum eft ; tibi enim ipfi, cui utlnam femper paru- '''iflfem, fie video placcre." — Shall I withdraw myfelf then from biifmefs, avd retire to the path of cafe? that will not be allowed me : Shall I follow thcfe leaders to the wars, and after having refufed to eommand, fubmit to be com- viandcd? — Not literally to the wars, but the metaphor ftill continued .• Shall I laimeh out into public ajfairs, and dance after thofe whom I tfed to lead / •*' — Rcliqui [1. reliquia ut quidam codd.] eft "Zira^iKv 'iXax^i, icumoiv xm- " y-H' Non mehercule pofTum, et Philoxeno ignofco, qui reduci in carce- " rem maluit. Veruntamen id ipfum [ut oV^Saj fim] mecum in his locis " commentor, ut ifta [i. e. utcunque] improbem, idque tu, cum una " erimus, confirmabis." Or fiall I refume my pofi, and enter again into affairs f I cannot perfuade myfelf to that, but begin to think Philoxenus in the right ; who chofe to be carried back to prifon, rather than commend, the Tyrant's verfes. This is what I am now ineditating to declare my diflike at leajl of what they are doing. It is to be obfervcd, that Atticus hereto- fore advifing him to adhere ftrongly to the caufe of the Senate againft the Triumvirate, had cited that faying, l,xcipToiy f'A«x-f [^l- " Bonos viros — et *• earn, quam mihi dicis obligifle, Sttkot^i/ non modo nunquam deferam, fed ■** etlam, fi ego ab ilia deferor, tamen in mea priftina fententia permanebo." iBut now when he advifes him to temporife a little with the men in power : That maxim then of yours, fays Cicero, Adorn the pofl allotted to you, is laid .aftdc. I profcfs 1 know not how to bring myfelf to that, viz. to dance after thofe I tfed to lead, but begin to think, &c. However, this art of compliance is what I am mecTitating here, howmuch focver I diflike the proceedings ; and you will confirm me in it, when we meet. Atticus, when he had drawn him to this exlremiry, advifes him to keep the middle way. T. p. 113. 114. Malafpina and Gra^vius favv the pallage in the fame fenfe Mr. T. has given it, and therefore approved of the reading of fome copies which read probon, for improbem. " Malafpina hie eft audiendus," fays Grsevius. " Hoc " enim Cicero dicir, fc rationcm quierere, qua animo fuo poffit perfuadere •*' ut hajc, quiE Ciefar et Pompeius agunt contra libertatem, qus fenipcV ■*' ip.iprobabir, nunc prober, ut aniicorum confiliis obfc(juentcni fe jira:- [/j Ad AtT. I. ro. S s " beat." $14 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS.. " beat." But Mr. T's interpretation, very liappily preferves the fame fenfe- atid tlie common reading. 4to. L 485. 8vo. II. 91.- King of Comagene — preferred a petition to the Senate for fome new honour or privilege — but Cicero made the petition fo ridiculous, that the houfe rejected it, and at his motion referved likewife out of his jurifdidlion one of his principal towns. Zeugma.] i. Zeugma was not the name of a town, but a diflri£t that contained feveral towns, as appears from Plin.. N. H. VI. 26. So in the place cited here [«] it fliould be read, " ne- " que folum illud extorti oppidulum, quod erac pofitum in Euphrate et " Zeugmate ;" Boty as Lambinus altered it againfl authority, " quod erat " pofitum in Euphrate Zeugma." Thea follows, " fed prjeterea togani- " fum ejus prastextam, quam erat adeptus Caefare Confule, magno homi- " num rifu cavillatus. Quod nunc vult, inquam, renovare honores eofderriy. " quo minus togam prjetextam quotannis interpolct^ decernendum nihiL " cenfeo." From whence it appears, 2. That what the King of Comagene fued for was not fome nezv honour, but a continuation of what had before been granted him. T. p. 116, 117. 4to. 1. 485» Svo. n. 92. Cicero made an excurfion this Spring [U. C. 699. L. Domitio ct L.- Claud. Pulchro Coff.J to vifit his feveral feats and eftatcs in the country,, iind in his Cuman vHlahegzn a treatife on politics.] He began it long be- fore : for in the Confulfliip of Csefar and Bibulus, five years earlier, Atticus had put him in the head of it : " Et tamen illud probem [i.^ e. quod mihi " fuades]. Magnum quid aggrediamur et muJtas cogitationis atque otii [«].'* Now thefe are the very terms in which he exprefsly fpeaks of politics, or de republica [0]. " / lave undertaken a work, fays he, that you are no Jlrangcr to, of great importance, andfuch as requires much leifure. And a few months before the fame Confulfliip of Cafar and BibuJus, he had made fome preparation towards it : Bririg me, fa)'S he, from among Gj^tintus's books, Theophrajlus -zsifi TcrchnHuc [/<}. To this purpofe he was reading Dicje- archus[^] : )ou cy'iecm Diccearchus very jujlly ; he is a clear luriter, and vn- derjlands civil policy much better than our ivickcd Governors. Afterwards he [m] Ep. ad Qiiint. Fr. II, i:. [«] Ad Att. II. 14. [5] Ad A'.t. IV. 16. \p\ Ad Att. U. 3. [q\ Ad Att. 11. t2. takes NOTES ON MIDDLETON'S LIFE OF CICERO. 315 'takes notice, that Theophraftus prefers the praftical life, Dicsearchiis the theoretic [;-]. That he fhould pay a due regard to both of them — but that at prcfent he fliould lay afide this work for a time, to apply himfclf to the public affairs. In fliort, Cal. 0(51. of that very year wherein Dr. M. fays this work was but begun, he had drawn out the Aflem, and added -the names of the Speakers, which in dialogues was ufually the lail thing [/]: " Hanc ego de republica quam inftitui difputationem in Afri- *' cani pcrfonam, et Juli, et Lselii, et Manilii contuli." And before iv. Non. Nov. it was brought fo near a conclufion, that he writes to Atticus then returned out of Afia to come and fee it [/] : " Qiiid tu hue advolas, '*' et invitis illius noflrse reipublicze gennanam ;" not •* germanse*' as the ■common Edd. and which none of the interpreters have underftood; but means, no doubt, no more than come and fee the true pidure of our Coni' monwealth. For he tells us, in a fragment now remaining of this very book, that he would there reprefent the model of the Roman Government i *• expofitam ad exemplum noftrie reipublicaV T. p. 142, 1^13. 4to. I. 491. 8vo. II. 98. As to M. Orfius, whom you recommended to me, 1 will make him even King of Gaul, or Lieutenant to Lepta. Send me another therefore, if jou pleafe, whom I may prefer.] Why therefore ? A bad reading, and the whole fcope of the fentence loft [w]. *' M. Orfium, quem mihi commen- '* das, vel Regem Gallia faciam, vel /mnc Lepta delega. Si vis tu, ad me *' alium mitte quem ornem." For Reg. Gallia, (hould probably be read Leg. Gallic, the man whom you recommended I will jnake my Lieutenant in Gaul, the moft honourable poft. But becaufe Cicero had not recommended him in very ftrong terms, and Csfar had no extraordinary opinion of him ; or give him, fays he, a lefs honourable Lieutenancy under Lepta ; and if you will [to fhew you your intereft in me] fend me another whom I may prefer. That Cicero had recommended him but faintly, appears from this very letter, which Dr. M. has tranflated, where recommending Trebatius : " De' ** quo tibi homine haec fpondeo, non illo vetere meo, quod cum ad te in ** iLLO [Orfio] fcriptiflcm jure lufifti ; fed more Romano, quo modo ho- ** mines non inepti loquuntur ; probiorem hominem j meliorem virum, .[;■] Ad Ait. II. 16. [.] Ad Att. XIII. i+. [/J Ad Att. IV. 17. [«J F.p, Fam. VII. c. S s 2 " pruden-' 31^ MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. " prwdentiorem cffe neminem." It muft be owned indeed ihat here is read in the Edd. in Milone for in ilk ; but it could not be Milo, of whom Cicero had fpoke always in high terms, and who was befidcs at this time bufy at Rome in view of theConfullhip. In illo is often corrupted mioMih^ or fome fuch word : " Milo coepit dimitteie [Senatuni Lupus]" for in ilh, as Manutius corrects it [.v]. Ad Att. XL 23. " Sed cum a Nilo [in illc}- " accepiffem literas." So ibid. 12. " Tamen Nilo nico [in illomeo, fratre] " his verbis fcripfi." And after all, M. Curtius was probably the man thus recommended ; not Ortiiis, as Corravus obferves, and the following paffage : " De tribunatu quod fcribis nominatim petivi Curtio, et mihi *' ipfe Cffifar nominatim Curtio paratum efle refcripfit, meamque in rogando " verecundiam objurgavi [_y J." T. p. 113, 114,115. 4to. I. 497. 8vo. IL 105.- He had fent Casfar (fays Dr. M.) his Greek Poem in three books, on the-- Hiflory of the Conful/lyip, and Csefar's judgment upon it was, that the. be-^ ginning of it was as good as any thing which he had ever feen in that language.] Whatever the poem was, which Casfar thus approves of, it was not writ in that language ; but Caefar, to give it the higheft commen- dation he could, fays, that the firji part of it was equal to any thing he bad read even among the Creeks. — "Prima fie, , ut neget fe ne Gr^ca quidem " meliora legiffe [2]." For the Gpeeks were allowed even by the Romans.- themfelves, to excell them in writing [«]. Nor was it the poem on the- Hiftory of the Cotfulfljip which Ca;far thus approved of ;- for that was finilhed the year in which MctcUus and Afranius were ConfiUs,. as appears from alerter to Atticus of that year, wherein the conclufion of it is cited.- " Sed me /c«t«k.A«V niea ifla commovet, qu» efl in Libro III[Z'J. " Interea curfus, quos prima a parte juvento^ *' Quofque adeo Conjul virtiite animoque petilli,- " Hos retlne atque auge famam, laudefque bonorum, " Hsec mihi cum in eo libro in quo multa funt fcripta osp/fc^fanxw^, " Calliope ipfa prjefcripferit." [x] Ep. Fam. ii. i. [ y"] Ad Quint. Fr. III. i. 3. [s] Ad Quint. Fr. II. 16. [«] Hor. de Art. Poet. 289. 290, Ep. ad Aug. II. 161. Tulc. Diip. I. :. U>] Ad Att. II. 3. This NOTES ON MIDDLETON'S LIFE OF CICERO. 317 This conclufion Dr. M. has before given us under the right year ; bur, miflcd by this imaginary Greek poem, has made two poems on the Con- fuljliip, as elfcwhtre by a like miftake he raifes two poems inftead of one to be addrcjjcd toCafar. To proceed then ; this poem on the Confidjhip was fent to Atticus before the 15th of March of the fame year '^c\ " Commen- *' tarium Gonfulatus mei Grace compofitum mifi ad te, — Latimun fi pcr- " fecero, ad te mittam ; tertium poe?)ia expeftato." Now it is not likely it fhould lie hid for fix years, to receive Casfar's applaufe under the Con- fulfhip of Domitius Ahenobarbus and Claudius I'ulcher : efpecially fince we fee the Greek Comment on his Confulfhip was no fooncr fmifhed than he defired Atticus to difperfe it in Athens and other Grecian cities ; that it might give them, fays he, fame light into our affairs [^d']. The queflion then ftill remains, what this poem was, which Ca?far fo much commended : No other than a poem, divided likewife into three books, De tempo rib us fuis, writ after his return from his exild, as the other on his ConfulJInp was, av we have feen, before it[^]. Of this poem he thus writes to Lentulus Spin- rher, who was Conful when Cicero- was recalled from banifliment : Toic defire me to fend you what I have ivritfince your departure for CiUcia.— Among other things f I have zorit a poem in three books " De temporibus meis," of the late times ; which I had fent you lo;tgJince, if I had thoughts of publiflnnz it. It is full of tefimmies, and will alzvays remain fo, of my obligations to you, and vf my jufl fenfe ofthew.—lfhall take care to fend it to you -Ji-hcn I meet with a- proper hand. This poem was finifhed probably in the Conful- ihip of Poinpey and Craffus, and communicated to a few friends ; for we' find Atticus at this time, according to cufiom, foliciting him to publifh ir, or fome other, and Cicero modeftly averfc to- it- — l^'ou afk of the poem, ivhat if it fhould get abroad? — Would you approve it f}mdd[f'\ ? A few davs after, Cicero defires Attrcus to return it by Lucceius : *' Tu Lucceio librum " dabis[^]." In the fame year we find Quintus had read it, and highly approved of it [/^T; who, in the end of that year, carried it probably to Cffifar in Gaul or Britain, where having quite healed up all the old fores between thofe twoj Cicero writes ■ to Quintus : "Die mihi verum ; num [0 Ad Att. I. 19. [,/] Ad Att. TI. I. [f] Ep. ad Fam. I. 9. [/] Ad Att. IV. Si [g] iV. II. [Z>3 AdQuint. Fr. II. 9. 3t« MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. '"-ai4 res eum [CEefarem] aut x«p«'?% non delcdtat ? nihil eft quod vereare •' — Hac de re pi?^aXrj9ui;, et, ut foles, fcribe fratcnie[/]." And yet,notwith- ftanding this diftance of time, between the writing of thefe two poems, De Cojifulatu and De Temporibus, Dr. M. has confounded them together, and tells us in the former he carried down the hijhry to the end of his exile \k\ thinking that a hiftory of his own times muft contain a hiftory of his Con- fulj}.)ip : whereas De temporibusfuis only means of the late troublefome times, as we ufcd to fpeak of the late civil wars ; and as the letter above cited to Lentulus Spinther plainly explains it. The three books. Dr. M. fays in the laft cited place, after fome other authors, are feverally infcribed to three of the Mufes ; that Urania was the title of the fecond book, and Calliope of the third. — This is only purfuing the fame confufion : the three books of the Confuljhip were fo infcribed, the third of which was ftyled Calliope, as we have feen before from Att. IL 3. But there is no proof that the poem of His Times was fo infcribed, unlefs this : " Quod me admones de noftra Urania, fuadefque ut memi- ** nerim Jovis orationem, quse eft in extremo illo libro[/] :" where Ma- lafpina reads Urania for what the MSS. and editions have de non curantia, from whence I would propofe to read de notninum curatioite. Quintus fome time fince, upon going to Sardinia, had recommended our Marcus to take care of fome debts for him [?«"): " Videris de nominibus Pomponianis *' in otio recogitafle." Js'Gracchus the Augur, fays Marcus, when he got into his province, remevibered all the ill omens againjl him in the Campus Mar^ tins : fo you feem, now you are got to Sardinia, to recolleSl all your old debts, Quintus here fo purfues the fame fubjeft, and fo reminds his brother of Jupiter's fpeech, which feems to have been upon juftice, and to have con- cluded the poem of His Times, as Calliope's fpeech did the poem on his Con- fulate. Now if this latter was infcribed to the Mufes, becaufe the Mufes fpeak in the three feveral books, we might then rather imagine that the poem on His Times was infcribed to three Gods, becaufe Jupiter we fee f|>eaks in the third book, as Apollo docs in the fecond [n]. " Mirificum i^ZoXiov ** cogito, in kcundam librorum meorum includere, dicentem ApoUinena *' in concilio deorum." T. 102 — 109. [i] Ad Quint, Fr. II. 16. [k] 410 I. 278. 8vo. I. 289. [/] Ep. ad Quint. Fr II. g. [«] F.p. ad Quint. II. 1. j|«] Ep. ad Q_\iint, III. i. 5 4tQ- NOTES ON MIDDLETON*S Lif E OF CICERO. 319 4to. L 497. 8vo. II. 105, 106. He heg?tn. anot/jer poem, at his brother's requeft, to be addreffcd to Cafar^ but after feme progrefs was fo diflluisfied with it, that he tore it. Yet Quintus Hill urging — he was obliged to refume it, and adtually finifhcd an Epic poem in honour of Caefar.] Here the poem in honour of Ceefar is mentioned m the right year, which, by having been mentioned by Dr. M. In a wrong one, increafed into two. But It is now not only multiplied in mimber, but increafed in dignity. It is here faid to be an Epic Poem, before a little one. And yet it was fuch an one, as Cicero tells us he fi- nifhed again In a few days after he had firft torn it [c]. Dr. M. was de- ceived by Cicero's defcription of it : "-Habeo abfolutum fuave, mihi qui- " dem ubi videtur, iTrog ad Casfarem," wliidi is no more than fome Heroic verfes. . T. p. 134. 4to, I. 500. 8vo. IL 109.. Memonlus and Domltius made a ftrange contradt with the Confuls — to procure for them what provinces they delivered ; and ^^i;i? a bond to pro- vide three Augurs, who fhould teftify that they were prefent at the making a lazv for granting them ihofe provinces when no fuch iazo had ever been made; and two Confular Senators, , who fhould affirm that they were pre- fent likewife at paffing a Decree of the Senate, for furnifliing the fame provinces with arms and money, when the Senate had nvver been confultcd about It. Ad Att. IV. 8.. And fo indeed the Doiftor had before faid that the provinces of the Con- fids eleP. had been furnifljed ivith money and troops by a Decree of the Se- nate [/>] : And ftill, as we have often feen in another place, that the ajfignaiicn of Provinces was a prerogative of the Senate's, which had never been invaded : fo that, according to him, the Senate had both branches of power, viz. of nominating and furnifhing money, which yet again are the more divided. Both accounts cannot be right ; and unluckily the divifion of pow^^between Senate and People was jufl; contrary, neither are they jufl: in the inverted order. For the Senate allotted the Confular Provinces, and ihe Lex Curiata gave authority, arms, and money. To give one infl:ance inltead of many [^j : " Appius dixit In Senatu palam, itit — ■ \o\ Ad QiJint, Hi. 8. [/>] 4(0. I. 375. Svo. I. 396. f^] Ad Fam. I. g. 3^0 M I S C E L L A N E O U S T R A C T §. ■ " fi curiata lex non elTet, fe paraturum cum coUega tibique fucceffurum *' legem curialem Confuli ferri opus effe, nccefle non effc, fe — quoniam *' ex Senalus Cojjfulto provinciam haberet, lege Cornelia imperium habi- " turum quoad in urbera. introiiffct." So that, fays Mr. T. the province was granted by the Senate, and thecow;//^;:^. byi the Lex Curialia; which law, if Appius could not obtain, he. determined to have recourfe to the Corne- lian law. A flight miftake fure flill — to gain that command, which, for want of the, Lex Curialia, he. could not obtain ? No, that he had, he faid, by being Conful : "Legem curialem Confuli ferri opus.efle, necefle non " efl'e." But the Cornelian law, it feems, fecured a continuance of that power till he returned to the city ; not " quoniam ex 8. S. provinciam *'.haberet lege Cornelia ;" but " lege Cornelia imperium habiturum quoad " in urbem introiiflet." T._p. 117. 11.8. 'Tis further to, be obferved, thatiDr. M. has fallen into a miftake, which ;both Salmafius and Gra;vius Abundantly cautioned him againft, when he fa\ s Memmius and Domitius gave a bond to provide Augurs, 8cc. [r]. " Hicc **-paSio, fays Cicero, non verbis, {cd-nominiOus et perferiptionibus mulro- *' rum, tabulis cum elTe fadla diceretur, prolata a Memmio eft." Nojiicn f(ribere &nd per/cribere is to enter his name- in a calh book, as debtor and creditor. Memmius av.d Calvinus did not give bonds to the Confuls ; b|Ut in their books of account gave the Confuls credit for fo much money; and thC' Confuls entered them debtors in their books for the fame fums, and this witnefled by feveral others. A very pardonable miftake, if Sal- mafius and Graevius had not fo very clearly pointed it out. 4to. 1. 501. ^vo. IL no, ;-Quintus fent his brother word from^Gaulfj], that it was reported there, T^.ai he was prel'cnt at the con t raft ; but Cicero aflures him that it was talfe.] And yet, it had been worth while to have enquired how this re- port came to be fpread fo far abroad, that it ftiould even reach his bro- ther Quintus in Britain. There are fomc pafliiges that make it very fjuifjiicions that Cicero was privy to the agreement f/]. " S. C. quod " hi confuks de provinciis feccrunt, quicunque pofthac [fecerint] non " mihi [fecerintj ut qui jam intclligebamus enuntiationem illam Memmii *' valde Ccefari difpliccre." Js to tbe Decree of the Senate, which thefe [r] Ad Aft. IV, 17. [j] T. p. 1F9, [/] .Ad Att. ]V. 16. ConfuU NOTES ON MIDDLETON'S LIFE OF CICERO. 321 Confuh forged, whofoever Jhall make fuch an one, will not do it by iny confent, who am aivare how difpleafing it was to Cafar zvhen it was told. So that the fear of difpleafing Csfar was what kept him from coming to fuch an agreement. We may farther difcover the very name of the province he was to have had [«] : " Perfpice jequitatem animi mei et ludiun et " contemptionem Seleuciana provincia mehercule cum CEcfare fuavidimani ** conjtinftionem. Hsc enim me una ex hoc naufragio tabula dcledtat." Behold my tranquillity of mind, my contempt of the province of Seleucia, and intire friendfhip with Cdfar, the only bottom that J'avcs me in this fliipwrcck. So that it was out of fear or affedtion to Caifar that nflade him give up his pretenfions to Selcucia. Take this key, and all is plain, which to Vido- rius feemed dark and myfterious. T. p. 120. How far this proves the point, mull be left to the reader to determine. From a reflecStion on thcfe corruptions, Cicero, Dr. M. obferves, fore- tells the approaching ruin of the Romans, and when he bewails the wretch- ednefs of the times, ufually joins the wickednefs of their morals as the fource of it. He tells us, however, left thefe corrupt candidates ftiouid efcape, they were all publicly impeached by different profecutions, but conceals, in the mean time, that they were all defended by this very Cicero: *' Candidati Cof. quatuor omnes rei : caufce funt difficiles ; fed enitemur, " ut Meflalla nofter falvus fit, quod eft etiam cum . reliquorum falute " conjundtum [.v]." Again : " Meflallam — reliquofque moleftia levatos ** vehementer gaudeo\_yy Nay, what is more, we have his own teftimony upon record, that he did not know what to fay for them. " Quid poteris *' pro iis dicere ? Ne vivem fi fcio. In illis quidem tribus libris [De *' Oratore] quos tu dilaudas non reperio." This is a remarkable proof what lengths he would go in undertaking caufes. If we wanted this, we have further proof from his own teftimony : " Cur autem laudarim |_Va- ** tinium] peto a te, ut id a me neve in hoc reo, neve in aliis requiras [2.]."' / wifh you woidd tell me for what reafon I undertake the praife of Vatinius : I ajk it of you, that you may never put it to me either in the prefent cafe, or in any other, A praftice, this, that might be defended from our own times, but not from his principles : " Cumque nihil tam incorruptum efle debeas [k] Ep. IV. 18. [*•] Ep. ad Quin. Fr. III. 3. [j] Ep. 24. [2] Ep. ad Fam. I. g. T t " ia 322 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. ** in rep. quam fufFragium, quam fententia, non intelUgo, cur, qui ea pe- " cunia corruperit, poena dignus fit, qui eloquentia, laudem etiam ferat. *' Mihi quidam hoc plus mali facere videtur, qui oratioiie, quam qui pre- *' tio corrumpit, quod pecunia corrumpere prudentem nemo poteft, di- *' cendo poteft." Fragm. de Rep. ap. Marcell. [/f] — As nothing ought to he fo unbiajfed as one's judgment y I don't fee why it Jhoidd be criminal to corrupt it with jnoney, and yet praife-worthy to pervert it zvith eloquence. A method, which feems to me to be attended with the greater malignity, fince common pru- dence is a guard againjl the one, againfl the other a weak defence. 4to. L 506. 8vo. II. 116. Gabinius bragged every where that he was going to the demand of a triumph, and, to carry on that farce, continued a while without the gates, till, perceiving how odious he was to all within, he ftole privately into the city by night, to avoid the difgrace of being infulted by the populace. — Three different impeachments provided againft him ; i. For treafonable prac- tices ; 2. plunder of his province; 3. bribery and corruption. — The frji indiBment fell to Lentulus, who acculed him the day after he entered the city. Gabinius durft not venture to Jljew his head for the firft ten days, till he zvas obliged to come to the fenate.'] It is faid Gabinius durjl not venture to Jhew his head the frfi ten days, till he was obliged to come to the ,^cnatc. Yes, in the city he did, where he had like to have been killed .- '• Gabinius " ad IV Calend. Odlobr. \_b~\ nodie in urbem introivit, at hodie hora od:ava " cum edidto C. Alfii de majeftate eum adefle oporteret, concurfu magno " et odio univerfi populi penc afflidtus eft [c]," hodie Sept. 29. the day after his entry, for Cicero, after he had begun his letter, kept it by him, and writes down the events juft as they happened. Dr. M. has miftaken the paflage which mentions his firft coming to the Senate for his firft coming into the City : " Cum Gabinius, quacunque veniebat, triumphum fe pof- " tulare dixiftct, fubitoque bonus Imperator nodtu in urbem hoftium *' plane invafift'et in Sena turn fe non committebat interim [not — Interim " ipfo dccimo die], Ipfo dccimo die — inrepfit [not as the lidd. have it " in rcz hafit'\ fumma infrcquentia[i^J." Having given out that he was com- ing to demand a triumph, this mighty General poffcjl hiinfelf of the city, as if [a] T. p. 121. [/'] Sept. 28. \i] Ad Quint. III. 1. [^] Ad Quint. 111. z. it NOTES ON MIDDLETON'S LIFE OF CICERO. ii had been a?i enemy's, hut durjl not yet venture into the Senate by night, till after ten days, when there was a very thin hcufc, he crept into it. ■ 2. He was not charged at firft with three dij]'ere7it impeachments, but by three different parties, L. Lentulus, Tiberius Nero, and C. Meinmius, who all accufed him of treafon. It is faid exprefsly, « quod Cato non volcbnr, " adhuc de pecuniis repetundis non erat poftulatus [f]." Becaufe Cato -a-as net well, he [Gabinius] xvas not impeached of plundering the provinces. 3. Lentulus might fir/l lay the indiament before the Pra;tor; but it was Memmius that/r/^ accufed him before the people ; " Gabinium ad populum " luculenter calefecerat Memmius [/]." Afterwards they all accufed him of plundering his provinces : " Apud Catonem erat divinatio in Gabinium " futura inter Memmium et T. Neronem et C. ct L. Antonios {_{]" The third impeachment was of bribery, by P. Sylla[/^]. This Dr^M. makes t\\tfirj}, whereas it was the laft, probably the confcquence of the other trials, in which he bribed his judges to get acquitted, and fo, as was faid of Catiline, came off from the trial as poor as his judges were bciore it. Cicero feems to intimate this, where, having mentioned his acquittal and the corruptnefs of his judges, he adds, « Candidati Cof. omnes rei ambitus. " Accedit etiam Gabinius, quern Q^ Sulla, non dubitans quin feris efet, " poftularat." All the Confuls were accufed of bribery ; to thefe I may add Gabinius, againfl whom Sylla not doubting but he was far gone in debt pre- ferred a bill. " Feris effe" is an expreffion the commentators are much at a lofs about, and yet Cicero ufes it to the fame purpofe elfewhere, " egere, " feris effe Gabinium, fine provincia7?^r£' non poffe [z]." Dr. M. obferves, that Cicero, out of regard to Pompey, refrained in the indidment of treafon from being Gabinius's accufer ; but gives us the paffage ill read and ill underftood. " Ego tamen me teneo ab accufando " vix mehercule. Sed tamen teneo, vel quod nolo cum Pompeio pugnare " (fatis eft, quod inftat de Milone), vel, quod judices nullos habemus, " «Vo'Tfi;y/^a formido [^e]." Which fliould be " vel quod mihi cum Pom- « peio pugnare fatis eft, quod inftat, de Milone, vel quod judices nullos " habemus, ditoiiMyp.ot. formido." / have much ado to forbear undertaking the accufation of Gabinius : however I do for bear, as well becaufe it is enough to have contended zvitb Fompey about Mile, as becaufe from want of good W Ad Quint. Fr. III. i. [/] Ad Quint. III. 2. [p-j ibid. ^ [/.] Ad Quint. Fr. III. 3. [y] Qrat in L. Pifon. c. 6. [k] Ad Qiiint. II* 2. T t 2 judges o ■? -. 324 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. judges 1 have reafon to be diffident of fuccefs. As Cicero thought, Gabinius, by the induftry of Pompey, was acquitted : but how ? " Omnino Tsy^Ji^x ** CT-fupa [/]." By a tumultuary proceeding, every thing carried in the wrong way [pi]. 4to. L 523. 8vo. II. 134. yielded that Calvinus and Meflala fhould be confuls, Thefe are agreeable likevvife to Cjefar : Cicero had fartictdarly recommended Meffala to him ; of whom he fays, in a letter to his brother. As to your reckoning Meflala and Calvinus fure confuls, you agree with what we think here ; for I will be anfwerahle to C^far for Meflala.] It fhould be Ccefar had farticidarly recommended Mcffala to Cicero, who therefore would be anfwer- able to Csfar for his fuccefs. Dr. M. was mifled by the modern cuftom and phrafe, of being anfwerableyi/- his behaviour. T. p. 121. 4to. I. 5. 8vo. 11. 140. The priefts of all kinds were originally chofen by their colleges, till Do- mitius, a tribune, transferred the choice of them to the people.] Not the priefts of all kinds were chofen by their colleges : the Pontifex Maxi- mus never was, but by xvii of the tribes, a majority of which decided the choice, as Cicero tells us in his Second Agrarian Oration, and is abun- dantly proved by Gpuchius de Comitiis 1. ii. c. 2. by Gutherius I. i. c. 8. and by Noris, Cenot. Pifan. Difl". II. c. 5. p. 124. 4to. II. 8. 8vo. II. 173. At Athens Cicero and his brother fpcnt their time very agreeably — abroad in viewing the buildings and antiquities of the place, with which Cicero was 7inich delighted.~\ Not fo very much : Dr. M. has miftaken the words of Atticus for thofe of Cicero. " Quid ell prsterea [?2] ? Nihil '• fane nifi illud, Valde [dicis] 7ne Athena deleBarunt. Urbs duntaxat et " urbis ornamentum ct hominum amorls in te — Sed miiltum [inquis] ct ** fhiiofophia. "A-m j'.aTaj fi quid eft, eft in Ariflb." Have I omitted any thing in nnfwer to yours ? Nothing, unlcfs to reply to your fuppofal, 'That Athens gave me great fatisfathon. No, nothing but the mere Jl)ell of the city. The crnajnents cf it, and the great affection the people expreffed for you. — Well, but, ilv^not the phitofophy ? — Really if there is any left here and there, it is chicjly [/] Att. IV. p. 16. [m] T. p. 123, 4, r. [h] All Att. V. 10. concentered NOTES ON MIDDLETON'S LIFE OF CICERO. 325 concentered in Arifflis. The Greek Dr. M. has omitted as unneceflary, and many others take uvm xdruj to fignify the uncertain dodtrine of the Academics, who affirm nothing. But Atticus did not enquire after that fed only, but of philofophy in general, which, in Cicero's opinion, was at a low ebb even there. For want of the Doftor's hitting on this, we have loft a re- fiedion on the migration of learning. Our once barbarous ille would have rifen fuperioT to Athens, as upon another occafion it does to Rome. Sec 4to. I. 495. 8vo. II. 102. T. p. 126. 4to. II. 12. 8vo. II. 178. On the 2ift of May a report was fpread through the Forum and the whole City, that you were killed on the road by ^ Pompdus : but I, who knew him to be then at Bauli, and in fuch a ftarving condition that I could not help pitying him, being forced to turn pilot for his bread, was not con- cerned about it.] " Maximus rumor fuit a Q^Pompeio in itinere occi- " fumT"];" which fhould be rendered, y^ report ivarfpread, which came FROM !^ Pompeius, that you was killed on the road\_p~\. Had Cicero in- tended Dr. M's fenfe, he would have confufcd the report by fhewing how inconfiftent it was with the rout of Cicero to fall in the way of Qj^Pom- peius. /, he would have faid, who knezv him to he at Bauli in banijhmenf, and that you before this time ivas to meet Q?. Pompcy at "Tarentum, and from thence was to go to Brundifium, was not concerned about it : whereas, to flicw the unlikelihood of the report, he only dwells on the charadter of the reporter. /, who knew ®. Pompey, zcas learning the art of falling at Bauli , infomuch that I even pitied his hunger, was not concerned at his invention of a lie for a dinner, &c. — " Qui fcirem empeneticam facere (as Turneb reads), et- " ufque eo ut ego mifererer ejus ejuriei, non fum commotus ; ec hoc /lun- " dacio, (i qua pericula tibi impenderent, ut defungerentur optavi." I have altered the turn of the Englifh ; whereupon Cicero puns [a little obfcutely] upon the words Mendicus and Mendax, both derived from the fame root, and which would here comprehend the idea of the word Empi- netiia. T. p. loi. 4to. II. 13. 8vo. II. 178. How ! was it this, think you, that I charged you with ; to fend me the making of Gladiators ; the adjournments of caufes ; and Ckrfjus's blews- [jj] Ad Quint. Fr. I. 8. [/] T. p. loi. letter .?] 32j5 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. letter fj As if a news-paper was publifhed at Rome, as now-a-days with us. No, Ccelius, as the former letter tells us, was to fend Cicero an ac- count of all the news of the town. But as he had too much bufinefs of his own to take a journal of whatever paffed, he deputed Chreffus (a freed- man probably) to that office, who made up a volume of fuch fort of ma- terials. This is what Ccelius fent, without fo much as reading it over. .Cicero defires him to excufe himfelf that trouble and charge for the future, and only to fend him an account of the mofl: material tranfad;ions in the Hate. T. p. ICO. 4to. II. 14. 8vo. If. 179. The Greeks flocked eagerly from all parts to fee a man fo celebrated through the empire for the fame of his learning and eloquence \cf\. " Cum " decumanis, ac fi veniffem cum imperio, Grteci, quafi Ephetio Praetori, fe " alacres obtulerunt ; ex quo fe intelligere certo fcio, multorum annorum -" oflentationes meos nunc in difcrimen efle adduftos. Sed, ut fpero — om- *' nibus fatisfaciemus; et eo facilius, quod in noflra provincia confedtae ** funt paftiones." The Greeks admired his eloquence much about the fame as the farmers of the taxes. Cicero was now entering into his pro- vince, and he tells us, before he came to it at Ephefus the farmers of the taxes .and the Grecians came about him as if he had even jurifdiflion there; from •whence you will underfiand, fays he, that all my boajls [of lenity and juftice] will now be put to the trial. But I hope to fatisfy all parties, the provincial-s and the taxers, atid the rather, becaufe iti my province an agreement has been already made for one year. T. p. 128, 9. ^to. II. 19 and 24. 8vo. 11. 185. When Ariobarzanes came to offer Cicero the fame prefent of money which he had ufually made to every other Governor, he generoujly refvfed it, and defired only, that inflcad of giving it to him, it might be paid to Brutus.] " Mandatorum mihi libellum [Brutus] dedit; iifdemque de " rebus tu mecum cgcras ; omnia fum diligentiffimc pcrfecutus. Primum " ab Ariobarzane fie contcndi, ut talcnta, quae mihi pollicebatur, ille *' darct ['']." Which Dr. M. thus tranflates : Brutus gave me a rnemorial of the particulars, which you had talked over with me before : I purfued your [rj] Ad Alt. V. 13. [r] Ad Att. IV. i. [his] NOTES ON MIDDLETON'S LIFE OF CICERO. 327 [his] inJlruSliom exaSlly. In the firfi place, I prejfed Ariobarzanes to give that money to Brutus, which he promifcd to me, — yes, liad promifed to pay mc on the account of Bruhts, Brutus had given Cicero fomc commiflions in writ- ing : Among the reft, one was to get-in this debt of Ariobarzanes for him. Cicero lays, he had preffed Ariobarzanes to pay that money, which he had promifcd on his account. Nothing of offering a prefent of monc-j to Cicero in the cafe ; and Dr. M's tranflation might have paffed for right, if he had not, by his comment, cleared up his own meaning againfl: the author's. Dr. M. afterwards obfervcs, Cicero never left urging king Ariobarzanes, till he had fqueezed from him a hundred talents, in part of Erutus's debt, the fame fum probably which had been deftined to Cicero himfelf ; the fame miftake ftill ; the talents were no other than thofe he owed Brutus. T. p. 128 [y]. We have more proofs of Cicero's generofity. The city of Salamis owed to two of Brutus's friends, as he pretended, Scaptius and Matinius, above twenty thoufand pounds fterling upon bond, at a mod extravagant inter ejl ; and he begged of Cicero to take their perfons and concerns under his fpecial protcftion. — He enjoined the Sala- minians to pay off Scaptius's bond, wh-.ch they were ready to do accord- ing to the tenor of his edidt, by which he had ordered, that no bonds in his province fliould carry above one per cent, hy the imnih. Scaptius in- fifted on /):/r per cent, as the condition of his bond expreffed j while the Salaminians, as they prolefted to Cicero, could not have paid the oiipinal debt, if they had not been enabled to do it out of his ozvn dues, that he had remitted to them — Brutus, in order to move him the more effccflually, thought proper to confefs, ^vhat he had all along dljftmbled, that the debt was in reality his own,' and Scaptius only his agent.] i. If Cicero did not underftand that this money was in reality owing to Brutus, it is certain he had intimation that he was nearly concerned in the lofs of it[^]. For in the written inftrudtions Brutus had given him, it was faid the Salaminians were indebted to Scaptius and Matinius, and that he was bound for both of them In a great fum. So that their payment of him depended in a great meafure on Cicero's fuccefs with the Salaminians. 2. It fhould be remembered, that the exorbitant intereft with which Cicero and Dr. M. are fo much offended, was the legal intereft as far as an ad of the Senate could make it fo. The cafe was this [?/] : The Salaminians wanted to [->] Ad Att, IV. 3. [/] Ad Att. VI. I. [;/] Ad Att. V. 21. VI. 2. borrow gz8 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. iDorrow money of feme perfons at Rome to enable them to pay their taxes, which was contrary to the Gabiniaii law : Thefe friends of Brutus were ready to advance the fum, could they have an aft of the Senate to indem- nify them. By Brutus's influence they got one pafled ; flill they thought themfelves not fate, becaufe the Gabinian law had made all bonds in fuch cafes void, upon which a fecond aft was palfed to confirm fuch bonds. All this Cicero tells us himfelf, fo that there was no underhand dealing in the cafe ; I may add, nothing in demand of intereft that was unufual. For thofe that lent money contrary to the Gabinian law vfed to take four per cent, per month, on account of the hazardous fecurity, for it might admit of a difpute, whether an adt of Senate could fet afide the Gabinian law, and the Provincial prsetor could exercife his jurifdidtion more arbitra- rily than the city one. But as the Senate had now allowed a bond to be good that carried four per cent, intereft, it will be afked, how came Cicero in the prcfent cafe to take but one ? As to the dues that Cicero remitted to thefe Salaminians, it fhould have been obferved, that they were no other than thofe extortions which former praetors ufed to exaft of particular cities to be exempted from having foldiers quartered en them [x]. Cicero forbore to demand, as with the ;greaterjuftice he ought, now the army was fent under Quintus in Cilicia. A proof therefore of his humanity, not of his juflice [y]. 4to. n. 25. 8vo. IL 191. In the fufpence of the Parthian war, Cicero's friends, who had no great ■opinion of his military talents, were in fome pain for the fafety of his fuccefs : but now that he found himfelf engaged, and pufhed to the nc- ceflity of aftlng the general, he feems to have wanted neither the courage nor conduft of an experienced leader.] He talked big indeed upon his firft fetting out to his province [2]. " "A^fax?; Rhodiorum et dicrotum MI- " tylenorum habebam, et aliquid htKUTtcv. [1. cV/ko^ §«.]" / bad fome Rho- dian pinnaces, and Mitylcnian gallics ; and fome heroic aSlion mufl be under- taken. But if we examine into his conduft againft the Parthians, it will be found very fufpicious. As our army, fays he, is in a weak condition, and I have but a/mall number of allies [«] whofe fidelity I can depend upon, my greateji fecurity is, that we fl)all fl^ortly go into -winter quarters. I am [.v] Ad Att. V, 20. [>] T. p. 128. [«] Ad Att. V. u. [«] Ad Att. V. 18. 5 only N O T E S O N MI D D L E T O N 'S L I F E O f C I C E RO. 329 only afraid, if the cneiny before that feafon does not advance into wy province, that the Senate ivill then forbear fending Voivpcy. And though his fear makes him diftruft thefc allies, his vanity, in the fame letter, makes him rcprefent them to Atticus as more firmly attached to him, than they ever were to any governour. Well, Cicero had not yet done with the Parthians, though Dr. M. difperfcs them, and fays, the danger from them was over for this feafon, and fo makes him engage with a new enemy. But Cicero tells us|^^], that, underftanding the Parthians were ported upon the borders of Cilicia, he fell upon them at Amarius, and took fomc ftrong forts. But how ? " Ncoiurno Pontinii adventu, nollro matutino." So that the fiir- prize, which he mentions in another letter [c") as the caufe of their defeat, was owing probably to Pontinius. Five days after he departed for Pia- deniffum, having heard perhaps of another approach of the Parthians. For 'tis certain, while Cicero was there, Bibulus received an unlucky defeat at Amanus. " Venit interim Bibulus — cohortem primam totam perdidit " — plagam odiofam accepcrat cum re, turn tempore [f/]." The next campaign Cicero was in terrible apprehenf-ons again from the Parthians [.I I S C E L L A N E O U S TRACTS. " vis fit falla, magni ctTe [/]." A pithy fentence ! Though I Jhould not he concerned at a report fprcad of you that is falfe, yet I miiji oivn I am concerned at it. T!ie MSS. brighten up the fentence wonderfully : — " famam quo- " que, quainvis fit falfa, fidfam agmfcerc magni effe :" — / cannot dijjhnble, that though it is falfe, yet that it is a part of friendjlnp to ozvn it fo. T. p. 154. 4to. II. 112. 8vo. II. 289. Cato, whom Pompey had fent to pofTefs himfelf of Sicily, thought fit to quit that poll, and yield up the ifland to Curio, who came likevvife to feize it onCsfar's part. — Cicero was much fcandallzed at Cato's conduft.] And yet it is fomewhat flrange that Dr. M. fliould pafs by an inftance of Cicero's, which betrayed greater cowardice. He had been egged on by Atticus to ered: a ftandard, as Caelius had done heretofore for Marius, to which the honeft men might likevvife refort. " Nos a te admoniti de C^elio cogita- " bimus — Quod optas, Ca?lianum illud maturefcit — vexillo opus eft ; con- " volabunt [/4^." Again: lam often refJving to do fomeivhat like Ccelius, and if opportunity offers, fmll not flip it [/]. And yet it no fooner offered, than in the midll: of his refolutions he run away ; then tells Atticus that he thought of Cffilius's mifcarriage, not of his bravery, which was what he before had been talking of imitating [ni]. I "xent privately to my houfe near Pompeii, to remain there zvhile every thing -ivas got ready for 7ny voyage. I was no fooner come, than our friend Minnius told me that the captains of the three cohorts that were at Pompeii would fpeak with me the next day, and would deliver up to me the place. But JJhink away before day, that I might have no interview with the?n. For what were three cohorts ? and if there had been more, "what provifton was there ? I thought of the event of dtlius, zvhich yoii mentioned in your letter, which I that day received upon my coming to Cumo'. fojfibly it may be only a feint to try me : b:tt by getting away I f cured myfelf from being fufpcEled. T. p. 135. 'Tis ftrange Dr. M. fliould pafs this over, when Mongault Jiad pointed out Cicero's mean condud:, and fays, we may apply to him what Jupiter in Homer fays to Venus. An inftance of the like behaviour wc have feen before in the affair of Capua. [;■; Ad Att. X. 8. . [^] Ad Art. X. 14. 15. [/J Ad Ati. X, :2. [".J Ad Att. X. j6. 4 to. KOTES ON MIDDLETON'S LIFE OF CICERO. 337 4to. I. 280, 1. 8vo. I. 291, 292. As all Patricians were incapable of the Tribunate by its original inflitu- tion, fo Clodius's firft ftep [in order to be chofen Tribune] was to make himfclf a Plebeian, by the pretence of an adoption into a Plebeian houfe, which could not be done without the fuffrage of the people. This cafe was wholly new — The folicitor of it was one Herennius, an obfcure hardy Tribune, vjhojirjl moved it to the Senate, and afterwards to the conful — The Conful Metellus oppofed it, and declared that he would fl; angle him fooner with his own hands, than fuffer him to bring fuch a difgrace upon Jiis family.3 Here Dc M. falls into a miftake with Manutius and others ; Metellus was not againft the adoption, but againft the form in which Herennius propofed it ftiould be done. Metellus ejl Conful egrcgius, fed ii/i- minuit authoritatem fuam, quod habere dicit caufam promulgaium jllud idem ■ClDdio[n'\. " Metellus, fays Cicero, lelTens his authority, in faying that " the law that was propofed to the people concerning Clodius's adoption " into a Plebeian family was founded on juftice and reafon." But what the Conful ftrenuoufly oppofed was, that it Ihould not be propofed to the people in the Campus 'Martins, but in the Comltia Curiata, held in a part of the Forum, the court to which, as Gellius tells us, caufes of adoption particularly belonged [0]. Cicero fays, id pr a: dare Metellus impediebat, II. i. What is that but what he told Atticus before ; Herennius laboured ** ut *' univerXus populus in campo martio 'fiiffraglum de re Clodii ferat." I. 18. Dio is clear, ■nr^oipaa'tv ds iTroiriireizo, OTt //>] KUTci z^dj^ioi — iyeyovH, But what was it the Tribune Herennius Jirjl moved to the Senate ? An affair that did not belong to them : " Genus hoc in alienam familiam •** tranfitus per populi rogatlonem fit — Comitia arbitrls Pontificlbus pro- •*' bentur, quae curiata appellentur." Gellius. T. p. 41, &c. ijto. II. 131. 8vo.II. 311. Gcero, either through the difficulty of the times, or for want of a fuf- ficient fettlement on Dolabella's part, had not yet paid all her fortune, [«3 Ad Att. I. 18. [0] Ad Alt. IV. i. [^] Hift.p. 53. X X which 338 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. which it was ufual to do at three different payments within a time limited by the law ; he had difcharged the two firft, and was now preparing to make the tlnrd paymcjit — but a divorce enfued not long after.] Not the third payment, but the fecond, as appears from the very words cited by Dr. M. " De penfione altera oro te omni cura confidera [_q~\" And, though there was fome deliberation about a divorce, it is probable it did not come to that, though feveral of the learned have thought fo, againft the authority of Plutarch and Afconius ; the former of whom fays, «Vj9«i'; lixina-si riAPA AENTAfl, — the latter " P. Lentulo collocavit, apud qitem *' ilia ex partu deceffit [r]," i. e. ivhilc jhe zvas Lentuhi^ i zvife ; for it cannot well mean at Lentulus's houfe, becaufe Cicero mentions his Tufculan villa, as the fcene that renewed the remembrance of her, where probably Ihe died, which we fliall mention again prefently. 4to. IL 149. Svo. n. 331. Cicero now at lafl: parted with his wife Terentia — This drew upon him fome cenfure, for putting away a wife, the faithful partner of his bed. But Ihe was a woman of an imperious and turbulent fpirit, expenfive and negligent in her private affairs, &c. Id. et fupra p. 21, Svo. The petulant humour of his wife, which began to give him frequent occafions of cha- grin.] Thefe, I fear, are too foft words for her ill temper or extravagance. That flie was not the fnithfid partner of his bed o«/v, is pretty plainly hinted at in the following paffage, Ep. Fam. IV. 14. " nihil intra fuos pa- " rictcs tutum, nihil inlidiis vacuum videbat : — novarum neceffitudinum " fidelitate contra veterum perfidiam muniendum." When hufbands com- plain of the intrigues and perfidy of their wives, it is to be underliood un- faithfulnefs of the worfl kind. It is farther to be obferved, that their dif- agreement was probably of longer ftanding than the Dodtor is aware of, even before Cicero's banilhment. For it is remarkable, that when he mentions to Atticus, upon his return, all the comforts he was reftorcd to, among the reft the tendernefs of his daughter. Ad Att. IV. i, he fays not a word of his wife. And foon after, in another letter, having mentioned his felling his Tufculan villa, though againft his inclinations, he adds, [}] Ac! Att. IX. 3. ['■] Orat. ia L. Pif. in init, " Cirtcra I NOTES ON MIDDLETON'S LIFE OF CICERO. *' CfBtera quce me follicitant, [jLvgiKuripx, funt; amamur a fratre et a filia.'l X p. i8i. 4to. I. 299. 8vo. II. 312. But to fay the truth, Publlus has been treated fomewhat rudely by them fiuce he who was lately the only man with Cafar, cannot now find a place among the twenty.] The fait of the original is here quite loft : " Qui " cum in domo Cafaris unus vir fuerit, who was the only man in C^e- " sar's house," alluding to his being the only man at the Myfterics of the Bona Dca, which were kept at Cffifar's houfe. It is ftrange Dr. M. fhould overlook this piece of raillery, which Manutius has likewife clearly pointed out. Ibid. And while they beflow the rich ones upon Drufus or Vatinius re- ferve this barren one for him, whofe Tribunate was propofed to be of fuch ufe to them.] Here a difficulty in the original is Aided over, which Mr. T. very happily correfts : " ilia opima ad exigendas pecunias Drufo, ut opi- " nor, Pefaitrenfta Neptiloni Vatinio refervatur," fome books read ; for which Manutius reads Drufo — Pesaurensian — and Mr. T. for Neptiloni Futeo- leno, as Vatinius was fent to Puteoli : " Miffufne fis a Confule Puteolos ut •' inde aurum exportari argentumque prohiberes ?" Interrog. in Vatin. c. 5. T. p. 43. 4to. I. 310. 315. 319. n. c. 8vo. II. 324. 330. 333. c. But though it was difficult for Pompey to find a remedy, Cicero prefTed the only one which could be efFedtual, an immediate breach with Csfar who, on the other hand, to gain over Cicero, offered to put him into the commiflion for diftributing the lands of Campania, with which the xx Senators were charged. Cicero did not think it for his dignity to accept it ; nor cared on any account to bear a part in an affair fo odious. He then offered, in the moft obliging manner, to make him one of his lieu- tenants in Gaul, and preffed it earneftly upon him ; yet Cicero, after fome hefitation, declined this alfo. He was unv/illing to owe the obligation of his fafety to any man, and much more to Csfar.] And Dr. M, a little afterwards endeavours particularly to vindicate Cicero from the charo-e of X X z temporifing 339 '340 MISCELLANEaUS TRACTS. temporifing againft a French and an Englilh author. And yet what wiil become of this hero if it fhall be proved that he accepted of thefe ho- nours, nay, perhaps, fued for fome of them ? The firft in point of time, though mentioned the fecond by Dr, M. was the lieutenancy ; which Plu- tarch, in Cic p. 875, exprefsly fays he afked for, Kxia-u^os Si ^iXhov]os di TxXoiTioiy i^iivoii — Jtto tStov vrtihvg YLixiptav — ^^lucrs Wf j(r£ji/T^)/ «vrw (rvgaTsuHv. Cicero himfelf fays that he accepted, Ep. ad Att. II. 18. — " A Casfare invitor *' in legationem illam, fibi ut fim legatus : atque libera legatio voti caufa *' datur. Sed hsec et prafidii apud pudorem Pulchelli non habet fatis, et a •^ fratris adventu me ablegat ; ilia et munitior eft, et non impedir, quo " minus adfim, cum velim : hanc ego ten eo, fed ufurum me" non puta. " Neque tamen fcit quifquam — tu hoc filebis. I am invited by Casfar *• to be his lieutenant, and I have the offer of an honour avy lieutenancy; but " as the latter is not fecurity enough againfl Clodius, and will feparate me ** from an interview with my brother, I have taken a commiiTion for the *' former, but don't think to make ufe of it : and yet nobody knows of " this — you will keep it a fecret." From this fecrecy of both, we may charitably conclude, the orator was alhamed of the thing, and the hiflo- rian was not aware of it; and when we have found him guilty thus far, it is poffible he went farther — as Plutarch fays, made in fome ihape or other applications to Ciefar for It. Will it be objected, that in the follow- ing letter to Atticus, he fays : " Ca:far me fibi vult effe legatum — fed ego " hoc NUNC repudio." What does that mean, but that he now refufed what he before accepted [j j ? Plutarch clears the whole matter, who fays, that Cicero aikcd Ca^far for a lieutenancy, by the enjoyment of which, Clodius, finding he would efcape out of his hands during his Tribuneihip-, fhewed' a' pretended difpofition to be friends with him. Upon this, Cicero was fo weak as to fling up his commiffion ; which was the occafion of his ruin, for Ciefar, he tells us, was fo irritated, that he fet both Clodius and Ponipey againfl; him [/I. This lets us into another reafon than what Dr. M. affigns,.why he refufed being a commiffioner for difl:ributing the lands of Campania, viz. becaufe it would the more exafperatc the Clodian faction againft him, the appre- [0 Vit. Cic. p. 8;6. [/] T. p. 45, 46. henfion NOTES ON MIDDLETON'S LIFE OF CICERO. 341 henfion of which, we juft now learnt, fate very uneafy upon him. And Ci- cero affigns this very reafon himfelf. Ad Att. I. 19. " Cofconio niortuo^ " fum in ejus locum invitatus— nil mihi turpius, neque vero ad iftam '• ipfam (x.ir(p(xKc-ia.v quicquam alienius ; funt enim illi- apud bonos in"- " vidiofi [ti]." Upon the death of Cofconius, I am invited to fucceed him. — Nothing can add lefs to my reputation, or indeed to my fecurity. Whether he had not more than fome random thoughts of accepting of fome poll from the Triumvirate, the reader muft determine from his fre- quent deliberations about it, before it was offered him. Ad Atr. II. 5. I Have been long dcfirous, and ftiU amfo, of feeing Alexandria and Egypt. But confidering the juncture, and the perfons that may give the offer of going, / fdar the Trojans, and my long robbed friends. For what will the Optimates, the better party, if any of them are left, fay? — Cato, (kc. But, I had better flay, and wait to fee if this Egyptian embaffy is offered me. If it fliould, I may then fay it will be in my power, and it will be time enough to deliTDerate. And fome glory there will be in refufing it. Whereupon if Theophones lliall fpeak any thing to yon about it, do not fay I Ihall not accept of it. — But the great bait was the Augurfhip, wiui which he owns he might be taken : " quo qui Jem uno, ego ab ijiis capi pof- " fum.'" This was fomewhat more than a fudaen flart of an unzveighed thought, nofooner throzvn out than retracted, for m'c find him putting it to Atticus as a cafe of confcienee, VIII. 3. " Qui etfi mulcis rebus fignificat •' fe nobis cffe amicum — tamen utrumque confiderandum efl, et quanta " fides ei fit habenda, et, fi maxime exploratum eum nobis amicum fore, " fitne viri fortis et boni civis effe in ea urbe, in qua, cum fummis honori- " bus imperiifque ufus fit, res maximas gtiTeut, facer dot is Jit ampIi//i?iio pr£' " ditus, non futuris fit fui juris." Thoug; Pompey gives me many tefli- monies of his friendfhip, yet I am to confider, in the firft place, whether it is fincere ; in the fecond place, whether it is confiftent with a true patriot, to continue in that city, in which he cannot be free, where he has bome the higheft honours, and now bears the moft facred. His letter to Cato, therefore, is a fort of an apology to a man whole rigid vir- tue he flood' in awe of, as he confeffes, and who, he was fcnfible, knew his weaknefs. [u'] Ad Att. ir. 19. Laftly, 242 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. Laflly, as to what Dr. M. urges, that it is certain he might have had it, if he had thought it worth ajk'mgfor ; at firfl, no doubt, he might ; but, from what Plutarch above tells us, when he had fallen out with Caefar, it is very probable he could not. 4to. L 425. 8vo. IL 25. From thefe fafts (viz. from MIlo the Tribune taking the aufpices, and fo obflru bring ntyfelf to bear my Tufculum \_e'\. Again : Tufmlum will be • inojl convenient for me, becaufe IJhall there receive your letters oftener, and fometimes fee you : Otherwife, IflMuld be better at Afhire. And yet the things that fjould renew my grief ^f], &:c. As to Cicero's receiving back the firft payment of her fortune, that might be owing to the Roman law, which allowed the wife to fecure her fettlement, after matrimony, in tri>ftees hands ^ , tfjhen the hufband's circumjlar.ces were bad\_g'] .- Or to another maxim, 7'i>at a wife's dowry followed the children, that were kept with the grandfather [^/j"]: Now young Lentulus, the fecond child, was probably kept by Cicero, - fince we find nothing faid of him before Tullia's death, though then four years old, though frequent mention is made of the bad circumftances of; his mother ; or laflly, this might be retarded by contradr. T. p. 6o. 185. See likewife Mongault on XII. 45. I would rather therefore fay, -u^ci^' x\i'jjx-jc in Plutarch ftgnifies died with child by Lentulus ; and that Afconius- miftook, when he faid apud Le/jtulum, vjhich can mean only at Lentulus's- houfe. 4to. II. 349J SvovII. 367.- Howfoever this may colour, it cannot jufllfy Gato's conduft, who valued himfclf highly upon his Cyprian tranfaftions — and for the fake of that com^ tniffton was drawn in to maintain the legality of Clodius's Tribunate, in fome warm debates even with Cicero Mmfelf.J We have feen before that Metellus {Conful egregius, as Cicero calls him) thought Clodius's Tribu- nate legal ; and though Cicero did not, he allows many other of the great- eft then did. " Video quofdam clariffimos viros, principes civitatis, ali- " quot locis judicafTe te cum plebe jure agere potuiffc : qui etiam de " meipfo, cum tua rogatione funere elatam rempublicam efle dicercnt, " tamen ad penus, etfi miferum atque acerbum fuiflfet, jure indidtum efle " dicebant — Quare licebit ut opinor ; nobis cas adtiones non infirmnre, " quibus illi aftionibus conllitutum tribunatum tuum comprobaverunt." (,] Ad Att. XII. 26. \ f] Ad Att.XTT. 4';. UJ ^'H9- Pigg- ». 24- W. 3. 1. 24. V-] I'^'PP- ^H^- '• 4'-r "'• '7- '• t^- Orat. NOTES ON MIDDLETON'S LIFE OF CICERO. 347 Orat. pro Domo, c. 19. Why may not Cato then be allowed to have thought Clodius's tribunate a legal thing ; without the imputation of his vindicating the authority only becaufe he had adted under it ? But there is further proof; for how much fo ever Cato might pride himfeif in the execution of this Cyprian embalfy, it is certain he undertook it much againft his inclinations, as both Dio, p. 78, and Plutarch, p. 776, tcftify. If therefore he had thought Clodius's tribunate unlawful, he would then •have rcmonflrated againft it, and not have fubmitted to the imperious command of a haughty Tribune, who told him he ihould go againft his inclinations, if it was not agreeable to them. T. p. 42, 43. 139. 4to. II, 184. 8vo. II. 371. Was it to pafs her days in the married flate with fome man of quality i> for you, I hnozv, on the account of your ^.ignity, might have chofcn what fon-in-law you pleafed, to whofe fidelity you might have fafely trufted her.] *' Licitum eft tibi (credo) pro tua dignitate ex hac juventute generum *' diiigere cujus fidei liberos tuos te tuto committere putares." This paf- fage is by fome brought as a proof of the divorce ; unjuftly indeed ; but is ftill worfe perverted by Dr. M. while he puts that in a parenthefis, v/hich is an ironical anfwer to the foregoing queftion. What profped of co?nfort before her ? Was it in mnniage with fome young tnan of Jirfl quality .? Tou, J'llwarrant, could have picked out ofthisfet of youth a fon-ln- law fuit able to you; dignity, to ivhofe fidelity, ^c. drawing an argument of comfort from the corruption of the age, out of which he was fnatched. It follows in the fame epiftle, ReJleEl that your daughter had been married to the noblefl of our youth. An expreffion which would never have dropt from Sulpicius, if there had juft been a divorce between her and Dolabella, who, if the other two were of the nobility, was of the beft family of them all. Though Dr. M. as we have feen before, makes him one. T. p. 187. 4to. II. 2c8, &c. 8vo. II. 398, &c. Cicero drew up a letter, which was communicated to Hirtius and Ballus, for their judgment upon it, whether it was proper to be fent to Cafar. It was drawn up with fuch freedom, that though Atticus feemed pleafed with it, yet the other two durft not advife fending it, which difgufted Ci- cero fo much, that he refolved not to write at all.] The letter was com- Y y 2 municated 3^ MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. municated to Balbus and Oppins : Hirtius was now in Spaini " Balbus^ " minor novi nihil fane, nifi Hirtium cum Quinto acerrime pro me liti- *' gaffe [/']." 2'oung Balbus brings one no news, but that Hirtius takes ;«_y part often againfi ^intus in Spain. 2. As to the freedom in this letter, we have no proof of it. From Cicero's own account of it, which Dr. M. fub- joins, what elfe was the JubjeSl of it but flattery ? And though fo many- things were altered in it by thefe friends, that he mull write it over again, he defends the flattery of the paffages excepted to. As to the Parthian •war, what had I to confider but that which I thought zi'ould pleafe him ? 3. Laflly, Cicero, in all probability, did draw up another letter, and fent it£ii]. As you, fays he to At tic us, advifed me to write a pretty long letter to Ccefar, and Balbus having told me that he and Oppius had writ him word that I had read his booh againfi Cato, and much approved of them, I have addrcffed a letter to him to be carried to Dolabella ; bui have fent it with a copy to Oppius and Balbus, dejiring them to fend it on if they like it. 4to. p. 213, 8vo. p. 40 f. This very letter Dr. M. mentions foon after ; which Atticus having wanted longer than ordinary a copy of, Cicero writes thus to him : " Ad Csefarem quem' mifi epiftolam, ejus exemplum fugit me turn tibi " mittere, ncc id fuit quod fufpiceris, ut me puderit. Fui nee [fie leg. *' pro tui ne ridicule Micillus'] ridicule Y,^UixXoi, nee," &c. T. 164, 5. 4to. IT. 215. 8vo. n. 406. Lentulus began to prcfs him by repeated kttcrs to come and give them his affiftance ; for which Dr. M. cites Ep. Alt. XIII. 42. and 47. which two letters, though placed by the librarians near each other, were writ at very different times, and on different occafions ; the firft relating to the dedication of a temple (to which Lepidus being head of the College of Augurs fending for Cicero) was writ ante nonas Jan. The other, when Casfar was expcdted out of Spain. So that the joining thefe together as a proof that Lepidus fent for Cicero to come to the Senate, looks as if \vi was to dedicate a temple there. T. p. 24. 4to. II. 222. 8vo. II. 415, Young Quintus Cicero was one of the new fraternity of the Lupcrci, inftituted to the bonour of Jul. Ca;far — to the dillaLisfadtion of his uncle, [/■] Ad Att. XIII. 37. [k] Ad Att. XIII. 50. ^ who NOTES ON MIDDLETON'S LIFE OF CICERO. 349 who confidcred it, not only as a low piece of flattery, but an indecency, &c.] The cpiftle wherein Quintus is mentioned, and as being one of the fraternity of the Luperci, was writ a little after Csefar's going into Spain [/] ; of which there were then two colleges, the Fabii and the i'luintiUi : ths third,, in honour of yulius Cafar [7;/], was not inftituted till after his return from theme. Another proof that thefe were not the Julian Luperci, might be brought from Philotimus being amongft. them [«]. 4to..II. 244. 8vo. II. 417. Csefar had now prepared all things for his expedition againft the Par- thians — had fettled the fucceffion of all the Magiflrates for two years to come.l No, he fettled all, both City and Provincial, iox fve years, as appears from Appian [0]. E/j 7«f OTEVTajr.-i (^ciog'lgi) iy loi cgiy-a Vi^lv ^ zt^itlu, X. Tcis TMv c9vtZv yj igpoijoTci^MV Tiys^ovixi ^isTK^izTO, So Suetonius,. /?z plures an- nos [/>]. Hirtius, " Nihil enim jam video opus effe noflra cura, quoniam " priefidia [magiftratuum] funt in tot annos provifa \q']-' Again : " Bella " eft hujus juris quinquennia licentia [r]." To this and other paffages it will be objedted : " Etiamne Coff et tribunos plebis in biennium, quos *' ille [Csfar] voluit [j] ?*' /Ire ive to have ikofe Confuh andTribunss for two years which he nominated? This was the news Cicero had heard about a month after the death of Cjefar, and was probably an agreement between Antony and the Ccnfpirators, for thofe officers only to continue tiue years longer, though C^lar had nominated them. Cicero thinks much of that : What is more fl^oc king, fays he, than to confirm thofc very things for which he incurred bur hatred. The officers named t>y C^far were fome of them among the Confpirators, and fome fuch as both parties hoped to make their own ; viz. Hirtius and Panfa Cof. for the firft year, and Cafca one of the tribunes ; for the fecond year, Confuls L. Plancus and Decimus Brutus. T. p. 167. 4to. II. 245. 8vo. Iir. 3. It is evident, from feveral of Cicero's letters, that he prophcfied very early, that Csfar's reign could not laft fix months, but muft neceffarily fall either by violence, or by itfelf ; and hoped to live to fee it^.. This is [/] Ad Att. XII. 5,. [»!] Dion. Hift. Rom. p, 243, [;;} See ad Att. XI. 10. \o\ Bell. Civ. Lib. II. [/>] In Csf. c. 76. Tyl Ad Att. XV. 146. [r] Ad Att. XV. It. [s] Ad Att. XIV. 6. [/] Ad Att. X. 1. et XII. 4<.