r^' C 
 
 JOINT RESOLUTION INVITING THE REPUBLIC 
 
 OF CUBA TO BECOME A STATE OF 
 
 THE AMERICAN UNION. 
 
 REMARKS 
 
 OF 
 
 HON. FRANCIS G. NEWLANDS, 
 
 OF NEVADA, 
 
 IN TiiR 
 
 SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 November 23 and 25, 1903. 
 
 WASHING TOM. 
 
 1903. 
 
R E M ARKS 
 
 OF 
 
 EOl^. EEANCIS G. NEWLANDS. 
 
 REPUBLIC OF CUBA. 
 
 Mr. HALE. Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote of 
 the Senate by which the joint resohition (S. R. 15) inviting Cuba 
 to become a State of the American Union was ref en-ed to the Com- 
 mittee on Rehitions with Cuba. 
 
 The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from Maine 
 moves that the vote by which the joint resolution to which he 
 calls the attention of the Senate was referred to the Committee 
 on Relations with Cuba be reconsidered. 
 
 Mr. HALE. I ask that the joint resolution maybe read. 
 
 The Secretary read the joint resolution introduced by Mr. New- 
 lands on the 20th instant, as follows: 
 
 A joint resolution (S. R. 15) inviting Cuba to become a State of the American 
 
 Union. 
 
 "Whereas the Republic of Cuba is desirous of securing commercial union 
 with the United States; and 
 
 Whereas the best commercial union can be secured by and throiiarh polit- 
 ical union by means of the admission of the Republic of Cuba as a sovereign 
 State in the Union: Now, therefore, be it 
 
 Benolved, etc., That the Republic of Cuba be, and is hereby, invited to be- 
 come a State of the United States, upon terms of equality with all other 
 States of the Union, and, leading in that direction, the following suggestions 
 are made: 
 
 First. That the island of Porto I^jco become a county or province of Cuba 
 and a part of the State of Cuba. 
 
 Second. That the President and Vice-President of the Republic of Cuba be 
 the governor and lieutenant-governor, respectively, of the State of Cuba initil 
 then- terms of office expii-e, and that all other executive, legislative, and 
 judicial officers now holding office in the Republic of Cuba continue to hold 
 similar positions in the State of Cuba until their present terms expire, with 
 the exception of the customs and postal officials, who shall be incorporated 
 into the customs and postal service of the United States, and the Rural Guard, 
 the officers and subordinates of which shall be incorporated into the Army 
 of the United States. 
 
 Third. That the bonds about to be isstied by the Republic of Ctiba for the 
 payment of its army during the war with Spain, aggregating $35,000,000, with 
 interest at 5 per cent, be issued as the bonds of the State of CulDa, and that 
 the interest agi-eed to be paid thereon be reduced from 5 to 3 per cent, the 
 difference to be applied to the sinking fund, and that as so changed their pay- 
 ment be guaranteed by the United States. 
 
 Fourth. That the balance in the treasury of the Republic of Cuba be turned 
 over to the State of Cuba, and the brJance in the treasury of Porto Rico be 
 turned over to the county or provincial authorities of that island. 
 
 That the foregoing resolutions are inspired not by a desire to annex forci- 
 bly or to assert sovereignty over the island of Cuba, or to exercise any form 
 of compulsion, but solely by a regard for the mutual interests of the two 
 countries and a conviction that the interests of the States composing the 
 Federal Union and Cuba are identical, and that they can be best secured by 
 a union under one form of government in which all shall be represented on 
 equal terms and be governed by equal and indiscriminating laws, insuring 
 freedom of trade and equality of right and privilege. 
 
 Mr. HALE. Mr. President, I shall take only a little time of 
 the Senate, but I desire to submit a few observations upon this 
 resolution. 
 
 Mr. Hale then spoke in opposition to the resolution. 
 
 5683 * 3 
 
Mr. NEWLANDS. Mr. President. I am very glad to hear the 
 distinguished Senator from Maine [JNIr. Hale] on this subject. 
 The purpose of the introduction of this joint resolution was toin- 
 ^^te debate, consideration , and deliberation, and I feel gratified that 
 the resolution has met with so early a response in this direction. 
 
 I agree with the Senator from Maine in much that he has said. 
 I commend with him the good sense and the good judgment of 
 the people constituting the Government of Cuba, but I contend 
 that the good sense and the good judgment of this country will 
 be demonstrated by presenting this invitation and that the good 
 sense and good judgment of Cuba will be proved by accepting it. 
 
 Now, what is the joint resolution to which the Senater takes 
 exception? This resolution presents no suggestion whatever of 
 force or compulsion. It recognizes that the Republic of Cuba is 
 a sovereign nation among the nations of the world. It recognizes 
 the fact that that Republic itself feels that it can not stand alone; 
 that it has accepted already the protection of this country; that 
 it has surrendered to the more powerful sovereign to the west 
 control over a portion of its territory as naval stations and mili- 
 tary posts; that it has limited its power to contract, so far as debts 
 are concerned, where such power is likely to be exercised in such 
 a way as to risk the independence of the Republic. It recogTiizes 
 our control over the sanitary conditions of that island as a matter 
 of protection to our own country. Cuba stands, as is often said 
 in debate in both Houses, in the position of a ward to a guardian. 
 
 I will not say anything now as to the history of this peculiar 
 position of protection on one side and of dependence on the other. 
 I will assume, without argument, that it was wise — wise upon 
 the part of the United States to offer it and wise upon the part of 
 Cuba to accept it — and yet the United States does, by the volun- 
 tai-y act of both the United States and Cuba, stand in the position 
 of guardian to Cuba. 
 
