THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 * 
 
 / 

 
 <7S 
 
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 I'/
 
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 ROMAN SCENES 
 
 THE TIME OF AUGUSTUS.
 
 New Edition, in post 8vo, price 7*. 6rf. 
 
 CHAEICLES, a Tale illustrative of Private Life 
 among the Ancient Greeks; with Notes and Excur- 
 suses. Edited by the Eev. F. METCALFE, B.D., from 
 the German of Professor BECKEB. 
 
 London : LONGMANS and CO.
 
 G A L L U S 
 
 ROMAN SCENES 
 
 OF 
 
 THE TIME OF AUGUSTUS 
 
 WITH NOTES AND EXCURSUSES ILLUSTRATIVE OF THE 
 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE ROMANS. 
 
 BY PROFESSOR W. A. BECKER. 
 
 TRANSLATED BY THE 
 
 EEV. FKEDEEICK METCALFE, B.D. 
 
 FELLOW OF LINCOLN COLLEGE, OXFORD, 
 AND LATE HEAD MASTER OF BRIGHTON COLLEGE. 
 
 SEVENTH EDITION. 
 
 LOISDON : 
 LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 
 
 1882.
 
 I 
 
 GALLUS ET HESPEB.II8 ET CALLUS NOTU8 EOI8 
 
 f * 
 
 ET SUA CUM GALLO NOTA LYCOB.TS EUAT. U 
 
 (Ovid.)
 
 College 
 
 Libr, 
 
 ADVEETISEMENT 
 
 TO 
 
 THE SECOND EDITION. 
 
 OINCE the appearance of the first edition of Qallus in 
 ^ an English form, its learned author, as well as the 
 veteran Hermann of Leipsic, to whom he dedicated his 
 Chariclcs, have been numbered with the dead, while the 
 irreparable loss thus sustained by the literary world was 
 heightened by the decease, soon after, of Orelli at Zurich. 
 
 At the period of his too early removal, Professor 
 Becker was engaged in collecting the materials for a 
 second improved and enlarged edition of Gallus : the task 
 of completing which was consigned to Professor Rein of 
 Eisenach, and the deceased's papers placed at his disposal. 
 Besides interweaving in the work these posthumous notes, 
 the new editor has likewise added very much valuable 
 matter of his own, correcting errors where they occurred, 
 throwing new light on obscure points of criticism or an- 
 tiquarian knowledge, and, where the explanations were 
 too brief, giving them greater development. 
 
 He has further adopted the plan of the English editor, 
 whereby the Excursuses were thrown together at the 
 end, so as not to interfere with the even tenor of the 
 narrative ; and the woodcuts removed from the end to 
 their proper place in the body of the text. Much matter 
 has also been extracted from the notes and embodied in 
 the Appendix. These changes have given a unity, con- 
 
 1" :|" Trf"7*T ? tr* 
 > <OfC3';i
 
 vi ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 secutiveness, and completeness to the work which must 
 materially enhance its literary value. Indeed, so great 
 have been the alterations and additions, and there has 
 been so much transposition and remodelling, that this 
 English edition has required nearly as much time and 
 labour as the preceding one. 
 
 By the advice of friends many of the citations have 
 now been given at length. 
 
 The Excursus on the Buhlerinnen has been entirely 
 omitted. 
 
 It may be added, that the first edition having been 
 for some time exhausted, in order to lose as little time 
 as possible, the proof-sheets were, by the kindness of the 
 German publisher, forwarded to this country as they 
 issued from the press. The editor may be permitted to 
 observe, in conclusion, that he is glad to find from the 
 extensive circulation of Galkts in this country and Ame- 
 rica, as well as from the opinions of the press, that the 
 praise he ventured to bestow on the work has been fully 
 borne out. 
 
 BRIGHTON: May, 1849.
 
 TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 oder Romische Scenen aus der Zeit Augusts 
 ^ such is the German title of Professor Becker's 
 work was published at Leipsic in 1838. The novelty of 
 its conception, the comparatively fresh ground it broke in 
 the field of Roman Antiquities, and the exceeding erudi- 
 tion brought to bear on the subject, at once arrested the 
 attention of German scholars, and it has ever since been 
 considered, what its author ventured to hope it would be, 
 ' a desirable repertory of whatever is most worth knowing 
 about the private life of the Romans/ Soon after its 
 publication, a very lengthened and eulogistic critique ap- 
 peared in the Times London newspaper ; and as it seldom 
 happens that that Journal can find space in its columns 
 for notices of this description, no little weight was attached 
 to the circumstance, and a proportionate interest created 
 in the work. Proposals were immediately made for 
 publishing it in an English dress, and the book was adver- 
 tised accordingly; but unforeseen difficulties intervened, 
 arising from the peculiar nature of the work, and the plan 
 was ultimately abandoned. 
 
 In fact, in order to render the book successful in 
 England, it was absolutely necessary that it should be 
 somehow divested of its very German appearance, which, 
 how palatable soever it might be to the author's own 
 
 b
 
 viii TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 countrymen, would have been caviare to the generality of 
 English readers. For instance, instead of following each 
 other uninterruptedly, the Scenes were separated by a 
 profound gulf of Notes and Excursuses, which, if plunged 
 into, was quite sufficient to drown the interest of the tale. 
 The present translator was advised to attempt certain 
 alterations, and he was encouraged to proceed with the 
 task by the very favourable opinion which some of our 
 most distinguished scholars entertained of the original, 
 and their desire that it should be introduced into this 
 country. The notes have been accordingly transported 
 from tn3i'r intercalary position, and set at the foot of the 
 pages in the narrative to which they refer. The Scenes 
 therefore succeed each other uninterruptedly, so that the 
 thread of the story is rendered continuous, and disen- 
 tangled from the maze of learning with which the Excur- 
 suses abound. These, in their turn, have been thrown 
 together in an Appendix, and will doubtless prove a very 
 substantial caput coence to those who shall have first dis- 
 cussed the lighter portion of the repast. In addition to 
 these changes, which it is hoped will meet with approba- 
 tion, much curtailment has been resorted to, and the two 
 volumes of the original compressed into one. In order to 
 effect this, the numerous passages from Roman and Greek 
 authors have, in many instances, been only referred to, 
 and not given at length ; matters of minor importance 
 have been occasionally omitted, and more abstruse points 
 of disquisition not entered into. Those who may feel an 
 interest in further inquiry, are referred to the Professor's 
 work, in four volumes, on Roman Antiquities, now in 
 course of publication in Germany. At the same time, care 
 has been taken not to leave out any essential fact.
 
 TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. u 
 
 The narrative, in spite of the author's modest esti- 
 mate of this section of his labours, is really very interest- 
 ing 1 , nay, wonderfully so, considering the narrow limits he 
 had prescribed for himself, and his careful avoidance of 
 anything not founded on fact, or bearing the semblance of 
 fiction. 
 
 The idea of making an interesting story the basis of 
 his exposition, and of thus ' strewing with flowers the 
 path of dry antiquity,' is most judicious. "We, have here 
 a flesh and blood picture of the Roman, as he lived and 
 moved, thought and acted, worth more a thousand times 
 than the disjecta membra, the dry skeleton, to be found 
 in such books as Adam's Roman Antiquities, and others 
 of the same nature, which, however erudite, are vastly 
 uninviting. 
 
 In conclusion, the translator will be abundantly satis- 
 fied if, by his poor instrumentality, the English student 
 shall have become acquainted with a most instructive 
 work, and thus his mind stimulated to the further inves- 
 tigation of a subject fraught with peculiar fascination 
 the domestic habits and manners of the most remarkable 
 people of antiquity. 
 
 LONDON : May, 1844.
 
 AUTHOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 was once a period, when no portion of classic 
 lore was more zealously cultivated than the study of 
 Antiquities, by which is meant everything appertaining to 
 the political institutions, worship, and houses, of the 
 ancients. Though the two former of these are the most 
 important, in an historical, point of view, yet objects of 
 domestic antiquity excited still greater attention ; and as 
 it was evident that on the understanding of them depended 
 the correct interpretation of ancient authors, the smallest 
 minutiae were deemed worthy of investigation. 
 
 The greatest philologists of the sixteenth and seven- 
 teenth centuries, such men as Lipsius, Casaubonus, and 
 Salmasius, took great delight in this particular branch of 
 archaeology. The last-mentioned scholar has, in his Exer- 
 citt. ad Solinum, in the notes to the Scriptt. Hist. 
 Augusta, and Tertullian. De Pattio, as well as elsewhere, 
 displayed his usual acumen and erudition. And although 
 more recent discoveries have often set him right in the 
 explanation of manners and customs, still his must always 
 be considered as a rich compilation of most judiciously 
 chosen materials. 
 
 It however soon became apparent that written ac- 
 counts were frequently insufficient ; and, as monuments 
 were gradually brought to light from amidst the rubbish
 
 xii AUTHOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 that hid them, their importance grew- more and more 
 manifest. These witnesses of departed grandeur and mag- 
 nificence, of early habits and customs, were canvassed 
 with increasing animation ; and, in Italy, a great number 
 of works appeared descriptive of them ; which, however, 
 often evinced rather an ostentation of extensive learning 
 than real depth and penetration. The Italians possessed 
 the advantage of having the monuments before their eyes, 
 and moreover, the Dutch and German scholars contented 
 themselves with throwing together a quantity of loose and 
 unconnected observations, without bestowing much inves- 
 tigation on their relevancy. But it was after the conclusion 
 of the seventeenth century, that this fault reached its 
 height, and the writings became exceedingly unpalatable, 
 irom the tasteless fashion of jumbling ancient with modern, 
 and Christian with heathen customs. 
 
 Even up to the present time not much has been done 
 in explanation of this particular branch of archaeology, 
 and little as such works as Pignorius De Servis, Ferrarius 
 J)e re Vestiaria, Mercurialis De Arte Gymnastica, Ciaco- 
 nius De Triclinio, Paschalius De Coronis, &c., are calcu- 
 lated to give satisfaction, they still continue to be cited as- 
 authorities. Whilst the political institutions have been 
 subjected to profound investigation, the private life of the 
 Romans has been quite neglected, or nearly so ; and the 
 hand-books, which could not well be entirely silent on 
 this head, have merely presented us hasty notices, taken 
 from the older writers. 
 
 The works of Haternus, Cilano, and Nitsch, may 
 have been useful in their day, but they are now quite 
 obsolete. Meierotto, who undertook to describe the cus- 
 toms and habits of the Romans, has confined himself to
 
 AUTHOR'S PREFACE. iiii 
 
 making a compilation of a quantity of anecdotes, culled 
 from the old authors, and deducing some general charac- 
 teristics from them. Couture has also written three essays, 
 entitled, De la Vie Privee des Romains in the Mem. de 
 I'Acad. d. Inscr. i. 
 
 The most important work that has been written, at 
 least upon one part of Roman life, is Bottiger's Sabina, 
 as it is the result of actual personal investigation. This 
 deservedly famed archaeologist succeeded in imparting 
 an interest even to less important points, and combin- 
 ing therewith manifold instruction, notwithstanding his 
 tediousness, and the numerous instances of haste and lack 
 of critical acumen. We must not omit to mention Mazois' 
 Palace of Scaurus. The work has merits, though its 
 worth has been much increased by translation, and it is 
 a pity that the editors did not produce an original work 
 on the subject, instead of appending their notes to a text 
 which, though written with talent, is hurried and uncri- 
 tical. Dezobry's Rome du Siecle d'Auguste may also 
 prove agreeable reading to those who are satisfied with 
 light description, void alike of depth, precision, and scien- 
 tific value. It would be still more futile to seek for 
 instruction in Mirbach's Roman Letters. In the second 
 edition of Creuzer's Abriss. der Romischen Antiquitaten, 
 Professor Biihr has given a very valuable treatise on the 
 objects connected with the meals and funerals. It is the 
 most complete thing of the kind that has appeared, though, 
 the work being only in the form of an abstract, a more 
 detailed account was inadmissible. 
 
 In the total absence of any work, satisfactorily ex- 
 plaining the more important points of the domestic life of 
 the ancients, the author determined to write on this
 
 xiv AUTHOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 subject, and was engaged during several years in col- 
 lecting materials for the purpose. His original intention 
 was to produce a systematic hand-book ; but finding that 
 this would lead to too much brevity and curtailment, 
 and exclude entirely several minor traits, which, although 
 not admitting of classification, were highly necessary to a 
 complete portrait of Roman life, he was induced to imitate 
 the example of Bottiger and Mazois, and produce a con- 
 tinuous story, with explanatory notes on each chapter. 
 Those topics which required more elaborate investigation 
 have been handled at length in Excursuses. 
 
 The next question was, whether a fictitious character, 
 or some historical personage, should be selected for the 
 hero. The latter was chosen, although objections may be 
 raised against this method; as, after all, a mixture of 
 fiction must be resorted to in order to introduce several 
 details which, strictly speaking, may perhaps not be his- 
 torical. Still there were preponderant advantages in 
 making some historical fact the basis of the work, par- 
 ticularly if the person selected was such as to admit of the 
 introduction of various phases of life, in the course of his 
 biography. A personage of this sort presented itself in 
 Cornelius Gallus, a man whose fortunate rise from obscurity 
 to splendour and honour, intimacy with Augustus, love of 
 Lycoris, and poetical talents, render him not a little 
 remarkable. It is only from the higher grades of society 
 that we can obtain the materials for a portraiture of 
 Roman manners ; of the lower orders but little is known. 
 The Augustan age is decidedly the happiest time to select. 
 Indeed, little is known of the domestic habits of the pre- 
 vious period, as Varro's work, De Vita Populi Romani, 
 the fragments of which are valuable enough to make
 
 AUTHOR'S PREFACE. XT 
 
 us deplore its loss, has unluckily not come down to us. 
 The rest of the earlier writers, with the exception of the 
 comedians, whose accounts we must receive with caution, 
 throw but little light on this side of life in their times, 
 inasmuch as domestic relations sunk then into insigni- 
 ficance, compared with the momentous transactions of 
 public life ; a remark partially applicable to the age of 
 Augustus also. The succeeding writers are the first to 
 dwell with peculiar complacency on the various objects of 
 domestic luxury and comfort, which, now that their minds 
 were dead to nobler aims, had become the most important 
 ends of existence. 
 
 Hence it is, that apart from the numerous antique 
 monuments which have been dug up, and placed in 
 museums (e. g. the Museum Borbonicum), our most 
 valuable authorities on Roman private life are the later 
 poets, as Juvenal, Martial, Statius ; then Petronius, Se- 
 neca, Suetonius, the two Plinies, Cicero's speeches and 
 letters, the elegiac poets, and especially Horace. Next 
 come the grammarians and the digests ; while the Greek 
 authors, as Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Plutarch, Dio. 
 Cassius, Lucian, Athenaeus, and the lexicographers, as 
 Pollux, still further enlighten us. The author has made 
 it a rule never to quote these last as authorities, except 
 when they expressly refer to Roman customs, or when 
 these correspond with the Grecian. He has also confined 
 himself to a citation of the best authorities, and such as he 
 had actually consulted in person. Their number might 
 have been considerably increased from Fabricius, Biinau's 
 Catalogue, and other works of the kind. 
 
 In dividing the work into twelve scenes, the author 
 disclaims all intention of writing a romance. This would,
 
 svi AUTHOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 no doubt, have been a far easier task than the tedious 
 combination of a multitude of isolated facts into a single 
 picture; an operation allowing but very little scope to the 
 imagination. It was, in fact, not unlike putting together 
 a picture in mosaic, for which purpose are supplied a 
 certain number of pieces of divers colours. What the 
 author has interpolated, to connect the whole together, is 
 no more than the colourless bits, indispensable to form 
 the ground- work of the picture, and bring it clearly before 
 the eye. His eagerness to avoid anything like romance 
 may possibly have rather prejudiced the narrative, but, 
 even as it is, more fiction perhaps is admitted than is 
 strictly compatible with the earnestness of literary in- 
 quiry. 
 
 The character of Gallus may seem to have been 
 drawn too pure and noble ; but the author does not fear 
 any censure on this score. His crime has been here sup- 
 posed to be that mentioned by Ovid, linguam nimio 
 non tenuisse mero ; and indeed the most authentic writers 
 nowhere lay any very grave offence to his charge. Possibly, 
 the reader may have been surprised that Gallus has not 
 been introduced in more intellectual company, since his 
 position towards Augustus, and friendship with Yirgil 
 very probably with Propertius also would have yielded a 
 fine opportunity for so doing. But, apart from the hardi- 
 hood of an attempt to describe the sayings and doings 
 of men like these, nothing would have been gained for 
 our purpose, while their very intellectual greatness would 
 have prevented the author from dwelling so much on the 
 mere externals of life. Moreover, it is by no means cer- 
 tain that the early friendship between Virgil and Gallus
 
 AUTHOR'S PREFACE. xvii 
 
 continued to the close of the latter's career, after he had 
 fallen into disfavour with Augustus. Such persona as are 
 here portrayed, abounded in Rome, as we learn from 
 Juvenal and Martial. 
 
 In describing Gallus as ccelebs, the author wished to 
 institute an inquiry into those points of domestic life 
 which had hitherto been little attended to, or imperfectly 
 investigated. As far as the customs, occupations, re- 
 quirements, &c., of the fair sex were concerned, Bottiger 
 has given very satisfactory information in his Sabina ; so 
 that the introduction of a matron into Gallus' family 
 might have led to a repetition of matters which that 
 writer has already discussed. In that case the author 
 must also have entirely omitted Lycoris a personage 
 affording an excellent opportunity of introducing several 
 topics of interest relating to the sex. The relations of 
 marriage, so far as they form the basis of the household, 
 could not be passed over in silence; but it is only in 
 this point of view that the Excursus on Marriage must 
 be considered, as it makes no pretensions to survey the 
 matter in its whole extent, either as a religious or civil 
 institution. 
 
 The author was desirous to have introduced an ac- 
 count of the public shows, theatre, amphitheatre, and 
 circus, but they required such a lengthy preamble, that 
 the subject was omitted entirely, as being too bulky for 
 the plan of the work. 
 
 In treating of matters so various, it is quite possible 
 that the author may have occasionally offered erroneous 
 opinions ; nor can it be denied that some chapters have 
 been elaborated with more inclination than others ; all he
 
 xviii AUTHOR'S PEEFACE. 
 
 wishes the reader to believe of him is, that he has never 
 shunned the labour of earnest personal investigation ; and 
 he hopes that a work has been composed, which may serve 
 as a desirable repertory of whatever is most worth knowing 
 about the private life of the Romans.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Advertisement to the Second Edition ..... Y 
 
 Translator's Preface ....... YU 
 
 Author's Preface xi 
 
 GALLUS. 
 
 SCENE THE FIEST, 
 
 TEE ROMAN FAMILY 1 
 
 EXCURSUS I. The Women, or Roman Marriage . . 153 
 
 II. The Children and Education . . .182 
 
 III. The Slaves . . . . .199 
 
 IV 7 . The Relations, Friends, and Clients . . 226 
 
 SCENE THE SECOND. 
 
 THE ROMAN HOUSE H 
 
 EXCURSUS I. The Structure of the Building . . . 231 
 
 II. The Manner of Fastening the Doors . . 281 
 
 III. The Household Utensils . . . .285 
 
 IV. The Manner of Lighting . . . .308 
 
 V. The Clocks , 315
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 SCENE THE THIRD. 
 
 PACK 
 STUDIES AND LETTERS 28 
 
 EXCURSUS I. The Library ..... 322 
 
 II. The Books . . . . .325 
 
 III. The Booksellers . . . . .334 
 
 IV. The Letter . , 338 
 
 SCENE THE FOURTH. 
 THE JOURNEY 39 
 
 EXCURSUS I. The Lectica and the Carriages . . .341 
 
 IL The Inns , 351 
 
 SCENE THE FIFTH. 
 
 THE VILLA . .57 
 
 EXCURSUS. The Gardens . . . . . .358 
 
 SCENE THE SIXTH. 
 
 LTCORIS . 70 
 
 SCENE THE SEVENTH. 
 
 BATHS AND GYMNASTICS 85 
 
 EXCURSUS I. The Baths . . . . .366 
 
 II. The Game of Ball, and other Gymnastic Ex- 
 ercises . . . 398 
 
 SCENE THE EIGHTH. 
 DRESS . .... .98 
 
 EXCURSUS I. The Dress of the Men .... 408 
 
 II. The Dress of the "Women . . . 4i'l 
 
 Appendix. Material, Colour, Manufacture, and Cleaning of 
 
 Garments 442
 
 CONTENTS. Hi 
 
 SCENE THE NINTH. 
 
 PA ax 
 THE BANQUET ....... 110 
 
 EXCURSUS I. The Meals . . . . .451 
 
 II. The Triclinium . . . . .471 
 
 III. The Table-utensils . . . .476 
 
 IV. The Drinks . . . . .485 
 
 SCENE THE TENTH. 
 THE DRINKERS ....... 126 
 
 EXCURSUS I. The Chaplets and Games .... 496 
 II. The Social Games .... 499 
 
 SCENE THE ELEVENTH. 
 THE CATASTROPHE ...... 134 
 
 SCENE THE TWELFTH. 
 THE GRAVE . ...... 142 
 
 EXCURSUS. The Burial of the Dead .... 505 
 
 52$
 
 G A L L TJ S. 
 
 SCENE THE FIKST. 
 
 NOCTURNAL KETURN HOME. 
 
 fPHE third watch of the night was drawing to a close, 
 -L and the mighty city lay buried in the deepest 
 silence, unbroken, save by the occasional tramp of the 
 Nocturnal Triumviri 1 , as they passed on their rounds to 
 
 1 The nightly superintendence of 
 Rome soon became one of the duties of 
 the triumviri or tresviri, treviri capi- 
 tales, who had to preserve the peace 
 and security of the city, and especially 
 to provide against fires. Liv. xxix. 
 14 : Triumviris capitalibits mandatum 
 est, ut viffilias disponerent per urbmn 
 scrvarentque, ne qui nocttirni ccetus 
 fierent ; utque ab incendiis cavere- 
 tur, adjutores triumviris quinqiieviri 
 uti cis Tibcrim tune quique regionis 
 (edijiciis preeessent. Val. Max. viii, 
 1, 5. ]\[. Jtfalrius, Cn. Lollius, L. 
 Sextilius, triumviri, quod ad inccn- 
 dium in sacra via ortuin extinguen- 
 dum tardius venerant, a trib. pi. die 
 dicta ad popxlum damnati sunt. 
 They were also called triumviri noc- 
 turni, Liv. ix. 46 ; Val. Max. viii. 
 1, 8. P. Villim triumvir nocturnus 
 a P. Aquilio, trib. pi. accusatus 
 quia viffilias negligentius circumie- 
 rat. The timorous Sosias alludes to 
 them, Amp hi tr yo Plauti, i. 1, 3 : 
 
 Quid faciam nunc, si tresviri me in carce- 
 rem compegerint? 
 
 because they arrested those whom 
 they found in the street late at night ; 
 
 and we find the vigiles discharging 
 the same function. Itaque vigiles, 
 qui custodiebant Vietnam regionem, 
 rati ardere Trimalchionis domum ef- 
 fregerunt januam subito et cum aqua 
 securibusqtie tumultuari suo jure 
 cwperunt. Cf. Seneca, Epist. 64. 
 When Petrandus speaks of water, we 
 must suppose that the watch were 
 provided with fire-buckets ; we can 
 scarcely assume that engines (sipho- 
 nes) are alluded to, although Beck- 
 mann points out, with much proba- 
 bility, that one of the means of extin- 
 guishing fire in the time of Trajan 
 was referred to in Pliny, Ep. x. 42, 
 and Apollodorus in Vett. Mathem. 
 Opp. p. 32. V. also Isidor. xx. 6 ; 
 Schneider, Eclog. Phys. i. 225, ii. 
 117; Colum. iii. 10; denique Nat. 
 ii. 16. Buckets (hama, Plin. x. 42; 
 Juv. xiv. 305) and hatchets (dolabra, 
 Dig. i. 15, 3) were part of the ap- 
 paratus for extinguishing fires. Pe- 
 tronii Satires, c. 78. Augustus re- 
 modelled this nightly watch, forming 
 seven cohorts, headed by a prefect, 
 called Preefectus Vigilum. Suet. 
 Aug. 30; Paul. Diy.i. 15. In spite
 
 GALLUS. 
 
 [SCENE I. 
 
 see that the fire- watchmen were at their posts, or per- 
 haps by the footstep of one lounging homewards from 
 a late debauch 2 . The last streak of the waning moon 
 faintly illumined the temples of the Capitol and the Quad- 
 rigae, and shot a feeble gleam over the fanes and palaces 
 of the Alta Semita, whose roofs, clad with verdant shrubs 
 and flowers, diffused their spicy odours through the warm 
 night- air, and, while indicating the abode of luxury and 
 joy, gave no sign of the dismal proximity of the Campus 
 Sceleratus. 
 
 In the midst of this general stillness, the door of one 
 of the handsomest houses creaked upon its hinges ; its ves- 
 tibule 3 ornamented with masterpieces of Grecian sculpture, 
 its walls overlaid with costly foreign marble, and its doors 
 and doorposts richly decorated with tortoise-shell and 
 
 of these precautions, fires frequently 
 occurred ; and although the llomans 
 possessed no fire-insurance offices, yet 
 such munificent contributions were 
 made for the sufferers' relief, that 
 suspicion sometimes arose of the 
 owners of houses having themselves 
 set them on fire. So says Martial, 
 iii. 52: 
 Empta domus fuerat tibi, Tongiliaiie, du- 
 
 centis ; 
 Abstulit bane minium casus in urbe 
 
 frequens ; 
 Cellatum est decies ; rogo, non potes ipse 
 
 videri 
 Incendisse tuam, Tongiliane, domum? 
 
 Juvenal describes the zeal of those 
 who, not content with rendering pe- 
 cuniary relief to the sufferers, also 
 made them presents of statues, pic- 
 tures, books, and so forth. Sat. iii. 
 215: 
 
 meliora et plura reponit 
 Persicus orborum lautissimus, et merito 
 
 jam 
 Suspectus, tanquam ipse suas incenderit 
 
 On the method of extinguishing fires, 
 see also TJlp. Dig. xxxiii. 7, 12 : 
 
 Acetum quoque quod exstinguendi in- 
 cendii causa paratur, item centones, 
 siphones, perticas quoque et scalas. 
 