- fupportcd 359 M I S C E L L A N E O U S T R A C T S. fupponed by two Epiftles, the one writ five yeats, the other a year, before. Ccefar's death was thought of. And yet his prophetic Ipirit is not to be looked upon as a proof of any human forefighc grounded on the naturaJ courfe of things, but a fort of divination, which it was ufual among the ancients to make of any tranfadtlon of moment. Thus, when Cicero was to take a voyage to Pompey, Atticus is to ifend his predictions aboutit : I go to Arfinum, therue I Jhall expect your letter of omen \_ul. You will fay what is bad ; and }et will you then go on ? " Yes, fays Cicero, many things " have deceived the perfon I am going to. However, I fliall exped your lc(- 'fffer [-vl." So he obferves of the forefight of Themiftocles, who, though lie was the beft diviner in the world, fell into thofe misfortunes which that led him into. At laft Cicero receives Atticus 's augury [^y']. " Your letter " of omen is now come, and I am all inflamed. And yet you fay not a word '' of my journey, or the confequence of it," Upon the whole, this is a proof, not of his forefight, but of his fuperftition. T.-p. ii, 22. 4to. 11. 293. 8vo. II. 56. In the end of May Cicero moved towards Rome to affiil at the Senate on the firft of June. The nearer he .came to the city, the more he was difcou- raged from the thoughts of entering it. Hirtius d'ljfuaded hh going, and refolved to ft ay aixay hiwfelf; Varro fent him word, Stc. — Thefe informations determined him at laft not to venture to the Senate ; but to withdraw him- felf from that city, &c.l Cicero's not coming to Rome, or his withdrawing from thence by the firft of June, was not owing to Hirtius's advice, who was at Rome that very day, and fent a letter to Cicero then, and not before, to advife him to keep away. That Hirtius was at Rome himfelf on that day is pretty plain, from i Philip, c. 2. " Coff. defignati fe audere negabant in " fenatum venire, patriae liberatores urbe carcbant." The conjuh f/>/J7 [Hir- tius and Panfa]y^/(i they durft 7iot come into the Senate ; the deliverers of their country [Brutus and Cajfms'] were ahfent from the city. But ftill plainer from what he writes to Cicero. " Rure jam redierim, queris. An ego cum *' omnes caleant, ignaviter aliquid faciam .' Etiam ex urbe fum profeftus ; *' utilius enim ftatui abcflx:. Has tibi literas exiens in Tufculanum fcripfi; " noli autcm me tam ftrenuum putarc ut ad nonas recurram [z]." Tou [«] Ad Att. IX. 18. [a-] Ad Att. X. 8. [ V ] Ad Att. X. a. [x] Ad Att. XV. 6. ajk NOTES ON MIDDLETON'S LIFE OF CICERO. 351 ajk if I am returned from the country ; ivhcther, luhcn all are warm, I have aSled with timidity ? Tes, as I thought it prudent to be abfent from the city on this day, I am now fetting out from it, and fend you this jufl going to my Tufculanum. But dont imagine I flmll be hardy enough to return thither again by the fifth. And yet this latter rcfolution he fcems to have chano-cd, . from what Cicero writes afterwards in Ep. 5. which fhould follow Ep. 6. " Ut tu de provincia Bruti & Caffii per S. C. ita fcribit et Balbus et Hirtius ; " qui quidem fe adliirum [in fenatu"], et enim jam enim in Tufculano eft, *' mihique ut abfim vehementer audlor eft. Et ille quidem periculi '^ caufa, quod fibi etiam fuifle [i. e. Kalendis] dicit." What you write of the province granted to Brutus and Callus by the Senate is to the fame efFedt with what I have received from Balbus and Hirtius ; who will a(ft in the Senate, for he is now at the Tufculanum [whither he went on the firft of June], and very much prelTes me to keep away from the city, to avoid thofe dangers which, he fay?, attended him. T. p. 20, 21. I would only oblcrve, that Hirtius does not feem to have changed his refolution ; the fuppofition that he did is only built upon an elliptical exprcffibn, tvhich, to connedl with what follows, is better filled up by a negative than an afiirmative : qui quidem Je aP.urmn keg at, et enim jam in Titfculano ejl, who fays he will not a^ in the Senate, for he is now at his Tifculum- ■ The eye of fome fcribe loft a word perhaps by the liker.cfs of the termi- nation AT, and the beginning of Exenim. 4to. II. 294. Svo'. III. 57. Dolabella named him for one of his own lieutenants, which anfwercd his purpofe ftill better , for, without obliging him to any fcrvice, or limiting him to any time, it left him at liberty to go wherever he pleafed.] Thefe com- miflions were granted, not for an unlimited time, but for five years, as we. have already obferved, as appears from what follows in the very Epiftle which Dr. M. cites [^]. " Dolabella me fibi legavit, Bella eft autem '* hujas juris quiNtii'EKNii licentia." T. p. 166. 4to. II. 302. Svo. III. 66. Aftlcus, whofe philofophy was as incompatible as ambition with all af- fedtions that did not terminate in himfelf, was frequently drawn by the [«} Ad Att.XV. XI. goodneO iSi MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. goodnefs of his nature to corredl the vicioufnefs of his principle. He had often reproved Cicero for an excefs of love to his daughter Tullia, yet he no fooner got a little Attica of his own, than he began to difcover the fame fondncfs. Cicero rallies him : " I rejoice to perceive that you take " fo much delight in your little girl — Adieu then to Patro, and all your " Epicurean School.] All this fine refleftion is built on a falfe reading. " Filiolam quam tibi jam Roma jucUndam effe gaudeo ; eamque quani *' iiunquam vidi, tamen et amo, et amabiiem effe certo fcio. Etiam atque " etiam valete Patron et tuis condifcipuIis[b\" which, fliould be read, the jKjinting altered, " etiam atque etiam vale. De Patrone et tuis condifcipulis, " qua: de parietinis in militia laboravi, ea tibi grata effe gaudeo;" i. e. Again and again farewell. I am glad that my endeavours, while I was abroad, towards gaining a grant of the old walls for Patron and his fchool gave you pleafure. — In militia, i. e. in peregriatione. So VI. 2. " In hac peregrina- " tione militiave noftra." Atticus had interceded with Cicero to ufe his intereft with Memmius to get thofe walls bequeathed by Epicurus to his fucceffors granted to Patron, which Cicero obtained, and by that means fecured to Atticus a great intereft with him. See Ibid. II. " Apud Pa- " tronem ct reliquos verones te in maxima gratia pofui." Where Junius, Popma, and oth-ers would change verones, a term of reproach into boroncs ; becaufe Cicero would never give the Epicureans fuch an ignominious name to Atticus, who was himfelf one of them. But it is rather an argu- ment that Atticus was not one of them, though Dr. M. has followed them and many other writers in this miftake. T. p. 175. But fhould we not for the fame reafon read condifdpuiis fuis for tuis? 4to. II. 518. 8vo. III. 304. Cicero's moft confpicuous and glaring paffion of his foul was, the love of glory and thirft of praife — the confenting praife of all honeft men, and the incorrupt teftimony of thofe who can judge of excellent metit, which refounds always to virtue as the echo to the voice ; and fince it is the general companion of good a<9:ions, ought not to be rejcfted by good men.] And yet, upon a view of Cicero's life, there are feveral traits which cannot be juftified upon any fuch principle. While he ftood for the Confullhip, he writes to Atticus : J have thoughts of undertaking the defence ofCatali?ie [fj. [b] Ad Alt. Ep. V. 19. [(] Ad Att. V. 19. NOTES ON MIDDLETON'S LIFE OF CICERO. 353 ■If I get him acquitted, I hope it will make him go band in band ivitb me in ■ making interejl. On the contrary, he cxcufcs himfelf for not undertaking ^hc defence of Cscilius, Atticus's uncle, agabft Satrius, in thcfe terms: If you will judge of ?ne with feverity, you nnijl impute it to jny thirjl of honour .^ for you fee the courfc I fteer, how dejirous I am, not only of retaining my inte- rejl, but of encreafmg it. T. p. 170. 4to. II. 535. Svo. III. 312. We have about a thoufand of Cicero's letters ftill remaining, all written after he vj^.^ forty j^ears old; which are but a fmall part, not only of what he writ, but of what were ad:ually publiflied after his death by his fervant Tiro.] Not all', the fifth and fixth, containing an account of his father's and his brother Lucius's death, were writ when he was thirty weight only. T.p. 13. 4to. II. 545. n. I. Svo. III. 337. n. i. Though Cicero's orations are not always the proper vouchers of his opi- nions, yet they are the bell teflimonies that can be alledged for the truth o//iZiSx; efpecially tho-fe which were fpoken to the Senate or People, &C.3 No certain evidence of fad:s ; it being the bufinefs of orators not only to conceal the truth, but to aflert or admit falfities fometimes, when they make for their caufe. To give a remarkable inllance of this In Cicero's oration for Milo : It was propofed to defend MIlo, by maintaining that Clodius was of fervice to the ftate; which Cicero rejefted. But the plain- tiffs having urged, that Milo had laid in wait for Qodius, he takes hold • of that, and afferts Avhat was totally falfe, viz. That there was fomc l}'ing in wait by one or other, which the Senate had determined to be againft law. This then is the only feint to be tried. " Infidias fadlas effe con- " flat, et id eft quod Senatus contra remp. fadlam judicavit. Ab utro ** fa<5la» fint incertum eft. Nunquid igirur aliud in judicium venit, nifi *' uter utri infidias fecerit \_d]" 4to. II. 552. 8vo. III. 345. As the duty of all good citizens] the part ^f a wife man, a politician. ■ Confejfwnal, p. 263. ed. 1770. 4to.JI. 566. 'Svo. III. 362. The Epicurean fcheme, which Atticus followed, determined him never "to a(5l in ftate- affairs himfelf, or never at leaft fo far as to difturb his enfe^ [^ Orat. pro iMilone, c. £, -Z z ot' 354 M I S C E L L A N E O U S T R A C T S. or endanger his fafety. — To . the fame purpofc, 4to. I. 352. 8vo. I. 370. We may imnglne, il\ys Dr. M.-\vhat his charadler feemS' to fuggeft, that though he had a greater love for Cicero than for any man, yet it was al- ways with an exception of not involving himfelf in the diftrefs of his friend, or difturbiug the, tranquillity of his life by taking any fliare- of another's mifery ; and that he was following only the diSates of his temper and principles, in fparing himfelf a trouble, which would have made him fuffer more than his philofophy could eafily bear.] 1. Bad as the Epi- curean principles were, Dr. M. obferves, on another occafion, that they were many of them worthy, virtuous, generovis friends, and lovers of their country. 2. Thefe are hard things to fay of a man, of whom Cornelius Nepos lias given fo glorious a charadter : " Se nunquam cum matre in gra- " tiam rediiffe, nunquam cum forore fuiffe in fimultate — Neque id fecit " natura folum — fed etiam doBrina. Nam et principum philofophorum ita ** percepta habuitpr«cepta, ut iis ad vitam agendam, non ad ojlentationem^ *' uteretur." One who never grieved his parent — but when he died. That his goodnefs was not owing to Nature only, but to principle, having imbibed the rules of the philofophers, not for fpeculation, but pradtice, more for the ufe than ornament of life. 3. Though Atticus kept up a friendfliip from his youth with the Epicureans, he was not one of them himfelf, as the Commentators have generally fuppofed. The following words are quite inconfiftent with their principles-: " Ut nos," fays Cicero, " a te admonemur, redte in illis libris [politicis] diximus, nihil effe bo- " num, nifi quod hcneftum ; nihil malum, nifi quod turpe fit [f]." You remind me, that I have juftiy laid it down as a maxim, that no adlion is juftifiable that is not honeft ; and that, in another place [/], we fee Atti- cus agreeing with Cicero in maxims the moft oppofite to the Epicureans in the world : I am glad to hear you arc fond of your little one, that you ejlcem natural affeBion for children laudable ; for if that is once rooted out of human nature, you diffohe fociety. Carneades zuould cry, good luck and a boy ! Coarfe enough, but more modeji than Lucius and Patron [Epicureans], ivho reduce every thing to their own pleafwe, and leave nothing to he done for the fake of another. When they fay a man flmdd behave zvell to others, not from a prin- ciple of jujlice, but that others may behave fo to him, what is this but laying dozvn rules of prudence, not of honcjly ? But this we have treated of in thofe [f] Ad Att. X. 4. [/] A'l Att. VII. 2, booKs. NOTES ON MIDDLETON'S LIFE OF CICT-RO. books De Rcpublica, which I writ at your hiftigation. In another palFi'Tc concerning his aficdion for his daughter [^], Dr. M. rcprcicnts him from Cicero as bidding farewell to Patron and the followers of Epicurus ; but that, as we have before fecn, is a fuppofition built on a falfe reading f/ji. As a farther proof that Atticus was no Epicurean, the fhort of the matter is this : It was a fafliion among the great men at Rome, to efpoufc fomc fort of philofophy or other, which yet they would change without offence to any one, except the mafter they profefled under, who, as Cicero tells us, *' ferebat iniquo animo, fi quis a fua difciplina defciviifetf/]." Thus At- ticus is reprefented making conceflions againft the Epicurean fyftem — pro- vided none of his fellow J>upils hear hi?n — " condifcipulorum ne quis cxau- " diat Iky And in the Epiftles[/]. Let us return to the Tufculan difpu- tations, and for your fake keep out of fight of Saufeius your tutor. " Saufeium propter te celemus." It is certain that many came from other feds to the Epicureans, as Dr. M. has obferved ; and from what has been .cited above, that Atticus had in a great meafure left them. T. i;8, 179. 4to. II. 569. 8vo. III. ^65. There we fee the man who could declare of himfclf with truth, in an appeal to Atticus, as to the beft witnefs of his confcience, that he had always done the greateft fervices to his country when it was in his power ; .or when it was not, bad never harboured a thought of it but what was DIVINE.] " Prccclara confcientia fuftentor, cum cogito me de Repub. aut " meruifle optime cum potuerim ; aut ccrte nunquam nifi divine coo-i- *' taffe[7«3-" This he fpoke of his divination in politics, by which he fore- told the misfortunes that would happen ; for he adds, " eaque ipfa tem- *' peftate everfam efle rempublicam, quam ipfc xiv annis ante profpex- «' erim." T. p. 4. 4to. II. 574. 8vo. II. 370. In one familiar chat, as we fit at table, the night Jleals upon us wlthoiin thinking of it.] It Ihould be — he [Crafippus] fleals in upon us. " Cra- ** fippo me fcito non ut difcipulum, fed ut filium, effe conjunftiffimum [/(] lg\ Ad Att. XIX. 5. \h^, Ad Att. XII. 2. It \ Tufc. Difp. 1. V. 40. See Warb. Div. Leg. I. p. 3S0. Ed. 2. \R\ Leg. L c. 7. [/] Ad Att. XV. 4. [wj Ad Att, X. 4, [?;] Ep, lam, X\'I. 31. Z Z 2 *' — Sum 3-55 25^-. MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. <' — Sum totos dies cum eo, noftifquc fa-pe numero partem. Exoro " enim ut mecum quam fepiffime coenet. Hac introdu£ta confuetudine, . " fepe infcie nil bus nobis et conaniibus ohxs^\t.'" T. 190, I fhall conclude this fubjed: with a remarkable inftance of human frailty and human vanity in this ingenious writer's remark on the Ron-ian Senate. He had unluckily faid, that the Olympiad [^ol^ was both by ancients and inoderns tahenfor a term of Jive years complete (a miftake which perhaps no ancients and few moderns have fallen into), but that it was only four ; as the lujlrum ivds among the Ro?nans. If this was the period of a luftrum, Horace felt his blood grow cool very early, who bade the girls not be afraid of him,, becaufe he had paft the eighth luftrum [/>], which at this reckoning was when he was xxxii years old. Both fides of the miftake being fhewn to- be all his own, he would admit of no confutation but from himfelf, and. then raifes a cloud over the queftion, that no one might fee through it» He colledts together the feveral periods in which a luftrum was held, and fays, If we compute from the eleventh, or the firjl held by the cenfors to the lafl of Appius Claudius, the intervening fixty will each of them contain about fix years and an half From which we fee, that though time and cujlom [which by the way is the fole arbiter of words] have fixed the notion of a quinquennium or term of five years to the word luftrum, yet there is no fuffi-- cient ground for it in fact, or the NATtrRE of things \_q]. A common reader would have reprefented the cafe thus : A luftrum was to be held every five years according to the firft inftitution among the Romans ; for which: reafon, when applied to time, it always fignifies that period ; but becaufe taking an eftimate of every citizen's fortune was the moll: cfl~ential part of the ceremony, and as the people grew rich they had too much fpirit,. or too little virtue, to bear fuch a general excife, it was often omitted,, and the luftrum was performed occafionally, as policy required, or pru-- dence could eftedt it. [ff] Diffcrtalion on the Origin of Printing, 4to, p. iti [/>] — — Fiige fufpicari, Ciijus oftavum trepidavit netas C'laudcre luftrum. Hor. Od. ii. 4. Mr, Bowyer has enlarged on this ftibjeft in " The Origin of Printing, 1766,'' p. 32. [7] Effay on. the Roman Senate, 1747, 8vo, p. 107. 410, vol. III. p. 429. Refc- C 357 ] References to Mr. Tunstall's Observations. iiliDDLETON, Dr. Inconfiftcnt with himfelf, 56. 74. 149, 150. 166. 20 r, 202. 205. 283. 285, .V. 286.'-— with himfelf and the fufpeded letters, 306. ZSl'f' — niiftakes Erafmus, 53. — miftakes concerning Tiro's being the perfon to whom we are indebted concerning Cicero's Epiftles, 74. — and concerning the affair of the Salaminians, 87, 88. — accufes M. An- tony of abufing young Quintus, where it is probable he fpoke upon good information, 97.- — miftaken in his idea of Brutus's eloquence, 94 — 96. in Cicero's motive to write the praife of Cato, 92. — in the fubjed of Ci- cero's letter to Ca;far, 100. — and in the alteration of it, p. loi. — his wrong and his right translation of Plutarch, 115. — his wrong tranflation, 116. — unjuftly makes Odavius frjl form the plan of his power at the viftory before Modena, 134. — miftaken in the meaning of the word A£ts, 156. — in the fenfe of Att. v. 19, 167. — in imagining that Brutus approved of Cicero's manner of oratory, 180, 181. — acknowledges one thing proved contrary to what he has afferted, 183. — acknowledo-es a miftake half proved againft him, 183. — his extraordinary rule of deter- mining which of the two Brutus's are meant in Cicero's letters, 184, 5. — his artful logic, in fhewing that the opportunities Marcus Brutus loft of faving the Republic were charged to Decmiis Brutus, 192. /. — mif- underflands the fufpefted epiftles, 205. 214. 225. c. — d lifers from Plu- tarch and Appian in his opinion of Cicero's joining intereft with Ofta- vianus for the Confullhip, 226. — differs from the fufpedled letters in his own account of many particulars, 224. 232. 253. b. — Odlavius's view to the Confulfhip from the fufpedted letters, 224. 232. 253, b. — miftaken in the time of the death of Panfa after the fecond adtion at Modena, 260, y. — falfcly refers Brutus's letter, in which Antony is faid to be his prifoner, to the time of his fending his firjt public letter concerning his fuccefles in Macedonia, 285, x. — his reflexion groundlefs on the wifdom of Panfa, in refufing to part with any troops out of Italy, 291. — afcribes the title of Philippics to a caufe to which Plutarch was a . flranger, 298, />.— falfely fays that Plutarch made little or no ufe of them, ibid. — miftaken in the date of Plancus's letter, 301 . — mifunder- ftands the fufpeded letters, 315. 2,^C),k. 381,/. 3 84, ;•.— miftaken in the devolution of the aufpices on the death of the Confuls, 328, £-.— con- cerning Cicero's predicting the death of Jul. Ccefar, 343. — in fuppofing. Lepidus's eftate confifcated, 371. — alters the text of the fufpcited let- ters without reafon, 381, t. 392. ;■, la 'I 35S ] In biS'Review of Dr. Middleton, Mr. Bowter left the few following Observations on Mr. Melmoth's Cicero. Vol. I. p. 15. The truth is, I never once made a motion in the Senate to his prejudice : on the contrary, as often as any queftion arofe in which he was concerned, I always voted on the moft favourable fide.] Nulla ■ ejl a me unqiuwt-.'i's.iSifS.'&'xih dicta in fratrem tuum ; quotiefcunque aliquid efi aclum, fedene its qffenfh qui Jnihi lenijfime /entire vift funi. 111 tranflated. See Spelman. Vol. II. p. 192. Patricians of the lower order P\ Fiierunt Patricii minorum gentium, which according to Mr. Hooke fliould be tranflated, defcendants of .the Senators of the second creation. According to Livy, there were on« ,ly 100 Senators created . during the reign of Romulus; and 100 more .afterwards by Tarquinius. Now it does not appear that Tarquin's Se- nators were more ignoble by birth, or of a lower rank, than thofe of Romulus. Both the one and the other became noble by being made Senators, or Patres ; and thje defcendants of both were called Patricians, iiot becaufe defcended from Patricians, but becaufe defcended from Patres ox Senators. Hooke's Roman Senate, p. 24. P. 309. Cilicia, to which you know three Afiaiic departments were an- nexed.] Upon the breaking out of the civil war. three departments, which had been annexed to the Province of Cilicia when Cicero was proconful there were taken away, and put under the proconful of Afia. Thefe were part of the greater Phrygia, called afteward Pacatiana, the chief city of which was Laodicca, as appears from this Epiflle. 2. Lycaonia^ added to the jurifdidion of Afia, 1. xiii. ep. 73. 3. Pamphylia, as may- be coUeded from 1. xiL ep. 15. Lentulus Spinther proqueftor to Tre- bonius, who was proconful of Afia, fays, Sida is the laji town of my pro- vince. But before, when Cicero was proconful of Cilicia, he fays, ep. 5, ,it bordered on the Jhre cf bis province. Noris, Cenotaph. Pifan. p. 21S. Sigonius makes Pifidia to have been placed under the Afian jurifdidlion, which is not probable. lEpitomc C 259 1 Epitome of CicF.Ro's Life ; abridged from Dr. Middleton^ by Mr. Bowyer,. but left imperfcdt. U. C. Capiti 647 Jan. 3. M. T. Cicero born Vol. I. 8vo, page i And Pompey born the laft of September the fame year ibid. Of Helvia, vvhofe fifter married C. Aculeo, a Roman knight 2 At Arpinum a city of the Samnites 4 His father, Marcus 8 Bred up at Rome, with his coulin Aculeo, by the direction of L. Craffus, under^ a Greek Mafter in a houfe of 200I. a year lo 65 1 Put under Aretas the poet, in the houfe of Lucullus, Cic. Ep. v. 1 1 662 Takes the manly gown xvi 12 Placed under Q;. M. Sc^vola the augui, and, at his death, under another Scavola, the high prieft i^ Cuftom of lawyers to fit in open thrones, to give advice, like confeflbrs in foreign churches i ^ 663 His method of ftudy, publilhes fome pieces of poetry xvii 17 Addifted under Phadrus to the Epicurean philofophy, which he afterwards deferted iS 664 In the fecial war, makes a campaign under Cn. Pompey the Conful, father of Pompey the Great xviii 19 And near the perfon of the lieutenant Sylla 2 i 665 War with Mithridates King of Pontus, which occafioned the firft civil war between Marias and Sylla xix»22 Marius defeated 23 666 Marius recalled to Rome by Cinna, who put to- the fword, among others,. Antonius, grandfather of that Antonius who afterwards put Cicero to death xx 24 667 Marius, being declared Conful, dies Jan. 13, Cicero's coun- tryman XXI 25 Cicero publifhes his book De Inventione, 28 Phllo, an Athenian, having fled from the fury of Mithridates to Roja:ie, Cicero becomes his fcholar ibid. Attends J 60 M I S C E L L A K E O U S T R A C T S. U. C. Capit. Page Attends the leftures in oratory of Molo the Rhodian 29 And keeps Diodotus in his houfe as his preceptor in logic ibid-. 668 Sylla makes peace with Mithridates 30 669 Cinna put to death by his own foldiers ; Sylla lands at Brun- dufium, and is joined by Pompey ibid. 670 Norbanus, the conful, defeated by Sylla, and L. Corn. Scipio baniflies himfelf to Marfeilles 31 671 Marius Grafidianus, the adopted fon of Marius vn conful, being befiegcd in Praenefte, writes to the praetor at Rome to call a Senate, when many of them were maflacred; after which Marius kills himfelf ibid. 'Carbo put to death by Pompey ibid. •Profcription under Sylla ibid. Jul. Casfar efcapes ; having married Cinna's daughter, was deprived of her fortune and ihc prielthood 33 L. Flaccus, being chofen Interred, declared Sylla Didaior for fettling the ftate 34 "Who takes from the Equeftrian order the judgment of caufes, and reftores it to the Senate : re-places the choice of the priefts in the colleges of the priells; and abridges the power of the tribunes 35 Molo the Pvhodian comes to Rome a fecond time, to folicit the payment due to his country for their fervices in the Mithridat'ic war, who was was allowed to fpeak to the Se- nate in Greek without an interpreter ibid. 672 Cicero offers himfelf to the bar . 38 Defends P. Quintus xxii ibid- 673 AndS. Rofcius xxvii ibid. 674 Defends the rights of fome towns in Italy to the freedom of Home, which Sylla had deprived them of xxviii 42 Sets forward on his travels to Greece and Afia, to correct his manner of fpeaking 43 Is initiated at Athens in the Elcufmian myftcrics 44 An account of them 45 Studies MIDDLETON'S LIFE OF CICERO EPITOMISED. 361 U. C. Capit. Page Studies oratory under Mile at Rhodes, and philofophy under Pofidonius 47 Where he declaimed in Greek becaufe Milo did not undcr- fland Latin ibid. 675 Sylla dies 50 676 Cicero returns to Italy after two years excurfion xxx. 48 Pompey about tliis time, the firft of the Equefirian order, triumphed for his vidtorics in Africa ; and Julius Csfar, fix years j'ounger, gained a civic crown for his behaviour at Mitylene 50 The fadtion begun bctv;een Marius and Sylla breaks out in- to a new war between the confuls Q^Catulus and M. Le- pidus, which was ended by Brutus being llain by Pompey after the battle of Modena the next year 54, 5^ Cicero in his return home is faid to have gone to the oracle at Delphi ^5 This year he probably married Terentia, whofe fiftcr was one of the veftal virgins 6j, 64 677 Defends Rofcius the player xxxi. C7 Gains the Qusftorfhip, at the comitia tributa, as foon as he was capable of it, when Cotta was chofen conful, and Hor- tenfius asdile 59, 60. The bufinefs of pleading not undertaken for pay ^6 Quieftors at this time twenty in number, which office, at the expiration of it, gave an admiflion into the Senate 61 Aug. 5. has a daughter born, who was afterwards at the age of XIII, the year before his confulfhip 63, 64 678 Has the province of Lilybsum in Sicily afligned to him xxxn. 65 Defends there by his pleadings fome young noblemen who fled from the army, and were fent thither to be tried be- fore the prator of Sicily 69 Difcovers at Syracufe the tomb of Archimedes, which the in- habitants of the place were ftrangers to 68 679 Returning to Rome at the expiration of his office, lands at Puteoli near Baias xxxiii. 69 A a a At 362 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. U. C. Capit. Page At his return to Rome, finds the conful L. LucuUus exerting his power againft L. Quindtius the tribune, who wanted to reverfe the ayoi, Afts xxii. 28. fays, he bought his freedom at a great ex- pence. Jofephus fpeaks of members who were Roman citizens probably by purchafe. Jus Latium, quo colonia donabantur civitate Romana, petendi magijlratus gratia. Afcon. in Orat. ad Pifon. And yet citizens of Rome fecm to have loft their freedom by going into the Roman colonies. Cic. pro Csec. C. 33. ^emadmodum, fi civitas adimi 7ion pcjfit, in colonias Latinas Jape noflri civis profebli fmt. Jut fua voluntate, aut legis multa ■profcii funt^ &c. And Spanh. Orb. Rom. Exerc. I c. viii. p. 64. All who in full right were citizens of Rome were ordinarily obliged to be perfonally entered in the Cenfors books at Rome every fifth year. Cic. Att. I. l8. Germanos negotiatores fub lujlrum rom^ censeri. Cic. Aft. I. in Verrem, c. 1 8. Cum hcec frequcntia tolius Italia Roma difceffcrit, qua con- venit icno tempore judiciorum cenfendique caufa. Veil. Pat. II. c. 15. Cic. pro Flacco, c. 32. it appears that Decianus, trader In fome Greek cities, was regiftered in fome tribe. — Pighius indeed, Tom. I. p. 166, fays, that Cenfors were created in every city in the provinces, to rcgifer the Ro?nan cities in the provinces and the ar7ny^h']. But Cicero, pro Arch. c. 5. on the con- trary, urges It as a reafon why Archlas was not regiftered, becaufe he was with Lucullus in the army. LIv. xxix. 37. fa}s, Lujlrum conditum fcriusy qui per provincias dimiferunt cenfores, ut civium Romanorum in exercitibus, quantus ubique ejfl't, referretur numerus. If there had been provincial cen- fors, who took an account of the genuine Roman citizens, there was no need to have fent cenfors from Rome. To the fame purpofe, Attic. K I. Ep. xviii. fays, Germanos negotiatores fub hijirum -rouje cenferi. Hard as it may fecm that citizens fhould be obliged to come to Rome, It is cer- tain Csefar made a law, in Suet. c. 42. ne quis civis major dn?iis xx, jninorque discern, qui facromcnto non ieneretur, plus triennio continuo Italia abeflt. But what, it will be afked, was the bufinefs of the Provincial cenfors ? for fuch there were, as appears from Cic. 1. ii. in Verrem, c. t;^ & 56. ^inlo quoque anno Sirilia toia cenfetur. Erat cenfa pratore Peducao, Sec. LIvy xlli.. c. 10. Socii La tint nominis redire in civitates fuas dcbuiffent, ncquis eorttm VX)}AM, fed omnes in fuis clvitatibus cenferenlur. And in Gruter Infcrlpt. [/)] Aintzen. p. 179. p. CLXXI. 368 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. p. cLXXi. n. 8. CLXVii. n. 5. & cdxxxix. 5. mention is made of censi- TORES PRoviNCi^ & civiuM ROM. COLONIC. It appears then that the Provinces and Mun'icipiti, who had not the full right of citizens, but were fo only as to fome particular privileges, had cenfors of their own to take account of them. As the Gremial fons of Rome were regiftered in their own city of Rome, fo were the Provincial fons in theirs. It is probable, however, that if fome citizens, who already had been regiftered, happened to be abfent from Rome when another cenfus was held, they might be excufed from appearing. Gell. Nodt. Att. 1. v. c. 19. In the fpeech which Scipio, when cenfor, made to the people : Abfentes cenfere jubere, iit ad cenfum nemini necejfe fit vetiire. See Putean. ad Veil. Pat 1. ii. c. 15. Manut. de Civ. Rom. p. 27. Sc 32. Ed. Gr^v. Sigon. de Jure Civ. Rom. 1. i. c. 14. Spanh. Orb. Rom. Q^ Why Coiforcs Trovinciarum, if thcfe citizens were to come to Rome to be regiftered ? He confines it to thofe who were proprio jure cives, not Municipii cives, p. 180. " Ne leges & jura urbis Roma, cum exterarum gentium legibus & " confuetudinibus permifcerentur. Hoc vero non procedit in Muni- *' cipibus." p. 191. " Hunc confenfum equefter ordo, eft fecutus, cqueftris ordinis plebs." Liv. XXVI. 37. i.e. thofe who were really of the cqueftrian order in the cenfor's roll, and thofe who were capable of being on the equeftrian order, but who were not placed on the roll. At the time of the fecond Punic war, the conftltution of the republic of Carthage was impaired and corrupted : for with them " plurimam po- " piihis fibi authoritatem vindlcaverat, qu£ apud Romanos illibata penes " fenatum adhuc erat. Quo faftum, ut illic populo de rebus omnibus " confultante ; hie, civiuin optimo quoque, Romani viceriut." Polyb, p. 494. Ann. Reg. 1^65, p. 302. Cicero's opinion of L. Opimius very different from Plutarch's. Hooke's Rom. Hift. III. p. S5- Titius condemned to banilhment for having the pidture of Saturninus in his houfej which adt of rigour is juftified by Cicero, pro Rabir. c. 19. — Ibid. p. 95. Of REMARKS ON RO M AN NAMES. 369 Of the Roman Names. The Romans had ordinarily three names, Prammen, Nomcn, and Cog- nomen *. The Prasnomen dillinguiflied the perfon ; the middle name gens or defcent -f- ; the laft, or/ttrname, diftinguifned the particular branch of it, what they called F^w///^, as Marcus TuUius Cicero was diftinguifhed from his brother f^anlt/s 'TuUius Cicero. Thus far is clear. Biit it is diflicult fome- times to dilVinguifli thefe names, either by their being abridged, tranfpofed, or by adding fofue other dcfignations to fpccify either the family or the per- fons. Thus Dcciwus and Numerius were the Pr^snomina of fcarce any other families hut the Junian znCi Fabian ; and yet bv writing D. iN*^. they have been miftaken for Decius, and Nomius or Gnaus, the G, according to Vale- rius, being taken away in the Prffinomcn, to foften the pronunciation. Ho AJan/us, written M' wirh a ftroke to diftinguifli it from Manus, has been taken for Mulius, which never was a Pra?nomen. Sometimes ill and 2d name mentioned, as ^lintus Horalius [Fiaccus.'j Sometimes ift and 3d name mentioned, as Marcus \_Por:ius'] Cato. Sometimes 2d and 3d name mentioned, as [Caius~\ Cornelius Tacitus. Sometimes the Nomen was put before the Prsenomen, fometimes the third before the fecond, the Cognomen before the Nomen ; as, Crilpus S.dtiif- tius ; PauIIus Emilias ; Callus Caninius ; Vetus Antfjlius. Paul. Manut. Ep. ad Brut. p. 183. As a help to diflinguifh fuch tranfpofitions, it muft be obferved, i. That the No7i:en Gent'nitium, or family name, always ended in ins. Pcppcus and P^- ciutcus need not be confidered as exceptions to this rule, becaufe it is pro- bable they were originally written and pronounced like Pompeius. 2. That there are very few Prsnomina which end fo. Varro fays, there are not above xxx in all ; out of which there are not above via with this termi- nation, viz. Appius, Caius, Lucius, Manias, Numerius, Publius, Strvius, Ti- berius, Melius, which may ealily be remembered by this memorial line : Prcenom. funt Man. Serv. Tiber. Ap. Publ. et Ca. Luc. Met. Num. So that all the names, which are not included in thefc vin, and do not end in ius, are Cognomina. But, as if they were cautious of bringing in confu- fion, they never changed a Cognomen into fuch a termination, and admitted * The Pi'senomen given at the Dies Lvftrum ; the Nomen at taking up the Toga Virilii ; the Cognomen adiieied to the Family. + Thus, in the Gens Valeria, the Gens was divided into various branches, diftin- • guiflied by different Cognomina, as the Maximi, Meflalla, Flacci, Lsvini, Tellor.es, Poplicola;, Politi. In the Gens Cornelia, Coifi, Malaginenles, Scipiones, Lentuli, Doia- bellae, SuUae, Cinns, &c. B b b * but 370 M I S C E L L A N E O U S T R A C T S. but few Cognomina that ended fo, viz. Pius and Cepronius of the Metellv; Triariiis of the Valerii ; ^adrigarius of the Claudii, in Gellius ; Lanarius of the Calpurnii, in Plutarch. Perizon. Orb. Terr. Defer, p. 97 i. But the greateft difficulty is to dillinguifh the multitude of furnames which, end in ius from the family names of the fame termination. We fliould except likevvife Prtrnomina of number, at firfl: given to chil- dren, taken from the order in uhich they were born, but ufually given arbitrarily, without regard to order of birth ; as Sluinius, Sextus, Decmus. The PRiENcMEN was the name proper to each individual, and diftinguiflied- men, as the Nom.en did families. The eldeft had ufually the Pricnomen of his father ; but many reafons often prevented that rule from being uni- verfal. Of the two fons of M. Crajlis, who was killed- In the war againfc the Parthians, the eldeft was called Publius, by the Pranomen of his grand- father ; the younger, Marcus L. Otho M. F. The father of the Emperor named his eldeft fon L. Titiamts Otho, the youngeft Marcus Titiainis Otho. Under the Republic, thefe exceptions are more rare, and feldom made unlefs the eldeft died, or was adopted into another family, by which means- lofing his Przenomen, the father endeavoured to perpetuate it again In one of his children born afterwards. Thus M. /Emillus Lepidus, the father of the Triumvir, gave his eldeft fon Marcus to be adopted by Scipia, who- was called after that .^milianus. The feeond fon was Lucius Faulus ^milius. The third, who was the Triumvir, after the adoption of his- eldeft brother, was called by his father's Prsenomen Marcus ALmilius Lcpidus. Some had two Pr^^iomina at once ; as M. Servius Sulpicius; Cornelius Ncpos, Vir. Att. c. 2. § i. ^ Sen'ius Sulpicius Galbus ; Cic. de Orat. L. SERvivs [Sulpicius] RVFVS ; Num. ap. Fulv. Urfin. cossvs cn. f. len- ivLvs ; Num. ap.Goltz. cosso cornelio lentvlo ; Infer, i. p. 107. ap. Grut. L. Pdulus /Emilius Cenfor, Coif. fufl'. 719. !:'ome bore one Pr,r- nomen, and after changed it for another. Drufus, the father of Claudius- Cajfar, was firft Deciimis, after Nero. Suet, in CI. i. Sec Relnef. E]>. ad Ruf. p. 464, 5. & 585. C. Applus, Jun. Sllanus Coll". 780. But gn c- rally the two Pranomlna were not retained at once ; but one was dropt when the other was affumetl, as C. N. Coffus Cornelius. Commodus has ufunlly on coins the Pr.rnomcn of marcus, fometimes that of Lvcivs. Gcta has cither lvcivs or i'Vbmvs indinerentlv. ./^Imlllan has cAU's or maucvs indifferently. Pefccnnlus Niger has Cains for his 5 Prjenomen ; REMARKS ON ROMAN NAMES. 371 Prsnomen ; but in fome infcriptions of the Fraires Ar-valcs, publiflied by Philip a Turre, mention is made o'i Pub lias Pefceimins, U. C. 183, which fomc fuppofc to be the fame who was afterwards Emperor. Thcfe are the only inftances of the fame perfon ufing different Prcenomina. See in Phil. Tranf. 1750, p. 495, a letter to Dr. Mead, from M. dc Boze, keeper of the French King's Cabinet. PrcEnomina are often by miftake joined with the Nomen ; as in Frontin. Strat. IV. 5. Calius Vrator urbanus for L. jEUus. Plin. N. H. Catinit(s for C. Alinius. In Gellius and Macrobius, Cxliits and Cacilius for C. A,ilius. In Florus, Metellus for M. Atenus. On Denarii, Tainpius lor T. Atnpius. To prevent this miftake on Coins, it may be remembered, that where the Cognomen is mentioned, the Pra-nomen is never omitted; which fhould have prevented writers from falling into that error of reading atilivs ciMBER, inilead of A. tilivs cimber. The Nomen was what was common to the whole family ; yet It is often by hiftorians more peculiarly appropriated to one, who was the moft fa- mous of it *. Thus Nero Claudius Drufus, the fon-in-lavv of Auguftus, and the brother of TJ^mz/j, left three children, all C/(?mJ/7-, but he that was afterwards Emperor is mentioned folely by that name. Ex Antonia tres omnino iDrufi(s~\ reliquit, Ger7>ianicum, Livillam, Claudium -f. So the fons of Germanicus, who were adopted by Tiberius into the Julian family, are in Infcriptions ftyled Jtdii and defcires ; yet, by Suet. c. 7. are diftin- guilhed by no other names than Nero, Drufus, and C. Cafar, afcribing the name of Cafar to the laft, though common to all three. The three daughters likewife of Germanicus are ftyled on coins by no other names than Jgrippuia, Drufdla, jidia ; and in Tacit. An. vi. 15. And yet Jidia was the family name common to them all. Tacitus, An. xii. i. calls the firft of them Julia Agrippina Germaiiico genlta. The fecond in Grut. 54. p. io:!2. is called Julia Drufdla. And the third is called Julia Livilla. It has been a difpute among the learned, how two brother germans fhould have different family names ; as in Cic. in Verr. i. 49. " Dixit " C. Fannius Eques Rom. frater gcrmanus Q. Titinii judicis tui, tibi le pe- " cuniam dediffe." Manutius imagines that Quintus, brother of C. Fannius, was adopted into the Titinian family. But there is no occafion or this jngenious folution, if we do but fuppofe (of which there is undoubted proof) * A. H. p. 112. t Suet. c. I. B b b a that 372 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. that fraicr gennanus is often no more than a brother by the mother^s fide. Varro is exprefs to this purpofe, as cited by Servius, ^neid. v. 412. Thf fame fcruple ftuck with If. Cafaubon in Vopifcus's Life of Florianus, c. i, where he lias thefe words, Hie frater Taciti genvanus fiiit ; and yet c. iv. fays they had different fathers. Pet. Weffeling. Obferv, i. c. 13. The Cognomen was the third name, given at firft to one of the family from fome accidental circumftsnce, and continued on to ail the reft after- wards, as Marcus Tnl/ius Cicero, Slijintiis Tuliiiis Cicero. They affeifted to aggrandize their own families with the furnames of thofe who had been famous in Hiftory. The Oppian families called themfelves Comic ini ; the Valerian, Publicolcc, Potifi, Voluji, Maxhni ; the Furian, Camilli ; the Licinian, Calvi and Stclcnes ; the Cornelian, Cc/Ji. Old Prsnomina came afrervvard? to be Cognomina ; Tullus, the Pra;nomen of Hojliliiis, being the Cognomen of L. I^'olcafu'.s Tuilus, Cof. 720. So, on the other hand, fome of the great families, tired of the common Prcenomina, affcdted to take fome old Cog- nomen for their Prgenomen -'■. Faulus, though an old Cognomen, was the Prxnomen of feveral -, as, Paulus Viyginius Rufus, Cof. 815. Paur lus jEbulius Partheniiu under Galba. Grut. ^. p. 198. So, as we have feen, M. Jimilius Lepidus gave his fecond fon two Prsenomina, LuJus Paiili/s, to place the name of that great man in his family, who was cosval with M. Lepidus Pontif. Max, Paula Valeria, wife of D. Brutus Lucius, having but one fon, joined both thefe honours together, and ftyled him either L. Jitnilius Paulus Lepidus, or Paulus JEmilius Lepidus ; but he having more children, divided thefe honourable names again, calling one L. JEmilius Paulus, the other Marcus /Eiiiilius Lepidus. We muft not conclude therefore that two different families did not take fometimes the fame Cognomen. Thus^ there was Attnius Cimber. Sueton. Aug. c. 86. and Cic. Phil. xi. 6. and Titius Cimber, Phil. ii. 16. which Triftan would reduce to one family, and falfely read both Atilius Cunber. Periz. 333. c. v:ii. It fometimes happened that feveral children all bare the Projnomcn of their father, lb that they were only diflinguilhed by the Cognomen. T. Flavius Sabinus had by his wife Vefpatia two fons, both called "Titus ; but the eldeft called T. Flavius Sabinus, by all his father's nanies ; the * Servius was the family name of Gnlba, and yet was the ri-iLiiomc-n of ihc Emperor, who was called fome time Lucius Suipicius Galba ; afterwards Servius Sulpicius Galba. Suet. Vit. c. 4. Nor. Ep. Cof. xi. 406. younger REMARKS ON ROMAN NAMES. ' 373 younger T. Flavins Veffat'uinns, who was afterwards Emperor, after his mother's. Each of thefc had two foiis diftingulfhcd in the fame manner ; the eldeft of the former, T. Flavins Sabinus, the younger T. Flavius Clcm:ns. So the younger fon of the Emperor T. Flavius Vefpatianus was named T. Flavius Domitianus, from the mother Domitilla *. Titi flavu fra- TRES, inter Ep. D. Pauli. As the Cognomen was the ftri4200. 378 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. Maniple of the Triarii was mofl: confiderable, called primipilus, or pri- MIPILI CENTtTPIO, OF PRIMIPILUS PRIOR. The Centurion of the fecond Century of the fame Maniple was primi- pilus POSTERIOR. The Centurion of the fecond Maniple of the Triarii was secundi pili Centurio ; the Triarii being likewife called pilani. Imperator ufed in three fenfes : i. As the General or Commander of a war. 2. Given by the acclamations of the foldiers to a general after he had obtained a viftory : I.T^Kirr/^i Civrox^uTCAip, 3. As a title of Empire, Bxa-tKivs. Dio, 1. XLiv. p. 335. The frji inftance of the fecond application of the word occurs in the account which Livy gives us of Scipio Africanus *, who, upon defeating Afdrubal, being offered by the Spaniards the title of King, Sil>i maximum 7iomen imperator is ejfe dixit, quo fe milites fui appellajfcrit. In this fenfe Auguftus had the title given him xxi times, as Tacitus, Anr.al. i. and Dio, as it Ihould be read, 1. ili. 494. It was confirmed by the Senate, if not given by it-, Cic. Phil. xiv. It was given by the Senate fometimes, as on a coin of Flaccus under Julius Ca^far, c. val. flacc. imperat. [ex. s. c] and fee Cic. Philip, xiv. c. 5. Not, regularly, more than once in a whole war: but Claudius, on his expedition to Britain, was faluted imp. Jc-ccrai times, as Dio obferves, [1. lx. p. 679.] and accordingly on his coins has imp. XXV 11. This title occurs no more in coins or infcriptions after the times of the Antonines and Geta, till Conftantinus Max. In the third fenfe it was firft given to Julius Ctefar after his return to Rome from his ex^ peditlon againft Pompev's fon, and when he had put an end to the laft Fpanilh war. Sucton. in J. CxL c. xii. Dio, 1, xliii. 255. lii. p. 808. And it occurs on two coins ftruck after his dcach with the Julian Con- ftellalion, and infcribcd caesar imp. or l.^U'ER. He had before in his life time had coins ftruck in the other fcnfc of the word, imp. qJj-int. imp.. SEX. Thefe muft therefore be infcribcd to him as Emperpr. It was. again given to Augufl-us upon his return to Rome after the battle of Adiium, [Dio, 1. XLIII. p. 234, 5.] and fo continued to the fucceeding Emoerors. Aug-uftus in the fame infcriptions : imp. caesar divi fil. avg. poNTiFEX MAxiMvs IMP. XII.. COS. XI. iRiB. POT, xiv.. Scc. Grut. Infcr. Jtxxii. I. voh 2. * Liv. XXVII. iQ. After NOTES ON KENNET'S ANTIQUITIES. 379 After this title, they for ever had the Fafccs carried before them fur- rounded with laurels, and their letters to the Senate crowned with laurel. See Cffif. B. C. iii. 71. Plin. Nat. Hift. xv. ult. About the middle of the third century it was the humour of the Ro- mans to turn all the names of their brafs coins into filver ; and in the beginning of the next, they advanced the names of their filver coins into gold. The accounts of the Byzantine revenue were kept in Sdidi, or gold only. The only denarius or argenteus was not firft called milliarenfis, becaufe it was the 1 000th part of gold pound. The fixth part of a fcruple of gold was called the Siliqua and KsaocTiov, which was near to the value of the half denarius, there being not above half a grain difference. The milliarenfis was likewife called §ix5^«TiO)'. And the half denarius ^iX^va-os. W. Clarke on Coins, c. iii. Numa ordered " Deos fruge colere et mola falfa fupplicare." See Plut. in Num. Dion. Halic. et Eufeb. Caf. Not till 162 years after his time that they erefted ftatues. Sacrifices to the Bona Bca were made yearly in the night at the houfe of the Conful or Praetor [Cic. de Arufp. refp. 17. Dio, 1. 37.] by their Wives and the Veftal Virgins, to which no male creature was ever admitted, and where every thing mafculine was fo fcrupuloufly excluded, that even pictures of that fort were covered during the ceremony. They were cele- brated at Cicero's houfe when he was Conful, during Catiline's confpiracy ; and at C. Casfar's, the Prceior, U. C. 691, when the famous P. Clodius was detedted there difguifed in women's apparel. Both times were about the month of December *. Though they were not always in that month fometimes in May, as fome ancient Calendars and other Authors tell us. Ludi Romani inftituted under Tarquinius Superbus, U. C. 258. [Dion. Halic. 1. VII.] from Sept. 4 to 19. Feria Laiinis were feafts inftituted by Tarquinius Superbus to Jupiter Latiaris, upon his conquefl of Hetruria, at firft for two days, but after- wards on other occafions encreafed to four. They were kept on Mount Alba, to which place 47 cities of Latium, Hetruria^ the Volfci and Her- uici, fent their deputies, with fome offering or other, towards the facrifice • which if any of them had forgot to bring, the whole ceremony was to be- * See Cic. ad Att. I. iij C c c 2 gin 3^0 MISCELLANEOUS TRACT 3-. gin again. Liv. xxxii. A bull was facrificed to Jupiter, of which every one took a part *. The Confuls ufed to fix the time for this feaft, which in the ancient Commonwealth, when they commanded the army abroad during their office, ufed to be before they fet out. But in other times, when they did not go to the army till the next year, they fixed the time when they would. In an ancient Calendar it is Apr. 27; and in a letter of Cicero ad Att. I. 8. it is mentioned as kept about the end of December. Mongault in loc. Livy 1. xxv. mentions them ad ant, d. v. Kal. Mali. Whence Mongault enquires if they were ftated Ferine, for why Ihould the Conful defer them fo long after he was in his office. P. Manutius ad Cic. Ep. ad Q^C. p. 46. In Csf. Com. B. c. iii. 2. juft after the eledion of Confuls in Jan. February, the month for hearing embaffies by the Gabinian law. Ep. ad Qi,Fr. II. 12. vid. Att. I. 14. Taurobolium, a facrifice facrcd to Cybele, the mother of the Gods, for the fafety of the Emperor, or cities, or private perfons, wherein a bull and a ram were killed, the former called TauroboUum to Cybele, the latter to Atys Kriobolmn. The animal being laid upon a board with holes in it, and the throat cut, one of the priefts, who was to make the expiation, was placed in a pit underneath to receive the dropping blood all over him ; a cuftom which is by feme fuppofed to be introduced in oppofition to the unbloody facrifice of the Chriftians ; for which reafon Julian the apoftate is faid to have gone through the ceremony. It is certain it was but of late inftitutlon, the firfl; mention of it being in an infcription at Lyons, in the 22d of Antoninus Pius, An. Chr. 190. as the laft is in another in the 15th of Valentinian II. An. Chr. 390. and is very particularly defcribed by Prudentius Hyrnn. in S. Romanum. We have no mention of it in any Heathen writers, but in infcriptions. The whole ceremony lafted fome days ; for in another infcription of this fort at Lyons, in the reign of Commodus, it is faid to be begun xii Kal. Maii, and ended vm Kal. Mali. And the concluding part of it was fometimes, if not always, per- formed at midnight. Cujus mefony£liiim fa6lum ejl v Id. Dec. fays the in- fcription before mentioned. See M. De Boze's account of the former in- fcription in Mem. dc I'Acad. des Infcript. 12", Vol. IV. The facrifice fcems to have been always performed at Rome, where Cybele had her * Dionyf, IV. p. .250. Pint, in C-imill. Macrob. Sat, I, 16. temple NOTES ON KENNET'S ANTIQUITIES. 381 temple and priefts, though the altars in memory were erefted at the place where the perfon pleafed who paid for the facrifice. Hence in the In- fcrlpt. Lugd. a Vaticano tranjlidit aram et bucranium. On the I ft of January the Emperor, with the prieft, offered up vows for the fafety of the empire ; and on the 3d, the people for the fafety of the Emperor. See Tacit. Anna!, iv. 17. xvi, 22. et Lipfii Excurf. Dio, 1. ir. p. 457. Anim. MarccU. xxiii. i. A cuftom which remained long after the empire became Chriftian, as appears from what is faid of Magnentius. Jul. Orat. & Cone, in Trullo, can. 62 *. A certain age for holding the feveral offices was early prefcribed, as ap- pears from Livy, xxv. 2. where the Tribunes objeft to Scipio Africanus being ^dile, becaufe he was not of fufficient age for it. But this cafe being too vague, or obferved too rcmifsly, it was renewed with greater force by L. Villius in his tribunefliip, 574. But as that law is no where exprefsly found, we muft colledt from obfervation the purport of ir. However uncertain we may be of the age which capacitated for the inferior offices, the age of the higheft is exprefsly mentioned by Cicero to be 43. Philip. V. 17. Gladiators, from Scipio Maffei. Perfeus King of Macedon firft who appointed Gladiators in Greece, whom he brouglit from Rome, p, ^. U.C. 490 The Bruti made three couples of Gladiators fight publicly in memory of their fathers p. 1 1 ■502 The firft public fhew of wild.beafts at Rome, which was of elephants, taken by Metellus in Sicilv, p. 12 568 Other beafts brought in by M. Fulvius, P- 13 Statilius Taurus under Augulhis built the firft theatre of ftonc, near the Campus Martius, though hut a final! one, p. 24 And that but part only of ftone, for it was foon negleded, and in Nero's time was burnt down, p. 26 Vefpafian began the Coloffeum, and Titus finiflied it, p. 30, &c. 325 A. D. Conftantine the Great publiflied a decree againft Gladi- ators. * Spanheim, Jul. p. 278, Honorius 3Si MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. Honoiius publiihed another, occafioned by a monk's being torn in pieces for diffl'acUng them from it, . P- 67 However, Annicius Maximus exhibited them, ibid. But in the vith century they were quite aboliflied, p. 7 1 Ludi Circenfes celebrated by Tottilas, p. 11^ Plln. 1. XXXVI. c. 15. of theatrical diverfions. Jus Lati'j?n granted to certain colonies, allowing the freedom of Rome to all that had borne an annual magiftracy in them. Midd. Cic. II, 215. Livv, 1. X. Dec. i. ad fin. " Exadto jam anno novi tribuni plebis ma- " giftratum inierant ; iis ipfis, quiavixiocreati erant, alii fuffedti." — There was no neceffity at the eleftion of Plebeian magiftrates to take theaufpices ; but if unlucky aufpices did happen when they were chofen, as thunder or lightning, the choice was null. Gruch. dc Com. 1. ii. c. ^. p. 782. That ordinarily the Comitia tributa were held without taking the auf- pices, appears from Dionyf. 1. ix. "Hoc erat difcriminis inter Tributa " Comitia & Curiata," &c. And Liv. 1. x. *' Neque enim Senatus audoritas " ad magiftrjitum vocat." And 1. vi. Dec. i. " Penes quos igitur funi " aufpicia more majorum," &c. The Legions, till the time of Conftantine, did not go into garrifon in ' the winter, but encamped in the inner part of the country, where they were placed. Hence many places in Gaul and other provinces bear the name of Ca/aris Cajlra to this day, that is, the camp of the Cjefar who then reigned, not of Julius Cafar. Till Domitian's time feveral legions ufed to encamp together ; but he forbad that method, becaufe Luc. Antonius, Prsfes Germanije, took from thence an opportunity of fpiriting up the troops to revolt. Suet. Dom. C. VII. Armies quartered in different Provinces kept up fometimes an aflbcia- tion of images by the badge of the double hand *. And the Emperors in acknowledgement of the affiftance they had from fuch conjundion, often preferved that emblem upon their medals. No Handing army was kept up, till the time of Auguftus, who was advlfed to this new maxim in politics by Msecenas \. The Prstorian co- horts were the Emperor's body guards, had double pay j, and were at firft * Tac. Hift. D. II. dcxtras Concordix infignia Syriaci exercitus. •f- Dio, 1. 52. \ Two Deiiaiii per diem, Tac. An. I. quartered NOTES ON KENNET'S ANT IQJUITIES. 383 quartered in Rome, a hundred together ; but were afterwards quartered without the walls, where Sejanus built for them a garrifon ; and in after- times another at Alba. In the provinces for fome time larger armies were kept up. But from the time of Tiberius there were not above 1200 men in Gaul, not more than equal to the number of their cities. Jofeph. Bell. Jud. II. c. xvi. 4. There were ufually two Pr^fefti Prstorio, fometimcs three ; after Com- modus, who firft introduced that number, they were the Emperor's prime minifters, and had need of much reftraint. In three centuries, from Con- ftantinc to Auguftus, we find ten Emperors affaffinated by them. And in the fame period above a hundred Governors of Provinces were proclaimed Emperors by the troops they commanded. If many failed of fuccefs, others did not ; fo that out of 50 princes that filled the throne, from Au- guftus to Cenftantine, 20 are reckoned to have been fuccelsful ufurpers, Romani olim artes fioi'Mvarra ignorabant. — Civi Romano turpe erat ali- quam earum artium exercere. — Concionalis Hirudo zerarii. Cafaub. ad Att. I. 16. p. 114. Mifera ac jejuna plebecula. Villa mihi valde piacuit, propter ea quod fummam dignitatem pavi- MENTATA PORTicvs habcbat. Cic. ad Fr. iii. i. Kennet's ANTiQiTiTiEs, 5th Edit. 1713. P. 46. 1. 3, The next theatre in Rome was Balbus's, dedicated dcxli, as Dio, 1. Liv. p. 539. A third, dedicated by Auguftus to Marccllus dcxli ii. twelve years after his death. Plin. N. H. viii. c. 17. There were three Circus's. One called Circus Maximus, inhabited by people of low charaAer. Cic. pro Milone, c. 24^ et Sueton. Another, Cir- cus ApoHinaris. A third, called Circus Vaticanus. P. 57. The Strigil, ufed to rub the fiefli of thofc that bathed, and to fcrape off the fweat, was a curved iron inftrument fixed in a handle, and grooved all along like our marrow Ipoons. One was found at Reculver in Kent, and fome time in the poffeffion of the ingenious Dr. Batteley, arch- deacon of Canterbury, who has given us a draught of it. It was often oiled to prevent its contradtlng ruft, which the falts of the human body would naturally occafion j whence Juvenal Sat. ill. 26^,. ct fonat twclis Stri~ 3 g-lihw. :S4 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. gUibus. Which Prataeus ignorantly fuppofes to be done to prevent its hurting the flefh, and makes it pointed with teeth, as if it were a curry- comb. P. 67. Two of the fame family \_genti5'] oould not be augurs at the fame time. Dio, 1. 39. ut notat Aid. Man. 1. i.e. 9. The Greeks in taking omens turned their faces to the North j as appears from Horn. Iliad, ^. 238. Tuiv an fjiSJcci^iTroiA , no ccKiyi.(u3, £>>''»/ / n\ 0' . 1 r n But the Romans turned towards the Eajl. Livy, relating the inauguration of Numa Pompilius, fays. Augur deos precatus regionem ab orietite ad occafum determinavit , dextras ad meridiem partes, lavam ad Septentrionem ejfe dixit. And Dion. Halic. Ant. Rom. 1. ii. §. 5. not only obferves the fame, but gives a reafon why the Romans reckoned the left the lucky quarter, which 4erves to account why the Greeks reckoned the right fo ; viz. That part of the world was efteemed the moft honourable which prefents to us the greateft number of objedts. The Romans turning to the Eaft, the north- ern parts of the world were on the left, on which fide the pole of the earth (he obferves) was elevated ; and of the five circles which encompafs the fphere, that called the Arftic circle always appears above the horizon, while, in the Southern parts, the antardtic circle is invifible to us. The Greeks turning to the North, had the Eaft on their right, the moft noble quarter of all ; from whence, he obferves, both the fun and moon rife, as well as the planets and fixed ftars ; and the revolution of the heavens be- gins its circular motion. P. 71. Pontijices : Four more were ordered to be added out of the Com- mons, at the fame time as the Augurs received the addition of Five.] Liv. 1. X. c. 9. If FIVE were added, U. C. 454. how came the firft eight to be called Miijores, when Sylla added vii ? It fliould have been nine and bEVEN. But the miftake was copied from Roftnus. P. 72. It is obfcrvable, that when there were two Emperors colleagues, the firft was only Pontif. Max. as M. Aurelius is ftyled fo on coins, not I,. Verus. But in after-times this title was given promifcuoufly to both, as to Pupienus and Balblnus. Span. xii. p. 422. P. 73. All three were chofe out of the Nobility] As were likewife the Salii, and the Rex Sacrorum ; the reft were one moiety Patrician, and the other I NOTES ON KENNET'S ANT IQJJI T I ES. 385 other Plebeian *. They were chofen for life by a part only of the Tribes, called for that purpofc by lot, and upon the nomination of one or two of the prieftly college -j^, and were inaugurated into their office by one of the Augurs J. P. 76. Feciales'] Or (as Sigonius on Liv^ i. 24. fays, the word Ihould be written) Fetiaks, being called in Greek A^'^jidKioi, 9iyo7ru'^Oi'j to the fame days in December. As others, from Aug. 11, or Aug. 8. Plin. N. H. xviii. 28. Others, July 24, as Vet. Cal. in Grut. p cxxxvi. Vid. MafTon, vit. Plin. Jun. p. 30. P. 89. The prlefts, who had the care of inferting the Intercalary day, miftook it, and inftead of adding it at the end of the fourth year, fct it at the beginning of it. So that the third, the fixth, the ninth, the twelfth, were leap years, inftead of the fourth, the eighth, the twelfth, the fix- teenth ; by which means they got a day too much in twelve years. This error went on for thirty-fix years, till U. C. 746, in which time they had intercalated twelve days inftead of nine, and their year began three days too late. To remedy this, Auguftus, U. C. 746, ordered xii years to pafs without intercalation ; and afterwards, that the intercalary day fhould be added at the beginning of every fourth year, and the memory of it to be prefcrved on a tablet of brafs. P. 90. Nundiiia'] It has been a matter of great uncertainty among the learned, whether thefe were kept on the return of every eighth day, or every ninth day ; fince, according to common fpeech, the name is fuitable to either period. Piutilius's authority in Macrobius is cited for the latter opinion ; Varro's fPraef. ad 1. ii. de re ruft.J and Dion. Halic. [Antiq. Rom. VII. p. 942. ed. Par.] for the latter. Whichfoever was the period, it was the bufinefs of the priefts by intercalations, or transferring days to prevent any of the Nimdino' from falling on Jan. i , or the nones of any of the months. The J^undinze were ordinarily like our Sunday in fome rcfjiedts ; as being ftated Ferine, on which courts were not open, nor Comitia held, and feveral works were forbid to be done on them, till the law of Q^Hor- tenfius (who was didtator U. C. Var. 467) made them dies fijli, that the country- people who came to market might have their law-fuits decided likewife. Macrob. i. c. 16. So that they had, like us, their weekly, their yearlv, and occafional holydays. P.900 NOTES ON RENNET'S ANTIQ^UITI ES. 387 P. 90. To come to iozvn a^ain upon the ufual court -days. '\ As they were laid open to the law *, and made/d/?/, the other retlraint was occafionally broke through. Thus Pompey, Cicero obferves, was produced by the Tribune to fpeak to the people die nu7idinarum. Ad Att. I. 14. ubi vid. Caf. How- ever, whatever became of their ftatedytf/?/, the Conful could appoint occa- fional holy days, to prevent, it" he thought proper, any Coniitia from being held, as Marccllinus Lcntulus did. Cic. Ep. ad Q^F. ii. See Manur. p. 52. Ibid. Days when the people are Jlmt up to vote.J Or, as the profe writers term it, qulbus cum populo agi liceret. Apud, populum agere, or ad populum, i. e. to make a fpeech to the people, was allowable any day; but cum popnlo, only on a comitial day. And it is to be obferved, that every day that was not noted in the Ca- lendar for a comitial day, though the public affemblies, or comitia, were not held, it was lawful to keep court. So that all comitiales were dies fajli, but not vice verfa. By a law made by Cn. Puplus Tribune, the Senate could not be called to meet on any of the comitia days, becaufe they could not well attend both affemblies at once. Yet this on feme occafions was broken through. Fr. Voff in Csf. B. C. i. 5. ^Comitiales, on which they might lege agere, and cum populo agere \ but could not hold a Senate. See Cic. Ep. Fam. 1. viii. ep. viii. Fafti 390 M ISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. then that honour was fhewn them till they entered on their ofEce ; the^rji that was declared Conful, though a Plebeian and the other a Patrician, being afked firfl:. At Icr.fl it is certain, that the fr^ declared Conful afked the opinion of others when in office, and therefore probably had the pre- cedence before thev entered into it. Thus M. Cicero was afked before C. Antony in the affair of Catiline ; M. Pupius Pifo before M. Valerius Mcffalla, though Cicero and Pifo were Plebeians, and the others Patricians. Vid. Cic. ad Att. I. 13. & Cafaub. & Manut. in loc. Vid. & Cic. Philip. V. 13. P. 103. 1. 28. There were three methods by which the Senators declared their fenfe of what came before them. The_/zr/? was by their a//efit Or ap- probation, which they fignified as they fat in their places. The fecond was, by delivering their opinions with their reafons, which they did Jlanding up in their places. The third was, by dividing without giving their rea- fons ; that is, by going to this or that fide of the houfe, which was called fedibus in fententiam ire ; and thofe that did fo were called for that time pedarii Senatcres. The two firft of thofe methods are pointed out by Ci- cero, who fays in his letter to Metellus *, " That he never fpeeched it " againfl his coufin in the Senate j and that whenever any thing came be- " fore them relating to him, he gave in his seat bis ajfent to thofe who took " the moll favourable fide.'' All three methods are expreffed in one fen- tence by Livy -fj where he fays, that " Livius Salinator, being brought " into the Senate by the Cenfors after a long abfence, he would for fome " time give his vote only by a'jc or no ; or by dividing with the one fide *' or the other, till the canfe of his kinfman, M. Fabius, obliged him to *' rife up zndifpeak" Ibid. 1. ult. Hence Cic. ad Q^Fr. ii. 9. non funt pevfecuti fenteniias, they did not take the opinion of the houfe feparately. * " Nulla eft a me \\v\<\wAm fcntcntia dlila in fratrcm tuum : quotiefcimque aliquid eft " ■.