 What, then, does Cuba ask of us? She asks of us another ex- 
 ceptional relation. She admits that from the economic point of 
 view she is unable to stand alone; that the economic conditions 
 of the world are against her; that though she is to-day the cheap- 
 est producer of sugar in the world, the markets of the world are 
 barred against her by protective tariffs in some countries and by 
 the bounty system in others. When she sought to restore the in- 
 dustries that had been destroyed by the war, she found that the 
 production of 1,000.000 tons of sugar, which she had been accus- 
 tomed to supply to the world, had been taken up by Germany, by 
 France, and by Austria under the bounty system, and by Hawaii, 
 Louisiana, and westei-n beet sugar under the protective system, 
 and that they had possession of her markets and that the sugar 
 which she sought to produce and sell was a drug upon the market, 
 sagging that market down and lowering the international price 
 of sugar; and she looked to America, surrounded by a tariff wall, 
 producing with the aid of Hawaii, Louisiana, and the fertile 
 farms of the West only about one-third of her consumption, call- 
 ing upon the world at large for 1,600,000 tons of sugar annually, 
 and imposing upon that product a customs duty of $35 a ton, 
 nearly the international price that sugar was then bringing in the 
 markets of the world. 
 
 She looked out eagerly for this market to which she had been 
 accustomed before her prostration came. If she could import 
 her sugar duty free it meant that she would receive annually for 
 
 5682 
 
1.000,000 tons of sugar $75,000,000 instead of $40,000,000. It 
 meant that this advantage would increase as her production in 
 creased and tliat wealth and prosperity would come to her beyond 
 the power of man to describe. She first asked free trade, then 
 moderated her request to a reduction of 50 per cent in the duty, 
 and then finally acquiesced in a reduction of 30 per cent. What 
 woiild free trade have meant to her? One million tons of sugar, 
 bringing only $10 a ton in the markets of the world, would yield 
 her $75,000,000 in our market, where the domestic price of sugar 
 is of course the international price plus the duty. What does the 
 reduction she finally acquiesced in mean? A reduction of 20 per 
 cent— $7 a ton, §7,000,000 annually. 
 
 Why does she ask this preferential arrangement? She asks it 
 because she is the ward of the Republic; she asks it because she 
 is dependent upon the great Republic ; she asks it because of the 
 sympathy, the aid, and the succor that the great Republic gave 
 her in her war for freedom. She is not to be blamed or criticised 
 for asking it. It is entirely natural that she should appeal to her 
 best friend for sympathetic action. 
 
 And yet it is doubtful whether relief ought to be granted in 
 this particular way, involving as it does terms of preference, the 
 admission of the products of a foreign country within our tariff 
 Vv'all upon terms more favored than those accorded to other coun- 
 tries. Cuba asks us to tear do-svn our fiscal system , wh ich , whether 
 the protective wall be high or low, should be controlled by two 
 considerations— one, free trade inside the Republic, the other im- 
 partial trade outside of the Republic; the one securing amity and 
 friendship on our own soil, no preferences, no discriminations be- 
 tween individuals and industries; the other securing amity and 
 friendship with the nations of the world. 
 
 When Cuba asks this favor have we not the right to negotiate 
 with her? Is it not entirely proper and just for us to say, " We 
 object to discriminations, we object to preferences, we object to 
 tying up our tariff by contractual arrangements with individual 
 nations of the world, thus losing control of it ourselves. But we 
 realize yoar position, we realize your economic distress, we know 
 that you are dependent for yoar prosperity upon the markets of 
 this country. We are your friends. You ask for commercial 
 union. We tender you political union. You ask for a less 
 limited trade. We offer you unrestricted trade. " Is that taking 
 advantage of Cuba? Is it not the generous act of a great coun- 
 try which says to this dependent country, " We relieve you of 
 your condition of dependence and hardship; we welcome you to 
 become one of us — a sovereign State in the great Union of States, 
 bound together for the general welfare and common defense? " 
 
 Let us see whether this proposition does any injustice to Cuba, 
 for I am certain that I offered this joint resolution with no spirit 
 of spoliation. The Senator from Maine has said that every ad- 
 venturer and every speculator and every Spanish don is behind 
 the effort. If that be so, I know nothing of it. I have conferred 
 with no speciilators or adventurers or Spanish dons. This reso- 
 lution presents my individual view with regard to a matter affect- 
 ing the principles of our Government and the wise policy which 
 it should pursue in its relations with Cuba, and is inspired by 
 the greatest friendliness to Cuba. 
 
 In the first ]ilace the joint resolution is entitled, '■ Joint resolu- 
 tion inviting Cuba to become a State of the American Union." 
 
 5683 
 
6 
 
 That does not smack of compulsion. An invitation is not force. 
 Tlieu come the recitals and the first part of the resolution, as 
 follows: 
 
 Whereas the Repxiblic of Cuba is desu'ous of secxiring commercial union 
 with the United States; and 
 
 Whereas the best commercial union can be secured by and through polit- 
 ical iinion by means of the admission of the Republic of Cuba as a sovereign 
 State in the Union: Now, tlierefore, be it 
 
 Resolved, etc.. That the Republic of Cuba be, and is hereby, invited to be- 
 come a State of the United States, upon terms of equality with' all other States 
 of the Union, and, leading in that direction, the following suggestions are 
 made: 
 
 First. That the island of Porto Rico become a county or province of Cuba 
 and a part of the State of Cuba. 
 
 Why this inclusion of Porto Rico? Simply for this reason: That 
 as the result of or contemporaneously with the Spanish Avar we came 
 into numerous new possessions — Hawaii, the Philippine Islands, 
 Cuba, and Porto Rico, all of them now occupying varying relations 
 of dependence to this country. We had asserted in the Declaration 
 of Independence the equality of man, the inseparableness of taxa- 
 tion and representation, the doctrine of the consent of the governed, 
 but at that juncture we were met by the question as to whether 
 we could safely apply these doctrines to all these cotintries which 
 bear to us to-day varying relations of dependence. We did apply 
 them to Cuba by withdrawing our forces and surrendering the 
 government to her own people. We did apply them to Hawaii 
 by organizing a Territorial government, with a Delegate in Con- 
 gress — the traditional mode of organizing an infant State — but 
 we declined to apply them to Porto Rico and the Philippines. 
 The Philippine Islands became colonial possessions and Porto 
 Rico became not a Territory or an infant State, bitt became a de- 
 pendency without representation in our Government and subject 
 to its absolute will. Porto Rico, which lies to the east of Cuba 
 and has like commercial conditions, population, and climate, is a 
 small island, only 100 miles long by 30 miles wide — not big enough 
 to become a State. 
 