 2 Probably like Propertius, when 
 he had the pleasant vision, described 
 in ii. 29. Morning would frequently 
 surprise the drinkers. Mart. i. 29, 
 Bibere in luccm ; vii. 10, 5, ccenare in 
 lucem. The debauched life of those 
 who, inverting the order of nature, 
 slept all day and rioted all night, is 
 well sketched by Seneca, Ep. 122. 
 Tarpis, qui alto sole semisomnis jacet, 
 et cujus vigilia media die incipit. Et 
 adhuc multis hoc antelucamnn est. 
 Siuit qui officia lucis noctisque per- 
 vertunt, nee ante diducunt oculos 
 hesteriM graves crapula, quain ap- 
 petere non ccepit. He terms them 
 Antipodes, who, according to a saying 
 of Cato, Nee orientem unquam solem 
 nee occidentem viderunt. Cf. Colum. 
 Praf. 16. 
 
 3 For a description of the different 
 parts of the house, accompanied by 
 illustrations, see the Excursus on 
 The Roman House.
 
 SCEWE I.] NOCTURNAL RETURN. 
 
 precious metals, sufficiently proclaimed the wealth of its 
 owner. The ostiarius, rattling the chain that served as a 
 safeguard against nocturnal depredators, opened the un- 
 bolted door, disclosing as he did so the prospect into the 
 entrance-hall, where a few of the numerous lamps were 
 still burning on two lofty marble candelabra, a proof 
 that the inmates had not yet retired for the night. At 
 the same time, there stalked through the hall a freedman, 
 whose imperious mien, and disregard of the surly porter, 
 even more than the attending vicarius, at once pointed 
 him out as one possessing much of the confidence of the 
 lord of the mansion. He strode musingly across the thres- 
 hold and vestibule towards the street, and after looking 
 anxiously on all sides, through the dim light and the sha- 
 dows of the lofty atria, turned to his attendant and said, 
 ' It is not his wont, Leonidas ; and what possible reason can 
 he ha ye for concealing from us where he tarries at this late 
 hour ? He never used to go unattended, whether to the 
 abode of Lycoris, or to enjoy the stolen pleasures of the 
 Subura. Why then did he dismiss the slaves to-day, and 
 hide from us so mysteriously the place of his destination ? ' 
 
 ' Lydus tells me/ answered the vicarius, ' that Gallus 
 left the palace in evil mood, and when the slave who was 
 putting on his sandals enquired whence he should escort 
 him on his return, he bade him await him at home, and 
 then hastened, clad in his coloured synthesis, in the direc- 
 tion of the Via Sacra. Not long before his departure, 
 Pomponius had left the house; and Lydus, impelled partly 
 by curiosity, and partly by anxiety at the unusual excite- 
 ment of his master, followed at a distance, and saw the 
 two meet near the Temple of Freedom, after which they 
 disappeared in the Via a Cyprio.' 
 
 1 Pomponius ! ' returned the freedman, ' the friend and 
 confidant of Largus ! No company he for an open and 
 frank disposition, and still less at a jolly carousal, where 
 the tongue is unfettered by copious goblets of pure Setinian 
 wine, and of which the Sicilian proverb too often holds 
 
 B 2
 
 CALLUS. 
 
 [SCENE I. 
 
 good the next morning, " Cursed be he who remembers at 
 the banquet 4 ." I don't know, Leonidas,' continued he, after 
 a moment's reflection, ' what dismal foreboding it is that 
 has for some time been pursuing me. The gods are, I 
 fear, wroth with our house ; they hate too sudden pro- 
 sperity, we are told. There was too, methinks, more tran- 
 quillity in the small lodging 6 near the Tiber than in this 
 magnificent palace : more fidelity, when the whole house- 
 hold consisted of few besides ourselves, than is to be found 
 in this extensive mansion, filled with many decurice of 
 dearly-purchased slaves, whom their lord hardly knows by 
 sight, ministers of his splendour, but not of his comfort. 
 Above all, there was more cordiality among those who used 
 to climb the steep stairs, to partake of his simple fare, than 
 in the whole troop of visitors who daily throng the vesti- 
 bule and atrium to pay the customary morning greeting.' 
 
 * Mitreoj/iva/iova avfiirorav. Plut. 
 Sympos. i. 1. The sense in which 
 Martial, i. 28, applies this proverb to 
 Procillus, is certainly the only correct 
 one. Lucian, Symp. iii. p. 420. 
 
 5 The Roman of vealth and dis- 
 tinction occupied, with his family, 
 the whole of his extensive mansion ; 
 the less affluent rented, in proportion 
 to their requirements and means, 
 either an entire house, or a section of 
 some larger tnsula, the name by 
 which all hired houses went and the 
 poorer classes took a small ccenacu- 
 lum in an upper story, though at a 
 somewhat extravagant price, pensio 
 cella. Mart. iii. 30, 3. The poet 
 himself occupied a ccenaculum of this 
 description in the third story, i. 118, 
 7, Scalis habito tribus, sed altis; and 
 he says of the miserly Sanctra, who 
 used to take half his ccena home 
 with him, vii. 20, 20, Htec per du- 
 centas domum tulit scalas. As in an 
 insula of this description the lodgers 
 might be very different persons, the 
 
 stairs to their private apartments 
 often led upwards from the street out- 
 side ; an arrangement also to be found 
 in the private houses. The scenaculutn 
 assigned to Hispala, for her security 
 after she had discovered the mon- 
 strosities of the Bacchanalia, was of 
 this description. Liv. xxxix. : Consul 
 rogat sacrum, ut aliquam partem 
 cedium vacuum faccret, quo Hispala 
 immigraret. Ccenaeulum super cedes 
 datum est, scalis ferentibus in publi- 
 c/on obseratis, aditu in <edes verso. 
 We learn from Cicero, pro Ccelio, c. 
 7, that lodgings could be let even as 
 high as 30,000 sesterces. Coelius, 
 however, only went to the expense of 
 10,000, i. e. 80. 
 
 The Kalends of July were the 
 usual, though perhaps not the only, 
 period for changing lodgings. Mart. 
 xii. 32, humorously describes the 
 moving of nfamilia sordida amount- 
 ing to four persons, who managed to 
 transfer all their goods and chattels 
 at one journey. See the Excursus on 
 The Roman House.
 
 SCENE I.] 
 
 NOCTURNAL RETURN. 
 
 5 
 
 ' Alas ! thou art right, Chresimus,' replied tlie slave ; 
 ' this is no longer a place for comfort, and the gods have 
 already given us more than one warning sign. It was not 
 without an object that the bust of the great Cornelius fell 
 down, and destroyed the new pavement inlaid with the 
 image of Isis. Moreover, the beech at the villa, on the bark 
 of which Lycoris carved the name 6 of our master, has not 
 put out leaves this spring ; thrice too have I heard in the 
 stillness of night the ominous hooting of the owl.' 
 
 Conversing thus, they had again reached the vestibule, 
 without perceiving a man who approached with somewhat 
 uncertain gait, from the Temple of Flora. Over his under- 
 garment he wore a festive robe of a bright red colour, 
 such as those in which Roman elegants of the day used to 
 appear at state-banquets. His sandals were fastened with 
 thongs of the same dye ; while a chaplet of young myrtle 
 and Milesian roses hung negligently down on the left brow, 
 and appeared to be gliding from his perfumed locks 7 ; in 
 short, everything indicated that he was returning from 
 some joyous carousal, where the amphorae had not been 
 spared. 
 
 Not till he had gained the vestibule did Chresimus 
 become aware of his approach. ' There he is at last,' 
 exclaimed the faithful freedman, with a lightened heart. 
 ' All hail ! my lord. Anxiety for you brought us out of 
 doors; we are unused to find you abroad at so late an 
 hour.' 
 
 'I was with true friends,' answered the master, 'and 
 the hours vanish gaily and swiftly over the wine-cup, in 
 familiar converse : Pomponius, too, was my companion 
 nearly all the way home.' At this closing remark the 
 visage of the freedman again became clouded; he went 
 
 6 Propert. i. 18, 21. 
 
 Ah, quoties teneras resonant mea verba 
 
 sub umbras, 
 Scribitur et vestris Cynthia corticibus. 
 
 7 Ovid, Amor. i. 6, 37. 
 
 Ergo amor et modicum circa mea tem- 
 
 pora vinum 
 Slecum est et madidis lapsa corona comis. 
 
 Mart. xi. 8, 10 ; divitibus lapsa co- 
 rona comis ; cf . iii. 65, 8.
 
 6 
 
 CALLUS. 
 
 [SCKNE I. 
 
 silently towards the door, and having opened it, he and 
 Leonidas followed their lord into the house. While the osti- 
 arius was engaged in bolting the door, Chresimus proceeded 
 to light a wax-candle at one of the lamps, and led the way, 
 through saloons and colonnades, to the sleeping apartment 
 of his lord. Having arrived in the ante-room, the slave of 
 the toilet, who was in waiting, received the synthesis and 
 sandals, whilst the cubicularitts threw open the door and 
 drew back the many-coloured tapestry of Alexandria which 
 served as a curtain. Then, after having again smoothed 
 the purple coverlet that nearly concealed the ivory bed- 
 stead, and remained till his master had reposed his head on 
 the variegated feather tapestry covering the pillow stuffed 
 with the softest wool, he quitted the apartment. 
 
 He who returned home thus late and lonely, without 
 the usual accompaniment of slaves, was CORNELIUS GrALLUS 9 , 
 
 8 The scanty accounts we possess 
 respecting the personal history of 
 Callus, are to be found in Dio Cas- 
 sius, Strabo, Suetonius, Virgil, Pro- 
 pertius, and Ovid. The few fragments 
 of his poems, even if authentic, afford 
 us no further information. Callus was 
 of obscure, at least poor, ancestors, 
 but that did not prevent his obtain- 
 ing the favour of Octavianus, and 
 being included in the select circle 
 of his friends. In the war against 
 Antony he was general of a division 
 of the army, and Dio Cassius, li. 9, 
 commemorates his skilful conquest 
 and defence of the port of Pareto- 
 nium. After the subjugation of 
 Egypt, Octavianus appointed him 
 Prefect of that country. Dio Cass. c. 
 17. 'KK St TOVTOV rqv Si Alytnrrov 
 
 VTTOTlXij tTToiqOt, KOI TO! FdXXy T(f 
 
 Kopvt)Xi({> ixsTpt\l/. 7cpoTtyap TO 
 TToXvavSpov Kal TOIV TroXttav Kal r/je 
 Xaipae Ka < TPC TO pqSiov TO rs 
 Kovtyov Ttav TpoTTuiv avTtuv, rt]v re 
 
 Kal TO. XljaTCt Ol>Sl VI 
 
 (3ovXii>Ty ovx OTrcjg iyxtipierai avrfjV 
 iroXftrjasv, K. r. X. We have no 
 further account of him till on the 
 occasion of his unfortunate end. Dio 
 Cass. liii. 23. 6 St STI TaXXoc Kopi/iy- 
 Xof KO.I iZvfipioiv virb Trjt; Tip.ijt;. 
 noXXd fi.iv yap Kal fiaraiu t TOV 
 AvyovffTov aTTfXj/pfi, jroXXa Se icai 
 iiraiTia Traps noam. Kal yap Kal 
 tiKovac eavrov tv bXy, d)f ct tiv, Ty 
 AlyvnT({> Inrijfft, ical Tci tpya off a 
 iirnroirjKti ig rag irvpafiiSaQ iai- 
 ypa-fys. It was probably his expedi- 
 tion against the rebellious cities of 
 Heroopolis and Thebes, which caused 
 his downfall. Strabo thus speaks of 
 his end : Ta'XXoc ptv yt Kopv7yXoe, 
 6 Trpwroc KaraaraOtit; tirapx o T nC 
 X<*>oa VTTO Kaitrapof TijvTt 'HpaJajv 
 TroXiv aTToaTaaaviirfXQdtv Si' 6\iytav 
 tlXf, ffTacriv rt yfvi]9e'iffav tv Ty 6ij- 
 /3aiSi Sid rot'C <f>6povc iv (Jpa^ttfaT- 
 tXvatv. At all events. Valerius Lar- 
 gus, formerly the confidential friend 
 of Callus, made these suspicious cir- 
 cumstances the ground of an accusa-
 
 SCENE I.] 
 
 NOCTURNAL RETURN. 
 
 a man received and envied in the higher circles of the 
 Roman world as the friend and favourite of Augustus, but 
 secretly hated by them; for though not ashamed of slavishly 
 cringing to the mighty despot, they looked haughtily on 
 the exalted plebeian. He was, however, among the friends 
 of the soberer as well as brighter Muses, universally prized 
 as a man of much learning, and celebrated as a graceful 
 
 tion against him, and in consequence 
 Augustus forbad Gallus visiting his 
 house, or remaining in his provinces. 
 (Suet. Aug. 47, Claud. 23.) Imme- 
 diately after his disgrace, numerous 
 other accusers appeared, who suc- 
 ceeded in getting him exiled and his 
 property confiscated. Gallus could 
 not endure his fall, and killed him- 
 self with his sword. This account 
 agrees with that of Suet. Aug. 66. 
 Neque enim temere ex omni numero 
 in amicitia ejns afflicti reperientur, 
 prater Salvidienum Ritftim, quern ad 
 comulatum usque, et Cornelium Gal- 
 lum, quern ad pr<efecturam JEyypti, 
 ex infima utrumque fortuna pro- 
 vexerat. Quorum alterum res novas 
 molientem damnandum senatui ira- 
 didit, alteri dl) ingratum et malevo- 
 lum animum domum et provinciis 
 suis interdixit. Sed Gallo quoque 
 et accusatorum denunciationibus et 
 senaf us-consult is ad necem compulso 
 laxdavit quidem pietatem tantopere 
 pro se indignantium : ceeterum et 
 illacrimavit et vicem suam conquestus 
 est, quod sibi soli non liceret amicis, 
 qnatenus vellet, irasci. 
 
 T hathishighly treasonable speeches 
 against Augustus were the principal 
 cause of his condemnation is proved 
 by Ovid, Trist. ii. 445 : 
 
 Xec fuit opprobrio celebrasse Lycorida 
 
 Gallo, 
 Sedlinguam nimio non tenuisse mero ; 
 
 and Amor. iii. 9, 63 : 
 
 Tu quoque, si falsam est temerati crimen 
 amici, 
 
 Sanguinia atque animae, prodige Galle, 
 tuse. 
 
 Ammian. Marc. xvii. 4, brings a more 
 severe charge against him : Longe 
 autem postea Corn. Gallus, Otta- 
 viano res tenente Romanas, JEgypti 
 procurator, exhausit civitatem (The- 
 bas) plurimis interceptis, reversusque 
 cum furtorum accusaretur et popu- 
 latte provincia, stricto incubuit ferrc. 
 But it is mentioned neither by Sue- 
 tonius, Dio Cassius, nor Ovid, as the 
 cause of his disgrace ; and that Gallus 
 ten years before, at least, was neither 
 a violent nor a dishonest man, the 
 friendship of Virgil, who inscribed 
 his tenth Eclogue to him, testifies : 
 
 Pauca meo Gallo, sed qua legat ipsa Ly- 
 
 coris, 
 Cannina sunt dicenda : neget quis car- 
 
 mina Gallo? 
 
 The contempt too with which Largus 
 was treated, and the regret of Au- 
 gustus, show that he had not deserved 
 such a fate. Donat. relates, Vit. 
 Virg. x. 39, Verum usque adeo hunc 
 Gallum Virgilius amarat, ut quartus 
 Georgicorum a media usque ad finem 
 ejus laudem contineret. Quern postea, 
 jubente Augiisto, in Aristcei fabulam 
 commutavit. But this proves less 
 the guilt of Gallus, than that the 
 recollection of his end was painful to 
 Augustus. His passion for Lycoris 
 arose about nine or ten years before 
 his death, and the circumstance of 
 his renewing the connection with her, 
 after her infidelity, is, like other in- 
 cidents, imaginary.
 
 O CALLUS. [SCENE I. 
 
 and elegant poet; while in the more select convivial circle 
 he was beloved as a cheerful companion, who always said 
 the best of good things, and whose presence gave to the 
 banquet more animation than dancers and choraulce. Not- 
 withstanding the renowned name he had taken, he had 
 in reality no claim to the glorious family reminiscences 
 which it suggested. The trophies indicative of former 
 triumphs which decked the door and door-posts 9 of his 
 mansion, were the unalienable adjuncts of the house itself; 
 earnest mementos of a glorious past, and serving as an 
 admonition to each occupier, what his aim must be, would 
 he avoid the humiliating feeling of living undistinguished 
 in the habitation of renown. His grandfather had arrived 
 a stranger in Rome, a little before the reign of terror, 
 "when Caius Marius and L. Cornelius Cinna profited by 
 the absence of the most powerful man of the time, to effect 
 a reaction, the ephemeral success of which only served to 
 prepare more securely the way to fame for the ambitious 
 Sylla. It was through Cinna himself that Gallus obtained 
 the right of a citizen, and in conformity with the custom 
 of the period he adopted the Cornelian name, along with 
 the surname 10 which denoted his extraction. But the 
 horrors of Sylla's proscriptions drove him from Rome, and 
 he returned to Gaul, where he had since been residing in 
 
 9 The Triumphator was permitted 
 to suspend the spolia at his door. 
 Liv. x. 7, xxxviii. 43. These marks 
 of valour achieved, remained as the 
 unalienable property of the house 
 'which they had first rendered illus- 
 trious, and could not, even in case of 
 sale, he taken down. Plin. xxxv. 2 ; 
 Alice foris et circa limina animorwn 
 ingentium imagines era-lit, affijcis hos- 
 tium spoliis, qua nee emtori refiyere 
 liceret ; triumphabantque etiam do- 
 minis mutatis ipste domm, et erat 
 h<ec stimulatio ingens, exprobantibus 
 
 intrare in alienum triumphum, Cic. 
 Phil. ii. 28. 
 
 10 The custom by which the 
 stranger assumed the name of him 
 through whom he obtained the right 
 of a citizen, is generally known. 
 Cic. ad Fam. xiii. 36. Cum Deme- 
 trio Mega mihi vetmtum hospitium 
 est; familiaritas autem tanta, quanta 
 cum Siculo nullo. M (Cornelius) 
 Dolabetta rogatu meo civitatem a 
 Gasare impetravil, qua in re ego 
 interfiti. Itaque nunc P. Cornelius 
 
 tectis, quotidie imbettem domimtm \ vocatur.
 
 SCENE I.] NOCTURNAL RETURN. 
 
 ignoble obscurity at Forum Julii. There Gallus passed 
 the first years of his childhood, under the careful auspices 
 of his father, who saw in the happy disposition and lofty 
 spirit of his boy the harbingers of no ordinary future. 
 Therefore, although he could not be accounted wealthy, he 
 determined to make every sacrifice in order to give his 
 son such an education as usually fell to the lot of the 
 sons of senators and knights. 
 
 When the boy had been instructed in the first elements 
 of knowledge by an accomplished Greek tutor, his father 
 set out with Gallus for Rome, and after carefully search- 
 ing for a suitable person, placed him under the tuition of a 
 grammarian of great repute. Gallus subsequently attended 
 the school of a celebrated rhetorician, and also took les- 
 sons in Latin elocution, which had lately become some- 
 what fashionable ; nor was he allowed to intermit those 
 studies even after he had passed the threshold of boyhood 
 and put on the toga, the symbol of riper years. At the 
 age of twenty he was sent to Athens, even at this period 
 the nurse of all the profound and elegant sciences, in order 
 to give a finish to his education, and to combine in him 
 Attic elegance with Eoman solidity. 
 
 Gallus was still at Athens, when the faithful Chresimus 
 brought him the news of the death of his father, who after 
 accomplishing his grand object, the education of his son, 
 had returned to Forum Julii. He wept tears of love and 
 gratitude with the true-hearted Chresimus, and left Athens 
 to take possession of the small patrimony bequeathed him 
 by his father, and which he found much more insignificant 
 than he had supposed. There was just enough for him to 
 live on with tolerable comfort in a provincial town, but it 
 would only keep him like a beggar in Rome; nevertheless 
 he resolved to seek his fortune in the focus of the world, 
 and a year later returned to Rome, a powerful, resolute, 
 and highly-educated man. 
 
 There the terrific scenes of the second triumvirate 
 were not long over, and the republicans, driven from Italy
 
 10 GALLUS. [SCENE I. 
 
 were preparing beyond the sea for the final stmggle. 
 There were only two parties to choose from, and Gallus 
 did not long hesitate which to espouse. It was not any 
 particular inclination to the ambiguous Octavianus, still 
 less to either of the other potentates, that determined him 
 to take up arms for the cause of the triumvirate. He was 
 convinced that the time had arrived, when the crumbling 
 edifice of the republic must be annihilated, and the am- 
 bition of a selfish aristocracy kept down by the mighty 
 energies of one supreme ruler. Perhaps, too, he was 
 actuated by the hope that his merits were more likely to 
 be appreciated, and meet with proper acknowledgment 
 from one raised above the petty consideration of rivalry, 
 than from the haughty patricians, who were accustomed to 
 look down upon merit striving to emerge from obscurity. 
 
 He first took part in the campaign against Sextus 
 Pompeius, under the command of Salvidienus. His gal- 
 lantry and fortitude at the unlucky sea-fight, which took 
 place not far from the destructive rocks of Scylla, did not 
 fail to attract the eye of Octavianus, whom he soon after 
 followed to the decisive battle of Philippi. There, too, 
 his warlike deeds were adorned with fresh laurels, and in 
 returning with the victor back to Italy, his social qualities 
 soon made him the agreeable companion, and before long, 
 the intimate friend, of Octavianus, a friendship which he 
 had tact enough to keep up. The proper hours of re- 
 laxation he spent in familiar intercourse with Yirgil, the 
 younger Propertius, and other congenially-minded friends 
 of the Muses ; but he by no means neglected the more 
 grave occupations to which his distinguished oratorical 
 powers called him. 
 
 The war against Antony and Cleopatra summoned him 
 again into the field, and now commenced the most brilliant 
 period of his life. The able manner in which he took and 
 held the important seaport, Paraetonium, the destruction 
 of the hostile fleet, and many other spirited exploits, raised 
 him so high in the estimation of Octavianus, that when
 
 SCEXE I.] NOCTURNAL RETURN. 11 
 
 Antony and Cleopatra atoned for their long intoxication of 
 pleasure and folly by voluntary death, and Egypt was 
 enrolled among the number of Roman provinces, he, being 
 in the undivided possession of the supreme authority, 
 made Gallus governor of the new province, under the title 
 of Prefect. The command of so rich a province could, 
 Octavianus doubtless thought, with more safety be en- 
 trusted to him than to a senator. 
 
 Was it wonderful, then, that when Gallus found him- 
 self suddenly placed at so great an elevation, his sanguine 
 and fiery disposition carried him occasionally beyond the 
 bounds of moderation, and that, after severely chastising 
 the rebellious cities, especially the wondrous Thebes, he 
 caused statues of himself to be erected, and the record of 
 his deeds to be engraved on the pyramids ? Was there 
 anything unusual in his carrying off the treasures and 
 valuables of the subjugated cities, as a fit recompense for 
 his exertions ? 
 
 Octavianus, who had now assumed the more noble 
 name of Augustus, heard the report of these acts with 
 a concern, which the enemies, whom the good fortune of 
 Gallus had raised up against him, did not fail to foment. 
 So without being actually angered with his former friend, 
 he recalled him to Rome, and nominated Petronius, a man 
 by no means well disposed towards hiin, as his successor. 
 
 Gallus was not pleased with his recall, although it had 
 been made in such a manner, as in a great measure to 
 efface its unpleasantness. The riches which had followed 
 him from Egypt to Rome, enabled him to live with a 
 magnificence hitherto quite unknown to him, and in the 
 superabundance of such enjoyments as served to heighten 
 the pleasures of life. Still accounted the favourite of Au- 
 gustus, and always admitted as a welcome guest to the 
 select circle that had access to the table of this mighty 
 sovereign, he now saw people, who, ten years before, 
 would scarcely have deigned to acknowledge his saluta- 
 tion, vying with each other to gain his friendship.
 
 ** GALLUS. [SCENE I. 
 
 Although Gallus was advancing to that period of life 
 when the Roman was considered no longer a youth, he 
 had not yet prevailed upon himself to throw constraint 
 on the freedom of his existence, by entering the bonds 
 of matrimony. Indeed the stricter forms of marriage 
 began generally to be less liked ; and no law inflicting 
 a penalty on celibacy had at that time been passed. 
 At an earlier period of his life, the narrowness of his 
 circumstances had led him to look with shyness on mar- 
 riage, in consequence of the expenses attendant on such 
 an increased establishment as the grand notions of the 
 Roman ladies would have rendered unavoidable. He also 
 even more dreaded the state of dependence into which he 
 would have been thrown, if he had married a person of 
 fortune ; and being at the same time averse to concu- 
 binage, had preferred contracting an intimacy of a less 
 durable nature with certain accomplished Hetairai, who 
 were capable not only of admitting, but also of returning 
 his passion. 
 
 Thus, after his return, he continued to pursue an un- 
 fettered course of life, regulated by his own inclinations 
 alone ; a life which others much envied, and which would 
 have been a happy one, had it not been for his impetuous 
 and passionately excitable temperament, and unsparing 
 freedom of speech, especially in his cups. These causes 
 were beginning to throw a cloud over his future prospects ; 
 for, although raised by Augustus from the depths of 
 poverty to honour and wealth, he had nevertheless too 
 much straightforwardness not to express frequently his loud 
 disapprobation of many arbitrary proceedings and secret 
 cruelties, perpetrated by his benefactor. Clandestine envy, 
 which was busy about him, had dexterously profited by 
 these speeches, and there was even talk of a complaint 
 secretly lodged against him by his former friend and 
 confidant, Largus, on the score of misgovernment in 
 Egypt. At all events, Gallus could not conceal from 
 himself, that for some time past a coolness had pervaded
 
 SCENE I.J 
 
 NOCTURNAL RETURN. 
 
 13 
 
 Augustus' manner towards him, and that his former inti- 
 mate familiarity had been succeeded by a tone of haughty 
 and suspicious reserve. 
 
 But although his present position would have enabled 
 Gallus to regard this alteration with indifference, still his 
 estimation among the higher circles of Rome depended 
 too much on the favour of Augustus for him to neglect 
 using all his endeavours to remain, at any rate in outward 
 appearance, in possession of the emperor's good graces. It 
 was for this reason that he had this evening been supping 
 at the imperial board, without invitation, as he had always 
 been accustomed to do ; but he had found Augustus in a 
 worse humour than ever, and among the company his bitter 
 enemy, Largus. Some caustic remarks touching the fate 
 of Thebes, drew forth from the irritable Gallus an acrimo- 
 nious retort, which Augustus replied to with still greater 
 severity. As soon therefore as the latter had withdrawn 11 , 
 according to his custom, Gallus also departed, to spend 
 the evening more agreeably in the company of Pomponius 
 and other friends. 
 
 11 Suet. Aug. 74. Convivia non- 
 iitinquam et serins inibat et maturing 
 relinquebat, cum convives et caviare 
 
 inciperent, priusquam ille diseion- 
 beret, et permanerent digresso eo.
 