\^\\\x\ fcdqm iis affeiifi, qui milii leniffime fentiie vili iunt." Ep. Fam. v. j. f " Sed tuiii quo(nie aut verbo affentiebatur, aut pedibus in fententiam ibat, donee " cognati cum honiinis caufa, M. Livii Macati, qiiiim fama ejus ageretur, ftantem coegit *' in Scnatu fententiam dicere." Liv. lib. xxvii. c. 24. Livius Salinator had been Conful many years before ; which is abundant proof that pedarius did not denote a Senator of inferior rank, ivho liad not gone through the curule offices, as Geliius and modern •.vritcrs have aflerted. This explanation is owing to Mr. Spchnan, in his DilFertatioii on the Roman Senate, rc-printed in his Tranllation of Dion. Halic. P. 104. I NOTES ON KENNET'sANTIQJJITIES. ^ 391 P. 104. 1. 2. *' Neque hoc tantuni pollicitus eft, fed etiam per fe Senatus " difceffionem faccre ccrpit." Csf. B. G. VIII. 52. — Not only propofcd it, but began to divide the Senate upon it. A quellion was propofed in thefc terms, ^d hac cenfetis, iliac tranjtle : qui alia omnia, in banc partem ; not qui non cenfdis, that they might not have any ill ominous words : Senatus frequens in alia omnia tranftt, the houfe divided againft the queftion. Cic. Fam. i. 2. " De tribus legatis frcquentes ierunt /?7 alia omnia." Ibid. 1. II. " Intercedit M. Antonius, Q^Craflus tribuni plcbis." Cief. B. C. i. 2. " S^od ne fieret. Confides amicique Pompeii interce/feruut." Caf. B. G. viii. 52. Ibid. 1. 38. The decrees of the Senate had the force of laws for the fpaceof a year, and did not become perpetual till they were ratified by the confent of the people. See Dionyf. Halicarn. 1. iv. et ix. Spirit of Laws, 1. ii. c. 2. p. 18. P. 105. In reference to the pcrfons who were entitled to hold offices, it is to be obfervcd, that Romulus admitted none to them but Patricians. Sixteen years after the expulfion of Tarquin, the people got a reprefentative from their own body in the Tribune *. U. C. ^^41, the Quirftorfliip was laid open to them ; U. C. 385, the mafterfhip of the horfe ; U. C. ^SH, the Confulate ; and ^Sg the Curule ^dilefhip. 'Ihe laft officers (as Livy, l.viii.fays) were now created alternately, one year out of the people, next year out of the nobility ; but were afterwards chofen promifcuoufly : and U C. 389, the DicfVator himfelf : in fine, the Cenfors, U. C. 404 ; and the Pra;tor, 417 : fo that only the Interrex and FlamenDiafls remained among the Patri- cians with the ftiadow of magiftracy, rather than the power of it. P. Merula de Legg. Rom. c. ii. p. 49 Grsv. i raef. ad Rom. Antiq. p. m. xiv. P. 108. 1. 18. The law required three years interval between the Prsetor- fliip and the Confulate. Hooke, vol. III., p. 39. 4to, Ibid. 1. 20. From U. C 5-1, the Confuls entered on their office Idib. Mar- tii, or March 15. From U. C. 601, they were chofen, or def.inati, at the end of July, and entered on their office Jan i, and held it to the end of the year. Julius Ccefar himfelf was chofen during the troubles in Decem- ber or January. B. Civ. iii. i. * U. C, 310, Varr. C. Canuleius obtained a law for permitting inter-marriages be- tween Patricians and Plebeians ; and another that there fliould be Tribunes invcfted wirh confular power, chofen from among the latter. This held till about U. C. Varr. 388; they were then laid afide, and Confuls chofen again j but one of them to be ?Ie-- beian. 1. P. loS./ ;92 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. P. io8. 1. 22. Though the more ufual way was for the Emperors, with confcnt of the Senate, to nominate the feveral Confuls for the year about the beginning of it. For, from the time of Claudius, the Confuls were ufu- ally nominated for two months only ; the two firft, ordiimrii, to hold them- felves from i Jan. to March ; two ntyx, fitffe8], from March to May; and fo on. There were therefore fix Collegia Cotifubun, or Nimdina, in the year ; that word being ftill retained from the Confuls under the Republic ap- pearing in the Comiria for three Nundins, before they could be eledted. Hence, Vopifcus in Tacito c. ix. " Fratri fuo Floriano Confulatum petiit " (Tacitus) et non impetravit, idcirco quodSenatus omnia nundina fuffedto- " rum Confulum clauferat." See Salmaf. in loc. Commodus named 25 Cofl'. in a year. Severus Alexander reftored the former ufe of xii. But it varied much, according to the will of the prince, who ufually got himfelf to be Conful ordinarius the January after he was chofen Emperor, and fo likewife he was made Cnefar. The Emperors for the generality took the Conful- Ihip the January after they came to the empire ; as did the Csefars after their nomination to that honour. So likewife, on account of any triumph, expedition, Ludi Sceculares, Quinquennales, &c. to add to the folemnity of them, the Emperor Csfar ufually took the Confullbip ; infomuch that Themiftius, in his oration to Theodofius, at the Decennial folemnity, tells him, that no private perfon, before, on thofe folemnities, was permitted to go out Conful ; ju.>)§;i/; OTfoSfy VTfOKiPoiv ■cirP07roX'i]svsuem [Sctevam] ut erat dc fc nie- r'ltus ab cHavis crdinibus ad Primlpiliim fe tranfduccrc pronnnciavit, i. e. raifed him from being Centurion of the Eighth rank of the Principes, for the Triarii it is thought were laid afule by Marius, Mid. Ep. ad Brut. vii. p. 49. to be firft Centurion of the legion : where lii cclavis ordirAbus does not fignify a common foldier of the viiith rank, but a centurion of it. Capt. Bladen therefore has ill tranflated it, promoted him from the viiith rank, p. 299. So Bell. Gall. VI. 8. Labienus no5tu tribuids militum prtmifqiie ordinibus coatUs. Labienus called a council by night of the Tribunes, and the firft centurions of the three orders. So Bell. Gall. v. c. 28. Ad confiliim rem deferttntj L. Arunculeius complurefque tribum militum et primorum ordinum centuriones — nihil temere agendum exijlimabant , i. e. A council is called — L. Arunculeius, feveral of the Tribunes, and the firft centurions of the three orders, were of opinion that nothing ought to be done raflily. Lipf. p. 74. 79, De Milir. Rom. Ibid. 1. 30. Thus again, Caefar, Bell. Civ. III. 64. Hoc cafu aquila con- fervatur, omnibus prima cohortis centurionibus interfeftis, prster princi- pem priorem — all being killed, except the firjl centurion, or captain, of the Principes. P. 200. In the time of Jofephus, the foot had f.vo fvvords, the longer of which hung on their left fide, the fhorter on the right, about a foot in length. Jof. 1. iii. c. 4. Bell. Jud. The long one was called a Spanifh fword, the form of it borrowed from the Spaniards, pointed fomewhat, and two edged. Polyb. ubi fupra. Notwithftanding this cxprefs teflimony of Polybius, we dilcover in coins of his age the fword hanging on the left fide ; but in Trajan's and in Antonine's pillar, the fwords are generally on the right fide, except that the General and Tribunes have them on the left. Lipfius de Mil. Rom. lib. iii. Dial. 3. P. 209. The figns of battle were, 1. Taking up the ftandard, vexillum, which was placed by the General when there was no engagement. 2. Sounding the charge with the trumpet, to call all llragglers to duty. 3. The giving out the teffera, or tally, that they might diftinguifli their friends in the heat of battle. Cslar mentions all thefe, Bell. Gall. ii. 20. The Eagle was different from vcxillum, and only fet before the General when he harangued the foldiers before the fight. D. Vofl". in Csf. loc. P. 217. /« i? ;«tfrt^] which was ufually xx miles in a day, fometimcs 4 XX I v. 414 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. XXIV, and performed in five hours. Veget. i. c. lo. Thus Caef. B. Gell. v. " £o die millia paffuum xx progreditur." P. 217. For many years the Roman citizens carried on their wars with- out pay. Their campaigns were Ihort, and near home ; and having fought for their country fix months, they returned to their domeftic affairs for the reft of the year. U. C. Varr. 347, the foot firft received pay *, at the fiege of Veii J the horfe three years afterwards. Liv. v. 7. Flor. i. i^. The vaUie of it, for the foot, was at firft probably a thoufand affes in the vear, or two affes and the ninth of an as per day. The proof of this is uncertain. It is concluded fo, only becaufe three thoufand affes are men- tioned as the proper fupport of a horfeman, his horfe and fervanl, Liv. i. /^3 ; and a foot foldier had alway a third of what the other had, Liv. v. Others, not without probability, colle(fl that the pay was originally, or at leaft under the firft Punic war, three affes. Silver was then coined, and the as, from xii ounces, was funk to two. To make the army lefs fenfible of the fall of brafs, they paid three affes of two ounces inftead of the two of a pound each ; i. e. in the year, inftead of 1000 affes, they paid 11 00, or no denarii. But when, U. C. 537, they were reduced to an ounce, and xvi were equal to a denarius, five affes were a foldier's pay ; for, as Pliny fays, on that alteration, in miliuiri Jiipendio denarius pro x njfibus datus, i. e. though the denarius was in common traffick made equal to xvi affes, yet in the payment of foldicrs it was ftill to be confidered as ten -, fo that for three days pay, a foldier would receive a denarius in filver, and v aflcs in brafs. Accordingly Polybius, who lived under the fecond Punic war, tells us, vi. 37. that a foot foldier had two oboli a day, a centurion as much again, and a horfeman three times as much. Now fix oboli making a drachm at this time of xvi affes, three oboli were nearly equal to five affes. So that as they had at firft three affes per day, they had afterwards of thefe dimi- nidicd affes five -f. This pay continued till Julius Casfar doubled it. Hence Percennius complains in Tacitus Annal. i. 17. of the hardfhips of war, doiis in diem ajjibus animam 6' corpus ajiimari, that they ran the hazard of their life for ten afles per day. Domitian increafcd the pay a fourth more. Addidit et quartum Jlipcndium mititi, aureos ternoS) fa)'s * Liv. IV. 59. V. 4. •}■ Suet. Cacf. xxvi. 9. *' Legionibus flipendlum in perpetuum duplicavit." Suetonius. NOTES ON RENNET'S AN T IQJJ I T lES. 415 Suetonius *• And Zonaras -f, that ti>e feveniy-five drachms they ufed to rc' ccive [at each time of payment] be made up a hundred. Thefe two paflagcs confirm to us the foregoing account of the daily pay, and fhcw us how it made even fums at the fcveral times of payment in the year. Suetonius calls one general payment •d.Jlipendium ; ot which, before Domitian's time, there were three in a year, i. c. one every four months. Now ten afies per day, at xvi to a denarius, make, in a month of 30 days, xviii denarii and XII afles : in four months, juft lxxv denarii, which are likcwife juft three auret, the very fum which Zonaras fiys was the pay till Domitian ; who, it feems, divided the year into four payments, lxxv denarii being paid by him every three months ; fo that now there were four payments in the year, quartum Jlipendium, feventy-five denarii each ; or xii aurci in the year, as before there were only nine ;};. P. 2 18. a ?iezv Jlipend, i^c.'\ This Author would follow Lipfius in Eledtis, 1. i. c. 2. who makes rightly 10 ^^^j per day under Auguftus : 10 + 30=300 ajfes per month, is fo far right. But Lipfius ran away with a notion of a denarius being worth x 11 ^^/. Divide 300 by 12, it produces 25 de- narii per month. P. 22j. The governors of provinces ufed to exadl from the people over whom they prefided a contribution to fupport the dignity of their triumph when they returned to Rome, which was called aurum corona- rium. All were glad to receive the money, though they had no title to a triumph. To prevent this impofition, Julius Ciefar in his firft Confulfhip obtained a law, entitled Lex Julia de rcpetundis, that no one claim this tribute till after the Senate had decreed him a triumph. To evade this law, L. Pifo, it feems, exacted the tribute under another name, as Cicero taxes him; in L. Pifo, c. 37. P. 227. Varro is exprefs, as cited by Feftus, that thofe were calletl Opima SpoUa, which were taken from the General of the enemy, thou.f^h l-.v a common foldier : opima fpolia etiam effi, fi manipidaris miles dctraxcrit dum modo duct hojlium. And the fame author cites the law of Numa to that purpofe, which fpecifies three different degrees of opima fpolia, ap- pointing the firfl to be confecrated to Jupiter Feretrius ; the fecond to Mars ; the third to Janus Quirinus ; and proportionable rewards of dif- ferent value to be given to the feveral vidtors. Virgil therefore, and * In Dom. vii. g. f Zon. ii. p. 196. + Gron. de Pec. Vet. p. 121. . Others,; 4i6 M I S C'E L L A N E O U S T R A C T S; others, In the paffage here cited from yEneid vi. fall into a great miflake, in imagining that the difierent fpoils, taken at different times by Romuius, Coffus, and Marcellus, were dedicated, in purfuance of that law, to Jupiter, Mars, and Quirinus ; whereas both Colfus and Marcellus, as well as Ro- mulus, dedicated theirs to Jupiter. And Coffus, probably, is an inftance of one who was not in the place of a General at that time, and yet had. the honour of Vik'mg op i ma fpolia : for Livy tells us, all hiftorians before him had faid Coffus was no more than Tribunus Militum when he took them. And he prefumed to contra- did: the current of hiftory, only upon Auguftus's faying, that in repairing an old llatue dedicated to his honour, whereon this fadt was recorded, he was fly led Cof. which he might well be upon a ftatue eredted after he was arrived at that dignity, when they would be fure to mention his molt ho- nourable title, though he had not borne that office when they took the fpoils. See Periz. Anim. Hift. c. vii. P. 239. The fails among the ancients feem to have been fo fixed to the yards, that they let down the fails to gather in the wind, and drew them them up when they Ihortened fail. Vela cadimt Virgil expreffes to be wn- der full fail. So deducitnt Vela in Lucan ; and Ovid, Effugit hibernas dcmiffa antenna procella!. Vela fubducere is much the fame with antennas demUtere in Hirtius, Bell. Afric. 45. not to hoijl fail, but x.o fhor ten fail, and let down the yards. Seneca, ^o//>j i>entus increbuit majorque eft quam expedit, an- tenna DEMiTTiTUR. Which Petronius calls Vela tenipeftati fubducere. Vid. Pric. ad Adl. xxvii. 17. P. 259. By the coins of Nero and Commodus, it appears the Equites ftruck medals in honour of the Princeps Juventutis. The title is mentioned before the time of the Emperors. Cic. Ep. Fam. 1. iii. ep. 11. Brutum principem jampridem Juventutis, celeriter, ut fpt'ro, civitaiis. He that was firft on the roll of the Equites was Princeps Juventutis. Reinef. Ep. xxxi. p. 176. P. 298. Ludi Capitolini were called Tr.ttors fhews — Ludis ejus [i. e. pras- toris] prafedit ; Plin. Ep. viii. 1 1. and continued under the Emperors to be celebrated from Nonis Julii to iv Idus. See Cic. Ep. ad Atr. xvi. 1. coll. cum Ep. 4. et Philip, i. Dion. L. xlviii. ad an. U. C. 714. Vet. Kal. ap. Lambecium, Maffon, Vit. Plin. Jun. 846. Ludi NOTES ON RENNET'S ANTIQJJITIES. 417 Ludi Veneri genertrici were fends in honour of a temple credled to Vemis by Julius C.tfar, which were defigned to have been celebrated while he was alive- But having been omitted, Auguflus instituted them on his own birth- da}', Sept. 23, and continued them I'even days. At this celebration, not long after the death of Julius Ca;far, a comet was feen, A. D. 44 A. U. 710, as mentioned by Pliny, Nat. Hift. 1. ii. c. 25. and Suet. viv. Julli, c. 80, which has fince been difcovered to revert in a period of 575 years, and was teen in the year 1680. See Halley, in Gent. Mag. for Jan. 1756. P. 301. Zozimus makes the firft inftitution of the Ludi Scecularcs, U. C. 352. Hift. 1. ii. p. 71. ed. Ox. P. 308. Toga puerilisy or Pratexta ; Toga virilis, or pur a, or libera. P. 3x0. The Bulla aurea, in Macrobius's time, who lived under Hono- rius, was probably out of ufe, and he took his account from what the Chriflians fubftituted in the fliape of a heart inftead of it. See Aringhus Rom. Subterran. Vol. II. 1. 6. 694. Ficoroni della BoUa d'oro, p. 14. But the ancient Bulla aurea was round, as Is obferved againft Macrobius by Spon [Mifcell. Erud. Antiq. p. 299.] and Caufeus [Muf. Rom. p. 103.] It is further obferved, that the Bulla was worn by the fons of Roman Knights from the very beginning, as appears from Plin. Nat. Hill. 1. xxxiii. 1. and in after-times by any of the Ingenui that would go to the ex- pence of it. " P. Junii, hominis de plebe Romana filius. — Neque te tarn " commovebat, quod ille cum toga prcetexta quam quod fine Bulla vene- *' rat. — Quod ornamentum pater dederat, indicium atque infigne fortune, " hoc a prsedone iflo ereptum efle graviter et acerbe homines ferebant." Cic. in Verr. 1. i. 58. Vid. Germana Antiq. Monum. a Con. Midd. Tab. III. p. 37. And as to the Bulla aurea being worn by Generals in Triumphs, it is faid not only without authority, but againft: it. Macrobius is only account- ing for the rife of it, and among other caufes affigns it to Tarquinius Prif- cus adorning his fon with it at his triumph for having killed an enemy at fix- teen, which reafon he himfelf rejedls, and he is the only one that mentions the llory. Plutarch, on the other hand [Vit. Rom. p. 33.] tells us, that from Romulus down to his time it was cuflomary in triumphs to lead an old man to the capitol dreffed in the habit of a boy with the Praetexta and Bulla by way of ridicule, to which Juvenal alludes. Sat. xiii. 33. — Die Senior Bulla dignifflme : and among the triumphal ornaments fent to Majji- H h h nip, ■ 4i8 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. n'l^a, which are enumerated by Livy xxx. 15. no mention is made of the Bulla ; but only, Corona aurea, patera, fella curulis, Scipio eburneus, Toga pidla, and Tunica palmata. Laftly, no figure has been yet feen on any of the triumphal arches of a General with the Bulla on, though many ftatues of bovs with this ornament. From the roundnefs and the protuberancy of the Bulla, the ornaments, of belts, the heads of nails, and laftly, feals were called by this name, whence the Pope's Bull, Golden Bull, &c. retain the name to this day. P. 311. Authors are divided about the time when they changed the puerile for the manly gown. It feems under the old Republic not to have been done till the end of the xviith year ; but from Cicero's time it was ad- mitted at xvi. Ovid took it up when he entered on his xvith year, as did Marius Cicero, the fon of the Orator. Others under Auguftus affumed it in their xvth year, as Auguftus himfelf, and his grandfons Caius and Lucius. See Lipf. in Tacit. Annal. 1. xii. c. 41. MafTon, Vit. Ovid, p. 29. 32. Dio, 1. Lji. in the fpeech of Macenas. Dodwell, Pr^l. v. ad Spartiani Hadrian. At the fame time they put on the Toga Virilis, they took the Latus clavus.. Suet. Aug. c. 94. Vefp. c. 2. Ovid. Trift. iv. 10. Mr. Dodwell is mif- raken in fuppofing that liberty was indulged to the fons of Senators. See Maffon, vit. Plin. Jun. p. 18. P. ^17. 1. 1 1, read, And by particular favour the Emperors feeni to have allowed occafionally the fame privilege [of wearing the Laticlave] to fome fplendid families of the Knights. Ibid. Whether the Tunica re^a was the fiime with LaticLivla is uncer-- tain. It is at lead pretty clear, that it was put on at the fame time with the Latklavia, the latter, perhaps over the former. See Maflbn, Vit. Ovid, p. 40. P. -;i8. our purple] nnftra dixit de tunica Senatoria, i.. e. Latoclavo. S. Ma- nut, in loc. This Scnatorian purple of ours being changed for a Plebeian and dark fort. And fo Gr;rvius. P. 366. Till the fecond Puniq war the Rtvnans fate at table. Scipio Africanus brought in the cuftom of the men lying down. The womeri ftill fate, till about A D. 320. Under the Emperors, they complied with t:he fafl>ion of lying down likewife. Mem. Lit. vol. II. p. 429. Ibid. Philippic'] " Scd cum fecundis Saturnalibus ad i-hilivpum vefperi I " veniliec NOTES ON KENNET'S ANTIQUITIES. 4^9 *' venifTet villa ita completa militibus, ut vix Triclinium, ubi ccenaturus " ipfe Ctefar cfier, vacarct, quippe hominum cccc." P. 369. It is remarkable, that every one brought his napkin. Whenc^ Martial 1. xii. Epig. 29. P. 373. From this time the Romans coined pieces of an ounce, called from the original weight, Dupondium ; fefquades, or three quarters of an ounce ; affes, or half ounce ; femitres, or quarter ounce ; tricntes, or third part of an as ; quadrantes, or fourth part of an as. Hence femis et triens to exprefs dextans, in Cicero proPubl. Sextio, 25. becaufe they had no one piece called Sextans. See Gronov. de pec. vet. c. iv. P. 375. Troy pound heavier than the Roman pound in the proportion of 560 grains to 1256. Gent. Mag. for Feb. 1773, p. 61. Univ. Hifl. XV. p. 28. Ibid. The Roman pound may be confidered as bearing a near propor- tion to our Englifti nummulary pound in weight ; which, at a round fum, we may compute at 5^. the ounce, or 60s. to the pound, fomething fliort of the Roman. But by adding 4^. for every Roman pound, the Englifh pound will be made exaftly equal to it. Thus five Roman pounds would be XV nominal Englifh pounds ; and by adding four times 5^. or 20J. it amounts to xvi pounds, which is the truth, according to the very accu- rate and ufeful Tables inferted by Mr. Clarke in his book on Roman and Saxon Coins. The reafon why Seftertum flands for a thoufand feflertii is fuppofed by Budffius and Gronovius to be, becaufe pondus is underftood ; fo that it is in reality an adjedlive agreeing with it. As the fefterce (the fourth part of the denarius) denoted firft two pounds and an half of brafs ; fo feftertium pondus [argentij exprefled two pounds and an half of filver, 250 denarii, or 1000 feftertii, and may be confidered in grofs equal to about two jx)unds weight and an half of our filver, which amounts to 6/. los. there being 6zs. of our money to a pound weight Troy *. According to Fannius, a mina was a hundred drachms ; and a Roman pound was 96 fuch drachms. Divide the number of grains in a Roman pound by 96, which vi'as the number of drachms in a Roman pound, the * This fubjec'i: has been already very amply difculTed in a DiiTertation printed in this volume, p. 262. H h h 2 quotient 4^0 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. quotient is 54 grains to each draclim. But 100 drachnije went to the mina : multiply therefore 54 grains by 100, you have the number of grains in the mina, viz. 5400, juft the fame with the Tower pound. To make the Attick drachm current in exchange with the other Grae- cian drachms, add two Attick oboli (i. e. two fixths or a third part of a drachm) it comes only to two grains over, if it was filver. For a fixth part of 4.2 grains is 7 grains for the Obolus ; two of which are 14 grains. And 14 grains added to 42=56 grains, in exchange for 54. PREFACE [ 421 ] PREFACE TO KUSTER, De vero Usu Verborum Mediorum, Sec. 1773 ■••'". GUL. BOWYER Leftorl S. AN KusTERus refkxivam Verborum Mediorum fignificationem primus deprehenderit, Ignore : earn certe pluribus, quam quifquam alius, argumentis in ifto libello ftabilivit Alii in verbis quibufdam eam notarunt ; an vero czeteris fit communis altum agunt filentium. Euftathius ad lA. /. 168. liM(pOfCiV II OIXnN XmI OISOMENOS (Puo-lv 0\ ■mocKryuo], 111 TO i^h GISflN aTT,' aAAa dq aKAov ki)/H ty^v evspyaav t5- y^pyja-ium' to 5i OISOMENOS, eyi x^(ioi, Sed valde quietus ea confultas q^uiecu7ique vis : fie lA. /. 676, et paffim. Quare vero non itidem I A. ^'. 483. 'p^xa-i(j9^ wV vjjjy Hfo/^a^sj J.=§/x/5//-?ycj cZ^h 'LJ%« 5/xw, Fidete, ut Sec. proprius ad nativum vocis ufum, Rcputate vohifcum, ut lA. 0. 163, &c. Ex male intelledta differentia inter iVw et iTvo^cci (quam vide apud Kust. § i. 13 ) male Barnesius Homerum corrigit lA. §'. 202. cl o] inovjo T^mjc, * De cjua voce vide etiam Salmafuim do Ufuiis, p. 679. in omilTis. Obf. ;id jus At- ticum p. 13. 58. Lexica niiie hie txirbant omnia. f QJjare Xyj-airOai in Medio, Captivum redimere, tiondum ab iiUo Grammaticonini video efle expofitum. Kusr. de Verbis Mediis, § 2. 11. cujus libri editio prima prodiit 1714, altera 1717 ; Clarkius vero cdidit primani partem Homeri 1729. pro DE VERO USU VERBORUM MEDIORUM, &c. 423 pro quo ille 01 ol sttov TpUxyig, quafi sttm fignificaret Sequor etiam in Adtiva voce. Vid. Clarkium in loc. et ad a'. 482. ex R. Bentleio. lA. V . 745* A«Jw ^Y, TO "xPtlpv (X7ro<;^f«^w fane Figneror, five pignus Accipio, Job, xxiv. 3. 9. at svsyjjpd^oju.a.i, pignoriiiis captis Coerceor, ut apud Ariftoph. in Neb. ver. 240. "Afoy.'xi, (Li^ouxi, tx yjiiji^cif iviyjj^ix^oy.a,i, Bcna mca pigno- ribus Ciipta diripiuniur,^ ad verbum, Diripior quoad bona mea pignoribus capta [vertit Sanxay in Arift. Lex..Angl. 1 have ?ny goods fciz'd for nan' payment']. Male in Tranfitivo fenfu accipitur, dum redditur, bona mea Op- pignero. Salmaf. de Mod. Ufur. c. xiii. p. 549. et de Fccn. Trapczitico, p. 7 1 3. 'AttoS/Sw/xi, Aft. Solvo, Reddo ; at in yicA.Tribuo inmeum commodum, Vendo. Arifloph. Vefp. 169. aitohoa-^c/A ^isKo^cx,t tov mov, Vendere velim aftnum. (To fell, Sanxay in Lex.) at idem Ran. 1266. diro^o; \Xnyjv9oy'\ vtuioi m oVAos sk- *' xA)jo-iW«y, armis inJiriiSli concioncm babuerunt. ri^zo-^ui to. oTAa nonnulli *' futri poffe putant pro Arma (X7r^S;a-9oci. Mihi nondum occurrit locus, " in quo ita propria fumi credam, nifi, qui armati confiftant nee tamen re *' ipfa pugnant, proprie arma dicuntur abjicere." Quid ad hjec Clericus ? ne unum quidem verbum, licet has paginas citet, ad banc ipfam editionem provocet. Eundem fenfum vindicat Dionyfio Halicarnaflenfi Edwardus Spelmannus in eleganti fua verfione Antiqq 1. iii. e. 18. Nuperus vero vir dodtiflimus W. Smith, Decanus Ceftrienfis, in Verfione Anglica Xcno- phontis de rebus Gra-cis^ 1. ii. fub anno ante Chrillum 403, p. 70, contendit c7rA« B'^a-^Kt notare to ground their arms. Quidni tandem fit arma in ufum fuum rcponere, ut Kuflerus interpretatur § i. 50. &: quod dici queat, to rejl their arms : quin et ipfe Elomerus, iis verbis quibus Agam.eninon Grjecos fugam ornantes ad arma capeflenda hortatur, quibus et ipfa Adolefcentulos. ad liCEC ftudia excolenda excitem : E5 y.iv T/f ^opv Bri^cii.y.:M, quinqiienarii nutans po- teftatcm ? Dubiiis Ikne hie inccdo, & fufpenfo pede, ubi autores utrinque du.;niu. Quicquid dcniuni ftatuatuf, verllimilc ell; EI exilius fuifle elatum, & minus ab r, vcl t fono difcrepafft; qHaiii apud nns obtinet. AI, OI Si EI mutanint Roniani in AE, OE, & E, polleriori vocali diphthougoniiu vires fuas pin:cij)ue cxtitnte. Ut A.'«iia«, JlLnctu, Mus-ia, A'lce/ici, jVjyJia. Si audianius Silmaiium De iifuiis, p. S8. Cerium rji ante millc nnnoi (.Wae'nim non novijje ulicim diff'ercntiam prontiiiciationis iiiur v, n, Isf 01. \ idc ctiam K, Wetlkniuin dc Gr^ca- lingua: proounciatione, p. 171, ix.c. I'criz. Aniui. IIiA. c. x. pronun- PREFACE TO LEEDES. pronunciamus ; at non fie ollni a quibus noftrates accepei'e father & MAUTUER Vel MOTHER, tI'f«T>)f, BROTHER ; UXcilOg, PLAUTUS ; l]Zy, USi>^', FAUNus, he. '['yi[j.-/i, Famn, hdme ; at A(jW,oj Fa-mes, Fam-ine. Quod, igitur illi ore & uuribus dignofcebant, nos legendis poetis indagarc cogiiimr; id- que ut fine temporis aut etlam dcfidite ja(n:ura aflequamur, hujus libcUi dos eft. Vocalem brevem pofitlonc, quam vocant, ante duas confonantes fieri longam, omnes norunt ; ejus quippe fonus conflldtu quafi conlbnanrium tardatur, ut in-gens. Sin veto fequentts confonantes ad proximam fyllabam promoveri poffunt, fit communis : dici enim poteil: vel pat-rein, vel pd-trem j fmarag-dos, vel fmard-gdus. Sed unde Grscis licerct elle tarn difcrtis, ut vocales longas & dipthongos ante vocalem corriperent, nupere admodum nobis notitia elt, quam debemus dodtifiimo viro fupra laudato *. Duabus vocalibus, ubi yEoles fi.mm Digamnia F coUocabant, lones afpirationem quandam interferebant ; an forma Vait, vel voce folum expreflTam inccrtum eft : fonabat ut noftras \V, & duplicis confonautis vicem gcffit, qua; vel cum antecedent! vel fcquenti fyllaba pro arbitrio enunciari foleret. In Ver- bis igitur in vm ut w,\Vu-jc, yr/^vc^j, oa-nciiuj, cxiiui, izf,v:-j, T-.vu) ; Ct icc ut t/w ; u & ' natura cffe breves ftatuit vir dodtus, fed fcribendo vel legendo Kvwm, tiivm, fieri !o!}gas : Cum Clarkius et alii autumarent bafce vocales eflTe natura qui- dem longas, fed pofitas ante vocalem ncfcio quibus machinis fieri breves. Quid vero ftatuendum eft de vocalibus longis & diplithongls, qnas mox citat autor nofter, inufitato more brcviaras ? Du^, inquam, vocales per >^v:tl^qo-n contrahantur, Diphthongi refolvantur ; quidvis potius experiri libet quam ut ad Grammaticorum p^/itmiem (qucr nil plus valet quam Phi- lofophorum/z/:;-.? vacui) dela!;amur. A-^w igitur & S/jir/cr/ fonabant vctercs \-yM, ^-/i yoi'j-iy vel S;7-ze'iw, ^iTfZVoio-i. Yc/Afflyov, yx-y^oyvj vel yei^w»\oyjiv : ut in Pariclibus, &c. ETiHy,, i7r,-)'i'5«, e>i»i, /i/, sun; ab f<, i'us, a sow ; wW l^, -:, /ii/, SAtr ; jf. ffX,siX; iVIa, ieptein, seven ; v.-rryo,, fomrii/s, ShU'iP ; s./Zi'. fui,Jibi, -.:■].'-:. ii (e>xeiiia alia ;!j>iu! Yoii". ir, E;ymc>logico fiib lit.. 11, & Caainii HcUenilin.^m, v.i apud Herodotum paffim. Qua ratione vocalis brevis ante vocaleni producatur, jam vidimus ; qua;- ratur forfan unde toties in Indice fubfequenti fiat anceps ante confonantem. ISotandum eft, igitur, ante femivocales liquidas A, [ji., v, p, paritcr ac ante vocales, afpiratio ilia Vau vel F facile fefe ingerebat. Hinc ct-w^a, vel aw^K, prima correpta vel producta. Si fcribas mode, ut enunciatum eft, AW-pig A-\vp=g [3wpoToXoty£ , Martialis ille jocus in poetarum principem ille- j)idus plane & inficetus eft. Sic Od.c/. 5, 6. vogov cTaii^uiv — 'A7-A' iT a'j hdpa; — penultimam produftam et correptam vides in eadem didione. Scilicet ante p prarponebant Digamma, qu^ utrivis fyllabas, prsecedenti vel fucce- denti, jungi potuit, prout quantitas poftulabat. Recentiores addidere /. — 11. (3. 773. zfTd^oi prr/iuvi ^oihcia-a-yig producicur ultima in -cs-apci ob digamma interpofitum loco afpirati vip-/]'/^Mi. Hinc refingendum Hefiodi locus. Open 696. Ubi Gr^evius : " In Mf. II. pro varia ledtione notatum erat, Tpr/iKoyjci, quam ledtionem Tzetzes probat invitis Mufis." Nullus dubitem quin Tzetzen potius fefellerit vera fequentis WiTJwv poteftas. Nerape ultima vocis rp/^j- Hovjci ope fubjefti non fecus producitur atque fupra fadum vidimus in H di^pi \viK.:-X-/i. Contra vero Tpiyixcvruv Mufis invitis in cod. MIT. editifque rcprasfentari confirmare aufim. Neque enim Mufis Grajcis magis adridere crediderim tf^r/jKovlcov quam triginiorum Latini. Dawes, p. 178, 179. — ''TKvi refolvunt Critici in TAFH, unda svlva, Clark, ad II. 7. 151. h Dawes, Mifc. Crit. p. 158. Pace tantorum virorum, vix ad amuflim refte. Scriptum vcl diftum a Graecis WT-WAH ; ab ^olibus, duabus Uteris tranfpofitis, FTAFH, unde, priore afpirationc in 8 mutata, ut in Pr^ef. p. 78. not "i. Lat. SYLVA, plane ut ab Was it not by art that Hannibal raifed a re[)utation ? and were Xend- phon, Epaminondas, Csfar, and all the famous Grecians and Romans, ig- norant of arts and fciences i* And fince this man would raife War into a divinity belonging to Ignorance, how came It that the Barbarians could not Hand before them ? And If Ignorance increafed ftrength and valour, furely all our common foldiers, nay, and a vaft majority of our officers, ought to be heroes. He frets at the European or French politenefs ; but upon his own fyftem, and allowing his hypothefis, that It is all counterfeit, is It not yet better that the rude, harih, and different characlers of men Ihould be veiled ^under even a falfe urbanity and affcdted mild manners, than that an eternity of broils fliould dlfturb fociety, by each favage mind's being vlfible in all Its uncouth and unpoliflied behaviour ? Is it not a happlnefs that I fhall be, even outwardly, well ufed by thofe from whom I expcdt no more? or would he prefer travelling among the banditti of Arabia, or his own favages of America, before a tour through Europe ? and If the latter mufl be pronounced the moft agreeable, and that the arts and fcicnces are the caufe of the difference, what becomes of his god- defs. Ignorance ? In ftiort, he had taken a laudable fubjcdf. If he had only lafhed the abufes, which are ever the unfortunate attendants on al^ great fyftems : but to run down the fun becaufe he fometimes fcorches or the rain becaufe it fometimes falls to excefs, contains hardly any thino' M m m 2 rnore •452 M I S C E L L A N E O U S TRACT S. more delirious than what this orator has ferioufly undertaken ; like J-icfe in the Tale of a Tab, he tears the coat to pieces btcaufe of u few ufelefs- embroideries ; anti yet, it muil be confcllld, his argument is worthy- ot" atlmiratloii for its comiiofitiou and elegance, and may be confidered % thofc of his own oqinion (if any) as a proof of the danger of arts ami fciences, fince, by their help, fo much could be made of the worft of caufes. I have endcavoureil to keep up to his fpirit in the tranflation ; and if the r.nolifh reader finds any thing Ilriking in it, I fliall put him in mind of the unfuccefsful Grecian orator, when he heard his adverfary's oration praifed on the reading, and cry out, almoft in his words, " What wonld it be, '*' if vou underllood the original r" The Author's PREFACE. T H 1 S is one of the fincft and nrioft important quelVions that hath ever been difcuffed. AVe are not here to debate on thole rnetaphyfical fubtilties which have intruded into all the branches of literature, and from which rthe very academical occupations are not always exempt. No, we arc this day ujK>n one ot thole truths which are infeparably annexed to the happi- nefs of mankind. I forefee I fliall be feverely attacked for having dared to appear on the fide I undertake; I can expedt no Icfs than an univerfal out- cry againll me, tor my audacious attempt at overthrovving the delight and admiration ot man-kind ; nor is the approbation of a few wife men a fuiil- cient warrant againll the cenfure of the publiek : but I have taken my parry, fori value not what the wits or gentlemen of the mode can objett to me. I'hcre will always fubtift men uho feem born to be flaves to the opi- nions of their age, their country, their fociety. Some, who this day ad: the Free-thinkers, fceptic unbelievers, and phi- lofophcrs, would, for the fame rcafons, have pafTed for Fanatics in the days of the League in France ; no one, therefore, uho has a mind to outlive his works, ihould write for tuoh readers. I conclude with one word more ; — not expe«£l:ing,the honour done mc, I had, fince my fending it to the prcfs, altered and augmented this Difcouffe fo as almoft to have made it another work,- but now 1 find myfclf obliged to publiHi it in the fame drefs in.which it was crowned. I have only ilib- joincd a few notes, and infcrtcd two additions eafy to be remarked, which in fpeaking might have difpleafed the Academy. 1 judged ihat equit)', rrfpei Pro- *' phets, and verify the prediftions oi theirs." I, The Jc'.vifli and Chriilian Prophets are here reprefented at variance with each other ; by thefe the Jews are to be d'ljpeyjcd, hv ihofe collected together. Now I always apprehended the Jewilli Prophecies are the very fame in which the Chriftians believe ; and if the latter have any which tlic former rejett, I hope they are in no particular inconfillent. I am fure, be- fore any argument can be drawn from them^ it is incumbent on this Cirv Orator to reconcile them. But, II, Let us endeavour, if we can, to find out the oppofition, which the Gcntlem.an feems to point at. The great difpute between ihc Cbrifliaos and Jews is, whether the Meffiah is come or not. In proof that he is to come, that text is always urged, *• The Scepirc lliall not depart from * This little traL^ was well received by thofc \\\\o were fupeiinr to npj;o\v prejiidiccs. Sec the Anecclottii ol Mr. Bowyer, p. J 3 4. " Judah, 4i4 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. " Judah, nor a I^'- 3'« 1 Fcr Image the LXX and Viilgitc read Aluv ; ami tlicrtf )ic in the Hebrew for niV2 i! -^as prolubly reui T\1\"j' nilErhr ON NATURALIZING THE JEWS. 45.5 might obfcrve for his further comfort, that the Author of the " Short ** Method with the Jews" (not fo Jhort a Meibod perhaps as fome could wifli) obferves, " That England is the moft likely place where the con- " verfion of the Jews fhall begin." The Gentleman fays, by the Bill wc ^re going to " colle" Many places fhould be rendered after that manner, and I would fo undcrft.md John vii. 23. " If a man on the Sabbath-day receive circumcifion " so THAT the Law ii not broken," &c. &c, 3 not ON N A T U R A r, I Z I N G THE JEWS. 457 not the Gentleman be troubled : God is able to eflfcft his own ends ; and the Icfs human counfels are purpoftly thruft iii to forward them, the more clearly fhall we fee the over-ruling hand of Providence in their completion. It was foretold, for inftance, that Ahab fliould be flain in battle. He was fo, by the enemy who knew nothing of the predidion. But if fuch a re- port had been diffufed through his own army, and they had on that account deferted him, the event would have added little to the credit of the Pro- phet : We may venture then to fay, V. That, after the deftrudtion of the Temple, the bare difperfion of the Jews is nothing in itfelf wonderful ; and after the Empire became Chriftian, when honours were diftributed among the follovvers of the Gofpcl, it was natural for the Jews to be contemned. But the other circumftance which attends their difperfion, their ^r(f/2■r^'^/^o« through fo manv ages, notwith- Itanding their various changes and unfettled ftate, is what difcovers the particular guidance of Heaven. " Who can at this day pick out the " ancient Romans from the numerous crowds of people who have thrown *' themfelves into Italy ? who can dillinguifh, in Spain, the ancient Spa- *' niards, and the Goths who conquered it ? The face of the world is *' changed both in the Eaft and Well ; and all nations are mixed and *' blended in a hundred different manners: — Without a fineular Provi- " dence, a people dlfunitcd, and divided into an infinite number of diftind: " families, baniflied into countries whofc language and cuftoms weie dif- " ferent from theirs, muft have been mingled and confounded with other ** nations, and all traces of them mufl, thefe many ages, have entirely dif- *' appeared. — In fpite of the general averlion conceived againft them, in *' fpite of the efforts of all thofe nations who hate them, and who have *' them in their power, in fpite of every human obflacle, they are preferved " by a fupernatural protcftion, which has not in like manner preferved " any other nation of the earth. — This prefervation the Holy Spirit ha* " declared to us in his work : Fear thou not, O Jacob my Servant, faith " the Lord, for I am with thee ; for I will make a full end of all the " nations, whither I have driven thee ; but I will not make a full end of " thee, but corrcft thee in meafure, yet will I not leave thee wholly un- " punifhed *." Here let it be obfcrved, that the Jews are themfelves the * Jerem. xxx. lo, ii. See more to the laitie puipofe, Jer. xxxi. }6, 37. xxxiii. 24, 25, 26. xlvi. 28. Ifai. XXV ji. 7. xxix. 7, 8. liv. g, 10. Ixv. 8. Ezck. vi. 8. xi. i6, 17. xii. 15, 16. Amos, is. 8, 9. Zech. x. g. N n a chief 458 M I S C E L L A N E O U S T R A C T S. chief inftrumcnirs of fulfilling the prophecies concerning them : They ftudioufly keep up an imperfeft kind of union, which feparates them from other nations ; an union, which I do not apprehend that this ad: will either obflruft or promote. But of the two the Gentleman feems more defirous we fhould be a fcourge to them in the hand of Providence, than fecond his intentions of their prefervation : Or fliall I fay, he is afraid we fhall remove " the vail from their hearts," and by our tendernefs melt them into Chriflians ? And yet thefe fears did not alarm the nation, when an Hofpital * was founded for fuch of them as fliould be converted. Upon the whole : the Prophecies concerning the Jews do not precifely determine whether they are to be reftored to their country or not. If the Bill has any religious afpedt, it tends naturally to their converfion, rather than their reftoration ; efpecially as Chriflians believe the former is to be made a necefTary condition of the latter. I meddle not with the political reafons for or againfl this Bill : my defign was only to fhew, that Chriftianity is no ways affedted by it. * Temp. Henry II. which is now the Office of the Rolls. Preface L 459 3 Preface to Ah Heuset's " Select.-e e veteri Testa- " MENTo IIiSTORiyE ; ad iilum eorum qui Latinie *' Lingua; Rudimentis imbiuuitur, 1726*." Extract from Monf. Rollin. As the toUowing work was drawn up 011 a Plan of Mouiicur Rollin, ic may not be improper to give it the reader in Ills own words, from his " Method of teaching and lludying the Belles Letues," vol. I. p. 138. I HAVE often wifhed there were fome books exprefsly drawn up in Latin for the life of children upon their firft entrance on this ftudy. Thefe compofitions iLonld be clear, eafy, and agreeable. At firfl: the words iliould be almoft all in their natural order, and the phrafes very Ihort. Then the difficulties fliould infenfibly increafe in proportion to the pro- grefs the boys might make. Above all, care fliould be taken to introduce examples of all the rules they were to learn. Elegance fliould not be principally fought after, but ciearnefs. Their bufinefs Is to learn the Latiu words, to accuftom themfelves to the different conflrudiions peculiar to that language, and to apply the rules of Syntax to what they fliall be made to read. One might give them fome apophthegms of the Ancients, fome Hories taken from the holy Scriptures, as thofe of Abel, Jofeph, Tobias, the Maccabees, and fuch like. Prophane Authors might likewife furniih us with fome ufeful fupplies. I fliall here let down fome fliort inftances, which <1re fit only for the firfl attempts. In the flories taken from the holy Scriptures, I think too we fliould alter fuch expreflions and phrafes as are not met with in Latin authors. Thus in the following Hiflory of Tobias, for in diebtis Sa!maiiaj'ar, I have put tempore Salmanafar ; and for in capti- vitatem pofituSy I have put in captivitatcm abdu£ius. The word Concaptivis is not Latin, no more than Confortium, in the fcnfe it is here taken ; inftcad of the former I have ufed exilii fui coniitibus, and for the latter Societatcm. * See the Anecdotes of Mr. Bowyer, p. 155. N n n 2 A 4^0 M I S C E L L A N E O U S T R A C T S. A former ProfclTor of the Univerfity, to whom I communicated my de- fic^n, has thought fit to draw up a collcdlion of ftorics of this kind from the holy Scripture, for the ufe of fuch children as enter upon the fludy of the Latin tongue, or are in the firft claffes. I hope the public will be pleafed with this fmall performance, and that their approbation will induce the Author to draw up a fecond in the fame way, but of a different kind, con- taining moral ftorics and maxims, taken from ancient authors, and gene- rally espreffed in their own words, but free from all difficulties, and adapted to the weaknefs of young beginners. This fecond work has been fent abroad fince the firff edition of mine, and the approbation of the public has confirmed my conjedtures. And indeed I know of no book, which ma}' be ufeful, and at the fame time more agreeable to youth. It contains excellent principles of morality, col- lesfted with great order and judgement, with very affecting paflagcs of hiftory upon every article. I know fome very confiderable perfons who acknowledge themfelvcs to have found a great deal of pleafure in reading that little book. M. Heuset's Preface. THE generality of maftcrs, who teach Latin, either publicly or pri- vately, very juflly complain, that we have not one ancient profane Author eafy enough, or in other refpedts proper, to be put into the hands of chil- dren who are learning the firft rudiments of that tongue, whom they might betimes accuftom to tranfiate into Englifli. On this account, fome have recaurfe to the holy Scriptures, where, befidcs the ufcfulnefs of the fubjcdt, they meet with a clear, plain, and lefs figurative ftyle. But not to ©bferve that children cannot conveniently make ufe of fo large a volume as the Bible ; the holy Scriptures, both in the hiftorical and moral parts, contain many difficulties above their capacities : and we find in them a number of irregular conftructions and expreffions, cither unknown to claf- ficul authors, or ufed by them in another fenfe. The author of a judicious work, which has been lately publiflicd, upon " The Method of teaching and ftudying the Belles Lettres," was well aware of thefe inconveniences ; and hath obfervcd, that they might be remedied, cither by comprizing in one fmall volume, fome hiftorical parts of the holy Scriptures that might be adapted to the ufe of chilJrcn and 3 other M. H E U S E T ' S P R E F A C E. 4^: other pciTons who have only learned the elements of the Latin tongue; or by putting in a good plain ft)'le, Ibmc pieces of ufeful and agreeable hiftory, feledted out of the ancient Greek and Latin Authors. This plun has been thought by many a very ufeful one. And, in order to accom- plilTi it, we have, according to the befl of our abilities, drawn up this firft colle^^^ion, which wc now publifli to the world. We have not propofcd to make a continued abridgement of all the Old Teftamcnt, but only to extradt from it fome hill:orical places, which yet we do not give entire, retrenching what appeared cither too long, obfcurc, or not for our purpofe. We have preferved, however, almoft the whole of the Hiitories of Jofcph and Tobias, becaufe they are generally very plealant and very agreeable to children. For the fame reafon, or to avoid too great alterations, which we muil have made, in the choice of the hlilories, we have given the preference to fome others, which may fcem perhaps to be of lefs importance. We have now and then departed from the expreffions of the text, to fubflitute others that were more eafy, or more agreeable to the rules of grammar, and the ufe of ancient Authors; fo that there will be no reafon to fear that the reading of thefe extradrs may leave upon the memory of children feveral words and turns of expreffion, that may detraiS: from the purity of Latin in the compofition of their themes. For of fuch we have retained but a very fmall number, which we have diftinguifhed by Itaiick in the narrations, and by Roman in the fpeeches, whenever the} firfl: occur, that they might bc the better noted, and guarded againft. Such, for in- ftance, are the ViOxAs, fandijicare, benedict, koniliari, refurre^io, peccator, &c. With regard ro the reil, It is proper to obfcrve, that there are certain words which we are to make no difficulty of ufing in Latin on religious, fubjedis, though they are not found in ancient Profane Authors, or are ufed by them in a different fenfe : for St. Auguftin hath very judicioufly determined, that thefe words became Latin, after the Latins became Chriftians ; Religion having no lefs right to form fome words, than Arj;s have when they are brought- to perfection, and have occafion to exprefs new objeds. W> have almolt always followed the Vulgar Tranflation, and have not left it but on fome occafions where the Hebrew feemed to give us a more clear fenfe. As 46z MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. As there is room to hope that youth, and other pcrfons who fhall be put upon tranilating the firfl part of this Colledtion, will foon attain to a readinefs in it, we have made the fecond part more difficult, by changing the natural order of the words, and by varying the expreffions more, by- making the phrafes longer, and by ufing a ftyle a little more elevated. We have alio ventured to take a greater liberty of adding to the Text, and even to retrench what we thought neceflary, particularly in the ex- tradls of the Hiftory of David and Hezechias, which on that account we have placed after the Hiftory of the Maccabees. We have neverthelefs left in this fecond part fome places in all their Simplicity, becaufe we would not have the fame degree of difficulty run through the whole, left we Ihould difcourage beginners, and becaufe we tlfought it would be fpoiling thofe places fo much as to touch them. We have been well pleafed that the holy Scriptures throughout are vifible in this little work. The ftyle, it is true, is by that means lefs uniform ; but that is, on this occafion, fo flight an inconvenience, that we did not think it our bufinefs to give ourfelves any trouble to avoid it. If we have not well executed the defign which was propofed, we pray God to put it into the heart of thofe who are more capable of fucceeding to fet about it. M. Heuset's Preface to " Selects e Profanis Scrip- " TORiBus HistorIte •■• ; quibiis admifta funt varia " honefte vivendi Prsecepta ex iifdem Scriptoribus de- " prompta ; 1727." THE approbation with which the world has received my little Latin Collection of felett ftories from the Old Teftamcnt, has determined me to prefcnt it with a fecond Colledtion from Profane Authors, together with fome of their Moral Precepts. My defign has been, in both, to put into the hands of children, and others that begin to learn the Latin Tongue, fome little piece, that might be eafy to undcrftand, and at the fimie time improve their manners. No doubt can be made but that the Holy Scrip- * Sec the Anecdotes of ]Mr. Bowycr, p. 155. tvires M. HE U SET'S SECOND PREFACE. 463 tures aflTord us both thofe advantages ; which is the reafon, probably, that has induced fo many mailers, both in a public and private character, to • make their fcholars read that colleifHon. That this might, as far as pofTiblc, merit the fame efteem, I thought it incumbent on mc not to leave fight of thcfc two objccfls, clearnefs of thought and cxprcflion, and ufefulncfs of matter. With refpedt to the former, I have been obliged, and efpecially in the firft part, to retrench, from the llorles and maxims I borrowed, thofe thoughts which were fubtile or obfcure ; to change fometimes cxpreflions which were refined, and too far-fetched for children, into others that were more fimple ; to fhortcn phrafes which were too long ; and laflly, paying greater regard to plain- nefs and facility than found, to place the words in a more natural order ; that manner of ranging them, which is fo great a beauty to the Latin tongue, being a burden to all who firft begin to tranllate the authors who have written in it. For this reafon, the reader will find all the words almoft of the firft chapters of this book placed according to their natural and common conftrudtion. When we teach children language, it is fuflicient at firft to teach them rules, and make them know words. Timo Vi'ill fol- low, when thev muft attend to cleo-ance. It is not till after the foundations of an edifice have been well laid, that we employ our thoughts about the decorations of the apartments. The means I have taken to facilitate the underftanding of the originals, have undoubtedly made thera lofe fomewhat of their force and beauty : but, I dare promife, enough of it is left to render them pleafing and pro- fitable to children. And I thought it would be doing no injury to the intention of thefe illuftrious dead, whofe works are defigned for pofterity, if in favour of thofe tender years, which are to be taught betimes to reap advantage from the leflbns they have fet, and to apply the remedies (as one of them exprefles it *) which they have prepared for all mankind, I diminiflied for once fomewhat of their majefty and ornaments. Thefe will open to their young difciples in all their brightnefs and all their charms, as foon as they ftiall be capable of underftanding them. As much facility as we have endeavoured to give this little piece, we may now and then have left in it places fomewhat difficult to children. * Pofterorum negotium ago. Illis aliqiia, qus poffint prodeffe, confcribo. Saliitares adnionitiones, velut inedicamentorum milium compofi^iones, litteris mando. S:ncc. h 464 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. It is not therefore to be expefted, that they who have but a {lender know- Ic Ige of the firft rudiments of the Latin tongue, fliould with eafc undcr- ftand it without the help of a mafter. Ic will be with this as with the eaficft Cladic authors, to underftand whom every one at firft has need of an interpreter and a guide. The advantage that it has above them, which yet we are far from intending to banifli out of fchools, is, that it unites, and places as it were in one point of view, a great number of maxim* and examples, which may not only by their variety gain the attention of youth, but alfo contribute to the forming of their manners ; the greateft advantage that can be drawn from reading Heathen Authors. , We fliall there fee, that thcfe Heathens, even in the midft of the dark- nefs of idolatry, teach us. That the Providence of God is not only watchful over all men in general, but over every individual : That he knows our moft fecret thoughts ; and that it is he who infpires us with good ones, as well as condems and punifhes the evil : That the true worfhip due to him conlills in purity of heart, and that unlawful defires are no more permitted than criminal aftions : That he proves good men by afflidtions, and gives them ftrength to bear them : That the happinefs of man confifts neither in pleafures, nor honours, nor opulence ; but in virtne : That we ought not to indulge the body with any thing further than what is neceflary for Its fupport : That it is our duty to fuffcr injuries, not to render evil for evil ; but to do good to all mankind, even our very enemies : That there is no fuch thing as true friendfhip, but what has virtue for its foundation and aim : That it is better to lofe our quiet, our liberty, our life, than to be wanting to our duty, &c. Good examples, generally of greater force than precept, efpecially upon the minds of young people, here prefent thcmfelves throughout in crowds, and render virtue more lovely and refpefted. Sometimes we fee generals of armies, whether Greeks or Romans, who, after having difchargcd the greatefl employments of the flate, and enriched their country with the fpoils of their enemies, died fo very poor, as not to leave enough to defray their funeral expences. Sometimes fathers renouncing the tendereft fenti- ments of nature, to fecurc the public liberty, and maintain the difcipline of the army -, or children infpircd with courage by filial piety, and ren- dered ingenious to prefcrve the lives of thofe from whom they received their own. The richeft bribes were not able to taint the noble difinte- reftcd ^f. i-I E U S E T ' S SECOND PREFACE. 465 rcfted fpirit: of thn Curii, the Fabrlcii, the rhocions, or that of Xcnocratcf. Nor the rooghcft threats, nor prifon, exile, or death, flvakc the conftancy of the Catos, the Metclli, the Reguli. Ill uCjge by them is home with patience, is diffembled, forgot, pardoned. With them Friendfhip is facred, religious, fmcere ; Liberty prudent and induftrioiis : a frugal tabic, and plainnefs in drefs, in furniture and houfe, is equally the tafte of great Ge- nerals and Philofophcrs. Judges and Magiftratcs are clear, juft, difintc- reiled. Kings have the bowels of Fathers for their Subjeds. Virtue is praftifed out of the love of duty, without any view of recompence ; and nothing appears intercfting that Is not entirely agreeable to jultice. In a word, the reader has here an aflemblage of feveral ftrokes of Morality and Hiftory, many of which may ferve as rules and models for the different conditions of life, and at the fame time give fome pleafure by the diverfity of matter which they treat of; fo that this little work, though dcfigned for children, will not, perhaps, difpleafe perfons of more advanced age, who will here find fummed up together, what they have formerly read difperfed up and down in various Authors. If, amidfl: fo many examples of different Virtues, we have mixed fomc of contrary Vices, it was only to fhcw the deformity of the latter, and to make them the more detefted. We know what Eivy has laid of Hiftory in general *, That it furnifheth examples of every kind ; Ibme of which are patterns to be imitated, and others admonitions of what we ought to ihun. The examples I have chofen, are fometimes a little diffufe and circum- ftantial, and the precepts of morality more largely explained. Often, on the other hand, both arc concife, and no more than the anfwer of fomc great General or Philofophcr. The latter has this advantage, that they are the more eafily retained. They are a fort of lively flrokes, that penetrate deep : agreeably to the obfcrvation of Seneca -f-, who tells us, in his time, they made children learn moral maxims comprifed in few words. And * a j^Qj. \\l^■^^[ gii prscjpuc in cognitione rerum falubre ac fnigiferum, onwis te " exempli documenta in iliiilbi polita inoniiinciiro intucri : inde tibi qiisque rcipublicx, " s, theirs, hers, P..92. 3dly, V^^hat occafion have we to go to the learned languages for this termination, when we can deduce it fo clearly from our own mother tongue, the Saxon; where, in the firft declenfion, the genitive fingular and the nominative plural end in s, as they do to this day : as Smith, gen. Smithes ; plur. Smithes. We have feve.ral proper names, indeed, which fecm in the nominative to terminate in s, zs.l'Villicims, Richards, Edmunds, &c. but thofe were origi- nally genitives likewife; for as the Greeks underftood ijlc before the ge- netive, t5 Si}5, t5 Alocu., &c. fo Williams was ufed for the son 0/ IFilliani. In like manner Harry Stephens obferves, the French in forae places faid, Les d'Haiiri, for Lcs fils d'Hanri'-, By corruption we have, gone further, and from confidering Stephens as a nominative, add another s to make it a genitive, as. when we fay He my Stephens's printing, &c. This termination the later Latin writers fepm to have confidered with Dr. VVallis as the mark of poffeflive adjedlives, rendering Williams, G:»'.'/>/,',vm, Richards, Kichnr- dius, Edmonds, Edmondius, &c. But whatever imperfections T)r. Wallis has- betrayed,- they are very par-. d,onable among his many excellencies. In etymology it muft be owned he reigns, a branch of knowledge which, though often abufed by bad hands, is of great fcrvice in good ones, and which not only helps. us to the true meaning of words, but fecures them from being corrupted by the mouths 0/ the populace. I iToall take the liberty of illullrating this by an inftance, which is every day prevailing, and bringing on .barbarity under an affecfta- tion of politenefs. From the authority, I think, of the late Dr. Middleton,- and fome others fince, the word pursue is daily written persue, deriving it, no doubt, from the Latin perseq_uor, which is a remarkable proof of their ignorance in both languages. For, in the firft. place, EngiilTi words derived immediately from the Latin, come from the lupines, as perfccute s.n^ perfccution do.. But by what powers will they bring purfu:. trom any tenk of per/cquor/ 1 will add, fccondly, from any fenfe of it likewife? *,. See Hen, Steph, de la confbrmite du language Fran^oifc avcc Ic Grcc, p. 5. Th- TREFACE INTENDED FOR WALLIS'S GRAMMAR. ^-^ ,' J The firft and genuine ufe of which is not to purfue, to follow at a diflance, but to follow fo as to come up to, to attend and accompany. Famili^ all' quot cum mapalibus pccoribufque fuis perfecuti funt regem. Liv. xxxix. 31 '•'. And thus in the metaphorical {>i\\k the word perfecitte fignifics. But to fol- low at a diftance is profequor, from the fupines of which comes our word profecute -f. Docs not this plainly fhew that we muft fetch the original ot purfue, not from perfequor, but from the French pourfuivre, and that from profequor ; who change the Latin /ro mto pour, as pro me, pour moy ; profe- qtior, pourfuivre-; hut per mto par, as per Deuili, par Dku X. As Etymology leads us to the true meaning of words, it is a kind of hiftorical knowledge, which renders the ftudy of Grammar entertaining. The progrefs of the Greek tongiie to the Getes orGoths (mentioned p. 1 70), and from them to the Saxons, will open a theory, which the reader will feme time hence fee wonderfully illufcrated, exi^laining the uniforniity and the difference between the weights and coins of our nation wilh the Gre- * And, to cite a Rlietorician in the caufe of Grammar, JEoIlca qitoque hterit, qua fervum, cerviimque dicimiis, ctutmf forma a nobis rcpudiata eji, vis tamrn nos rERSQUl- TBR. Quintil. 1. X. c. 10. ■\ Would it not make one fmilc to fee a late author happily tracing out old Englifli words in Shalcefiieare from French, and at tne fame time antiquating modern Englitli up to antient Rome ? Thus, i'ays he, 7he Lord allovjcth the Rtghtcon-:-, i e. approvcth, from a loner, laudare. Bnt for fear his ou n Englidi iliould favour of fuch Gallic fetters, what a Hybridous compound does he make of the word phrsue ? Write it purfue, as our mothers did before us, it comes naturally from pour/uivre : But if you derive it im- mediately from the Latin, it (liould be perfcciite.- After all, does the French po:ii- futvre, whence our purfue, come from pcrfquor, or profequor? Is it not pour moy, fro me ; but par tout, per totum ? According to this tafte, with frcfli elegance and more propriety, it fliould be written profue. I From this fenfe of the word per, Mr. Markland, Qu.Teftio Grammatica, ad finem Eu- rip. Snpplic, p. 255. 4.10, corre<£ls a paflage in Hor. Ep. 1. i. vii. 82. pcrfuadet uti mercetur agellum. A'Icrcatur : ne le longis ambagibus ultra Sljjam fitis eJl morcr ; ex nitldo fit ru/liais, 5:c. Si dixifTet /?/rt(/rf uti mercetur, refte fubjccifle potuit, mercatur : fed perfuadet fatis fig. nificavit hominibiis Romanis Vulteium, jam mercatum fuilFe, et fine iiecellitate addi rner- catur. Lego et dirtmgiio ': pcrfiadct uti nierceiur agellum : Afercatus (ne te longis ambagibus ultra Sluam fatis eft morcr) ex nitido fit ru/licuf, &c. And fee the fame author in his Remarks on the Epiftles of Cicero to Brutus, p. 27. If any undoubted inftances (liould be produced oi perfequor being nfed from profequor, they will not overthrow what I have advanced from the general diltinaiori in tetife be- tween /)i'r and ;);-o ; from the uniform change in French oi per and par, and /wo into pour ; and I may add from the no lefs uniform derivation of Engiilh words from the fu- pines of the Latin. P p p 2 clan 476- MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. cian and the Roman *. In the mean time, I fhall juft mention one word, which our great reftorer of Northern literature gained much honour in ex- plaining; yet has nor, I think, been traced far enough to its original. The Scotch word Ule, it is well known, he derives from the Scan- dinavian O/-*-, from whence the Cimbric lot, and the Dano-Saxon lul, a feajl in general ; but applied in time to denote the principal one, the feafon of Chriflmas In particular. But he Ihould not have ftopt here. We have ilill the more precife meaning of it in the Greek OvKocl, barley ; a word as old as Homer, who mentions OvXo'xprci. j. the molx-falfen(!iiim temporis futurum pute , hnnc meain epiftolam fimul cdere cum Haidiiitii ■"Prolegomenis; non intercelfiirus fim quomlnus vel exprtflis edatur iioUris utriufqite Q,q q " noiiiinibui. 