 Obviously, therefore, the only way of asserting the old doctrine 
 of the Declaration of Independence as to Porto Rico is to admit 
 her into the Union as a part of the State of Cuba. Cuba has six 
 provinces, corresponding to our counties. Porto Rico would be 
 a seventh county of the State of Cuba, a member of the American 
 Union, and as such would take part in the election of a President 
 of the United States and in the selection of United States Sen- 
 ators and Congressmen. As to her, there would be no taxation 
 without representation. So far as she is concerned this blot upon 
 our escutcheon would be absolutely removed. It is to be hoped 
 that hereafter we may take such action with reference to the 
 Philippine Islands as to redeem the old doctrine of the Republic 
 in all its integrity. 
 
 The second suggestion is : 
 
 Second. That the President and Vice-President of the Republic of Cuba be 
 the governor and lieutenant-governor, respectively, of the State of Cuba un- 
 til their present terms expire and that all other executive, legislative, and 
 judicial officers now holding office in the Republic of Cuba continue to hold 
 similar positions in the State of Cuba until their present terms expire, with 
 the exceiition of the customs and postal officials, who shall be incorporated 
 into the ciistoms and postal service of the United States, and the Rural 
 Guard, the officers and subordinates of which shall be incorporated into the 
 Army of the United States. 
 
 ■ Under this suggestion the President and Vice-President of the 
 Republic would become the governor and lieutenant-governor 
 568;J 
 
of the State of Cuba, the present Congi-ess of Cuba would become 
 the State legislature. Under it the cabinet would become the 
 State ofQcials; under it the judicial oflicers of the Republic of 
 Cuba would become the judicial officers of the State of Cuba. 
 
 The joint resolution provides that those officials connected with 
 the customs and post-offices shall be incorporated into the cus- 
 toms and postal service of the United States, and that the Rural 
 Guard, their only army, small in dimensions, but officered and 
 controlled, I believe, by able and patriotic men, will become a 
 part of the Army ot the United States. 
 
 Now, this is simply a suggestion to the Republic of Cuba. 
 Why? Because in the consolidation of two Republics, just as in 
 the consolidation of anything else, there are more or less points 
 of friction, and the purpose is to make the transition as easy as 
 possible. Under this resolution no man will be deprived of his 
 office, his position in the service of that countiy, or of his position 
 in tlie army. It simply provides a gradual change from the serv- 
 ice of the Republic of Cuba to the service of the State of Cuba. 
 
 Now, what is the next suggestion? 
 
 Third. That the bonds about to be issued by the Republic of Cuba for the 
 payment of its army during the war with Soain. aggregatins: S.3.5.000,0i)0, with 
 interest at 5 per cent, bo issued as the bonds of the State of Cuba, and that 
 the interest agreed to be paid thereon be reduced from 5 to 3 per cent, the 
 difference to be applied io the sinking fund, and that as so changed their 
 payment be guaranteed by the United States. 
 
 I may be asked of what benefit is that? For a long time Cuba 
 has been endeavoring to negotiate these bonds in the markets of 
 the world for the purpose of paying her patriotic army, a thing 
 which ought to have been accomplished long before this. Cer- 
 tainly the paj- of that army ought to be a tax upon the wealth of 
 the entire island until satisfied. Cuba has thus far been unable 
 to negotiate these bonds, though they are offered at a discount of 
 10 per cent — at 90 cents on the dollar. What saving will this ef- 
 fect to the State of Cuba as opposed to the Republic of Cuba? The 
 guaranty of the United States will enable those bonds to be ne- 
 gotiated at par. At the very outset she will save three million 
 and a half dollars upon the bonds. The reduction in the rate of 
 interest from 5 per cent to 3 per cent will save her 2 per cent — 
 $700,000 annually; so that in fifty years she will save in the pay- 
 ment of interest alone, $35,000,000, which amounts to the princi- 
 pal of the bonds. She will thus save nearly $40,000,000 on this 
 transaction alone by becoming a State in the Federal Union, and 
 she will save $35,000,000 annually or $350,000,000 within the next 
 ten years by the enhanced price she will receive for her sugar. 
 
 The next resolution provides that the funds in the treasury of 
 the Republic of Cuba shall be turned over to the State of Cuba. 
 There are about three or four million dollars in the treasury of 
 Cuba. It woiild go a great way toward State development — to- 
 ward the construction of roads and internal improvements. The 
 same provision is made regarding Porto Rico. The funds in 
 the treasury there are to be turned over to the county or provin- 
 cial aiithorities of that island, and thus a considerable sum will 
 be provided for internal improvements. 
 
 Then comes the last portion of the joint resolution, which de- 
 clares — 
 
 That the foregoing resolutions are inspired not by a desire to annex forci- 
 bly or to assert soveroigntj' over the island of Cuba, or to exercise any form 
 of compulsion, but solely by a regard for the mutual interests of tlio two 
 countries and a conviction that the interests of the States composing tho 
 5682 
 
8 
 
 Federal Union and Cuba are identical, and that they can be best secured by 
 a union under one form of government in which all shall be represented on 
 equal terms and be governed by equal and indiscriminating laws, insuring 
 freedom of trade and equality of right and privilege. 
 
 We have, then, Ctiba in this dependent position, seeking a still 
 more intimate relation with the Republic of the United States, 
 seeking commercial union, and we respond by offering her political 
 union, which involves absolute freedom of commerce. 
 