 SCENE THE SECOND. 
 
 THE MORNING. 
 
 THE city hills were as yet unillumined by tlie beams of 
 the morning sun, and the uncertain twilight, which the 
 saffron streaks in the east spread as harbingers of the 
 coming day, was diffused but sparingly through the windows 
 and courts into the apartments of the mansion. Gallus still 
 lay buried in heavy sleep in his quiet chamber, the care- 
 fully chosen position of which both protected him against 
 all disturbing noises, and prevented the early salute of the 
 morning light from too soon breaking his repose 1 . But 
 around all was life and activity. From the cells and cham- 
 bers below, and the apartments on the upper floor, there 
 poured a swarming multitude of slaves, who presently 
 pervaded every corner of the house, hurrying to and 
 fro, and cleaning and arranging with such busy alacrity, 
 that one unacquainted with these customary movements, 
 would have supposed that some grand festivity was at 
 hand. A whole decuria of house- slaves, armed with be- 
 soms and sponges, under the superintendence of the 
 atriensis, began to clean the entrance rooms. Some in- 
 spected the vestibulum, to see whether any bold spider 
 had spun its net during the night on the capital of the 
 pillars, or groups of statuary; and rubbed the gold and 
 tortoise-shell ornaments of the folding-doors and posts at 
 
 1 One thing that the Romans 
 especially kept in view in planning 
 their sleeping-apartments, was that 
 their situation should be removed 
 from all noise. Pliny, Ep. ii. 17, 
 boasts of these qualities being pos- 
 sessed by a bed-chamber at bis villa. 
 Junctum eat cubiculum noctit et 
 tomni. Non illud voces servulorum, 
 
 non marts murmur, non tempestatum 
 motus, non fulgurum lumen, ae tie 
 diem quidem sentit, nisi fenestris 
 apcrtis. Tarn alti abditique secrett 
 ilia ratio, 'quod tnterfacens andron 
 parietem cubiculi Jwrtique distinguit, 
 atque ita omnem sonum media inani- 
 tate consumit.
 
 SCENE II.] 
 
 MORNING. 
 
 15 
 
 the entrance, and cleaned the dust of the previous day 
 from the marble pavement. Others again were busy 
 in the atrium and its adjacent halls, carefully traversing 
 the mosaic floor, and the paintings on the walls, with 
 soft Lycian sponges, lest any dust might have settled on 
 the wax- varnish with which they were covered 2 . They also 
 looked closely whether any spot appeared blackened by the 
 smoke of the lamps; and then decked with fresh garlands 3 
 the busts and shields which supplied the place of the ima- 
 gines major urn*, or waxen masks of departed ancestors. 
 
 2 Many of the colours used by 
 the ancients for wall-painting, as, for 
 instance, the minium, could not stand 
 the effects of the light and atmo- 
 sphere, and, to make them durable, a 
 varnish of Punic wax, mixed with a 
 little oil, was laid on the wall, when 
 dry, with a paint-brush of bristles. 
 See Vitruv. vii. 9, and Plin. xxxiii. 
 7,40. 
 
 3 Although the stemmata, which 
 constituted the ancestral tree, could 
 find no application here, still it was 
 not unusual to crown with chaplets, 
 even the portraits of strangers. Mart, 
 x. 32 : 
 
 Haec mihi quse colitur violis pictura rosis- 
 
 que, 
 Quos referat vultus, Cseditiane, rogas ? 
 
 4 The beautiful custom of olden 
 time of placing the imagines majo- 
 rum in the atria or their alee, must 
 have lost more and more in signifi- 
 cancy, and even grown obsolete, after 
 so many who had neither majores, in 
 that sense, nor any title whatever to 
 such distinction some of them being 
 persons of the lowest class, and others 
 even slaves became very wealthy, 
 assumed high-sounding names, and 
 lived in magnificent edifices. And 
 again, many who were entitled to 
 imagines, found them, perhaps, too 
 
 insignificant in appearance to consort 
 with the magnificence of the rest of 
 their dwelling. These imagines were 
 waxen masks, formed after the life, 
 ceres, which those only had the right 
 of setting up, who had borne a curule 
 office, viz. from that of eedile upwards. 
 Polyb. vi. 53. On the manner of 
 arranging them, Yitruv. says, yi. 5, 
 Imagines item alte cum suis orna- 
 ment is ad latitudinem alarum sint 
 constitutes. The ornamenta are clear- 
 ly designated by Seneca, De Benef. 
 ih. 28, Qui imagines in atrio expo- 
 mint et nomina families suce longo 
 ordine ac multis stemmatum illigata 
 flexuris in parte prima tedium collo- 
 cant, noti mac/is quam nobiles sunt. 
 Still more so by Plin. xxxv. 2, 2, Ex- 
 pressi eera vultus singulis dispane- 
 bantur armariis. Stemmata vero li- 
 neis discurrebant ad imagines pictas. 
 Polyb. vi. 53 : J3i;Xtva vaiSia irtpiTi- 
 QivTiQ-. and, ravrag Srj TCI tlKovaq 
 iv ralg r][iort\t<n QvaiaiQ avoiyov- 
 TIQ Koapovat <f>i\6ri[j.tt><; : lastly, 
 Auct. Eleg. ad Mess. 30, Quid quaque 
 index sub imagine dicat. The masks 
 were kept in little presses, placed up 
 against the wall, under which stood 
 the name of the deceased, his honours 
 and merits, tituli, Ovid. fast. i. 591. 
 [The several imagines were connect- 
 ed with each other by garlands ; for
 
 16 
 
 CALLUS. 
 
 [SCENE II. 
 
 In the cavum cedium or interior court, and the larger 
 pcrisfylium, more were engaged in rubbing with coarse 
 linen cloths the polished pillars of Tenarian and Numidian 
 marble 5 , which formed a most pleasing contrast to the 
 intervening statues and the fresh green verdure of the 
 vacant space within. The Tricliniarch and his subordin- 
 ates were equally occupied in the larger saloons : where 
 stood the costly tables of cedar- wood, with pillars of ivory 
 supporting their massive orbs, which had, at an immense 
 
 Pliny's words, stemmata lineis dis- 
 currebant ad imagines pictas, do not 
 seem capable of any other than the 
 literal meaning ; and so likewise the 
 stemmatum flexures of Seneca.] On 
 festive days, when these armarin 
 were opened, the imagines received 
 fresh crowns of laurel. It is evident 
 from Pliny, that, at a later period, 
 instead of the masks, clypeatce imagi- 
 nes, as they were called, and busts 
 were substituted. Imaginum qui- 
 dem pictura, qua maxime similes in 
 <evum propagabantur figures, in to- 
 tum exolevit. JErei ponimtur clypei, 
 argenta fades surdo Jigurarum dis- 
 crimine. Again : Aliter apud ma- 
 jores in atriis hcec erant qua specta- 
 rentur, non signet externorum artifi- 
 cum, nee eera nee marmora ; express* 
 cera vultus, &c. Those persons who 
 had no images to boast of in their 
 own family, and yet wished some such 
 ornament for their atrium, had no 
 course left but alienas effigies colere. 
 
 3 The most valuable species of 
 white marbles were the Parian, 
 the Pentelican, and the Hymct- 
 tian ; which latter two BiJttiger 
 mistakes for the same. Strabo 
 expressly says fiapfidpov 8' iari 
 TJ/ Tf. "TfinTTtar KUI Trjg TltvriXi- 
 KtJG KciXXiara [itraXXa TrXnaiov ri)c 
 TroAtwg. Horn. Od ii. 18, 3 ; Plin. 
 
 H. N. xxxvi. 3. If it be correctly 
 supposed, as was first imagined from 
 Pausanias, that Pentelicm was in 
 early times comprehended under 
 the name Hymettus, we must un- 
 derstand Pentelican marble by the 
 Hijmettiis columnis trabibus so fre- 
 quently mentioned, especially by the 
 poets. Besides these there was that 
 of Luna in Italy, now called Carrara 
 marble. 
 
 Variegated marbles (marinor ma- 
 culosum, Plin. II. N. xxxvi. 5 ; in- 
 gentium maculce columnarum, Sen. 
 Ep. 115), brought not only from 
 Greece, but even from Asia and 
 Africa, became afterwards more fa- 
 shionable. The most precious sorts 
 were the golden-yellow, Numidian ; 
 that with red streaks, Phrygian, Syn- 
 nadic, or Mygdonian ; the T&narian, 
 or Laconian, or verde antico, a kind 
 of green porphyry ; and the Carys- 
 tian (from Euboea) with green veins. 
 But even this natural variety was not 
 sufficient for the demands of taste. 
 In Nero's time veins and spots were 
 artificially let into the coloured mar- 
 ble. So says Pliny, xxxv. 1 : Nero- 
 nis (principatu inventum) maculas, 
 qua non essent, cnistis inserendo 
 unitatem variare, ut ovatus esset 
 Numidieus, ut purpura distingtiere- 
 tur Synnadicus, qualiter illos nasci 
 aptarent delicice.
 
 SCENE II.] MORNING. 17 
 
 expense, been conveyed to Rome from the primeval woods 
 of Atlas. In one the wood was like the beautifully dappled 
 coat of a panther, in another the spots, being more regular 
 and close, imitated the tail of the peacock, a third re- 
 sembled the luxuriant and tangled leaves of the opium, 
 each of them more beautiful and valuable than the other ; 
 and many a lover of splendour would have bartered an 
 estate for any one of the three. The triclimarii cau- 
 tiously lifted up their purple covers, and then whisked 
 them over with the shaggy gamape, in order to remove 
 any little dust that might have penetrated through. Next 
 came the side-boards, several of which stood against 
 the walls in each saloon, for the purpose of displaying 
 the gold and silver plate and other valuables. Some 
 of them were slabs of marble, supported by silver or 
 gilded ram's feet, or by the tips of the wings of two 
 griffins looking in opposite directions. There was also one 
 of artificial marble, which had been sawn out of the wall 
 of a Grecian temple, while the slabs of the rest were of 
 precious metal. The costly articles displayed on each 
 were so selected as to be in keeping with the architec- 
 tural designs of the apartment. In the tetrastylm, the 
 simplest saloon, stood smooth silver vessels unadorned 
 by the ars toreutica, except that the rims of most of 
 the larger bowls were of gold. Between these were 
 smaller vessels of amber, and two of great rarity ; in 
 one of which a bee, and in the other an ant, had found 
 its transparent tomb. On another side stood beakers 
 of antique form, to which the names of their former 
 possessors gave their value, and an historical importance 6 . 
 
 6 The passion for collecting ob- 
 jects curious on account of their an- 
 tiquity, or from having belonged to 
 some illustrious person, had become 
 prevalent in the time of Gallus ; 
 V. Hor. Sat. ii. 3, 21 ; 64. p. 3, 90 ; 
 at all events it was not far off. 
 This mania became still more 
 
 ridiculous, when ignorance credited 
 the grossest falsehoods and histo- 
 rical impossibilites. The instances 
 we have mentioned are really re- 
 counted by Martial, viii. 6, who 
 ridicules these argenti fumosa stem- 
 mata. The archetypa of Trimalchio 
 are still more laughable. Petr. 52.
 
 13 
 
 GALLTJS. 
 
 [SCBNE II. 
 
 There was, for instance, a double cup, which Priam had 
 inherited from Laomedon ; another that had belonged to 
 Nestor, unquestionably the same from which Hecamede 
 had pledged the old man in Pramnian wine before Troy : 
 the doves which formed the handles 7 were much worn, 
 of course by Nestor's hand. Another again was the 
 gift of Dido to JEneas, and in the centre stood an im- 
 mense bowl, which Theseus had hurled against the face 
 of Eurytus. But the most remarkable of all was a relic 
 of the keel of the Argo 8 ; it was indeed only a chip, but 
 who could look on and touch this portion of the most ancient 
 of ships on which perhaps even Minerva herself had 
 placed her hand without being transported in feeling 
 back to the days of old. Gallus himself was far too en- 
 lightened to believe in the truth of these legends, but every 
 one was not so free from prejudice as he : it was more- 
 over the most recent fashion to collect such antiquities. 
 
 On the other hand, in the Corinthian saloon stood 
 vessels of precious Corinthian bronze, whose worn handles 
 and peculiar smell sufficiently announced their antiquity, 
 together with two large golden drinking cups, on one of 
 which were engraved scenes from the Iliad, on the other 
 from the Odyssey 9 . Besides these there were smaller 
 
 Habeo scyphos urnales plus minus, 
 quemadmodum Cassandra occidit filios 
 suos, etpueri mortui jacent sicuti vere 
 putes. Habeo eapidem quam reliquit 
 Patroelo Prometheus, ubi Daedalus 
 Niobem in equum Trojanuin includit. 
 V. Lucian. Philop. 19. 
 
 ' Iliad, xi. 632, seq. Martial, or 
 the possessor of the goblet, no doubt 
 had in his eye the passage of Homer 
 which runs : Aoiai ci TrtXudSffafj.^tg 
 iKaorov xpvauai vt^tQofro : and the 
 Roman poet says : Pollice de Pi/lio 
 trita columba nitet. 
 
 8 The ancients also had their 
 relics, and looked with veneration on 
 a chip of the Argo. Martial, who is 
 
 were 
 
 so fond of ridiculing folly and credul- 
 ous simplicity, speaks quite seriously 
 (vii. 19) on the subject : 
 
 Fragmentum quod vile putas et inutile 
 
 lignum, 
 
 Haec fuit ignoti prima carina maris. 
 Saecula vicerunt; Bed quamvis cesserit 
 
 annis, 
 Sanctior est salva parva tabella rate. 
 
 But perhaps this valuable relic be- 
 longed to Domitian himself, or to 
 some other patron of distinction, and 
 the poet for this reason affected to 
 credit the story. The ancients used 
 also to collect natural specimens and 
 other rarities. 
 
 9 The Corinthian brass, as it was 
 called, was used in the manufacture
 
 SCENE II.] 
 
 MORNING. 
 
 19 
 
 beakers and bowls composed of precious stones, either 
 made of one piece only and adorned with reliefs, or of 
 several cameos united by settings of gold. Genuine 
 Murrhina vases also, even at that time a riddle, and 
 according to report imported from the recesses of Par- 
 thia, were not wanting. 
 
 The Egyptian saloon, however, surpassed the rest in 
 magnificence. Every silver or golden vessel which it con- 
 tained was made by the most celebrated tor eu tee, and 
 possessed a higher value from the beauty of its work- 
 manship than even from the costliness of its material 10 . 
 There was a cup by the hand of Phidias, ornamented 
 with fishes that seemed only to want water to enable 
 them to swim ; on another was a lizard by Mentor, and 
 so exact a copy of nature, that the hand almost started 
 back on touching it. Then came a broad bowl, the handle 
 of which was a ram with a golden fleece, more beautiful 
 than that brought by Phryxus to Colchis, and upon it 
 
 of vessels which were sold for high 
 prices. Respecting the composition 
 of it, a secret which was lost even in 
 the time of the ancients, see 0. 
 Miiller's Archaology, translated by 
 Leitch; and Plin. xxxiv. 2, 3, and 
 Petron. 50, jokingly. Connoisseurs 
 detected its genuineness by the pe- 
 culiar odour it acquired by oxydation. 
 Mart. ix. 60, 11. Consulerit nares, 
 an olerent cera Corinthon. Beckmann 
 even affirms that the money-changers 
 had recourse to their noses to judge 
 of the genuineness of the coins, as 
 Arrian, in Epict. i. 20, 6 apyvpoyvtii- 
 ftu)v TrpoaxpfJTai Kara SoKifiaaiav 
 roil vojuiff^aroe ry o^i. ry a<pj, ry 
 6o<t>paoi<p. (but dpyupoyvaijudtiv is not 
 a money-changer). The marks more- 
 over of having been long in use, were 
 not unobserved. Mart. ix. 58 : 
 
 Nil est tristius Hedyli lacernis : 
 Non ansae veterum Corinthiorum. 
 
 10 The most celebrated Toreutne, 
 
 Mys, Myron, Mentor, and even Phi- 
 dias, had often to lend their names 
 to the relievos cut on the vessels, 
 though not always with any good 
 reason for so doing. Mart.: 
 
 iii. 35. Artis Phidiacae toreumaclarum, 
 Pisces adspicis : adde aquam, 
 
 natabunt. 
 iii. 41. Inserts phialae Mentoris manu 
 
 ducta 
 Lacerta vivit, et timetur argen- 
 
 tum. 
 vi. 92. Cselatus serpens in patera My- 
 
 ronis arte. 
 viii. 51. Quis labor in phiala ? docti Myos, 
 
 anne Myronis? 
 Mentoris hasc man us est? an, 
 
 Polyclete, tua? 
 Stat caper jEolio Thebani vellere 
 
 Phryxi 
 
 Cultus : ab hoc mallet vecta 
 f uisse soror. 
 
 Goblets by Mentor, who also imi- 
 tated in metal the pocula Thericlca, 
 were very highly esteemed. Plin. 
 xxxiii. 11, 12. 
 
 02
 
 20 GALLUS. [SCENE II. 
 
 a dainty Cupid. The name of the artist who executed it 
 was unknown, but all were unanimous in thinking that 
 Mys and Myron, Mentor and Potycletus, had equal claims 
 to the honour. No less worthy of admiration were the 
 ingenious works in glass, from Alexandria ; beakers and 
 saucers of superb moulding, and imitating so naturally 
 the tints of the amethyst and ruby, as completely to 
 deceive the beholder ; others shone like onyxes, and 
 were cut in relief; but superior to all were some of 
 the purest crystal, and uncoloured. Still there was one 
 object which, on account of its ingenious construction, 
 attracted more than anything else the eyes of all spec- 
 tators. This was a bowl of the colour of opal, surrounded 
 at the distance of a fourth part of an inch by an azure 
 network, carved out of the same piece as the vessel, 
 and only connected with it by a few fine slips that had 
 been left. Beneath the edge of the cup was written 
 the following inscription ; the letters were green, and 
 projected in a similar manner, supported only by some 
 delicate props : Bibe, vivas multis annis. How many 
 disappointments must the artist have experienced before 
 he accomplished the labour of making such a vessel, and 
 what a price must Grallus have paid for it ! 
 
 In the Cyzicenian saloon no such ornaments were to 
 be seen ; but the slaves had more work in cleaning the 
 windows and window-frames which reached to the ground, 
 and in preventing the view from being obscured by dull 
 spots in the glass. 
 
 Whilst the mansion was being thus cleansed and 
 adorned throughout, whilst the dispemator was busied 
 in recasting the account of the receipts and expenditure 
 during the last month, to be ready for his master's in- 
 spection, and the cellarius was reviewing his stock, and 
 considering how much would supply the exigencies of 
 the day, and the superior slaves were engaged, each 
 with his allotted task the vestibulum had already begun 
 to be filled with a multitude of visitors, who came to
 
 SCENE II.] MORNING. 21 
 
 pay their customary morning salutation to their patron. 
 The persons who presented themselves differed not only 
 in their grades, but also in the motives of their attend- 
 ance 11 . Citizens of the inferior class, who received sup- 
 port from the hand of Gallus ; young men of family, who 
 expected to make their fortunes through the favourite of 
 Augustus; poor poets and idlers, who looked to a com- 
 pensation for these early attentions, by a place at the 
 board of Gallus, or contented themselves with a share of 
 the diurnal sportula ; a few friends really attached to him 
 by gratitude or affection. Amongst the number were, no 
 doubt, some vain fellows, who felt so flattered at having 
 admission to a house of distinction, that they disregarded 
 the inconvenience of dancing attendance thus early before 
 the door of their dominus or rex, and waited impatiently 
 for the moment when they were to be admitted. For this 
 was not the only visit of the kind they intended to pay this 
 morning ; and there were some even with whom this made 
 the second or third door visited already. As soon therefore 
 as the ostiarius let them in, each one pressed forward to the 
 atrium, or became lost to view in the colonnades, beguiling 
 the interval with gazing about them, and conversing with 
 one another. 
 
 Meanwhile Gallus had risen from his couch, though 
 later than he usually did : he was not however inclined to 
 receive the crowd of visitors, about whom he was perfectly 
 indifferent. Accordingly the nomenclator, who had already 
 arranged the order of those who were to be introduced, was 
 instructed to say that his lord was indisposed, and would 
 not make his appearance to-day. At the same time he 
 was ordered, if Pomponius, or any other intimate friends 
 should call, to admit them into the cubiculum ; but all 
 other visits were to be declined. 
 
 11 On the subjects of Salutatio and Sportula, see the fourth Excursus on 
 the First Scene.
 
 22 
 
 GALLUS. 
 
 [SCENE II. 
 
 The throng had long taken its departure, when to- 
 wards the end of the second hour of the day Pomponius 
 arrived. He was a man near upon forty : his hollow but 
 gleaming eye, his pale and sunken cheeks, the half sensual, 
 half scornful expression about his mouth, as well as the 
 negligent folds of his voluminous toga, at once pointed 
 him out as one of those dissipated men, who are accus- 
 tomed to riot all night in wild revelry and forbidden 
 gambling, or in the orgies of the Suburra. Although of 
 distinguished parentage, and left heir to a fortune of nearly 
 two millions of sesterces, usurers and harlots had long since 
 sung the dirge of his patrimony 12 . Instead of his parental 
 mansion, he now inhabited a lodging near the Tiber, hired 
 for three thousand sesterces, while his attendants were 
 limited to a few shabby slaves. Household stores he had 
 none : his bread, and wine fresh from the vat, were brought 
 from the nearest tavern 13 . Notwithstanding, however, he 
 possessed sufficient wit and intelligence to make him wel- 
 come even in the best circles. An adept in every kind of 
 amusement, ever ready to enter into any jovial scheme, 
 and fully acquainted with the ways and means of insuring 
 its success; unequalled, besides, as a director of a feast, 
 and a perfect connoisseur in wines and dishes, he managed 
 to make people forget the less recommendatory points in 
 his character, and (which was an enigma to many) was 
 not excluded from the table even of Augustus. He had, 
 in like manner, by his pleasantry and merry disposition, 
 and by a thousand little kindnesses, and, as it seemed too, 
 by some more important tokens of genuine friendship, 
 contrived to become indispensable to the free-living Gallus. 
 It is true that the cautious Chresimus was not the only 
 
 12 Thus Plautus, True. ii. 1, 3, 
 says : Huic homini amanti mea hero, 
 apud nos dixit nceniam de bonis. 
 
 13 The description is borrowed 
 from Cic. in Pis. 27. 3000 HS. or 
 
 241. was the rent paid also by 
 Sulla, before he arrived at wealth an! 
 power. Plut. Sulla, 1. For more 
 about the price of hired lodgings, 
 and the houses themselves, see Mei- 
 erotto, ii. p. 104, seqq.
 
 SCENE II.] 
 
 MORNING. 23 
 
 one who shook his head at this : and some affirmed, that 
 before the recall of Gallus to Rome, Pomponius had lived 
 in familiar intercourse with Lycoris, and that he had sworn 
 to effect the downfall of the former in revenge for heing 
 supplanted by him. It was certain that he had of late 
 been a most intimate associate of Largus, from whom it 
 was surmised that he received considerable pecuniary aid. 
 On the other hand, Pomponius had himself concerted 
 measures with Gallus for gaining the confidence of his most 
 dangerous foe, and thus becoming apprised of any peril 
 that might threaten him, and had moreover frequently 
 warned him about the other's plans. How then could 
 Gallus consider the cautions which reached him as any- 
 thing else than empty fears and calumnies ? 
 
 Two other men had entered at the same time as Pom- 
 ponius, so different in manner, thoughts, and actions, that 
 it required all the versatility with which their companion 
 was gifted to fill up the chasm between them. Lentulus, 
 young, vain, and wealthy, was the exact prototype of those 
 well-dressed, self-sufficient, shallow young men of our own 
 day, so graphically described by a modern French author, 
 as being belles bourses d'etalage : qu'y a-t-il au fond ? 
 du vide 1 *. No one dressed with more care or arranged 
 his hair in more elegant locks, or diffused around him such 
 a scent of cassia and stakte, nard and balsam. No one 
 was better acquainted with the latest news of the city : 
 who were betrothed yesterday, who was Caius' newest 
 mistress, why. Titus had procured a divorce, on whom 
 Neasra had closed her doors. The whole business of his 
 day consisted in philandering about the toilets of the 
 ladies, or strolling through the colonnades of Pompeius, or 
 the almost completed Septa, humming Alexandrian or 
 Gaditanian songs, or, at most, in reading or writing a love 
 epistle : in short, he was a complete specimen of what the 
 
 14 L. Desnoyers, Les Beotiem de Paris, Livre des Cent et un, iii. p. 61.
 
 24 
 
 GALLUS. 
 
 SCENE IT. 
 
 Romans contemptuously called bellus homo 15 . It can be 
 easily imagined that Gallus was not very anxious for the 
 society of such a person ; but Pomponius saw only that 
 Lentulus was rich, that few gave better dinners, and be- 
 sides, he liked his folly, which often served as a butt for 
 his own wit and sarcasms. 
 
 What a strong contrast to this smooth coxcomb was 
 Calpurnius ! whose lofty stature and manly bearing, free 
 alike from stiffness and negligence, commanded respect ; 
 while the simple throw and scanty gatherings of his toga, 
 in the highly drawn up sinus of which his right arm rested, 
 reminded one of the orators of the republic. In his dark 
 eyes, overshadowed by lofty brows, there glowed a tran- 
 quil fire, and if you watched at the same time the earnest 
 folds of his forehead and the bitter curl of his lips, you 
 almost believed that you saw before you one who had 
 fallen out with fate, or meditated revenge. 
 
 ' Welcome, friends ! ' cried Gallus, as they entered the 
 peristyle, where according to custom he was enjoying the 
 fresh morning air. 'And you too, Lentulus? What, are you 
 not afraid lest the dampness of the morning air should 
 destroy the ingenious edifice of your locks ? ' 
 
 ' Joke away ! ' replied Lentulus, ' who knows whether 
 I live not happier under it than ye do in many a new 
 state fabric, built only in your thoughts? But enough 
 of that. I will leave you directly to your momentous 
 consultations, and only come now to propose that we 
 should not breakfast with you to-day, as we agreed yes- 
 
 15 Such a lellus homo Martial ad- 
 mirably describes, iii. 63 : 
 
 Bellus homo est, flexos qui digerit ordine 
 
 crines : 
 Balsama qui semper, cinnama semper 
 
 olet. 
 
 Cantica qui Nili, qui Qaditana susurrat ; 
 Qui mo vet in varios brachla vulsa modos. 
 Inter fcemineas tota qui luce cathedras 
 Itesidet, atque aliqvia semper in aure 
 Bonat, 
 
 Qui legit bine illinc missas, scribitque ta- 
 
 bellas. 
 