4S2 M I S C E L L A N E O U S T R A C T S. P. S. CUM in MSto loci Tint nonnuUi lineola obdufti, indicantc eos effe Oir.itcendos ; alii qui corrigen''is maniis aliquautum poftulate vide- rentiir, quos tamen fponte noftra rcligio crat immutare ; utrofque fin- gulos fubiunximas ■', ut fi le<5lor aliquando tand viri curas fecundas defideret, haheat falccin primas. Vir ifle Corifopiti in Britannia Aremorica natus, A. D. 1646 ; obiit Parifiis, Sept 2, 1729; non iiuelicltcr a M. De BozE hoc epitaphio ad viviini ftTc cxprclUis : *' In txpciftatione judicii Hie jacct Hominum paradoxotatos, Natione Gallus, Rcligione Rominus, Orbis literati portentum : Venerand;^ antiquitatis cukor ct deftruAor. Dofte febricitans Somnia et inaudita commenta vigilans edidit. Scepticum pie egit CreduHtate puer, audacia juvenis, deliriis fenex." *' Lcs Jcfuites des Paris ont condamne en termes tres forts les fentimens " du P. Hardouin, et I'ont contraint de les retradter d'une maniere honteufe." M. Le Clerc to Mr. Addifon, A mil. 12 Feb. 1709 ; among Swift's Letters, vol. I. Lett. XV. " nomiiiibus. Qnid enim, qiiaefo, fi forte a-xvd^uiro; aliqiiis indecorum cenfeat, palam ■" nos in partem venire libros vulgandi Jefiiiticos ? Ego certe clam nollem, fi palam iion " auderem. Yale, vir clariflTiinc, meliufque vale q\iam valeo : Et quod has literas, quas •' tibi ftrcnae loco Calendis Januariis mittere cogitabam, non ante datas dicere licet ** quam venerint IJi/s Martiae, id morbo dumtaxat affignandum puta gravi, tenacique, " ncc d 11m plane depulfo, cujus binas acceffiones ita prae caeteris lethiferarum fimiles " expertus fum, ut fi tertia talis incidiflet in Idas ATaitias, forfitan mihi Caefarum mi- " nimo non minus ilia dies lethalis veniflet, quam veniiTe fertur Julio Caefarum maximo, " Quod hanc auteni vivus adhuc, et infirraus quidem, veruntamen laetus contemplor, in- *' gratus clTcm profedo nifi illud egregio Viro Medicoque Franclfco Ph'dippo Duvallia " acceptum refcrrcm : quanq\iam nee illius immeaior I'um, fine cvijus numine nee aliis *' nee fibimetipfis plus valent Medici quam Caefarcs. Solus ille perduxit nos ad annum *♦ repaiatae Salutis mocclxvi. faxit idem precor, ut quod cuique noftrum vitae fu- ■" percfl, id pic fimul et hilariter tranfigamus." * For thefc it will be fuflicient to refer to the publicatioa itfclf, p. xi. et feqq. 6 Cursory [ 483 3 Cursory Remarks on Dr. Wotton's Edition * of the Laws of Howell Dda, 1730. BOOKS, like the writers of them, owe their fuccefs to time, chance, recommendation, Angularity, or merit. From one or other of thcfe motives we might have expedted the Welch Lazvs, publiflied by the late Dr. Wotion, to have had a better fate. The author was encouraged by the late Arch billiop 1_ Wake] ; and fo numerous were the fubfcribcrs, that he was obliged to increafe the number of copies he firft began printing, and to reprint 60 flaeets to fatisfy this growing patronage. In what then did it balk their exped:ations ? They perhaps thought they fhould have had a code of laws of the Ancient Britains rcprefenting their Police before the times of the Romans. Had they any reafon to be angry if they were undeceived in this parti- cular ? If truth be the end of all our refearches, it is no great matter whe- ther the event prove agreeable to our prepofleffions, or remove them : of the two the latter one would think fhould be the more cfteemed, as it partakes more of a new difcovery. Upon a general view of the thing, were not thcfe laws as likely to be ufefu I, when found to be drawn up on a plan of the Saxon government, as if they had been older than Julius Csfar's time ? The editor then, at firft fetting out, examines an enquiry into the truth of that opinion which had been fwayed by Leland, Bale, Pits, Prife, She- ringham, Silas Taylor, Rowland, Hunter, Lluyd, Sec. of a body of laws being drawn up by Dunwallo Molmutius many ages before Howell Dda, obferves there are three tcflimonies bcfides that, of little authority, taken from JeofFrey of Monmouth, and makes a laugh of its forgery, as it con- tradifts all true hiftory. The next teftimony is from Alured of Beverley, which the editor of him, Mr. Thomas Hcarne, would make more ancient than Jcoffrey of Monmouth. But our author has fixed his age from his own account of himfclf, Ibmc time after the Council of Weftminftcr, which was held in 1 141, as is evident from Malmcfbury, who fays Eafter was that year the 3d kal. April or Mar. and yet the editions print it 1 142, as has Sir H. Spelman, and, notwith- Itanding this admonition, the learned editor of Englifli Councils. This * Sec the " Anecdotce," pp. 50. 73. 14;. 5:9. C^(l q 2 au' horitjr 484 MISCELLANEOUS tRACTS. authoriry of Alured of Beverley is no more than that of Jeoffrey of Mon- ■nionth, from whom he copies. The next is of Caradoc of Lancarvon, who brought his hiftory of Wales down to 1 156, fixteen years after Jeofirey's Hillory came out, and was never publiihcd except in Englilh, 13^4, with many marks of additions by his tranllator Humphry Lluyd. So that at firft view it is a book little to be depended on. This book improves the ftory of the Molmutian laws, bv letting Dunwallo's Queen Mertia appear in the title of them when Alfred had tranflated them into Saxon. And yet Bilhop Nicolfon has HicwTi abundantly that the Saxons never heard of any laws under that title. As to the credibity of Geoffrey of Monmouth, it is little to be depended on, if we may believe two of his contemporary writers, one of them his countryman, William of Nevvburgh and Giraldus Cambrenfis. Ncwburgh's teftimony againft him David Powel would take off, by urging, that he wanted to fucceed Jeoffrey of Monmouth in the biflioprick of St. Afaph, about A. D. 1165 ; but was rcpulfed by the Welfh prince, from whence he bore a fpleen againft the Welfh nation. I mud obferve that David Powel cites authorities for this that never )'et were produced ; that it differs from better hiftory, which makes it more poffible for Newburgh, though fo old, to ftand for a biflioprick when Jeoffrey died. Having fhewn the authority urged for thefe laws of Molmutius to be tvithout foundation, he then fays, that it is impoffible there fhould have been any fuch, by examining into the ftate of the Britains, from the firft notices we have of them under Julius C^far, who expreffly tells us, that the Druids, who preferved thcfe laws, made a part of their religion to commit none to writing. Claudius was the firft that reduced part of Britain to a Roman province, which from his time was governed, as other provinces were, by the laws of their conquerors. As a proof that Britain was fo, he gives you the oldefl anfcription that has yet been found in Britain, to a better purpofe where it is legible, and better applied where it is not, than it ever was produced before ; by which it appears, that Cogidubuns, a king of the Regni, was admitted to a citizcnfliip of Romc,if not madeClaudius's lieutenant here. Thisinfcription is the more lucky as it fervcs to remove the great Stillingfleet's miftake, who, obferving in his time fewer remains of Roman anticiuities among the Regni, concludes that,contrary to the ufualcuftom of provinces, they had the exercife oftbeir own laws allowed them. To thcauthority of thisinfcription, headds the teftimony REMARKS ON DR. WOTTC^N'S WKLSH LAWS. ^85 reftimony of hiftory, which tells us that the Britains, like other conquered ptovinccs, every dav became Roman citizens, and confequcntly were governed Iby Roman laws. A prooi it is the famous vidtory, not ris^htly undcrllood, of Boadicia at Camalodunum and Vcrulamium, where there were 70 or 80 thoufaiKi citizens and i.liics ilain, among whom there were few of them ■foldiers. Whence then fo numerous a flaughter, but among the Britain* thcivilclves, their fellow-citizens and allies, with their new conquerors? Alid y-et in how oblcure, or rather falfe light, do our hiflorians reprefent this villainy ! In this maflkcre about 7000 Romans and their aflbciates loft their lives, fays Milton. Our author then tells us through what channels juftlcc was adminiftered, vi2^ by the emperor's lieutenant chiefly ; only in matters relating to the treafurv his procurator had a particular jurifdidfion : the former by an uncertain kind or rule, indeed partly conformable to the praetor's edi^fts at Rome, or the emperor's on particular occalions, or his own when hs fat, till Hadrian formed \.hat was called the Edicfum perpetuum, which was afterwards divided into Edittum Urb.mum et Provinciale, which was a fixt'and written ir/.v for the provinces to go by. This was abolifhed by Caracalla, who extended the rights of Rome to all the provinces, unlefs to thofe who had the privilege allowed them of following their own laws. The Britains having been thus governed by a Roman law for near 400 years, the jurifdiftion of the Druids was futficiently worn out. Upon the departure of the Romans, A. D. 449, the Saxons, a new enemy, fucceeded ; \vho, about A. D. 504, reduced the poor Britains to the boundaries of tite river Wye and the Severn. During thefc ftruggles for liberty, we fee no footfteps revived of the ancient Druid difcipline. In time the animofity againft thefe new conquerors fubfided, and in the 8th century it was decreed that the Brltaii:is fliould receive the Roman Pafchal cycle and tonfure, El- bodius beinfrarch bifliop of St. David's, who by the way is fallcly after David Powelftyledarchbifhop of South Wales, Elbodiusx'\rchie[)ircopusVcnedotife, inftead of Veredutuz. The Welfli and Saxons being thus united by reli- gious and civil intercourfe, Howel the Good firfl: drew up this body of written laws, in conformity to the Saxons, in a great council held about ■942 or 943. The ^era of them our author fettles from the time of the "cxpulfion of the Northumbrians in the Saxon Chronicle^ in wliich our iiillorians were much divided. 486 M I S C E L L A N E O U S T R A C T S. Nor were they lefs fo, whether thefe laws were drawn vip on a Saxon plan, which our author proves they were, by an induction of particulars. Mulfts were paid by both, for murder and other crimes ; part to be paid to the king, part to the kindred of the injured party. Among both, it was allowed to appeal to the written law, when either of the parties thought himfelf injured by the decifion of the judge ; which fhews that the judges, having always in court what the Saxons called Domhoc, was not only, as Hickes would have it, a mark of the office, but as a ueceflary appendage to his execution of it. Another remarkable inftance of conformity between the two nations, is in the two forts of Compurgators made ufe of among them, the Greater and the Lefs, from the quality of each ; the former not fo called from being more in number, as Dr. Hickes maintains, but, as the Welfli laws clearly prove, from their better condition and quality. In the former the verdiit was not good unlefs they all agreed ; in the latter it was fo though one third diflentcd. Here then we have the cleareft and the moft ancient proof of the original of our juries, the boaft this day of the Englifh nation. Muldts were ufually paid in cattle ; not but that they had the ufe of .money (though none of it has yet been difcovered), as appears from the laws againfi: coining it. But the names of the different pieces they bor- rowed partly from the Roman, and fome from their Saxon conquerors, which they retain to this day. Another agreement was In the value of a pound, of 240 pence, which leads our author to fettle a difficulty about which our antiquaries had lions contended. The Saxons had two forts of land, Bocland and Folcland ; the former ■ of which they could ordinarily alienate, unlefs there was an entail to the contrary. In Wales the lands were chiefly of the latter kind, in which -they came nearer to what Tacitus tells us was the curtom of the ancient •Germans. To ornit other particulars of .agreement, the prlefl and lay- judge fat in court together to exerclfe jurifdiiftion. The names of titles of honour were borrowed from the Saxons, as Ed- ling, from iEblinj, Noble, the title of the king's cldcft fon, under the de- ,cHne of the Roman empire, which, according to Pancirolus, was firft given to .Lkhiius Valeriauus', and yet, wc obferve, an infcription found in Cumber- land REMARKS ON DR. WOTTON'S WELSH LAWS. 487 land very happily difcovers that it was given more early to Philippiis Junior. And Selden obferves *, that the title was at laft attributed to thole of fomewhat inferior dignity, which is what Pitifcus was not aware of by ills not being able, through his want of underllanding the Eng- lifh tongue, to fetch out the treafures of learning in that work ; and fliews moreover the advantjge it has over Pancirolus's, from v.-hcnce it is faid to have been taken. Thefc laws, called by the name of Hovvel, as chiefly drawn up under him, 5'et mention many cufloms much later, even down as low as the Norman times, Mr Wharton was not aware of this : though he fufpeded the divi- sion of parifhes in Wales to be as ancient as thefe laws, yet from their mention of Domus CapeLanus /ilia he could nor tell hou to get rid of the argument. Def. of Plur, c II. A proof of fome cufloms being later than the Nor- mans is the men 'on of fome feudal ones, fuch as fines paid to the lord by the tenant when he married a daughter. Here fome light is given to a paffige n-i Liber Gnfualis, and another in the Honor of Richmond, which werf ' .arcely to be underftood without thefe laws. Some cuitoms, however, here are not borrowed either from the Saxons or Normals; remains of their original police before they had any laws in writing. Such in particular is Gavelkind, from whence our author takes occafion to examine Mr. Somnei's book on that fubjedl:, which though Serjeant Wright has fince treated of in his Difcourfe on Feudal Tenures, this preface will receive no difadvantage from the comparifon. Under this head he takes occafion to corredt Cowel, and all that have followed him. ****** * In his Titles of Honour. LETTERS 488 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. LETTERS occafioned by the Publications of two Learned Divines -. LETTER L To the Printer of the St. James's Chronicle. SIR, April 2, 1766. THE attention of the Literati has been much engaged lately in the controverfy between a Right Rev. Bifhop, and a late Profeflbr cf the Uni- verfity of Oxford ; but, upon an impartial view of the conduft of thefe two learned difputants, as well as an examination into the merits of the point in queftion, a bye-ftander will be apt to fay, adhuc fub judice lis ejl : and for this reafon, bccaufe each of them lays claim to firft-rate authorities for the eftablifhment of their refpedlive opinions, which, though at prefent they feem to be diametrically oppofite, yet a fmall abatement of the acri- mony which fcems to have got the afcendancy over them, may bring them to a better mind, and incite them to exert their kind endeavours in the fame great caufe which their profeflion demands from them, and to which their abilities mull be allowed admirably fitted. If this fliould be the cafe (as is much to be wilhed), we may have a chance of feeing their difficulties jeconciled, and both their great works fo perfeftly complete, as to be the llandard of future ages, as they are the admiration of the prefent. The ferious and well-difpofcd mind cannot but be hurt, when it obferves perfons fo confefTedly eminent and ingenious, as the Bifhop and the Profeflbr are, treating each other in the manner they have done. They need not be told how much the caufc of Truth and Religion fuffcrs by fuch intemperate management, and what encouragement it gives to little philofophers to ciilcard all notions of religion upon the difagreement of the moll learned of its profcHbrs. — It mull be allowed, that the Protciror's pamphlet was bought and read with the utmoft avidity ; it mufl likcw ifc be allou'cd that there is merit in its compofition ; but the peculiarity of its flylc, and the half jcfl, and half carnefl of it, would have been better fitted againfl a J^lobbes, or a I'olingbrokc, than againfl the author of Divine Legation. ♦ Sec the " Anecdotes," p. 365. "On LETTERS ON DIVINE LEGATION, &c. 489 On the other hand, the Note in Divine Legation, which was the occafion t>f this pamphlet, cannot altogether be juftificd ; but the proper place to have taken notice of it would have been in a new edition of the Pra/e^iones; for what difference is it, to be Iluck up in an eighteen-pcnny or a fix-penny pamphlet? none in the Icaft. The very name of a pamphlet now-a-days immediately conveys to my mind the idea of fcurrility however, be the caufe of relentment ever fo juftifiable on the Profeffor's part : but I think the liberty he has taken to publifh the Bifhop's letters, cannot by any means be juftified, though the letters do the Bifliop the greatcft honour; for there is fuch an opennefs and generofity of temper which breathes through the whole of them, that will be found to have more real merit in them, than any fancied havoc which is threatened againft the Divine Legation. In the further perufal of this famous pamphlet, I cannot help expreffing the Indignation which I felt on the contemptuous treatment which Dr. Bentley meets with there, which is ungenerous and unmanly. Surely Dr. Bentley did not deferve this afperity of treatment; for though it may be faid that he gave up too much of his time to the minutis of learning, yet « as long as his confutation of Atheifm can be read, wherein Spinozifm, &c. are fo effedtually taken up by the roots, he will be entitled to rcfpedl from Chriftians of all denominations, but more efpecially from his brethren, the clergy. I am. Sir, yours, &c. IL MODEUATO. LETTER II. SIR, Jpril 24. I D A R E anfvver for It that neither of the late ecclefiaftical difputants will thank // Moderato for the arguments he has ufed to reconcile them. Each (he tells us) lays claim to firft-rate authorities. " What !" fays the Blfhop, " does he mean the Jewifli commentators " which Dr. L. produces (and he produces no other), to prove that Ido- " latry was puniflied by the judge under the Patriarchs !" On the other hand he owns, The Note in Divine Legation^ zvhich was the cccafion of this pamphlet, cannot be altogether jujlified. " Was a fingle note," will Dr. L. fay, " the occafion of this pamphlet ? I had reafon, and fo " had every good Chrlftian, to be offended with the whole Appendix." I beg leave to tell II Moderato a flory, which perhaps happened before he was born. R r r When 490 <( MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. When the Divine Legation firft came out, one of the opponents being convinced of mifreprefenting it, began to relent and retraft. Upon whicbi a Letter was inferted in the Daily Memoirs of thofe times, whether from the author or his friends I will not pretend to fay, in words to this effeft ; the very identity of the laft I am fure of. " Near that famed place where the city Naiads difembogue their fable " flreams into the filver Thames, a good woman fat crying oyCters. What! " all the good people go by, fays ihe, and none of them buy my oyfters? At '*■ length, a furly porter paffingon with bended flioulders, and with empha- tic voice, crys out, No coaxing, you Bitch." Good Moderato, beware !. Z. Z», LETTER in. S I R, 1 L Moderato, in your Paper of April 22, difcovers, in the Letters of a learned Prelate, lately publiflied, an opennefs and generofity of temper which charms him. Private correfpondence, it muft be owned, lavs open the difpolTtions of the refpedtive writers ; but fets^ them in a different light to different readers. However, where two correfpondents keep copies of the Letters they fend (as one did here, and probably both), they write witii caution, and under re drain t j and when fuch are publilhed, there is little breach of confidence, for none fubfilled between them. Let us fee what-- eonclufions may be fairly drawn from one or two of the Letters which-. II Moderato calls upon us to admire. From Letters III. and IV. it appears,, that Mr. Lowth (the father of the- late Profeffor) fent fome notes to Mr.. Reading, to be inferted in his editioa of the Ecclefialtical Hiftorians; in which he had charged Bafnage with wilfully fuppreffing the unexceptionable evidence of Ammianus Marcelli- nus, concerning the deftrudtion of the Temple by lightning; and had like- wife made an application of the meteoric appearance of croffes, from Cafaubon's Adverfaria, to this fubjecft. Both thefe circumftances the Bifhop likewife had taken notice of in his Julian, without knowing that they were pre-occupied by Mr. Lowth, till he was informed of it by Dr. Jortin, wlicn, it leems, lie had finiflicd his book, and it was half-printed off. Query LETTERS ON DR. LOWTH'S CORRESPONDENCE, &c. 4<;i Query i. Was this notice imparted by Dr. Jortin, while the fa ft edition of Julian was printing, or before the fecond was put to the prefs ? If the latter, why was no mention made of it in the fecond edition at leall ' For (2), it was communicated time enough for his Lordfhip to charge Mr. Lowth, very undefervedly, with an uncharitable rcflcdion on Bafnagc, in Julian, 2d edit. p. 256, but too late, it fecms, to acknowledge that Mr. Lowth had made the two obfervations above, which makes fo great a figure in the Bifliop's work : fo eafy is it with fome perfons to find occa- fion for cenfure ! fo hard to find room for praife I (3 ) The ccnfure on Mr. Lowth is manifcftly proved to be unjuft. Does his Lordfhip any •where retract it ? No, he promlfcs, indeed, to ftrike it out in a future edition. But why ? Not becaufe he was himfelf in an error, but out of a tender regard to the filial piety of the late Profefibr. Credo, pi\t amore excludet hmc foras. But (4), when his Lordfliip, in his Julian, cenfurcd Mr. Lowth, why were we not referred to the place where Mr. Lowth was guilty of what he is charged with ? It would have been but fair to have referred us to the note in Reading's edition of the Ecck-fiaftical Hiflorians, which a common reader was at a lofs to know, till this private correfpon- dence laid it open. I know of no good reafon for this procedure with the publick; unlefs it was, that, had he cited Reading's edition, we fhould there have difcovered the obfervations on Cafaubon's narration, and on Bafnage's omitting the teftimony of Ammianus Marcellinus, which the Bifliop defcants upon, already anticipated. But, for fear that fhould ap- pear, he lets off his random cenfure of Mr. Lowth, and conceals from us where the foundation of it is laid. But II Moderato is charmed, I fuppofe, with the delicacy of the Blihop, who declares, " no Author was ever more averfe to take to himfelf what *' belonged to another." Shall 1 tell him a fecret ? The bufkined profe which Dr. Lowth has cited [Letters, p. 66 J from another work of the Bifliop's, is taken from Milton's Areopagiticx, Works, 410, Vol. I. p. 168, only fomewhat man- gled, and in a good mcafure fpoiled. The words of Milton run thus : " Methinks I fee, in my mind, a noble puifTant nation roufing herfelf like a ftrong man after fleep, and fliaking her invincible locks. Methinks I fee her as an eagle nurfing her mighty youth, and kindling her undaz- R r r 2 zkd 492 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. zlcd e3-es at the t\ill mid-day beam ; purging and unfealing her long- abuled fight at the fountain itfelf of heavenly radiance ; while the whole noife of timorous and flocking birds, with thofc alfo that love the twilight, flutter about, amazed at what flie mourns, and in their envious gabble would prognofliicate a year of feds and fchifms." I am. Sir, yours, &c. Parrasius. LETTER IV. We have heard of the patience of Job, and almofl: as much of the dog- matical fupercilioufnefs of Dr. Bentley ; but two late writers have made little ufe of the former, and (I think) have aggravated the latter beyond meafure. The Bifhop indeed has fometimes fet Dr. B. in a more fa- vourable light ; but, as he tells us he fuggefted to the Poet the plan of the Fourth Dunciad, we may attribute the outlines of that charadler to him. If the inhumanity with which that great Critic is charged is owing to the fl;igma fixed on him by the Hon. Mr. Boyle, every one who reads the Preface to his Remarks on Phalaris muft acquit him. And I will venture to fay there is not a Librarian now living who would equal the candour and prudence of his behaviour at that jundture. — With regard to his fupercilioufnefs in his writings on that controverfy, they fpeak for themfelves ; and let poflierity judge of them. But I will men- tion one particular ■*, where he owns an error with fuch opennefs as does honour to humanity ; and I would recommend the example to the two late writers, who have left abundant occafion for it * ****** * This alludss to the epigram of Callimachus, which both Bentley and JNIadam Daciere had mifunderftood, as he ingenuoully acknowledges in the Preface to his " Diflertation," p. lix. cd. 1699, NOTES C 493 ] NOTES ON THE LIFE OF JULIAN*. p. 326. 'r«A(«:'oj [/.fjci Tfyfii'j'] Julian was buried lU Tarfus. How then can it be laid in his cpitajih, that he lies i'Aa.h vJirryu, ij^Jjd Tlypn ? This is an elliptical way of fpcech among the Greeks, in which they underftand ihOu-j, or fome liich word. So Herodotus in Urania, 'O y^o ha BoiMJocy Tpavro- jj.ivog gmiog c.ixa. H.=p^;], ifi.Trpyj'rcy.s G-crTri'ctiv nv ■zcoXr/., avim iKKikoiTriroov sg Vlc-Kc- Tronvjcrov, ^ llKoujaMv coa-uvTocg, Tpii Ti ig Adr^'.oic, &c, Exercitus cniiii cum Xerxe Bxotiam ingrcjjits^ incenfa Thefpienjium vrbe, quam ipfi defer tarn reliquerant, in Peloponnesi'mFUGIENTES, ^ Jiiniliter Plataenfium, Atbenarfervenit, &c.. — Diod. XLIV. p. 242, jUc/os T$ rixg oi'^O'xag, Tag Aai'tvcxg IttUK'/itiv, Ig t/,v -uToJav META T» 'AaS«vS scr;7\di'Vfiv — ut ipfe foris Latinis peradtis ex Albano in wrbem curru inveheretur. The edd. now read tic t5 'AAS«t§; but it was heretofore i^-slx, as Pighius in his Annals cites it, and would corrcdt it, Vol. III. p. 63, but whether jullly or not may be matter of doubt. P. 333. C/.riJiiaHized.'] Pere Harduin mentions one or two coins with, the monogram on the Labarum; bur, if they are genuine, they denote the fait/j of the army, not of the Emperor, two ftandard bearers fupporting tlie cnfign. It is certain, he fays, in the fame year, another coin is found of Conftantiniis junior, who, with the Claudian family, adhered to heathenifm all his life. Hard. Num. Sec. Conft. p. 473, c. t. ed. folio, op. felcurfelvcs into heaven. Pride is always claiming its pro- mifed manfions of heaven : men would be angels, and angels would be gods-, and what in them was ambition, is rebellion in us; for whoever wifhes to reverfe the laws of order, fins againft the Eternal ("aufe of it. Now, to fliew to what lengths Pride will carry us, afk, to what purpofe the ftarry firmament is bedecked with light, or for whofe ufe the earth and waters were created ? Pride fays, " It is for mine : for mc, her fuvourire child, kind Nature, fummoning all her prolific powers, furniOies cack herb with healing juice, and fpreads out every fiower. For me the grape yearly fwells with ncftarious juices, the rofe with refrefhing odours. For me the vine teems with infinite treafures, and impregnated health Hows iii a thoufand fprings. Seas roll to bear me on their waves ; the fubmiffive earth is my foot-ftool, and the exalted heavens my canopy." T 1 1 2 But 5c? M I S C E L L A N E O U S T R A C T- S. But does not * Nature deviate from the great end flie propofes, of making every part of the creation promote the good of the whole, when burning funs fend forth peftilential difeafes ? when cities are fwallowed up by earthquakes, and tenipclls hveep away whole nations? — No; we readily anfwer, the fivfl; All-powerful Caufe does not adt by particular laws, but by general. If there are feme feeming irregularities in them, it fhevvs us that whatever is created cannot be perfeft. Let Man therefore reflect, that neither can He be fo. 'Abfolute regularity is as neceflary in the natural s%.. in the moral world; and Man has jufl the. fame reafon to require an uni-. form fucceffion of rain and funfliine, as of his own feveral defires and paffioos ; eternal fprings and cloudlefs ikies are as xneceffary to the mind of Man as perpetual chearfulnefs and ferenity, never overeaft with folly or intemperance. If plagues or earthquakes don't break through the true defigns of Heaven, why fliould a Borgia or a Ca- tiline?. So much we may conclude in general. But to what end thefe ir- regularities all co-operate; who knows, but He, whofe hand formed the lightning, who tolies about the ocean, and adds wings to the ftorm ; He, I fay, who .fwells a C^far with ambition, and lets loofe an Alexander to be. the fcourge of mankind r It 15 froni Pride, from Pride all our objedlions arife; which would eafily be removed, by only contemplating the exalted world about us. Why fhould they inconfiftently acquit heaven in one pert of the creation, and condemn it in another? To reafo 1 right concerning - both, we have nothing to do but to, fubmit. Better perhaps it might appear to us, indeed, that there fhould be nothing but harmony and virtue among us ; that the fea Ihould be never ruffled with the wind, nor. the mind with, paflion. But upon the leaft re- . fledtion we find, that the contention of the elements is the prefervation of the whole fyftem, and that life is circulated by the paffions. One general * The connexion in thc^ original is obfcure : better JBut errs not }^ature from this gracious end? What end ? The c n(,i jiill before mentioMed, for w hich Pride fays ail things were created > So a reader would, at fii .^, be apt to think, till he finds, by what follows, that liiis line refers to the pofition laid down ver. ;i, &c. that Nature confults the CsoA of the wboU a> 'j.'tllas of particulars; which would have been much eafier perceived, if the Poet had only- altered it thus : But errs not Nature from her one great end ? I order. PROSE SPECIMEN OF ESSAY ON MAN. 509 order has from the beginning rua through all Nature, and is no leis uni- formly prcfcrved in Man. What would he have? One while, looking upwards, while he prides himfelf on being little lefs than an angel, he would be more than they are: at another tiave, looking downwards, he repines no lefs that he wants thd.^ neck ot a bull, or the fur of a bear. Alas, in vain were the creatures made for his ufe, if he alone were endued with the powers of all uf thcin ! Nature to thefe has with jufl; liberality affigned their proper funi^ions, and proper organs for them, and compenfated every feeming want with fomi; degree of excellence; affigning fwiltnefs to fome, to others ftrength, with fo juft and exadl proportion to their feveral conditions, that nothing can be added to each fpecies, nothing taken from it ; the bead, the infeft, each equally happy in its own properties. Is Heaven, then, unkind to Man, to Man alone? Shall Man, Man endued with the exalted privilege of Reafon, betray the weaknefs of it fo far as to be fatisfied with nothing, unlefs blelfcd with every thing ! The happinefs of Man (if we wete not blinded by Pride) is, not to adl or think beyond himfelf; to claim no powers of body or piind, but fuch as is fuitable to his nature and condition. For why has not Man an eye that needs no microfcopic aid ? The reafon is obvious, becaufe he is not formed a fly to need it. * * * =* ^ .Pope's ;io MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. Pope's Verfes on his Grotto, iaiitated by Mr. Bowyer-. QU I SQJJ I S ades, Thamefis fpeculnm qua leve lenldet Unda per umbrofam, fide minhtra, domuni ; Afpera qua rtillant lentas laquearia guttas, Ramofoque vitro frad:a fluenta micant ; Gemma ubi non luxu violatas ventilat ignes, Inque toro ingenua luce metalla rubent, Accedas propius : Naturam exquire ; fodinam Confpice, fed fpcrnas, quas tibi fervat, opes. Accede ; Egerise iacrum tibi panditur antrum ! v Intrcs, perculfus relligione Loci; Lielius hie fcrutans mundi penetralia, menti, Quam fere divinie ! libera frcena dedir. Hie moriens Wyndham fufplria duxit honefta, Marchmontumque ardens vis agitare folet. Tales haec tangant, tales hasc limina, fortes Servare et patriam, pauperiemque nati. * THOU who flialt flop, where Thames' tranflucent ware Shines a broad niirrour through the ftiadowy cave ; Where lingering drops from mineral roofs diflill. And pointed cryllals break the fparkling rill, Unpolifli'd gems no ray on pride beltow. And latent metals innocently glow : Approach. Great Nature ftiidioufly behold i And eye the mine without a wifli for gold. Approach: but awful ! Lo ! th' Egerian grott. Where, nobly penlive, St. John fat and thought ; Where Britidi (ighs from dying Wyndham ftole, And the bright flame was fliot through Marchmont's fouK Let iuch, fuch only, tread this facred floor, Who dare to love their country, and be poor. Extracts r 511 ] Extracts from Mr. Markland's Letters to Mr. Bovvyer,. Dear Sir, Vclfidd, May-, 1747. "IF you will put a wafer, niul pay a penny with the inclofed to Dr. Tunftall, you may read it for your money. It is Ujion a vvhimfical fubieft, which I muft let you into beforehand. Cicero, in his Orator, p. 43, fa\s, that the Romans never faid cum nobis, but nobifium ; quia fi ita (aini nolis) diccretur, obfcocnius concurrerent littera; ; for the 7n before n was pro- nounced li.ke an ;/ ; fo that it would be cunno-bb. Now as there is juft the fame reafon in all other words whofe firfl fyllable is no long (as ricdus, nohi- lis, ncmen, Szc.) and as I had obferved my old friends the Auftor Orat. LV Domo writing (cap. 9.) cum ^omtnibus tantum uterctur, and Cicero to Bru- tus, i. 3, CUM nominuti/ii de C. Antonio deceriisrem, I had the curiofity to enquire into this matter : the refult of which you will here fee." Vckfield, Sept. 19, 1748. " Mr. Ruflel was here on Wednefday laft, and left the propofals for the two Volumes of Letters from a young Painter to his 1 rieiids, &c. I carried it with me to Mr. Strode, whofe fubfcription I eafily procured. From an hint in the propofals, I find they would be glad of ready money. " I fhall foon fend you Mr. Arnald's Wijdom, &c. having been hindered hitherto from tranfcribing them. I think it contrary to ail equitv to rob an author of the fruits of his labours : leges latronum effe diciintur, quihus pareant, quas objervent \ and therefore, if you have any account with Mr. Arnald, 1 had much rather you would allow him eight fliillinp-s for the Ec- clefiaflicus. A propos to the Latrones, 1 am afraid the Flame ji '■*, whofe let- ter you fent me, will not be Flamen D/rf/.'r, but Subdialis. Mr. Gerifon brought me your information concerning Mr. Say, and told me he made an anfwer for me ; to which I replied," Rede refpondcf, Domine. I ihoukl be as glad to fee you his fucccflbr, as I fhould be forry to fee myfclf. I never doubted of your jockeyfhip; but I. doubted much whether it would be to any purpofe, and am glad to find myfelf miftaken, and that you are * Dr. Jor;in. to.- 5^- M I S C E L I> A N E O U S TRACTS. ■ to be palci in vcrbo facerdoiis.'" The paralytic j'ou mention, to whofe cafe that of Horace is applicable, Mergas profimdo, fortior exfilit, was formerly my acquaintance, and great bencfaftor ; for I won an hundred pounds of him at whift, and got it every farthing. I knew his wife too, who was the widow of a neighbour of yours in Fleet llrect. The moral of the ilory, if I take it lighr, is, yexatio del iiitclkclutn. <' Laft week I faw ihe Dean of Chichefter, who tells me Mr. Clarke is • very well. He puts rne in miiid of a queftion, which I want to afk you by the bye : Are vou acquainted with any young (or middle-aged) clergyman, whom you know or believe to be a truly good man, a gentleman in his behaviour and manners, and a tolerable fcholar ? If you know of any fuch perfon unemployed, or lowly employed (as it is not Improbable he is, if he be fuch an one), pleafe to let me knovv his name and abode, that he may be enquired after; and if his charafter agrees with this defcription, I may poffibly put him In a way of hearing (as the News-papers exprefs it) of fometbin'^to.his advantage. But do not mention this to any living foul, except Mrs. Bowyer. " In all probability the perfon 1 want might be found among the London Curates." May 2, 1749. " Pierce's Paraphrafe and Notes 1 have met with here, and have read the firlt chapter to the Coloffians, which I greatly admire; taking to my- felf the liberty, which every man mull and will take, of differing from him in fome little things. I could not but wonder to fee, in the very beginning (Pref. p. Iv.), that paffage of 2 Pet. HI. 16, in which are fome things hard to be underflood, by him interpreted as belonging to Si. Paulas Ep'flcs, as if in St. Peter's time there were heretical and perverfe explications of pallliges in St. Paul's Epiftles : or as If, at that time, St. Paul's Epiflles were num- bered arjiong the Y^'Pul, as it there follows, m^ ^ ra; KoiTrdg y^onfexg." yune g, 1749. " To-morrow will be a fortni; ,ht finec Mr. Strode fent me word that he would be here either at the latter end of the laft week, or, at farthcft, the beginning of this ; but that 1 flaould hear from him before that time : fince EXTRACTS FROM MR. MARKLAND'S LETTERS. 513 fince when I hav6 notheard a woird of them. This puts me into as much flutter as can happen to one who thinks that all events are right and for the heft; for that fomething extraordinary has fallen out, is part all doubt : of what kind is uncertain. I fufpedt the fmall-pox, and upon my young- fter. This makes me impatient for the poll to-morrow : fo that I have fent a meflcnger to Grinfted this afternoon to wait for the letters, and to carry this for you. *' I thank you for the firfl volume of the book you fent me, and wait with fomewhat of impatience for the fecond, in which 1 want to fee feveral places. It fully anfwers the expedations which I had formed from his former performance; and I have had a very full and very innocent revenge upon him for his pertnefs and want of judgement in undertaking what I then faw he knew nothing of, and now fee fo many inftances of his igno- rance and want of fkill and tafte in thefe matters as, if I could fliew them to you, would make you laugh, even though you had a moderate fit of the colic upon you. But this between ourfelves ; for this is the Efoteric DoSlrine, which I fliall communicate only to Mr. Clarke and yourfelf : the ■ Exoteric is, that the Englilh is very good, and the Notes (fcarce one of them his own, but taken from others, without any acknowledgement for the moft part) very ufeful, and fuch as I could wifh might be read by every body. I do not doubt but he will get a great deal of reputation from this work. " By the laft poft I had a Letter out of Lancalhire, whence I learn that Dr. Cobden has had a fall from his horfe, which has impaired his memory fo much as that he did not know two perfons of his acquaintance who went to fee him. You fay nothing of this. Pray inquire into it, without mentioning the author of your information." A joint Letter from Mr. Clarke and Mr. Markland. June 20, 1749. "THE laft account I had from you was fo little to my fatisfaftion, that, unlefs you can explain yourfelf to more advantage, I muft defire Mrs. Bowyer to do it for you. What puzzles me is, that you fhould be fo aftive, and yet fo irrefolute ; that, when you want exercife fp much, you fhould refufe to take it ; or, what is more furprifing, that you don't like a ride to Buxted, becaufe you cannot lie unlefs it be at an inn. Why I U u u would . 514 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. would have you know. Sir, that there are few houfes in England more like an inn than this is at prefent. There is very little furniture in it, and that very dirty. Every body goes to bed when they pleafe ; and the feveral companies, that make up the whole houfe, feldom converfe much with one another, or care about what pafTes in the other apartments, and our great bufinefs is fmoaking and drinking in our own every afternoon. If this is not enough in tafte, I will endeavour to make it more fo. Your horfe (hall really go to an inn, for I have neither hay nor corn; and, if you pleafe, the hoftler himlelf fhall come up and pull off your boots.— If all this won't do, I muft needs fay you are very difficult to pleafe, and Mrs. Bowyer niuft have a poor time on't. I wifh fhe complained of her belly half a$' much as you do of yours; I dare fay fhe would do all the proper things, and carry it off, fo as not to be uneafy at any trouble the Dod:ors gave her, nor averfe to any motion that would procure eafe. If you come here, Mr. Markland can talk, and I can ride ; both of us fhall be a match for you. We fhall give you a fair meeting, and then, as I do now, loon bid you farewell. " My moil humble fervice to Mrs. Bowyer, and I defire her anfwer to . thefe difficulties as foon as poffible, becaufe I muft return the firft week in July if I can. W. C." Tuefday Afternoon, June 20, 1749. " P. S. Mr. Clarke fent me this, that I might add a poftfcript as a fpur (as he calls it) to bring you down. I do not know the ufe of a fpur, not having worn one for near thefe twenty years ; but it is not fo long fince I have had a whip in my hand ; and if that would be of any fervice in bring- ing you down, I wifh I were behind you with fuch an inftrument. But when he fays / can talk, do not regard him ; for I have as great an averfion to it, from difufe, as a Pythagorean in his flate of probation : where I fpeak one word, he fpeaks ten ; ahd we are both in the right. " I thank you for the books. As foon as ever I received the fecond volume, I opened it eagerly, to look into Lib. ix. 22, the moft difficult epiftle in the whole coUedtion. But how great (or rather how fmall) was ■ - my difappointment, when I did not find a finglc difficulty explained or taken notice of! only three notes (none of them his own) upon that long and obfcure Letter. I have jufl now fent the book to Mr. Clarke, not 7 having EXTRACTS FROM MR. MARKLAND'S LETTERS. 515 having had time as yet to read it. I do not underftand the Poftfcript of your laft, where you tell me that you could give me a better rcafon than you arc willing to do, why &c. But, if I guel's right, I can fay I am very certain, that nothing Mr. R. can Jay or write at prefent, in this way, will or ought to make me take any notice of it. *' I had not read three pages of the new book you fent me before I faid to myfelf, ' I'll be hanged if this man be not an admirer and imitator of a certain friend of yours 1' I was pleafed to fee my gucfs verified at the end of the Preface, which I have read twice over ; but, finding that I fhall ne- ver undcrftand it, I will go no further in the book. The abfurdUy (as he is pleafed to call it) of a conjedture of the criticks upon a paflage in Sta- tius might with much more juftice be taken off their fcore, and placed to his own, if §/>«? I^hk yivoTjo. But there is no dealing with this kind of whim- fical writers, who know nothing of the language upon which they criticife. ** Matter Strode is returned well : my apprehenfions were juft, but owing to the mifcarriage of a Letter. ** I want to know more of your contrcverfie Irlandoife." ■^»g'{ft 21, 1749. " AT laft I have fent your books, together with Bos, who is an excellent fellow, except in Horace ; for there he feems to me to be much out of his element. I muft keep back your Strebaius a little longer, having made another attack upon Cicero de Oratore, in which I fancy I have found out ftrange things. " I am glad you have determined to your fatisfatftion concerning Thomas, which (I mean, doing it to your own fatisfaftlon) is the greateft concern of your life. What is beft for us, God only knows : we can do nothing more than follow our own judgement in what appears mofi pro- bable, and liable to the f ewe ft objections : after which we are to expeft that one half of mankind will differ from us ; and, neverthelefs, we ought to follow our own judgement, by which only, and not by another's, we muft ftand or fall, fince (as Prince Prettyman in the Rehearfal fays upon another occafion) — Love in his breajl is not Love in thine. By which wife fluff I would fignify, that I think you are in the right in a6' EXTRACTS FROM MR. MARKLAND'S LETTERS. 525 "July 12, 1 757. "WHAT is the meaning of "^ owx Frigldus ohjliterit, &c. ? I fancy it would have been of fcrvice to you to have feen and experienced part of the dillrefll'S which I have undergone here-; for vexatio cLit intellediun, that is, fpirits. When this caufe was at the worft, and the ungodly as green as grafs, I was certain, and have told the woman fo an hundred times, that folly, wickednefs, and undutifulnefs, muft, Ibmchow or other, I could not tell how (nor do I yet fee), work out their own punifliment. It is impof- fible It can be othervvife •, though I believe there never was fuch a fortuitous concourfc, fince Epicurus's, of fuch unfavourable and difcouraging circum- flances. But this, I fancy, is Providence's way of dealing with knaves. " It is with infinite concern I fay any thing of poor Mr. Laxton -j~ ; though I mufi; contradidl the accounts you have in your papers. He was coming hither onThurfday July 2, when his horfe trod upon a ftone, and fell upon his head. His fall threw Mr. Laxton over his head, who was lb much bruifcd that he was forced to be carried home; but they could not prevent a mortification in his back, of which he died on Tuefday lafl:. The. papers fay he died upon the fpot." Oclober 23, 1767. " THE Letters of Dr. Swift ferved nie only for two days amufement; and the others I fhall expedt with eagerncfs. The thing which flruck me moft was a fiiying of Col. Difney's, concerning Mrs. Kingdom, the maid of honour ; who being pretty far gone in years, the Colonel faid, that the Queen fhould give her a brevet (as they do in the army) to aft as a mar* ried woman." Nov. 5, 1767. " WHAT Cicero, or rather Brutus, meant by Architefti'lverhonm, you may fee in that place, Dc Clar. Orat. cap. 3 1 , in the edition you gave me, Schrevelius's, Lugd. Bat. 1661, 4to. So that I will not difpute with you about that. Ckacim a fon ?-out. * By the fnmily law-fuit in which he had ib benevolently intercfted himfelf. See the.- •' Anecdotes," p, 23. ■f- Redlor of Leathcrhead, in Surrey. X On the authority of this paffige, Mr. Boivyer ufed to call himfelf, as a Printer, Architec 1 us Yereorum. See his I'ortr.iit prefixed to the " Anecdotes." "The J. -6 ' MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. " The book of Debtor and Creditor is quite needlefs to me, who have no accounts with any body but yourfelf : and I know every farthing I owe, and every farthing due to me, as exaftly as if it were fet down in an hun- dred account-books. " I am glad you have got an horfe. It would be an excellent thing for me ; but am pad it (being in my feventy-fifth year) as much as I am paft country-dances. " I deal in Hoare's notes for fecurity. If they mifcarry by the poft, I have time to fend up word, and flop payment : but a bank-note, once lofl, is loft for ever ; or, if I could detcft the ftealer, his being hanged would be no fatisfaftion to mc for the lofs of the money, and would give a great deal of trouble." J^«. 15, 1768. "I HAVE received all your progg for the mind and body, 'the books and nuts ; and will endeavour to return the books before the 9th of March. I could not forbear peeping into Mr. Br. ^-y concerning the to'tti^ §/3«A«y©-<. I thought the expreffion was faulty ; but the place he quotes out of Chry- foyftom fhews the contrary : fo that, at;prefent, I do only fimply not under- ftand it, not being. able to get any ideaof it confiftent with the fenfe I have made up in my own head. Perhaps a common failor could explain it bet- ter than all the learned men in the world who never were at fea. But I will read again, when I have time, more carefully what he fays." Fel>. 5, 1768. " YOUR Letter gives me as much joy as it is pofiible for me to re- ceive in the melancholy circumftances we are in at prcfent, having loft Mrs. Stilwcll, who died this morning, leaving a child in the month, and another of about four years old. The mother's rcfleftion is, that ftie has loft her daughter, and her fon is a Turk to her. I hope I iliall be a com- fort to her, and to the family. I have this nwrning received a Letter from Sir Robert Foley -j-, who ftill wants to be in this neighbourhood. J havea thing in my eye, which I hope will fuit him. You ihall hear from me again as foon as I have determined what is agreeable to humanity and «:conom\', without any regard to money, iarthcr than is confiftent with the latter." * Jlr. Bryant, + Who mnnied a fiftcr of Mr. M iiklatuL EXTRACTS FROM MR. MARKLAND'S LETTERS. 527- Feb. 5, I 770. " YOUR Letter of Feb. 1, gave me a new and melancholy light concernuig * ■^- * * * -^ * * *. But the fpirit which appears in nian\' of our nobility, and the ccflion of one great wicked man, whole parts I was afraid (and there was more reafon for the fear than I perceive was generally apprehended) had got an intire fupcriority over the wcaknefs of another, have made me very cafy as to political matters. I had ex- prell'ed my appreheniibns in many political fquibs and crackers, which I had occafionally let off; but Ihall now fupprefs them as unncceflary. The laft was this : « To the D. of G. * How flrangely Providence its ways conceals ! ' From Pratt it takes, Torke it takes from, the I'eals. * Rellore them not to Pratt, lelt men fhould fay * Thou'fl done one ufeful thing in this thy day.' " Thefe are the ebullitions of 30, not of 77 ; and of one laid up with ' the gout, as I am at prefent : it has fpared me till now, but is now re- turned with its ufual vehemence, which I am notforry for." Jiily 30, 1770. *' IN mine to you yefterday I cxpreffed fome unvvillingncfs of having any thing printed which is written in the margin of my Greek Teftament : I liad not then thought of an obvious expedient, which has occurred fince, viz. that my name may be concealed (the chief thing I aimed at) ; and at the end of each note, if any be made ufe of, may be put the letter R *. . This will anfwer the intent of each of us." /prills, •I774'- " Reile atqtie ordine fecijii, when you told the Bp. of Carllfle -}- (for fo I fuppofe you mean, not Peterborotigh), that there muft be fome millake in what he fays concerning the Mf. of the Fragments of Ennius. I never faw fuch a Mf. nor did I know, or ever heard, that we had fuch an one in our library. * This fignature was adopted in the 8ve editions of 1771. - f Dr. Lavr. «' On . 3j8 miscellaneous TRACTS. *' On Sunday 1 wrote to Dr. Heberden, to acquaint him, that, as you had fome time fince told me that he intended one of his fons for holy orders, I would, on demand, fend him up a copy I had of Kufler's edition of the NewTeftament *, with a large margin, on which I had written many things on the Evangelifts and the Adts, which perhaps might be of ufc to the young man towards fetting him up." From the Bifliop of Carlisle. Jpril 2.6, 1770. " I AM obliged to you for your Letter, and forry that we have given I\Ir. Markland this trouble. My beft refpefts to him, and plcale to let him know that I will examine the Catalogue on my return to Cambridge, and acquaint vou with the refult of the enquiry. E. Carlisle." Ju^uJ} 28, ly;;:?. "I THANK j'ou for the biblical progg, which I did not receive till yefterday. I turned immediately to fome places in the verfion ; but I foon found that this is not the thing. However, in two places that I confulted I perceived that he faw the verfion was wrong ; but he has not fet it right. It is fomething however to fee what has efcaped others : but I will venture to repeat it, this is not the ibing. " You are fo well employed for Thomas, that I do not de-fire to fee you till you have fettled that affair. Mr. Dcane called here lafl week, from Ned Clarke's. He fays as you do, that Amport is worth 400/. a year, and that So© /. has been made of it. Ned is now very eafy and happy. " Junius is come to life again; the perfon whom I always fufpcdlcd fince the Buckingham petition ; becaufe I thought nobody could write it but himfelf. I am forry to fee that he is fpokeii fufpicioufly of. How few men are there in England who are honeil men ; that is, who adt like ra- tional creatures ! God preferve us from temptations; which, I believe, is the only way of keeping us honeft ! Whether I am of than number I can- not tell, uvux/ivuv //.f /tvf/o's sV'J'- but I know that I am out of the way of temptations." * 'J'his cop)- uas kindly communicated to J.Nichols by Dr. Heberden, when the im- proved ctlirinn of Mr. Bowyei's " Conjeifluics," 1783, 4to, was going to jirefs ; and the notes taken fiom it were all accurately examined by Dr. Owen. " THE EXTRACTS FROM MR. MARKLAND'S LETTERS. 52ft Dec. 2, 1770. " I UNDERSTOOD long ago that Ely was defigned for Keene *. He is fo very fat, that I fancy It will not be long before he has a fue- ceflbr ; for, as H. Finch ufed to fay to Armftrong in his jocofe way, * there is no being fure of a fat fellow for half an hour.' Dr. Bentley ufed to compare himfelf to an old trunk, which, if you let it alone, will (land, in a corner a long time ; but if you j;umbl^ it by moving, it will foon fall to pieces. Niniirum hie ego fum." Pe[>. I, ijji.- "I HAVE juft peeped into the account of Homer t, which I am much pleafed with ; but probably fliall fend you no remarks upon it. " If you have not feen the charatfler of the late Lord VValdegravc, written by his wife, and put up in Naveftock Church, it is worth your feeing. It is in the paper of Saturday laft, January 26." Feb. 10, 1771. " THE notes J in the two paper-books were written a long time before thofe In the folio edition. I am ftill as clear as ever I was in my opinion concerning Adts xH. 10. There feems to mc many abfurdlties in the other : but if it appear otherwife to you, the right way will be to print my note, and then your own. You know the fimilitude between ESEA and E5E\ might eafily occafion fuch a miftake. What you take to be wards, I take to he guards, the fixteen foldiers, divided into two parties, the firft at the prifondoor, the fecond further on, nearer the iron-gate; all in the fuburbs. Ads xxi. 11. The reafon why I faid that there was nothing to anfwet in the Antitype was, becaufe it does not appear that St. Paul's feet were bound; he was bound only ^Awio-/ So-/, but not with zir-dxig, feiters : nor indeed is it conceivable how Agabus could bind his own bands and feet with * TranHated from Chefter in 1771. He died July 6, t;8i. See ftme Memoirs cf his Lordfliip, Gent. Mag. vol. LI, p. 543, f Mr. Wood's. See the" Anecdotes," p. 416. \ On the Fo;ir Gofpels, tiled in the " Conjectures." Y y y one- 53° MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. one girdle. However, vou fee what opinion I have of the words x, tsJs: Ts-o^occ, though, Ldarc fay nothing. The inflances brought out of Plinv and Alcij'ihron, are they of cyin:inah of iVate ? If c/Jxtric, ever fignlfics- a chain with which \\\t feel are bound, Artzenius's explication may be right. St. Mark, it is certain, thus diftlnguifl-ieth ; and though I never faw. the Differtation, yet I would venture five to one, that ^^t. Paul's feet were- never falkned by eliher of the two uiwq-hz'. I mean, that it is not proved. *' xxi..24. 1, point it as it is there (though I do not know how that is front., the queftion), becaufe othcrwife I cannot conftruc it. TaVwy is underftood before uov, which otherwife ought to have been c.. -doh [xsra^] wv (for u) jcxjyix- '^^^' ""Si sV''^- ^^ ""'^y b^ ''°j '^^ othcrwife xxv, i i, becaufe Kcxj-.jyopfiv . governs a genitive cafe, which j<«7'iX"-'^' '^'^'^^ ^'^^' " xxi. 3. I am not concerned in this note. But 1 think Mill is right, . eTrdi^ac, Luc. vi..2o, would not have been written ;WpKf by an Attic-, nor a-/ii/.y]'jc^i, in Sophocles, a-,'ii^cx:aj= by a Greek who was not an Attic. But mci(ptz'.iy]:-g, the. participle of the Aor. 2d paffivc, is moft intolerable." May 20, 177?. . "I SHALL fend you the fheets on the New Teflament by Friday's.,, carrier : you will receive them that night, or the next morning. The rea- fon of my fending them, is, becaufe, as I fee you have taken a great deal of pains to tranfcribe into the margin out of the papers I fent laft, it ma7, fave you or Mr. Nichols a good deal of trouble, if ever there fhould be occafion for a fecond edition. I have not had ability or incluiation to read them : but I fee the letter R. often occurs. Curiofity (they fay) is one of the laft things which dies in a man : this prompted me to look for five or fix places, which I find are moftly omitted here; whi-ch I do not wonder at, knowing the difficulty and the diftrad:ion of fuch an undertaking. You fay you arc afraid of me : you need, not ; for there is not a more cpiict man. In the world." May 23 j 1771. "WITH this you will receive the ihects on the New Teftament ; in feme of which, viz. A<3:s xii, xiii, xxi, 3, &;c. I could not forbear fcrib- bling EXTRACTS FROM MR. MARKLAND'S LETTERS. 53 1 bling fomething, which perhaps you will not be able to rend, owuig to the weaknefs of" my hand when I wrote it. I think that your undertaking is enough to diflraft even 2. younger man than yourfelf, and one who is per- fectly at eaic both in mind and body. Had 1 confidered the difficulty of it fooner, I fhould have been againft it. " To the queftion in your lad, What have I hope for ? I anfwer, Every thing that -is good, if you pleafc ; or, on the other hand, nothing but mifery : both, I am fure, in your own power and choice. This is true, in fpiteof what all the world can do to the contrary. What fluff is this, fay you, to a man who is upon the rack with the flrangury, and whofe only child refufes to live with him ? The very things, fay I, looking a little higher, that were perhaps intended for your advantage, both in mind and body : or, if they were not intended fo, may certainly 'be made fo by your- felf. I do'iit hioio that, fay you. Why then I can only reply, as they do in the fchools, Pergas tuo modo. " I am flrangelv difordcrcd in my mind and head," fays t'other day Mr. * * * * of Pall-mall. " Shall I bear this, I, who have fome thoufand pounds a year ?" Yes, fay I, you had better bear it, unkfs you are fure that you are an independent being, and that you have nothing to account for hereafter. " No," fays he, "I will not bear it," and clapt a piftol to his head, and fo died like a fool, and a modern gentleman, who owns no fuperior, and believes nothing of a future date. " I have fcnt a few pens, all I could find, to be cobbled by you at your leifure* ; for I cannot meet with any like thofe of your emendation. Thefc will laft my life. You may bring them with you, if you come after Mid- fummer." May 26, 1771. " WHERE there is no likelihood of conviftion on either fide, I think all difputing is foolifh : but ;7r«'f«f could not be otlierwife in any Greek writer ; and sVsjfas, the participle, would have been as wrong as l-xdoa, in the firft perfon of the Aorift for jViipa. * Mr. Markland for many year* ufed no pens but what were made by hii friend. Y y y 2 . "I have '., M I S C E L L A N E O U S T R A C T S. «' I have faid fomevvhere, that a verb or word of a contrary fignificat'ion to the exprelled, may be fetched from the inexpreffed ; by which 1 explaio tliat line gf Horace^ where the mod evident thing is denied, Nil extra eft olea ; nil intra eft in nuce (wall-nut) diiri : where from duri, m the latter part of the fentence, I inch .mollis , to the. , tM-merv' " I do not mention Dr. Heberdsn's opinion of jour complaint with ths- vifual ftyle of pity, becaufe 1 am firmly perfuaded that nothing can befall, a man but what is to his advnniage, ii hepleafes; and more cannot be de- fired. This isReafon, little confidered or thought of ; but ftrongly and, clearly confirmed by the Book you are employed upon *. Hence, total ccn- finement, mill-poft legs, and apprehenfitn of a Hone in the kidneys, are of no great weight with one who is firmly under that pcrfuafion, and thinks he has good authority for it, that no man is miferable but through his own fault. Providence and Religion have ordered othervvife ; though he who thinks differently will have moft human votes on his fide, if that will 4o him any good." July iS; lyji. »'• I H AVE r>ead' over tbe articles marked with R. as well as I could^, without any fair copy, and by guefs; and I have fent them, that, there might be no delay on my account ; though you fay in your laft, * I arn forry that I undertook it.' 1 Ihould fay fo too, were you under any ne- . ceffity of publifhi'Ag it. But I fuppofe you are not, and am very forry that you have fuch an unanfwerable e^cufe to plead ; a diforder, to which I believe all tntention and application are hurtful, as perhaps they chiefly,, joined to too much fitting-ftill, may have been the caufe of it. " Your laft Letter (the firft part of it) furprized me much. I imagined it would have given you (as I am fure it ought to have done) great plea- fure, to know that by yourmeansl fhould be enabled to do the greateft of kindneffes to a poor widow and three helplels children. What rauft be my * The New Tpilament.. furprize, EXTRACTS FROM MR. MARKLAND'S LETTERS. 533 furprize, when, inftead of giving you plcafurc, I found it had only alarmed your fears and fufpicions ? My good friend, how could the fame perfon a6t in fo great and fo mean a manner? To give a man 500/. and to be afraid at that man's laying out ten pounds on a poor woman and three farherlefs children, much greater objeds of humanity and compaffion than be himfelf ? Courage, mon ami : I will never hurt cither jou, or myfclf." *' YOU afk what I mean by ;£«7« mS^uttov. 1 anfwer, I do not know. There, are fo many fignifications of that expreffion, that it is difficult to . fay which is the /rw^ one ; the certain onQ is, I think, impodible. I have noted in my margin fome places which you may fee, I fuppofe, in any Concordance. See aUb Jofephus, Bell. Jud. vi. 9. 2. and Ariftid. Serm. Sacr. IE p . 292. Homer. II. A. 271. nal [j-oiyJ^YiV vmt i^ccvih lyci. And qu. whether Ej in that place to the Corinthians may not fignify licet : although I /jcid fought, S)CC. hut ftill that does not explain xccjix ■ otv9pM7!-o:', and is of no confequence. " As to I Tim. ii. 5, I knew that oi-A^M7!og. could not fignify the man, which made me tranflate it one man, mediator between God iind men, Chriji J^us, In the next verfe, I do not undcrftand the fenfe and conftrudtion of TO fxci^vpiov Kcy-i^olg IIlou;. IfT have tranflated ixsa-h-^g the mediator, I have, done wrong." Nov. 1 , 1771.. "I RECEIVED ypurEetter this morning; and though you fay I have the pen of a ready writer, yet I muft beg your forbearance fome little time, till I can upon confideration anfwer your Letter. " I never knew a perfon increafe in bulk fo much as he we fpeak of, v>ho was a long-lived man; though, very likely, he may out-live you aixi myfelf. Harry Finch ufed to fay to Armltrong, that he never knew a fat • fellow whofe life could be depended upon for half an hour *. RecoUedt how few old fat people you remember." * See p. 539.. Lee. 534 M I S C E L L A N E O U S TRACTS. Dec. 22, I 77 1. "I HAD another rcafon for writing to you, which was, to mention a fentence in your laft Letter to me : / voip you would not conje£lure Uo much about Providence. What if Latin and Greek does go out of fnjhion? What if all the Royal Family rslinquijh a difjllute lif, and marry among ihefubjefis? " It would have fcemed very odd, that an old Chriftian, in his 79th year, Ihould want fuch a piece of advice concerning Providtnce. And what follows, concerning ImHii and Greek, and the Royal Family, would have been Equally furprizing, had you not before in that Letter told me, that ' your head is flrangely confufed.' I hope this will find you in a bet- ter fituation of mind and body." Feb. 16, 1772. " I THANK you for your literary prog, which I have not had time even to look into; but will give you my opinion of them when I have read them. In the mean time, I am greatly prejudiced (1 fhould not ufe that word) againft Mr. Mordecai's opinion, as you reprefent it; knowing that there are many things which I do not know, and which were never defigned that I fliould know in this world. 1 know how -weak, and how Jlrong this argument is. " 1 fhall loon want your advice in the form of a will * often lines, which I have drawn up, and will fend you." April 19, 1772. " DR. H. in his Letters to me, has never faid a word of your ftate of health, which I think he would have done had he thought it defperate; and as to myfelf, I am of opinion, that the gout and the piles are not dillcmpers, but remedies." April %i, 1772. "SO then our accounts, I find, are not to be made by the rules of Juftice, but of Mercy. Be it fo. They are both very good girls, and daughters of the fame Father. * See the " Anecdotes," p, 26. *' I was EXTRACTS FROM MR. MARKLAND'S LETTERS. 535 *' I was in hope that your other complauit had joftled out the fione ; which I am lorry to fee makes his appearance again. One night as I was lying in bed under the greatell torment with that dilbrder (mine was in the kidneys), I ihatcht wp the chambcr-]'ot (I couKl Icnrce tell why, or what. I was doing), as if to make water.. After Ilriving fome time, I did at lall: make about two fpoonfuls; on which I immediately found myfclf perfectly at eafe, and in a much more comfortable fituation than if I had not been in pain at all ; whence it appears what a luxurious thing pain is. I re- peated the experiment fevcral times afterwards, with the fame fucccfs : whence I concluded that this little fcoundrel of a (lone had flopt up the water-gang in the kidneys, which I opened by ftriving. I mention this, if it may be of any ufe to you." AiiguJ 13, 1772. " YOUR'cafe is very odd, and feems to me lingular. I fuppofc you Kave already, or, if not, I wilh you would propofe it to Dr. Heberden, in the ftate you have done to me ; becaufe, if there be any afiillance in Art, I fancy you may have, it thence : or, if not, that part of your fituation, without hopes of life, or fear of death, is a very defireable one. " The printing of the notes in the two little quarto's next fummcr is a thing of fo great uncertainty, both with regard to me and yourfclf, that I fhall fay nothing of it at prefent, as there is time enough to think of it ; but any thoughts of coming to London, in my prefect circumOances, are death to, dear Sir, yours fincerely." O£]ober .