 Now, gentlemen say that this invitation should not be extended 
 by this country; that we would not extend it to a great country; 
 that we extend it to the Republic of Cuba only because it is a lit- 
 tle country: that we would not to-day extend an invitation to 
 Canada to become a State of the Republic, Obviously not, be- 
 cause that would be an act of hostility against Great Britain her- 
 self. We are now dealing with an independent sovereignty which 
 asks preferences in trade and a commercial union with us, and 
 we, animated by friendliness, kindliness, and generosity of spirit, 
 respond: " Come into the American Union and enjoy with us the 
 unparalleled blessings of liberty, equality, and prosperity." 
 
 Mr. CARMACK. Will the Senator from Nevada permit me 
 for a moment? 
 
 The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Peekins in the chair) . Does 
 the Senator from Nevada yield to the Senator from Tennessee? 
 
 Mr. NEWLANDS. Certainly. 
 
 Mr. CARMACK. I suggest to the Senator from Nevada that 
 shortly after the war there was considerable correspondence be- 
 tween this country and Great Britain with reference to the ac- 
 quisition of Canada, 
 
 Mr. NEWLANDS. That may be. I am not informed as to 
 that. 
 
 So with reference to the Republic of Mexico. The Republic of 
 Mexico is not seeking more intimate relations with us. I am not 
 aware that she is asking for commercial union with us. If she 
 were, it would be entirely proper for us to respond by extending 
 to her an invitation to come into the Union. But here is Cuba 
 making the offer of commercial union and we offer the larger 
 benefit of political union, which involves the blessings of a free 
 government and at the same time greater commercial advantages 
 than she coitld secure through any reciprocity arrangement. 
 
 Why, then, should we make this offer? Why should we extend 
 this invitation? Why does not Cuba ask for it? Simply becattse, 
 though it is a desirable thing, simply because, thoiigh the people 
 of both countries may be in favor of it, we will find that Cuba 
 will be reluctant to take the initiative, because she will be suspi- 
 cious and fearful of our action. She has seen us, under tempta- 
 tion, absohitely abandon the doctrines of the fathers — those doc- 
 trines which have been the inspiration of every Fourth of July 
 orator for the last hundred years. She has seen us repudiate the 
 doctrine of the inseparability of taxation and representation. 
 She has seen us repudiate the doctrine of the consent of the gov- 
 erned. She has seen us seize islands in a war inspired abso- 
 lutely by benevolence, and has seen us yield to the temptation of 
 greed and hold those islands against the will of their people. She 
 will fear, if she makes the least advance toward the union of the 
 two countries, that then we will endeavor to annex her, not as a 
 State of the Union, but as a dependency, such as the Philippines 
 are and svich as Porto Rico is. 
 
 No public man could rise in the Congress of the Republic of 
 Cuba to-day and make the suggestion of annexation to the United 
 668;i 
 
OF THE ^ ^ 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF 
 
 9 
 
 States, for he would be met by tliis argument wliich I have pre- 
 sented — an ai'gument which furnishes every kind of fuel that 
 eloquence needs. The people would be suspicious, and, in view of 
 our action regarding Porto Rico and the Philippines, they have a 
 right to be suspicious. We must, by unequivocally taking our posi- 
 tion, tell Cuba that we do not ask annexation, but that we invite 
 her to sisterhood; that we do not seek to exercise sovereignty over 
 her, but that she shall become one of the sovereign States of the 
 Union, bound together for the common welfare and defense. 
 
 Now, I am aware that the joint resolution will be criticised; 
 that it wUl be opposed by many both in Cuba and in this country; 
 but I believe the argument for political union can not be refuted, 
 and I believe it will eventually prevail. I can not believe that 
 the United States is indifferent to this qiiestion. There has not 
 been a time in the history of the Republic when the annexation 
 of Cuba would not have' been welcomed. Throughout the his- 
 tory of the Republic we would have sought Cuba just as eagerly 
 as the valley of the Mississippi or Florida. It is separated appar- 
 ently from Florida by a convulsion of nature, by only a few miles 
 of water. The island is one of incomparable salubrity of climate 
 and richness of soil. To-day it has a population of 1,500,000. It 
 is capable of supporting 15,000,000 people. Its commercial advan- 
 tages, its agricultural advantages are undoubted. It lies in front 
 of the great Gulf, of our way to the Mississippi, of our way to the 
 future canal at Panama. 
 
 Having that island as a part of the United States, destined at 
 some time to bo inhabited by 400,000,000 people, we can imagine 
 its value to those 400,000,000 people merely as a sanitarium and 
 health resort. It has such advantages of climate and scenery that 
 one day it will rival the Riviera of the Mediterranean. With Cali- 
 fornia on the Pacific Ocean and Cuba upon the Atlantic, vfith 
 400,000,000 people between, the advantages of that island from the 
 standpoint of health alone, dismissing all considerations of com- 
 merce and business, must be obvious. 
 
 Mr. President, I fear I have already taken up too much time in 
 response to the Senator from Maine [Mr. Hale] . I believe in the 
 joint resolution. We are told by the Associated Press that while 
 it was seriously considered by some people in Cu.ba it was re- 
 garded by others with amusement, and that it was regarded in 
 the island of Porto Rico with derision. But amvisement and de- 
 rision often accompany the urging of great measures and should 
 constitute no discouragement. The people of Cuba have not as 
 yet seen this joint resolution. They have probably received only 
 the condensed report of the Associated Press. The people of 
 Porto Rico have not yet received it. But I base my position upon 
 the strength of the argument, and I believe that that argument 
 will find a lodgment in the minds of patriotic and sensible men, 
 both in the United States and in the islands of Cuba and Porto 
 Rico. 
 
 Mr. PLATT of Connecticut. Mr. President, I do not know 
 whether the Senate desires to continue this discussion at the pres- 
 ent time, but I do not wish to let this subject pass from its con- 
 sideration without a few observations. 
 