 Pallia vicini qui refugit cubiti. 
 Qui scit quam quis amet; qui per con- 
 
 vivia currit ; 
 Hirpini veteres qui bene novit avos. 
 
 "Well may we say, after casting a 
 glance upon the bellus homo of our 
 own day, ' Men are now as men ever 
 were.'
 
 SCENE II.] 
 
 MORNINC*. 
 
 25 
 
 terday, but that you come instead to my house. Not 
 merely for the sake of the excellent oysters that I received 
 this morning from the Lucrine lake, and the splendid 
 rhombus sent me yesterday from Ravenna these would 
 at most be an attraction for Pomponius alone but for 
 the purpose of admiring a work of art of surpassing grace 
 and beauty. You know Issa, Terentia's lap-dog 16 ? I 
 have had the little imp painted, sweetly reposing upon a 
 soft cushion : it was only finished yesterday, and the illu- 
 sion is, I assure you, complete. Place it by the side of 
 the delicate little animal, and you will think either that 
 both are painted, or both alive.' Gallus laughed loudly at 
 this enthusiasm about a lap-dog, and even on the visage of 
 Calpurnius a smile gradually got the better of his habitual 
 scowl. ' I believe you, my Lentulus/ replied the first ; 
 ' and it grieves me to be able neither to make acquaint- 
 ance with the Lucrine and Ravennan strangers, nor to 
 enjoy the high artistic treat. Cogent reasons induce me 
 to spend a few weeks in the country, and I have just 
 determined to set off this morning.' 
 
 'Into the country? To the villa?' cried Pomponius 
 and Calpurnius, in astonishment, whilst Lentulus affectedly 
 supported his chin with his left hand. ' So it is,' said 
 Gallus ; ' and I had already ordered my slave to make 
 my apologies for not breakfasting with you, and to invite 
 you to my villa instead.' 
 
 ' Well, well, if such be the case,' said Lentulus, ' I 
 have nothing to do, but wish you a pleasant journey 
 thither. But I make one condition, that you take your 
 
 16 The deliciec of the Roman ladies 
 are known through the passer of Les- 
 bia, and the parrot of Corinna. The 
 Issa here mentioned belongs, it is 
 true, to a later period, and to no 
 lady, but to the painter Publius, who 
 had painted her for himself, Mart. i. 
 110. The same poet, vii. 87, names 
 
 as such favourite objects, bubo, ca- 
 tella, cercopitliecos ichneumon, pica, 
 draco, luscinia. The lap-dog of the 
 lady was naturally an object of tender 
 blandishment to the lover. Indeed 
 this is enjoined by Cloereta, Plaut. 
 Asin. i. 3, 32. Cf. Mart. xiv. 198 ; Juv. 
 vi.654; Petron. 64,71; Plin. JE>.iv.2.
 
 26 GALLUS. [SCENE II. 
 
 first meal at my house after your return. I am only 
 sorry that you will not see Issa, for this very day will 
 Terentia receive this proof of my affection.' Having thus 
 said, he sped away through the halls and atrium, carefully 
 avoiding the busy slaves, lest they should soil the snowy 
 whiteness of his garments, and hastened to arrange the 
 breakfast : since Pomponius, at all events, would not forget 
 the Lucrine oysters and the rhombus. 
 
 ' So to Capua, then ? ' said Pomponius, musingly, after 
 the departure of Lentulus, and appearing at the same time 
 to be occupied with other thoughts than the recent in- 
 vitation. 
 
 * Into the lap of enjoyment and idleness ! ' put in Cal- 
 purnius gloomily. 
 
 ' And Lycoris ? ' asked Pomponius inquiringly, whilst he 
 involuntarily held his nether lip between his teeth. 
 
 ' Will grant my request, I hope, and spend these weeks 
 in Baiae.' 
 
 * And the fine plans of yesterday ? ' interrupted Cal- 
 purnius : ' are we children that we swear death to the 
 tyrant, and within twelve hours afterwards quietly repose 
 on the soft pillow of pleasure and voluptuousness ? ' 
 
 ' Calpurnius,' said Gallus earnestly, ' the incautious ex- 
 pressions cajoled from the tongue by the Setinian wine 
 must not be interpreted too literally the next morning. 
 I have, it is true, been grievously insulted, and by the 
 very man from whose hand I received all my fortune; 
 but I will never forget what is due to gratitude, and for 
 the same reason, that I feel how easily I can be provoked, 
 I will withdraw into the retirement of the country for a 
 while. Yirgil and Propertius have already left Rome to 
 enjoy the charms of nature, and I too pine for a more 
 simple way of life.' 
 
 ' Gallus is right,' cried Pomponius, as if awaking from 
 a dream, ' he is right ; ' while Calpurnius, turning away 
 his head, bit his lip. 'He will thus best show that he 
 has no desire to take part in any movement that may
 
 SCENE II.] MOUSING. 
 
 27 
 
 be made, and lie leaves true friends behind him to avert 
 any danger that may threaten him in his absence. But 
 since the hour of departure is so near, his time must be 
 precious, Calpurnius. Let us therefore now depart. Fare- 
 well, Gallus ! happy omen be thy speed ! ' With this he 
 went, forcing the silent Calpurnius away.
 
 SCENE THE THIRD. 
 
 STUDIES AND LETTERS. 
 
 i~^ ALLTJS had for some time past kept as much as pos- 
 ^ sible aloof from the disquieting labours of public life, 
 and had been accustomed to divide his time between the 
 pleasures of the table and of love, the society of friends, 
 and the pursuit of his studies, serious as well as cheerful 1 . 
 On the present occasion also, after his friends had departed, 
 he withdrew into the chamber, where he used daily to 
 spend the later hours of the morning, in converse with the 
 great spirits of ancient Greece a pursuit animating and 
 refreshing alike to heart and soul or to yield himself 
 up to the sport of his own muse. For this reason, this 
 apartment lay far removed from the noisy din of the street, 
 so that neither the rattling of the creaking wains and 
 the stimulating cry of the mule-driver, the clarions and 
 dirge of the pompous funeral, nor the brawlings of the 
 slaves 2 hurrying busily along, could penetrate it. A lofty 
 
 1 In this description of the mode 
 of life to which Callus, after a long 
 continuance of active exertion, had 
 resigned himself, reference has been 
 principally had to Cic. Fam. ix. 20. 
 Omnem nostrum de republica curam, 
 cogitationem de dicenda in senatu 
 scntentia, commentationem causarum- 
 (tlijecimus. In Epicuri nos adver- 
 sarii nostri castra conjecimus. No 
 doubt this Epicurism would assume 
 a different form in Callus from that 
 of Cicero, yet the latter's account 
 of his morning occupations might 
 very well be transferred to Callus : 
 Hccc igiiur est nunc vita nostra. Mane 
 salutatus domi et bonos viros multos, 
 sed tristes, et has laetos victores, qui 
 me quidem pcrofficiose et peramanter 
 observant. Ubi salutatio defluxit, 
 
 literis me involvo ; aut scribo, out 
 lego. In the retirement of country - 
 life (Plin. Ep. ix. 9, 36), there was, 
 no doubt, more likelihood of such 
 quiet enjoyment than amid the num- 
 berless interruptions of the bustling 
 metropolis, which Pliny describes, 
 Ep. i. 9 : Si quern interroges : Hodie 
 quid egisti ? respondeat : Officio toga 
 virilis interfui, sponsalia aut nuptias 
 frequentavi : tile me ad signandum 
 testamentum, tile in advocationem, 
 tile in eonsilium rogavit. So also 
 Hor. Epist. ii. 2, 65. Even at the 
 country house many were subjected 
 to the solicitations of their neigh- 
 bours. Plin. Ep. ix 15. 
 
 2 The characteristic bustle of the 
 slaves, as they ran along the street, is
 
 SCENE III.] 
 
 STUDIES AND LETTERS. 
 
 29 
 
 window, through which shone the light of the early morn- 
 ing sun, pleasantly illuminated from above the moderate- 
 sized apartment, the walls of which were adorned with 
 elegant arabesques in light colours, whilst between them, 
 on darker grounds, the luxurious forms of attractive danc- 
 ing girls were seen sweeping spirit-like along. A neat 
 couch, faced with tortoise-shell and hung with Babylonian 
 tapestry of various colours by the side of which was the 
 scrinium containing the poet's elegies, which were as yet 
 unknown to >the majority of the public, and a small table 
 of cedar-wood, on goat's-feet of bronze, comprised the 
 whole of the supellex. 
 
 Immediately adjoining this apartment was the library, 
 full of the most precious treasures acquired by Gallus, 
 chiefly in Alexandria. There, in presses of cedar-wood, 
 placed round the walls, lay the rolls, partly of parch- 
 ment, and partly of the finest Egyptian papyrus, each 
 supplied with a label, on which was seen, in bright red 
 letters, the name of the author and title of the book. 
 Above these again were ranged the busts, in bronze or 
 marble, of the most renowned writers, an entirely novel 
 ornament for libraries, first introduced into Rome by Asinius 
 Pollio, who perhaps had only copied it from the libraries 
 of Pergamus and Alexandria. True, only the chief repre- 
 sentatives of each separate branch of literature were to be 
 found in the narrow space available for them ; but to com- 
 pensate for this, there were several rolls which contained 
 the portraits of seven hundred remarkable men. These 
 were the hebdomades or peplography of Varro, who, by 
 means of a new and much-valued invention 3 , was enabled 
 
 well known, from comic writers, and 
 currentes is their peculiar epithet. 
 Terence, Eun. Prol, 36 ; Heant. 
 Prol. 31. Examples occur in almost 
 every one of the comedies of Plautus. 
 So hasty a pace was not, however, 
 becoming to a respectable free-man. 
 Plautus, Pan. iii. 1, 19. 
 
 Liberos homines per \irberu modico magis 
 
 par est gradu 
 Ire; servuli esse dico, festinantem currere. 
 
 3 The question as to what was the 
 benignissimitm Varronis invention, 
 has been lately revived. The chief 
 passage in Pliny, xxxv. 2, bearing 
 on the matter is certainly in a tone of
 
 30 
 
 CALLUS. 
 
 [SCENE III. 
 
 in an easy manner to multiply the collection of his por- 
 traits, and so to spread copies of them, with short biogra- 
 phical notices of the men, through the whole learned world. 
 
 admiration. Imaginum amore fla- 
 grasse quondam testes sunt Atticu* 
 ille Ciceronis, edito de his volumine, 
 et Marcus Varro benignissimo in- 
 vento imertis voluminum suorum 
 fcecunditati non nominibus tantum 
 septingentorum illustrium, sed et 
 nli quo modo imaginibus, non passus 
 inter eidere Jiguras, aut vestustatem 
 (cvi contra homines valere, inventor 
 muneris etiam Diis invidiosi, quando 
 immortalitatem non solum dedit, ve- 
 rum etiam in omnes terras misit, ut 
 pr<esentes esse ubique et claudi (?) 
 possent. It was an Iconography 
 (consisting of one hundred rolls and 
 sheets, each one of which contained 
 seven pictures, with short biogra- 
 phies, epigramma, Gell. iii. 11 ; epi- 
 grammatuin adjectione, or elegiis, 
 Symmach. Ep. i. 2. 4), unquestion- 
 ably the same hook that Cicero, ad 
 Attic, xvi. 11, calls IJtTrAoypa^/av 
 Varonis, and that bore the name 
 Hebdomades (Gell. iii. 10, qui in- 
 scribuntur (libri) htbdomades s. de 
 imaginibus} ; hut opinions are divided 
 as to wherein consisted its novelty 
 and remarkableness. Brotier and 
 Falconnet suppose that they were 
 drawings on parchment or canvas. 
 Visconti calls them des portraits 
 peints sans doute stir parchemin. 
 
 On the other hand, De Pauw be- 
 lieved that it was an invention for 
 the multiplication of the portraits, 
 and that it was copper-plate en- 
 graving, which Ottfr. Muller con- 
 siders most probably to have been 
 the case. Quatremere de Qnincy 
 sets up a similar hypothesis, which, 
 however, rests on a very insecure 
 basis. Eaoul-Rochette gives the fol- 
 
 lowing account of it : ' M. Quatre- 
 mere de Quincy n'est point occupe 
 de cette discussion preliminaire. 
 Fidele a sa methode de trailer les 
 questions d'antiquite d'apres les 
 seules textes antiques, sans avoir 
 egard aux opinions des critiques mo- 
 dernes, qui ont pu s'exercer sur les 
 memes sujets, 1'illustre auteur n'a 
 fait aucune mention des idees de 
 Brotier, de Falconnet et de Pauw. 
 Encore moins aurait-il pu citer 1'ex- 
 plication d'un autre savant, laquelle 
 rentre pourtant a peu pres dans la 
 sienne, mais qui se trouve en quelque 
 sorte cachee dans un ouvrage d'ar- 
 cheologie chretienne, ou Ton ne 
 s'aviserait pas d'aller la chercher. 
 Je veux parler de 1'idee de Miin- 
 ter, qui rappelant, au debut de ses 
 recherches sur 1'iconographie chre- 
 tienne, 1'invention de Varron, sup- 
 pose qu'elle consistait en portraits 
 graves aux traits sur des planches 
 de bois, et imprimes sur parchemin, 
 tout en repoussant 1' opinion, que ces 
 portraits, ainsi imprimes, aient pu 
 etre colories ou enlumines en pin- 
 ceau, de la main de Lala, comme on 
 pourrait le croire d'apres un autre 
 passage de Pline (xxxv. 11, 40) : Lala 
 Cyzicena Marci Varronis inventa 
 Rom<e et penicillo pinxit (et cestro in 
 ebore). Le docte antiquaire Danois 
 n' ad met pas, en effet, dans le texte 
 de Pline, la le^on inventa, qu'il sup- 
 pose une correction de quelque criti- 
 que moderne, au lieu de juventa, qui 
 lui parait la Ie9on originale. Mais il 
 se trompe certainement en ce point ; 
 les mots : M. Varronis inventa, de ce 
 passage de Pline, s'accordent trop 
 bien avec le Varronis beniynissimiitn
 
 SCENE III.] 
 
 STUDIES AND LETTEES. 
 
 31 
 
 On the other side of the library was a larger room, in 
 which a number of learned slaves were occupied in tran- 
 scribing, with nimble hand, the works of illustrious Greek 
 
 invetitum de Pautre texte, pour qu'il 
 y ait le moindre lieu de douter, qu'ils 
 n'expriment 1'un et 1'autre Ja pensee 
 de Pline, et qu'ils ne se rapportent 
 1'un et 1'autre un precede de Varron; 
 la le<jon inventa est d'ailleurs celle 
 des meilleurs editions, compris 1'edi- 
 tion princeps de 1469. Cela pose, 
 1'hypothese de M. Quatremere de 
 Quincy acquiert le plus haut degre 
 de probabilite ; il suppose, que Var- 
 ron fit executer au centre sur ivoire, 
 par la main de Lala, les portraits de 
 son iconographie, dont elle avail peint 
 les modeles au pinceau ; et que ces 
 portraits, imprimes sur toile, se mul- 
 tipliaient au moyen d'une pression 
 mecanique, dont le procedd e'tait trop 
 simple et trop facile a trouver pour 
 qu'il ait pu offrir le moindre embarras 
 a 1'industrie Romaine de cette age.' 
 
 The chief points of this hypo- 
 thesis, with which Raoul-Rochette 
 coincides, are, that the inventum 
 Varronis was a means of multiplying 
 portraits; that Lala of Cyzikos fur- 
 nished the designs, and engraved 
 them on ivory; and that tinted en- 
 gravings of them were made on can- 
 vas, by means of several plates ; but 
 the last assumption rests on a pure 
 misapprehension. Cicero names the 
 work n7r\oypa0i'a, analogously to 
 the Panathenaic Peplos : of which 
 Suidas under n7r\osays: TliTrXov 
 tTToiriGav r-g ' A9f]V(f Kal it'typai^av 
 rot'c dpiarovQ iv avry. Arist. 
 Equit. 566. avfipiq d%toi rov TTI- 
 TT\CV. Aristotle named thus his ge- 
 nealogy of the Homeric heroes ; the 
 word therefore denotes nothing more 
 than a gallery of remarkable persons, 
 as Popma, and after him Ernesti, 
 
 have sufficiently shown. As for can- 
 vas, or any substance whatever, on 
 which the pictures were painted, it 
 is not to be thought of. 
 
 The process with the oestrum may 
 have been merely a species of en- 
 caustic engraving but as to whether 
 it was a simple burning in of the out- 
 line, or in some way a kind of stip- 
 pling, we are sail in the dark whilst 
 the drawing, by means of this burning 
 in, was to receive its tinted appear 
 ance or its consistency as an engrav- 
 ing on the ivory, in order to bring 
 forth the ivory pictures, Pliny rather 
 obscurely describes xxv. 11, 41. En- 
 causto pingendi duo fuisse antiqui- 
 tus genera constat, cera, et in eborc, 
 cestro, id est, viriculo, donee classes 
 fingi cceperunt. 
 
 The other suppositions also appear 
 very untenable. And it would ap- 
 pear very strange if, for the purpose 
 of engraving, they had taken such a 
 fragile material as ivory, whilst cop- 
 per or other durable metal presented 
 itself. Besides, the reading of in- 
 venta for juventa is very unsafe, and 
 the last expression is so like one of 
 Pliny's own, that we may entirely 
 decide in favour of it. 
 
 Letronne opposed this hypothe- 
 sis ; but the grammatical scruples 
 that he raises are totally groundless. 
 He denies that the invention con- 
 sisted in a means of multiplying, 
 and supposes painted portraits, so 
 that in that case inventum would 
 simply mean a new idea. But the 
 words of Pliny are clearly in oppo- 
 sition to him ; for besides that the 
 epithet benignissimum conveys the 
 idea of communication and commou
 
 32 
 
 GALLUS. 
 
 SCENE III. 
 
 and the more ancient Roman authors, both for the supply 
 of the library, and for the use of those friends to whom 
 Gallus obligingly communicated his literary treasures. 
 Others were engaged in giving the rolls the most agree- 
 able exterior, in gluing the separate strips of papyrus 
 together, drawing the red lines which divided the dif- 
 ferent columns, and writing the title in the same colour ; 
 in smoothing with pumice- stone and blackening the edges ; 
 fastening ivory tops on the sticks round which the rolls 
 were wrapped, and dyeing bright red or yellow the parch- 
 ment which was to serve as a wrapper. 
 
 Gallus, with Chresimus, entered the study, where the 
 freedman, of whom he was used to avail himself in his 
 studies 4 , to make remarks on what was read, to note down 
 
 utility, Pliny also expressly says : 
 verum etiam in omnes terras misit, 
 ut prcesentes esse ubique possent. It 
 is therefore evident that he speaks 
 of numerous copies ; and besides this, 
 he says : non nominibus tantum sep- 
 tingentorutn illustrium, sed et aliquo 
 inodo imaginibus, and gives us posi- 
 tively to understand that they were 
 no regular portraits. Still it is to he 
 doubted whether it could have been 
 an engraving, on a plate of copper, 
 or any other metal, as such an in- 
 vention would have been of the ut- 
 most moment, and necessarily less 
 transitory. Pliny, too, would hardly 
 have passed over the technical part 
 of this new branch in the art of de- 
 sign ; we cannot, therefore, include 
 copper-plate engraving under aliquo 
 modo. 
 
 Perhaps these aliquo modo ima- 
 gines were portraits done Silhouette- 
 fashion, or painted by means of shab- 
 loons, or something similar ; for it can 
 hardly be supposed that they were 
 executed in colours, as in the Oriental 
 painting, as it is called. Whether, 
 when wall-painting at a later period 
 
 became so general, this contrivance 
 may have been made use of in a set 
 of uniform arabesques, must be an- 
 swered in the negative. Though it 
 I would not be impossible ; for even in 
 j the <jood times of art they used to 
 | bethink themselres of methods of 
 | abbreviating labour (comptndiarias, 
 Plin. xxxv. 10, 36). And perhaps 
 we might refer to this the words of 
 Petronius, c. 2, where he speaks of 
 the decline of the arts of oratory and 
 pointing. Quis postea ad summain 
 Thucydidis, quis Hyperidis adfamam 
 proccssit ? ac ne carmen quidem sani 
 colons enituit ; sed omnia quasi eo- 
 dem cibo pasta non potuerunt usque 
 ad senectutetn canescere. Pictura 
 quoque non alium exitum fecit, post- 
 quam JEgyptiarum audacia tarn mag- 
 nee artis compendiariam invenit. But 
 in that case it would b<3 strange 
 if repetitions of the same paintings 
 were not to be found at Hercula- 
 neum and Pompeii. 
 
 * Among the librani were some 
 who were made use of in studying, 
 for the purpose of extracting and
 
 SCENE III.] 
 
 STUDIES AND LETTERS. 
 
 33 
 
 particular passages, or to commit to paper liis own poetical 
 effusions, as they escaped him, was already awaiting him. 
 After giving Chresimus further instructions to make the 
 necessary preparations for an immediate journey, he re- 
 clined, in his accustomed manner, on his studying couch, 
 
 noting down remarks, a studiis. 
 Orell. laser. 719 ; Suet. Claud. 28. 
 Ac super ho.i (libertos, maxime sus- 
 pexit) Polijbium a studiis qui scepe 
 inter duos Consules ambulabat. We 
 see clearly what their business was 
 from a letter of the young Cicero, 
 Fa-m. xvi. 21 : Peto a te, tit quam 
 celerrime librarius mild mittatitr, 
 maxime quidem Grams; multiim 
 enim inihi cripitur operce exscriben- 
 dis hypommmatis. Best adapted for 
 this purpose were the notarii, ra\v- 
 ypa'^oi, ff)jjufioypa'0oi, who wrote hy 
 means of marks, did (njfjitiwv the 
 short-hand writers of antiquity, unex- 
 celled perhaps in facility even by the 
 moderns. [This art was introduced 
 into Rome during the last hundred 
 years of its freedom. Plutarch (Cat. 
 Min. 23) calls Cicero, and Dio Cass. 
 (Iv. 7) Maecenas, the inventor of it. 
 Isodorus, i. 21, mentions Ennius as 
 the founder of tachygraphy, and the 
 frcedmen of Cicero and Maecenas, 
 Tiro and Aquila, as those who in 
 practice had further improved it. 
 Gellius, xvii. 9, speaks not of steno- 
 graphy, but of a kind of secret cy- 
 pher-writing in use between Csesar, 
 Oppius, and Balbus : In his epistolis 
 qnibusdam in locis inveniuntur li- 
 terce singulari(B sine coagmentis 
 syllabarum, quas tu putes positas 
 incondite; nam <cerba ex his liter is 
 confici nulla possunt. Erat autem 
 convent urn inter eos clandestinum de 
 eommiitando situ I i (era rum, ut in 
 scripto quidem alia alia locum et 
 nomen teneret, seel in letjendo locus 
 
 cuique suus et potcstas rcstitueretur. 
 There was also some process similar 
 to our short-hand writing, and to that 
 Pliny alludes when he calls Ciesar the 
 inventor of it. When, however, Cicero 
 writes, ad Att. xiii. 21 : Quod ad te 
 de decem legatis scripsi, parum intel- 
 lexti, credo quia Sid. arjuiiwv scrip- 
 scram ; we must not suppose that 
 either a secret cipher- writing or ste- 
 nography is meant, but hieroglyphics 
 (understood figuratively) or mys- 
 terious indications, which Cicero was 
 accustomed to make in his letters.] 
 Later, the marks which the notarii 
 made use of, were certainly far sim- 
 pler than the notce Tironianai. Mart. 
 xiv. 208, Xotarius 
 
 Currant verba licet ; manus est velocior 
 
 illis: 
 
 Nondum lingua suum, dextra peregit 
 opus. 
 
 Seneca, Epist. 90. Quid verborum 
 notas, quibus quamvis citata exci- 
 pitur oratio, et celeritatem lingua 
 manus sequitur ; Orell. laser. 2876, 
 and Manil. iv. 197 : 
 
 Hie et scriptor erit velox, cui litera ver- 
 
 bum est, 
 Quique notis linguam superet, cursimque 
 
 loquentis 
 Excipiet longas nova per compendia voces. 
 
 The elder Pliny had himself a 
 notarius by his side on a journey, 
 that the time might not pass idly : 
 Ep. iii. 5 (in itinere) ad latus no- 
 tarius cum libra et pugillaribus, cttjus 
 manus hieme manicis muniebantur 
 ut ne cceli quidfm asperitas uttum 
 studii tcmpus eriperet.
 
 34 
 
 GALLUS. 
 
 [SCENE TIL 
 
 supported on his left arm, his right knee being drawn up 
 somewhat higher than the other, in order to place on it 
 his hooks or tablets. * Give me that roll of poetry of mine, 
 Phaedrus,' said he to the freedman ; ' I will not set out till 
 I have sent the book finished to the bookseller. I cer- 
 tainly do not much desire to be sold in the Argiletan 
 taverns for five denarii, and find my name hung up on the 
 doors, and not always in the best company ; but Secundus 
 worries me for it, and therefore be it so.' 'He under- 
 stands his advantage,' said Phaedrus, as he drew forth the 
 roll from the cedar- wood chest. ' I wager that his scribes 
 will have nothing else to do for months, but to copy off 
 your Elegies and Epigrams, and that you will be rewarded 
 with the applause poured upon them not by Rome only, 
 nor by Italy, but by the world.' 
 
 ' Who knows ? ' said Gallus. ' It is always hazardous 
 to give to the opinion of the public that which was only 
 written for a narrow circle of tried friends : and besides, 
 our public is so very capricious. For one I am too cold, for 
 another I speak too much of Lycoris ; my Epigrams are too 
 long for a third 5 ; and then there are those grammarians, 
 who impute to me the blunders which the copyist in his 
 hurry has committed 6 . But look ! ' continued he, as he 
 unfolded the roll, ' there is just room left before we get to 
 the umbilicus, for a small poem on which I meditated this 
 morning when walking to and fro in the peristyle. It 
 is somewhat hurriedly thrown off, I grant, and its jocular 
 tone is not exactly in keeping with the last elegy. Per- 
 haps they will say, I had done better to leave it out, but 
 its contents are the best proof of its unassumingness ; why, 
 therefore, should I not let the joke stand ? Listen then, 
 and write.' 
 
 Phadrus here was about taking the roll. ' No,' said 
 
 5 Martial had to bear this imput- 
 ation more than once. See ii. 77, 
 iii. 83, vi. 65. 
 
 6 Martial, ii. 8. See the Excur- 
 sus,' The Bookseller.
 
 SCENE III.] STUDIES AND LETTERS. 
 