\, 1772. " WHAT I meant by the ab ipfo- I now underfland ; and from it we may judge what the Librarians did in the Ancients, Vv'hen a thing was ob- fcure to them -, as I do not doubt have been done (though it cannot perhaps now be proved) in many places of the Scriptures. " What is faid by the Socinians, Ari.itn, or Orthodox, fecms to me to be very little worth regard, when they are talking of things which they can- not undcrftand, and perhaps never were defig^ned to be underflood hy man 1 ill 5.36 M 1 S C E L L A N E O U S T R A C T S. in this flatc. The Letter of Ben Mordecai is molt excellent to this pur- pole. O fliameful Creed of Athanafnis ! " From kveral circumftances (which perhaps I do not underfland, as being fo much out of the world), I own I am >very fufpicious of the people of the Feathers-tavern*' ; and cannot forbear thinking that Rome or Scot- land (who, I do not doubt, would unite on fuch an occafion) may be coii- cerned in the affair. Oik 'j Godhead is fpoken of, it is called 'Ar'AlOi; 3Jv«p5 tL GricTris, Rom. i. 20 ; whereas our Saviour fays, that " all power lt>ath been given to nie." Fcb.f, i77j. " NO wonder Callalio interpreted as he did. He favv, when he camt to tranflate, that Zv o/p^rfi-oyM:'^- was nonfenfe in any fhape. But Bcza \va? a Genius, and of the Vulgate's quibus he would make un fignify in quibus ; and his authority was fafficient to our great interpreters. So John ili. 13, when he could not tell what to do with mj Iv t^ hoccvm (and he muft have been very Ikilful if he could), he contends, that mv fignifies qui erat ; as he might better have faid, that m fignifies £(ro[x.;',!^, qui fuUirus ejl ; which would have been equally true in language, and much more to the purpofe in that place." April 16, 1773. " I THANK you for your information concerning the quoter of uiVf which was a matter of curiofity ; for I was fure it never could be of convi(ftion, from all the authorities in the world, till I could fee an inftance of thole words fignifying qui erat: efpecially in one who dillinguifhes (Revelat. i. S) flN, x^ HN, i^ lpyj>y.:\^, the fame as icroij.;'.!^. I Ihould be very glad if you would fend me (but I believe you cannot) an inrtance of thofe two words clearly fignifying qui erat ; efpecially when the fore- going are, sjc xS ^pavS k«. 27, 1775.. "DO not forget me if 3'oi] meet with any folio edition of the N. T, the paper of which will bear ink : Beza's (I have that) will not. I fhall- not write much upon it (I am too old), and yet I would not have every thing 1 can fay loft. I did not think it reafonable to take vour edition ; that is, the meat out of your raouch. As lar as 1 remember, Gregory's Oxford edition would anf^ver my piupofe. Perhaps you are better ac- quainted with it. " What will become of us ? For I forefee the American petition will be rejefted. I have feared it a long time. I have lefs reafon to be concerned than you have, being much older ; and yet I cannot forbear being uneafy for pofthumous calamities, which I forefee will be owing to the weaknefs of fome, and tlie wickednefs of others.. The Provoll of Eton brought his fon hither, a youth of about eleven years old. I told him, I was afraid he will fee evil days in England i for that it feemed to be ripening apacCv. You, I believe, will laugh at all this, as appearances are different to dif- ferent perfons ;. and yet I think every man in England has reafon to. be uneafy at fuch a majority of members of pari — t who will fell you to the beft bidder; in which cafe you. have only one way (and diat a very dif- a!7rteable one) to help yourfclf. We feem to be in a very bad fituation;. and worie, if Sophocles's remark be true, TavTOi 's^scP;ci ^fi-V which probably is the cafeJ' "IT amazes me when I confulcr what ftrange overfights have been made in the N.T. by men of the greateft learning and fagacity, in a book that has been read more than any book in the world. What can be the reafon of it? They would not have done fo in any other author. Reverence, perhaps, has got the better of common fenfc. I could fend you inftances which would aftonifh you. " Poor America ! and poor England !" Feb. EXTRACTS FROM MR. MARKLAND'S LETTERS. 541 Feb. 5, 1775.. "■ Dr. P.'s * wealth, von f.iy, Is confirnn.-d by i^ood authority. I am lorry for it, bccaufc I think aChrillian pricU, willi no children, ro die worth 30,000/. has a very unfcriptural look. One news-paper lays, thnt he Icic to twenty fellows of the College, who were his Gontemporaries, ico/. each. This would have been very pretty and commendable, had it been done a fortnight before he was taken ill ; otherwifc it has the look of playing fall and loofc, and feems to declare that, if he had never died, he never would have done any good with his riches." Feb. 12, 177^. "I Have long wanted- to aik you a queftion concerning your note on Rom. ix. 6. You fay that ' J. Munthe contends, that «x "^--V or, ay_, oiov OTI, with an Indicative followed by aK>A^ is agreeable,' &c. There are fevcral inftances of «x ""'' — x, oiov si [k;c] iKTTiTpjCo-niv , — sS' o\ (io-l TiKVfx d7.7\, 'Ev 'Ic-«o;jt &C. 1.00k into all th& inrtances out of Diodorus, and you will find the fame ellipfis : 01 %, olm [kV.] i7ni^r}T5.', ;;w/j!i/67a;« et conviciam. AccentCs mutatione en tibi ho- rum homiiuim y^xcinvjio-ijix : sAsyoy, oTt T?.::>y.>;, Sec, A voce y?.:VK'J^, Piujlurif, ^■icliculi c^ulla fingitur, Piijlma feu Dca, VXivym (Gen. -o^', -»;), ut OaAAiJ, Ar^«, in jurejurando • Athenienfium, apud Pollucem viii. 9. fegm. 10. et ad hanc formam 'Artic^^ et EuV>j, Dck Politicas dc quibus vide viros eruditos ad Hefychium, Diog. Laertium et Harpocrationem. fie h.llic, Dea Laceda;moniis habita, Xenophon. Sympof. p.m. 91. A-,{,ai;T);f 2,/tcJ (a o-7r^, frtimentum), Siculis culta, ^lian. Var. Hill. 1. 27. \a.crui Ariftoph. Pluto, Uh'^m, Suada, B^ium et Boi^ui, Clem. Alexandr. Protrept. et multa talia. " The perfon * to whom you made the prefent of Kuflcr's Greek Tefla- mcnt, folio, not long ago, has often, to my knowledge, thought that there is no book in the world which he would not rather publifh than the N. T. bccaufe it is impoffible to give an edition which would fatisfy others and himfelf too. What can be done, fays he, in cafes where there is no Greek, no fenfe, contradiction, the negative wanting or abounding, and vet all the copies agreeing? Inflances of all which, not yet given, are cafily given, and any one of them would bring all the world upon his back ! * But have not all thefe things,' fay you, ' been taken notice of long ago ?' It is wonderful, and almoft incredible to fay, Tbey have not: and the reafon is not difficult to thofe who will confider the cafe of the great men who have written upon the N.T. " All this I believe to I)C true (you perhaps will nor); but I have put ;io jQame, bccaufe of accidents : and I would not give a ftraw to have every * Mr. Markland himfelf. body EXTRACTS FROM MR. MARKLAND'S LETTERS. 543 body think as I do. A man in Mr. Limlfcy's fitiiation is obliged to J/>eak 6ut ;. ill mine, to bold his tongue, if lie be not a tool.'' yjpril zS, 1776. '"" I HAVE of late been dlfordercd by the gour, and othci-wifc ; fo that I have not been able to attend to any thing; confequently, not to thank you for Mr. Harmer's notes, which I have read over with a great deal of pleafure : it would have been much greater, had he taken in more places of the N. T. of which there are very few. *' Mr. Deane has brought with him Dr. Harwood's edition of the Greek Teftament; his notes on which I am now reading, and will return Mr. Harmer's by the firll opportunity ; perhaps by the carrier on Tuefday. I have juft now read one note in Dr. Harwood that furprizes me, on Luke xi. 35. poiJ.(ptxiczi, This word occurs in Val. Flaccus, lib. vi. ver. 98. " iEquaque nee ferre brevior, nee ronipl^ea ligno." " It is well known to fcholars, that Val. Flaccus wrote but feven books,, and the eighth is only a fupplement by a modern ; and to make a dadlyl of rmphaa is wonderful." Ma^ 12, 1776. ** The perfon *, whofe note on Luke xi. ^iS') I ft^t^ you? in his edition, has followed the copy which Beza gave to Cambridge ; of which Dr. Mill fbmewhere fays in his notes, that, of all the copies he ever confulted, this- is the mod faulty one. Doftors difTer. The editor thinks, that, after having been engaged in the ftudy of the Scriptures for a confiderable num- ber of years, this Mf. and the Clcrm.ont copy of the Epiftlcs, come the nearcft ; to the originals of any MIT. in the known world. Utri credits, .^drites? " I don't know your opinion in politics : but I often think of that line in Horace-)-, deliraut regcs, pktiuntur Jchivi : I tranflate regei Scot?, and Acl>ivi- Englifh." "THE annotations I fent you in my laft, on Luke xi. 35, was miN reprefented, my old eyes miflaking a figure of 6 at the end of a line for a figure of 8. The reft was, as it is there, bad enough ; " jEquaque nee ferre brevior, neque rlmphau ligno." *' I have not a Valerius Flaccus : Dr. Heberden has." , * Dr. Harwood. -J- Ep. I. ii. 14. e ExtKadfs 54+ MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. Extrads from Mr. Clarke's Letters to Mr. Bowyer. Sr. Luh's, 1726. '' I SHOULD be glad to have 30ur account of the medal in Vail- lant, becavife 1 have ftill ibme fulpicions about that thundering legion. Xiphilin's authority is of no great weight, becaufe he tells us that the legion cook its name from this aftion ; and TertuUian lived at a great dil- tance, and his Montanilm is too good an argument of his credulity : I don't at all doubt but that there was fomething miraculous in the viftory, and fliould have no fcruple in afcribing it to the prayers of the Chriflians, if I was fure that Antoninus's pillar (as ciied by Mr. R.ichardfon from Cafalius) was fairly reprefented ; but the misfortune is, that Mr. Moyle quotes the very fame pillar (as Baronius has drawn it) as the fureft proof that the Chriilians had nothing to do with the miracle. How is it poffible to reconcile this difference without confulting the beil defcription of the Colwma Antonini extant ? I wifli you would do it, who cannot want oppor- tunity. The medal that Mr. Moyle quotes proves nothing, rel. avg. is an infcrintion upon two of M. Aurelius's medals with different rcverfes, and probably not both llruck upon the fame occafion. Ant. Auguflinus mentions both thefe, but does not apply either of them to this miracle t and though he mentions it in his Dialogues, he does not feem to have feen any medal that related to it. piEr. avg. is common, and I believe means much the fame thing. I thank you for inquiring of Mr. Chilhull. *' Biieus has a pretty good character among the engravers, though I believe few of his medals are very curious." OHober 13, 1728. "ONE of the plcafures of going into the country is the opportunity I now have of converfing with you : I was fo taken up with ceremonies in town, that I cannot fay whether I was more plagued with them, or pleafcd with the Coronation. I am forry that I had fo little time to fpcnd with you, when I had fo much to afk and talk with you about : I found the paflagc in Dion. It is lib. Ix. p. 779. edit. Stcph. where he is fpeaking of EXTRACTS FROM MR. CLARKK'S LFTTERS. <;45 of affairs in Britain. It is read fo, as I found it quoted. "Ih-xv h) h<. ATTONOMOI, «AA' AAAOIS (icciriyc:Vo-i zij-pogcKyy.ivoi. By txvjo'ycj.'.jif he on!)' means that there were no dcir.ocratical governments in Britain ; that is the proper fenfe : but then the (?///' regibns is fcarcc fenfe. Does a.7J.(^ alone ever fignify div rfm, varitts ? If you read it ccAA' aKKoi kX>.ci;, all is right *. The paifage in Zofumis I could not readily find, and 1 had but little time to beflow uj)on it, though I wifli i knew where to find it: he fays that when the Romans left the Britains, they ?c«f luurii cbwisw^ -f-." Augufi II, 1729. *' AS ro your fcruples about the divifion of Britain, I can anfwer them all at once; /. e. that I am refolved to fay not a fyllable about it. I can't pleafe myfclf with it, nor find any authorities that determine the time of it ; and as it does not greatly concern my queftion, I had rather not meddle with it than make nothing of it. " It is certain that Severus made two provinces of Britain ; and after that, all is conjesilure. — 1 believe Dloclefian divided it into three. Firft, becaufe Lacftantius fays of him, ProvincicE in fnijla concifa, 7iiulti praftdes^ plura qfficia fingulh regionibus, &c. — Secondly, becaufe there were three billiops from Britain at the Council of Aries 314. That thefe were divided into four before Valentinian, is evident from Sextus Rufus : who was the author of this divifion is again only matter of conjecture, probably Con- (lantine, becaufe it had the name of Flavin, and becaufe his three fuccef- fors had very little to do in Britain. In the year 369 Theodofius added a fifth province, and called it Valentia, from the emperor's name. Sextus Rufus's Breviarium was written before this time, becaufe he takes no no- tice of this yalcntia ; and as Valentia was fo called from an emperor's name, it is probable that Flavia was fo too. " Now the bufinefs is to find authorities for the intermediate divifions into three and four provinces. I. A Mf. of Sextus Rufus (I am afraid) would be of no ufe, for unlefs there were four provinces in Britain, there could not be eighteen in all, a<; \\t reckons them. * This is Levinclavius' reading. Fabricius propofed <»^^ aPAoi;. Edit, •j- Thispaflagc is in Zofimus, B. vi. p. 376. Ed, Ox. Edit. 4 A 2, If 5^6 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. *' 2. If there be any thing mPanvinius'j Commentar}', we mayfafely reckon that fome of the after-writers (efpecially Cellarius) have taken notice of it. Cellarius's note upon Maxima Cafarienfis is this. * Vide hanc divifionem &c. explicat. in lib. provinc. Schenhovii, et in Geographia yiofira medii aviJ Now this Geographia medii avi is what I never heard of before. I have his Geographia Antiqua, that does not go fo low ; and I find in Prevoux's Cata- logue, Geographia antiqua et nova, per Cellarlum, 2 vol. 8vo. Jense, 1 7 1 6. — Perhaps the Geographia media may be a part of this book. If it be, I fliould be glad you would fend It me. " If this does not give fome light, I can guefs only at two places more where it is to be expected : cither in Hijloire Romaine, &c. par ks Peres Catiou faf Ptjuille, avec ks notes hijioriqucs, geograpbiques, &c. 12 vol. 4°, Parif. 1727; or mBatiduri Numijm. Perhaps among the medals of Z)w- clcfian, Cor.Jlantins, Sec. there may be fome footlleps of this affair. As to your objeftion from the Council of Rimini 359 ; the number of bifliops at a council is an argument that there were fo many provinces in their coun- try at that time, not that there was no more. And perhaps Maxima Cafa- rienfis after the divifion Iving always fubjedt to the inroads of the Pidbs, no bifhop was fixed in it. — Sed de his fat is." Sept. 28. " I AM glad you are in peace and fafety, and delivered at your Mufeuni in White-Fryars free from all difputes, either about horfes or dunghils. I was in hopes of having your thoughts about the amufements at Tun- bridge— how you liked the place, and fpent the evening. I fancied you had a mind to fee it once, and I fuppofc are fatisfied. But you are fo- divided between Law and Learning, that you don't fay one word cither of the ladies or the waters. — Sir, my wife infills upon it that you fhould not be filent upon fuch important articles.— As to leafes (the only query you have now remaining), there are no rules to be given about them, but what arife from the farms themfelves. The lawyers are moft of them ac- quainted with the forms; the conditions you mufl fix yourfclf, or fome friend who has fecn the farm. Perfons who have not fcen it are capable of giving no dircdtions. As, for inftance, you muft determine how many acres of meadow fhall never be pl(nvcd-'\io\s many of the arable acres fhall be flowed EXTRACTS FROM MR. CLARKE'S LETTERS. 547 flozoed at one time. — As to the wood, the refervations nnifl; be fuch as \'ou think proper; the lefs there is upon the farm, the Icfs liberty you flioukl allow, &c. " 1 am much obliged for the favour you did mc, and defire you would remember, that you have taken a leafc of your room at the parfonage for a certain time in September annually; which if you don't perform, remem- ber, Bowyer verfui Boreham '■■■ — 1 fhall have a writ againfl: you, and damages. " I (hall be glad of feeing any attempts of yours as an Antiquary, kt the example be from what original you pleafe in the venerable Society ; for I think you may, without vanity, boaftof many originals. I don't un- dcrftand all your learning in this paper no more than I do Mr. Folkes, whofe example you quote. You would know a Noble from a Rial, but by the weight. I anfwer who would [not] indeed; for there was no other difference; the Noble, when increafed to fuch a proportion in weight, was called a Rial ever afterwards. — Mr. Folkes fuppofes that King Henry's Angels wix^ht. be known by their near refemblance to King Edward But why might they not be known' by the legend Hen. re if Henry VIL (as is fuppofed) added the number to his name ?" Oclob. 15, 173:. *^ IN your prefent fituation I know you muft have fo little time to your- lelf, that I fcruple to rob you of any part of it : but if I fliould, out of jegard to your leifure hours, intirely excufe you from this fort of trouble, I am afraid that I fhould not fpend my own fo agreeably as I could wifh; the confequence would be, that I fliould hear from you much feldomer than I do. *' I am glad that little Tom is a part of your weekly amufement. I much approve the conflancy of his temper, that won't be inveigled from his nurfe. Nor do I condemn his choice ; he muft, at prefent, have as much tafte for converfing with his nurfe as his father. Our little ones are very well ; but I begin to think that boys arc not fo governable as girls, nor fo quick in their mother-tongue. My wife is very angry with Mr, * His tenant at Naveftoc'K. 4 A 2 Bulkeley 54« MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. Bulkelcy * for laying you under fuch flrid obligations, and thinks her boy as well worth feeing as any fheet in Thuanus. " I have not read much in Mafvicius; but have met with many Ihame- ful errata, and doubt it is very incorrectly printed for fo fine a book. I knew that I muft expcft the fame in Kull;er; the author of the Prokgometict (if he fays true) had laid this to his charge. O/miia MiHii errata— et com- plura alia, eaque fcsd'iora accedere pajjus ejl. But, for all that, it is certainly the moft ufeful Greek Teftament that we have, or, I believe, are like to- have, after all this new editor can do for us. " 1 have not read Rapin Thoyras over, and but few places with fo mucb care as to examine what he has faid, and by what authority. Nor have I, indeed, the proper materials for fuch a work. I have fcarce any of the- old Englifli hiftorians, and without them there is not much to be done. In looking back fome time ago upon our Saxon antiquities, I had marked fome places with my pencil, and writ little njemorandums in others; but 1 doubt they are fcarce worth communicating : if they arc, I'rn fure you have a right to expcdt any thing of that fort that is in my power. 1 have fent you a parcel of them, as far as the end of his two firft books. The fecond book is fo much mixed with the fables of the WellL hiftorian, that it is as good as nothing — half romance ; but what was capable of being well told, and might amufe the reader. I wifh the gentlemen who give us this fecond edition would throw all their improvements at laft into one 8° volume, to oblige us who were their friends and humble fervants in buying the firft. I would really fend them a Iheet or two of thanks, if not of notes, upon that account. " Perhaps you'll fmile at my offering any thing by way of Welih ety- mology. Sure I have reafon enough to make free with that language, fincc I can make no money of it ; nor, wh:it is ftill worfc, I'm afraid you can fqueeze nothing out of it, but e-t-y-m-o-l-o-g-y." Nov. 25, 1732. "YOU had not waited for a thing of fo little confequcnce as my opi- nion about church authority, if I had not been in hopes of meeting with fome of the cafes you referred to. But books are no more to be met with here than pheafants in Fleet ftrcct. What made me more dcfirous to fee • The famous bookfeller, fome EXTRACTS FROM MR. CLARKE'S LETTERS. 549 fome of the Reports mentioned in IVood, p. 500, was becaiife I imagine that you took all there mentioned to be on the fame fide the queftion, againji the iiutkority r.f the church over the laity. But fure the cafe is far othervvife. Coke's 1 zth Rtport, and Rollers Abridgment^ feem to be produced on that fide; but perhaps thefe two arc only one evidence, the cafe in RolU's- being very probably copied from that in Coke, and from a volume of Re- ports that does not feem to be of equal authority with the firft eleven: but if it were againft this fingic authority, you have Vaugh.uiy Moor, Ventris, very confidcrable lawyers. So it is that Mr. Wood ftaies his query, and fo I find thefe authorities alledged in other books, to fhew that canons le» gaily made and confirmed Ihall bind as much in matters ecclefiaftical as any flature — But, having none of thefe Reports, this is at befl only a fecond-hand opinion, which you may examine at leifure. " I think it is univcrfally agreed, that before Henry VIIT. the clergy m convocation had an authoritative jurifdiftion in matters ecclefiaftical, and might juit in ufe any canons that were not contrary to the prerogative, lazvs, or cu,!om5 of the realm. And to be fure this was generally the eafe : the number of provincial conftitutions preferved are demonftration enough in. this ])oint. And it is moft likely that the clergy in thole days did not al- ways keep within due limits, but broke in often upon fome of the triple inclofiires thut were a check upon their authority. The preamble to the a^,th of Henry VIII, proves this, that the prerogative ecclefiaftical had in divers cafes borne hard upon the prerogative royal and the fubjett's liber- ty. But be that as it will, Henry Vlil. intended by that ftatute to veft him- felf with a part of the ecclefiaftical authority, to guard againft any dangers from the clergy ; and this aft being declarative of what was law before, can never make the ecclefiaftical authority lefs by adding it to the royal pr^-rogativc. TO' deny that canons legally eftabliftied bind the laity, is denying the royal prerogative in one of the moft confiderable branches of it. And we have no other foundation for the greateft part ot our eccle- fiaftical laws, which do in faft bind the laity, where they are not other- wife relieved by ftatute. It is poffible that the 16th of Charles I. which took away the authority of the High Commiflion Court, might in fome meafure be defigned to affedl church authority in general ; but as that ftatute was repealed by the 13 Charles II. (except what concerns the High Commiflion Court)^ 55° MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. Court), it is manifeft that ccclefiafticaljurifdicftion muft be as it was bylaw before the year 1639. " This fcems to be as clear as poffible, and the 26 of Henry VIII. fets forth the royal prerogative in this refi)ed: in terms ample enough. " As to my notes on Rapin, it is not poffible I Ihoold go on with them; to be far ever groping my way in the dark, would make the tafk fo un- plealant that I could never bear it. There is no doing at all without the Script ores pojl Be Jaw, Decern Scriptores, Flonnt. Vigorn. &c. which I cannot row here, and am not inclined to buy upon any motive, efpecially to pay fo dear for revenge. " I am mightily pleafed to think what little heroes you fingle out to engage \n fliarp encounter, Mr. Pope, Mr. Bowman *, &c. and then tell us, to fet forth your own atchievements, that one of them is one of the greateft (lien, in tjie three kingdoms." Suxfed, Dec. zi. " Imagining that the few fhort Queries in your lafl; had fome relation t(» the worfhipful performance that is now in the prefs, I have fent you all that I know of them with as much expedition as I could. Bifliop Nicolfon fup- pofes the author of the Gothic Go fpels to have lived much later than Ulphila, becaufe in that verfion there are feveral words that have & feudal afpcft, and may probably have fome relation to thbfe culioms. As io Mark X. 22, (not Matt, as Dr. Wilkins prints it, p. v.. Prasfat. Ep. Der) Luke xviii. 24. Fai/nc is ufed for goods, poje//'tons, which is the fame with the Saxon Fee, or Feob, whence the Latin Feodum and Feudum came. The obfervation is Junius's ; but the Bifhop makes ufe of it as an argument for bringing down this verfion to the viiith or ixth century ; for that muft, at leaft, be the import of proprius multo ad JVlUirami Jbbalis faculum acccjjijje dixerim. How far this conjedure will bear I cannot fay. The former ar- gument from Schottelius I don't underftand. Hickes and Nicolfon fcem to agree that this verfion is properly Teutonic, and not Gothic : but, with fubmiflion to thefe great mafters of the Northern languages, I do not know what they mean by the opinion they are fo perfeftly clear in ; Teutonem ali- quem argentci codicis auBorem extiti[fe nullits dubilo, fays the Bifliop. Do they really mean that the Runic, flridly fpeaking, is the true Gothic, and •* See the " Anecdotes of Mr, Bcwyer," p. 69, that EXTRACTS FROM MR. CLARKE'S LETTERS. 551 that the Goths came originally from Scandinavia * ? If they do, it is a point in geography that dcfcrvcs a further incjuiry. — Surely the Gi/ths and Teu- tones were originally the fame people : the former, who lived more eaft- ward, and of courfe nearer to the feats of infant fcience, had th(.ir letters from the Greek alphabet, and their tongue probably from a common mother, the old Scythian. The latter, as perhaps the greater part of the Germans, learnt the ufc of letters from the Romans : this furcly may be true, though both thefe northern languages have many things in common, many words of the fame original. But fince your queftion relates to the antiquity of the Codex Argcnteus, I cannot forbear tranfcribing two opinions about that point, which, when placed together, muft make one of them appear very extraordinary. Dr Mill, in his Prolegomena to the N. T. §. 1399, fays, Verfio Gothica pcraiitiqua : — Codex ante milk plus minus annos in pergameno aurcis et argoitcis Uteris exarotus. And, §. 1400, adds, in hac verfwiie fe- cutus ejl interpres exemplar Gracum pr/estantissimum, et quidem exade a.d- modum, ac KATA FIOAAS: El licet in plurimis confcnliat cum Codice Cant, nnde Jujpicio ercil ex inlerpolatis iis fmffe qua in occidev.te dcjlripta fucrunt ; fx penitiori tamen infpe6lione fatcbat diverfi omnino generis fujjc hoc exemplar ^ & quidem notee optima. Thus Mill. — While the gentleman -j- who wrote the late Prolegomena to an edition of the N.T. that we were to expedt in Holland, Amft. 1730, ^to, fays, p. 85, Ex Latino converfum eJJe[_Codice?n'] prodit, 1°. Titulus, ineipit Evangelium secundum Alareum, vel secundum Lucam ; qua formula Latinorum ejl, non Grcccorum. 2°. Vertit porro ut La~ tiiu, &c. 3°. Habet dcln voces et terminationes Lalinas, ut Fafciis, Career, Lucerna, &c. 4°. Hahet deniqae emendationes, qua in nullis Graeis reperiun- iur, ut Merc. iii. 21. 5°. Editio ipfa midtis fcatet mendts, quarum plurima ex literarum Jimilitudine, et clfolctaferiptura videntur oborta. Ex quibus om- nibus conjicitur, iftam converfioncm neque ejus atatis, neque au^oritatis effe, qua vulgo eidem trtbuiliir. — Would not one expect now that a writer, who * Ruti'tcnm dixi linguam veterem qnam alii Danlcam, alii Crmhrlcam, alii vero Scnncticani nunciipant, Runica nomeii efl'e loititum a svNls, hoc eft, ab antiqiiiffimis literis quas faxeis liiis moniimentis incidere & quibuicum codices iuos veteres Scandix populi & ab lis oriunda! gentes, pctillurium JJlaudi, fcribere folebanr. — IJlnmli eodem fere Ve- tera & geniiino fermone janidudum uterentur quo ante annos fere 800 coafti funt cum patria fua Norvco-ia ob Haraldi Puti:hrico?!ii tyrannidem reliila in lJJanMa?>i navigare cspe- rint." Hickes' Prxf. ad Siieldon, p. i. Odin brought a new language tVoni the North of Afia Minor into Germany, Jutland^ Iceland, Scandinavia. W. 15. t Wetftein. See the " Anecdotes of Mr. Bowyer," p. yt. lets • 552 M I S C E 1- L A N E O U S TRACTS, fets up for the greatcft exactnefs, and a correftor of Dr. Mill's work, flioukl have given us I'ome very juit and weighty oblcrvations in favour of an oi)inion that lb di^rcdly contradicts the Dotlor's? But as to the titles, his argUHjcnt from x.\\c forma Latmorum has no fort of foundation; the fa£t is abfolutelv falfe : the Gothic infcriptions a.xe Jivangeito thaikh Minku, or, th.nkh Luk.in *. " This accurate critic did not obferve the difference between the Gothic and Saxon titles : the latter are in Latin, fccundum Murcutn, Lucatn ; but the Gothic, tbaikb Lukiin, not in the Latin t-ermination. His third reafon is, that this verfion has Latin words and Latin terminations. It has feveral Latin words, and probably fome Latin terminations (for you will imagine that I have but jult looked into it, not enough to be pofitive in fuch queftions). But that the terminations are generally in the Greek form, might be evident from comparing anyone verier Luke IL 2. 2tip/5ig Kuf<;w«. — Surias Kurei^alau. — Syriae Cyrino. III. 1 . 1 ^o^7(X YliKuTiS. FaXiKoiiccg. iTH^ocfcxg. T^x'^v/t/S®^, &C. Ountiau Peilatau. Galelaias. Ituraias. Trak.iuneitidaus. Goth. Pontio Pilato. Galilas. Itura;^. Trachonitidis. Sure thefe have a greater refemblance of the Greek forms. And as to the words, fafciis, career, liacrna, &c. the Gothic terminations of them arc not Latin, fajkiam, karkar, hikarn. And perhaps the words thcmfelves were originally as much Greek as Latin. (pua-Kiu, "utu^cc Toig TuruKuioig rayM, GLoflk Cyrilli. Khxr,, lux, lukarn. And Junius obfervcs karkar, career, Hefychio xct^yM^oi funt l:-:crjj.ci, Finatla. Now, is not this a fpecial fellow to be trufted with adjufting the autho- rity of Mff. and fettling the Greek text ? The two other reafons are what Mill allows, and yet concludes, that the Codex Argentem was kcc]o: zjoleeg af- ter the Greek. It agrees with our Bcza'sMS. in fome things ; but why might not both of thetn be from Greek originals ? But too much of this. — As to the queftion about the Colledtors of the Feudal Law, fee Duck de Orig. jfur. Civil, cap, vi. The Feudal Law is divided into Lib. I. II. . . . IV. V, The two firft, which are (ftriftly fpeaking) the ancient Feudal Law, were collcded and put into that form by Obertus Ortenfms and Cerardm Niger^ circa A.D. 1150. The third book never appeared. The fourth was col- * But the force of Wftflcin's argximcnt )\tiiTi Arjhdeiih, Incipit. \V. B. 7 ledca EXTRACTS FPvOM MR. CLARKE'S LETTERS. ' 553 le£ted by Hottoman, I think ; and the fifth by Cujacius, as it now flands in the edition of the Civil Law. What Duck means, § 12. cap. vii. by tres ■ .alios, I do not know; unlefs they arc, Conftitutiones Frcdcrici IL Imp. & Extravagantes, which are annexed to the Feudal Laws, All thefe laft, being collections from others, are not of fo great authority as the two firfl books. " I am obliged to you for mentioning the Preface to the Wellh Laws with any circumftances of advantage : you need not have tranfcribed the notes, 1 could have trufted you intirely. The lefs you fay the better ; for 1 have no ambition either to be, or to be thought, an author. As to the editions of Cowel, if the point turns upon Cowcl's authority, his own edition is the beft; but in other cafes, in fettling the true extent and meaning of old law- terms, the edition of 1727 muft be the beft. Our Antiquaries have made great difcoveries fincc Cowel's time, which are mofl of them taken into the new editions. Mine is not the beft." " YOUR friend Mr. Mitchel is now tutor to Sir Edward Ward, near Norwich, with a falary of fifty guineas per annum, &c. and has now given up all pretenfions to St. Bride's ; and when he thinks of Brides, it muft be as incumbent, not a lediurer, unlefs he finds occafion for both." " Mr. Mitchel was under fome concern to think that he had fo little of your company in town, and was almoft afraid that you and your copyhold were feized by the Lord of the Manor. If you are quite at liberty, why fiiould you not come and fee, what this city has never feen fince the Refor- mation, a Bifhop inftalled in perfon. Our new Bifliop and his brother Bangor fet out for this place on Thurfday : his Lordfliip will be inftalled on Saturday, and return the very beginning of the week. This is an ex- curfion fo like one of yours, that I cannot but think you would be pleafed with it, and ftrike in with them, as it were by accident, on the road. — I have taken care again of a horfe for you, at the White Hart in the Borough. Mr. Stuart, a young gentleman of this town, who is going to St. John's, leaves it there, to be returned by the carrier. If you fend there on Thurf- day you may have it — time enough to be here on Friday-night. This ac- count of the Bilhop's intention is but juft come to hand, that I could not 4 B give 554 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. give you more notice : but your refolutions and motions are generally lb fudden, that you can have no objedtion to the propofal upon that account, and muft be pleafed to think that it was an expedition not thought of tiil a few minutes before it was executed." April I, 1736.. *' I HAVE heard the hlftory of St. John's eledlon, but fo imperfeftly that it only raifes my curiofity. I want to know who the fix Fellows* were that did Dr. Newcome fo remarkable a piece of fervice. I wrote to Mr. Tavlor about the eleftion ; but whether the Letter mifcarried, or he dif- liked the freedom of it, I cannot fay. I have had no anfwer. There is no talking freely of it to Dr. W. How many people make themfelves ridiculous for want of fteadinefs ! They have made the bell choice they couldj whoever were the authors of it." July 2Z, 173&. " WE are now funning ourfelves upon the beach at Brighthelmftony and obferving what a tempting figure this ifland muft have made formerly in the eyes of thofe gentlemen who were pleafed to civilize and fubdue us. The place is really pleafant ; I have feen nothing in its way that outdoes it : fuch a tradt of fea, fuch regions of corn, and fuch an extent of fine car- pet, that gives your eye the command of it all. But then the mifchief is,, that we have little converliition befides the chunor natiticus^ which is here a fort of treble to the plafhing of the waves againft the cliffs. My morJi- ing bufinefs is, bathing in the fea, and then buying fifli ; the evening is, riding out for air, viewing the remains of old Saxon camps, and counting the fliips in the road — and the boats that are trawling. Sometimes we give the imagination leave to expatiate a little — fancy that you are coming down, and that we intend next week to dine one day at Dieppe in Norman dy ; the price is already fixed, and the wine and lodging there tolerably good. But, though we build thefe caftles in the air, I allure you we live here almoft under ground. I fancy the architefts here ufuaily take the altitude of the inhabitants, and lofe not an inch between the hcatl and the cieling, and then dropping a llcp or two below the furface, the fecond flory * At the back of this Letter Mr. Bowyer has written yJ-vivi names, viz. Bp. Barnard, Lov/e, HcberdeQ, Green, Fogg, Saliftjuiy, \Vigg:ins. is EXTRACTS FROM MR. CLARKE'S LETTI^RS. ,,, is finifhed — fomcthing under twelve feet. I fuppofe this was a ncceflary precaution againft floims, that a man fliould not be blown out of his bed into New England, Barbary, or God kno\^'s where. But as the lodgings are low, they are cheap : we have two parlours, two bedchambers, pan- try, &c. for five fliillings per week; and if you really will come down, you need not fear a bed of proper dimenfions. And then the coaft is fafe, the cannons all covered with ruft and grafs, the fliips moored — no enemy apprehended. Come and fee, Nee tela timeres Gallica, nee FiBitm tremeres, nee littore toto Profpiceres dubi'is venturum Saxona vends. My wife does not forget her good wifhes and compliments upon this occa- fion. How would you furprize all your friends in Fleet ftrect, to tell them that you were juft come from France, with a vivacity that every body would believe to be juft imported from thence,!" *' WE are now about taking our leave of that very variable element the -fea. After it has fmiled upon us for a month, it is at prefent fo black and angry, that there is no feeing or approaching it. It is all either fog or foam, and I truly pity every body who cannot fly from it. We had this morning fome hopes of entertaining your Society with our difcoveries upon the beach. The fea had thrown up a piece of an old coin, grown green with fait water ; but, inllead of an Otho's head, it proved only a fragment of Charles I. and I humbly nodded over it, as one of the friends of the mitre. Pray let me know which way your refearches run at prefent in that Society. We have here a very curious old font'*, covered over with hiero- glyphicks, reprefenting the two Sacraments, which rife in very bold but very bad relievo's on each fide of it." * This font has been engraved in the Antiquaiian Repertory, N' XXVII, XXXIV» Edit. 4 B 2 Felf, 356 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. Feb. 25, 1737. "YOU find I came up to town not to vifit you, and went home again to make excufes about it. What a fudden alteration the very air of the Court makes in us Country Divines ! We loon learn to have as fhort memow ries as our patrons. I forgot the entire article of altar-pieces, fpoon, &c, as if I had no concern in them. But if you confider how many weightier articles, how many points in politicks, preferment, learning, grocery, fafliions, and kitchen-furniture, we come up to town charged with, you will, I hope, look upon a few omiflions as very pardonable things. I be- haved very well, as far as I had taken any minutes in writing ; and find it is impoflible to preferve any other memorandums, when our heads are lb: very wifely employed as they arc in town." Feb. 7, 1737. " I WAS for a few days in great fear of an Archdeaconry ; but was very happily delivered from that dignity. Next to the hazards of the prefs^ the moft terrible thing is a fmall dignity in the church. But If you can dlfpofe of the Welih Laws, 1 hope I fhall then be clear from the apprehen- fions of either of them. I don't love to have my name tacked to titles, or title-pages; though I am much obliged to our Bilhop upon that ac- count, who, I believe, thought to dome a real fervice in it. Mr. Galemuft. cxcufe me a little longer, and I fuppofe there is no hafte."' Sept. 17, 1737. " I WAS much obliged to you for your Letter, though it was not fo expeditious in its motions as the writer, being almoft a week in its paflage.. Mr. Mitchell really frighted me, when he told me that you weie refolved to flick yourfelf upon the outfide of a coach. 1 imagined that the dufl 30U would raife there could not be fo great as the danger. Was there no way of having a fofter and a fafer fituation in one of the Ladies hps ? For I fird by your account that all was fafe there ; no danger within ihe coach;. Bone of Mifs Woodyer's chi.rms, not fo much as the tip of her finger. Vivo pervertere amore "jam prid. m rejides amnios , dejuctaqiie corda. 3 - The EXTRACTS FROM MR. CLARKE'S LETTERS. ^5/ *' The country in general is very much obliged to you, fince you have fo agreeable thoughts of it from feeing only this wild part, which, without vanity, is as good a place to be buried in as any. But ftrangers ufually ob- ferve the beauties of a fituation much fooner than the inhabitants, and always fet them off to a greater advantage. Whatever you may think of the country, I am afraid what you fay of it has too much the air of the town ; it is almoft fo civil as to be fufpefted. — For my part, I cannot fay that 1 like either town or country. Your life in town is too interefted ; ours too indolent : you are never eafy but in adtion, and we are difttirbed at the very apprehenfion of it. I think an agreeable life fhould neither be all bufinefs nor mere amufement, but fomcthing betwixt both : I would not live, like Metabus, in dumis, interque borrentia litjira \ — nor Hiould I chufe to be carried, per cuneos — -plebifque patrumquc. Where with like hafte through different ways, ^c. But we are in danger of the former extreme^ For we country parfons have fome refcmblance with the parifh bells — never fpeak, unlefs three or four country fellows tug hard at us, and then it is only to give notice that fomebody is married, or dead ; has either finlfhed, or is juft entering upoa his Itate of probation ; and in trade, you are like the bells in a tavern, al- ways in motion, and calling -what's, io pay ? " IJnave here, a thoufand compliments to fend, if I had room for them. Ted is nobody at'fpeeches; but is by your bounty overcome with riches, im,patient to difpofe of them, and may very likely have a fit of the gripes out of mere gratitude. My wife is much freer of fpeech, and fo much obliged to you for Mr. Pope's Letters, that fhe is never like to be filent upon that head. As for myfclf, I am ready to taike part of the obligation, and to thank you very much for 'them, though not fo much as for your own; not that you are a better writer than Mr. Pope, but that I love your Letters better, becaufe I look upon them as my property, the other as Mr. Pope's." 1738. 65^ MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. " I WISH I could move with as much eafe as you do; I would now and then give m}^!? the pleafure of feeing you in that whirl of thought and bufinefs which I fliould find you in at this fealbn ; to fee projedls, proofs, perfons, rife, vanifh, and perpetually fucceed others, far beyond any Camera obfura that I ever favv. But, alas ! I fet up for (lill-life, and fliould fucceed tolerably well, if it was not for a fet of country fquires, who are as troublefome here as authors are in town, and not quite fo pro- fitable. I had juft drawn my elbow-chair, with great compofure, to ad- drefs myfclf to you ; and that very moment a meflage from Mr. Eyles, about fomc ftore fifh, has raifed fome apprehenfions that I muft deal in ftrong beer and tobacco all the afternoon. I thank you for Warburton's Defence of Pope. 1 find him an excellent commentator : he proves, that felf-love and focial are the fame ; for he could not vindicate Mr. Pope without having many glances at his own adverfaries." Dec.L), 1739. "I HAVE been this week at one of the moft melancholy funerals that ever I attended ; Mr. Pelham's two fons, that you have f jen an account of in the papers. — Such a ftroke, from a complaint in all appearance fel- dom dangerous, muft affedt the parents inexpreffibly. I hope they will make a good ufe of it, and be fenfible, That, when obedient Nature knows his will, A fly, a grapellone, or a hair can kill." Feb, EXTRACTS FROM MR. CLARKE'S LETTERS, 559 Feb. 1 7, I 740, " AFTER much inquiry here, I have got a fight of your Phyftco-q/iro- nomico-mathematico-calendarico-iydical Lucubration ; and can aflure you, that none of your brethren began the new year with greater applaufe. Your table of Lunations obliges all the cuftomhoufe oflicers, travellers, traders,, fmugglers, upon our coafl ; and even I, w ho am too indolent or too much a friend to the fair trader for thefe occupations, am glad to know by book when I can ride over Shoreham Ferry, in cafe I fhould be obliged to it.— . But as to your Mathematicks and Riddles, how they came to get pofTcffion of Almanacks is marvellous, unlefs as a fort of hieroglyphicks, the one to reprefent clear weather, the other clouded. This gives a fort of Egyptian air to the performance, and makes it perfedly profound. But, for my part, I wifh you would give us chronology inftead of myftery ; and I fancy you would find many of your middling fort of readers, who are the loweft clafs of any, of my opinion." Kqv. 22, 1740. " I AM obliged to you for the Infcription, though I can as yet hear nothing. of the original; nor don't think I fliall, unlefs I have the honour of feeing his Grace of Richmond, who does not think it worth his while to cii- -tertain his good borough with fuch fragments as are not for their tafte." 1740. "I HAVE fcarce had time enough to thank you for your laft Letter fince my return from Tunbridge Wells. My wife has been taken-up with the ceremony of being welcomed home; and I, of courfe, have had my Ibare of it. You are wifer in the city, and can let the women receive company without being under any neceffity of attending it. — I was glad to hear the Ladies commend your country-look; lam fure they would like you the better for it : the colouring is good, natural, and inimitable; the country complexion is the rubeus, which* one almoft wants a v.-ord for in Englifh;. it is a fort of blooming brovn, like the face of one of Vand) ck's piSures.. « The 560 M I S C E L L A N E O U S T R A C T S. " The inclofed paper is an exercife that I gave Mr. Hopkins upon Pope's Paftorals, which is well enough ; but, not having the Paflorals by me, I could not compare them. The only thing that I think wants alter- ing is, that there are two or three references where there ought to be fome- times but one, becaufe the phices iollow each other immediately. I only omitted two or three, that 1 thought lefs pertinent." 1740. " HOW powerful arc your example and perfuafion ! I had given my- felf over, as a perfon very little converfant cither in the ancient or modern Clafficks : the little I once knew in profe and bufinefs lies extinft and lofl. But your flieet fliamed me fo much, that I immediately fet myfelf to work as well as I could. I have fo very few Clafficks that have tolerable indexes to help out a bad memory, that my fearches are flow, and, what is worfe, often unfuccefsful. — But I hope this flieet, added to yours, will fupply you with notes enough for the Windfor Forcft. You may pick what you think pertinent ; but I hope you don't fuppofe that Mr. Pope had half thofe paf- fages in his thoughts that bear a refemblance with them. Poets, like painters, in this refpedt, are furnifhed with a colledlion of figures, images, drawings, de.criptions. Sec. which are always ready in their heads, with- out thinking of the original : though I don't fay but, in fome paffiiges, he mufl: be fuppofcd copying or improving an author before him. I will* make what little progrefs my health and bufinefs will allow. I often laugh at the poetical defcrlptions of the country : retirement was always, I believe, a mere Imaginary thing. — I cannot think that any body ever was alone a week together. But I can't tempt you Into the country, I am afraid, by fuch an account of it. However, if you will come and fee, you will have the beft chance that can be; It will be In the middle of hop- picking, when almofl: every body has the goodnefs to keep at home. I fliall always be glad to fee you, and thought to have invited you down upon a piece of your own paper ; but that was not fo proper for the infide of a Letter." 1741. EXTRACTS FROM MR. CLARKE'S LETTERS. 56 r April .... 1741. ** I WAS yefterday fwrprized to hear that my packet, which I fent you about a month ago, had mifcarried. It contauied the Imitations of Virgil in Mr. Pope's Paftorais : I delivered it to the carrier myfelf, and defired he would put it in the penny-poft. My great reafon for writing this poft is, to know whether that packet ever came to you or not. And I dcfirc you would fend me two lines, the day you receive this, to fatisfy me in that particular. — For, if you did not receive it, I fhall have time enough to write the allufions in the Paftorais over again, to go up with Mrs. Browne on Thurfday, and fend my gleanings on the Eflay on Criticifm along with them. — Mrs. Browne will be in town on Friday-night. *' If you think of printing fome of thefe poetical allufions, I fhould not chufe to infert any thing in profe, even from the beft modern authors, how juft foever. I would allow no room either for Temple or Tillotfon, but fuppofe Mr. Pope's acquaintance to be only with the Ancients, orGentle- men of the fame profeffion. I think it will make your Colledlion look much heavier, and lefs inviting, and more like loading than illuftrating your author. But, if I was Mr. Faulkner, I would note all the variations which Mr. Pope has made in the Dunciad *, and print all the different pro- legomena which have appeared before it at different times. — And fincethe firft edition of Mr. Pope's works, I believe he has retouched, improved, and correfted every part of them ; and if he Ihould print all the improve- mentSj the reader would think it not difagredable. I have by me a poem of Prior's, as printed in folio by J. Tonfon in the firft edition, where, I believe, we have no-where four lines together the fame reading with the laft edition. *' As to your query what Mr. Pope means by Menander's Fhey it will turn only upon the propriety of the word Fire. There was fomething very fprightly in Menander's way of writing, which perhaps a poet may be al- lowed to raife into a flame. — Mr. Monnoye, in the Menagiana, vol. III. p. 49, quotes a paffage from Plutarch's Comparifon of Ariftophanes and Menander, which feems to juftify Mr. Pope. Ai Mivav^a KMjjM^ion ocp9ovMv tcXuv ^ hfMv iJ-ijix^iriv, wcTTTsp t^ SJidvYis ysFovoTuv rijj S^ixKceTJyis 3^ mv 'Afpo^irtj * This was done for the firft time in Dr. Johnfon's edition of the " Englifli Poets." Edit. 4 C "yliovi^ 502 MISCEI>LANEOUS TRACTS. yfjwiy. — I wonder that Bafil Kennet fliould take no norice of this paffage in his character of Menander." " I A!vl glad the papers came to hand, and find that want of accuracy in exprcfiions creates you perpetual trouble, and that you are always in danger upon the arrival of the Suffolk or SulTex mails. — I have fent nothing but theEday on Criticifm, and have quoted fome paflages of Boileau from Soanies' Verfion of his Art of Poetrv, which feems to be very loofely done : perhaps the original would fupply you with more allufions, and even thefe few would undoubtedly be more elegant, as they came from the author himfelf. If you think of printing thefe references, you mull endeavour to make your colle EXTRACTS FROM MR. CLARKE'S LETTERS. 553 " I am of your opinion as to the pafTage in Sir W. Temple ; Mr. Pope's looks like declaring againft the other fyftems, and, in a queftion of that nature, it is proper to call in authorities. I was too hafty in faying that Bafil Kennet had omitted the place in Plutarch about Menander ; he refer* to it." *' I HAVE fcarce time to fay a fyllable to j'ou, either about Mr. Pope or myfelf ; only that I much doubt I fhall not be expeditious enough for your purpofe. If you could prevail upon two or three of your friends befides to take fingle parts, and collcdt what paffiiges occurred to them, it might be ready foon enough for your Irifh friend. 1 have, in this paper, in imitation of yourfelf, introduced fome quotations, with Ihort obferva- tions, which are defigned as mere chut. If you Intend to print them as the Remarks upon Spenfer, it will be neceflary to enlarge and add much of that fort, which you can eafily do. I doubt I Ihall not do any great matter in the Rape of the Lock, nor in Abelard and Eloifa, unlefs I read over many of Ovid's Epiftles — or had a good index to them. Mr. Marge- rifon is come to town for prieft's orders. I wifh you all the good wifhcs of the approaching feafon." *' YOU furprized me very much with Mr. Pope's ikill in chronology (a talent that poets are allowed to difregard), when you declare fo freely that he has fet us right in it. In his firft note upon the Wind/or Foreji, in the new edition, he fays it was not publiflied before 17 10. Now I cannot fay when the Letter from Italy was firft publiflied ; but I knew it was publiflied in the fifth volume oi Ton/on" s alias Dryden's i^///t-^//sca}ko^oi, which could not poffibly be in the other fenfe; for the Meflenians were Viq vsMiopoi as early as Auguftus. But I have not, fince I read the Doctor's preface, had time to examine this matter as far as the few books I have would carry it. I don't know very well what you mean, by obfcrving that they appear upon no coins older than the Roman tmplre. The quellion is, when the word ysc-jKi(.oi was firfl applied to communities * Some Antiquaries refer thtfe dates to the reign of different Emperors ; and where the dales appe:ir more than onte in the fame reign, to the Deity ot the place; or where they h-jvc been omitted, after appearing once, I'uppofe it to mean that the temple of the deified Emperor was not finiflicd in his life-time. Vaillant, Sen, Diflertat. in the Mejii. de I'Acad. des Inf. III. izmo. 204 — 227. Edit. f Vaillant fliews that Hadrian, Commodus, and Valerian, fucceflivcly conferred this honour on Nicomedia, Numifm. Grseca, p. 219; but gives no inflauce of it under Albinus. lb. 78, 79. Eujt. in EXTPvACTS FROM MR. CLARKE'S LETTERS. c^Sj In that fenfc ? — perhaps not long before the Roman rhnes. Thefe new divinities began in Egypt and Afia, and came thence into Eiiro;'e, where, to the difgrace of arts and learning, Athens was the firft place that adopted them. \'id. Chifliull, p. 36. — Alexander was ambitious of this honour, and his fucceflbrs enjoyed it *'. You have thcSixS/tfpj^i/ ^iM upon the coins of the Ptolemy s. The Picphilma Sigaorum appoints the fame honour to Antiochus Soter : he had his 'lifit's. Some time between this period and the Roman times V,iMvl\^ came to be applied to Communiiies ; but when, feems uncer- tain, and perhaps late, and then it is no great wonder that the ufe of it appears on no medals before the Roman. The cafe is, I bJicve, the fame as to the infcriptions ; they are all Roman. And it cannot well be thought that in the infcriptions, where they were not confined for room, they would have faid Vig ncoKo^jOi yii3:«'//,iy, if they really meant that they were then made viMKopoi }ivoiv Bmv. — Befides, all the marbles that mention the Nwnina Augiijlalia fpeak of them in the plural number, as the 5;aVJjf.-f Biol in Egypt; and one would think that the numerals «, S, 7, I, — could, in this cafe, have no great fignificance ; — but of great force in exprefling that thefe public fliews had been fo often repeated there in the reign of luch an Em- peror. " Dr. Byrom's folutlon is the fame, in effedt, as Chryfoftom's and his followers, Theophylad, &c. though they look upon it to have a reference to the Creed, which there is no reafon to fuppofe; but all that is wanted is only fome fimilar paffage : vtt-^ tcov vix^u:v, uTrip ■zs^^otrlcma.g jrjg dvagccr-Mi rciv vsK^Mv, or vTTsp uioigoijsx'g tmv vsk^m'^. This is the fenfe which St. Paul's argument manifeftly requires, and what in fome form or other is almoft generally admitted by our commentators. I can do nothing worth notice; but, if I meet with any thing that I think wrong, or that I can fet right, I would willingly give you notice of it, without defiring any mark of dif- tindtion but that of being, dear Sir, &c." * Vaillant fliews that the coins of Alexander the Great, withNEnKOPnN on them, were ftruck in the reign of Caracalla. Epliefus was the firft city that took this title, atul that not before the time of Nero. Vaillant, ubi fup. Edit.^ WE 368 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. " WE thank j'ou very much for the favour you have done us, and took care of getting a depvity for you, which was no great difficulty, though ahiiofl; fix foot high. Since we could not have you in perfon, we refolved to have you fufficiently reprefented. It is much eafier, upon fuch occa- fions, to find proxies than principals; but I would have you more cautious for the future. This was your own doing; a generous offer that you made fome years ago. We have taxed you at a guinea; for bad cuftoms fpread even in the country, and make fuch offices more expenfive than they fliould be. Your little namefake is gone out to nurfe upon a com- mon, where we are in hopes he may fome time hence be able to run after the geefe. " I was for a few days fo fick of the ceremonial of the chriftening, that I had not fpirits enough to write fooner, though it was to inform you that the godmother was your old acquaintance, formerly Mifs Browne, now Mrs. Lee, fifter to my Lord Chief Juftice, &c. *' As to fchemes, 1 am glad to find that you grow fick of them. They are all alike, from St. James's to Paternofter-Rovv ; artful (not to. fay in- direct) methods of making the moft of the Public. — Is there no fetting out upon different principles ? I am not for enlarging the public ftock of revenues, or learning, fo much as reforming it. We have enough, if we could but ufe it with more advantage. But your fchemifls are men of genius : I muft leave them, and ftudy the oeconomifts, if there are any fuch in the country. *' I find this comment upon the Bible, about once a year, gets the afcendant. What would you have ? You run over Patrick, Lowth, Le Clerc, Critici Sacri, Pool's Synopfis, and then cry you want commentators. The Critici Sacri is a mere lumber-houfe. Pool nothing but patch-work, Patrick dull, Clerc often in his reveries, Calmet I never law. But I ffiould really think that a perfon of tolerable judgement might, from thefe various com- mentators, make up a Dutch Variorum that would be better than any of them, and fit it to a quarter of an inch of the very fize you want it." De(. EXTRACTS FROM MR. CLARKE'S LETTERS. 569 Dec. 4, 174.2. " I HAVE kept filcnce fo long, purely to keep my temper; but it is to no purpolc ; for I Hill find myillf very much divided between anger and gratitude, and don't know whether Ilhould thank you or blame you moft. How could you think of endeavouring to make all our good yeomanly neighbours laugh at me and your poor godfon for fo much finery ? Wearing filver cloaths in the country would put all the fquires againft us : here it would be looked upon as invading one of their privileges, breaking through all badges of diftinttion, and having all the pride that too many of us are already accufed of. I wifii you were to fee poor Will's nurfery, and think what great apprehenfions the very thoughts of fleeping with fo much filver in the houfe would give the whole family. The whole ha- bitable part of the fabrick is about as big as half your parlour, with an old rotten door on each fide, to let the rain in on one fide, the fnow on the other, and the wind on both ; and the poor little fellow has a piece of an old blanket tacked up in the corner, to keep him from being blown away in fuch a day as this. Yet, I thank God, he is pure hearty, with hands blue as a razor, and almoft as hard, with a parcel of little Myrmidons round him of the fame firmnefs and compledion, who, if they were to fee his cloak (which I intend they never fliall), might be tempted to lay hands upon him, and take his fpoils. — But, to be ferious, 1 am really much obliged to you for your great generofity, though I muft defire to make a fecret of it to every body but you. " The weather is really fo cold, that I am not able, now I have vented my paffion, to keep myfelf warm : — or perhaps (the more's the pity) gra- titude is naturally much cooler than refentment. While I was pettifli, I did not find the air fo piercing; but now I would be grateful, I feel myfelf very cold." " Mr. Gyles's propofals are quite above my fize and tafte, who am, at moft, but an humble politician. But I have fome few papers at his fer- vice, which fall in with the defign of his Colledion. " I. A Letter from the City of Bremen to Oliver Cromwell, drawn up by Mr. Oldenburgh, who was employed by that city. " 2. Queries to O. Cromwell, in behalf of the Anabaptifts. " 3. A warning for all the counties of England. 4 D " Thefc 5/0 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. " Thefe are in Mr. Oldcnburgh's hand, and, if not printed (as I fancy they are not), Ihevv a good deal of the fplrlt and oppreffion of thofe times. Mr. Oldenburgh was ()ou know) many years fecretary to the Royal Society, had been tutor for fome time to Mr, Boyle, and was originally of Bremen, where his grandfather Oldenburgh was dean of St. Stephen's *." " IT is fo long fince you were in Suflex, that you feem intirely to have forgot where we live, or what fort of folks we are. We are as diftant almoft from the meclianical as the liberal arts, and it is as eafy to find an orator as a bookbinder among us. In fuch a fiuiation, you may be fure, the appearance of Lyfias in Iheets gave us fome dUorder : — a country taylor could never have taken meafure of him, who are com.monly our ableft artifts. In Ihort, there was nothing to be done, without returning him back again to London, and defiring that he may make his next vifit in a more elegant and ceremonious manner, bound and lettered; and then, if you would let me know his price, which among orators is feldom a fecret, you fhall intirely have done with him. I did not, indeed, to my grtat pre- fent mortification, iij ^ word to you about binding, &c. but imagine you will hereafter remember us upon that article without faying a word of it. " I am pleafcd to fee you have all the anxiety of an editor, by putting your epitaph in a fort of inquifition. Corredting marbles, indeed, requires more exaftnefs than any other writings; and it is fome amufement to fit after dinner with your legs acrofs, and your eye upon the cicling-f~, oitico trutinantem verba labello ; and fometimes with an air of mere indiflerence, like Patience on a monument — fmiling on thofe below you. I think Mr. Maittaire's edition % is very well — like fimples drawn from a cold-ftill, clear, but taflelefs." Sept. 20, 17^4. "YOUR Letter has given me a good deal of pleafure, and I would have you do by the prefs as Shakfpeare did by the Itage, fupport it your- fclf. Mr. Tunflall might take-in thefe Remarks at the end of his new work ||. It is the beft thing he can do. If an author would with a good • See more of Mr. Oldenburgh in Wood's Ath. Ox. II. Fafli 144. and Gent. Mag. LI. 629. Edit. + A poftiire very ufual with Mr. Bowyer. Edit, J Of the Arundelian Marbles, Eujt. || His Obfervations, &c. 1744. grace EXTRACTS FROM MR. CLARKE'S LETTER.S. 571 grace give up fome of his own fentimciits and miflakes, it would do him more honour than correcting a thoufand in his adverfary. I am not able to judge of all thefe Remarks, for want of the Epiftles thcmfelves. But to follow your order — P. 89 and 109, arc certainly right. P. 37, 1 doubt about. The reafon which Tully gives Atticus for not fending the Oration, I fliould think, with Mr. Tunftall, is becaufe he ncucr zurit it ; and what follows, quia abfiratn, is the reafon of his not writing it, not of his no^ fending it: but I fliould think that wants a corrcdlion ; it is a very harfh expreffion any way. As to tearing it, what was it written upon, that he fhould chufe to tear it, as the eafieft way of deftroying it? P. 130, Mr. Tunftall is furely much mlflaken, and in a point of fome importance. It is not fenfc to fay. Turn ii dare fokbant iiii, fi fibi S. C. caveretur. Was it fo common to pafs an aft of indemnity for almoll: 50/. fer cent. ? Or, if it was, had thefe very gentlemen had many opportunities of difpofing of their money with fo much advantage and fecurity ? Without fuppofing this, dare fokbant is not fenfe, and therefore has greater difficulties to get over than either Manutius or Grsvius's authority. It may be true, in general, that when money was h'nt exprefsly againft the Gabinian law, without any aft of in- demnity, It v/as lent nil ce?2te/!mis ; but the fokbant can newer do, Ji tibi S. C. caveretur, Syngrapha, quce ejfet jure, ut c^terce, & in qua, nihil juris pracipui, is plainly putting it upon the fame foot with other bonds ; but I don't underftand his explication. P. 146, feems, as you fay, a dubious paffagc, and of no great moment. Both of you underftand Pompey alike; the refleftion he makes is the fame, whatever was the occafion of it. The turn of Antony's fpeech, if it could be known, would moft likely fettle this difference, /'. e. whether he intended to terrify or ajnufe the Senate : if the firft, Mr. Tunftall is right ; if the laft, Dr. Middleton." " I HAD the pleafure of a fine journey home, and diverted myfelf on the road with your Charlatanereia *, till I grew quite tired of it. It is a book entirely in the German tafte, written without any true humour, and crouded with little fafts of no moment. It would be difhcult to tranftate -f; * Joan. Burch. Moickenii " De Charlatanereia eruditorum declamationes duje, cum notis variorum : accedit Seb. Stadelii Epiftola de circumtoranea literatorum vanitate. Amdelod, 1716." i2mo. The author was profeffor of Hillory at Leipiic, aad hiftoiio- grapher to the King of Poland, and died in 1732. Edit. f It was however tranflated very well into French in 1721, with critical Remarks. Edit. 4 D 2 and. -yj MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. and, when tranflated, nobody would mind it but a few perfons, who could read it as well in Latin. Harry Mitchel would be the propereft perlbn to write notes upon it, who was brought up with a mafler of that turn, who made every thing important. If a boy afked leave to go out, he would anfwer in King Cambyfes' vein. You may go out; but then remember. Sir, That you come in again. " It however put me in mind of another projedt, which, I am fure, if you would undertake it, would anfwer ; and that is, a pamphlet upon the ^.ackery of Patriots. If one could, from the top-pamphlets v hich have been written thele lafl: thirty years, furnlfh out a view of the different fchemes of minifters, anti-miniflers, patriots, politicians, craftfmen, and pretenders of all forts, we fliould have fuch a jumble of Swift, Steele, Hare, Hoadly, &c. as would very much divert an honeft Englifhman, and might perhaps eafe us a little of that itch of politicks which we are fo much inclined to." January 22. " I AM obliged to you for your lafl: favour, which both puzzled and pleafed me very much. I could not guefs by the direction whence it came, and as the contents opened they looked fo emblematical, I could not tell what to think of them. A collar of brawn, with a white vcfliment over it, feemed as if you intended it for an hieroglyphic of a country parlbn, and feveral of us were literally, fymbolically, and agreeably entertained with it. The brawn has already done the bufinefs you defigned it, graced the table, and plcafcd the company ; and I hope the little alb will do the fame very foon, fhew away to all our fatisfadtion. I had no thoughts of altering either my ftyle or expreffion, when I addrefled myfelf to you lafl:: if I did, it was by mere accident. My wife, whofe fecretary I then was, defircd to difpofc of her cock and hen-turkey to the widower and widow : the allotments were of courfe fuitable to their different fexcs; and if I mif- placed a letter in the dircdtion, as perhaps I did, it was by writing your name fo foon after Mrs. Browne's. You criticks will eafily excufe and cor- reft fuch miftakes. It was night, donnitante librario ; and }'ou may fay, dele meo periculo (repugnantibus licet ckricis, criticis, tnjf. id mulieribus) //- ieramfibilanteiiu " I have EXTRACTS FROM MR. CLARKE'S LETTERS. 