 * * * * * * * 
 
 It is a little strange that this new theory or sentiment of expan- 
 sion shoiild come from those who in so recent years have been the 
 loudest in the denunciation of that policy. 
 6682 
 
10 
 
 Mr. NEWLANDS. Will the Senator from Connecticut permit 
 me for a moment? 
 
 The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from Connect- 
 icnt yield to the Senator from Nevada? 
 
 Mr. PLATT of Connecticut. Certainly. 
 
 Mr. NEWLANDS. I wish to call the attention of the Senator 
 from Connecticut to the fact that the Democratic party has al- 
 ways been in favor of the expansion of the Republic as opposed 
 to the expansion of the empire, and that this is a legitimate part 
 of the policy of the Republic, which has always embraced the 
 acquisition of contiguous continental territory and of adjacent 
 
 islands essential to our coast defense. 
 
 ***** * * 
 
 Mr. LODGE. Mr. President, I regretted very much the intro- 
 duction of this resolution, but I do not regi-et the discussion that 
 has arisen this morning, for I think the resolution has made some 
 such discussion absolutely and immediately necessary. 
 
 The question what this resolution means is to us of no conse- 
 quence. The important thing is the impression that it has made 
 
 or is likely to make upon the people of Cuba. 
 
 * * * *~ * * * 
 
 Mr. President, we have no desire to annex that island. We 
 much prefer it in the state in which it now is. For one, Mr. 
 President, looking at it solely from our own side and not from 
 theirs, I am opposed to having island States. We all know that 
 if Cuba becomes a pax't of the United States it must be made a 
 State of the Union, and the wholesome rule against island States 
 would be broken once for all. 
 
 Mr. President, there is an island prospering and doing well, 
 with our aid and our approbation. We do not want to agitate 
 and distress her people with resolutions conveying an idea that 
 we are suspicious of her future or doubtful of her present. 
 
 And not content with that. Mr. President, this resolution goes 
 on to propose that the island of Porto Rico, which is prosperoTis 
 and happy under the government that we have given it, shall be 
 annexed violently to the island of Cuba. Porto Rico is ready to 
 be a dependency of the United States, but it is a very different 
 proposition that we should, with a high hand, make it a depend- 
 ency of another island. Mr. President, is it necessary to agitate 
 those people in this way? 
 
 Mr. NEWLANDS. Mr. President 
 
 The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Does the Senator from Massa- 
 chusetts yield to the Senator from Nevada? 
 
 Mr. LODGE. Certainly. 
 
 Mr. NEWLANDS. If the island of Porto Rico were a coimty 
 of the State of Cuba, would the Senator call it a dependency? 
 
 Mr. LODGE. I thought the language was " a county or prov- 
 ince." I have it not before me. 
 
 Mr. NEWLANDS. I used the term "coimty or province" 
 because Cuba is divided into six provinces, and they would better 
 understand that term than the word " county;" but the purpose 
 was simply to make Porto Rico a county of a sovereign State, 
 sharing with that State in the selection of United States Sena- 
 tors and Representatives in Congress and in the election of the 
 
 President of the United States. 
 
 * ****** 
 
 I wish to ask the Senator from Massachusetts in case the 
 people of the island of Cuba voluntarily and without any sug- 
 
11 
 
 gestion from ns should indicate any desire to become a State of 
 the Federal Union, whether he would be inclined to grant their 
 request? 
 
 Mr. LODGE. That is an important question, to be considered 
 when it arises. There is not the slightest indication that the people 
 of Cuba want to become a State of the Union. There is not the 
 slightest indication that they are not content where they are; that 
 they are not gratifying their own jjride and their own sense of 
 citizenship by remaining where they are. Why should we discuss 
 bringing them into the Union? Why should we arouse their sus- 
 picion and hurt their feelings? Why not leave them alone to work 
 out their destiny as they are working it out, with all the kindly 
 aid and assistance we can give them? 
 
 Mr. NEWLANDS. Will the Senator permit another question? 
 
 Mr. LODGE. Certainly; as many questions as the Senator 
 wants to ask. 
 
 Mr. NEWLANDS. I presume the Senator realizes that the 
 markets of the world have been gradually closed against sugar in 
 Cuba and that she markets her entire crop in this country. ISTow, 
 assuming that England should adopt the retaliatory policy called 
 for by Mr. Chamberlain, and should put a protective duty upon 
 sugar with a view to protecting her own colonies producing sugar, 
 I ask whether the island of Cuba would not be absolutely depend- 
 ent for the marketing of her own crop upon the United States, 
 and would the Senator regard it as an act of hostility to Cuba to 
 suggest to her an arrangement by which, instead of securing 
 $40,000,000 annually for her crop, she would secure $75,000,000? 
 
 Mr. LODGE. I am not going to discuss the sugar question. 
 That comes up very properly, no doubt, in connection with the 
 bill to carry the treaty into effect. I did not rise to discuss the 
 sugar question or any part of it. My object was simply to enter 
 my own disclaimer against any idea that we were seeking to an- 
 nex Cuba or to change the present relations of the countries. 
 Novemher 25, 1903, 
 
 Mr. NEWLANDS. Mr. President, in the debate the other day 
 relating to the joint resolution (S. R. 15) inviting Cuba to be- 
 come a State of the American Union, which I had the honor to 
 present, it was stated by the Senator from Connectictit [Mr. 
 Platt] and also, I believe, by the Senator from Massachusetts 
 [Mr. Lodge] that the joint resokition proposed that the island of 
 Porto Rico should become a part of the State of Cuba without 
 consulting the island of Porto Rico; in other words, without her 
 consent. 
 