 Gallus, ' the time before our departure is too brief. Take 
 style and tablet, write with abbreviations, and insert it 
 afterwards whilst I am dictating a few letters/ Phaedrus 
 obeyed, sat down on the foot of the couch, and wrote as 
 follows to his master's dictation : 
 
 TO MY BOOK. 
 
 Pond book ! why, uninvited, haste to roam 
 Abroad, while thou mayst safely stay at home ? 
 E'en among friends thou'lt earn but doubtful praise, 
 What madness then to brave the world's proud gaze, 
 And nostril curl'd and supercilious sneer ! 
 Of spiteful critic's pen to be in fear! 
 What ! though no gross plebeian form be thine, 
 Though traced with cunning hand thy letters shine ; 
 Though Tyrian purple veil thy page of snow, 
 And painted knobs o'er thy black edges glow, 
 Dost hope by this to please book-learned wights ? 
 To grace the shelves of Phoebus' satellites ? 
 Be carried in the bosom, praised, caress'd, 
 And read by all the world from east to west ? 
 Vain hope ! thy beauty's pride, thy swelling roll, 
 A smoky kitchen is their destined goal. 
 Or else to greasy taverns thou'lt be borne, 
 Then, greased thyself, with filthy wares return. 
 T've seen (prodigious fate, but no less true) 
 Your Ciceros, extoll'd beyond their due, 
 To pepper-pokes consign' d, and bags for salt, 
 Not Attic : that they lack'd their only fault 
 Or sprats enclosed within their humid leaves ; 
 Sprats ! or whate'er the dirty cook receives. 
 Warn'd by such great examples, shun their fate, 
 Nor learn discretion at so dear a rate. 
 Words to the winds ! still struggling to be free ? 
 Go, but when injured, blame thyself, not me. 7 
 
 The original of this translation runs as follows : 
 
 Quo properas, insane liber? male nota 
 
 quid hospes 
 Tecta subis, tuto cui licet esse domi ? 
 
 Quis furor est, populi tumidis opponere 
 
 rhonchis, 
 Ah ! vereor, sociia vix placitura viris ? 
 
 D 2
 
 36 
 
 GALLUS. 
 
 fScENE III. 
 
 Phaedrus had written with all possible rapidity ; and from 
 his countenance it was not easy to discover his opinion 
 of this apostrophe. He then departed to copy the poem 
 more intelligibly on the roll, and to send thither Philo- 
 damus, whom his master generally employed to write his 
 letters ; equally acquainted with both languages, he used, 
 in most instances, to discharge the duties of the Greek 
 and Latin correspondent, and particularly when the con- 
 tents of the letters made a confidential scribe necessary. 
 To-day, however, this was not the case ; for Gallus only 
 wished some short friendly letters, which contained no 
 secrets, to be written. Philodamus brought the style, the 
 
 Contemtumque pati, nasoque forociter 
 
 unco 
 
 Suspend!, et tristes extimuisse notas ? 
 An quia plebeiam vincit tua charta papy- 
 
 rum, 
 
 Et nitet artifici litera facta manu ; 
 Candida quod Tyrio velatur pagina fuco, 
 Pictaque nigranti cornua fronte geris ; 
 Scrinia Phoabeae speras habitare catervw, 
 
 Et fieri doctis carior inde viris ? 
 Gestarique sinu belle, lepidusque vocari 
 
 Forsitan, et toto plurimus orbe legi ? 
 Nequidquam, heu ! forma turnidum, cul- 
 
 tuque superbum 
 Accipiet fumo nigra culina suo. 
 Mercibus aut unctas migrabis, culte, 
 
 tabernas, 
 
 Ut referas mercesunctus et ipse domum. 
 Vidimus elatos nimium, meritisque fero- 
 
 ces 
 Vera loquor, quamquam prodigiosa lo- 
 
 quor 
 Aut salis, aut piperis Cicerones esse cu- 
 
 cullos, 
 Quodque aberat scriptis sal tamen in- 
 
 tus erat. 
 
 Cordylseque fere madida latuere papyro, 
 Quidquid et immundi poscit opella 
 
 coqui. 
 Si sapis, exemplis monitus, liber, utere 
 
 tantis, 
 
 Et proprio noli cautior esse malo. 
 Ventis verba cadunt. Pugnas tamen ire ? 
 
 licebit. 
 I, fuge, sed Isesus parce, Hbelle, queri. 
 
 The joke here indulged in, of 
 palming this sportive effusion on Gal- 
 lus, must not be mistaken, or con- 
 
 sidered presumptuous. Such a vov- 
 Oeaiu would in itself be nothing un- 
 common, for Horace, i. 17, 11, speaks 
 to his book in a similar manner, and 
 in Martial more such warnings are to 
 be found. I cannot here omit a re- 
 mark or two in defence of the text. 
 In v. 3, 1 have had in my eye Virg. 
 JEn. ii. 127, recusat quemquam op- 
 ponere morti, and am of opinion that 
 from thence Propert. i. 17, 11, is also 
 to he amended : 
 
 An poteris siccis meafatareponereocellis, 
 Ossaque nulla tuo nostva tenere sinu ? 
 
 Here the Cod. optimus Posthianus, 
 or, Groninganus, has opponere, and 
 so I believe the proper reading to 
 be : me fato opponere, for that is the 
 only idea suitable. To take reponere 
 fata, for componere funus or ossa, is 
 quite impossible, because Propertius 
 does not hope for a burial. But 
 Cynthia is mentioned as the cause 
 of his calamity, through her dirts. 
 Should one, however, be offended at 
 the opponere rhonchis, he can instead 
 of it (si tanti esf) read committere. 
 Nobody can refer this attack on 
 Cicero to anything else than useless 
 editions, such as the last century pro- 
 duced in abundance.
 
 SCEN'E III.] 
 
 STUDIES AND LETTERS. 
 
 37 
 
 wooden tablets coated over with wax, and what was re- 
 quisite for sealing the letters ; took the seat of Pheedrus, 
 and set down with expert hand the short sentences which 
 Gallus dictated. Notifications of his departure to his friends; 
 invitations to them to visit him at his villa ; approval of 
 a purchase of some statues and pictures, which a friend 
 in Athens had made for him 8 ; recommendations of one 
 friend to another in Alexandria ; such were the quickly 
 despatched subjects of the day's correspondence. Gallus 
 then himself took style and tablets, to write with his own 
 hand some words of affection to Lycoris, and induce her 
 to follow him, but not indeed to his villa for he felt too 
 well that a liaison of this description could only be lasting 
 whilst distance allowed his imagination to decorate reality 
 in its bright colours, and that by living together under the 
 same roof, all the charm and poetry of love would be 
 destroyed. For this reason, he proposed that she should 
 go to Baiae, and doubted not to see his desire accom- 
 plished ; as the cheerful bustle of that much- visited water- 
 ing-place promised pleasure in abundance ; while the near 
 proximity of his villa gave hopes of their being able to 
 visit each other frequently. Many men would no doubt 
 have felt scruples about sending their loved ones thither, 
 where there existed temptations of all kinds, sufficient 
 almost to seduce one of severer virtue than such a flighty 
 libertina. Gallus, however, knew Lycoris too well to dis- 
 trust her ; she had only once in past times been unfaithful 
 to him 9 , and perhaps the fault then was more on his side 
 than on hers. 
 
 6 Cicero -writes in a different sense 
 (ad Fam. vii. 23) to Fabius Gallus, 
 half in joke, half in anger, respecting 
 such a purchase. The whole letter 
 is very instructive, and the words, Tn 
 autem, ignams institute mei, quanti 
 ego genus omnino signorum omnium 
 non cestimo, tanti ista quatuor aut 
 quinque sumpsisti, fully characterize 
 
 Cicero's love of art. The object re- 
 presented was everything to him, 
 and his Sermathetus and Hermera- 
 klce were of more value in his eyes 
 than the most charming Baccha, by 
 the master-hand of a Greek. See 
 Cic. ad Attic, i. 4, 10. 
 
 9 A want of faith rendered famous
 
 38 
 
 CALLUS. 
 
 [SCENE III. 
 
 He read over once more the letters which Philodamus 
 had written ; the slave then fastened the tablets together 
 with crossed thread, and where the ends were knotted, 
 placed a round piece of wax ; while Gallus drew from his 
 finger a beautiful beryl, on which was engraved by the 
 hand of Dioscorides, a lion driven by four amoretts, 
 breathed on it, to prevent the tenacious wax from ad- 
 hering to it 10 , and then impressed it deeply into the 
 pliant mass. Meanwhile Philodamus had summoned the 
 tabellarn, or slaves used for conveying letters. Each of 
 them received a letter ; but that destined for Athens was 
 about to be entrusted to a friend journeying thither. 
 
 Scarcely were these matters well concluded, when the 
 slave who had charge of the time-pieces entered, and 
 announced that the finger of the dial was now casting its 
 shadow upon the fourth hour, and that the fifth was about 
 commencing. This was the time that Gallus had fixed 
 for departure ; he therefore hastened to leave the apart- 
 ment, and allow himself to be assisted in his travelling 
 toilet by the slaves in attendance for this purpose. 
 
 by the tenth Eclogue of Virgil, which 
 bears the name of Gallus : the solli- 
 eiti amores Galli, as Virgil says. 
 
 10 There is a peculiar interest in 
 tracing these minute resemblances 
 between the customs of the ancients 
 and ourselves, although such agree- 
 ment is only natural. "We too breathe 
 on the ring before sealing with it. 
 Ovid says, Amor. ii. 15, 15, were he 
 the ring of his love : 
 Idem ego.ut arcanas possem signare tabel- 
 las, 
 
 Neve tenax ceram siccave gemma 
 
 trahat, 
 
 Humida fonnosae tangam prius ora 
 puellse. 
 
 These are, in point of fact, trifles ; 
 but the more tbe error of supposing 
 the life of the ancients quite different 
 from our own is indulged in, the more 
 should such minute customs be 
 brought forward, in order, that by 
 instituting a comparison between 
 them, we may bring those times 
 nearer to our own.
 
 SCENE THE FOURTH. 
 
 THE JOURNEY. 
 
 C] ALLUS had to go a considerable distance through the 
 ^J streets after leaving his mansion, before he reached 
 the Porta Capena, from which point he was about to 
 journey along the Via AppiaHo his villa. This was a most 
 
 1 The most celebrated road of 
 Italy, Via Appia, which excited the 
 admiration even of those times, and 
 the remains of which have always 
 been objects of wonder, called by 
 Stat. Silv. ii. 2, 12, regina viarum, 
 was first made from Borne to Capua, 
 by Appius Claudius Caeeus, about 
 442 A.U.C. Procopius, who was an eye- 
 witness, struck with astonishment at 
 the magnificence of the work, gives 
 a description of it, de Bella Goth. i. 
 14 : 'O Si (BfXiffdpioc;) did r/~;c Aart- 
 viv dBol aTTJyyt TO orpartv/xa, -n}v 
 'ATnriav bSov a^fig iv dptartpy. i]v 
 *Airirto b 'Fwfiaiwv inraros ivva- 
 Koaioic inavTolc; irportpov tTTviijae 
 rt Kai inwvvfiov t<r\tv. EffTi Ct / 
 ' Air IT i a debs i^LioHiv TTIVTI dvSpl 
 tvZuvqi' tK 'Par/jjjc yap a'vTtj if 
 
 KdTTuTjV Cll'lKtt. tVpOQ k tOTl 7J}C 
 
 bdov Tavrrjs ovov afid^ag Svo d\- 
 \>}\at ivavriaiG iivai, Kai tariv 
 a^io^tarof irdvra>v [idXiara. TUV yap 
 \i6ov uiravTa, fivXirrjv rt uvra Kal 
 \\rj<; fia- 
 Q ivrav9a 
 tKop.ia(.' T<zvTi]G yap Sij TI\Q yijg 
 oiioa/ijj ir'iQvict. Xiiovf St rove 
 XiOoue Kai bpaXovs ip^aadfjitvo^, 
 lyyutviovf St ry ivropy TTtTroit]pi- 
 VOQ t d\\i]\ovg vvict]<stv ovrt %aX- 
 KOV ivrbc ovrf Tid\Xoip.i3tp\i]iJ.ivo. 
 ol Si dXXi)Xoi ovr<t> Tt datyaXwg 
 %vvitvrai Kal ittnvnainv, wart on , 
 
 opaitrt 
 
 Srj OVK tioiv j/ii^toff/t/ j/oi, dXX' 
 QvKaaiv d\Xt)\oig, 
 Traps^oirai. Kai xpovov 
 au^vou Br/ ovrwg a/td^atc rt iroX- 
 XaTf eai ^a>oif uiraai SiafSaroi yt- 
 vopfvoi, is ii/Aipav tKdaTrjv ovrt rfji; 
 dpnovtag iravraTraat BtaiceKpivTai, 
 OUT* Tivi atiTwv Sia^Oapfjvai fi [iti- 
 ovi yivtaOai %vvs.Trtaiv, ov nt)i> oiiSt 
 TI'IS d/ia/ouyjjc TL dirofiaXioQat. The 
 main points of which are, that the 
 Appian Way was made by Appius 
 five days' journey in length, as it 
 reached from Rome to Capua. It 
 was broad enough for two carriages 
 to pass each other, and was built of 
 stone, such as is used for mill-stones, 
 but which was not found in the neigh- 
 bourhood. The stones are hewn sharp 
 and smooth, and their corners fit into 
 one another without the aid of metal, 
 or any other connecting material, so 
 that the whole appears to be one na- 
 tural stone, and notwithstanding the 
 great traffic, it is in a wonderful state 
 of preservation. Procopius assigns 
 to it the age of 900 years, which is at 
 least fifty years too much. It is most 
 remarkable that he should confine the 
 Appian Way to the distance between 
 Rome and Capua, for though Appius 
 Claudius had only built it to that 
 place, still it was afterwards continued 
 as far as Brundusium. All accounts 
 on the date of this extension appear to
 
 40 
 
 CALLUS. 
 
 [SCENE IV. 
 
 charming place between Sinuessa and Capua, and pre- 
 sented the most perfect assemblage of all things necessary, 
 in order, as Horace observes, to quaff happy oblivion of 
 
 be wanting, and in their absence the 
 most various suppositions have been 
 made. Some think that this was done 
 by Julius Caesar, although he gives no 
 tenable ground for this supposition, 
 and appears quite in error about the 
 direction of the road. On the other 
 hand, others assert that it must have 
 been continued very soon after Ap- 
 pius, and reached to Brundusium as 
 early as the civil war between Caesar 
 and Pompey, in proof of which they 
 adduce a letter from Pompey (in 
 Cic. Alt. viii. 11), who writes thus to 
 Cicero: Cemeo ViaAppia tier facias, 
 et celeriter Brundusium venias. 
 
 It is necessary that we should be 
 clear about the direction of the Via 
 Appia, before we can form any opi- 
 nion of the period when it was con- 
 tinued further. It went from Rome 
 by Bovillae, Aricia, Forum Appii, 
 Terracina, Fundi, Formiae, Minturnae, 
 and Sinuessa to Capua, and from 
 thence to Beneventum ; of this there 
 is no doubt. Some suppose that it 
 proceeded from thence by Canusium 
 to the sea-coast, and along it, by 
 Barium, and Egnatia, and as Horace 
 travelled this way with Maecenas to 
 Brundusium, that the Via Appia 
 must at least, at this period, have 
 been extended as far as there. But 
 the premises of this conclusion are 
 false, for, as it has been demonstrat- 
 ed, the road leading along the coast 
 was not the Appian. Strabo, vi. 3, 
 says : Auo S' ttal (bSo'i), fiiu fjfv 
 ijHioviKJ) Sid YltvKirititv, ot) YloiSi- 
 K\ovg KaXouai, Kal AavviT^tv Kal 
 ~,avvirijjv fiiXP 1 BeifOwiiTow i<f>' y 
 bd<{i 'Eyvaria 7roXe, lira KtXia, Kal 
 Njjriov Kai Kavvaiov Kal 
 
 jj ok Sid TdpavTog fiiKpbv iv a'piorf- 
 py. "Oaov St PICK; tjfiipa^ TripioCov 
 KiK\ivaavTi TI 'Aniria Xtyo/uvjj 
 a/zar/Aaroe /laXXov* iv ravry ci 
 9roXi Ovpid Tt Kal Outvovffia, >y fiiv 
 [jiiruZv Tapavroc Kul Bptvriaiov. / 
 B' iv pfQopioif 'Zavvirwv ical AtvKa- 
 viiav. ^vftj3d\\ovai Se dfj.<pii> Kara 
 ~B(vtov(vrov Kal Tr)v 'JLafiiraviav tic 
 rov BpivTiffiov. TovvnvQtv $' i"]Cri 
 /is^pt r/;g 'PwfirjQ 'Airiria KaXtlrat, 
 Sid Viavdiov Kal KaXar/aj, icat Ka- 
 Trvag Kal HaffiXtvov /iXP l ^ivoviff- 
 trijC' rd $' ivQ'tvSf. iiprjrai. (B. v. 
 C. 3.) 'H fie Trdad iffriv IK 'Pai/zjjf 
 /C RptvTiaiov /it'Xta r% '. In another 
 passage Strabo says, v. 3 : 'EvravOa 
 Si aw&iCTti ry OaXaTTy TrpHirov t'i 
 'ATTTTIO bS6<;, taTptafikvr] fttv dirb ri)g 
 'Pw/ijC ptXP 1 Bpeireffloif, TrXtlffTov 
 ' bStvofiivr). TWV d' iTri 9a\dr-y iro- 
 
 XlttlV TOVTWV i<paTrTO(J.kvr] ftOVOV, TtJ 
 
 rt Tapcunvijs, Kal TWV i(pttjt; ^op- 
 ftiiav piv Kal MivToupvT)t; Kal Sivov- 
 <T(T/JC Ka <- Ti*> v i<j\drtav TapavTOf re 
 icai BptvTtaiov. We learn therefore, 
 beyond all doubt, that this more 
 eastern road was not named the Ap- 
 pian, which only applied to the more 
 western one, which led by, way of 
 Venusia. The opinion that it must 
 have been, in the time of Horace, 
 built as far as Brundusium, is also 
 erroneous, for Horace travelled on the 
 eastern road by Equotutium, Rubi, 
 Barium, and Gnatia, and it would 
 have been strange that Maecenas 
 should have chosen the route through 
 the Apulian hills, if the more con- 
 venient Appian Way led to Brun- 
 dusium; and, since Strabo is ac- 
 quainted with it in its whole length, 
 it could not have been made much
 
 SCENE IV.] 
 
 THE JOURNEY. 
 
 41 
 
 the disturbing cares of life. The litter, manned by six 
 stalwart Syrian slaves, whose light-red livery distinguished 
 them from the rest of the escort, who were dressed in 
 brown travelling coats, was already in waiting at the 
 vestibule. The carriage in which Gall us intended to 
 travel before nightfall the first forty-two miles of his 
 journey, to Forum Appii, was waiting outside the city, by 
 the grove of the Camcenae 2 . He had meanwhile donned 
 
 later. The argument adduced from 
 Cicero proves nothing ; for Pompey 
 could still have advised Cicero to 
 travel on the Via Appia (and not the 
 Latina) as far as it went. 
 
 Strabo, however, seems hy the 
 words Touvrtvdtv S' ?;c>/j /"XP 4 T nG 
 'Pw/tijj; 'ATTTria eaXtirat, to mean 
 that only the part from Beneventum 
 to Rome was called Via Appia ; and 
 as Procopiua also confines the name 
 to the distance between Rome and 
 Capua, the road probably from thence 
 to Brundusium was not constructed in 
 the same manner, and thus the old part 
 might always specially bear the name. 
 Livy says, x. 23 : Eodem anno Cn. 
 et Q. Ogulnii <zd. cur. aliquot fcene- 
 ratoribus diem dixerunt, quorum bo- 
 nis multatis ex eo quod in publicum 
 redactum est semi tarn saxo quadrato 
 a, Capena porta ad Martis straverunt ; 
 and c. x. 47: Damnatis aliquot pecua- 
 riis via a Martis silice ad Hovillas, 
 persti-ata est. From whence some 
 conclude that the Appian Way was 
 not originally paved, but only gravel- 
 led, for in that time it had been built 
 nearly twenty years. Of the former 
 portion, we read in Liv. xxxviii. 28, 
 viam silice sternendam a porta Ca- 
 pena ad Martis locavertint, and con- 
 sequently the whole way, via, not till 
 560, and previous to then, only the se- 
 utita, a trottoir. Still, the Via Appia 
 
 is not named in any of these passages, 
 and the Temple of Mars alluded to 
 here, and vii. 23, may have been situ- 
 ated sidewards, in which case quite a 
 different way would be meant, for the 
 temple on the Appian Way was first 
 built by Sylla. Moreover, in both 
 passages, we have silice sternere, to 
 pave, which is very different from lapi- 
 de sternere, to lay with slabs ; and the 
 expression does not therefore suit the 
 Appian Way, for it was certainly laid 
 with hewn slabs, not square, but of 
 irregular form, the corners of which 
 fitted exactly into each other, simi- 
 larly, perhaps, to the Cyclopian walls. 
 On both sides there was a higher 
 border, niaryo, on which were placed 
 alternately, seats and milestones, but 
 this was doubtless a later addition, 
 and is so called in Liv. xli. 27 : Cen- 
 sores vias sternendas silice in Urbe, 
 glarea extra Urbem substruendas mar- 
 ginandasqtie primi omnium locave- 
 rant. The primi omnium refers only 
 to marginare. 
 
 2 Not far from the Porta Capena, 
 probably in the Vallis Egeriae, was 
 the Lucus Camosnarum, also called 
 simply Camceuaj. The scholiast on 
 Juv. Sat. iii. 10, says, Stetit ex- 
 pect am rhedam, ubi solent Frocon- 
 sules jurare in Via Appia ad por- 
 tain Capenam, i. e. act Camauias, and
 
 42 
 
 GALLUS. 
 
 [SCENE IV. 
 
 his travelling shoes, and changed his toga for the more 
 befitting dress for travelling, the pcenula. All the other 
 preparations had been already seen to by Chresimus; 
 a number of slaves were despatched before with the 
 baggage, while others were to follow after ; those only 
 who were indispensable being permitted to accompany 
 their lord. These arrangements had been completed 
 in less than two hours by some hundred nimble hands, 
 whom a sign from the dispensator had set in motion, 
 and there were no female slaves, to cause any further 
 delay by their dilatory toilet and tedious preparation 3 . 
 Gallus consequently found himself, before half the fifth 
 hour had elapsed, reclining on the cushions of the lec- 
 tica ; the Syrians then ran their poles through the rings 
 affixed to the sides, lifted the burden on their broad 
 shoulders, and strode expeditiously along the street, whilst 
 the remainder of the escort partly opened a passage for 
 them through the crowd, and partly kept behind to bring 
 up the rear. 
 
 The way led through the most lively portion of the 
 city, and it was just the time when the streets, though 
 
 Mart. ii. 6, 15 : 
 
 Et cum or r -ere debeas Bovillas, 
 Interjungere quseris ad Camoenas. 
 Gallus is made to go through the 
 city in the leetica, while the carriages 
 wait ad Camcenas, on account of 
 doubts whether it was allowed at that 
 period to drive in a travelling carriage 
 through the streets. For there are 
 no instances of it, and Claudius even 
 forbad travellers to drive through 
 the towns of Italy in a carriage. 
 Suet. Claud. 25. 
 
 In Juv. iii. Umbricius, and pro- 
 bably his whole family also, enter 
 the rheda outside the town : 
 Sed dum tota donaus rheda componitur nna, 
 Substitit ad veteres arcus madidainque Ca- 
 pcnam. 
 
 It is quite manifest that the car- 
 riage had waited outside the gate, 
 not that it came after, from the words 
 at the end of the Satire : 
 Sedjumenta vocant, et sol inclinat: eundum 
 
 est, 
 
 Nam mihi commota jam dudum mulio virga 
 Adnuit. 
 
 3 Such delays in the departure on 
 a journey appear to have been com- 
 mon. Pleusides, in Plaut. Mil. iv. 
 7, 9, says : 
 
 Mulier profecto nata est ex ipsa mora. 
 Nam qusevis alia, qua mora est seque, mora 
 Minor ea videtur, quam qua propter mulie- 
 rem est. 
 
 Milo too says, in the preceding 
 scene : Paullisper dum se uxor, ut 
 Jit, comparat, commoratus est.
 
 SCFNE IV.] 
 
 THE JOURNEY. 
 
 43 
 
 always full, presented the most motley throng, and the 
 greatest bustle ; for the sixth hour approached, when a 
 general cessation from business commenced 4 , and people 
 generally were wont to take their morning meal. Whilst 
 some therefore were still sedulously engaged in their daily 
 avocations, many of the less occupied were already hurry- 
 ing to the place of refreshment. Here, a prompt builder 
 was despatching, by mules and carriers, the materials of 
 a new building, for which he had only just contracted 5 ; 
 there, huge stones and beams were being wound up aloft, 
 for the completion of an edifice. Countrymen with loud 
 cries were driving to and fro their mules, carrying, in 
 baskets 6 suspended on either side, the produce of the 
 country into the city ; or perhaps the street would become 
 stopped up by a solemn funeral procession happening to 
 meet a heavily laden waggon coming in the opposite 
 direction. The most lively sight was presented by the 
 Suburra, where a multitude of hawkers plied their miser- 
 able trade. Some from the region beyond the Tiber 
 
 4 Sexta quies lassis, says Martial, 
 iv. 8 ; and during this time the me- 
 renda, or prandium, was taken. See 
 the Excursus on The Meals. The 
 many idle persons who lived at Eome 
 even then, and more numerously af- 
 terwards, and the multitude of slaves', 
 who also did not fail in the sapere ad 
 genium, no doubt hetook themselves 
 to the various tabernce at this period. 
 See the Excursus on The Taverns. 
 
 5 The hustle and hurry in the 
 streets of Rome are described in lively 
 colours by Horace and Juvenal. The 
 first, Epist. ii. 2, 72 : 
 
 Festinat calidus mulis gerulisque redemtor ; 
 Torquet nunc lapidem, nunc ingens machi- 
 
 na lignum ; 
 
 Tristia robustis luctantur fiinera plaustris ; 
 Hac rabiosa fugit canis, hac lutulenta rult 
 
 sus. 
 
 The latter, Sat. iii. 245 : 
 
 ferit hie cubito, ferit assere duro 
 
 Alter, at hie lignum capiti incutit, ille me- 
 
 t re tarn. 
 Pinguia crura luto; planta mox undique 
 
 magna 
 Calcor, et in digito clavus mihi militis haeret. 
 
 And iii. 254, in accordance with 
 Horace : 
 
 modo longa coruscat 
 
 Sarraco veniente abies atque altera pinum 
 Plaustra vehunl, nutaut altae, populoque 
 
 minantur. 
 