573 *' I have enquired in the country for Le Clerc's Hammond to no pur- pofe. You may ahiioll as foon get a living in the country as borrow any book one wants from one of the incumbents. I have often had thoughts of buying it; and muft beg of you to give Mr. Whifton, or whom you pleafe, orders to fend it me. What you fay of Wolfius is furprifing : it grieves me when 1 hear of men of fo much learning, and fo little fenfe. It is well he believes the Bible, othervvife he would believe every thing clib. " The Rc£lor of Maresfield defires to have the pleafure of delivering this in pcrfon, who is much delighted with your defign upon the Greek Teftamenr. He is a man of tafte, though he reads Greek in the country, and in town keeps up a very odd fort of acquaintance with courtiers and ftall-men. What will be the iffue of this flrange medley, I cannot guefs : I wifh he is not in danger of mif-fpending both his time and his money ; though per- haps it is downright management, and what he lays out in vifiting his new friends he faves again in purchafing his old ones. I hope he will profit equally by both, and then he will go to town to fome purpofe." Augujl 15. " OUR gentlemen are now reconnoitering the county againft the next eledtion ; each party is as bufy as if the parliament was rifing. Our friend the dean of Battle headed a confiderable number of gentlemen at Lewes- horfe-races : he reprelcnted the abbot of Battle, and as fuch was allowed the ancient privilege and precedence of the mitre. We toil much about trifles ; puffing interefts, as hookfellers do authors, and perhaps to as little purpofe. I hope you will ftand fair with both fides, and have the Votes, whoever has the Speaker. We are violently attacked with excifc and gre- nadiers ; but I hope that you will give a new turn to our converl'ation very foon." Feb. 25. " WHY did you not keep Inett as long as you had any inclination to look into it? It is at your fervice whenever you pleaie, and I believe will be a book to your tafte, though there is a fort of caution and diffidence in his way of writing, that you may think a little below the dignity of a great author. But, in tracing matters of fad through fuch dark periods, it is ;?74 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. is dangerous to be too pofitive; though 1 think he is got upon the right plan, and hus a lufficient foundation for what he aflerrs in the Preface of his fccond Volume, § H. — Such quefticns cannot fafely be decided by diftant authorities ; charters, letters, grants, &c. are often falfe or fufpicious evi- dence. The fafcft way is to rely upon fadts, which, in matters of autho- rity and government, can feldom deceive us. — Dr. Inett was fenfible that the Council of Cealchyrhe mull give fome countenance to the pretenfions of the Rilhops of Rome ; but finds fo many objeftions againfl; the prefent fet of canons^ the manrier of fubfcribing them, the names of the fuhfcribersy &c. that he lays no great ftrefs upon it. I think Mr. Johnfon's account of it a little inconfiflenc : he fuppofes the ecclefiafticks had not the trouble of debating any fiagle point, and yet admits the charafter the Saxon Chro- nicle gives of his Council, that it was Ut'giofa Syr.cdus, which does not look like fo blind a fubmiffion. It looks all like a fetch of Offa's, and will turn out rather in favour of the Regal than Papal Supremacy. I am afraid that your new Letter from the Cottonian Library, from Honorius to Hono- rius, docs fcarce deferve the place that is given it. How comes Btde to fay nothing of it, who is very particular about the Letters of P. Honorius ? And is not Ecclefiarum Britannia a very fufpicious appellation? In Bede's time the Brittones were the old inhabitants, who had then ihewn no fub- miffion to the Church of Rome in any particular. Our Councils don't want a compiler fo much as a critic. The zeal of the Norman Church has thrown in fuch a variety of inftruments and expreffions in favour of the Papal Authohtity, that it is difficult to clear the ground, and Dr VVilkins was not a hand proper for it. — But, as I have not feen this Letter, 1 can fay very little to it. " Mr. Warburton's book is but juft arrived in this country ; and, I believe, had fcarce found its way fo foon, if it had not been for the uncom- mon zeal of a young preacher at our Vifitation : he took it into his head to cenfure the performance, and was much too angry — placing him with Sex- tus Empiricus and Spinoza among the Ancients. Who would have thought of fuch gentlemen meeting together, unlefs it was in the M)fterics?— We fufftr equally by the extremes cf too much or too little zeal ; having fo many nice criticks to obferve the conduit of clergy-writers, that are equally of- fended with a Dutch phlegm or a Spanifh fire. For my part, I wonder what has given fo much offence in this book ; or why it is they arc fo angry EXTRACTS FROM MR. CLARKE'S LETTERS. 575 angry with a writer who, in all appearance, means no harm. It is true, he is fond of new tracks, and, like a brifk adventurer, ftrikes out for frefh difcoveries. Where is the hurt of this ? Some things may fucceed well ; and if he fails, the lofs is his own venture. Though 1 do not approve of many paffiigcs, as to his argunicats, concluiions, critique, cxpreffion, refe- rences, &c. yet I fee nothing worth being angry or alarmed at ; and am dften pleafcd with things new to me, and arguments well managed. I do not underftand what they mean by a 7noral fenf: ; but, as others do, it may be of life. And, furely, the firft book may pafs without cenfure; and I agree with you, that there are many things well done in it. The next book is a little more enterprifiiig, which I have not yet gone through. — But here I find myfelf often obliged to him. Why we had that long (lory of the Myfteries I know not; but the Puppet-fliow in Virgil is very pretty and he has made the whole allufion very confident : though by the fame rule that Virgil's fixth book is a reprefentation of i\\q AJy (levies, Homer's eleventh Odyfley fhouki be fo likewife, and then you would have undent and mo:iern MyJIeries, and between both might difcover many great im- provements in ancient Legiflation. He is, indeed, too much inclined to fa- vour the wifdom of the ancient Legiflators : with him the magiftrates were all fages, and the people dupes. " As to critique, it generally gives way to hypothefis : his fcheme is the point in view, not the corredtnefs of liis authorities; otherwife his Pr/'/z- ceps, his HierophanUi, &c. the Preface to Zd'euais' Larvs, the iry^^diHoc in his Sermon, had never paffed off fo readily. Whoever can fuppofe that preface Zeicu.us's, may fuppofe Mr. Pope's preface to Homer Caxton's. And his quoting Jerom for a fhe-myftagogue, when the pafTage fays aternd debilitate cafiui, is as furprifing, p. 19:;, k. This was well corred:ed in the Grub-flreet. And where does lyi(.QOi.T:iLc/, fignify keeping a due temper in difputes, or fearches after knowledge ? " The little prejudice of raifing the Egyptian Antiquities above the Jewifh has been the foible of feveral great men ; nor is that any excufe for idle prepofTeflion : Mofes flands upon a level, at leaif , with any ancient writer; is as good an authority for ancient cuftoms, and may juftly cl.iim a precedence, when the difpute lies between him and authors mnny centu- ries after him ; which makes it fomcthing myfterious why the writing upon two 576 MISCELLANEOUSTRACTS. t'.vo tables of ftone might not pafs for an original, without fuppofing it an Egyptian cutlom, as he does p. 196. And, to make his myfteries acrree with the order obferved by Virgil, he is a little inclined to new-model his morality ; making fuicides, and thofe who give a loofe to exorbitant paf- fions, rather miferable than wicked, p. 205 : and yet making the Fathers guilty of depraving and vitiating the Chrifiian Religion, for adopting the terms and phrafes (for I think he has carried his proofs no further) of the Myfteries. Thefe terms were in ufe, were in themfelves innocent, and would perhaps more naturally afTed: the fuperftitious Heathens. But is there any great hurt in this ? Might he not as well charge our Liturgy, as borrowing from Baal, " O Baal, hear us," mutatis mutandis'^ I will al- low that there was too much indulgence among the ancient Chriflians in this particular ; but as many of the Fathers had been formerly friends to the Myfteries, I cannot wonder at fome indulgence, much lefs think it fo extremely criminal. But, after all, I have as much inclination to indulge Mr. W. as they had the old phrafeology, and can imagine the defign of both to be very excufable. It is plain Mr. W. is no enemy to paradoxes : his very fcheme is a proof of it ; a medium to prove the Divine Legation of Mofes never thought of before. I take the plain cafe to be this : — the legiflation of Mofes all along fuppofes ?i future Ji ate ; it is taken for granted. There was, perhaps, in his opinion, no occafion to infill on it particularly. The very burying of Jofeph would, among Heathens, have been thought proof enough of it ; but our Saviour's anfwer to the Sadducees puts it paft doubt. Upon this fuppofition, therefore, the proof of a Divine Legation is brought to a nearer iffue, by his miracles, by his promifes of temporal rewards and punifhments; which no leglflator but a perfon fent by divine authority would have ventured to have promifed in the manner he has done. " The Ml", fermon you enquire after I never heard of till now : Bp. Bull has a fermon upon that fubjeft ; but, being defigned probably for a popular auditory, his proofs are not ranged in fuch method as the argument I'eems to require. " You talk of re-printing the Hiflory of England in Quellion and An- fwer. — There are fome fad blunders in it ; but I had lent out mine, and could not recover it till lately. If the book is not too far advanced, I could fend you fome of the millakcs. I have fent all the books I have of 1 yours. EXTRACTS FROM MR. CLARKE'S LETTERS. 577 yours which I remember at prefent, and with them Mr. Hotchkis' fcheme for putting the Greek verbs on a (heet ; which perhaps would now take, fince you are reducing grammatical fcience to Ihort fyftems." Feb. ^y 1742. " I AM afraid that I may be under fome fufpicion of not behaving with either decency or gratitude, which, as bad as the world is, would be making a worfe figure than ordinary. I own my cal'c has but an ill ap- pearance ; but you, who fee further than appearances, will confider how difficult it is to pradlife a whole fyftem of virtues at once. I have been exercifing thofe that are not fo agreeable, patience, felf-denial, &c. For I think this is the firft day (except the Sundays and the Fafts) that I have been without fome neighbourly vifitors, feveral of whom I have had the pleafure of entertaining at your expence, which I am much obliged to you for. This flow of company has been owing to the finenefs of the feafon ; for the Wild never was fo pleafant in winter fince I knew it. We have a brown carpet flourifhed every where with flirubs and foreft-trees, and al- moft without either duft or dirt upon it : our woods, waters, puddles, are all paflable : we are fporting upon the ice after all forts of game; and, in^ fhort, if you were to fee us, you would take us to be almoft perfcdt Ruf- fians. And I would not have you think the refemblance fo dcfpicable ; for I hope the poor, like the people of Mofcovv, have not felt much greater inconvenience than ufual from the feverity of the feafon. But if there comes a fnow, or the frofi: Ihould be of a long continuance, it would, for want of employment, affedl them very much ; which, I am forry to hear, has made the circumftances of the poor in London fo very melancholy. — How eafy is it for Providence to make the moft natural caufes become real calamities ! We arc not without our apprehenfions, if the price of corn fliould by this means be railed exceffively. I doubt our poor families would not find fuch generous contributors to fupport them. Pray let me know how far the fad accounts we have from town are true, which I hope are a good deal magnified. But I fhall tire you with talking about the weather; for every body talks here of nothing elfc." 4E • "YOU 573 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. • Chicbefer. " YOU will be fuprifed when I tell \'Oii, that in this venerable Epifco- pal See I am altogether as much at a lofs for books as at Buxred, efpecially in the Belles Lettres. But you have lately been diverting yourfelf with the Roman Legions, reviewing, quartering, &c. and can tell me what the irwfip/j 'lioiXiK-fj was, and when it was firft ftationed in Paleftine. I fliould be obliged to vou for an anfwer as foon as you can, to fave me the trouble of fruitlefs fearches here." " THE account of your adventures is always very agreeable to me, and ferves, as the prefent turn is, either for moralizing or amufcment. I was pleafed to find you the fame in all elements — in the faddlc, or on the quarter-deck ; and that you lofe a bonnet, or ftrain a thumb, with equal ferenity. Perhaps Pennoyre * will tell you, that the horfe was no more to blame than the veflel ; and that if you had kept your hand tight, and your head fteady, all had been fafe : but, for my part, I fliould have thought this the harder compofition; to keep the body always in the fame balance, is a thing I have no notion of: but you have fhewn, on this occafion, what a Wclfliman has moft reafon to admire, that you can keep your mind fo, and are the fame man, whether the horfe or hat falls." •* AS to Mr. Whiflon's requeft, I cannot come into it at prefent. Dr. VVotton was under engagements to his bookfellers about Mr. Boyle's Life, and I think myfelf not at liberty to part with thefe papers without their confent. For my part, I have no ambition to become an author, and efpecially upon thefe fubjedis : the examining cofmlcal qualities, and weigh- ing of igneous corpufdes, are things I have no great tafte for ; though 1 have a great value for Mr. Boyle's memory, as a true Philofopher and Chriftian. 1 have never looked over thefe papers, and fo cannot fliy what they are ; but that is what I determine to do, before I could come to any refolution whe- ther 1 would part with them or no. Several of them are loft, as I find by * Thomas Pennoyre, Efq; of the Hyde, Hercfordfliire ; an old fellow-collegian of Mr, Boxvyer's at St. John's, and an intimate acquaintance ihroiigli life. He poflelied a planiiful fortune, was a great lover of field-i'poits, and, after having ferved high flicrift' of his county, died at an advanced age in 17S3. Edit. miffing EXTRACTS FROM MR. CLARKE'S LETTERS. 570. ni'iffing two numbers in different bundles, and cfpecially the Memoirs of the Familv, which I have heard Dr. Wotton often lament *." " A MAN that lives under too fevere rules is a flave, and he that lives by none is a favage. My humble fervice to honed Vere -j-, to whom I ap- peal for the truth of this doftrine : he has feen very different revolutions in his rules of life, and is the better able to judge of them. I am glad to hear that his Lenten penance is over, and hope the Dodor will give hini. a plenary abfolution. It is half a cure to be content with fomc fhare of infirmities. For my part, I am fcarce ever well;, but let me fit (till, aaci 1 am pretty well fatisfied." " I CAN only fend you all the befl wilhes of the feafon, and my mol^ iincere thanks for the favours you have done me, with all the indulgence^ not to fay partiality, of a friend. But ftill I differ with you in fome things, am diffident in others, and as to the prefs am a mere infidel, (^^is legef l.hec ? was faid by the old fatyrift, and may be faid in this cafe without any fatire at all. Not your own Antiquarian Society, not even the learned Philip Carteret Webb himfelf, will give themfelves the trouble of fuch a fcru- tiny. Writing for your own amufement is only lofing your time, and at the worft but trifling ; but printing for a few other people's amufement is lofing your money, a ridiculous if not a dangerous thing. For my part, I am not unwilling that any body Ihould fee that I have not a hundred pounds to hazard upon fuch experiments. And then, as to tranflating the paflages you fpeak of, had I not better leave a good many of them out, and make them only mere references ? Is there not too much parade in fo many quotations ? F^or I am not vain enough to defire to be thought a fcholar ; my bufy and laborious life, in a very different track, did not leave me leifure for fuch purfuits. It is enough for me to fay, what Bp. Atter- bury faid with more humility, I fometimes know where Learning is, and how to make ufe of it when I want it." * See the "Anecdotes," p. 510. Dr. Birch publiflied a Life of Mr. Boyle In 1744, 8vo. Edit. t Mr.VereFofler; another old acquaiitance at St. John's j of whom fee the " Anec- dotes," pp. 29. 512. 4 E 2 Feb* ^So MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. Feb. 21. " YOUR queries, by mere accident, filled my head with a flrong incli- nacioii to review the Saxon coins, or raiher the accounts we have of them. I thought 1 faw fome openings, and at prefent I mufl; follow them ; though perhaps, when I am a little more tired, I may give over the purfuit, and let all my difcoveries go out at thofe openings where the works of many a wife man make their exit. In the mean time, if I Ihould give you more trouble than either you expcdl or defire, you muft thank yourfelf for it. For you feem to be (in the prefent faflilonable way of talking among the Philofophers) an Eledlric per fe, and have a flrange power of raifing ll.uiics, or attracting trifles, juft as different objedlis approach you; and whether you are exciting flames in the prefent cafe, or drawing fl:raws, is to me perfectly indifferent ; it ferves to amufe, and I am fo much a philo- fopher as to expecft no more. " But my fcheme is this ; I make the Saxon penny to be the quinarius of the Lower Empire; their halji^ng of courfe the ftjlertitis ; then fieri hling two ojfij — zndjij'ca, one as. The weight of the Saxon penny and quinarius is only about three grains difference : a lefs difference than there was between the denarius and dracbmd, which went currently for each other ; and the Saxon money having much lefs alloy than the Roman, brings their value Itill nearer. — The Saxon JhilUng was the Roman miliarenfis ; the Norman Jbilling the tremijps of the Romans, and exadtly the fame weight as their gold tremijjls : and thence came the way of reckoning twenty fliillings to the pound, the proportion between gold and filver being then as i 2 to i ; and confequently 20 of thefe fo/idi, or trewijfes, were equal to a pound of filver, i,e. 20 of them were an ounce of gold, and fo equal to 12 ounces of filver. The Saxon fiilhnga and Norman folidus very different things. The Saxons, as appears by the pennies yet remaining, coined at firft 220 out of their pound x\\m fifiy JhiUings ; made the pound, and five pence the fhillings. Afterwards, as money grew fcarcer, they coined 60 fliillings out of the pound, and 240 pence, and then four pence made the fliilling. This was after the depredations of the Danes, towards the conclufion of their government, the penny weighing 2 2i Troy grains, and exadly as the Norman penny did. ThrjmJ'a is plainly three pence. — Sc^tta has an I uncertain EXTRACTS FROM MR. CLARKE'S LETTERS. 581 uncertain fignification, and appears to me to fignify the quarter of any coin, as difTerent pcrfons made ufe of it. Among the Kentifli Saxons 4 of a penny ; — afterwards, among the Weft Saxons, a quarter of a Ihilling, or a penny, which it fignified among the Goths. The Saxon pound was equal to the Athenian pound, their way of reckoning the fame by pounds and talents^ &c. Mr. Folk.es has given us the weight in the fccond page of his table. It differs fo little from the Athenian pound as given by Dr. Arbuthnot, that it mufl be originally the fame. " Here you have my fchcme, and you fee that Dr. Hickes and I take very different ways. To explain the Northern Antiquities, he always went further North : that may ferve to illuftrate, but never can explain ; it is like going down the flream to feek the fountain-bead, and in tracing the progrefs of learning to begin with the Goths, &c. " But you muft expedt that I have fome difficulties in this affair. All is not fo clear as I would have it, though it is fo clear as to make me believe it. I want books, and with to have the queries anfwered that they occafion; for multiplying books is certainly multiplying difficulties. Buc at prefent, my little Oracle, refolve me only three or four. " Mr. Camden, in his Remains, p. 200, fays, the word fcilling comes from the Latin yr/V/m^^j, and quotes L. 21, ^ Filium. Nothing plagues one more than the different ways of quoting the Civil Law. I can find no fuch place, and know no fuch word. Qu. Is not that a miflake of the l>rQ{s for Jicilicus, from whence fhilling moft probably comes ? " Gothofred, in his notes ad Cod, lib. xii. f. 49, fays, that Valentinian leffened the weight of the Roman libra, and that this leffer pound was called libra occidua. I beg you would find me that place, and tell me what he fays. This explains pound Jierling ; i. e. there was in ufe a leffer pound, called the pound zvejicrling, and therefore they called their larger pound the pound ejler/ing. This explains the two om's, that puzzle Spel= xnan, Somner, Hickes, and all of them, fo effedtually, I doubt Sirmondus and Gothofred have not paflcd the Wild ; at leaft, I do not know where to find them." March 582 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. March 6, 17^3. "IF you ever fee Mr. Tanner, or correfpond with him, I fhould be glad to know a little more of the Order of Tiron, mentioned p. 7 1 8, and Preface, p. xvi. Becaufe in an Indenture, dated 1372, between Edward III. and John of Gaunt, about the exchange of lands in SufTex, &c. mention ■is made of Withyham Priory, which feems to have been of this order. The words are, Prioratus de Withyham, qui ejl Cella AbbaliiZ San£li Martini de Mcreriieji (or Mcremojl) Turonen, Turonen. feems here to fpecify the order this ceil was of, and is not Turonen. oi Tours. And fhould not this Re- form be called the Order of Tours rather than Tiron, vmlefs they are both the fame ? And, in fliort, is not this ftorv of Martin of Tours conquering the Hundred of Kemaes merely a Wclili legend ? The Welfh hiftory men- tions no fettlements in Wales htiove Robert Fiizhaiiiwn and his knights. But ■their heads were ufually full of heroes ; and from a faint, or reformer of an order, they have raifed a conqueror of a country. I know Camden tells tliis ftory ; but he tells it from Welfh Antiquaries, and they have no great weight with me. I do not deny but that, among the Flemings who fettled in Pembrokefhire in Will. Rufus and Henry I.'s time, there was one Martin, or Fitz-Martin, who might make St. Dogmael's a cell to the abbey of St. Martin of Tours, and this might occafion this error about Martin of Tours : but we mufl learn from the French Antiquaries of what Order tjie Abbey of St. Martin's at Tours was, and this would clear up the difficulty about the Order of Tiron *. — The true St. Martin ^, from a foldler became a faint ; a proper perfon for fuch votaries as built St. Dogmael's to apply to." May 7, 17.13. " I LITTLE thought of making you the firft vifit ; but fo it is: if the mountain won't come to Mahometj, Mahomet may go, &c. My bufi- nefs is as extraordinary as my vifit will be unexpefted ; nothing lefs than being a pluralifl, and fuch a pluralifl as 1 believe you appiove of: I have been drawn in by many pcrfuafions, without a finglc motive that looked like intercft. But explaining before-hand looks as if^the thing wanted an * Tlie moft confideiable of the three monafteries founilcd by St. Martin v, as that c:illed Majus Monaftrrium, corruptly Marmoiitier, in the fuburbs of To^jrs, of the Bencdiftire order. See Alien Priores, II. 131. 140. •j- Whnfe legend may be feen in Gent. Mag. vol. Llll. p, 460. apology. EXTRACTS FOM MR. CLARKE'S LETTERS. 583 pology. You fliall know the reft at leifiire. My prcfcnt rcqueft Is, that, it you can take me lodgings near you, that I might not have far to go in the evenings, you would be (o good as to do it for me. You may perhaps think of taking them at Knightlbridgc ; but I afllire you that I make no fuch fallies -, but am a meek quiet thing, that can deep any where, fay little, and care to move lefs." March 28, 1747. " I THANK you for the demonftration you fent me; for I think we may very juftly call it demonftration. I ftiould have wandered about in the region of probability, and been content with it. I believe fractions are not regarded in fuch computations; I have found it fo in fome of them. The paffage from Gothofred feems to be as much as I want ; I have nothing to do with his opinion, or Gronovius's. Is it not a fair proof that the Roman pound is there called libra occidua ? It is a fort of joke upon Marcellinus, a fallen pope, a libra occidua, a kind of pun ; but fuch allu- fions are ufually made in expreflions that are familiar, and to things that are well known. Befides, this paffage has a further ufe : Greaves fays, that no author mentions how much the weight of any coin ftiould be till Valen- tinian's time. Cod. L. x. f. 70, vvhere 72 foiidi are ordered to be ftruck out of the pound of gold. This implies that the fame proportion was obferved in Conftantine's time, and confirms the conjecture of Pancirolus mentioned by Greaves, p. 107 ; and agrees very well with the weight of the aurei from Conftantine downwards, as long as the Weftern Empire lafted ; the tremiffn of which would weigh 24 ]■ Troy grains ; which agrees again with Greaves's account." JVoi; I7i9' " I WAS extremely forry to hear of poor Dr. Cartwright's * death ; he was one of my oldeft acquaintance : I have known him above forty years, and did not expeft that he would have gone off* fo fuddenly, becaufe I had a very chearful Letter from him about a fortnight ago. He told me, that he was very bufy in fitting up his houfe and gardens at Hornfey, be- caufe the town did not agree with him. He was a very worthy man. He had, out of pure gratitude, attended upon the Bp. of London till he was quite tired, and almoft as foon as he had got his liberty loft his life. * Dean of Colchefler ; prebendary of St. Paul's ; reftor of St. Chriftopher's, Lon- don, and of Hornfey, Middlefex. He died Nov. 8, I 749. «' I am ;84 Ul SCELLANEOUS TRACTS. *' I am glad your Greek Teftament is not given up. I fnould look upon ■-you as a traditor — efpecially as Markland fays he will very readily corredt the whole ; which I think is a great matter, to read it after you ! •*' Our Bifhop is a better fort of man than moft of the mitred order. He is indeed aukward, abfent, &c. but then he has no ambition, no defire to pleafe, and is privately munificent, when the world thinks him parfimo- nious. He has given more to this church than all the Bifhops put toge- ther for almoft a century ; and we are going to have our old ruinous chapel turned into a library, by his benefadlion in a great meafure." From Mr. E. Clarke. Bury, Dec. 5, 1753. " YOU fee, Sir, that no change of climate makes me ever forget my •friends and benefactors: ceu Roma, ceu for^ ita jujfere exul, I have Hill White-Friars in view. I flill do not forget to thank you for your bill of exchange upon Thurlbourn, who very gracioufly admitted it ; and alfo the Bilhop's pamphlet. I have enquired, as you defired me, about Mr. Baker's Will ; but find it a long one, and fear you would" not be at the expence of having a copy taken of it. Would you have me fend you Warren's Hieroclcs ? How does our Heylin go on? Do you think of touching up Faber ? I want to know your conjedtures about that venerable relick of old lead, which I put into your hands as we came from Hamlet. I believe I forgot to tell you, that my father had a very fair Denarius fent him this fummer by the Bifhop, who had it from Mr. Fuller, who had it from my Lord Northampton, whofe workmen found it in the walls of ' Pevenfey-caftle. This account refembles the traducee of Agamemnon's fceptre; but however it confirms the antiquity of that caftle, and of Ro- . man invafions of this ifland. Dr. Afliton left his Mff. to Mr. Keller of Jefus : the Bifliop of Ely has advifed him to afk leave of the Bifliop of London to infcribe TertuUian's Apology, which the Dodor left, to his Lord- fliip. It will make about a four or five fhiliing book. Afiiton dcflroj^ed all his fermons •, for the Bifliop of London cnquirtd after feme he had heard preached, which were not found. Our Fellows have made impor- tations of books from Italy and Hamburgh ; fuch as the Mura2um Floren- tinum, Scipio Maflei's works, Corfini's pieces, Rcinier's Dion CafTius, Sec. &c. The chief of Corfini's are Fafti Attici, Index Notar. Grsec. in Serto- rius's EXTRACTS FROM MR. CLARKE'S tKTTERS. 5^5 vius's manner, in which there is a fine comment on the Sandwich marble. Mr. Symonds*, whofe Dialogue you read, is dcfirous of your acquaintance; which I hope you will not difappoint him in. He will certainly print : you can have no objeftion to an author. He will be in towa this month, and I have defired him to call upon you ; and you'll oblige me in lifting iui gregis hum, et fort-em crede, bsnumque," ^"S' ^s> 1754- " I AM extremely glad Mr. * * * * is at length fettled In a way of life to his fatisfaftion. It may probably do very well ; but I don't know enough oi him to judge either of his inclinations or behaviour. It requires (as the world goes) no great talents ; and is commonly fafe and innocent, though not advantageous* A In Haye has been thought a good way to form politicians. I don't know how it may fuccecd with divines ; but they have fomething to learn every where : and a part of learning, which is often too much neglefted, and never taught in the univerfities, might be picked up there; I mean, a familiar acquaintance with the things of com^^ mon life. Every clergyman fhould have a little of this fort of knowledge^ and be able to talk occafionally with the fquire upon field-fports, thfe farmer on his feafons, and the citizens on trade. There is no doing well without it." *' I HAVE fcarce been at liberty to think of my own affairs, fince t had the plcafure of your Letter. Trifles, that are not my own, take up much of my time. I am now to look over all our old Reglfters to fcarch for the Endowments of Vicarages. Dr. Ducarel, the Archbiiliop's Libra- rian, is going to print a Repertory, or Diredion to Licunibents, where to find thefc endowments, if they are difpofed to have rccourfe to them, and to prevent any fruitlefs fearclies after fuch as cannot, molt probably, be difcovered. The Archbiihop has, very politely, fent. me the Jrluk^ cf En- quiry for the parochial Vifuations, printed at his exjiencc, and carriage paid. From what hand they come, I know not:. Who is his printer, or bookfeller? Perhaps you can inform me, who fcem to know every thing." ■* Jolin Syiiionds, Efq. no-v LL.D. afid piofcffor of Modern Hiftoiy in the Uiiiverfuy 4 F Marclf of Cambridge. yf 586 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. March 15, 1757. " I WAS glad to fee a Letter from you, though it was a little like the Tabernacle in the Wildernefs, covered with a cloud. I am forry that you meet with any ill-treatment from fuch pcrfons as have been fo much obliged to you. But thefe arc but the common allotments, and you mull expedt your fnare of them. As to evil tongues, mind them not : they are no enchantments. Tell them, as Banqpodid the witches, " I neither court/ *'■ nor fear your favour or your hate." Or come down to us, and talk off fome of this gloom. We live in a freer air, and in much tranquiiHty. A ride or t\vo on the fide of our hills are better than five pages in Seneca and Sir Roger L'Eftrange. I mind books juft as you do news-papers ia town: they are part of the amufement for the day,, when I have nothing elfe to do, and don't care a flraw what becom.es of them to-morrow,., or hov,' foon they are fo'-gotten. But I am forry this is the cafe with Mr. Markland : he has not fo many ways of trifling as I have, nor fo many of being teazed as j^ou.. Either of thefe will prevent an utter ftagnation of fpirits ; and I want no more than juft to brufhthe duck-weed off the lake, which I doubt will grow upon him in that entire unaftive folitude. Mr. Byng was executed yefterday, about twelve o'clock, on board the Monarch in the Harbour. The fhlp was extremely crowded with fpedlators, and all the reft that were near." Nov. 21, 1758. "I WAS much obliged to you for your Letter, and am a little afhameJ that I have not thanked you for it before. I fee your attention is turned at prefent to a more entertaining controverfy, though perhaps as difficult to fettle as a text in St. Paul. I have but juft feen Mr. Hooke's ObfervationSi Sure, in fuch a long differtation, he has made every thing as plain as poffible. What is it that creates all thefe difficulties ?- The ways of filling up th€ vacancies in the Roman fenate were different, by the honour of an eledlive magiftracy, by being placed on the conful's or ccnfor's roll, and by the vote of the fcnare itfelf. But did it req\iire the whole extent of 250 large quarto pages to fliew this ? As to the quellion you afk, " How ♦' dia the Romans pvcfcrvc the diftindiou of Patrician and Plebeian fami- " lies,!' EXTRACTS FROM MR. CLARKE'S LETTERS. 5(^7 " lies," I cannot conceive that it could be done any other way than by a fort of traditionary prefcription. Who were the fons of the firil fenator.s, was, at the time of their birth, very evident; and fo on, in a continual fuc- ccflion, /. e. thcfe were the defcendants of perfons, who, in the age before us, were allowed to be Patricians. I have an inftance at prefent juft before mc. Our Bifhop's family is faid to be a younger branch of Lord Afhburn- ham's ; but a branch that was fhot off from it 300 years ago. I don't fup- pofe that this point is at prefent capable of being direftly proved by any evidence: but every age has admitted this a real fad', which I think. Is proof enough here, and might have been ftronger at Rome, where per- haps thefe pretentions in the courfe of 300 years had been called to a popu- lar fcruciny. Is this yeur point ? and would not fuch a traditionary evi- dence be fufficicnt to prove it ?" Oil. 2:, 1764. " AS I had no great cxpedtations from the Dean of Exeter's papers, I fate down to them with more indifference than they deferved : for he has read much upon the fubjeft, and with a particular attention to the Saxon Tiummulary eflimates. I found nothing in his obfervations upon the third chapter (i.e. the fliiliing) that gave me any trouble; though he could not be perfuaded that there ever was fuch a coin ; or thiit it was reduced from five to four pence, and yet he admitted the very premilfes that made this redudliion very evident ; viz. that the Saxon pound confifted of two hundred and forty pence ; and that there were fixty fliillings in the pound. However, I think, myfelf much obliged to him for going over even the references in this chapter fo minutely, and giving his fcntiments fo freely. It is the only way to clear up fuch obfcure quef^ions. " But in the next chapter (the Mark) I found myfelf much more obliged to him. I had fallen in with the common opinion, that the ?imri and 7nanciis vverefynonym.ous terms, and ufed for the fame coin ; and thought that the eight half marks in Alfred's laws and four mancufes immediately following were the fame eflimates. But I am inclined to think, as the Dean of Exeter docs, that the ninrk was never ufed among the Saxons, but for a nummulary weight, or a terminus : that ;ippl)ing it to their 4 F 2 coins ^88 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. coins was an error *. The oply fcruple that remains with me, is the fre- quent mention of marks in Alfred's will : the vcvfion is very ancient, and he allows, that marcus there muft mean coins, and not weights. But, how- ever, as the other opinion is in all appearance r\^t,dedo nmmts — I come in to it, and thank him for it. This makes no alteration in the value of the mancus, nor is the leafl: objediou againfl the utterance of thofe coins. But if the mark is only a nummulary weight, the confequence is, that the oraS' connefted with it are only the lefler divifions of the fame weight, and: muft be confidered (whatever was the origin of the fame) in that light only. This will of neceffity occafion the whole fourth chapter to be cafl: into a new form. What air and exereife may bring me to is uncertain^ But it will certainly be much againft the grain anliquo me indudere ludo*- Nun eadem ejl mens, non atas. Trebati, quid faciam prajcribe..''' Feb. 16, 1765.- *' T H E papers, I have now fent to you, will fhew you, that the Dean of Exeter has favoured me with a great many remarks upon thefe Saxon matters, more than I think it neceflary to trouble you with. This letter is intended as a reply to what 1 am chiefly concerned in,, and I beg you would read it over.- It is fubmittcd to your decifion, like a bill in chan- cery, which you may difmifs,^ or determine upon the points in qucftion at your leifure. I hope you will be able to read it, though it is copied by- my daughter ; for writing is not fo agreeable to me as it ufed to be ; ray hand tires, and efpecially when I am tired of the fubjcd:.. The Dean has- read a great deal of this middle-age learning,, weighed almoft all the coins in England, fent to Paris for the weight of diofe in the French King's li- brary, and dealt much in Danifh antiquaries, &c. but his fcntiments don't feem to be fo clearly digcfted as might be expedted. His reading feems rather to puazlc, than explain a queftion. But you'll fee what I have of- fered in anfwer to his objedtions, and will let me know what you think of: * " Carried away by the ciiirent of thefe great authorities, I bad followed im])]icitly, and continued in the fame niifiake, if it had not been for the friendly admonition of the very wortljy Dean of iixeter. He convinced nic that it was an. error, and will, I hope, cxcufe the liberty I take in. making this public acknowledgment. All that can. bt faid in favour of that xinivcrfally prevailing ('j)inicn is, that it was of long (landing, and by tl-.is prelcription had acquired an indifjiutcd poifeirion, which by Dr. Millcs's more acute and decifive examination mxift be given u]) at laft," Claeke, on Coins, \i, 307.. EXTRACTS FROM MR. CLARKE'S LETTERS. 589 it, whether it is fntisfadlory or not. The thoughts of new modeling the whole fourth chapter diflrcires me much. " I find that you are the only perfon at lad difpofed to afiill poor Mr. Wright : he feems- to be almofl tired out ; I could not have thought that a fcarf had been fueh a difEculty. Mr. Gerifoii feems to be, what he fays you are, all fpirits/' March 19, 1763'. ** SINCE you affume fome of the privileges of the peerage, andean, confer fcarfs upon your friends, you muft cxpeft that numbers of the clergy both young and aid will make their court to you. I am furc I think myfelf obliged to thank you for the favour you have done poor Mr.. Wright, for I do ■ not know that he could have been accommodated any other way : all his other friendfe wanted either intereft or inclination j and it is really hard, that the incumbents of livings under value muft be ob- liged to difpenfe. The law fays, that livings muft be eight pounds or up- wards in the kin^s books. Thefe are no longer in the king's books ;. they are difcharged, they pay no firft fruits ;= and in point of equity, as they are no longer in the king's books, one would think they ftiould be difcharged from this onus,, as well as the other. But the obfervation in old Dean Golet's Ctcrum will be always true — Supcrjliticfa ejl obfervalio Icgum ijlaruin qua LVCROsjE/unt, pojlhabilis its qua (id emendationetn morwn fpeclant. " 1 hope you received the copy of the letter to the Dean of Exeter which I fent by the coach, and that you will at lelfure give mt your opinion how far my anfwer is fatisfadtory cr not; and then you may do what you. plcafc with it. The chief points in difpute ^xq,.x.\\Q- imyementuniy the/o'idiis of four pence, the thrymftu and the rcdu^ion of the iimncus. The mark I give up — but think it a horrid thing to have a whole chapter to new mo- del, and write all over again : — though I am much obliged to the Dean of Exeter \ for to prevent you from running into any miitakes is being very much your friend." July 3, 1765.. " I AM much obliged to you for giving me leave to employ fo muc!i' of your time, and cxercife your patience fo often upon thefe trifling amufc- meiits. But, if I am incorrigible, you muft excufe me: 1 do not know how 3, ta. . 59° MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. to part with a liberty, that makes me fuch advantageous returns. I affure you that I profit much by your fentimcnts, as they teach me how to cor- redt or explain my own. But, though I trefpafs (o much upon 3'our time and patience, I cannot forbear telling you, that you fometimes, though uu- defignedly, pay me in kind. Your converfation with the Dean of Exeter, though I was much pleafed with what you faid, has produced terrible ef- fects. 1 have jufl now received a letter of fixty pages, which was very kindly intended to faye me the trouble of any further refearches upon this dark fubjcct. You had pleafed him much in faying, that he knock t my projed at head, and this I dare fay encouraged him to give it the coup de graiC. You lliall judge by the beginning of his letter. He fays, " The " bufinefs of Profelytifm is of a bewitching nature; there is a fort of com- " plimcnt paid to our rcafon In every conquefl of this kind : you are not " to wonder, therefore, if I endeavour to work further converfions," &:c. But to be obliged to be armed upon all occafions, and take the field, whenever thefe conquerors take a pleafure in attacking you, is juft like living in the neighbourhood of old Rome, and be forced either to fubmit, fight, or fly. Thefe are a fort of ilavifh conditions, and I wifli I could get quit of them; but that is at prefent not in my power : I mud: bear with them, Hoc mibi exedendum eji. All the lamentations in the world won't make it lefs. He has got fome flrange fancies in his head, about Danifii weights, Danifh pennies, &c. He has read much upon the fubjcCl, and fome of his obfervations are not without their ufe. " But the chief bufinefs of this letter was to tell you, that I have juft got my liberty ; and, if you have a mind to make a vifit at Dorking, and my company is not difagrecable to Mr. Markland, I would meet you there ibr two nights and a dav. What diftruft Mr. Markland has taken I know not, and it puzzles me a little to think that there fliould be fo much can- dour with fo much credulity. For I -can truly fay, though faying it gene- rally fignifies very little, that I have done nothing that ought to offend him or any body : but there is fome pleafure in faying it, bccaufc it is true, if there be any fuch thing as truth — S'l qua cfl qua rcjlet adhuc mortalibus iifotiatn Iniemerata fides. Under this fcal, jou will give me leave to afliirc }ou that I am, dear Sir, your moll obliged and obedient, W. Clarke." EXTRACTS FROM MR. CLARKE'S LETTERS. 5^1 "Jan. 31, 1726-7 *.. *< W HEN I wrote to you laft \, I was full of fufpicions about Mr. Richardlbn's argument from Antoniiuis's pillar. — I am now inclined to believe, that neither the pillar nor the medals of Antoninus can decide that queftion ; for, as to the croffcs, the more I think of them, the Icfs I like them, and am furprlfed that Mr. Richardfon fhould make ufc of fuch an evidence. It is my opinion, that there arc cither no crofles upon the pillar icfeifj or, if there are,, that they are the work of later ages : it is certain that there are none upon the famous arch of Conflantine ; and what place could have been properer, where could we more reafonably expert to meet with them, than upon that arch, if they had been ufed at that time? And though we meet with croflcs upon the medals of that Emperor, they might have been ftruck at the latter end of his reign. It is therefore moll probable that the crofs was never ufed upon any part of the Roman arms, till the fourth century, after Conflantine had placed it in the Labarum. Till his time it was continued as the fsvercfl method of execution, fuch as was praftifed towards flaves or traitors. Severus put the heads of Niger and Albinus upon crofTes; and can we therefore fuppofe that a pillar eredted by the Rx)man fenate In a former reign (hould have fuch marks of " ignominy upon it, or that they fhould be allowed a place upon the Roman Ihields ? Lipfius (de Cruce) obferves that Conftantine, near the end of his reign, commanded the punifhment of the crofs to be laid afulc;; — and at the fame period, I fhould think, the ufe of it as a mark of honour or diftindtion was firfl introduced among the Romans. He ordered it to be en- graved upon the foldiers' arms, flamped upon his medals, fixed upon the Labarum, &c. And to this was the great veneration tha- it has met with in fucceeding ages chiefly owing. " As to the reign of Marcus (the period we are fpcakingof), I queftion very much whether the Chriflians themfelves ever made ufc of any crofTjs at that time which were either engraved or painted. Tertullian, though he fpeaks often of the fign of the crofs, fays nothing of material croffes, ;. e. fuch as were either carved, engraved, or painted, See. to wear about * This and ihe few foHo-.ving extracts from Islx. Clarke's Letters flio.ild have bien placfd earlier in order of tim; : but, very fe.v of the letter? having any date of r'le year to them, it ivas not ealy to arrange thj feries. Tae prsfe.," letter in pi.-;ic I'ar aa-1 ;iiu which foUoivs it were difcovered too late to be printed in their proper pi ;ce?. ■f See above, p. 544, them.:: 592 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. them : the votiva ciuccs, which the proconful of Africa made, were for the old Roman ufc. I do not well underftand the paflage in the i6th chap- ter of his Apology ; but he leems to mention it there rather as a fcandal thrown upon them than a thing aftually made ufe of in that age. But I have no books for fuch enquiries, and therefore leave it to you. Our fpe- culations in this country turn upon very different points. Wc might per- haps be able to fettle the antiquity of hops, and we are affured that the laft year's duty upon them came to above 1 00,000 /. flerling. Dr. Wotton is ftill very ill : his phyficlan gives him hopes yet; bur, I am afraid, with- out reafon. His dropfy (of the anafjrca kind) continues as violent as ever; I wifh he may be able to live this fpring. He talks of fending you a commifiion to buy fome books ; but I hope he is not in carneft. My humble fervice to Mr. Williams, and I am glad to fee the third book * io near a conclufion. — It rejoices the Doftor very much, though he now is under iome apprehenfions that he fliall not fee it publifhed. I thought to tell you what medals I could furnifh you with, and what I want : I have duplicates of Vejpafian, Domitian, Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus, Faujlinay Cointnodus, Severus, Caracalla, Elagabalus, Alexander Pojlhumus. — I want JuUui, Otho, or to change any of the firfl fix for fairer ; Perttitax, Did. Juliamis, Pefcennius, Alblnus, Diadumeniajius, Maximus, Balbinus, Pupiemtiy Herennius Etrufcus, Hqftiliamu, Treboniamis Gallus, yEmilianus, Gal/ienuSf one of the Gordians, and from Pofthiimus to Conjlantine." Feb. 19, 1736-7. *' BETWIXT bufincfs and diforder, my concern for others, and my own complaints, I have not had fo much leifure as to enter upon the Roman Art of War ; or to tell you, what requires no art, that I am very much obliged to you for your lafl prefcnts, your new book, and your dcccafed brother. We have had a very unkindly fort of fmall-pox break out in the parifli, which has all the terrors here of a fire in London. My neigh- bours look upon it almoft as a pafloral duty to nurfe them upon fuch oc- cafions ; and by vifiiing, and changing my cioaths often, I fell into one of my little fcvcrifli difordtrs, which often attend mc. * Of the Lnus of IIowcl Dlia. " I find EXTRACTS FROM MR. CLARKE'S LETTERS. 59J " I find you are Ilill purfuing your rcfearchcs for another ledlure to the Society * ; but I can fay very little upon the fubjcd: ; it is of great compafs, and the feveral changes and improvements muft be deduced hiftorically, or it will never turn out to your fatisfadtion. *' Reinefius' two obfervations, ad CI. vi. 123, and CI. viii. 58, are a little (or, as you might have faid, not a little) inconfiflcnt. He fuppofcs in o?ie that the alee took their numbers from the legions they belonged to, and yet will not admit of ala xxii ; though it is certain that there were often fo many, often more, legions than that number. The two armies of Pompcy and Cjefar (as you mention) had nineteen legions ; and v/e cannot fuppofe that all the troops in the Roman empire were drawn together in thefe two bodies. Tacitus -f- mentions xxn legions. The Notitia, which one would imagine fliould give the moll perfedt account of the Roman armies, mentions, I believe, almoft 150 legions; for I have not had pa- tience to count them up all ; as they were in the Notitia ftationed at dif- ferent places, they muft of neceflity be different legions .};. 2. As to ala leglonis : the place which Pitifcus refers to in the Itinerary cannot well be read any other way. It is, page e^S (of Schottus's edition, with Surita's notes) Z)Kr»07//j§-?//?2 LEG. VII. ala. Buruncum leg. v. ala. Novefmm leg. v. ala. Geldubam leg. ix. ala. Calonem leg. ix. ala. Now we cannot well read Legio vii. and ala, becaufe, in the four \z^places, the ala leglonis was divided into two parts, and quartered part at one and part at the other place §. I am therefore inclined to believe (as I did at firft) that, the Roman legions being quartered upon the different limits of the Roman empire, near or with each legion or legions was a body of horfe, by way of ala to them. They had follta fibi hiherna, as Tacitus calls them, and, being quartered ufually together, were called promif- cuoufly, either aht leglonis of fuch a legion, or from the place they Vv^ere quartered in, as ala Pannonica, &c. or from the people t!-icy were compofed of, as ala Gallorum veterana, &c. or from the chief revifer of the ^:!{', as ala tbeodofiana, &cc. The Notitia mentions about So or 100 different ala. * See above, p. 133. & feq. t H'fl. !• 18. 55. II. 100. III. 22. IV. 24. — In denariis ap. Fulv. Urf. ad xxv con- tinuato ufqiie numero affurgiint, eodemqiie internipto ad xxxiii. % Plures legiones ; plures I. plures II. III. IV. VII. XX. quod a viris aliqiiibiis doclis & eriiditione claris l'!rt^ouiJiitov, gravilTima illis errandi caufa & m^uTot •vJ/stJ©- extitiffe vifiim eft, § See Wefleling's edition of the Itinerary, p. 2:,^, Edit. 4 G - How 594 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. How many are in the Itinerary I cannot fay, becaufe there wants a mili- tary index, and indeed better indexes in general, which perhaps the new Dutch edition is fupplied with. I think it is Schelius's opinion, that alct comprehends both the auxiliary horfe and foot in the writers of the old republic. That in the time of the Cafars ala x»t' s^o'/Jv means the horfe. See the notes ad Suet. Tib. c. 31. Csefar himfelf (as you obferve) keeps this latter diftinftion : ala xkt i^oyjjv with him is the horfe; the a/a horfe and foot is comtt. Now fliould not Livy, who is a later writer, ob- ferve the fame way of fpeaking ? You fay, that what the Greeks call fjpa, he [Livy] calls fometimes aln, fometimes csniu. That muft; be wrong, and not foldier-like. The inftance you give is lib. xxvii. c. 19. It is not clear enough for me to determine by. In other places he feems to obferve Csefar's dilfindfion, as lib. x. 29. " Fabius in dextro cornu,— cunftando extrafterat diem ; deinde prxfea' riiajque, utrimque viros, equos, tributa." Now vlri in that light would make one believe that they were to be ufed in the legions. And Spain had not \\\tjus Lalii till Vefpafian's time. Upon the whole, I cannot come into your opinion of an ala of focii, cives. The few infcriptions that men- tion Equcs Legionis can perhaps be reduced to no certain period. Why therefore fliould we not think that eques legionis is only eques alee hgionis and equcs Romanm in leg. i.e. eques alae legionis, qui civis Romanus, by way of EXTRACTS FROM MR. CLARKE'S LETTERS. 595 ■of honour ? The Lapidaries were not the molt corredt writers. This an- fvvers the whole with the leaft difficulty, in my judgement. If I fuppofcd the kgiones Pannonka ralfed in Pannonia, it was an idle fuppofilion ; their name was from their fervice and ftation. " Robertellus's obfervation is not worth mentioning. " I thank you for the catalogues. If I thought that Calmet's Anti- quities, &c. was a tranflation of all Calmet's Diflertations on the Bible which are in number about no, I (hould be glad of it. If it be only a part of them, I have nothing to fay. " I am furprized that Dr. Mangey fliould rejed: the former emenda- tion. But it convinces you, how fond people are of their own produftions: he could not think of deftroying his oi^iov note. Philo is to me a fort of Monkilh performance, which I ihould never have thought of publilhing. Whether domo anagyratium is or is not Latin, is more than I can fay; one would think he Ihould not Hand by it unlefs he knew how to defend it. *' From your enquiries into thefe military matters, I have picked out a peaceable etymology, to add to Skinner — JJles, thofe parts of a church which ftand of each fide the middle fpace, as the crofs-rjlcs, t\\tfide-ijles. a Gr£eco Ihri, Lat. ala, Fr.GaW. aik, Noftrum, i/Ie, the wing of a build- ing, though now ufed only of churches. As to Capellus, I take his Com- mentarii and Critica Sacra to be the fame book ; but I had rather flay for better information, and w?ll not refolve till I know more." 4 G t y.r. 596 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. Mr. Penoyre - to Mr. Bowyer. Dear BowYER, Moor, Oflober g, i']()'j. " 1 AM really thankful for your letter, and joyful at an hue and cry after any Laws that may help to conlbdder an old friendihip, I know not how or why interrupted. But to the Welfti Laws -f : I dare fay 1 have four or five books of Welfli Laws, but 1 know not where to And them direftly : but they lliall be fent, and 1 wilh I could frank them, r,s I fear they will not pay carriage this century. There is one **** **** has a bound book, purloined from the Regifter of St. David's, who promifed to difpofe of fome to the fubfcribers. 1 remember I paid you for as many as were delivered. So much for the Welfh Laws. I much like Mr. Clarke's labour and learning, if he or you like itj but it is all lumber, and a load too heavy for my head and fhoulders. I am forry for your memento : we are all a-going; but I know not how to advife vou. If I could be of any lervice, you may command my affift- ance. I really pity your fituation. Clarke and Markland are at too great a ditlance for the purpofes of friendfhip, and they are almofl helplefs. You envy my ftrength and powers : 1 praife, and am thankful ; and when I tell you the fport of this day, you will fay I ought , for, be it known to you, that I this day went a-hunting after breaktaft, flatted my hare, and killed her by dinner. 1 went home, and o'xlered the hounds to try for a frefli hare : they foon ftarted ; I rejoined them, killed that alfo ; fo home I came, to pay this acknowledgement, and to let you know that nothino- but exercife will procure health. Pray fend for your fon. You may command all that is in the power of a friend, that loves you and him, as he is your fon, and the darling of the woman that doated on you in the opinion of your friend and real fcrvant Tiio. Penoyre. P. S. Take my advice, or leave it: I know you hold it cheap, but it may not be the worfc for ufe. Adieu ; I adjourn to my folo pipe, and made- here-a wine. * See above, p. 578; where, for The Hyde, read The Afoor. This fingle letter is infeitetl as charaaerillic of the plcafantry and philanthropy of the worthy writer. f By printing which, Mr. Bowyer iiad loft nioucy. Letters C 5^7 J Letters from Mr. Ambrose Bonwicke * to his Father; tranfcribed by his grateful Scholar W. Bowyer, E Mufeo meo Joaiincnfi, 0£l. <), 16C9, " IMPROBUS merito ct perfridtce fiontis tibi videri poffini (vir Reverciidiflimc) quod ufque adeo negligentem me prefliti, ut de venia pene fit delperandum : quippe qui contra juffum tuum perinde ac meum promifTum hanc epiftolam hue ufque diflinui. Cum tamcn bonitatem tuam ct miram in tuos clementiam meiite pertradto, rurfus fcintilla quse- dam fpci affulget, te etiam hoc mihi condonaturum. Expcftavi equidem ut de Curione tuo non nihil refcriberem, ne Uteris ufquequaque impor- tunis aures tuas interpellarem. At cum per hoc temporis intcrvallum nul- lum potuerim invenire, non aufus fum diutius differre, ne, dum molefti^ crimen effugero, contumax prorfus audirem. Mire nobis arridet Oxonium, nee quidem eft quod difpliceat priEterquam tui praefcntia monitifque tuis auro contra pretiofiffimis carendum quod eft ; quce nunc demum maxime fufpicio et exolculor, cum amplius uti non liceat ; atque fpero etiam nunc monita tua per literas cariffimas ut folitus es imperties, et fie quas negat mihi locorum intercapedo, indulgeat tabellarius. Expedtes forfitan, nee injuria, memet ipfum mire eruditum atque oratorem tanta Academia dignum in hac Epiftola exhibcrem ; at cum tecum ferio cogitaveris, ex- pedtabis potius ftylum noftrum non tam dodtum quam barbarum, nee tan^ Ciceronem lapere quam Dialedticos et Sophiftas. Vix pofllim non effutire quidditatcs, entitates, formalitates, et id genus barbariem. Parcas igitur fiquid invtnuftum occurrat, ac etiam ii non aufim adhuc tibi promittere in me plus eruditlonis quam dudum : vereor ne rantundem in his literis deprchcndas. Attamen firmiffime afleverabo, nuUibi majorem invenies oblervantiam, imo ne tantam. Atque hoc unum pri^ftitit Oxonium, nempe reddidit me (fi fieri poflit) tute reverentis Temper amantiffimum, nunc amantiorem. Tutor nofter prsclariffimus deque Philofophia optima meritus raagifter Dickenfon -f- tuis verbis per me falutatus te viciffim meis refalutat, cujus aufpiciis nullus dubito quin ambages logicas et Arifto- telis labjrinthos tandem veluti filo duttus penitus exquiram. Precor dc- niquc ut amicis meis omnibus plurlmam lalutem annuneidris, prafertim * See the " Anecdotes," pp. 12. 506. ■i- Q.^ Edmund Dickenfon of Merton, phyfician and cbymlfl, who refided at Oxford till 1684, when he removed to London to fucceed Dr. Willis. He wrote liis " Delphi Fhocnicizantcs, Ox, 1655," 12"; and died 1707. T D. D. 59^ MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. D.D. Gcororio Freeman et Ambr. Brown fufceptoribus meis longe colendir- fimis; ut et toti tu£ Familia% non excepta matre mea chariffima, cui vcruni (Pater Reverendifllme) per omnia tcmpora locofque dillgenter me prollabo, Filium et Famulum obfervantiffimum, Amb. Bonwick. E Coll. Joan, pridie Circumcifionis, 1669. " EGO, Reverende Domine, pod diuturnum plus fatis filentium, cum nil poflim majus et nil equidem minus, hanc Epiftolam ftrenul^e vices ad te mitto ; gratulaturam (ut fpero) cum annum tibi faufte inchoatum, turn valetudinem recuperatam, quam ex literis Matris accepi non cffe prorfus adamantlnam. Ncc, opinor, recufares hoc chartaceum xeniolum fi vo- torum fuorum elTet compos. Quamvis enim munera nulla polliceatur, Tiec aurea, nee argentea, vovet tamen longe meliora, nempe pancraticam valetudinem, omnemque fimul felicitatem. Certe probare nunquam potui illorum induftriam, vel avaritiam potius, qui paffim amicis Arenas mittunt lit apophorceta recipiant ; veruntamen ego (ut facile fufpiceris) eorum more aliquid remittendum expedto. Non ignoro quam improbum fit tot €t tanta ab eo expedtare, de quo nihil unquam fum promeritus : fed quo non adigit mortales vere duriffimum telum neceffitas .' Eo in loco funt res mea;, ut ni protinus ad manum fit penfio trimeflris poffim coram latrone cantare. Scio non exiguum effe quod peto, neque me fugit quam nulla fint mea in te officia, quorum fiducia rem tantam aufim abs te petere, pra- fertim cum tot tantifque.,nominibus jam pridem obftriftus tibi nondum ulla ex parte retulerim gratiam. At fi dignaberis beneficiorum cumulo hoc etiam fuperaddere, conabor omnibus nervis vel plufquam omnibus ne te unquam hujus capitis educati poeniteat. Quam officiofe meo nomine falutabis familiam illam femper colendiffimam, cui quondam heu ! prsfuit vir ampliffimus D. Edvardus Nicholas ; cujus etfi mortui apud me nun- quam intermoritura eft memoria. Vota fuperfunt (vir Reverendiffime) quibus dixi confcrtam effe hanc ftrenulam, ut optatiffima valetudine, lon- giffimis annis, et omnibus felicitatibus perpetuo beare dignetur Deus Opt. Max. Quod ut fiat animitus fupplicat, TucE profperitatis fludiofiffimus, Amb. Bonwicke, D. Brafier B.D. e noftro Coll. te plurimum falvcre juflit, ut et contuber- nales mei. Oxon. LETTERS FROM MR. BONWICKE. 