 I wish to state that the suggestions which the joint resolution 
 presents look to having an expression of the sentiment both of 
 Cuba and Porto Rico upon this subject. If Cuba is disposed at 
 all to consider the matter, the whole question can, by a popular 
 vote, be presented to the Cuban people as to whether or not it is 
 desirable to become a State in the American Union, and as to 
 what changes are necessary in the constitution of the Republic in 
 order to fit that Republic for statehood in the American Union. 
 
 In the same way the sense of Porto Rico can be taken as to 
 whether or not that island desires to become a part of the State 
 of Cuba, or a county of the State of Cuba, and, as such, a part of 
 the American Union, enjoying constitutional rights and privi- 
 leges, freedom of trade, and the power and privilege of joining in 
 
 5683 
 
12 
 
 the selection of the President of the United States and of Senators 
 and Representatives of the United States. The sense of that peo- 
 ple can be taken by a popiilar vote as to whether or not they wish 
 to remain a mere dependency of the United States, annexed to but 
 not a part of the United States, subject to the absolute power and 
 will of the United States, or vrhether by means of incorporation 
 with Cuba they desire to become a part of a sovereign State of 
 the Union. 
 
 In this way the doctrine of the consent of the governed will be 
 vindicated by an expression of the will of the majority both in 
 Cuba and in Porto Rico. Porto Rico is too small in territory to 
 become a State. If Porto Rico wishes to remain a dependency, 
 she can express her will. If she washes to become a part of a 
 sovereign State of the American Union, she can express her will 
 by a popular vote. So I contend that this provision does not in- 
 volve the incorporation of Porto Rico as a part of the State of 
 Cuba without the consent of that island. 
 
 Another statement was made by the Senators who spoke upon 
 that day — the Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. Lodge] . the Sen- 
 ator from Connecticut [Mr. Platt] , and the Senator from Maine 
 [Mr. Hale] — and that was that Cuba was not a dependent Repub- 
 lic. I assume that politically no one can deny that she certainly 
 has abdicated a part of her sovereignty by the adoption of the 
 Platt amendment and that she has become in a sense dependent 
 upon this country. 
 
 But when I referred in my remarks to her dependence I re- 
 ferred principally, not to a political dependence, but to an eco- 
 nomic dependence. That seems to have been denied by the 
 Senators; and yet if you will look over the speeches of the Repub- 
 lican members of the "Ways and Means Committee of the Hoiise 
 advocating reciprocity, if you will look over their reports, if you 
 will look over the testimonj^ of delegations representing Cuba, 
 which appeared before the Ways and Means Committee of the 
 House two years ago, you will find everywhere the fact promi- 
 nently stated and urged that Cuba is a ward of the great Repub- 
 lic, and that from an economic point of view she is absolutely 
 dependent upon the markets of this country, and that she can not 
 prosper, or at least not in any very high degree, unless she re- 
 ceives either freedom of trade or less restrictions than are imposed 
 upon other countries. So I insist upon it that I was warranted 
 in saying that the Republic of Cuba is dependent, both in a polit- 
 ical and an economic sense, upon this country. 
 
 Now, I was charged, and charged by the Senator from Maine 
 [Mr. Hale] , I believe, with disturbing conditions, with making 
 statements that would affect the credit of Cuba, and that, too, at 
 a most critical time. Mr. President, I claim to be the friend of 
 Cuba. I would not do a thing or say a word which would thi'ow 
 any obstacle whatever in the path of her progress. I contend 
 that in presenting the dependent condition of Cuba, both in a 
 political and an economic sense, I was simply stating the facts of 
 history — facts testified to in the records of both bodies of Con- 
 gress, facts testified to by the Cuban delegation, and facts pro- 
 claimed by the Republican Members of the House in their 
 speeches. 
 
 I claim that the very purpose of the joint resolution which I 
 have introduced is to improve the credit of Cuba. As a matter 
 of fact, Cuba is to-day attempting to negotiate bonds to the ex- 
 
 6C82 
 
13 
 
 tent of $35,000,000, with interest at the rate of 5 per cent, and the 
 bonds are offered at a discount of 10 per cent. It is a matter well 
 knowTi thronghout the financial world that thns far there have 
 been no takers for the bonds. 
 
 The suggestion of the joint resolution is that those bonds shall 
 be guaranteed by the United States, which would enable them to 
 be negotiated at j)ar. Such a guaranty would warrant a reduc- 
 tion of the rate of interest from 5 per cent to 3 per cent. Tliis 
 would effect an immediate saving of three million and a half of 
 dollars in the negotiation of the bonds and an ultimate saving in 
 interest which would very nearly pay the principal of the bonds 
 themselves. So I contend that the passage of the joint resolution 
 would strengthen the credit of Cuba and not injure it. 
 
 In support of what I have said, I shoiild like to append to my 
 remarks certain quotations from the proceedings before the Ways 
 and Means Committee of the House, the testimony of Colonel 
 Bliss, Mr. Mendoza, and others representing Cuba, and also cer- 
 tain quotations from debates upon this subject. I will not read 
 them now, but I ask permission of the Senate to insert them in 
 my remarks. 
 
 The PRESIDING OFFICER. If there is no objection, such 
 will be the order of the Senate. The Chair hea,rs none. 
 
 Mr. NEWLANDS. Mr. President, briefly stated, the purpose 
 of the joint resolution is not force or compulsion. The appeal is 
 only to reason. "We invite Cuba to become a State of the Union 
 upon an equality with all the other States of the Union, and we 
 suggest, simply as steps leading in that direction, that the Presi- 
 dent, the judicial officers, and the legislative body of that Repub- 
 lic shall become the executive officers, the judicial officers, and 
 the legislative officers of the State of Cuba without change of 
 term or salary. 
 
 As to the customs and postal officials, the joint resolution sug- 
 gests that they shall become incorporated into the ciistoms and 
 postal service of the United States. As to the small army of that 
 Republic, the rural guards, composed mainly of and officered by 
 soldiers who fought in the war for Ctiban freedom, the sugges- 
 tion is that it shall be incorporated into the Army of the United 
 States. As to the debt, the suggestion is that the bonds shall be 
 guaranteed by the United States, and thus Cuba will ultimately 
 save in expenditures a sum aggregating nearly $40,000,000. 
 