 Nam si procubuit, qui saxa Ligustica portat 
 Axis, et eversum fudit super agtnina mon- 
 
 tem, 
 Quid superest de corporibus ? 
 
 6 In this manner mules and asses 
 were laden, and this is what Petron. 
 c. 31, means by bisaccium. Comp, 
 Apul. Met. ix.
 
 44 
 
 GALLITS. 
 
 [SCENE IV. 
 
 offered matches 7 for sale, occasionally taking in exchange 
 broken glass, instead of money ; others carried boiled peas, 
 and sold a dish of them to the poorest class for an as, 
 whilst those accustomed to somewhat better fare, betook 
 themselves to the cook's boy, who, with a loud voice, cried 
 smoking sausages for sale. In one place a curious crowd 
 was collected round an Egyptian juggler, about whose 
 neck and arms the most venomous snakes familiarly wound 
 themselves. In another stood a group reading the pro- 
 gramme 8 , painted in large letters on the wall of a public 
 
 7 The profession of this people 
 was probably not more respectable 
 than that pursued by our chiffoniers; 
 they sold matches, sulphurata, and 
 bartered them for broken glass, which 
 they repaired again with sulphur. 
 Their head-quarters were trans Ti- 
 berim, generally the abode of the 
 lowest class. Mart. i. 42 : Trans- 
 tiberinus ambulator, qui pallentia 
 sulphurata fractis permutat vitreis ; 
 Stat. Silv. i. 6, 77 : Plebs qua com- 
 minutis permutat vitreis gregale sul- 
 phur. They cried their wares, as we 
 see from Martial, xii. 57, 14, where, 
 among the reasons enumerated why 
 one could not sleep in Rome, the 
 sulphurates lippus institor mercis is 
 mentioned. Comp. Ruperti ad Ju- 
 venal. T. 48. 
 
 8 As among us the plays at the 
 threatres are made known by placards 
 exposed to public view, so they were 
 announced among the ancients by 
 means of inscriptions on the wall 
 (programmata) in public and fre- 
 quented places. Several such inscrip- 
 tions have been discovered at Pom- 
 peii. See Mus. Borb. i. p. 4 : A. Suettii 
 cerii cedilis familia gladiatoria pug- 
 nabit Pompeiis Pr. K. Junias w- 
 
 natio et vela erunt ; in ii. p. 7 is one 
 of still greater value : Dedicatione 
 . . . arum muneris On. Alii Nigidii 
 Mai . . . venatio, athletes, sparsiones, 
 vela erunt. For others, see Gell's 
 Pompeiana, in several places ; Orell. 
 Inscr. i. 2556, 2559. In the same 
 manner, either by means of the prceco, 
 or inscriptions on the walls, or by 
 writing on a tablet hung out of doors, 
 private persons made known when 
 they had lost any thing, or when 
 they had anything to let or sell. The 
 oldest traces of such announcements 
 are in Plaut. Merc. iii. 4, 78 : 
 
 Certum est, prseconum jubere jam quan- 
 tum eat conducier, 
 'Qui illam investigent, qui inveniant. 
 
 And Mencech. v. 9, 93, when Messe- 
 nio, as prceco, announces the auction 
 of Mensechmus. But a special pas- 
 sage is Petr. 97 : Intrat stabulum 
 prceco cum servo publico, aliaque sane 
 modica frequentia, facemque fumo- 
 sam magis quam lucidam quassans 
 hcec proelamavit ; Puer in balnea 
 paullo ante aberravit annorum circa 
 xvi., erispus, mollis, formosus, no- 
 mine Giton ; ei quis eum reddere, 
 aut commonstrare voluerit, accipiet 
 nummos milk. For the placards 
 there is a locus classicus in Prop.
 
 SCENE IV.] 
 
 THE JOURNEY. 
 
 45 
 
 building, of the next contests of gladiators, which pro- 
 mised to be brilliant, as the place of exhibition was to 
 be covered with an awning but everywhere the lower 
 classes, old and young, were hurrying to the thermopolice 
 and cookshops, to obtain each his wonted seat, and to 
 drink for breakfast, according to choice, a goblet of honey- 
 wine or the favourite calda. This motley multitude kept 
 passing through streets which were, besides this, rendered 
 disagreeably narrow by a numerous cluster of shops chok- 
 
 iii. 23, 23, where a letter lias been 
 lost : 
 
 I puer, et citus haec aliqua propone colurana ; 
 Et dorainum Esquiliis scribe habitare 
 tuum; 
 
 and Dig. xlvii. 2, 43. Solent plerique 
 hoc etiam facere, ut libellum propo- 
 nent. 
 
 The vela mentioned in hoth the 
 announcements referred to, served to 
 cover in the theatre. This conve- 
 nience was first provided for the spec- 
 tators by Q, Catulus, A.U.C. 683. 
 Plin. xix. 1, 6 : Posted in theatris 
 tantam umbram fecere, quod primus 
 omnium invenit Q. Catulus, cum Ca- 
 pitolium dediearet. Carbasina deinde 
 vela primus in theatris duxisse tra- 
 ditur Lentulus Spinther Apollina- 
 ribus ludis. Mox Ccesar Dictator 
 Mum forum Romanum intexit, &c. 
 Lucret. iv. 73, describes the new cus- 
 tom : 
 
 Et vulgo faciunt id lutea russaque vela, 
 Et ferrugina, cum magnis intenta theatris 
 Per maloa volgata trabesque trementia fluc- 
 ' tant. 
 
 Coloured cloths were used even at this 
 period. In Pliny's time the luxury 
 went still further ; they imitated the 
 starry heaven : Vela nuper colore cwli 
 stellata per rudentes iere etiam in 
 amphitheatre principis Neronis. The 
 sparsiones mentioned in the second 
 programme consisted in besprinkling 
 
 the theatre with sweet-smelling es- 
 sences, as saffron, crocus, the odour of 
 which appears to have pleased the 
 ancients. This sprinkling was effected 
 by means of pipes, from which the 
 liquids were thrown as from the jets 
 of a fountain. Sen. Epist. 90 : Utrum 
 tandem sapientiorem putas, qui inve- 
 nit, quern ad modum in immensam 
 altitudinem crocum latentibus fistulis 
 exprimat ? Sen. Qucest. Nat. ii. 9 : 
 Numquid dubitas, quin sparsio ilia, 
 quce ex fundamentis mediae arena 
 crescens in summam altitudinem am- 
 phitJieatri pervenit, cum intentione 
 aquce fiat ? This took place just the 
 same in a regular theatre, and the 
 boards, as well as the spectators, 
 were besprinkled. Hence Martial 
 says, v. 25 : 
 
 Hoc, rogo, non melius, quam rubro pulpita 
 
 nimbo 
 Spargere, et effuso permaduisse croco ? 
 
 and lubrica, or madentia croco pul- 
 pita, are often mentioned. See Lips. 
 de Amphith. c. 16. Essences and 
 flowers were rained down in the tri- 
 clinia also, as with Nero. See Suet. 
 Ner. 31 ; comp. Dio. Cass. Ixix. 8. 
 That this was customary, at least as 
 early as the time of Augustus, we see 
 from Ovid, Art. Am. i. 104 : 
 Tune neque marmoreo pendebant vela thp- 
 
 atro, 
 Nee faerant liquido pulpita rubra croctj.
 
 46 
 
 CALLUS. 
 
 IV 
 
 ing them up 9 , for huxters and merchants of all sorts, 
 artists in hair and salve-sellers, butchers and pastrycooks, 
 but above all vintners, had built their booths far into the 
 street, so that you might even see tables arranged along 
 the piers and pillars of the halls, and covered with bottles, 
 which were, however, cautiously fastened by chains, lest 
 perchance they might be niched by the hand of some 
 Strobilus or Thesprio hurrying by. In consequence of so 
 many obstructions occurring every moment, it was certainly 
 more convenient to allow yourself to be carried through 
 the throng, reclining in a lectica, although it often re- 
 quired very safe bearers, and now and then the sturdy 
 elbow of the prceambulo to get well through ; by this 
 mode you had also the advantage of not being incessantly 
 seized by the hand, addressed, or even kissed 10 , a custom 
 
 9 The taberna built up against the 
 houses had, by degrees, so narrowed 
 the streets, that Domitian caused a 
 decree to be issued against them, and 
 every one was confined to the area of 
 the house. Martial, his ever-ready 
 flatterer, has also immortalized the 
 interdict by an epigram (vii. 61) in- 
 teresting to us, as it contributes so 
 much towards a picture of the ap- 
 pearance of the Roman streets : 
 
 Abstulerat totam temerarius institor urbem 
 
 Inque suo nullum limine limen erat. 
 Jussisti tenues, Gennanice, crescere vicos ; 
 
 Et modo quse fuerat semi t a, fact a via est. 
 Nulla catenatis pila est prsecincta lagenis, 
 
 Nee prsetor medio cogitur ire luto. 
 String! tur in dcnsa nee cteca novacula turba, 
 
 Occupat aut totas nigra popina vius. 
 Tonsor, caupo, coquus, lanius sua limina 
 servant. 
 
 None Roma .est ; nuper magna taberna 
 frit. 
 
 "We see from it that wine was sold not 
 only inside the taberna, but also be- 
 fore them : probably at the pillars of 
 the porticos, tables were set with bot- 
 tles, which were fastened by chains to 
 prevent their being purloined, and 
 
 in this manner, perhaps, it would be 
 more correct to interpret the catenata 
 taberna in Juv. iii. 304, which Ru- 
 perti explains by catenis firmata. 
 
 10 Effugere JRomce non est basia- 
 tiones, is the ejaculation of Martial, 
 xi. 98, who censures this very dis- 
 agreeable habit in several humorous 
 epigrams. Not merely at the salu- 
 tatio, but at every meeting in the 
 street, a person was exposed to a 
 number of kisses, not only from near 
 acquaintance, but from every one who 
 desired to show his attachment, among 
 whom there were often mouths not so 
 clean as they might be. Martial, xii. 
 59, says of one who had returned to 
 Rome after long absence : 
 Te vicinia tota, te piloans 
 Hircoso premit osculo colonus. 
 Hinc instat tibi textor, inde fullo, 
 Hinc sntor modo pelle basiata, 
 Hinc menti dominus pedieulosi, Ac. 
 
 The misanthrope Tiberius, who 
 wished himself not to be humbled by 
 this custom, issued an edict against 
 it (Suet. Tib. 34), but it does not ap- 
 pear to have done much good, as the
 
 SCENE IV.] 
 
 THE JOURNEY. 
 
 47 
 
 which of late had begun to prevail, but escaped with a 
 simple salutation, which was still quite troublesome enough, 
 for, from every side resounded an ave to be responded 
 to, and frequently from the mouths of persons for whom 
 even the nomenclator in his hurry had only an invented 
 name ready u . 
 
 The train having at last succeeded in safely winding 
 its way through all impediments to the Porta Capena, 
 passed under an antique-looking arch, on the moist stones 
 of which great drops from the aqueduct which was carried 
 over it 12 , were always hanging. At a short distance from 
 
 custom continued ; in winter only it 
 was improper to annoy another with 
 one's cold lips, on which the same 
 poet also gives us a jocular epigram 
 (vii. 95) : 
 
 Bruma est, et riget horridus December, 
 Audes tu tarnen osculo nivali 
 Omnes obvius bine et bine tenere 
 Et totam, Line, basiare Bomam. 
 
 He does not give a very much over- 
 drawn picture when he says, Livida 
 naribus caninis dependet glades ; 
 and thence concludes with this ex- 
 hortation : 
 
 Hibernas, Line, basiationes 
 
 In mensem rogo differas Aprilem. 
 
 Cf. Lips, de Osculis et Osculandi, ii. 6. 
 
 11 This actually took place, as is 
 testified by Seneca, de Bencf. i. 3: 
 Quemadmodiim nomenclatori memo- 
 rite loco audacia est, et cuicunque 
 nomen non potest reddere, imponit. 
 So also Epist. 27 : Vetus nomencla- 
 tor, qui nomina non reddit, sed im- 
 ponit. 
 
 12 The Porta Capena in the first 
 region, between the Ardeatina and 
 Latina, led to Capua, and it is the 
 most natural to deduce its name from 
 thence, and the more so, as the Ar- 
 deatina and Tiburtina derived their 
 
 names from the towns arrived at by 
 their means. In Juven. iii. 10, it is 
 called the moist gate : 
 
 Substitit ad veteres arcus, madidamque 
 Capenam : 
 
 and the Scholiast remarks thereupon : 
 ideo quia supra earn aqua ductus est, 
 quern mine appellant arcum stillan- 
 tem. Ruperti is wrong therefore in 
 saying, Alii portam rectius ita dic- 
 tam putant a fontibus, qui ibi erant, 
 unde et Fontinalis vocabatur ; for how 
 can we refer the passage in Martial, 
 iii. 47, 
 
 Capena grand! porta qua pluit gutta, 
 to the fountains in the vicinity ? "We 
 have the similar designation (iv. 18) 
 where a boy has been killed by the 
 fall of an icicle : 
 
 Qua vicina pluit Vipsanis porta columnis 
 Et madet assiduo lubricus imbre lapis. 
 The Porticus Vipsana may have been 
 near the Porta Capena, or another 
 gate may be meant (Comp. Donat. 
 de Urb. Mom. iii. 17. In Horace, 
 Epist. i. 6, 26, two especial prome- 
 nades are placed together by a mere 
 chance, but it is uncertain whether 
 the Columnae Yipsana? were the well- 
 known Porticus Agrippse) ; but at all 
 events the icicle has nothing to do 
 with the fountains, and if a Porta
 
 48 
 
 CALLUS. 
 
 i [SCENE IV. 
 
 hence, by the sanctuary of the CamoenaB, were waiting the 
 carriages, consisting of a light covered rheda drawn by 
 Gallic palfreys, and two petorrita likewise provided with 
 fast horses, for the slower pace of the mule was incom- 
 patible with the plan of the journey, according to which 
 the travellers were to avail themselves of the next night 
 to pass through the Pontine marshes. 
 
 Gallus mounted the elegantly-built rheda. It was not, 
 it is true, a state vehicle with gilded wheels and rich silver 
 mountings, still the body was ornamented with beautifully 
 wrought foliage in bronze, and Medusa's heads of the same 
 metal peeped from the centres of the wheels. The hood 
 of leather served as a protection against the hot rays of 
 the mid-day sun, whilst the purple hangings, being fast- 
 ened back, admitted an agreeable current of cool air. 
 Beside Gallus, on the left of his master 13 , the faithful 
 Chresimus took his place ; but the seats which on other 
 occasions were occupied by the notarii, who committed 
 to writing the chance thoughts of their master 14 , remained 
 empty. The servants seated themselves in the less fash- 
 ionable petorrita, a couple of Numidian riders vaulted 
 on to their light steeds, and started off in advance, whilst 
 runners, girt up high, flying along before the carriage, 
 emulated the speed of the swift palfreys. 
 
 Thus whirled the light vehicle at a sharp trot, past 
 the sanctuary of Mars Extra-urbanus, and between the 
 numerous sepulchral monuments 15 , along the queen of 
 
 was pliiens, it might still be the Ca- 
 pena ; on the contrary, we might ra- 
 ther fancy a similitude with the meta 
 sudans, were there not other grounds 
 against it. Cf. Frontin. de Aquad. 
 19. 
 
 13 Lipsius (Elect, ii. 2) has shown 
 that the right hand was the place of 
 honour among the Romans; in the 
 Capitoline Temple, and in the assem- 
 blies of the gods, Minerva took this 
 
 place. Hor. Od. i. 12, 19 : proximos 
 illi occupavit honores. 
 
 14 That this sometimes happened, 
 follows from Seneca, Epist. 72. QIHB- 
 dam enim stint qua possis et in cisio 
 scribere ; but this is explicitly re- 
 lated of the elder Pliny. Plin. Epist. 
 iii. 5. Cf. Plut. Cess. 17. 
 
 15 On the custom of placing the 
 tombs on the great roads, see the Ex-
 
 SCENE IV.] 
 
 TIIE JOURNEY. 
 
 49 
 
 roads, which, paved with slabs skilfully joined so as to 
 form, as it were, one stony band, offered no obstruction 
 to the easy rolling of the wheels. Gallus was in the most 
 cheerful humour. The everlasting bustle and monotony 
 of the restless metropolis lay behind him, and before him 
 was the expectation of days of peaceful enjoyment in the 
 bosom of nature decked out in all the charms of spring, 
 and in the undisturbed pursuit of studies refreshing to the 
 mind, which the visits of friends in the neighbourhood, or 
 from Rome, would only pleasantly interrupt. Lycoris too 
 must soon arrive at the bath, and the bliss of requited 
 love be even enhanced by the attraction of new scenes. 
 
 Chresimus was in a less joyful mood. Gallus had 
 caused a tomb to be erected on the left-hand side of the 
 Appian Way, and the faithful old domestic had not failed 
 to observe, in passing by, how a crow, which had been 
 disturbed by the outriders, had settled upon the cippus of 
 the monument and cawed hoarsely 16 . This occurrence fell 
 the heavier on the old man's heart, because an evil omen 
 had already made him distrustful of the result of the 
 journey. As he turned, before ascending the carriage, to 
 the altar of the lar vialis, to invoke good luck and pro- 
 tection during the short journey, a black viper had sud- 
 denly shot across the street with the speed of an arrow 17 , 
 a sufficient cause for entirely giving up the journey, 
 
 cursus on The Tombs. On the Via 
 Appia they were very numerous. It 
 is only necessary to rememher what 
 Cicero, Ttisc. i. 7, says : An tu egres- 
 sus porta Capena, cum Calatini, 
 Seipionum, Serviliorttm, Metellorum, 
 sepulchra vides, miscros putas illos ? 
 The Columbarium lib. et serv. Livice 
 Auynstce, and many others, were also 
 there. 
 
 16 It is well known, how much, 
 the ancients regarded such omens. 
 
 Among the apparitions which could 
 deter a person from prosecuting a 
 journey, Horace names the crow, 
 Od. iii. 27, 16, with which compare 
 the passage from Virg. Eel. i. 18 : 
 Saepe sinistra cava prsedixit ab ilice cornix. 
 
 17 This warning before a journey 
 is also mentioned by Horace in the 
 Ode just referred to : 
 
 Eumpat et serpena iter tnstitutum, 
 Si per obliquum similia sagittae 
 Terruit mannos.
 
 50 
 
 GALLUS. 
 
 [SCENE IV. 
 
 had Gallus been a believer in the significancy of such 
 signs. He did not, however, appear to perceive the old 
 man's dejection, but talked much of the alterations he 
 was about to effect at the villa, and of his intended pur- 
 chase of a neighbouring estate, and mentioned with much 
 pleasure the rich vintage which the vineyards on the two 
 properties would yield him ; taking no heed the while of 
 the prophetic warning, which the domestic involuntarily 
 uttered, 'That between the cup and the lip there hung 
 many a chance 18 / 
 
 The tenth mile-stone and the small hamlet of Bovillae 19 , 
 where the traveller usually made his first halt, were soon 
 reached ; but it was too early for Gallus to stop, and 
 moreover, the poverty of the place was anything but 
 inviting, therefore, although the hour for breakfast was 
 long gone by, the travellers continued their journey five 
 milliaria further, to the more important little town of 
 Aricia. There they witnessed a strange scene. On the hill 
 outside the town, a troop of filthy beggars, their nudity 
 only half covered with rags 20 , had taken up their station, 
 to tax the benevolence of the numerous passers-by, and 
 
 18 The beautiful Greek proverb, 
 IToXXa /ierau irtXet KV\IKO nai \ii- 
 
 Xtoc aicpov, 
 
 was rendered somewhat more pro- 
 saically by the less refined Romans : 
 Inter os et offam multa intervenire 
 See Gell. xiii. 17. 
 
 i 9 Bovilla, at the tenth mile- 
 stone ; according to Gell's Topo- 
 graphy of Home, beyond the twelfth ; 
 and to the scholiast on Pers. vi. 55, 
 at the eleventh. But Gell's suppo- 
 sition rests on the presumption that 
 in Plutarch, Coriol. 29, BoXXac iro- 
 Xiv ov vXtiovg aradiovg (KCLTOV dir- 
 exovaav r?jc 'Pwju?e, is to be read, 
 BoiXXae. It might appear odd that 
 the place is called by the poets sub- 
 
 urbanus. Ovid. Fast. iii. 667 : 
 
 Orta suburbanis qusedam fuit Anna Bo- 
 vUlis. 
 
 Prop. iv. 1, 33 : 
 
 Quippe suburbans parva minus urbe Bo- 
 
 rillse: 
 
 but it has already been remarked, on 
 Flor. i. 11, that Tibur was just in 
 like manner termed suburbanum. 
 
 20 Whether this society of beggars 
 was to be found in the time of Gallus 
 at Aricia, the town situated at about 
 the sixth mile-stone, and celebrated, 
 for the grove of Diana, I will not 
 venture to determine. Juven. iv. 117, 
 Dignus Aricinos qui mendicaret ad axes, 
 mentions them, and Martial often, 
 as where he says of a family chang-
 
 SCENE IV.] 
 
 THE JOURNEY. 
 
 51 
 
 by their daily earnings of polenta, peas, and vinegar- water, 
 to drag on a miserable yet idle existence. Gallus was al- 
 ready well acquainted with the importunity of these worthy 
 prototypes of the lazaroni and lepros, who now hastily 
 hurrying down the hill, surrounded the carriage and voci- 
 ferously demanded alms. Chresimus had in consequence to 
 distribute a bagful of coins among the dirty crew, who 
 thereupon retreated lazily to their lair, or cast a servile 
 kiss of the hand to the rheda, as it sped quickly towards 
 the town 21 . 
 
 In the neighbourhood of Aricia there was many a villa, 
 and in the town itself more than one house, where Gallus 
 would have been received as a welcome guest. On this 
 occasion, however, he intended to make his stay as brief as 
 possible, and therefore preferred passing at an inn, of not 
 very superior accommodation, the short time during which 
 the unharnessed horses 22 were allowed their rest at a crib- 
 
 ing its abode, and carrying its dirty 
 
 chattels : 
 
 Migrare clivum crederes Aricinmn. 
 
 So the father of Laelia is called, x. 68, 
 Durus Aricina de regione pater ; 
 
 ii. 19, alludes to this, 
 
 Aricino conviva recumbere clivo ; 
 
 and in a similar sense he wishes an 
 
 indiscreet poet, x. 5, 3, 
 
 Erret per urbem pontis exsul et clivi, 
 Interque raucos ultimus rogatores 
 Oret caninas panis improbi buccas. 
 
 On the above-mentioned passage of 
 Juvenal, the scholiast remarks : Qui 
 ad portam Aricinam, sive ad clivum 
 mendicaret inter Judceos, qui ad 
 Ariciam transierant ex urbe missi. 
 Nevertheless in none of the passages 
 is there any hint that only Jews or 
 Christians (who are also to be under- 
 stood under this name) are meant ; 
 on the contrary, the clivi are desig- 
 nated as the haunts of beggars gen- 
 erally. Yet the frequent mention of 
 the beggars at the clivus Aricinus as 
 
 Roman beggars, is sufficiently strange, 
 if we are really to suppose it to have 
 been at Aricia, fifteen miles from 
 Rome, and it would almost appear 
 that in Rome itself there was a place 
 of this name. Besides, the beggars 
 chiefly haunted the bridges (see Ilu- 
 perti ad Juven. iv. 116, xiv. 134) and 
 the gates. Plaut. Capt. i. 1, 21 
 Ire extra portam trigeminam ad saccum 
 licet ; 
 
 and Trin. ii. 4, 21 
 Pol opinor affinis rata aedes vendidit. 
 Pater cum fereque veniet, in porta est 
 iocus. 
 
 21 So I understand the words of 
 Juvenal, iv. 118, which follow im- 
 mediately the above quoted : 
 Blandaque devexae jactaret basia rhedse. 
 It is the token of gratitude that the 
 beggar sends after the carriage from 
 which he has received alms. 
 
 22 Interjungere is the proper ex- 
 pression when one unyoked the ani- 
 mals at noon, or any other time, to 
 
 E 2
 
 52 
 
 GALLTJS. 
 
 [SCENE IV. 
 
 ful of provender. Little as lie might reckon on getting a 
 decent repast in such a place, still he thought it the more 
 advisable to take his prandium there, although late in the 
 day, as the dirty sailors' pot-houses in Forum Appii promised 
 a far worse meal at night ; and in fact the table proved 
 better than the exterior of the inn betokened. The freshly- 
 boiled lacertce, encircled with a string of eggs and rue, 
 looked quite inviting ; the plump fowl and the still uncut 
 ham of yesterday, which, with asparagus, the never- failing 
 lactuca, and the more celebrated porrum, muscles of the 
 peloridce kind, but no oysters from the Lucrine lake, pre- 
 sented, it is true, a poor recompense for the breakfast with 
 Lentulus, which he had deserted, but still afforded one which 
 exceeded his expectations. The wine could not conceal its 
 Vatican extraction, although the landlord had mixed it with 
 some old Falernian, and the nmlsum was decidedly pre- 
 pared with Corsican honey ; the service was only from the 
 hand of a common potter ; but who could desire more in such 
 a place ! It was the company who at the time happened 
 to be in the humble tavern, and amused themselves with 
 coarse jokes and loud laughter, or abused and bullied the 
 host, that made his stay not very pleasant. As soon there- 
 fore as the horses had had an hour's rest, Gallus again 
 started, proposing to perform the far longer journey from 
 thence to Forum Appii without further halt. 
 
 Quickly as the rheda rolled beyond Aricia, past Tres 
 Tabernae to the low grounds, yet the sun was already set, 
 and single stars began to be visible in the darkening 
 heaven before the travellers arrived at Forum Appii 23 . 
 
 allow them to take rest, and for bait. 
 Mart. iii. 67, 6 : 
 
 Exarsitque dies, et hora lassos 
 Interjungit equoa meridiana. 
 
 So also, ii. 6, 16 : 
 
 Et cum currere debeas Bovillas, 
 Interjungere quaeris ad Camcenas. 
 
 23 Forum Appii, a little town 
 
 about forty-three milliaria from 
 Eome, where the Pontine marshes had 
 already commenced, and from whence 
 there went, besides the road, a canal 
 of about fifteen milliaria in length, 
 nearly to Terracina, or Anxur. Strabo, 
 v. 6 : TI\r]aiov Se ri}c Toppairi'i/jjc 
 flaSlZovri iirl rrjg Pai/zjjf, Trapafii- 
 jSXjjrai ry bd({> ry 'Amriq, diwpvZ
 
 SCENE IV.] 
 
 THE JOURNEY. 
 