599 Patri fuo chariffimo ct unice cokndo Amb. Bonwicke S. P. D. Oxon. Fob. 3, 1669-70. ** GRAT^ profefto (Reverende Domine) fuerunt Literas tuse, gratlf- limi vero nummi, quos nudiuftertius abs tabellario accepi. Inter illos au- tem pr^ecipue gratulor xenioli noftri prsmio (vix equidem fpeftatu digni, nedum muneratu) utpote quod teflatur videri tibi nonnihil tibi meruifTe noftras lineolas. Mirum quiddani narras de noftro quondam amico Grif- fith, nee credibile nifi veftra teftante Reverentia. Fruftratus eft fane ex- pcftationes noftras, utl et veftras qui putafti alium deperifle puellam : at forfan tantas defperans nuptias, has viles ambit, ne prorfus omni frauda- retur uxore. Veftes noftrce undique fatcntur vetuftatem, et fubter togarti geftiunt latere, lucem averfantes ne fuam indicarent raritatcm, ncc diutius multo dominum tegent cum ipfse dudum nuds fuerunt. Facile locum cedent fucceflbribus, fi modo mittas qu:e fuccedant, veruntamen eatenus evigilabunt. Tutor nofter una cum D. Mary field jun. tibi falutem plu- rimam, ego autem matri charifllma?, fratribus, fororibus, &c. Vale. Si habeas Ariftophanem, rogo vehementer ut mittas. ■ i Patri fuo sternum colendo Amb. Bonwicke S. P. D. Ex jEtlibus Joan. Aug. i8, 1670. *' PERLEGI oppido quam libens Literas, quas ad me nuperrime de- difti, et quia tuee funt et quia literate. Gaudeo etiam me naftum effe nou modo Patrem fed etiam Monitorem amantiffimum. Nefcio quomodo in noviffimis illis omifi verbum mittcre, quod interferas poft benedidiiones, aut fi mavis ad finem periodi. Qtiem majorem effe judicas, ego certe nul- lum credidi hiatum ; fie enim fi nondum fit interpunftari vellem iftam fententiam, Criidelis Hie Pucr abiitne ? meo refpondit abiit &c. fell, inter- rogationi meas abiitne? fubaudito P^z/^r. Ne autem obfcura fint nimis aliis legentibus, addantur (fi placeat) mihi interroganti, et illud meo . . . quam poffit curiofe convertatur. Bibliotheca Joinnenfi donatus fum, ideo- que M. Strerii datur copia; fin ingenti huic cumulo plura adhuc beneficia tibi vifum fit addere, rogo ut mittas Famiani Strad.ij Prolufiones Aca- lemicas, et Taciturn cum obfervationibus Boxhorni, Amftelodami imprcf- funa 6oo MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. fum 1 66 1. Fratri Henrico jamdudvim fcripfi, et tua priufquam nota prjE- lliti mandata, etiamque prseftabo. D. D. Smitheus et Rhodes tuam falu- tem iteriim remunerantur. Si qu£ in pofteris fuerint errata (fummaai tamen ne fierent adhibebo ciiram) ardenter cupio quod (ut feclfti) corri- gere dignaberis : tanto majorem tibi habiturus quotidie gratiam, quanto ab erroribus me, vel fopius, vel liberius, vel poflremo etiam feverius vin- dicaveris. Non eft quod timeat elegantia tua omnium politiffima in- digniffimam noftram limam ; Heu fruftra expedtamus ullo modo pofTc cKvjiTTsT^ci^Hv. Vale. Cuicunque debitam meo nomine reddes falutem. Credunt D. D. Mery- field fen. et jun. cum D. Rhodes juramentum quod oblitus es hoc effe, viz. " Non promovere indignos, aut retardate dignos." Amerosius Bonwicus Patri fuo Reverendlffimo S. P. D. Sep. I, i6']o, *' SOLEBAT Epiftola tua femper fuo nomine redire tam grata, ut recepta fatis fuperque contentus chartula nihil ultra defiderarem. Nunc autem veftrorum nomine xeniolorum, qua; omnia fideliter reddidit, tam mlhi jucunda rediit ut ejus piene prsfentiam non requirerem, nifi quod verba tua auro contra pretiofiffima femper seftimavero. Dedi ad te Literas (ni fallor) Aug. i8, quas miror nondum ad Mychelham appuliffc ; quod tamen tarda; adeo adveniant foli tabellario imputandum eft. Ad benefi- cium quod attinet facerdotale D. Smitheo tuis verbis totum enarravi, qui tibi quam plurimas jufllt impertiri gratias, plures quoque propediem fuis verbis redditurus eft, et non dignum putet quod ambiret. Domino Bay- lie etiam communicafl!em, nifi procul a Collegio abfuiflet. Pridem eft cum ad chariflimum Pr^eceptorem D. D. Goad literas vel importunas de- diftc conftitui, etfi illis quia importunis fepius malis avibus inceptis fuper- fedendum cenfui-, nunc veto cum de fraterculis habeo quod fcribam, epif- tolium hue ufquc libcnter dctcntum, libentius brevi demittam, ut de eadcm fidelia duos parietes (quod aiunt) pofiim dealbare. Rogo ut apud omnes illos noviflimos bencfadores mihi fis epiftols vice. Vale. Per- gratiflimum equidcm facies fi cum libris quos modo petii Apuleium mi- fcris. Iterum vale. Ambrosius LETTERS FROM' MR. BONWIC&E;. 6ok Ambrosius Bonwicke Patri fuo S. D. , , In Mufeolo noflio, vigiliis D. Thoma:, vigiUns fciipfi, 1670. " NEQUE defidlfE mere, neque occupation um culpa omnino eft, licet harum quoque nonnulla fit, quod ad Epiftolam fuperiorem non refcripfi hadtenus ; fed tux potius facilitatis jam ufque adeo nats, ut ob earn pro- tinus ego Hcere in te mihi omnia exiftimaverim. Qui fi nomen indul- gentis retinere ftudes, quod uti jamdudum feciftl tuum, ncc irafci filentio noftro potes ullo modo, nee debes. Quicquid eiilm habui novi fcripfi totum; fed vero totum nihil erat. At tandem aliquando habeo quod fcri- berem, nimirum de comitiis in honorem celfiffimi Principis Auriuci ; nifi quod dominus Warren narrationis vicem apud vos optime fuppkverit. Breviter tamen dicam, nihil in iftis abfolutiffimis defuit, prjeterquam pne- fentia tua, regali ifta (abfit verbo invidia) mihi longe optatior. Heu ! quam vellem (Pater merito fufpiciende) te inter czeteros iftos nobiles, toga ' oftro perfufa veftitum fedifle, et S. S. T. Dodtorem evafifle. Quanta in- juria non datur efle » . . . NuUibi dole (Deo favente) nee caput ne calcein, nifi togain dolcre .poffim, fiquidem mea infirmiffima eft. Matri chariflimae, avis, &c. mul- tam ex me falutem dicito. Dominus Rhodeus quam illi tuis verbis dixi falutem, libenter accepit, teque viciffim per meas literas falvcre juflir. Vale. Amb. Bonwicke Patri fuo S. D. Ex JEdih. Joan, x cal. Junii, 1671. *' TANDEM aliquando (Reverendiffime) fllentium plus fatis indu- ratum'vici, quod fi non aliis certe importunis Uteris interpeliavi. Adco tiihil novum habeo quod fcribam, ut nifi de veteri noftra ac ufitatiflimS in- digentia benignitatem tuam certiorem facerem, hie expliccret epiftola. Tametfi ad matrem potius dirigenda eft petitio : cum non tarn librorum inopia laboro, quam indufiorum et id genus veftium cffoeminatarum. At malo brevem mittere epiftolam, quam hujufmodi tui indigenis refcrtam. Circa eledlionis tempus fi non antea videbis fortcan Pra^fidentem noftrum digniffimum, forfan etiam quod fpcro impetrabis, fingulis Ambiof. 4- '-^ •.••.»• 6o2 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. commenda, et brevitail' noftrs per infulfitatem tamen nioleftce iiimis ac prolixx fac precor ignofcas. Vale. Amb. Bonwicke Patri fuo S. D.^ Oxon. XVI caL Nor, 1671,. *' OCTAVO Idus menfis hujufce literas ad te dedi cum libro char- taceo ad dnum Gueft * : nondum autem vel tantilkim dc alterutris accepi. In iflis ad te (quod plerumque fit) nummulos aliquos petii quibus admo- dum opus eft in audLtoria hoc noflro. Rogo igitur iterum iterumque munificentia tua nonnullos falteni ad paupertateni meam mittendos curat. Neque tu abfurdum ineptumve putes ; fi quo niagis debeo, magis etiam debere me poftulo. Mos hie videlicet debitoribus ; cum fint maxime obruti £ere alieno, turn pecunias maxime mutuantur. Vale.. A. B. Patri fuo. S. D. Michaelham. Oxon. ipfis cal. FeLr. 1671-2. " NONDUM vel per tranfennam afpexi nummos quos in novifTunls illis te miflurum pollicitus es ; quamvis fummam adhibuerim diligcntiam in tabellionibus utrifquc perquirendis. Dies complufculos etiam de in- dufliia expedlavi ; et nihil omnino, ne lineolam qnidem accepi. Mittas (oblecro) quam citiffime aliquid faltem vel argenteum vel pap3'raceun], etfi pn'us malim ; tibique tuum Ambrofium longe omnium devindtifiimuni devincire pergas. Literas (credo) meas de caufa Guefto noftro- ac tuo accepifli. Algentes- digiti pluca nolunt. Vda. A. B. Patri fuo S. D. Ex .ffidib. Joann. 19 cal. Febr. 1(71.2. " HESTERNA nofte oftcndebat mlhi literas tuas dnus Richardus de Warrenna ■^, quibus caufam ulterius apud ecclefiam Nudigatenfem de- morandi domini Gucfti nomine peiis. Rogavit etiam ut quam primum fcriberem, quo te certiorem facerem dominum Prasfidentem cum reliquis fuis fociis Decemviris, quicquid petifti Curioni tuo lubentes permiiifle : fc vero Revcrentias famulum effe omnium deditiflimum. JHsc una cum .•]^lute a me quam plurima domino Guefto impertics. Quod amplius fcri, * John r^ferre non poffim. Matrem, avana, forores, cum fraterculo, meis verbii ialvere jubebis. Vaje, et me ut facis ama, Amb. Bonvicus Patri fuo S. D. Oxon. 4 cal. Malas, 1672. " MI SI ad tc literas circa quartum id us Aprilis, quibus pecuniam' allquam pro exerc'itiis prasftandis maximopere petii ; a te vero ne lite- rulam accepi. Rogavi etiam fratrem Johannem ut mihi alterius vice epif- toliE foret, nee illud impetravi. Examen magiftrorum jam fubii pecunia mutuo accepta. Aliud exercitium die craflino prjeftaturus fum, rcfpon-' furus fcil. pro forma in Parvifo (ut loquuntur) adhuc nefcio quid faciam, Spero tamen ut aliquis ex aniicis pecuniam accommodavit, quod certe non alio pafto faciat, nifi ut quam citiffime folvam. Poftremis etiam Tutoris Minervel cum anicularum ftipendiis petii, et nummos pro batellis folven- dis, pro exercitiis prasftitis et praeftandis, et nomine ubique liberando, tribus ad minimum minis mihi ufus eft. Vale. Ambrosius Bonvicus Griffitho fuo S. D. Londinum. Oxonii, 4 calenil. Novembiis, 167:, " ITANE fideni liberas, rai Griffithe ? Num necefle eft, ut ipfe prior te provocem in arenam banc epiftolarem ? Expedtabam diutiiis quam par crat, ut telo laceflcrer, retorquendo paratus : at at nullus apparcs, ncgotio aliquo lufui huic longe antcferendo impeditus. Quin accingeris, non enim p'atiar ut ulla quam libct importuna ncgotia te ab amplexibus mels deti- neant. Ampletflar autera, fi nos iterum vifas curru ifto chartaceo, quo facile potes, adveftus : at qui feme! tam malo hofpitio acceptus eft, non temere iterato adveniet. Num igitur hofpitium terreat ? literas tuas in- limo finu reponam, cublcuio tibi proprio i quod quam indignum fit, etft minime ignorem ; fuo tamcn olini non defpcdlus habitum eft'e, cum egO' libi tuque mihi invicem a fccrelioribus fulmus. Litera; tus tandem fal- tem aliquando in finum hunc apcrtum tanquam nidum fuum advolent, ec in domini ufum occupent : fovendo ac exofculando faciam ut 'adventu& illas non pccnitcat. Livius illc tuus etiam nobis in mnnibus eft, nondum -iiiiem vcl duos libros totos perlcgl ; te tamcn prjeeuntem fcquar quamvis 3 '^®*^ LETTERS FROM MR. BONWICKE. M. A. 1645, afterwards fellow, from which and the univerfuy he was ejeded liy the parliament vifitors 1648, for having taken up arms for ihe king At the Relloration he was appointed archdeacon of Huntingdon, LL, D. king's chaplain, and vicar of St. Mary's, Reading, 1662 canon of Windfor and of St. David's, and 166^ archdeacon of Berks. In 1667 he was elci'led preddcnt of St. John's college, and in 1669, 1670, and 1672 viccchancellor of the univerfity, 1670 he was appointed dean of Rocheftcr, 1672 billiop of Bath and Wells, and 1684 bifliop of Winchefter. In 1685 he appeared in aftual fervice againft the duke of Monmouth, for which James IL rcwardtd him with a rich medal. When that king withdrew into France, he took the oaths to king William; and dying 1706, Nov. 6, in his 89th year, was buried in his cathedral. See more of him in Atterbvuy's " Epiftolary Correfpondence," vol. IIL p. aio, I In POEMS BY MR. BONWICKE. 613. In obltum Ornatiffimi, Doftiffimi Spcdlatiffimiquc viri, DIil Joiiannis AsGix-L, Artium Magiftri, nee non hujufce Collegii digniffimi Socii-^ PAUPER ego tumulo vcllem fuperaddere florem, Sarnfte, tuo ; at gemitu flos perit ille mco. Dum tibi cum reliquis lugubria carmina fundo ; Difcordat placido vox gemebunda melo. Dum tacite fcribo quse prje moerore filebam ; En fafta eft lachrymis multa litura meis. Sandle, precor, parcas, quod non bene eondlta fundo ; Nam qu£e conveniunt luftibus, ifta cano. Triftc tuam mortem plorat nunc undique coelum, Merfaque demiflb terra fub imbre natat. Suppeditant nobis fuperi pia flumina aquarum ; Indutus puUam Sol latet ipfe togam : Et negat huic mifero fqualentia lumina mundof Cum Phaethon periir, fie doluifle puto. Ipfe tuum nimium prabebas, Sirie, lumen ; Ah ! fruftra fontis jam tegit era rubor. Novlmus sftivse lethalia lumina ftellae, Novimus immerito te tenuifle polum. En quid fecifti ? Sandtus fuper sethera fplendet. Sub pedibufque tuam calcitrat ipfe facem. Vidimus excelfo moderantem hunc amphitheatro Qualem ipfum coslo credimus efle Jovem. Exiguum hoc noftrum eft, nee te, fandiiEme, d'gnum : Te cupiunt fummi magna thearra Poli, mine afpicias vani fpedtacula mundi ; Quanto coelefti eft gloria noftra minor. Ens, fpes, et ratio ftudiorum in funere tantum : Hxc fumma, ut fubitam detur habere necem. Siccine Dodrina tranfibit gloria et artis ? Incaffum literas me didiciffe piget. Ite, leves Mufe ; valeatis Apollinis artes : Vatibus ah ! veftris quantula dona datis ? Fallor, magna putant Diva; ; nam fratribus illls Mortem pro fummo munere Juno dedit, .• :■ ■ Sic/ul^f. _Ame. Bon.vicke. . Ecloga 614 ^I I S C E L L A N E O U S T R A G T S, Ecloga congratulans D. D. Leyinz, Pr*fulenti nuper eledo. TITYRE, quid triflis recubas fub t-egmine taxi; Nee ludos noftros, neque dulcia carmina curss? 1' .;o Tt. Ingratos fregi calamos, et ferta, Menaica ; Delicias quondam Domini : triviffe label lum Posnitet, et pidtis caput hoc cinxifle corollis. Quid faciam infelix ? Poftquam MelibcEUs abire Suftinuit, mihi nee plaeeant umbracula fole Ferventi, viridi moUes nee gramine fomni. llle levi docuit modulari carmen avena : Albaque gramineis intexere lilia fertis. Ilium noftra juvet, quamvis fit ruftica, Mufa. Me^ llle pedo noftrum donavit cum grege Daphnin : Daphnin rurji canunt, nee Daphnide dodtior uUus Aut calamos inflare leves, aut dicere verfus. Cernis ut in pratis faliant armenta ' gregefque, Laeta magis nee erant, dum fe Meliboeus agebat, yV. Ergo kerum dulci liceat cantare cieuta ? Et capiti frondi miflos circundare flores ? . . Me. Talia vult Daphnis : vidi hunc per prata jubentem,. Ludite ut ante levi calamo, circumdate fronti Baccatas hederas : Paftoribus otia dantur. Tf. Ergo fimul Daphnin cantemus et ore et avena : Daphnin ad aftra feramus ; amet fie nos quoque Daphnis. ;' Me. Quod qucrcus parvas inter procera myrlcas, . : Lilia quod preflfas funt inter graminis herbas. Quod Phillis reliquas inter formofa puellas : Hoc juvenes hiter paftores Daphnis habetur. Ti. Sis bonus, o felixque tuis ; en quatuor aras ; Ecce duas tibi, Daphni ; duafque tibi, Mdlibcce : ■ Hie mihi Pan fuerit; fed tu diceris Apollo. • Me. Ipfe dabo calathis plenis tibi Daphni quotannis Pallentes violas et purpureos hyacinthos. ^i. Ipfe ego pruna, nuees, et fuavc rubcntia poma Don^ feram, propria rcdimitaque fingula fronde. M. POEMS BY MR. BONWICKE. 6x5 Me, Ipfe agrum et fylvani Daphnim refonare docebo : Mc cantu nimio doiuc vox rauca rclinquet. Sir. Ipfe quidcm tenui Daphnin modulabor avcna : Scrldenti mifere rima dum fradta dchifcet. Angelus Gabriel annunclat nativitatem D. Johannis. DUM tu, fanfte Senex, fumaiitis nubila thuris Exhalans, tenebras ad coelum mittis odoras ; Angelus afcitam difpellit lumine nodtem Et circumfufo fuffimen vincit odore. Pallefcunt flamma, tremulique afcendere fumi Horrent, thuribulum retro volvuntur in ipfum. Talia mirantem fie Nuntius occupat ales : Quid timeas, quidque offa fenilia concytit horror ? Non ego lethifeii dicam coiitagia morbi ; Bellaque Idumaeis plufquam civilia campis. Lffita fero, Grandieve, novo jam vere virefces ; Atque tui cineres poterunt emittere prolem ; Tradet Eliza fuam vitam moritura Johanni. Sic qu« funereis tumulantur tritica fulcis, Non nifi cum periere folent producere fru- iiiS fht, et contra naturalem ligeantiam domino regi debitam. There is no breach of allegiance then, fay Coke and Hides,- to king Jatnes, .but there may- be if aUegiance be due to him. There is a breach, fay thejr, of allegiance ngainft king Wdiimn: but that cannot be unlefs allegiance be due. to him. And fo all obligations to king James muft ceafe. The reafon of the law and this their opinion muft be this, that allegiance is always due to him that protefts. A.nd could we but imagine ourfclves at the firft forming a government, or a rccompofing of aifliattered one, we ftiould always find men fubmitting and adhering to a perfon in a. capacity of difcharging the for-emer.tioncd duties of protcftion and government. After an hundred pre.-, dcccffors, nothing lefs ihanthe like capacity can. give any man a juft title to the fubjcftion of their pofterity. It was thofe great ends that firft fet- tled mens' allegiance in any family,. and the want of thefc muft diftblvc it. It LETTERS TO AND FROM MR. BGNWICKE, 627 It matters not that fuch conditions and limitations are not [)ut in out oaths; if plainly rcafonable, they muft be allowed.: no intelligent man, if ■left to his own choice, would prcmife his allegiance to a perfon unable to protcdt him. Let us then at leaft fuppofc our parliaments to be as wife a5 .ourfclvcs, and not to have involved us in fuch an abfurdity. And if the impofers of the oath never intended it in this cafe, then are we free : all -incapacity to govern, whether natural, moral, or political, diflblvcs our al- legiance, which always prefuppofes an adtual capacity. Befides, in cafe of a difpute relating either to the king or his people or both of them, there is no better way of determining it, than by an aflcmbly of the great men of the nation ; and if a man be an hearty lover of peace and quietnefs, nothing lefs than the clearefl evidence can make him rejeft their determi- nations : and furcly that cannot be pretended to, when fo much may be faid to juftify their fentence. *' But I fee I am gone off from my fecond anfwer, which is founded, you fee, upon a third principle diftind: from either renunciation or forfei- ture. I will add a word or two relating to fome paffages of yours, and fo conclude. " Could the Rcparecs reduce /rf/<2«i to the obedience of king James, I iliould not doubt, would I flay there, to take an oath to him, and I would obferve it inviolably, till a greater power of High Mal-adminiftration had forced me from it. *' Though a king may have a right to a loft country conquered and reconquered forty times, it is the conqueror that by an unjuft law drove i)im out of it, that fhall anfwer for the injuftice, not the fubjed:s that fub- mitted to his force, and gave him their allegiance ,for their proted:ion. The former king has a right to the country and government (i. e.) h? may juftly demand it, and the ufurpcr ought to reftore it to him ; but he has none to the obedience of the people without an aftual pofleffion. " I have many years ago feen a book, intituled, The Maxims and Inie- rejis of Princes, which contained the various pretenfions of princes and ftates upon one another's countries, which pretenfions were infinite. Now ihould not fubjedts in thefe feveral countries pay their allegiance till they were fatisfied with their Governours' title, beyond that of pofleffion, there would be very little government in the world. Lam, dear Sir, yours affedtlonately, R. Blechykden'. 4 L 2 «' My ■ 62S MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. " My dear Friend, Aug. zo, — 91, "IN the firll: place I declare to you that I do nor, nor will not, conti- nue the difpute for the fake of vidlory, but purely for the difcovery of truth ; and when that appears, whatever flianie a retraSation may bring, with it, I will chearfully fubmit to it. For I fliould be glad to find my friends and relations (whom I have fo great a concern for) are in the right, and that it is prejudice in me has blinded me fo long. Though I fuppofe it would be perjury in me to quit that oath that I think ftill obligatory, yet I have a very charitable opinion of thofe that have taken the new one, and fuppofe that confcience has been as much their guide in taking it, as it has been mine in refufing it : yet, when either party perceive their error, they ought ingenuoufly to confefs it. To your firft anfwer then, I fuppofe a man may be difpofleffed of a legal right no otherwife than by law, the want of any qualifications befides what the law requires fignifies nothing. For fo a man of two thoufand pounds a year, that fquanders his eftate away or makes not the beft ufe of it, feems to want the due qualifi- cations for holding fuch an eftate, yet however he has a legal right to it,- though were it in our power we ought in equity (abftradted from law) to give it to another that would make better ufe of it. And a king, that has certainly as good a legal right to his kingdom as any fubjedt to his eftate, though he wants thofe equitable qualifications you require in him, yet if he have all that the law requires, he cannot by our conftitution be difpof- feffed. Fools and madmen, if apparently fuch, are indeed excluded from both, and can have a right to nothing, and I think the cuflom of England, which is their law, allows very final! adts of rcafon to deliver a man in that cafe; fuch an one cannot properly be the member of a body politic, nor under the direftions of laws, much lefs can he be the head. " That king James was neither a fool nor a madman, and that his birth only gave him a right to the hereditary crown of England, is plain from the parliament's fo often endeavouring to exclude him. They knew very well that he was a Papifi, and they had an idea of a Popifh fucccfTor as terrible as any Dutch painter could draw it, and far worfe than we found it; all thofe breaches of faith, favouring of Papifis, putting the power in their hands, and bcfidcs malTacres and fire and faggot were included in it ; and for all that, they knew that he had a legal right to the crown of which 6 he i LETTERS TO AND FROM MR. BONV^ICK^:. Car he could not be diflclfcd but by law. They fa w the defedls of our conftl- tution, and bewailed them as much as you or I can do ; but yet there was no remedy for them, but by making new laws. If our conflitution was fuch then, how came it to be altered fincc ? 1 am fure there was no alte- ration made to his prejudice during king 'James's reign; and what has been done fince, does not concern him. In my former I infixed that king James had a legal right to the crown, and your firft anfwer only proves, that he ought to have none ; I muft ftill defirc you to prove a legal forfeiture, for nothing elfe can deftroy a legal right. Thofe laws that declare the king irrefiftible, and that the whole body of his fubjedts have no coercive power over him, you fay were made out of court-compliance and by the influence of FapiJIs. It would be eafy for a Fapiji to reply, that thofe laws which lye heavieft upon them, were either brought or extorted from the king, or he was frighted to a confent : and a hundred years hence a man may fay, fuch and fuch laws were parted with by a prince not well fettled in his throne, to humour the people. Here you open a new fcene of fcru- ples, and I ftiall be as puzzled to know what law I muft obey, as what prince. But certainly what law has been made by the whole Icgiflative power (let the confiderations be what they pleafe) is of force till repealed by the fame power. " In anfwer tothe fecond part of your letter, I am to confider how I am to behave myfclf under a king that has poffeflion and not right. The exe- cution of thofe laws that protedl me are in his hands; I will give him all that obedience that is necefiary for that purpofe ; I will obey his or- ders, affift his officers,, and do every thing that is required of me not prejudicial to the right of the difpoflefled king. But to take an oath of allegiance to the king de fado, certainly cancels my oath of allegiance to the former. And if an ufurper muft anfwer for the wrong he does to the perfon dethroned, fo muft all thofe perfons who by transferring their al- legiance make it impofiible for him to recover his right. If It were barely fubmitting to him in power, I fuppofc we fliould have no great difpute ', but tofwear that we will ftand by him in oppofition to our rightful prince (which I take to be the meaning of the oath) this I can never do ; and I fuppofe the primitive Chriftians never did it. They thought it their duty to be peaceable, and fo do I : but yet I qucftion not but they were as tender of oaths too as I am. And indeed nothing can more promote the pciice } 6>o M 1 S C E L L A N L O U S TRACT S. peace, not only of fiagle countries, but of the whole world. An invader would have but fmall encouragement to difturb the peace of his neigh- bours, were he fure that all the fubjctls of the conquered kingdom would ftick. firm to their oaths and to their prince. He might thus (though with very great difficulty) enlarge his territories, but not his empire. " I do not pretend here to anlwer every particular of your letter, fince our bufinels at prcfent is not to fatisfy your fcruples, but mine ; which Hick ftill here. King James had a right to my allegiance which he has not forfeited, and therefore I cannot give it to another. Ufurpation and pof- feffion. cannot give a right, for then that diflinftion would be fuperflupus of a king de fado and a king de jure, for the former mufl: of neceffity be the latter. And methinks there ought to be fome diftinftion of treafons, a treafon de faElo and a treafon de jure ; that is to fay, to confpire againft the king de fa£lo in behalf of the king de jure is (according to yonr lawyers whom I have not by me) a treafon de faclo, and will Incur the penalties of treafon; but certainly it is not fo de jure. A temporary king (for a king de fa6lo is only fo) Ihall if you pleafe have a temporary allegiance. The love of my country muft be governed by the laws of my country, as a zeal for God muft be governed by his, or elfe they may both do more harm than good. For certainly it is no kindnefs to one's country for fear of ty- ranny to commence a rebellion : and we find already there has been more blood fhed in Ireland, than I fuppofe any one could have imagined king "James could have flied during his whole reign. Perhaps you'll fay, our laws might have been altered by his continuance, ift, His endeavour for the alteration of the laws argued he meant not to lay them afide : but 2dly, we found he made but very flow approaches that way, and after the reftoring the charters, he was in a far worfe condition to do it. And though you fay a king that has once broke his word is not to be believed, yet I remember in the charter put out by Dr. Burnet (for you mufl know I read all the books I could on that fide, with the fame defign I now dif- pute with you, and I think not one of the other, as you may perceive) there they have liberty to diftrefs the king till he amends his faults, and then he is to be trufted again ; and I believe there is not one fyllable in the whole body of our laws to juftify a depofition. I believe Bradjlmio brought what he could at the tryal of king Charles the Firft, but not cpough to draw one honefl man to his fide. And thofc laws, after the re». turn LETTERS TO AND FROM MR. EONVVICKE. 631 turn of king Charles the Second, were to prevent all fuch falfe arguings for the future. I am fure there arc now very confidcrable alterations n.adc in our laws and conlVitution, and an unruly people too much encouraged to rebell. Will it not be eafy hereafter for a malevolent minifter of flatc, fuch as Shaftejhury, that knows Ivow to manage a rabble, to revenge himfclf upon a king that difobliges him, and dethrone him for mal-adminiftra- tion, or at leafl involve the nation in blood ? -If you look back into the hiftory of this nation, I fuppofc you'll find much more fhed by rebels, than by tyrants : and for that reafon, that the greater evil might be avoid- ed, our monarchs at laft, whatever they might be at firft, canic to be irrefiitiblc. " Dear Sir, Aug, 25. '' THE agreement there has been all along between' us for the good of our college made me hope that at laft there might be the like agree- ment for the good of our country ; and I doubt not but there might be, •if you would but confider that municipal laws are not the fole meafure of right and wrong. There is afuperior law of right reafon, which refpeifls the common good of mtinkind, which gave beginning to civil focieties, and does, as there is occafion, both form and difannul their laws, and fup- plies all their defefts by difpenfing powers, by courts of equity, and by direfting us all to have a more fpecial regard to the ends and defigns of written laws, than to their letter. For otherwife the laws themfelves would be the caufe of the greatefl injuftice; fummitm jus he'nig. fn>n ma I'M - jttrla. Atid I cannot but oblerve that you yourfelf, though you call lb often for the laws of your country in this point, do feveral times appqal to the law written in our hearts, even againft our municipal laws. So na- tural is it for all men to have recourfe to this great fountain of law. You fay treafon againft the king dc fa6lo is not treafon i/f y.vr? ;. hereby you muft mean according to equity and right reafon; for treafon againft a king de fa&o is the only treafon by the law of the land,. if Coke and Hales may be credited, and if the ftatute of Henry VII. be of any validity. Again : you fay fools and madmen are excluded, becaufe they cannot be heads of a body politic. But this is to appeal to reafon, not to produce a muni- cipal law ; fo then a man can be difpofleffcd of a legal right otherwife then by law^ i. e. a municipal law, for fuch I fuppofe you mean. And you 63: MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. \ ou yeurfelf dirpoflcls king WiUiam of his legal right to your allegiance {for the laws as you have heard are on his fide) by pretending he has no 'right to it, /. c. it is not due to him according to equity and right reafon. And were this evident to me, I would flrip them alfo of my allegiance, in my heart and in deed too when fafc even before the declaration of a par- liament. Jullice is not to be admlniftcred between man and man, nor any government to be preferved, by keeping up nicely to th^ letter of a written 'law. I cannot but obfcrve the laft Thurfday's Gazette informed us of a great part of the grandees of the Turkifli empire (which is alfo heredi- tary) declared againft Acbmet's fuccedion to the crown, bccaufe unqualified for the government ; and had his unqualifications in refpedt of that people been apparently half fo many as king James's were, I am apt to think he would not have had one vote for him. So natural and reafonable it is for all men, whatever their written laws be, to be guided efpecially in difficult times by the qualifications of the perfon for government. " Crowns and private mens eftates, as they are gotten different ways, and are different in their ends, fo their tenure is different ever after ; but to bring the private man's cafe as near as we can : fliould a private man have a patent rtor an office during life, if he fliould be either grofsly igno- rant, or very negligent of his duty, his patent would be voided though no conditions were expreffed in it; he would be told, his qualifications and his diligence are always fuppofed. So much for your parallel. " But ftill you call for a legal forfeiture ; nothing elfc, fay you, will ;forfeit a legal right to a crown. But if you pleafe to confult the gentle- men that write politics, who furely are the bell guides in this affair, you will find them affign a great many others : fuch as a prince's profeffed en- mity to his people, a deftroying one people for the fake of another, an ufurping a part of a power that does not belong to him, an attempt to alienate his kingdom, conqueff in a juft war, and the like ; though there be not one word of all this in the municipal laws. And why do thefe caufe a forfeiture? becaufe reafon tells us, without any written laws, that they ought.: and I doubt not to fay, that when a prince docs apparently endeavour the fubverfion of his government, and puihes on illegal dcfigns pernicious to the maiii body of his people, and which are very likely to end in the ruin of their poitcrity, here is as good reafon of forfeiture (if , it does not coincidi.re') as any affigned by Grotius in his (cap. iv. lib L de jure LETTERS TO AND FROM MR. BONWICKE. I -i- . vere. 638 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. vere, we muft (hift as well as we can, and if we cannot live in this coiintiv, flv to another. A man fliould in fuch controverfies as thefe not only look to the judgement of the prefent cafe, and of the great and good men of his own na.tion, but that of all ages and countries. Oaths always were, and I hope always will be, facred among all nations and religions, and the doc- trine of depofing kings and abfolving ftibjedts from their oaths, as it has formerly been condemned by Chriflians, fo 1 hope to fee it again. " He " that fweareth to his hurt, and changeth it not," is the charadier of a good man in Pfalm xv. He muft not therefore break his oath becaufe it is not his intereft to keep it. And a whole nation can as ill dilpenfe with their oaths as a fingle perfon, nor can 20,000 do it more than one. I give you here my prefent country thoughts ; when I return to London, I fhall confider your letter more fully. In the mean time, pray excufe your ob- liged fria^d and fervant. ^' Dear Sir, Sept. 5, 1691. " AS to our country, I will tell you what my prefent thoughts are. King William is only king defa£lo, nor would the prefent parliament re- cognize him as rightful king of England ; therefore even they fuppofe the right in fome other, which other muft be king James; for in refpedt of queen Mary and her fifter he muft be rightful, fince they have volun- tarily quitted their right. If then the right be in king James, a law that obliges me to fwear allegiance to him that has not the right to it, is an unjuft law, and confequently not obligatory. Nor will I fo far make my- felf a party in the injufticc, as to transfer my allegiance by oath from a perfon who confefledly has a right to the crown (and confequently to my allegiance, for I think they are convertible) to one that confefledly has not the right. I do really take thofe laws which have been made fince king William's coming to the crown to be good laws, fince they are made by the whole legiflative power, king, lords and commons (here you fee I grant fairly what I can) and find that laws made under ufurpers or kings de faSfo are of force if not repealed. Therefore king James has loft thus much by lofing poffl'flion : he has loft the afliftance of his people, for it would be treafon and illegal to fight againft king William, who has now the law on his fide. Even thofe that wifh well to king James can only wilh him 6 rcftored LETTERS TO AND FROM MR. BONWICKE. 639 reftored in a peaceable manner, that is, by another afl of parHament. So that according to my prefcnt thoughts (which perhaps are fingular, for I have not yet confuUcd any of my dillenting brethren) you fee I am not likely to give the government any difturbance; though I give them not my oath, which I think is due only to the rightful king. Now as the law will not fuffer me to fight againft king William, fo neither will my oath or confcience fuffer me to fight againft king James ; fo that I think myfelf obliged to be neuter in the quarrel, juft as I thought myfelf at the prince- of Orange's invafion. My allegiance to the king would not fuffer me to affift the prince, nor would my confcience fuffer m.e to aflSil the king in wronging the prince. " Dear Sir, ' Sepf. 8> " RIGHTFUL has various acceptations. In the beil and higheft fenfe, 7". e. according to the beft and higheft reafon, the parliament have owned king William, otherwife they had never conferred the crown upon him. There is a fecond fenfe of rightful ; i. e. what is done according to the cuftom of our anceftors in extraordinary cafes, for the good of the com- munity; and in this fenfe alfo is king William rightful. There is a third in relation to this matter, according to the ordinary courfe and common pra(ftic« of fucceffion by proximity of blood, which the written laws chiefly regard, and in this fenfe he is not rightful. The generality of the people for whom the oath is made; underftanding rightful in this laft fenfe, it was neither convenient nor prudent to infert that word in the oath. But had not he been rightful in the former and beft acceptations of it, for me, he might be prince of Orange ftill. " If right to my allegiance and right to the crown be convertible, then it is plain the parliament fuppofe he has a right to the crown. For they own our allegiance is due to him by requiring us to promife it by oath. The beft way of arguing is from what they have done, not from what they have not done. They know beft their reafon for not putting in rightful. But, I can affure you, this matter was never put to the vote in the houfe. It was my lord Caermarthen in private committee for the forming the oaths excluded it. But I confefs to }ou, I do not think right to the crown and right to my allegiance is convertible, and I have the jus gentium on my fide; all nations having ever paid their allegiance to the conqueror or poffeffor. 640 M I S C E L L A N E O U S T R A C T S. poflelFor, even when the right was manifcilly in another. The verj' notion of allegiance jiiflifies what I affirm. Allegiance is that fidelity and obedience ivhich IS nicejfary to be paid by every fubjckl to the chief governor or gover- nors, that they may be able to defend the fociety. Now the defence of the fociet)' being the fole ground (and meafure too) of ovir obedience and fide- lity to our chief governrr, it is plain that it is due to him, and to him only, that can and does defend the fociety. He that is in pofllffion only acconi- plifhes the end, and confc(|uently the means fubfcrvient to that end is only due to him. So far is the law that gives our allegiance to the poileflbr from'beuig unjuft. " Where your allegiance is due, there your oath is due if required; and where your oath is due, there your allegiance is due. I cannot poflibly conceive "how your allegiance fliould be due to king James, and not your affiftance ; for affirtance, which is given feveral ways, is the principal branch of allegiance. Allegiance, you will grant, includes obedience; and is there anv obedience that does not affift when required, or indeed expedied, in the way that it is proper for the perfon to affift ? He that does not regard the law, -becaufe it is oinjuft, as he fays, in one cafe, has no reafon to regard it in another, when it is unjuft in both or in none. " You fay your confcicnce would not fuffer you, when time was, to a'ffiil king James againft the prince ; /. e. it was your judgement that you ought not, as things ftood, to affift him, which is to fay you owed no al- legiance in that cafe; for allegiance always includes affiftance. If your allegiance may upon good reafon ceafe for a day, upon good reafon like- wife it may ceafe for ever. He that thinks he ought not to fupport the injuftice and oppreffion of his country at one time, ought not to do it at any time. I am fure, he that oweth king James no affiftance, oweth him no allegiance. And if you are free from the matter and defign of the oath, which is affiftance, then are you free from the oath itfelf. Alle- giance is an atfVive thing, and the oath of allegiance is not defigned for an empty recognition of title, but for the production of real effedts : and you thought fo in your fecond letter, when you faid the fubjeft by transfer- ring his allegiance contributed to the injuftice, by making it impoffible . for the king to recover his right. " When king James is rcftored by parliament (which God forbid) he Ihall have my allegiance alfo; but not becaufe it is now due, but becaufe then LETTERS TO AND FROM MR. BONWICKE. 641 then he will be the adual govcrnour, and in a capacity to anfwer all the ends of it. *' Laws that are not made by a jull authority, though we ufe to fubmit to them for convenience, are not in their own nature binding; and when I thought the breach of them to be for my intercft, without prejudicing my country, 1 would not value them. You fee then he that thinks alle- giance to be flill due to king James, cannot by his principles give the government any fecurity he will not diflurb it. I think nothing more ab- furd than that a man fhould be obliged to aflift neither king William nor James. For that is to fay he is a liege fubjedt to neither. The laws and reafons for king William againft king James do oblige, or they do not oblige ; if they oblige, then mufl; you aflift king William ; if they do not oblige, then is your allegiance ftill due to king James in its full extent. " I wifli, when you write, you would let it be your full perfuafion upon mature deliberation, for what you fent laft does not feem to be fo. " Now, Sir, I Ihall anfwer your former letter, and that more deliberately. If you will rightly weigh the matter, it is not only a little temporal con- cern that pleads for your taking the oaths. For pardon my plain dealing; you are chargeable with difobedience * (A) to the powers that be -f- (B) with depriving your country (for which we are all in a great meafure made) of the good you may do in your prefent ftation, or in the miniftry ; and with the making or flrengthcning a party againft the public eftablifti- ment, to the great prejudice of church and ftate ; befides the injury to your- felf and family, which an honeft man ought not to prejudice but upon very good grounds. All this, I fay, you are chargeable with, if the taking the oaths be not manifeftly finful. For the danger or fear of its being fo is not fufhcicnt to juftify the negled: of any duty, and an oppofitlon to a public eftablifliment and the benefits of it. The Diffcnters have been often told by us, in anfwer to their fcruples and fears of the finfulnefs of our communion, that nothing Icfs than the apparent finfulnefs oi' it can juftify their feparation from an otherwife evident duty. So fay I, nothing lefs (I fear) than the apparent finfulnefs of compliance with the prefent government can juftify difobedience to it. A faftion in the ftate is as confcicntioufly to be avoided as a fchifm in the church. You fee then there lies a necefllty on you to examine thefe new oaths till you difccrn a ♦ Sec argument A, p. 646, f See B, il/iJi. m. 4 N plain 642 -MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. plain finfulnefs in them. But if, after all your labour, you cannot difcovcr it, then you are obliged to take them. " But, you will fay, whatever the oaths are in themfelves, the taking them is plainly finful to you ; fince you doubt of their lawfulncfs, and the taking them dubitante cmfcienliii is a heinous crime. Befides, reafon tells you that in dubiis pars tutior is to be followed, which is, to part with a little temporal concern, to avoid the danger of lo great a fin as perjury. " That you may have full fatisfadtion for ever in thefe points, let me beg of you to read Dr. Sharpe of a doubting confcience ; it is amongll the London minifters treatifes againft the Non-conformifts. He proves clearly that prudent and pious men neither do nor ought to bring themfelves under temporal inconveniences for the avoiding the danger of finning. Read efpecially from p. 8 to p. 14; when, after a fcrious confidcration of any matter, they cannot difccrn it to be plainly finful, though they may have fome fears and fcruples it may be fo. " Our great cafuift Dr. Sanderfon forbad indeed the taking the engage- ment with a doubting confcience; /. e. fays he, before you are perfuaded in your judgment, upon probable grounds of reafon, that it is laivfiil for you to do fo: take r\ot\ct, perfuaded upon fome probable ground of reafon : that wife man • knew that demonflrations are not to be expedted neither in politics nor in morals, as Arle has obferved before him (C) * ; and that a perfuafion built upon greater reafon on one fide is fufficient to juftity our determination to that, though there be iWWfonnido oppofiti, doubts and fcruples on the other; provided we have in our minds weighed both fides impartially, " The fame great man fays, in his de furamenti ObUgationc , PrteleA. 3. left. 17. which comes clofe to our point, that by oiir oaths to our kings we are bound to defend all their known and certain privileges' and pre- eminences, but not thofe that are dubii & controvcrfi juris. He did not think it reafonable to fay, we mud defend them alfo in the dubia jura, for fear of perjury, and yet this was \.\\q pars tuiicr. " Our oaths bind us then, in this learned cafuift's judgement, only to the res certas cff perj'picuas, not to the res dubias & ohfcuras. Let us now con- fider what are the res ccria in our old oaths, ill, The recognition of the king's title ; 2dly, the difowning all foreign power, pope, or church of Rome ; 3dly, the not confpiring with or affifting them againft him ; 4thly, 1 will throw in all the general duties included in our natural allegiance, I • To\'-rircls the end of hi; difcouifc abcmt tlic engagement. See C, p. 646. WUi LETTERS TO AND FROM MR. BOiWMCKE. 645 Will throw them in, I fliy ; for the occafion of the oaths was particular, and the few general words feem to be reftraincd by the foregoing or fubfe- quent, and therefore it is no eafy matter to prove they contain the natural duty of a fubjedt. However, I grant this. *' But is this plain from the words, that whatever the king does, or whatever happens, I muft always adhere to and obey him as my king, though he be ejcdled through the providence of God by a foreign power, though ejcdted for his great faults, though the government be fettled in another by the three cftates (who affirm anciently that, in fo doing, they do but what in confmilibus cafibiis de antiqud confuetudine dicli regni obferva- fum fuit, Decern Scriptores, p. 27, 56.) ; though there is no likelihood of refloring him, though it cannot be done without great mifchiefs to my country, my religion, and perhaps to the liberties of all Europe? Would any parliament have extended the oaths to thcfe cafes, or would any honed man have taken them when diftindtly lb extended ? " But if thefe particulars are not plain in the words, will reafon, will the law of God, will che law of the land, afcertain our allegiance to be due to king James in thefe and the like cafes ? Reafon will prefer the good of the community before that of a fingle man, efpccially of one already very falfe to his truft. The word of God is for the powers that be, and the law of the land is on the fide of the poffeflbr. What though there be ob- jedtions under all thefe heads ; are they fuch as will out-weigh ail that can be faid on the other fide ? as will convince a man's judgement ? If not, then is it doubtful whether in thefe cafes allegiance be due to king James. And then, according to Dr. Sanderfon, the old laws do not reach them. The probabilities then of a reafon, the conveniences and inconveniences both private and public on both fides, muft determine to whom it is fit and reafonable to pay my allegiance. This is the judicious Dr. Sharpe's rule; whereas that of the fafer fide may miferably cheat a man. " But to make it manifcfl: that the probabilities of reafon are much the greater on one fide, be pleafed to know that bifliop Sanderfon, who fo much ftudied the point of oaths, and laboured as much as poffible to ferve the king in his dc Jaramcnti Obligctione, in his fecond PrjeledL fe(St. 8, 9, ID, has told us, that there is a rigid, a favourable, and a jull and equitable interpretation, and that the laft is to be obferved in all oaths, which is very well worth your reading. As by a loofc interpretation we open a 4 N z door 644 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. door to irreligion and perjury : fo by a rigorous one in this cafe we pro- mote tyranny and oppreflion. The juft and equitable interpretation, San- derfon tells you, does allow all reafonable conditions, though not exprefled^ and without thefe the oath does not bind, as you may fee alfo ledture 7. fedt. 7. I confefs, he fays, tliat oaths relating to the privileges and rights of fuperiors are in their interpretations to incline rather to the ftridl than, to the benign interpretation. But it muft be confidcrcd that thefe oaths were made alfo for the good ftate of the realm (fee the adt) ; and then it would be odd to interpret them flridtly and rigoroufly in the behalf of the. prince againft the fubjedt. " If any oath does admit benignafn iiita-prctationcm, I am confident that. thefe that are enjoined by parliament to prevent fedition £Hk1 rebellions. do require it, when the parliament itfclf and the community is oppreflcd, and in great danger of ruin. *' As for what you fay, that oaths are facred things, that the Pfalmift's good man will not break them, and that perjury is not to be incurred fpr the greatelt temporal advantage (for as for the danger of it Dr. Sharpe will fatisfy you) ; not only I, but every man that has any tolerable fenfe of religion, will agree with 3'ou in every one of thefe particulars. " But to fpeak to your text out of Pfalm xv. It is not plain that I am fvvorn to king James ; the oath in an equitable interpretation not reach- ing the prefent cafe ; nor has king James any rcafon to infill on it as the prefent circumftances are ; nor ought you to oblige me by my oath to hurt my neighbours, or my country, how rigorous foever I might be otherwife to myfelf. There is a great deal ot difference between a private oath relat- ing to my own concerns, of which I am mafter ; and a public, which was made for the good of the public, and therefore ought in no wife to be llrained to the prejudice of the fame. " The depofing doctrine has, upon great oppreflion, been maintained by Lutherans, Calvinifts, and Papifts ; by all but the church of England, who have always had the king on her fide till of late, and yet even lire hath often approved it in the Low Countries in queen Elizabeth's days, as you have often read. Nay, our moft judicious advocate for loyalty of late years has in fome cafes allowed it. See Falkncr's Chriftian Loyalty, chap. lafl:. As for depofing for mifcarriages in government and fmall mal-admini- Itrations, this has been condemned in all ages, countries, and churches, and I hone ever will. '« The LETTERS TO AND FROM MR. BONWICKE. 645 " The law truly protedls no man ; it is the magiftrates made by the king, and the king's fword, that protedls us all frona injuftice and vio- lence. " That depofing in fome cafes is agreeable to the laws of the land, be- fides what I have formerly faid, let me add what I have read and heard of judge Vaughan, and the lord keeper Bridgman, in relation to the declara- tion, that // is not lazvful upon any pretence, he. Vaughan, who perhaps was the greatefl; man of his profeffion fmce the Rcfloration, this learned lawyer was an old cavalier, and would not appear at the bar before any of Oliver's judges, fo great was his loyalty: he was a member of that par- liament that made the declaration, and he oppofed the paffing of it, fay- ing " it was at once to give up the mngna charta, and all the liberties of " England, which had cofi: our ancellors fo much blood ;" and the houfe being moved by his arguments, a great man replied, " by commiJJ'ioned is '* always implied lawfully comniijjlojied •" which gave fome fatisfaftion, and ft) it pafled. Sir Orlando Bridgman, lord chief juftlce in 1662, being ac- quainted that fome diflenting minifters would conform but for the decla- ration, which they thought of dangerous confequence, and againft the antient conftitution ; he replied, " that by commijj'mi was always underftood '' lazvfully commijjioncd." So then in fome cafes there may be refinance in the fenfe of that tantivi parliament ; and if a refiftance may be lawful, a depofing will fometimes be an abfolute neceffary confequence. " The affeftion that men are bred up with towards the memory of king Charles the Firfl, and the abhorrence of the parliament of 1641, does ex- tremely prejudice men for kings, and againft parliaments; but both extremes are to be carefully ihunned. I do verily believe that bifiiop Sanderfon, had he lived in our days, would not have fcrupled our new oath ; many of his principles that run through his writings make me think fo. The cafe now and then is vallly diflerent. " To come towards a conclufion, you fee all my arguments tend to Hiew either that king William is rightful king, and that if he were not, ycc al- legiance is due to him as the poflbffor ; and I have not met with any ob- jcdlion that makes ir.e in the Icaft wavering in my thoughts, but if my arguments lay together under their refpedtive heads, they would appear much more ftrong, " (A) 646 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. " (A) For he that owes no allegiance to king James mull be dllbbc- dient in his heart to king William-, and that is likely to produce a real dif- obedience when an opportunity offers. " (B) That is, to the ordinance of God, if the wonderful fuccefs and prefervation of king William, if the general confent of the nation, and if the adtual poffeffion of the crown (any one of which in feveral great men's opinions is a good argument of God's approbation); if all thefe concurring may be fufficicnt to juftify fo facred a title. " (C) It is a faying of Jamblichus, that demonjirations are not to be ex- peHed m matters coticeniing God and divine things ; and with as little reafon would it be exped:ed in morals or politics, things depending upon fo many various circumftances. *' Queen Mary or Queen Elizabeth had no right but what the parlia- ment gave them ; and if they then, notwithltanding the oath of fupremacy with obedience to heirs and lawful fucceffors, could do this, I think upon far greater reafon may our parliament do the fame now ; but I will neither tire you nor myfelf further. Yours affedtionately, R. Blechynden." " If that will do you any fervice, you may fee an ad: of recognition of king William and queen Mary's title, that they were, are, and ought to be,- of right king and queen, &c. Had 1 recolledted it at the beginning, I might have fpared my argument. " Ought any man in prudence to run upon certain inconveniences to both the public and himfelf, for the avoiding an uncertain fin (for the bare danger of perjury is fo), which here it is very probable (to me certain) is none at all ? " I thank you for your fo fpeedy vifuing my uncle. Dr. Smith has twenty fliillings of mine, which be pleafed to take of him." *' Dear Mr. Bt.echyn'dkn, Sept. 16, — 91. " SINCE you recommend feme authors to my reading, let me recom- mend one to yours, a truly honcll man, who had no other dcfign but teaching Chriftians their duty, I mean the incomparable author of the Whole Duty of Man: partition xiv. fc cornuta ejfet fades fua * ; whence the painters have reprefented Mofeswith horns coming out of his head. But the Hebrew word denotes the glory that fhone in his face, as the LXX have rightly rendered it, h'^o'^ocgui .70 ■zupca-CAjTTov crSJa. IX, In Canticles, i. 4. the Vulgate reads, Trabe me: pojl fe currimus in Chorum miguenteruoj lucrum', which Hermannus Hugo having tranftated in his Emblems, lib. ii. emblem », has obliged his painter to reprefent the bridegroom going before with a cenfcr or frankincenfe, of which there is * The mai-giti of the tiuarro edition hM-jfkn^^m. EniT. not * 6so MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. not a word in the Hebrew, nor in any approved verfion, the Hcbre// having only Trahe me poft fe. X. Ifaiah is painted as fawn afunder from the head through the body of which we have no fufficient authoriiy. But as this has been believed by many of the Fathers, we will let it pafs as dubious. XL Cornelius a Lapide fays, that in an ancient Mf. of Bafilius Porph)'- rogenitus the prophet Daniel is painted as beheaded; againfl the authority of all hiflory, which tells us that he died a natitral death, Dan. xii. 13. Jofcphus, Hift. X. 12. The report of his being beheaded \% portentum fabula, '■^ pmnU delirium^ fays Reincfius, Var. Left. lib. ii. c. 13. XII. The painting rays of glory round the heads of Cbrift, the Virgin. Mary, and the Apoilles, is an univerfal cuftom, taken up without any fuf- ficient foundation. XIII. John the Evangelift is painted young while writing his Gofpel, which he wrote, as fome fuppofe, at ninety years of age ; but all agree, when he was very old. XIV. To ridicule the Chriftians, fome one reprefented a perfon in a gown, with afles ears, and one foot hoofed, holding a book in his hand, with thefe words underneath, Deiis Chrijiianorum Ononchyjis. " This was ** that Anah that found the mules in the wildernefs, as he fed the afTes of *' Zibeon his father." What was faid of Anah, they afcribed to Mofes ; and afterwards from the Jews to the Chriftians, as Selden tells us, De Diis Syntag. II. Voff. de Idol. lib. iii. c. 75. XV. Without any authority or reafon, they reprefent Jofeph, the huf- band of the Virgin Mary, as an old man. XVI. In the Virgin Mary's Conception, fome reprefent Chrift as an in- fant defcending from heaven, bearing his crofs in his hand ; which, in pidlure, is the very fenfe of the Valentinian herefy. XVII. In the pidtures of the Nativity, an ox and an afs are reprefented feeding at the manger, which arofe probably from the falfe tranflation of the LXX. Hab. iii 2. iv pcni) Ivo qLmv y'M(r9r,g, in medio duo-'um ant- inatium cognojceris. Jerom, according to the Hebrew, renders in medio an- norumvivijicas illud. Vide Caf. c. Baron. Exerc. ii. § ii. From this, joined to If. iii. 1. the ox knoivs his oicner, and the afs his nwfter''s crib, arofe the cuftoni of placing thcfc two animals as guefts at that folemnity *. * The ox and afs are introduced at the Nativity merely to fliew that it happened in a Aable. El>it, XVIII. R O H R ' S P I C T O R E R R A N S. 657 XVIII. The Magi who came to Chrifl are rcprcfentcd as Kings with •crowns on their heads, and to have been three only, in number, and one of them of a tawny completion : for none of which circumftauccs we have any authority. XIX. Simeon, Matt. ii. 25, is pidVtircd in the habitof ap'rieft, and blind, argainft all authority, as Bp. Montague obfcrves, Orig. Eccl. part i, p. 161. XX. Matt. iii. 4. Mark i. 8. John the Baptill is ufually -painted as a fatyr, with the Ikin of a camel thrown over him. But he had probably a coarfe veftment made of camel's hair, as Beza maintains, and Luther's Verfion exprefles it. Matt. iv. 6. Our Saviour is reprefented as fet by the devil on a Iharp fpire '■'■- of the Temple : but as the roofs of the Jewifh houfes were fiat, fur- rounded with a parapet wall, fo probably a parapet wall was carried round the Temple, for ornament's foke, asGrotius obferves on Deut. xxii. 8.; and Chrift probably was placed within-fide of that wall. XXI. The painters reprefent the houfes of the Ifraelites with flant roofs, like our modern ones, diredly contrary to the command given them, Deut. xxii. 18. Whence we often find mention made of walking on the battlements of their houfes, i Sam. ix. 25, 26. 2 Sam. xi. 2. xvi. 22. See Matt. x. 22. XXII. Luke xvi, 21. Lazarus is by fome ill-reprefented, lying along in the parlour of the rich man, as if a man full of fores would be admitted within doors. By others he is reprefented lafhed by the fervants, while the dogs lick his fores, to whom he was grown familiar by his frequent coming thither. But he would hardly have come again, if he had bees fcourged away by the fervants. XXIII. Matt. xxi. 21. At Chrifl: 's proceffion into Jerufalem, boughs and the cloaths of the populace are reprefented flrowed under the feet of the afs ; but that, as Lightfoot obfcrves, would rather have made the afs to (tumble. It is probable, therefore, that they built fmall houfes on the road-fide with boughs, and covered them with their garments, as was ufual on the fe^fl: of Tabernacles. Lightfoot, Hor, Hebraic, in Matth. ■ XXIV. Chrift is reprefented y7///,7^- at table with his guefts, the difciples. Matt. xxvi. 21. and John, like an infant, before him,, in his bofom. But * The original in M.ttt. ir. j. and Luke iv. g. is vlifiyio^, a battlement. Edit. 4 P the «^8 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. the Jews, it is well known, like the Romans, ufed at this time to cat lying along, as appears from the words ccvkkho-^xi, and K(xiaKKt;ir9oi.i, ufed in the N. T. and from Lazarus being faid to be carried to Abraham's bofom, Luke xvi. 12. XXV. The bread which Chrifl broke with his difciples, Matt. xxvi. 26, is often reprefented as a piece of a great loaf. But the Jews ufed at their meals fmall loaves, or manchets, as we find from the mention of breaking them fo often mentioned, as Matt. xxvi. 26. Mark vi. 41. vii. ro, &C. and from the fragments which were left. Matt. xiv. 20. xv. 37. XXVI. In the monaftery of St. Mary Magdalen at Magdeburgh, Chrift is reprefented lying down in a brook full of fliarp ftones. A conceit formed from John xvlil. i, he zv.ut forth with bis difciples over the brook Cedron ; and Pfal. ex. 7, he jhall dritjk of the brook in the zvay ; which is no fupport for the painter's fancy. XXVII. Some painters reprefent Chrift fcourged with rods, others with thongs, ov fcourges. Matt, xxvii. 26. Mark x. 26. Luke xii. 33. That the former are wrong is clear from the word, in the text (p^xfiK^y, Matt, xxvii. 26. Mark XV. 26. and ucxgijiv, Luke xviii. 33, which denote fcourges, not rods. It is faid that the Jews ufed only fcourges, Buxtorf, Syn. Jud. c. xx. And though the Romans ufed rods, witncfs that form, L. liSIor colliga wa- nus, caput obnuhite, virgis c^dito ; yet this form w^s left off in time, Cic. fro Rabirio Cof and fcourging was introduced in later times. Sciendum ejly Pi/arum Rommorum legibus judicium minijlraffe, qnibus fanciti.m erat, ut qui aucifgitur prius flagellis verberetur, Rich. Montacut. Orig. Ecclef. tom. I. part. poft. p. 390, from Jerom. But this Artift does not feem to know th&t fiagellum denoted a iiug as well as virga. In this fcene of the fcourging, two executioners are reprefented as per- forming the adt ; whereas, according to the Roman cuflom, only one was employed, as appears from the form before cited; and according to the Jewifh likewife, as Buxtorf fhews from the MIflina. According to which likewife the pillar to which the criminal was bound was only about a cubit and an half; not of that length in which it is ufually painted. XXVIII. Some reprefent Chrift and Simon the Cyrealan both bearing the crofs at once, cxprefly a?,a;nft the narration in Matt, xxvii. 32. In ROHR'S PICTOR ERRANS. 6^9 In fomc piftiires the crofs on which Chiifl is crucified is rcpre- {ented like a capital T, with the upright beam not projedling above the tranfverfe ; which, though it was the form of fome croflcs, was not fo qf our Saviour's, according to Juftin Martyr ; and fee Lipfius, de Cruce. Another miftake is committed when they reprefent the feet of Chrift fattened to the crofs with one nail only ; i. e. with three nails in all, two through the hands, and one through the feat ; whereas Ircnasus, Juftii^^ Martyr, Cyprian, Nonnus in Paraphr. p. 230, ver. 37, exprclly mentioa four nails. And the fame method is attefted by Plautus ; Ego dabo ei talenlum pritnus, qui in crucem excurrerit, Sid ea lege, ut affigantur bis pedes, bis brachia. The two malefadors (ill called thieves), who were crucified with Chrift, are reprefented generally with their hands and feet tied to the crofs : but why their hands and feet Ihould not be reprefented nailed likewife, no rca- fon can be afiigned. Nonnus is exprefs, jc'i'^poig oiijijinroig^ Sec Montac. Orig. Ecclef. torn. I. par. ii. p. m. 393. A fmall feat was in the middle of the upright beam, as Juftln Martyr likewife teftifies ; but is ufually omitted by the painters of the Cruci- fixion. The foldier who pierced the fide of Chrift is generally painted on horfe- back; contrary to the exprefs teftimony of John, an eye-vyitnefs of the faft, xix. 34, Hi TtZv gpajiuiTuiv T^oyxn ojuVS t/jV -wrX.