 Such are the suggestions contained in this resolution of little 
 changes in government that are necessary to adapt the Repiiblic 
 of Cuba to statehood in the American Union. Such is the im- 
 mediate economic advantage which Cuba would secure byimion, 
 in addition to tlie great economic advantage of having her entire 
 sugar crop, amounting to 1,000,000 tons annually, admitted to 
 this country without the imposition of the present duty of $35 a 
 ton, thus enal)]ing the Cubans to secure in the American market, 
 for the present production of 1,000,000 tons, $75,000,000 instead of 
 $40,000,000. That would be a saving to Cuba of $85,000,000 
 annually, $350,000,000 in ten years, over a billion dollars in the 
 forty years constitiiting the term of the bonds which she is about 
 to issue. 
 
 Now, I siibmit this statement sim]ily in explanation. The joint 
 
 resolution came up unexpectedly the other day for discussion, 
 
 and I was unable to answer all of the Senators who spoke upon it. 
 
 My purpose now is not to make a speech, but simply to complete 
 
 5G82 
 
14 
 
 the record, so that there can be no misapprehension whatever as 
 to the purpose and intent of the joint resohition, 
 
 ******* 
 
 Mr. NEWLANDS. Mr. President, just a few words in reply- 
 to the Senator from Maine. 
 
 I claim that the suggestion of the possibility of Cuba becoming a 
 State of the American Union will benefit her credit instead of in- 
 jure it. But even under present conditions the people proposing 
 to take those bonds would doubtless feel that the security of the 
 bonds is strengthened by even the possibility of Cuba's becoming 
 a State of the Union, and this suggestion should not in any way 
 weaken the existing negotiations. 
 
 Now, as to the Senator's statement that no one is in favor of 
 taking those islands, I agree with him that no one is in favor of 
 taking the island of Cuba; at all events, I hope no one is in favor 
 of it, for that suggests force and compulsion. But so far as the 
 union of the island of Cuba with the American Union is con- 
 cerned, I beg to differ with him. There has been no mode of get- 
 ting an expression of the public sentiment either in Cuba or in 
 this country upon that subject, but I submit that the traditional 
 policy of this country, dating back a hundred years, has always 
 included the acquisition of Cuba and the incorporation of Cuba 
 into this Union if it could be done peaceably, with the consent of 
 her people, and iipon terms of equality to both. I believe that 
 tlie sentiment has been and is to-day favorable in Cuba itself, 
 though that sentiment has found no expression, for they have 
 been discouraged, perhaps, in their aspirations by the new policy 
 of the American Republic, which has looked to the acquisition of 
 territory as a dependent territory subject to the absolute will of 
 the sovereign owner; and they doubtless fear that if they make 
 overtures for union with this country those overtures might be 
 met by measures smacking somewhat of compulsion or violence 
 and leading to the annexation of the island as a military depend- 
 ency or as a colonial possession of the United States. 
 
 Now, to support my statement that there is a sentiment in Cuba 
 favorable to the union, let me read from the testimony of General 
 Bliss (then Colonel Bliss), a distinguished American officer who 
 had been serving in Cuba for three years as administrator or col- 
 lector of customs during the American occupation, who was fully 
 familiar with its people and with its economic conditions, and 
 who testified with great clearness and precision before the Com- 
 mittee on Ways and Means two years ago. The quotation is a 
 short one. His statement was in reply to a question presented by 
 myself; 
 
 Mr. Newlands. As I understand it, Colonel, the Cuban people •wish to 
 come into commercial union with the United States without being subjected 
 to the burdens that political imion would involve, such as exclusion of the 
 pauper labor of Europe and restriction of Asiatic immigration. The conten- 
 tion, you understand, on the American side, in behalf of the beet-sugar in- 
 dustry and others, is that it would he unfair to have a commercial union 
 when the Americans are handicapped by restrictive legislation as to immi- 
 gration and cheap labor, and the Cubans are not. 
 
 A Gentleman. And the payment of internal taxes. 
 
 Mr. Newlands. Now, I a.sk you whether or not the Ciiban people are pre- 
 pared to come into political union with the United States so that they will 
 stand upon an equality in the production of sugar? 
 
 Colonel Bliss. I think, .iudging from my own personal acqxiaintance and 
 from information derived from it, that the great majority of Cubans are 
 ready. 
 
 Mr. Newlands. They are ready to come into political union? 
 
 Colonel Bliss. Yes, sir. 
 5683 
 
15 
 
 Mr. Netvlands. Do yon mean by that that they are willina; to come in as 
 a part of the United States under a Territorial form of governraent under 
 the Constitution, their people being citizens, and wait until the United ytivtos 
 is ready to admit Cuba to statehood, or do you mean that they would require 
 immediate statehood? 
 
 Colonel Bliss. From all those people who are interested in any way per- 
 sonally in the island of Cuba I have never heard but one statement— that they 
 would be glad to come in as a Territory, as a colony, or remain under the 
 present military administration, or in any way so as to become recognized as 
 a part of the United States. 
 
 Mr. Newlands. Now, then, if the United States Government, in the place 
 of tarilf concessions, should, by joint resolution adopted by Congress, invite 
 Cuba to come into our political union, first as a Territory, with the assur- 
 ance that in due time she would be admitted to statehood, do you think that 
 invitation would be accepted by Cuba? 
 
 Colonel Bliss. I think it would; yes, sir. 
 
 ******* 
 
 Mr. Newlands. Colonel, do you think the Cuban climate is adapted to 
 Americans? 
 
 Colonel Bliss. Yes, sir; perfectly. 
 
 Mr. Newlaxds. That they can live there generation after generation 
 without degeneration? 
 