 53 
 
 Here the road, which had entered the Pontine marshes 
 for several milliaria, became more unpleasant, especially 
 on warm summer- days, when the exhalations from the 
 marshes poisoned the air. On this account they usually 
 preferred travelling in the cool of the evening by the 
 canal made by the side of the road, as far as the temple 
 of Feronia, which lay on the other side of the marshes. 
 Such was also the plan of Gallus, and for this reason the 
 horses had been forced to step along briskly, as it was 
 two and forty miles from Rome to this place M . But it 
 was not at all disagreeable to him that no longer stay was 
 necessary in this wretched little place, full of miserable 
 taverns frequented by sailors ^ The exterior of the lame 
 and disproportionately fat landlady, in shape not much 
 unlike a wine-cask 26 , who approached him in the caupona, 
 as well as the disgusting taste of the impure water 27 , made 
 
 tTri 7roX\ot> roTTOtig TrXqfioVfjerT) TOIQ 
 tXtioig Tt Kat roTf Trorafjioii; vSaai, 
 TrXtTrai Si fidXiara vvKTwp, war' 
 icfiavTaQ i<j>' tdTrspac tKj3nii'[tv 
 irpwiat; ical fladiiiv rb \onrbv rj 
 'ATnnq,. So Horace, as we know, 
 made his journey to Brundusium, 
 Sat. i. 5, from which the description 
 here given of the night voyage is 
 mainly taken. 
 
 24 The rapidity with which Gallus 
 performed the journey to Forum 
 Appii, is at least not exaggerated : 
 to that place it was forty-two or forty- 
 three Roman miles, seventy-five of 
 which go to a degree, or five to the 
 geographical mile, therefore it could 
 be done with ease in ten hours. Far 
 more considerable is the speed with 
 which Capito travelled from Rome 
 to Ameria, to convey the news of 
 the murder of Roscius. Cic. p. Rose. 
 Am. 7. Cum post horam primam 
 tioctis occisus esset, primo diluculo 
 nuncius hie Ameriam venit. Decem 
 
 horis nocturnis (the short hours of a 
 summer-night) sex et quinquaginta 
 millia passuum cisiis pervolavit. 
 Horace too says, that for a good 
 walker, it was a good day's journey 
 from Rome to Forum Appii. 
 
 25 By sailors are here to be under- 
 stood tbe barge-men, who forwarded 
 the travellers along the canal : the 
 great number of them employed, and 
 the numerous travellers who must 
 necessarily have stopped there, caused 
 so many inns. 
 
 26 There might have been in many 
 cauponce very tolerable hostesses ; but 
 for an Appian sailor's pot-house, such 
 a figure as Harpax describes, Plaut. 
 Pseud, ii. 2, 64, will not be unfitting : 
 
 Ego devertor extra portam hue in taber- 
 
 nam tertiam, 
 Apud anum illam doliarem, cludam, 
 
 crassam Chrysidem. 
 
 27 The Via Appia generally was 
 not provided with good water.
 
 54 
 
 GALLUS. 
 
 [SCENE IV. 
 
 him determine to let the prandium in Aricia compensate 
 for his evening meal also, and to content himself with 
 some bread and bad wine. Meanwhile Chresimus had been 
 busy about a boat, but could not obtain one that would 
 take them without other passengers ; for there was never 
 any lack of travellers there, and no one willingly made 
 the journey alone through the marshes, which were not 
 unfrequently rendered insecure by footpads who infested 
 them 28 . Nearly an hour in consequence was lost, during 
 which the boatman interchanged rough words with the 
 slaves of the travellers, who would not allow the bark to 
 be overloaded as he wished ; he afterwards collected the 
 passengers' fare, and having lazily yoked his mule which 
 had to tow the bark on the causeway made alongside 29 , 
 the passage at last began. The banks were lined with 
 willows, interspersed here and there with an alder, around 
 the roots of which tall plants of the fern species waved to 
 and fro, moved slightly by the night-breeze, and above 
 them, on the natural festoons made by the creepers, rocked 
 the glow-worm. The stars shining brighter and brighter 
 from above invited the travellers to repose, but the 
 troublesome gnats, which the morass generated in myriads, 
 and the croaking of the lively frogs, scared away the quiet 
 god. Besides which the boatman and one of the travellers, 
 
 Horace, i. 5, 7, says of Forum Appii, 
 propter aquam, quod erat teterrima, 
 ventri indico bettum : and farther on 
 there was also a similar want At 
 Equotutium and Canusium water 
 was a regular article of commerce, as 
 also at Ravenna, where an innkeeper 
 cheated Martial, and instead of the 
 wine and water, mixtum, which the 
 poet demanded, gave him merum. 
 See Mart. iii. 56, 57. 
 
 23 The roads of Italy were gener- 
 ally disturbed by numberless high- 
 waymen, grassatores ; but the whole 
 distance from the Pontine marshes 
 
 to the sea- coast was particularly in- 
 fested by bands of these depredators, 
 the loneliness of the vicinity affording 
 them a secure retreat. It was on this 
 account sometimes occupied by troops, 
 in order to expel the robbers, who, 
 however, only went elsewhere, and 
 even to Rome itself. Juven. iii. 305 : 
 Interdum et ferro subitus grassator agit 
 
 rem, 
 
 Armato quoties tutae custode tenentur 
 Et Pontina palus et Gallinaria pinus. 
 
 29 The whole description, the 
 convicia, the nauta <es ezigens, the 
 mali culices, the ranee palustres, is 
 borrowed from Horace.
 
 SCENE IT.] 
 
 THE JOURNEY. 
 
 55 
 
 both drunk with the sour wine of the Appian inn, were 
 alternately singing the praises of their maidens left be- 
 hind 30 . At last, however, weariness closed the eyes of all 
 the passengers ; the boat became more and more tranquil, 
 and no sooner did the bargeman perceive that all were 
 asleep, than he tethered his mule fast to a stone, in order 
 that it might graze in the tall marshy grass, and laid him- 
 self also down to sleep off his intoxication. The day would 
 probably have broken before his lazy limbs had returned 
 to life, had not one who slept less soundly than the rest 
 become aware of the boat stopping still, and jumped up to 
 belabour, in his wrath, the head and loins of the boatman 
 and his mule with his willow cudgel. Thus it was not till 
 the middle of the second hour that the travellers arrived at 
 the other side of the marshes not far from the temple of 
 Feronia 31 , and washed their hands and faces in the sacred 
 fountain of the goddess. The carriages had remained be- 
 hind at Forum Appii, so that our travellers went on foot 
 the three milliaria to Terracina, which, placed on a pre- 
 cipitous rock, looked down upon the low grounds. There 
 was now no further need of such expedition as they had 
 used the day before, yet Gallus determined to proceed, and 
 though there was no lack of carriages at Terracina, which 
 their owners offered him on hire, he preferred travelling 
 
 30 Absentem tit cant at ami cam 
 Jlfulta prolutus vappa nauta atque 
 viator. Hor. i. 5, 15. How Heindorf 
 ever could explain viator ' the driver 
 of the mule, who went beside the 
 boat,' is inconceivable ! Such a 
 driver there is none, but the single 
 boatman, necessary for guiding the 
 bark along the canal, manages it, as 
 we see from the verses which follow, 
 when he fastens the mule, and lays 
 himself down to sleep. The viator 
 is the traveller, who is also on board 
 the bark, and not a mule-driver. 
 
 S1 The Temple of Feronia lay, 
 according to 0. Miiller and Bottiger, 
 quite close to the further end of the 
 canal; for Horace, i. 5, 23, says, 
 without mentioning any further con- 
 tinuation of the journey, quarto, vix 
 demum exponimur hora. Ora ma- 
 nusque tua lavimus Feronia lympha. 
 Washing the face and hands after a 
 night journey is so natural, that it is 
 not requisite either to refer it to a 
 preparation for the prandium, nor to 
 suppose that it took place religionis 
 causa.
 
 56 
 
 GALLUS. 
 
 [SCENE IV. 
 
 the uneven road before him on mules, which were soon 
 standing saddled and ready for starting. 
 
 Nearly half the journey 32 had thus been performed in 
 less than twenty-four hours. To the second half two days 
 were allotted, and a courier was despatched in advance to 
 announce that Gallus would arrive to breakfast with a 
 friend who lived between Terracina and Fundi, when he 
 hoped to partake of a better repast than he had the day 
 before. He proposed also to spend the night at another 
 friend's house in Formiae, whence he could the next day 
 get comfortably before the evening meal, by way of Min- 
 turnse and Sinuessa, to the Campanian bridge 33 , near which 
 lay his villa, sideways from the road, in the direction of 
 the Auruncan hills. 
 
 32 The distance of the road from 
 Eome to Terracina, amounted, pro- 
 bably, to sixty-one miles, and the 
 whole distance from Eome to Capua, 
 is reckoned at 134 miles. 
 
 33 The Campanian bridge, nine 
 
 milliaria beyond Sinuessa, led over 
 the small river Savo, and was called 
 Campanian, because the territory of 
 Campania, to which it formed as it 
 were the entrance, began beyond 
 Sinuessa, which was the last town of 
 Latium.
 
 SCENE THE FIFTH. 
 
 THE VILLA. 
 
 IT was in the most charming situation of the Falernian 
 land 1 , so highly favoured by nature, that Gallus had 
 some years before purchased an extensive estate, which both 
 yielded an abundant agricultural produce, and offered at 
 all seasons the enjoyments of country life in superfluity. 
 The road which beyond the Campanian bridge, leaving 
 the Appian Way to the right, turned towards the stream 
 of the Savo 2 , led for miles through pleasant woodland and 
 forests, which, now contracting the breadth of the road to 
 that of a narrow path, shaded the traveller with lofty pop- 
 lars and elms, and then, retreating farther off, drew a dark 
 circlet round the luxuriant green meadows, or at another 
 time became interrupted for a while, and then opened a 
 prospect towards the Auruncan hills on the left ; whilst to 
 the right were discovered the small towns lying at short 
 intervals from each other on the Appian Way. 
 
 1 The dyer Falernus : Dives ea et 
 nunquam tellus mentita colono, Sil. 
 Ital. vii. 160, was the most fruitful 
 part of the Campania felix, celebrated 
 for its wine, reputed to be, next to 
 the Caecuban, the best of all those of 
 Italy, until the caprice of Augustus 
 gave the preference to the Setinian. 
 The Falernian land reached from the 
 foot of Mons Massicus, lying above 
 Sinuessa, or, more correctly speaking, 
 from the Campanian bridge, being 
 bounded on the left by the Via Ap- 
 pia, and on the other side by the 
 little river Savo, as far as Casilinum 
 and the Via Latina, which led across 
 from Gales to the Appian Way. Plin. 
 xiv. 6, 8, says expressly: Falernus 
 offer a ponte Campano lava petenti- 
 bits urbanum incipit ; and Liv. xxii. 
 
 15 : Q/niin satis sctret, per easdem 
 anffustias, quibus intraverat Faler- 
 num agrum, rediturum; Catticulam 
 montem et Casilinum occupat modicis 
 prcesidiis ; quce urbs Vullurno flu- 
 mine diremta Falernum et Campa- 
 num agros dividit. It is here as- 
 sumed that the estate was situated 
 on both sides of the Savo, the regular 
 villa rustica in the Falernian terri- 
 tory, the other one on the right 
 bank, towards the Auruncan hills 
 (Rocca Monjina}. 
 
 2 The Savo (Saone or Savone), 
 a small river, rising not far from 
 Teanum, is called by Stat. Silv. iv. 
 3, 66, piger Savo, in consequence of 
 its inconsiderable fall.
 
 53 
 
 GALLUS. 
 
 [SCENE V. 
 
 The broad champaign belonging to the villa was inter- 
 sected by the Savo, and reached on the one side nearly to 
 the Via Appia, and on the other to the vine-clad hills, 
 along which wound the road from Sinuessa to Teanum. 
 The whole property was formed from the conjunction of 
 two estates, and might still be considered as such, as they 
 were remote from eacii other ; and at almost opposite ex- 
 tremities lay the buildings designed for agricultural pur- 
 poses, and the villa built in the city fashion 3 . At the 
 former there was no space subservient only to the pleasures 
 and vanity of the possessor, and entailing on him at the 
 same time a fund of useless expense : no idle plantations 
 of platani and laurels, no hedges of box clipped into shapes, 
 no splendid country-house with its endless colonnades. The 
 simple abode of the villicus 4 , at the entrance of the first 
 
 3 A distinction was made between 
 the villa rustica, properly so called, 
 and the pseudo-urbana, (Vitr. vi. 8), 
 and some houses were built for one 
 of these purposes only, whilst others 
 served for both. Of the latter, Co- 
 lumella, i. 6, says : Modus autem 
 membrorumque numerus aptetur uni- 
 verso consepto, et dividatur in tres 
 paries, urbanam, rusticam, et fruc- 
 tuariam. By the last he means 
 store -houses for oil, wine, grain, 
 hay, &c. 
 
 4 The plan of a villa rustica is 
 prescribed at length by Varro, Vi- 
 truvius, and Columella; but the di- 
 rections given by the last author ma- 
 terially differ from those of the two 
 former, particularly as regards the 
 store-chambers. The general plan is 
 as follows : The villa must have had 
 two courts (cohortes, chortes, cartes), 
 Varr. i. 13. At the entrance to the 
 first or outer one, was the abode of 
 the villicus, in order that he might 
 know who went in and out (Varro, 
 
 ibid. Col. i. 6, 6) ; also the great 
 common kitchen, where the slaves 
 congregated, and where in winter- 
 time different avocations were pur- 
 sued by the fire-side. Vitr. vi. 9 : 
 In corte culina quam calidissimo loco 
 designetur. Varro, supra : In primis 
 culina videnda ut sit admota (villici 
 cellse) quod ibi hieme antelucanis tem- 
 poribus aliquot res conficiuntur, cibus 
 paratur ac capitur. Col. magna et 
 alia culina paretur. Near this were 
 the bath-rooms (Vitr. sect. 2), and 
 also the wine and oil-press (tor- 
 cular), according to Vitruvius. On 
 the contrary, Columella says, sect. 18 : 
 Torcularia prcecipue cellaque olearice 
 calidce esse debent. Sed ut calore 
 naturali opus est, qui contingit posi- 
 tione cceli et declinatione, ita non 
 opus est ignibus aut flammis : quo- 
 niam fumo et fuligine sapor olei cor- 
 rumpitur, and for this reason will not 
 even allow lamps to be employed in 
 the labour of pressing. The cell<R 
 olearifR and vinaria also must have 
 been here; the former towards the
 
 SCENE V.] 
 
 THE VILLA. 
 
 59 
 
 court, had nothing attractive to the eye ; but so much the 
 more pleasing was the aspect within of the cell close to 
 one another, which contained the rich stores of oil and 
 while ahove them on the first floor, the blessings of 
 
 wine 
 
 Ceres which were piled up, testified the fertility of the soil. 
 It was pleasant to see how the returning herds and teams 
 assembled round the broad water-troughs of the inner 
 
 south, the latter towards the north ; 
 but both of them upon the ground- 
 floor. Varro : Fructibits (humidis), 
 ut est vinum et oleum, loco piano po- 
 tius cellas faciundum. Col. 9 : ex Us 
 (cellis) qua stint in piano custodiam 
 recipiant humidamm rerum tanquam 
 vini olei venalium. Hirt, in his de- 
 scription of the plan of a villa, says, 
 ' Under the cook's dwelling-rooms are 
 the cellars for pressing the olives,' 
 &c. ; and ' under the apartments of 
 the villicus are the wine-cellars ; ' 
 but we find it difficult to say whe- 
 ther the kitchen and dwelling-rooms 
 may be considered as placed in the 
 second story, or whether the wine- 
 cellar was entirely, or half, under- 
 ground a thing unheard of amongst 
 the ancients. Columella places the 
 ergastulum only under-ground, sect. 
 3 : Vinctis quam saluberrimum sitb- 
 terraneum ergastulum pliirimis idque 
 angustis illustratum fenestris atque 
 a terra sic editis, ne tnanit contingi 
 possint. Such receptacles Hirt seems 
 to have had in his mind, as he sets 
 them down with windows towards the 
 north. They might have been only 
 air-holes of the cellars. But such 
 cellte were not in piano, and such a 
 means of preservation is very unusual 
 in olden times. Dried fruits and pro- 
 vender were preserved under-ground, 
 in tabulatis. Varr. Col. : Granaria 
 sublimata disponantur. Vitru. 
 Columella assumes a special Villa 
 
 fructuaria, and transfers thither the 
 oil and wine stores also (sect. 9), but 
 Vitruvius only places things danger- 
 ous in case of fire outside the villa, 
 sect. 5 : Horrea, fcenuia, farraria, 
 pistrina, extra villain faeienda vi- 
 dentur, ut ab ignis pcriculo sint villcR 
 tutiores. In Varro all the stores are 
 in the villa itself. 
 
 The cells of the slaves which must 
 have been elsewhere besides in the 
 outer court, were preferred situated 
 to the south. Col. sect. 3 : Optime 
 solutis servis cellce meridiem (equi- 
 noctialem spectantes font. "What 
 Varro says agrees with this : Familiet 
 ubi versetur providendum, si fessi 
 opere aut frigore aut ealore, et ubi 
 commodissime possint se qtiiete red- 
 perare. It is best to suppose that the 
 stalls, bubilia, equilia, ovilia, were 
 around the inner court, although Vi- 
 truvius would have them to be near 
 the kitchen. Both courts must have 
 had water-cisterns in the centre, and 
 the inner one a spring also for water- 
 ing cattle, Var. sect. 3 : Boves eniin 
 ex arvo (Estate reducti hie bibunt, hie 
 perfundiintur ; nee minus e pabulo 
 cum redierunt anseres, sues, porci ; 
 the outer one another for steeping 
 fruits in, tibi maceretur lupinum, item 
 alia, qiue dcmista in aqtiam ad usum 
 aptiora jiunt. These are the most 
 important particulars which Varro, 
 Vitruvius, and Columella give us 
 respecting the Villa rustica.
 
 60 
 
 GALLUS. 
 
 [SCENE V. 
 
 court to drink, whilst geese and ducks merrily splashing 
 about, suffered themselves to be laved by the descending 
 jet of the simply-constructed fountain. All around the 
 court were swarms of various kinds of poultry 6 . Peacocks 
 with their wide-expanded tails, red-feathered flamingos, 
 Numidian 6 and Rhodian 7 hens with their own brood, or 
 performing not less tenderly the office of foster-mothers to 
 young pheasants 8 , the eggs of which had been stealthily 
 
 5 The eors of a Roman villa was 
 doubtless very different from our 
 farm-yards, where, with the exception 
 of hens, turkeys, and ducks, there is 
 seldom any other bird, unless it be 
 some solitary peacock, stalking about 
 with his hens. The Roman hen- 
 yard displayed a more varied sight, 
 and the breeding of peacocks, for ex- 
 ample, was a special object of atten- 
 tion. For, after this bird of Juno, 
 whose brilliant plumage and insipid 
 flavour pointed it out as only created 
 for show, was first introduced by 
 Hortensius from Samos, and used to 
 increase the splendour of the banquet 
 (Varr. E. R. iii. 6, 6 ; Plin. x. 20, 
 23 ; Macrob. Sat. ii. 9), this insane 
 luxury soon became general, so that 
 even the temperate Cicero made no 
 exception. Ad Fam. ix. 18, 20 ; see 
 Hor. Sat. i. 2, 115 ; ii. 2, 23. And 
 hence in Varro's time an egg cost 5 
 denarii, a peacock 50, a flock of 100 
 hens 40,000 HS., and supposing each 
 of these had on an average three 
 young ones, this would bring in 
 60,000 HS. ; and M. Aufidius Lucro, 
 who first attempted to fatten them, 
 gained from this enterprise a yearly 
 income of 60,000 HS. Colum. viii. 
 11, Pallad. i. 28, treat especially of 
 the breeding of them. 
 
 6 It is doubtful what is to be un- 
 
 derstood by the term Numidian hens. 
 Columella says (viii. 2, 2), Africana 
 est, quam plerique Numidlcam dicunt, 
 Meleagridi similis, nisi quod rutilam 
 galeam et eristatn capite fferit, qu<e 
 utraque sunt in Meleagride cceruka ; 
 but Yarro, iii. 9, and Plin. x. 26, 38, 
 call the mekagrides, gibberee, and in 
 Mart, iii 58, they are Numidicce 
 guttata ; hence it is concluded, that 
 our guinea-fowls (Nutnida meleagris, 
 Litin.) are meant, but their galea is 
 not red, but blue, while the comb is 
 red. Perhaps the guinea-fowls are a 
 variety of both. 
 
 7 Rhodian hens, a particularly 
 large species, which, like the Tana- 
 grian (Paus. ix. 22, 4), were kept 
 for their pugnacity. See, on the sub- 
 ject of cock-fights, Becker's Charicles, 
 English edition, p. 64, n. 6 ; p. 193. 
 Colum. viii. 2, 5, prefers the native 
 species; sect. 12: Rhodii generis ant 
 Medici propter gravitatem neque pa- 
 tres nimis salaces, nee fcecundte ma- 
 tres. They are mentioned by Mar- 
 tial, iii. 58, 17, in the villa of Fausti- 
 nus, which he calls a rus verum. 
 
 8 It does not appear clear how it 
 was possible to keep pheasants in the 
 farm-yard, for, according to our expe- 
 rience, they never become thoroughly 
 domesticated, but return to their free
 
 SCENE V.] 
 
 THE VILLA. 
 
 61 
 
 placed under them to hatch, by the steward, all collected 
 cackling and coaxing round the steward's wife, who scat- 
 tered food among them from the lap of her gown. A 
 brood of doves 9 too would ever and anon make a descent 
 in the midst from the tower-like pigeon-cots, whilst turtle 
 
 natural haunts as soon as they are 
 unconfined. Yet Palladius speaks 
 (i. 29) of the breeding of them, as 
 fowls in the yard, and Martial re- 
 counts among the pDultry that ran 
 ahout the villa of Faustinas, the 
 impiorum phasiana Colchorum. It 
 is perhaps best explained by what 
 Columella says, viii. 10, 6 : Atque 
 ea genera, qua infra septa villa ci- 
 bantur (gallinoe, columbse, turtures, 
 turdi) fere persecuti sumus : mine 
 de his dicendum est, quibus etiam 
 exitits ad agrestia pabula dantur. 
 Among the latter we may perhaps 
 reckon, besides the peacocks and 
 guinea-fowls, the pheasants also. 
 Palladius recommends that the eggs 
 should be hatched by hens. 
 
 9 The taste for beautiful pigeons, 
 carried almost to a passion, is not pe- 
 culiar to modern times ; the ancients 
 also indulged in it. Plin. x. 37, 43, 
 says : Et harum amore insaniunt 
 mulli ; super tecta ex&dificant tur- 
 res us, nobilitatemque singularum et 
 origines warrant, vetere jam exem- 
 plo. L. Axius, eques Romanus, ante 
 bellum civile Pompeianum denariis 
 quadringentis singula paria vendi- 
 tavit, lit M. Varro tradit. The pas- 
 sage of Varro is, iii. 7, 10 : Paren- 
 tes eorum Homo;, si sunt formosi, 
 bono colore, integri, boni seminis, 
 paria singula vulgo veneunt ducenis 
 nummis, nee non eximia singulis 
 millibus nummtim, quas nitper cum 
 mercator tanti emere vellet a L. Axio, 
 (quite Rom., minoris quadringentis 
 
 denariis daturum negavit. And this 
 happened in the time of Varro, seve- 
 rioribus temporibus, as Columella 
 says. In the time of the latter this 
 extravagance was carried much far- 
 ther, viii. 8, 10 : Nam nostri pudet 
 seculi, si credere volumus, inveniri 
 qui quaternis millibus nummum bi- 
 nas ave.s mercentur. There were 
 two chief sorts : wild doves and house 
 doves. Varr. sect. 1 : Duo enim gene- 
 ra in 7rtpiffrtporpo0iy esse solent. 
 Uimm agreste, ut alii dicunt, saxa- 
 tile, quod habetur in turribtis ac co- 
 htminibus villce alterum genus illud 
 colttmbanun est clementius, quod cibo 
 domestico contentum intra limina ja- 
 nua solet pasci. The pigeon-houses 
 or cots, were built like turrets, on the 
 highest points o f the villa (Col. viii. 8) ; 
 according to Pallad. i. 24, in pree- 
 torio, i.e. above the mansion. The 
 walls, both inside and out, were paint- 
 ed of a bright white colour, which 
 the doves liked. Col. sect. 4 ; Pall. ; 
 Ovid. Trist. i. 9, 7, refers to this : 
 
 Aspicis ut veniant ad Candida tecta co- 
 lumbse, 
 Accipiat nullas sordida turris aves ? 
 
 The number of pigeons kept must 
 have been immense. Varro says, sect. 
 2, in uno (Trtpiff^fporpo^f/y) s<epe 
 vel quinque millia sunt inclusa. That 
 carrier-pigeons were also known to the 
 ancients, is shown by Pliny, x. 37, 53 : 
 Quin et internuntia in rebus magnis 
 fuere, epistolas annexas earum pe- 
 dibus obsidione Mutinensi in castra 
 consulum Decimo Bruto mittente.
 
 62 
 
 GALLUS. 
 
 [SCKNB V 
 
 and ring-doves 10 , caught at great pains, together with a 
 multitude of fieldfares, were to be seen confined in par- 
 ticular pens where they were fed. 
 
 Not less pleasing was the sight of the vegetable and 
 fruit- gardens surrounding the villa. Long beds of aspa- 
 ragus, whose delicate red shoots were just piercing the 
 crust of the soil, were interspersed with thick parterres 
 of lactiica, the opening dish of the meal ; here the brown- 
 ish-red Caecilian, there the yellowish- green large-headed 
 Cappadocian species. In one part flourished great plots of 
 Cuman and Pompeian kale, the tender buds of which 
 afforded a favourite dish, as well for the frugal meal of the 
 lower classes, as for the table of the gourmand. In another, 
 numerous beds of leeks and onions; besides spicy herbs, the 
 pale green rue, and the far-smelling mint, as well as the 
 eruca, which many secretly indulged in, and the mysterious 
 powers of which were unequivocally demonstrated by the 
 numerous young population around the villa ; and innu- 
 merable rows of mallows, endives, beans, lupins, and other 
 vegetables. 
 
 Further on, the imposing-looking orchards extended, 
 in which were to be found the most noble sorts of fruit. 
 Crustumian and Syrian pears, and mighty volema, among 
 the native Falernian and other species ; and not less con- 
 spicuous were the apples, among which were the delicious 
 honey-apples, a species of quicker growth than the others, 
 and already ripe. Then there were the various kinds of 
 early and late plums, quinces, cherry-trees, the boughs of 
 which were laden with the reddening fruit, peaches and 
 apricots, fig-trees with their sweeter winter- fruits, and the 
 nuptial walnut with its strong and wide- spreading branches. 
 