-f^V ivv^i. The word gpcilitcry;;, by itfelf, denotes only a foot-foldier, and the fpear xiyxi was not the weapon of the horfe. Juftly therefore does Salmafius blame Xaveriu* the Jefuit for following this error in the Hillory of Chrift, publilhed by Lud. de Dieu. See Salm. ep. ii. ad Bartholin. The former of thcfc two reafons is a good one, but the latter not fo ; for in the latter times the horfe ufed Ao'/x'/j as well as the foot : Jofephus, (pipaa-i, Si 01 ^yj zui'^i Toy <-^ci;,]~/o-j STriA-x-iat zirsc^oi Ao.xri'J ^ Ka-rrioci, — yj'jd-;i Ot ottaum 2iciKhd traditions^, unbiafled In' any prejudice. You know, Sir, that the beft of the judgements of the Rabbins in this very polite and learned agt pafs for fnere reveries ; and indeed it muft be confefled, that the beft of them had a quite different way of writing frorri what is in uie with us. However, you will give me leave to toych upcin the opinions of two or three of them of the moft eminent charaftcr. * I pafs by the opinions of R. Bechai and Rabbi Levi Een Gcrfhon as trifling; the former will needs have it, that the builders of the to\Ver having been fenfible of the dcftrudlion of the world by water, did it to ^ecure themfelves from the future deftrudlion of it by ^.re,... The other cxcufes them, from all manner 01 blame, and inftcad of maliing -a. judgement I of 662 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. of it, interprets it as a mercy, viz. That if all mankind were to live in one pkice, fame ftgnal calamity, as Jirc, water, pcjlilence, or the like, might po/Jlbly be the caufe of the extirpation of the whole race ; whereas, if they njcrt difperfed, it would not be fo probable. The author of the comment called Chlzkuni hath, according to the Jewilh traditions, made a greater miracle of the people before the difper- iion than could be pofTibly in the difperfion itfelf : for he interprets thefe words, fo that one vian fhall not Imderfand another, thus ; * Every one fl:>ould forget every language but one; fo that what this underflood, the other jhould not : now all of them underflood feventy languages, and we mujl not interpret it as if at this time feventy new tongues were created, they were not all new. This notion of the feventy languages is manifeflly taken from the divifion of the branches of the families of Japhet, Ham, and Shem, in the chapter before, which amount to juft feventy : and the Jews are fo fond of this notion, that they will needs have every perfon of their Sanhedrin to have underftood feventy languages as a neceflary qualification, that he might not be beholden to an interpreter in the hearing caufes and examining witnefTes. But enough of this; for it is plain, that thofe Rabbins were never at the pains of learning any other language than their own, or elfc they would never have talked after that manner. Rabbi Abraham Aben Ezrah and R. Solomon Jarchi rounuly affirm, that the nnx nsti', one lip, was the Hebrew tongue. Which notion feems not to be built upon any certain foundation, notwithftanding the great pains that have been taken to make it good. The Rabbins fay that out of prejudice in favour of their own language, and they would have done the fame if it had been Dutch. The Syro-Chaldeans do the fame on the other fide ; and, I believe, whofoever impartially reads the preface of that learned Maronitc, George Amira, who firft printed the Syriac grammar at Rome, will be of the fame opinion wlthmyfclf; that he hath at leaft (if not obtained an entire victory) made it a drawn batil<; between the antiquity of the Chaldee and Hebrew. R. Solomon Jarchi is of opinion, that nnni* C3^~in, one fpeech, fignifics one confiit ; and fomc d'?d "p^k nr vt vb nt vnv^y hdi nn« n'?^ m^ity "jn ^d r\y^'^ nnsi in^j byt) * ^^3 r« nn -niit^^ D^ya^ ii\i2^ p in urii^^w u'ls'? vt*i W^ D^yaiy lyinno are PROFESSOR OCKLEY'S LETTER TO MR. WOTtON. 66.3 are of opinion that thofe exprcffions, one language, and of tne fpcccb both ufcd in the firft verfe of the eleventh chapter of Genefis are fynonymoiis exprcffions for the fame meaning. If that meaning could be made out, then it is plain, that the confounding their lan- guage would be only confounding their dcfign. The fame Rabbi Solomon hath given a ftrange interpretation of thcfe words, * A7id they [aid one to another ; for he fiys, that it was each nation to each nation; viz. Mizraim fpake to Cufli, and Culh to Phut, and Phut to Chanaan. The fame interpretation is in the Tanchuma or Jelammcdcnu. This interpretation diredtly interferes with our prolepfis by which ue reconcile the immediately foregoing chapter with the prefent; for in the former we have the nations divided according to their feveral lan^-uaees and immediately after an account of this divilion of languages afcribcd to the building of the tower of Babel; but be that how it will, we arc not fa much concerned for the reputation of Rabbi Solomon Jarchi. Rabbi Mofes Nachmanides, inferior in reputation to none of the Rab- bins, is forced to come to an allegorical interpretation. His words run thus : -j- The perfons difpcrfed at Babel (according to our Rabbins) rebelled againjl their Creator. But thofe that follow the literal interpretation [are of opinion'] that they fncant nothing but only to for7n a fociety : alledfring this reafon, viz. that the fcriptiue hath given an account of their meaning \\rv thcfe words] left we fhould be difperfed, ivitboul adding any thi?ig elfe. If jt be as they fay, they [i. e. the builders of BabclJ were fools ; for hoxo flxuld one- city and one tower contain all mankind? unlefs you will fuppofe, that they had no cxpCLlation of incrcaftng and mtdtiplying, and that the feed of the wicked fliall be cut off; but whofoever underflands the meaning of a name, wilt underftand what they meant by what theyfiid, let us make us a name. Now, Sir, I have laid before you the opinions of the mod celebrateci Rabbins that I had within my reach. You are plcafcd to give me liberty * Ver. 3. Dnyi Tvr\ vti} tat'sn •'Stiii D^iiaa Qniia li^mni nn-y bv n:i^3n ^tiOKi -j- \w nrvbv TSD )sb^ yiD: ys onyi ninon -\^yr\ o onainQ nn*" vn*tt> n^sj bzh p'BDo rT\^ '?i:in') nnx -^v n'nn tk o D-'-i^Ba yrv nrv\2n2i cni : inn ■^3i« niy D^ye>"i yiti "iin^ nVs'i i-id' ii^ D'>ai:'"irr vn iir:^^ i.nj □'j-iynoa to 664. MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. ^o offer any objedion wliich I fhould think material againft your main defi"-n, which is to prove. That the prefnit diffsrenses of our languages caA be accounted for no other "^'ay, than by the confufwn,of the tongues at Babel. Yop iinow, Sir, it is not in my power to refule 30U any thing; wherefore, to oblige you, antl for argument's fake, I fliall propofe what feems to me mofl: obvious and likely to be objedted ; and then proceed to anfwer, as well as I am able, your particular queries concerning the Oriental language. Now as to the difference of languages ; we muft coiifider, that the 6rft hint we had of it is from this prefent controverted text of fcripture. Gen. xi. I . Our interpretation of the text mufl; refult both from the literal meaning of it, and from what the nature of the thing will bear; for, unlcfs both be had due regard to, all the interpreters in the world will allow, that there can be no accommodation between the common reading of the fcrip- tiVire and the common underftanding of mankind. As for the literal meaning, it is plain, that yixn "^3, Col-haaretz, the whole earth, is ufed in fo many places of fcripture where it would be abfurd to tranflate it fo as to underftand all the zuorld or all mankind by it, that it is necdlefs to produce the inflances. From whence I conclude, that the univerfality of this cpnfufion cannot be inferred from the literal inter- pretation of the words of the text. The nature of the thing feems to offer a great many objedions at firft view : for if we confider mankind to have been in all ages the very fam« tliat it is at this prefent, their being all at once of the fame mind will be a greater miracle than the confufion of languages itfelf. And if they were fo at that time, I believe it is the firft inftance that can be produced fince the creation; and the laft that is to be expedted till the refurredtion. No nueftion but there was fuch an undertaking : but then one may imagine it to have been like the going out of a fwarm of bees, which never leaves th« hive empty. And it is hard to fuppofe, that fince they were under no defpotic power to compel them, nor under any univerfal calamity (which was the cafe of the children of Ifrael, who, no doubt, came out of ^gypt un^inimoufly) that there might not be fonie of them, who might have fixed their habitations nearer Mount Ararat where the ark rcftcd, without any dcfire of rambling. And if there were any fuch, which is; rot much to be queftioned, there is no need that the facred hifloriaq fhould tSke notice of them ; for I need not ttdl you, Sir, that there is nothing fo ' . common PROFESSOR OCKLEY TO DR. WOTTON. 665- common in the fcripture, as the omiffion of a multitude of things, whicU muft needs be fuppofed to have been done, and touching only upon tho moll eminent and remarkable ; and that in fuch a general way of fpcaking, as mud be underflood only by acquainting one's fclf with it ; for if we, inftead of accommodating ourfclvcs to their culloms and manner of expreffion, Ihall fcrew it to our raodcn\ way, we Ihall cut out work for the reconcilers to the world's end. But allowing for once that they might poflibly have been all of one mind in this undertaking, give me leave to offer one argument to prove that they were npt. Now I argue ftill upon the fame difference of mankind as before: apd as, if it had been a pious, or at leaft innocent, defign, there would not have been wanting turbulent fpirits to have appofed it (fov that fame accurfed Cham, that ridiculed his father after the moft bcaltly rnanner, would hardly have made any fcruple of difobeying him) ; fo, oil the other fide, as it was a wicked defign, founded either upon the dilbelief pf the Divine Providence or defiance of his power, there were not wanting men of fuch fingular uprightnefs (for Noah and Seqi were both then alive) as would not only not have complied with any thing that cxpreffed the leaft diftruft in God, but, which all good men always do, have reftrained all thofc that they hi^d any influence upon from being concerned in any fuch undertaking. From whence will follow, that all mankind were not engaged in that work, and confequently not all puniflied. But to proceed : I w^juld aik again of Rabbi Levi Ben Gerfhom (the only interpreter that hath exempted them from blame) what \\eed there was of any miracle at 2,\\ to difperfe them? None at all, moft certainly. Which is an undeniable proof of its being a wicked defign, and ftruck at by the divine vengeance at the very beginning; for that is undoubtedly the meaning of thofe words where God fays, and this ibey hegin to do * ; whereas if it had been an innocent one, it fiiuft have fallen to pieces in a very little time. How long do you fuppofe that thefe builders could have fubCfted upon the plains of Shinar? Afic any experienced ofiicer in the ajmy, and he will certainly tell you, that a fortnight's time muft needs have ftarved them all. For allow what number foever of them you pleafe to bring in provifion for the reft, it is plain, that * Gen. xi. 6. lywvb abnn T\\\f 4 Q^ the^- t^ ^1 I S C E L L A N E O U S T R A C T S.. they muft ha\:8 wanted in a flioiter time. To this pur.pofe give me kave to> infext a Sory which I tranfcribed out of an * Arabic manufcript in the Bodleian Library.. The fum of it is this. Othman Ben Yufrph, Sultan of JEgypt, a xvhlmficaly weak man, had a fancy to demolijl: one of the pyra^ mids in the year of the Hegirah 593 (of Chrift 1 197) ; in order to ivhich he ajfembled a vafi number of worh/ien, removed his ivbole court thither, andr employed a prodigious number of men, foii:&, to throw the Jlones down from tb-e top, others to dig thera out of the ground again, and others to remove them to another place. It was the little red pyramid zuhich they p'-.tched upon j and after eight months incejfant labour, and xvhen they had tired out all their 7nen, and fonfumedall their provifion, what they had done came only to this,, viz. that my author fays, if you jirfi look upcn the heap of ftoncs that they carried away,, you would imagine that the whole pyramid had been demolijljed ; but when you- come again to look upon the pyramid, you would not mifs any of it, only a lit t Is broken off the top on the one fide.. My author,, when hcfaiv the large Jlones •which they had thrown down, afked a jriajler-xvorkman, whether or no, if anf- vian would give them a thoiifand pieces, they could put one of thofe Jlones intu- its place again ? lie f wore they could not do it, if any man zvould give them.- tuuice as much. So much for the pyramid ;. but this by the way : wherefore our fapred geographers need net, in their maps-, build tiie tower of Babel, fo high, for undoubtedly the Sultan of jEgypt was in a much better- condition to demolifti a building than they to raife one; The feventy languages, reckoned up in the tenth chapter immediately; foregoing, feems to fome to be a very fcrange prolepfis. In the fifth verfe it is faid \,. By thefe were the ifles of the Gentiles divided in their lands, every one after his tongue. Either they had thefe languages according to their rcfpedlive faniilies before the confufion of Babel, or elfe they derived thcni tVom thence. To affirm the former, takes away the very foundation of your hypothefis ; they therefore derived them from thence.. So then it muft follow, according to Chizkuni, that there was a language refervcd for each family or tribe. So then Javan and AHikenaz, two fons of Japhct, by which the Jews underftand the Greeks and the Germans : and Mizraini. and Chanaan, two fons of Hamj by which are underftood the .Egyptians •* Alxlollathif, his Hiftory of iTlgypt,. and PROFESSOR OCKLEY TO DR. WOTTON. €6^ Rnd Canaanitcs : and Elain and Aram, two fons of Shem, by which are underflood the Perfians and Syrians ; muft have gone away from this confu- fion with their rcfpcdtive diale. wards to be expreffed in words, at firft only by ligns. This is evident from the behaviour of ignorant foreigners and little children when they 1)egin to fpeak ; who quicTcly learn the names of thirigs, and are content 'for a confiderable time to exprefs their dcfire or averfion to them, by different founds and various geftures of their whole bodies. The reafon is plain, becaufe we ar-e capable of obferving objeds which ftrike imme- diately npon -our fenfes, nnd pointing them out to ojie another, much fooncr than we make obfervations upon t-he different operations of them upon each other, in which all our aftive and paffive verbs do confifl : and no queflion but the fenfe which we have ourfelves of .pleafure, pain, heat, cold, hunger, thirfl, and the like, did 'firil extort from us thole words by which we exprefs any power, adtion, or paffion. So he that had never feen any blood fhed mufl of neceffity, upon the hurting himfelf accidentally, or feeing any fight between men or beafls, return to his clan full of ideas, which he would labour to exprefs, till either fome of them who had obferved the fame helped him out, or elfe they acquiefced in the manner of his exprefiion. The fame may be faid of him that faw the firfl fifh fwim, or any other thing worth obferving, that is, which had not been obferved before. It was an innocent thought of that prince who made two children to be fed by mutes, that he might find out what was the primitive original lan- ,guage, which God had endued mankind withal ; but it is impoffible to infer any thing from thence, but what, it is to be feared, would conclude againfl your hypothefis j and that, if fuch an experiment was made in forty placeis PROFESSOR DCKLEY TO DR. WOTTON. Uf 'places at once, they uould, according to the difference of climate, confti- tiitions, food, founds, and voices of animals which they overheard, and would infallibly endeavour to imitate ; from thefc, I fay, and a variety ■of other accidents, they would frame languages every one of them cflcn- tially different from each other. Notwithlfanding what hath been urged 1>y the Pvabbins and their followers in behalf of the Hebrew tongue, it is moft certain that it-isno other than the old Canaanitifli language, and com- mon to the Zidonians and other neighbouring nations. Mr. Webb has written an cfTay to prove that the Chinefe is the gp MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. the Arabick (under which we rank the other five Orientals) : and by com- paring them a little together, obferve wherein the eflential difference lies with relation to conftruition. And fince you do not place the eflential difference in the words but in the grammar, the difference is not altogether fo great as would at firft fight be imagined. The Greek and Arabick agree in rhis : i . That they have the dual number both in their nouns and verbs ; 2. That the preceding noun governs the following one in the genitive cafe; 3. That Neuters plural (the Arabick feminine ferves for both feminine and neuter) are conftrued with verbs fingular ; 4. That the article jj al in Arabick is the fame with e, Yi, 10, in Greek, with this difference, that you prefix your Greek, arti- •■cle commonly to proper names, as 'Ajwcr/oiiA-,jf, .0 nToK^uoucg, Sec. but vou •do not fay in Arabick, Mahomet cA^T*^! Al Mohammed, "j fMohanimed. Abraham f^y^^ -^^ Ibrahim, I but < I Mofes L^J^^ Al Mufa, J [Mufa. .It < Ibrahim* 5. The Arabick nouns are governed by particles, as in the Greek : where it is to be obferved that they have but three cafes in Arabick; viz. the no- minative, the genitive, and the accufative. The nominative fupplles the ucfcift of the -vocative, and the .genitive fupplies the defedt of the dative and ablative. An accufative cafe in Arabick feldom follows any particle (and then it is -either exceptive or negative), but moft commonly a verb. So mucli for a fpecimen of their agreement. The effential difference lies, as you have juflly obferved, in the conjugations; which will (land in a clearer light when we xome to the n(?{fi?i§=/7/x« which you defired me to fend you. The next difficulties to be confidered are the affixes in the Arabick, and the compounds in the Greek : there is not fo much effential difference in this matter as appears at firft fight. As to the affixes, they arc nothing but curtailed pronouns joined to the ends of verbs j and whether ihcy be joined or. not, makes no ciilntial dif- ference. c !For PROFESSOR OCKLEY TO DR. WOTTON. 67 X' Arabick. Darabani. Darabaca. Darabaho. Hiccahu For example.- Hcbrcw. Hlccani Hiccaca- • r ■ Latin. Verbcravit mc, Verberavit te. Verberavit eum. In Greek, rfjv<(.'- j^.b, Tijups as, &c. In Engllfli It is exadtly the fame in our ordinary fpeech as it 13 inHe-»- brew and Arabick. If the tenfe be formed after this manner,, Sing. Plur. He beat me,. He beat us* He beat thee.. He beat you,. He beat him.- He beat them.- So that wKenwe flrft begin to learn Hebrew we wonder at the affixes and' fuffixes, asbeing quite different from what we ever met with before ; whcrv- we ufe it in our ordinary difaourfe every day. Befides you know,. Sir, that Oriental pronouns are not varied by cafes;, and when they join them to the verbs,, they abbreviate them a little cupho- nia gratia,, which fignifies no more than if one fhould fay audillum for audi ilium, and not fo much 7\%fis iorji vis. So much for the affixes of verbs j, thofe of tire nouns confift in having the pronoun pofTeffive fet after the noun,, as '''~}'2r}''verbum meum, &c. Only in Greek and Latin thefe ai-e not joined as in Hebrew * and Arabick. As for the compounds ; I have been often afked by very learned men,. how it was poffible for the Arabick tongue to exprefs the fulnefs of the Greek without compounds ? The anfwet in filort is this, partly becaufe of the variation and force of the Eaftern conjugations, not to be expiefled by any Weftern language ; partly becaufe the Arabick is not fo much without compofition in reality, as is vulgarly imagined. The reafon of which is,. «hat the Arabick particles which come between the verb and the noun fol- lowing do abundantly perform the office of thofe which are prefixed to a Greek verb ; for which reafon, in the beft lexicons, there is always an ex- * For a philofophical account of the Hebrew tongue, I refer you to Spinofa's Hebrew^ Grammar, at the end of his Opera Poftliuma, ample 672 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. ample given of the particle with which fuch or fuch a verb is conflrued. So for inftancc, ^r^ Hhdraja fignifies />;W/rf , to go out^ albeit. min Hharaja the houfe. out of He went Where mm fignifies the fame with \k^ and fo you will find there Is a redun- dancy in the Greek compofition ; whereas the Arabick verb with the par- ticle fubjoined performs aU that the Greek doth with its two prepofitions, one of which is prefixed to the verb, and the other cometh between it and the noun following. In Latin you fay afcenJit montem : the Arabian either expreflcs all that meaning in one verb, or eUe he would fay fcandit ad jiiontem, which is all one, and exprefifes the force of the compofition. Now followeth the Paradeigma. Con- Arab. ^^^^^^^^ Signification. ^"Ij' Poteftas. jugat.Forms. ■ ^ Verb. I. (Aij Fakada. [Denotes a fimple aftion."] He beat. V* 7^ Daraba. II. cXxs Fakkada, He fet people together by the ears, V j^Darraha. i. e. to beat one another. III. JOjli Fakada |. He fought. S^*^ Daraba. IV. <-XAil' Af kada. He made fomebody beat fomebod}' S-' v^f' Adraba, elfe. V. cXJuu'Tafakkada.He beat himfelf. Vt^^ Tadarraba. VI. Jvi'^'Tafakada.fThey beat one another, S-£^U^ Tadaraba. VU. cXixJU Infakada. It was broken. ^»-^S=i^'t Inkafara. Vill. (-XAolt Iftakada. He was vehemently ihakcn or ^ j^U Iddaraba. lliattered every way. IX. cXJijIt Ifk'idda. H-e turned pale. L-->Aiju Ibyadda. X. (Jsxx^lt Iftaf kada.He defircd fuch a perfon to be t>^^w.^J^u llUlhada. witnefs for him. XI. 0>'JLJls If kadda.fHe turned black. Oi[^>^U Ifwadda. XU. <-X"i».ii'sIfkaukada.It was very thick. {^^^L^^i^Ji, Ichihawlhana. XJJI. tSyijIf. Ifkawwada.lt ftuck clofe. l^^^'i iylawwada. •j- 1 ho circumflex in the third, fixth, and clcvcmh conjvigations mull be »i.ccly diftiij^uiflied. lie- PROFESSOR OCKLEY TO DR. WOTTON. 67J Conjugat. Hebrew. Potcftas. Conjugat, I. *Ii?£) Fakad. Kal. ir. "Ij^p Fikk,jd. J>\^\. III. IV. ^^^3^ Hiphkid. Hif-ii. V. TpOnn Hichpakkji'd. Hithpa;-;!. VI. VII. np3J NIfkad. Nif-al. Five of the Hebrew conjugations are plain from this adive form. Pual and Hophal are only the paffives of the fecond and fourth, which arc fok- kida and ofkida, exadly agreeing with piikkad and hophkad. You fee. Sir, I was obliged to patch up my form of the Arabick verb with fome other words ; becaufe there is not any one word in the whole language that can poffibly go through all conjugations. Hithpael * in Hebrew is manifeftly the fame with the fifth conjugation in Arabick both in form and fignification. In the future it is ^T^\yitbpakkr,d. So Niphal is the fame with the feventh conjugation. In the future it \s yenfdkido, where the Nun is expreffed in the Arabick and fupplied by Dagefch in the Hebrew. If you read it witk a Dagefch, it is yeffdkido, yippak\d. You afk, wherein Y\r\ and Pual intrinfically differ from Kal or Niphal; the anfwer is, that they come nearer to the figuification and force of Hiph- il and Hophal, i. e. have a tranfitive fignification. And the aftive de- notes an influence upon, and the paflive an influence received from, another. Now as to the fignification of the Arabick Verbs. The firfl: coniugation gives the naked primitive fignification of the word, either tranfitive^or in- tranficive. The fecond and fourth make fimple verbs tranfitives. So (^^ Uazza- ?z« and [^jyi^' Ahhzana, To make a man forrowful . See Erpenius. The third fignifies an aiftion upon any objedt capable of returning it again, as 1/ ji gdzala, to talk amorcvjly. * The force of that conj ligation is expreffed in Greek by t«u79VTi,M;(;/!i'{A£vo,-. 4^ The 674 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. The fifth is oftentimes the paffive of the firfl fignification, and often- times reciprocal, as iVBHn in Hebrew. The fixth is reciprocal between two parties, and fignifies the doing of any thing together, as playing, fighting, talki'iig, 8cc. The feventh is paffive of the firft. The eighth has fometimes the fignification of the firft, fometimes ufed as in the paradeigma. The ninth and eleventh exprefs nothing but colours : the former in a weaker degree ; the latter in as intenfe a fignification as can be conceived.. If )'ou would fay any perfon was white, black, or yellow, then you ufe the ninth conjugation; if he was very much fo, then the eleventh. The tenth fignifies petition, as ^.i^'^ IJlagfara, he asked pardon. As for the twelth and thirteenth conjugations, they only make the fig- nification of the word more intenfe. They are very rarely ufed. You may read twenty volum.inous Arabick authors, and hardly meet with either of them. Now if thefe rules held conftantly, it would be as eafy fludying Arabict as to go to fea when the longitude is known. But he that, underftanding a primitive word, fhould go to tranfiate it through the feveral conjugations- by thefe rules given us by the grammarians, would make a wretched piece of work of it. I will produce two or three inftances, which I obferved in reading Janhary, a famous Arabick lexicographer. <-Xxo fa'ida in the firft conjugation fignifies to go up. According to the rule, It ought in the fecond and fourth conjugations to fignify to make fomebody elfi go tip. In- ilead of this, in the fecond conjugation it hath only an aftive fignification, that is, to climb a hill ; zv\i\ m th.c fouxxh. to travel. So^^ mdlahharfioni. the Hebrew nVo] f'igmhcs to feajbn a pot» ^^ax's nmlahha in the fourth conjugation doth not fignify to employ another perfon to do it, but it (\g~ r\\'i\z% to feafon it overmuch. So \^>i^v^ wrt/v't/^ fignifies tobefick. \^' yf^., CTirr«7i:^t7, in the fecond conjugation, fignifies to take care of a fick perjon,. In which fignification it agrees with the FIcbrcw Plel, as KU'^l tofm, KtSH to expiate fin. So t^^-^w^^ hhdfona fignifies a thing ices z'cry good; but t)t Iftdbhjnna in the tenth coniugation doth not fignify according ' . 'to PROFESSOR OCKLEY TO DR. WOTTOK. 6;^ to the rule, to ask for a good thing, but It is a {ign cf liking and approbation of the goodiiefs of it. All that can be faid is this, that thcTc arc the moft general rules that can be laid down : the reft muft be attained by conftant ufe and long experience; for you cannot conclude with any certainty any thing from the ufe of one word relating to the fignification of another. The Greek tongue gives us no icfs difficulty another way, viz. by the va- riety of the fignifications of the prepofitlons in the compound verbs ; with- out which the trouble of underftanding it would be very iiiconnderable in rcfpe<5t of what it is at prcfent. The beft help in the Arabick tongue is, to be thoroughly acquainted ■with the force of the particles, and obferve exactly how they follow every verb. There is one thing more remarkable in the Arabick tongue, which gave me fome trouble when I firft ftudicd it ; and that is, that the participle paffive, if the Aftive denotes any thing great, fignifies a privation of it. So '^ — 'y^tii flMriph is noble : *> — »* f^^-s mefhroiiph, ignoble : lU^^ fi:-jii. De Ind. & Ofirid. § 'S i. ed. Squire, Let this word tlicn. ji'It on thefe authorities.. % As. 680 M I S C E L L A N E U S T R A C T S, •As to the other, viz. D^3in or VDID, it may be explained thus, thougU ■perhaps not fo fully and authoritatively as the former. The Chaldaic and Syriac word DID or tfiD (from whence comes the hz- im ihuSf as the Greek A/?«y55 from -the Hebrew nJi"?) feems to be a ge- nerick term (like the Hebrew Dt^a), comprehending under it the various forts of volatile aromatic gums ; fuch as frankincenfe, myrrh, galbanum, flade, olibanum, &c. which enter into the compofition of perfumes and ointments. Vid. Caftelli Lex. in voc. DID & ti^lD. And wlien we refledt how many of thefe fpices are required by the Mofaic law for the purpofe of making the holy perfume and holy ointment, Exod. xxx. 23 — 38, not to mention other ufes, we cannot but think them a valuable and necefTary article of importation : efpecially as Judea could fupply but little of them. If there be any folidity in thefe obfervations, the text may be rendered ihus : " Once in three years came the navy of Tharfhifh, bringing gold and filver, ivory a.nd/picei of different forts, both in a Cdmpoiaid and ajim- fie form." The [ 68i ) The following little Difqiiiritioiis on a curious Biblical Sub- jedl, by Mr. Costard and Mr. Bryant, being purchafed at the Sale of the former's Library, may be deemed no improper Supplement to the Mifcellaneous Works of a common Friend of both. GOSHEN feems to have been the Delta of the Greeks in general at leaft that part of it which was habitable in the time of Jofeph. It is called fo from the form of it. The word (J^j=?- Gujh, fignifies cor, a heart. And nothing is more common than the adding (^ n, at the end of words in the Eaftern languages, fo that {j^y=?- and i^j^y^ Gufi and Gujh- en, or Gojlien, all mean the fame thing, a heart. And this will give a bet- ter reafon why a heart, placed over a burning altar, was made a fymbol of Egypt than that given by Hierapollo, who indeed is a mofl egregious trifler. The particular fpot Inhabited by the Ifraclltcs was called the Land of Ramefes (Gen. xlvii. ii.), from a city of that name which, probably, was the capital of that diftridt. And it was from that city that the Ifraelites began their march (Exod. xii. 37.) Inftead of the Land of Ramefes (Gen. xlvii. II.) the Arabic verfion hath the Land of (j**«jii ^j>aC Jin Shcms. The Nubian geographer fays, p. 98. "Ex parte meridionali Foftat jaccj; *' Oppidum Menf. Et ad plagam ejus feptentrionalcm urbs Ain Semes dic- *' ta. Sunt autem ambie quafi rura fitse in parte quae refpicit montem " Mocaitam." " Foftat (fays the fame Nubian geographer, p. 97.) eft ipfamet Mctzr, *' fie difta a Mefram filio Cam, filii-Noe." " Valet autem hasc vox," (fays Golius, Not. in Alfergan. p. 151. " tabernaculum, vicum, urbem." It was * Pf. Ixxxvii. 4. Ixxxix. 10. Ifa. li. 9. Egj-pt U called Rahab. 4 S ' . fo 632. M I S C E L L A N E. O U S T R A C T S. fo called^ fays the Nubian geographer, p. 97. " quod volcnte Amro filio- " Aas poft captam Metzr proficifci Alexandriam prsceperit ut pr^cederet ^ earn Alfoftat, & figeretur. . . . . accidit ut columba defcenderct, ovumquc " in ejus vcrtice pareret . . ..,-. Itaque relid:o tentorio manfit in Metzr uf- *' que ad ortum pulli columba;, & turn prorcJI (^<« iaLla>*jjJ I " this was.fituated on the wcftern fide of the " Nile, but when Amrou-Ebnol-Aafi took it and dcmoliflicd it, he then " bnilt Foftat on the land. on the other fide-." This is all that Golius, in hh Nbtes on Alferganius, p. 15?, qpoios from Abulll-dah. Kut Scluiltens^ in his Geogfaphical Index,, at the end of his l^ife of Saladin, adds, S^^^aO^JI' AJ^;;^?^'' r^^^^ C*^ 'SX^\.« A^>^ ^Lil --viJI « In Menph arc vaft re- ** mains, but negleifled, of ftones carved with a variety of figures and co- " vered with a green furface. There are likewife remaining there other " things, not at all altered by the fun or other accidents, though for To *' many ages." It appears then that Memphis was built on the weftern fide of the Nile, and was looked on as the capital of Egypt (Mitzr), and from thence had itfelf the name of Mitzr >*a«. That It retained that name till Amrou took it, and built Foftat over againft it on the eaftern fide of the river, when Foflat took the name of Mitzr, >A<. That afterwards, whenGeuharj^^t^^*:^* built Kahirah or Cairo contiguous to it, Foftat became not only Mitzr> but Old Cairo. What Abulfcdah means, as cited by Schultens above, when he adds, Aaj J) S)c:^j^ j^^^ y^^^ ^J^ ^^^kX^j Menph is diftant from MItzr about a ftation, is hard to fay. For, however uncertain that meafurc is, it cannot poffibly agree with its diftance from Foftat, or Cairo, which wa* but juft acrofs the river. It is poflibly therefore nothing more than an in- terpolation. The Nubian geographer, as obferved before, makes Metzr to have been called at firft Ain Shems. But it doth not appear that Memphis on the weftern fide of the Nile was ever called fo, or that there ever was a place fo called on the eaftcrn fide, where Foftat, or Old Cairo, was afterwards built. Indeed Abulfedah particularly diftinguifties Ain Shems from Cairo, and makes it be at the diftancc of half a ftation from it. , f*^***' tvH^s A^aIoxJI y.j:s^\ i^_y« a)A>-« A^xlaC &^_J^s Jj\ l^j O^T* ij-f:^ y^ aJ^s i^j^f AA***.^ C.?*»*r'. ^r* (^"^ '^_y^^ ^*3 ^XXW} [^i^X*S.J Abfcj-t U-0<2J {Ac 8ji>UJl ^^ ^i>j IcLti ** Ain Shems in our days is nothing but ruins without any houfcs in it. It. " is faid to have been the city where Pharaoh refided. There are many 4 S z • -1 rge 6g4 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. " large and ancient, but neglcfted rums of large ftones. There is in it a " fliarp-pointed Hone called Pharaoh's Needle, the length of it is about " thirty cubits. It is diilant from AlKahirah near half a ftation Hard " by it is a fmall village called Mataria. It lies to the north of Kahirah *♦ in the road to Syria." And with this agrees what we are told by another Arabian author cited by Schukens in the fame place, y*^i 'Oj^f ^^.^-o ; y^-.^ [^j-f^ Aa=:^U {-j^ . v>->>yJj *!Sj:^ (^y^ ^>*j' J AJ2^ i3lLl>oj.Jul ^ Aaoj Ls^J f*U"J|. f^ ^^ji=> i^\c>j^ l^j (:jj^J> ^t**^ 'i.«[x}\ l^A^^NwJ" fj[^ i^w« {•ySJL-cy^l S>^ L^^*^ (_^vACj U:l-,<3 ^-i«>jA^ri». 'L6a»-Ji ^y. ^j (j*^^^ y^ Kj^Ji'^ ^^j (^_5^ o^tv^ (y-*^ *. y-^^-ijij " Ain Shems is the fame with the city of Pharaoh in Fgypt^ " It is at the di fiance of three parafangs from. Foftat on the fide of the " river, where ftands Balbeis, and in the road to Syria. It is the metro- "polls of the nome called Aphrodite. In it are fome ancient ruins and " tall black, pillars, called by the common people Pharoah's Needles^ *' Tl^ere are two pillars whofe height above ground is fifty cubits, the ♦* tops of which are pointed. They rcll on the furface of the earth with- ** out any foundation below- it. ■ At Ain Shems are planted balfam trees,: '* from whence ilfues the juice. In the Upper Egypt there is anothqr *' place of the fame name Ain Shems." c The name Ain Shems, 1 fuppofe, is no older than the time 'u hen the Mohammedans made thcmfelves mafters of Fgypt. It was defigncd by them to exprcfs what the Greeks called Heliopolis, which feems ro have been the fame tliat is called, JeremV xliii. 13. L^Dll'-n^n Beib Shcm-Ji.\ the Hcufe cf the Sun; and in Ilaiah xix. nnri Ty, Jif Hnhcres, t-he Qty of the Sun. For what is Job, ix. vii. DinV"10J^ Pharaoh's City, or the place where Pharaoh lived, may admit of fome doubt. For we have it only from Arabian hiftorians, who are come full late, and are not to be too far relied on in matters of fuch great antiquity. Golius, in his Notes on Alferganlus, p. 149, fpeaking of Damiat, adds, ^' cumque hujus & viclna Tanis regio pafculs in ^gypto alias raris Iseta *' vireat, merito pro Terra Gofhen aut ejus faltem parte «enferi poteft. •" Etfi ea ad Bilbeis Mari Rubro propinquiorem, de qua ante di(fl:um, re- " ferat Macrizius, diligens rerum ^gyptiarum fcriptor ; attamen opinio- " ni eidem hoc magnopere obeft, quod arenofa haec terra eft non nifi ex- " undante Nilo aut ex pifcinis irrigua, ac proinde rei pecuaris minus *' idonea." Wherever Golhen is to be placed. It could nor be at a very great diftance from the Red Sea, and the nearer the better ; for the Ifraelites crofted it in the night of the third day from their fetting out from Ramefes. And Ra- jiiefes is expreflly faid, Gen. xlvii. 6. to be in or belong to that diftrid. For though Goftien, from the name, fccms as if it Uiy between the branches of the Nile, yet the territory might extend Vvithout it to the caft, where I conjetture Rsmefes was fituatcd. Inftead MR. COSTARD ON THE LAND OF GOSHEN. 687 Biftead of Goflien,. Gen. xlv. 10. the Arabic verfion hath _iJwJ| M- Sadeir. The LXX. vj yri Tia-ijj. Apu^iag. And farther, wherever this was k was- not far from the capital at that time : for Jofeph exprcflly adds im- mediately after, " and thou Ihalt be near me." And chap.xlvi. 28. what is Goftien in the Hebrew is in the Arabic verfion jiA^j oVb the Land of Sadir ; but in the LXX. K«$' H^mv TloT^iv «j yvfj Pos^fo-o-ii. Jofeph met his father and brethren before they came to the capital ;, for he tells them, ver. 3,1. "I will go up to Pharaoh." And when Jofeph informs Pha- raoh, chap, xlvii. i. that " they flopped fhort in the Land of Gofhen," the Arabic has iJwJI JOb (:, nJJi, Tzon, Tzan, and Tzanah, which fignify Hocks, Ihccp, and cattle. As to a place in Egypt not being fpelt exaftly according to the, Hebrew me- thod, it amounts to" nothing : the found is the fame, and the feiifc, meaning, and analogy, feera to authenticate my pofition. If it be found otherwife, erafe it at once ; it will not affcdt any thing that I am there })roving,, for 1 build not the leafl upon it. One obfervation more. You join with me in fuppofing that Zoan and Memphis were not far afunder j but you go farther, and from fome fimi- iitude of found between Hanes (one of the names of Zoan) and Tah- panhes, you imagine the latter to have been Zoan. It was undoubtedly one out of many places where the kings of Egypt fometimes refided, but it could not be Zoan; Tahpanhcs, Taphanes, or however it may be exprelTed, was the Daphnas of the Greeks, Ai^f;«; UriKovrta.i of Herodo- tus, the Tapxi of the Seventy ; joined bv the Prophet Jeremiah with Migdol, which was a fort of tower near Pelufium, but flood in Arabia upon the fea coafl. Taphanes was 16 miles from Pelufium ; confequently far removed from Memphis, which was 123 miles above that ])lace,. and 107 from Taphanes. See Ant. Itin. You fee, my good and learned Friend, how much I prefumc upon your candour, in venturing to fubmit to yourfelf thefe doubts and ftrictures upon your own performance, which abounds with much excellent learning, but, in the points which I have been canvafling, is not fo fatisfactory as I could vvifh. I am, after all, with due efteem of your parts and learning,. Dear Sir, Your molt obliged humble fervant, Jacob Bryant. The C>94 M I S C E L L A N E O U S T R A C T S. The two following Letters, from the pious Mr. Nelsox, to his young Goufins George and Gabriel Hanger, having been preferved with great care by Mr. Bowyer, to be printed whenever a proper opportunity fliould occur ; they are now offered to the reader as the concluding articles of thefe Mifcellaneous Trads. To GEORGE HANGER, Efci- Dear Cousin, YOUR father having defigned to fend you for Turkey by the next lliips bound to thofe parts, and intending thereby to breed you to bufinefs; that you may be enabled to advance your own fortune in the world, and to aflift your brothers, when they Ihall be fit to receive the advantages of your kindnefs; I cannot forbear commending that readinefs of mind you have fhcwn on this occafion, to comply with that fcheme which your father, on mature deliberation, with the advice of your beft friends, has formed for the employment of your youth. So near a relation can never want kindnefs to defign that which is belT; for you; and the advantages of his good fenfe, and great experience, enable him to judge right in this matter. So that, being governed by the dilates of fo kind and wife a father, you fleer by a much furer compafs, than by following the fug- gellions of your own thoughts, which muft want due ripenefs in that path of life you now tread. 1 look upon this firft ftep of your condudt, to be a happy prefage of your future wifdom and fteadinefs; and a good omen that your voyage of life will be profperous and fuccefsful ,• for the mif- carri;!ge of many a youth has been owing to his own willfullnels and ob- flinacy, refufing the advice and guidance of his beft friends when he ftroJ moft in want ot it. 6 Being ORIGINAL LETTER?; OF MR. NELSON. 69? Being .therefore, Sir, determined to travel, bv your futhei's appoint- ment, and by your own pruclenr confent, I thought niyk-lf obliged to give )ou loine adviec in rtlatioii to your fuiurc conduit; and you ought to bear with me the rather in this matter, becauie i have had fome fharc in the care of your education ; bcfules, the character of a god- father entitles me to fome to prefcribe to you : but whctner any ot thefe reafons would have prevailed upon me, if i. h.id not lelt a parti- cular love and kindnefs for you, 1 know not. I am lure, the liberty I am now about to take, proceeds from a fincere and hearty cx)ncern for your future welfare ; and upon that ground, therefore, I hope, it will be agreea- ble and acceptable to you. I. In the firft place, I muft beg you often to refledl upon the great end for which you were fent into the world, which was not to fport away your time in pleafure, nor only to get a fair, eftate; but to fit and prepare your- felf for a happy eternity, in the enjoyment of God, by a conltant and univerfal obedience to all his holy laws; in compatifon with which, all the labours of life are mcer trifles. My reafon for giving yoU' this hint, is, that, by having your chief bufinels always in your view, you may be eontinually upon xour guard ; lo that neither the pleafures nor bufinefs of li-fe, nor the defires of growing rich, may ever caufe you to forget that you are a ftranger upon earth, and that your days are as a fliadow which will foon pafs away. II. In the fecond place, you muft endeavour that this great end be prc-^ fecuted fteadily and vigoroufly, by all thofe ways and means which God has eftabliflied for the working out your falvation. You muft refolve uiion a holy and virtuous life, if ever you pretend to attain that happinefs which God has promifed : all other ways of getting to heaven are fallacious, and will in the end deceive you^ if ever you are fo unhappy as to truft to them; for without holinefs, no man Ihall fee the Lord. Now the virtue and holinefs I mean, are of a large extent, and comprehend yourdury to God, your neighbour, and yourfelf, and i^ what the apollle calls living' rightcouily, foberly, and godly in this prefent world. In order to this purpofe, God has given us his holy word to inftrudt us in the particulars of our duty, which therefore you muft frcfjuently perufe with- great appdi- cation of mind ; he has moreover encouraged our addrcflcs to him, by prom.ifing 656 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. promifing to hear our prayers, which we muft therefore offer to him in our clofets, and in the public congregations, that we may receive ftrength and power from above, to perform our duty. He has further inftituted the holy lacramenr., to be a continual memorial of the fccrifice of ChrilVs death, to convey to us the benetits of his fufferings : therefore, if you lin- ccrelv dcfire the pardon of your fins, grace and affiftancc to conquer them, and to make a progrefs in all virtue, you muft frequently approach the altar, where thefe bleffings are to be found ; and indeed a man m.ufl: have but very flight notions of the benefits of Chrift's death, that rcfufes to give this eafy teflimonv of a thankful heart. You muft frequently examine your fclf, that you may exercifc repentance where you may fall flrort of your duty, and that you may thank God where you have been enabled to perform it ; you muft accuftom yourfelf to meditate upon fuch divine fub- je£ts as occur in the courfe of your reading, that you may ftir up all the faculties of your foul to a vigorous profecution ot them. The aforemen- tioned means of grace are not to be refted in as the fubftance of religion, but are to be uled as necelTary to beget in us true piety and virtue ; and except we aim at that in the ufc of them, they will not be acceptable to God : a man may be a bad man and frequent them, and yet there is no being good without them when the providence of God gives us the op- portunity to enjoy them. III. In the third place, I muft defire you, as much as you can, to live by rule and method ; to divide the day into fuch proportions, that a proper time ma^- be affigned for all your aftions ; that the hours of your devo- tion, of your bufinefs, and your diverfions, may all be ftated ; thus time will not lie upon your hands, nor fting you with regret when paft. While vou are fubjeft to the commands of others, you muft be content to have your hours of bufinefs regulated by them; thefe you will quickly be ac- (juainted with; and what are left to your own difpofal, muft be employed partly in your prayers, in reading good books, and fuch as are otherwife commendable, both French and L.atin, that you may not lofc thole lan- o-ua; es you have taken lb much pains to acquire. IV. In the fourth place, I muft advife you to diligence and induftry in your bufinefs, which is the beft method to make it fuccccd. Seeft thou a man, fays Solom.on, diligent in his bufinefs, he Ihall ftand before princes ; the ORIGINAL LETTERS OF MR. xNELSON. 697 the wifdom of man, is diflinguiflicd by iifiiig proper and fit means to attain his end ; therefore, as you are concerned to fupport that charadler, and dc- fire to bring to perfection what you projed:, you muft never be carelefs and negligent in thofc things committed to your truft and management ; for this is even to offend againft the duties of religion. V. In the fifth place, fince trade and commerce are pitched upon for your employments, never deviate from exaft jullice and uprightnefs in all your dealings ; every particular circumfi:ancc of life has its particular temptation, and a man that finccrely defigns his duty, will put his guard on that place where the greatefl danger is apprehended ; frequent dealings with others prefent to us as frequent opportunities of over-reaching them ; and the more a man is truitcd, the better he is able to play the knave. Now, though 1 think as to this world, that honefty is the bcfi: method of thriving, becaufe it fecures credit and reputation, which are the main inftrurhents of trade and commerce ; yet there arc fome oppor- tunities of unrighteous gain, that require good principles of religion to keep a man right. Remember always that no repentance will make our peace with God for ill-gotten goods without rcfiitution, which makes that neceffary work difficult and irkfome. 'I hat u hatever varnifh we are able to put upon our injuilice before men, yet God fees through the whole deceit, and will one day judge us for it : and it contradids the great rule laid down by our Saviour, of doing to others as we would they fliould do unto us. VL In the fixth place, I muft not forget to enjoin you to take care to beware of covetoufnefs, becaufe the love of money is the root of all evil, and it is a fecret poifon which deflroys the fuuls of fuch n-.en who otherwife appear fober and virtuous. Bcfides, this is a vice particu- lavly incident to thole that get eilatcs by their own induftry, and therefore it is the more ncceffary to give you warning of it ; be not therefore over eager in the pur^iit of riches ; and when they incrcafe, fet not your heart upon them. To acquire them by unjuli: means, is the perfedion of co- vetoufnefs ; but this vice lurks in many other adions lefs notorious ; as when a man purfues the world to the neglecl of the duties of relio-ion^ even of prayer in his clofet and family, when his mind is always anxious about the fuccefs of his projedts, when the poor have no Ihare of his gains, 4 U when ge>3 IMISCELLAMEOUS TRACTS. when he is fordid and cannot find in his heart to enjoy moderately what he poirefles, or, if he does, friends it upon his lulls, and when he makes- riches his truft and confidence. Now the love of this world is enmity at'ainft God, and does as effeftually debar us from heaveji, as all the extravagances of lewdncfs and debauchery. VII. In the feventh place, I muft put you in mind of keeping good company, bv which I mean chiefly men of pious and virtuous difpo- fitions, though, with thefe qualifications, it may be extended to thole of the beft rank and quality where you refide ; from whom you will be able to learn more than fio:ii thofe of an inferior education. And it is often feen that a young gentleman, newly come into the world, is more fre- quently ruined by mean and inferior company, than by convcrfing with his- fuperiurs, for whom having a deference, he becomes mcrre modeft and humble in his behaviour; whereas when he finds himfelf the top of the company, it difpofes him to pride and vanity. It is difficult for thofe whole circumftances throw them into a great deal of company, always to» avoid that uhich is bad; and charity may fometimcs oblige men to con- verle with Inch, in order to their reformation, were there any probable hopes of making bad men better. But it is in every man's power to chufe what perlbns he defigns for friendfliip and frequent converfation ; a matter of that importance, that it requires time and ferious deliberation before yot! engage. Men of no principles of religion are not to be relied upon, having no foundation to fupport friendfliip-, befides, they may be apt to infedt you with fcepticifm ; and men who believe religion, and ?.& contrary to their prin- ciples, give but a fcurvy proof of their fincerity, and by their bad example may infenfibl} corrupt your morals. Thofe we love have a mighty influence over us, therefore let not a wicked man become your intimate.. VIII. In the eighth place, I muft advife you to obftinate temperance ia drinking, the beft method to preferve health, and a virtue ftrittly enjoined, by the Chriftian religion. There is no young man that converfes in the world, but who is more or lefs expofed to this temptation ; but your par- ticular fituation of Smyrna, by reafon of the frequent arrival of fliips, will make it difficult for you not to exceed the Chriftian meafurc, except you arm yourfelf with great refolution. Never think it a piece of manhood to l>e drunk yourfelf, or to make others fo; for this is to diftinguifli )ourfelf by ORIGINAL LETTERS OF MR. NELSON. ^f,^ by what is the deprivation of manhood, extinguiHiing at once both j'our fcnfc and realbn : bcfidcs, it will make )'ou liable to many unfortunate ac- cidents ; a debauch has brought many a fever, which has ended in death, has occafioncd the breaking of many a limb, which is not recovered without pain and charge; and how many have broke their -necks on I'uch occafions, and fo gone out of the world without repentin'>- of fo great a crime! Sometimes it creates quarrels, which have coil; the lifo of one or both the difputants. But if you efcape thefe dangers that aifeft the body, your bell: part, your foul, mufl fuffer by fo plain a breach of your duty, till you reconcile ygurfelf to God by unfeigned repentance; never reckon an excefs in drinking a fmall fault, a pcccadigl'io, for this may prevail upon you to conlply with the importunity of others ; it is cer- tainly a breach of God's laws, and you mufl count nothing inconfiderable that offends Him. Be free to own your wcaknefs as to drinking, that it prejudices your health, and that you are not able to bear fo much as others, and then, If the company have any good-manncis, the)- will not prefs you ; when you entertain friends yourfelf, introduce coffee and tea after dinner, and propofc fome diverfion that drinking may be hindered ; feveral little arts a man will call to his affiftance, that defigns to keep him- felf and the company fober. But then, if you are at any time furprifed, immediately next day teftify your repentance, profefs your forrow to God, and refolve on more firmnefs for the time to come; if your compa- nions Ihould make a jeft of it, let- them know, it is no jefling matter. And I think you would do well, if you punifhed yourfelf for fo unfortunate an accident, by impofing upon yourfelf a day of fading, or by abllaining from the ufe of wine for two or three days. IX. In the ninth place, I mull caution you againfl: uncleannefs, fo fre- quent a failure in youth, and which, when once indulged, will corrupt the beft principles, and has carried many a man to fcepticifm and infidelity ; becaufe, when a man cannot reconcile his conftant pradtice to the laws of re- ligion, he cafls about how to get rid of the obligation of fuch laws, which bear fo hard upon him, and give him fo much uneafinefs. Now the bell: rule in this cafe is, never to indulge the leaft appearance of this vice, to difcourage all loofe and wanton thoughts which may arife in your mind, to forbear all obicene and filthy difcourfe, to avoid all familiarity with the 4 U 2 fair 7C0 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. fair (ex, not to fcem pleafed when others attempt to divert the company by lewd jefls, to be modcft towards yourlclf, and to treat yourfelf with reverence and refpcdt. For chaflity confifts in a due government of thole appetites which God has placed in vis for the propagating of mankind ; which are never to be gratified, but in the Hate of matriir.ony ; lb that any thing that pretends to provoke thefe appetites out of that Hate, by our own voluntary content, has a fliarc of the guilt of tlic lad aft, and is what we mull be accountable for, and therefore ought carefully to be watched againft. It you ever give yourlclf up to this vice, you w:ill expofc your conllitution to great fliocks, make your body the fink of many noilome difeafes, confume your eftate, negled: your bufincfs, and bring contempt upon vou from all fober people; it will harden you againit all good advice, provoke the wrath of God, and infallibly draw upon you in the next world the miferies of a fad eternity. X. In the tenth place, guard yourfelf from the bane of converfatioiT, which is eviUfpeaking ; this leilening the reputation of others by expofing their faults is grown fo common, that, more or lefs, even good peoplte fplit upon this rock ; fo that, if you have not a particular watch over your- felf, you will be carried down the ftream, and become involved in thfs common calamity. Some people never examine the truth of what they report, provided it was told them; but this is calumny and flander; and if they know what they fay to be true, yet, if neither juftice nor charity re- .quirc the difcovery, it is the vice of evil-fpeaking, forbid by the Chrifiian religion : for, when there is no juftifiable reafon to the contrary, we ought to throw a veil over the faults of our neighbour, for this is the treatment we defire from them ; we are not willing what is true of ourfelves fhould be cxpofed to publick view; befides, it is contrary to that love which is due to our neighbour ; which, when fincere, w ill dlfpofe us to cover tholb de- feats that may tend to the impairing of his reputation. Now the more you mortify the evil paffions of pride, envy, and revenge, the lefs you will be fubjedt to dillradtion, which very often proceeds from them. An over bufy meddling temper will expofc )ou to the fame temj)tation ; but if )oiv would entirely fecure yourfelf, rcfolve never to fpeak evil of any one; do not fuffer yourfelf to repeat {lories to the difadvantage of others, though ne;Fer fo public ; for though this on fome occafions might be innocentljf done, yet by degrees it may infenfibJy betray vou to real defamation. 3 XI. In ORIGINAL LETTERS OF Mil. NELSON. 701 XL In the eleventh place, I mud give you a great charge, not to fuffer yoiirfclt" to be infedled with the common vice of fwearing ; you will find yourfelf tempted to this unreafonable fin, by the practice of all nations, who agree in no evil more univerfally than this. But remember, that an honeft man's word fhould be efteemed fo facred, that he fhould have no occafion to confirm what he fays by an oath ; befides, the reverence of a folemn apj)eal to God, being diminiflicd by common fwearing, leads a man to perjury, a moft confirmed piece of iniquity. It is plainly and di- rcftly lorbid by the Chriltian religion, and the corruption of our nature fuggefts the feweft temptations to it of any vice whatever; which makes the pracftice of curtomary fwearing more inexcufable. Avoid the company of common fwearers, for converfing frequently with them will abate that horror we have at firlt for the rafh and common ufe of oaths. If I miftakc not, you have been prtlcrved hitherto from this corruption ; and let not the greatnefs or gentcelnefs of thofe that praftice it ever betray you to any good opinion of it. You mud not imitate the bell bred men by their vices> which are no part of their good breeding. XII. In the twelfth place, remember to be courteous and affable towards all men ; they who exclude civility out of the catalogue of virtues feem to me not thoroughly to undcrdand the nature of Chridianity. By this method you will prcferve the good will of thofe you converfe with, which will make them the readier to fcrvc you upon all occafions, and by dcr grees give you power to do them good in matters of the greatcfl impor. tance. In tim.e it will bring you to a habit of felf-denial, for this affability will often make you forego what you like bed, in indifferent things, in order to pleafe and oblige others; and it is no inconfiderable talent to be ready upon ail occafions to contradict our own wills; befides, it is a part of that charity we owe to our neighbours, to v\hom we are obliged to do good by all the means that lie in our power ; and certainly every man is delighted and pleafed in being well ufcd. XIII. In the thirteenth place,- I mud particularly recommend to ^'ou the pradlice of charity ; by which I mean doing good to the fouls and bodies of men. It is true, God has fet apart a particular order of men to be ufcful and ferviceable to others in the great affair of their falvation, and there are feveral holy actions which are peculiar to the prieds of the Lord ; joz MISCEI. LANEOUS TRACTS. Lord ; v.hich for a layman to invade, would be lacrilege ; but there are foijie others which are common to both : every man may inftruft his .children and fcrvants in the principles of religion, and reprove others when they traufgrefs, and upon fit occafions infinuate exhortations to piety; nay-, I think it their duty lb to do. But if my children or fervants want baptifm, I mufl; call for a minifter; if I would have them confirmed, I muft carry them to a bifliop, to lay his hands on them and blefs them ; if they would receive ■ the holy facrament, or abfolution for any lin that troubles their confcicnces, I mufl: apply to the priefls that wait at the altar; if I would confecrate a child to the fervice of the church, I mufl; defire a bifliop to ordain him, becaufe they only are intrufled with that power. But when you have fervants, endeavour to inflrudt them in neceflary Chriflian knowledge, lead them by your repeated advice as well as example in the praftice of religion j coni- fort your friends that mourn and are alflided with feafonable difcourfes of piety ; and reprove prudently and gently all your companions, when you find they tranfgrels God's laws; but never unneceffarily vex or s-rieve anv man's mind, for thereby you hurt his foul. As to their bodies, you mufl, according to your abilities, relieve their wants, and fupply their necefllties; and, in order to this purpofe, I muft fuggeft to you what I take to be a prudent maHagemcnt, which is to dedicate and lay apart a propor. tion of your gains or your income, when it is certain, for alms-deeds ; which will make the work eafy and delightful, and you moreover ready to embrace any opportunity that offers for doing good, becaufe you are before-hand provided with the means. The ways of exercifing this fort of charity are as various as thofe wants the body labours under ; as, feeding the hungry, cloathing the naked, vifiting the fick, and thole in prifon ; redeeming thofe in flavery and captivity, and comforting fuch as are under any oppreflion. Thefe good works, according to your ability, the Chrif- tian religion obliges }'ou to ; you are farther provoked to them by the cxam[)le of our Lord and Saviour, who went about doing good ; and at the day of judgement, the particular enquiry will run upon thcfe heads which I have mentioned, as you may fee in the XXVth of St. Matthew, and the reward and punilhment will then be affigncd according to thofe rules. XIV. In the fourteenth place, I muft caution you againft Gaming, hoping it will never make any confiderable part of your divcrfion ; when once ORIGINAf. LETTERS OF MR. NELSON. 703 once it is loved, it confunies a grcut deal of time, which is too precious to be thrown away at that rate; the night by this means is turned into da}', and the day into night; when men play deep, they venture the ruining of themfelves, or at leafl win from others what fnould maintain their families ; which cannot be juftified. This has fo inverted the order of the world, that it hath brought footmen into coaches, and has made them walk on foot that before kept them. It raifcs all thofc paflions which it is the bufi- nefs of Chriftians to fubdue, and often creates fuch quarrels as end in mur- der. If you flwuld fometimcs divert yourfelf this way, avoid games of chance, for they arc the moft bewitching, and the leaf! under government ; and when you play at games of fkill, never fit too long at them, nor venture much money, nor cngnge with fuch as are violently paflionate. I wifli in your diverfions you would aim at health as well as pleafure, which you may reap from walking, riding, fnooting, or bowling, always remem- bering that diverfions are for refrefliment, not for an emjiloyment. XV. In the fifteenth place, I muft prefs upon you the confiant ufe of the means of grace ; fuch as are prayer, reading the Holy Scriptures, re- ceiving the bleflTed facramcnt, felf-examination, meditation, obfervation- of the Lord's day, and other feafts and fafts of the church. Some men deceive themfelves, indeed, by placing all religion in thefe performances, and feme on the other hand deceive themfelves by thinking they are above them: but if you really defign the end, which is piety, and virtue, and ho- linefs in all your converfation, you muft make ufe of thofe means, and that frequently, which God has prefcribed for that purpofe. You may as well pretend to grow rich without diligence and induftry, as to be truly good without praying and receiving the facrament, &c. The grace of God is neceffary to enable us to do every thinp- that is good, and to ftrengthen us in refitting every thing that is evil ; and how can we ever hope for fuch necefifary and powerful afliftance, except we feek for it in the ways of God's appointment ? I muft therefore intreat you to be conftant to your morning and evening devotions in your clofet, to per- form them with great ferioufnefs and application of mind, rememberino- always that Great Majefly to whom you addrefs ; and at fuch times it will be very ufeful to read fome portions of the Scriptures, efpeciallv if you Gonfult fome good paraphrafe or comment upon it. Take all opportunities tha-t 704 M ISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. that are confiftent with your bufinefs, of attending the public prayers, which are moft acceptable to God, as tending moll to his glory ; and al- ways upon fuch occafions behave yourfelf with great reverence and devo- tion, confidering, that you arc after a particular manner in the prefence of God; Itand, fit, or kneel as the church diredts in her rubricksj never talk nor gaze about in the church, as it is too common, to the great fcan- dal of Chriftians ; endeavour to correears to have been Cura- tor of all the Roman cavalry : and, in that fenfe, the lapidary would more naturally have written ecl f. curio, not Curio Eq. R. Befides, in that great variety of places where Curator is mentioned as a civil office. Curio never once occurs, as it moft probably would, if the words had been fyno- nymous. Curio, in the Roman fenfe, is either Trasco, or Magifter Sacro- rum C^ria? ; and hence in the lower Latin Curio, xme Cure, Sacerdos. " Mr. Horfley has lately reprinted anot-lier infcription found at Bath, where we have c. ex^^ miles ]:. And whatever c. eq^ fignifies, there * See the Letter to Mr. Gdle above, p. 133. t See above, p. 144. X I oblerve that you write it in the margin, GE<5i Mr. Canulet\, who firft copied it, writes c. ecv. difijaft : whence coreies this difFereace ? Ab to Grsvius, I neither un- * u 3 dcrllaud T49 MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS. is no ambiguity ; the cognomen is expreffed before it. But I cannot agree with Mr. Horfley in reading Centurio, Eques, Miles, making Vale- rius to be mentioned under all thefe capacities. Thefe are not gradations, as he would obferve, but rather degradations ; and as to their frequency in this manner, I am a ftranger to it. Reinefius, who has quoted this in- fcription, p. i6, reads more eligibly, Centurio Equitum. But why fliould ;Mr. Camden's reading be rejedled, who firft copied and publiihed this marble? Cohortis Equeftris Miles, Camd. p. 172. The marbles juftify this form, as Reinefius in the page abovementioned, miles praet. co- hortis VIII. EQUESTRIS. ** I cannot have fuch a low opinion of the Roman military difcipline, as to imao-ine that the fame perlbn was an officer of hmie, and a foot-foldier. It feems to exprefs no more than being one of the horfe belonging to the xxth legion *. But I fubmit this to better judges. *■' Upon the word curiesis our worthy Vice-prefident -f- was pleafed to obferve, that the Romans probably dropped the found of n before s, which is the reafon n is fo frequently omitted in infcriptions. I fhould think that the old Romans, in the infancy of the language, preferved the found of N before s, becaufe it occurs in fuch a great number ot nouns, verbs of the perfedt tenfe, and participles. But that afterwards, as they grew more acquainted with the Greek language and pronunciation, they began to drop or foften the found of that letter : and that the feveral na- tions, which at laft compofed the Roman empire, fell more or lefs into this praftice. We might obferve, that the gentleman whofe memory is pre- ferved on this marble was a Spaniar^':e^ m*- rfj^