 Colonel Bliss. I can not answer you further than my own generation, 
 and. in fact, not for all of that one. I have lived there three years, and have 
 worked hard in all the variations of climate that they have there. I feel as 
 well now as I did when I went there, and I see no reason to think that if I 
 wei'e tliere twenty-five years longer it would make any difference. 
 
 Mr. Newlands. Yoii were speaking a few moments ago regarding the 
 sentiment there us to political union with the United States. Do you derive 
 that sentiment from communications with Spaniards, or from communica- 
 tion with Cubans? 
 
 Colonel Bliss. "With Si)aniards, with Cubans, with laboring men, and with 
 everybody except a certain class of Cuban politicians. 
 
 Mr. Newlands. That is a small class, is it? 
 
 Colonel Buss. Comparatively a small class; yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Newlands. Take the leaders in the late war with Spain— the Cuban 
 leaders— what is their sentiment regarding it? 
 
 Colonel Bliss. I think that, as a matter of pride, at least, all of those men 
 would prefer to see an independent Cuba. I think— in fact, I know— that 
 there are some of these who have no hesitation in saying that after the pride 
 of their ijeople has been satisfied they will gladly welcome the next step in 
 the solution of this problem. 
 
 Mr. Neavlands. As a permanent arrangement, do yoii think they would 
 prefer simply a commercial union with this country, with tariff concessions 
 on both sides, or political union, which, of course, would involve complete 
 commercial union? 
 
 Colonel Bliss. That I do not know, sir; but I am satisfied that in bringing 
 about this commercial union of which you speak, any condition that you 
 choose to impose will be gladly accepted; any modification in any law, or the 
 creation of any new law, will be gladly made by Cuba to secure that which 
 is all she asks now, I beheve, viz, closer commercial relations with the United 
 Stiites. 
 
 Mr. Newlands. Do you think their disposition as to a political union with 
 this country arises from these commercial considerations; or do other consid- 
 erations enter into it? 
 
 Colonel Bliss. I think it all grows out of the commercial considerations. 
 
 Mr. NEWL.iXDs. It is represented here that there is intense hostility upon 
 the part of Cubans to America. 
 
 Colonel Bliss. There is on the part of a certain outspoken element; yes, 
 sir. 
 
 Mr. Neavlaxds. Is that a large proportion? 
 
 Colonel Bliss. I think it is a very small proportion, largely represented 
 by the political men of whom I speak, whose immediate hope for the gratifi- 
 cation of their pride and then- ambition is in the establishment of an inde- 
 pendent government. 
 
 ******* 
 
 Mr. Newlaxds. You have spoken of the American influx that would fol- 
 low settled conditions there. Do vou think Americans thei-e would take hold 
 of the soil and till it? Do you thiiik they would take up small holdings there? 
 
 Colonel Bliss. Oh, yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Newlands. Is that climate adapted for Americans in that kind of 
 work? 
 
 Colonel Bliss. Perfectly; perfectlv. It is warmer in winter and cooler in 
 
 summer than almost any part of the United Stat-es with which I am familiar. 
 
 I do not know of a more delightful climate, winter and .'-ummer, than the 
 
 island of Cuba, so far as concerns any part of the island that I have visited. 
 
 5682 
 
.16 
 
 Of course, the effect that would ho produced on a second generation or a 
 third generation is something that I ao not know and can not foresee; but I 
 am acquainted with many Americans, Englishmen, Germans, Frenchmen, 
 and Spaniards who have lived in Cuba from a quarter to a half a century 
 and who have suffered no deterioration that I can see, either physical or 
 otherwise. I know a good raany Americans, small planters, people who have 
 come down and bought 30, 40, or 50 acres of land and are raising vegetables 
 and oranges, who have found that the business is not successful because they 
 can not export anything to the United States. They find that the price they 
 get for a barrel of oranges on the wharves of Habana is counterbalanced by 
 the duty they have to pay in New York. 
 
 Mr. Newlands. Do these Americans labor themselves or do they employ 
 peon labor? 
 
 Colonel Br^iss. Oh, those whom I have in mind are people that go out and 
 work in the fields themselves. 
 
 Cuba was also represented by a delegation there, called, I be- 
 lieve, the Cuban Economic Delegation, representing its business 
 and commercial interests, a niimber of men of great intelligence, 
 who presented their views to the committee on our trade relations 
 with Cuba. . One of them, Mr. Mendoza, a leader among them, 
 designated in the report as Cuban commissioner on economic af- 
 fairs, was asked by me the following question; and remember 
 that the question asked of Colonel Bliss was in the presence of 
 this delegation: 
 
 Mr. Newlands. Now, Mr. Mendoza, you heard Colonel Bliss's statement 
 regarding the sentiment there as to political union with this country, or 
 annexation? 
 
 Mr. Mendoza. Yes, sir; I quite agree with him. 
 
 Mr. Newlands. Do you agree with him? 
 
 Mr. Mendoza. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Newlands. Does he express fairly the sentiment of Cuba? 
 
 Mr. Mendoza. Yes, sir. 
 
 Here you have the statements of Colonel Bliss, who was familiar 
 with all the affairs of Cuba, and of Mr. Mendoza, representing 
 this Cuban delegation, and I say here that every member of that 
 delegation nodded his approval when Mr. Mendoza gave his ap- 
 probation to Colonel Bliss's statement. 
 5883 
 
 o 
 
\^w^ 
 
 CENSUS OF CUBA, 
 
 TAKEN FNPER 
 
 IE DIRECTIOX OF THE AVAR DEPARTMENT, U. 8. A. 
 
 OF C^O^'0 
 
 
 BULLETIN I^O. 1. 
 
 TOTAL POPULATION BY PROVINCES, MUNICIPAL DISTRICTS, 
 CITIES, AND WARDS. 
 
 WASHINGTON: 
 
 GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE. 
 1900.