 10 The gourmands of Rome were 
 not content with the numerous varie- 
 ties of tame pigeons, but, for an espe- 
 cial delicacy, ring and turtle-doves, 
 palu>nbi,turtures,vrere snared, or their 
 nests taken. As these would not breed 
 
 in confinement (Col. viii. 9, id genus 
 in ornithone nee parit nee excludit), 
 they were placed in a dark receptacle 
 under the pigeon-house, and fattened 
 for the table. Pall. i. 35. Cf. Mart, 
 xiii. 51, and iii. 47, turdorum corona.
 
 SCENE V.] 
 
 THE VILLA. 
 
 But more delightful than all, was the cheerful and 
 contented appearance of the numerous members of the 
 country family, who did not perform an imposed task like 
 slaves, but with healthful and joyous looks seemed every- 
 where to be cultivating their own property. The gentle 
 disposition of the master was reflected in the behaviour of 
 the villicus, the indefatigable but just overseer of the 
 whole ; and Gallus would rather have dismissed a useless 
 slave from his family, than have borne to see him labouring 
 on his property laden with chains, and dragging logs after 
 him. Hence each one discharged his duties willingly and 
 actively, and hastened cheerfully in the evenings to the 
 great kitchen, which served as the common abode of all, in 
 order to rest from their daily toil, and amid incessant talk 
 to take their evening meal. 
 
 Such happened to be the sight which greeted Gallus 
 on his arrival, for it was this point that he first reached, 
 as in order to have gone at once to his villa, he must have 
 taken at Minturnae the more inconvenient route behind the 
 Massican hills, by way of Suessa Aurunca. Hearty as his 
 reception was, and willingly as he would have inspected, 
 even the same day, the flourishing condition of the villa, 
 still he longed too much for repose after the exertion of 
 his journey to prolong his stay there, especially as the bath 
 and meal prepared at his own house awaited his arrival ; 
 so he continued his journey without stopping. A broad 
 alley of plane-trees led by a gentle slope up to his re- 
 sidence 11 , which was built not so much on a magnificent 
 scale, as in conformity with good taste and utility. The 
 front, situated to the south-east, formed a roomy portico, 
 resting on Corinthian pillars, before which extended a 
 terrace planted with flowers, and divided by box-trees into 
 
 11 The description of the villa 
 nrbana, the prcetorium, as the manor- 
 house was called, is taken from Pliny's 
 Epistles, partly from ii. 17, and 
 partly from v. 6. In the main points 
 
 the author has followed the first 
 account of the simple Laurentinian 
 villa. The Tusculan, as described 
 in the second letter, presents great 
 difficulties.
 
 64 
 
 GALLUS. 
 
 small beds of various forms ; while the declivity sloping 
 gently down, bore figures, skilfully cut out of the box- 
 trees, of animals opposite to each other, as if prepared 
 for attack, and then gradually became lost in the acanthus 
 which covered with its verdure the plain at its foot. 
 
 Behind the colonnade, after the fashion of the city, 
 was an atrium, not splendidly but tastefully adorned, the 
 elegant pavement of which, formed to imitate lozenges, in 
 green, white, and black stone, contrasted pleasantly with 
 the red marble that covered the walls. From this you 
 entered a small oval peristylittm 12 , an excellent resort in un- 
 favourable weather ; for the spaces between the pillars were 
 closed up with large panes of the clearest lapis specularis, 
 or talc, through which the eye discovered the pleasant 
 verdure of the soft mossy carpet 13 that covered the open 
 space in the centre, and was rendered ever flourishing by 
 the spray of the fountain. Just behind this was the regular 
 court of the house, of an equally agreeable aspect, in which 
 stood a large marble basin, surrounded by all sorts of 
 shrubs and dwarf trees. On this court abutted a grand 
 eating-hall, built beyond the whole line of the house 1 *, 
 through the long windows of which, reaching like doors 
 to the ground, a view was obtained, towards the Auruncan 
 hills in front, and on the sides into the graceful gardens ; 
 
 12 The reading in litera si- 
 militudinem (Plin. Ep. ii. 17, 4), 
 has been followed, where D and also 
 A are read. The argument in sup- 
 port of D as opposed to the other 
 two letters, suits only the A, for the 
 Roman was no circle, but an oval. 
 Priorum autem duarum literarum 
 
 formas potius per circulum et trian- 
 gulum expressisset. 
 
 13 The moss in the impluvium, 
 which was protected from the sun by 
 cloths spread over it, is alluded to by 
 Plin. xix. 1, 6 : Eubcnt (vela) in cavis 
 
 cKdium et museum a sole defendant. 
 
 14 The ancient houses were not 
 built rectilinearly, as ours are, but 
 symmetry was sacrificed to comfort, 
 and as it was thought desirable to 
 catch the sun's rays as much as pos- 
 sible, especially in the winter-time, 
 several rooms were built projecting 
 from the line of the building. Such a 
 one, though at a corner of the build- 
 ing, was that described by Pliny, ii. 
 17, 8 : Adnectitur angulo cubiculum 
 in apsida curcatum, quod ambitum 
 solis fenestris omnibus sequitur.
 
 SCENE V.] 
 
 THE VILLA. 
 
 65 
 
 whilst in the rear, a passage opened through the cavcedium, 
 perist ylium, atrium, and colonnade beyond the xystus, into 
 the open air. 
 
 This Cyzicenian saloon was bordered on the right by 
 different chambers, which from their northerly aspect pre- 
 sented a pleasant abode in the heat of summer ; and more 
 to the east lay the regular sitting and sleeping rooms. The 
 first were built outwards semicircularly, in order to catch 
 the beams of the morning light, and retain those of the 
 mid-day sun. The internal arrangements were simple, but 
 comfortable, and in perfect accordance with the green pro- 
 spect around ; for on the marble basement were painted 
 branches reaching inwards as it were from the outside, and 
 upon them coloured birds, so skilfully executed, that they 
 appeared not to sit but to flutter 15 On one side only was 
 this artificial garden interrupted by a piece of furniture, 
 containing a small library of the most choice books 1C . The 
 sleeping apartment was separated from it merely by a small 
 room, which could in winter be warmed by a hypocaustum, 
 and thus communicate the warmth to the adjoining rooms 
 by means of pipes ir . The rest of this side was used as 
 an abode for the slaves, although most of the rooms were 
 sufficiently neat for the reception of any friends who might 
 come on a visit 18 . 
 
 On the opposite side, which enjoyed the full warmth 
 of the evening sun, were the bath rooms and the sphceris- 
 terium, adapted not merely for the game of ball, but for 
 
 15 Plin. Ep. v. 6, 22 : Est et 
 aliud cubiculum a proximo, platano 
 viride, t umbrosum, marmore excul- 
 tum podio tenus : nee cedit gratia 
 m&rmoris ramos insidentesque ramis 
 aves imitata pictura. 
 
 " Plin. Ep. ii. 17, 8. Parted 
 ejus in bibliotheece speciem armarium 
 insertum est, quod non legendum 
 libris, sed leetitandos capit. 
 
 17 See the Excursus on The Eo- 
 man House. 
 
 18 "We see that the slaves did not 
 always inhabit small bad cells, from 
 Plin. Ep. ii. 17, 9 : Reliqua pars 
 lateris hujus servorum libertorum- 
 que usibus detinetur, plerisque tan 
 mundis, ut accipere hospites pos- 
 sint.
 
 CO 
 
 GALLUS. 
 
 [SCENE V. 
 
 nearly every description of corporeal exercises, and spacious 
 enough to hold several different parties of players at the 
 same time. There Gallus, who was a friend to bracing 
 exercises, used to prepare himself for the bath, either by 
 the game trigon, at which he was expert, or by swinging 
 the halteres, and for this purpose the room could be 
 warmed in winter by means of pipes, which were conducted 
 from the hypocamtum of the bath under the floor and along 
 the walls. Lastly, at both ends of the front colonnade, 
 forming the entrance, rose turret-shaped buildings 19 , in the 
 different stories of which were small chambers, or triclinia, 
 affording an extensive view of the smiling plains. 
 
 The garden around the villa, in consequence of the 
 peculiarity of its position, was divided into two unequal 
 parts, one of which in ingenuity and quaintness of orna- 
 ment was not at all inferior to the most renowned gardens 
 in the old French and Italian style. No tree or shrub dared 
 there to grow in its own natural fashion, the pruning knife 
 and shears of the topiariiis being ready instantly to force 
 it into the prescribed limits. Hence nothing was to be seen 
 but the green walls of the smoothly-clipped hedges, diversi- 
 fied only by flower-beds, which, like the xystus, were par- 
 titioned off by box-trees into several smaller ones, exhaust- 
 ing in their shape all the figures of geometry. Here and 
 there stood threatening forms of wild beasts, bears and 
 lions, serpents winding themselves round the trees, and so 
 forth ; all cut by the skilful hand of the gardener out of 
 the green box, cypress, or yew-trees. The reluctant 
 foliage had been even constrained into the imitation of 
 
 19 Two such turres, edifices raised 
 several stories above the rest of the 
 huilding, were in the Laurentian 
 Villa. Plin. ii. 17, 12. Therein were 
 several diatce, small lodgings parti- 
 tioned off, or consisting of more or 
 less chambers : they are only men- 
 tioned in villas, or similar possessions, 
 and frequently the expression seems 
 
 to mean, separate small houses, un- 
 connected with the main building. 
 See Plin. Ep. v. 6, 20. Cf. Turneb. 
 Adv. xxiv. 4. In this sense turris is 
 used by Tibullus, i. vii. 19 : 
 
 Utque maris vastum prospectet turribus 
 
 sequor 
 Prima ratem ventis credere docta Tyros ?
 
 SCENE V.] 
 
 THE VILLA. 
 
 67 
 
 letters, and colossal characters could be read, indicating in 
 one part the name of the owner, in another, of the artist 
 to whose invention the garden owed its present appearance. 
 There were also artificial fountains, environed by master- 
 works of sculpture, between which glistened the round tops 
 of lofty orange-trees, with their golden fruit. 
 
 Fashion required such a garden, which in fact was but 
 little in accordance with the taste of Gallus. He liked 
 not this constraining of nature into uncongenial forms, and 
 much preferred lingering in the other and larger portion, 
 where the course of nature was unrestrained, and only 
 prevented by the gardener's arranging hand from growing 
 wild. Shady groves of planes alternated with open patches 
 of green, which were bounded again by laurels or myrtle- 
 bushes. Instead of the artificial fountains, a limpid brook 
 meandered by the aid of skilful direction through the park, 
 sometimes foaming in tiny cascades over fragments of rock, 
 and then collecting in basins, where tame fishes would con- 
 gregate to the bank at an accustomed signal, and snap up 
 the food thrown to them 20 . On rounding the corner of a 
 thicket, the character of the park suddenly changed ; for 
 passing from a spot of apparently perfect unconstraint, 
 you entered a neatly-kept plantation of fruit trees and 
 vegetables, which amidst the vanities of the park forcibly 
 reminded you of a modest little farm 21 . From hence you 
 
 20 An instance of this sort is ad- 
 duced by Mart. iv. 30, which, al- 
 though a miserable piece of flattery 
 to Domitian, can hardly be thought 
 altogether fictitious : 
 
 Quid quod uomen habent, et ad magistri 
 Vocem quisque sui venit citatus. 
 
 Even in the present day, fish are 
 taught to congregate near the bank, 
 at the sound of a bell, or some other 
 signal. 
 
 21 Such an imitatio ruris was also 
 to be found in the middle of the 
 
 splendid park of Tuscum. Plin. Up. 
 v. 6, 35. Does the ridicule of Martial 
 (iii. 48) allude to the same thing ? 
 
 Pauperis exstruxit cellam, sed vendidit 
 
 Ollus 
 
 Prsedia : nunc cellam pauperis Ollus 
 habet. 
 
 An humble hut in such a sketch, as 
 with us a hermitage or Swiss cottage, 
 would not appear at all inconceivable 
 in the midst of such a host of other 
 vagaries ; especially as Martial re- 
 fers to preeclia, under which, in this 
 case, all landed property is compre-
 
 68 
 
 GALLTJS. 
 
 [SCENE V 
 
 passed into a straight alley of plane-trees, clad from the 
 trunk to the loftiest branches with dark- green ivy, which 
 climbing from one tree to another, hung down in natural 
 festoons. This was the hippodrome, which, after extending 
 more than, a thousand paces in a straight line, made a 
 semicircular turn, and then ran back parallel to the first 
 alley. Adjoining this was a second shady path for a similar 
 purpose, enclosing one great oval, which, however, being 
 less broad than the other, was only used for a promenade 
 in the lectica. Not far from hence was the most captivating 
 spot in the garden, where tall shady elms, entwined with 
 luxuriant vines, enclosed a semicircular lawn, the green 
 carpet of which was penetrated by a thousand shooting 
 violets. On the farther side rose a gentle ascent, planted 
 with the most varied roses, that mingled their balmy odours 
 with the perfume of the lilies blooming at its foot. Beyond 
 this were seen the dark summits of the neighbouring 
 mountains, while on the side of the hill a pellucid stream 
 babbled down in headlong career, after escaping from the 
 colossal urn of a nymph, who lay gracefully reclined on 
 the verdant moss 22 , dashed over a mass of rocks, and then 
 with a gentle murmur vanished behind the green amphi- 
 theatre. This was the favourite resort of Gallus. There, 
 under the influence, as it were, of the bacchic and erotic 
 
 bended. But a safer interpretation 
 would be to refer it to poorly fitted- 
 up cells in the house itself, to which 
 the wealthy owner, surfeited with 
 splendour, might retreat under the 
 pretence of a fit of abstinence ; as is 
 often mentioned by Seneca, Cons, ad 
 Helv. 12 : Sumunt quosdam dies, 
 cum jam illos divitiarum tedium 
 eepit, quibus humi ccenent, et re- 
 moto auro argentoque JictUibus 
 utantur. Ep. 18: Non est nunc, 
 qiKid existimes me ditcere te ad mo- 
 tlieas ccenas et pauperum eellas, et 
 quidquid aliud est, per quod luxuria 
 
 divitiarum tcedio ludit, Ep. 100 : 
 Desit sane varietas marmorum et 
 concisura aquarum, cubiculis inter- 
 Jluentium et pauperis cella et quid- 
 quid aliud luxuria non eontenta 
 decore simplici miscet. 
 
 22 After an antique painting in 
 Mus. Borb. ii. tav. 36. ' A Naiad in 
 a yerdant plain, sitting on a moss- 
 covered stone, with her right arm 
 above her head, and her left resting 
 on an urn, from which flowed on the 
 grassy ground the scattered moisture 
 of its limpid waters."
 
 SCENE V.] THE VILLA. 69 
 
 deities, statues and groups of whom embellished the inter- 
 vals between the tall elms, he had written the majority of 
 his most recent elegies ; there had he, with Virgil, Pro- 
 pertius, and Lycoris, whiled away many happy hours; there 
 was he sure of being discovered on the coming morn. 
 
 But the remainder of this day was devoted to refresh- 
 ment and repose ; even his customary game of ball before 
 the refreshing plunge into the cold swimming bath was 
 omitted, and early after the meal he retired to enjoy a 
 comfortable repose in his own chamber.
 
 SCENE THE SIXTH. 
 
 LYCOEIS. 
 
 had hurried away from Gallus with the 
 *- haste of a man on whose steps success or ruin de- 
 pended. Lost in thought, he had neither regarded the 
 salutations of the friends who met him, nor heard the 
 declamations of the ill-humoured Calpurnius, and had 
 scarcely remarked that his tardy companion had separated 
 from him at the forum transitorium, and taken the di- 
 rection of the forum Romanum. Halting suddenly, he 
 changed his rapid run into a slow and contemplative walk, 
 then stopped still, contracting his forehead in profound 
 reflection, and striking his hand on his breast 1 , as if to 
 summon forth the thoughts within. He drew himself 
 slowly up to his full height, resting the left hand against 
 the hip, and with the right vehemently slapping his thigh ; 
 but still no light seemed to penetrate the chaos of his 
 ideas. He snapped his fingers fretfully, shook his head, as 
 if he had renounced the intended errand, but presently his 
 movements became more tranquil ; and placing his hand 
 under his chin, he appeared to hold firmly to one idea. 
 A malicious and triumphant smile played about his mouth, 
 
 1 As the language of grimace is 
 very expressive of national peculiari- 
 ties, especially among more southern 
 nations, it is the more interesting to 
 consider the passages in the ancient 
 writers which contain descriptions of 
 this nature. Of these, one of the 
 most important, and on which this 
 narration is based, is Plaut. Mil. 
 Glor. ii. 2, 46, where the attitudes of 
 Palaestrio, who is hrooding over a 
 scheme, are pourtrayed in the most 
 lively colours. Periplectomenes, who 
 is observing him, thus speaks : 
 . . . illuc sis vide, 
 
 Quemadmodum abstitit, severa fronte 
 
 curas cogitans. 
 Pectus digitis pultat, cor credo evocatu- 
 
 rum e s t f bras. 
 Ecce avortit, nisus laeva ; in f emine habet 
 
 laevam manuru ; 
 Dextera digitis rationem computat, 
 
 feriiis femur 
 Dezterum ita vehementer, quod tactu 
 
 segre suppetit. 
 Concrepuit digitis ; laborat crebro, com- 
 
 mutat status. 
 Ecce autem capite nutat ; non placet quod 
 
 repperit. 
 Quidquid est incoctum non expromet ; 
 
 bene coctum dabit. 
 Ecce autem sedificat; columnam mcnto 
 
 suff ulsit suo.
 
 SCEKE VI.] 
 
 LYCORIS. 
 
 71 
 
 as he turned suddenly and called the slave who stood at a 
 little distance, surveying him with astonishment. 
 
 ' Hasten home immediately/ said he ; 'bid Dromo repair 
 without delay to the taberna of the tonsor Licinus 2 , and 
 await me there. But be quick.' Away ran the slave; 
 Pomponius proceeded on his way alone, at an increased 
 speed, and having stopped before a handsome house in the 
 Cannes 3 , knocked, and inquired, 'Is your lord at home? * 
 ' To you, yes ! ' replied the ostiarius ; ' to others, in the 
 forum.' Pomponius hurried through the atrium. A cu- 
 bicularius announced and ushered him into a room, where 
 a powerful-looking man, of middle age, with a full round 
 face and rather vulgar features, was reclining on a lectus 
 and looking over accounts. Near him stood a freedman 
 with the counting-board 4 , and on an adjoining table were 
 piled up two heaps of silver coin, between which stood a 
 purse, probably, of higher value : various accounts, pu- 
 
 2 Licinus, the name of a hair- 
 dresser and barber, celebrated in his 
 day, and made known to posterity by 
 Horace's mention of him. Art. Poet. 
 301. He is said to have become 
 wealthy by means of his art, and to 
 have received honours by the favour 
 of Augustus. He caused a costly 
 monument to be erected to himself, 
 which drew forth the following epi- 
 gram : 
 
 JIarmoreo tumulo Licinus jacet ; at Cato 
 
 nullo; 
 Pompeius parvo. Quis putet esse deos ? 
 
 3 Carinae was the name of one of 
 the principal streets or rather regions 
 of Rome (lautce Carince, Virg. JEn. 
 viii. 361) ; it was on the declivity of 
 the Esquilinus. It contained the 
 palaces of most of the nobles, as 
 Pompeius, Q. Cicero, and others, 
 and also the most respectable ton- 
 strinee, to which number that cer- 
 
 tainly did not belong, in which Phi- 
 lippus saw Vultejus : Cultello pro- 
 prios pitrgantem leniter ungues. Hor. 
 Up. i. 7, 51. 
 
 4 On a relief in the Mus. Cap. 
 iv. t. 20, supposed to be the adop- 
 tion of Hadrian by Trajan, a man 
 lies on a lectus, holding in the right 
 hand a purse, and in the left a roll. 
 By his side sits a matron (Flotilla), 
 and at his feet, behind the couch, 
 stands a man, holding in the left 
 hand a counting-board, or tablet, on 
 which money is reckoned, and to 
 which he points with the forefinger 
 of the right hand. He is thought to 
 be a libripens : but apart from the 
 question of the truth of this surmise, 
 it is certain that a scene might very 
 well be represented in which a master 
 is casting up accounts with his dis- 
 pensator or procurator.
 
 72 
 
 GALLTJS. 
 
 [SCENE VI. 
 
 gillares with the styhis, and an inkstand and writing- 
 reed 5 , were lying around. 
 
 ' Hail, Largus ! ' cried Pomponius, as he entered. ' Hail 
 to you, also ! ' replied the man ; ' but what brings you hither 
 for the second time to-day ? ' Pomponius cast a suspicious 
 glance at the freedrnan, who, at a nod from Largus, made 
 his exit. ' Good news ! ' was at length his answer. ' Gallus 
 leaves Rome this very morning, in order that he may 
 forget in the country the vexations of yesterday.' 
 
 ' Goes he to his villa ? ' inquired the astonished Largus 
 as he raised himself. ' Ay, to the villa, which is, I hope, 
 soon to be yours/ replied the other. ' He will take care 
 that you find the house and garden in the best condition.' 
 
 ' And do you call this good news ? ' asked Largus. ' Was 
 it not our plan to elicit, by the help of the mighty Fa- 
 lernian, something of treasonable import from this pas- 
 sionate braggart ? Will you send into Campania the 
 witnesses whom I pay with heavy coin, and the liberty- 
 heroes who must draw him into their giddy projects ? Or 
 do you imagine that Augustus will assign more importance 
 to discontented expressions, uttered at a retired villa, 
 amidst a parcel of peaceful peasants, than to the voice of 
 rebellion at Rome ? ' 
 
 'All very true/ retorted Pomponius. 'But have we not 
 already proceeded far enough ? The copies of the pompous 
 inscriptions on the temples and pyramids of Egypt, 
 the complaints of Petronius about the oppression of the 
 country, and the highly treasonable talk of yesterday 
 do you want more threads still, from which to weave a 
 most inextricable net ? Or will you wait till his presence 
 in person prove the nullity of our accusations ? till 
 
 6 This description is taken from 
 a painting of Herculaneum, in which 
 a large purse lies fastened up between 
 two heaps of money : before it stands 
 an inkstand with a writing-reed lying 
 upon it, and further on, a roll half 
 
 open, with a label hanging down, 
 pugillares with a stylus, and a tablet 
 with a handle, on which are seen 
 figures and writing. See Mus. .Borb. 
 i. 12, for an engraving of this.
 
 SCENE VI] 
 
 LYCORIS. 
 
 73 
 
 Augustus' old friendship for him revive, and his false ac- 
 cusers meet with something more than ridicule ? No, far 
 better is it that he go, and, without expecting it, receive 
 the blow which is already prepared for him. Then his 
 villa to you : his house in Rome to me, and/ here he 
 stopped. 
 
 Largus had placed his hand on his brow musingly. ' You 
 may be right,' said he : ' but do you feel confidence in the 
 witnesses of yesterday ? ' 
 
 * As much as in myself,' replied the other. ' Still I will 
 have him watched at the villa. There are malcontents too 
 in that neighbourhood, who will quickly muster around 
 him. But doubtless,' continued he, looking the while at 
 the table near him, ' doubtless we shall want money, with 
 which to bribe his slaves and a witness.' 
 
 ' What again ? ' exclaimed Largus, unwillingly. ' Did 
 not I only the other day pay you forty thousand ses- 
 terces ? ' 
 
 ' Certainly ! ' said Pomponius. ' But you do not reflect 
 what an expense it is to me to be always keeping the 
 society of Gallus ; what I have to pay to fishmongers, 
 bakers, butchers, gardeners, and poulterers ; what sums 
 I have to disburse for baths, ointments, and garlands 6 
 forty thousand sesterces are but a mere pinch of poppy- 
 seeds for an ant-hill 7 . And yet the greater part of it has 
 been received by the spies, and Gripus, the indispensable 
 slave of Gallus, to whom indeed I promised again to-day 
 to pay four hundred denarii. "We must give up the entire 
 
 6 These were the kind of people 
 from whom were procured the daily 
 necessaries. In Plautus, Trin. ii. 4, 8, 
 when Lesbonicus demanded from the 
 slave an account of the money which 
 he had received, the latter replied : 
 Comesum, expotum, exunctum, elotum 
 
 in balneis. 
 
 Piscator, pistor abstulit, lanii, coqui, 
 Alitores, myropolae, aucupea ; 
 
 and Gnatho, in Ter. Eun. ii. 2, 26, 
 
 says : 
 
 Concurrunt Iseti mi obviam cupediarii 
 
 omnes ; 
 Cetarii, lanii, coqui, fartores, piscatores. 
 
 7 These are the words of the Tri- 
 nummus : Cotifit cito, quasi si tu ob- 
 jicias formicis papaverem.
 
 74 
 
 GALLUS. 
 
 [SCENE VI. 
 
 enterprise if you grudge the bait wherewith, to catch the 
 fish 8 .' 
 
 ' You come too often/ said Largus ; ' your bait is an ex- 
 pensive one, and after all it is uncertain whether the fish 
 will bite, or no. But be it so. What sum do you require?' 
 
 ' Only twenty thousand. Not more than you have often 
 lost at dice in a single night.' 
 
 'Well, then, you shall have them; or will you have 
 gold ? ' With these words he reached out his hand to the 
 purse, told forth some hundred pieces of gold, and gave the 
 purse with its remaining contents to Pomponius 9 . ' Only 
 mind/ added he, ' that these are the last.' 
 
 Pomponius did not hesitate for an instant, though un- 
 attended by a slave ; the twenty thousand pieces being too 
 pleasant a burden for him to scruple about carrying them 
 himself. He cast the bag into the folds of his toga, agreed 
 on a rendezvous for the evening, and hurried off to the 
 taberna, where he had commanded his slave to meet him. 
 He there found a comical little person already waiting for 
 him, whose huge and unshapely head sitting closely upon 
 his shoulders, as if he had no neck, ragged red hair and 
 purple lips contrasting strangely with the blackish tint of 
 his face, from which a couple of most cunning eyes gleamed 
 forth, fat pot-belly and equally substantial pair of short 
 legs, which had a secure basis in his large broad feet, 
 
 8 A very favourite comparison of 
 those who made a small sacrifice in 
 order to get a larger gain, was that 
 borrowed from angling, and it was 
 especially applied to heredipetce, le- 
 gacy-hunters, who sent presents to 
 those on whose property they had a 
 design. The saying was as common 
 then as now, ' To throw a sprat to 
 catch a salmon.' So says Mart. vi. 
 63, 5 : 
 Munera magna tamen misit, sed misit in 
 
 so also v. 18, 7 : 
 
 Imitantur hamos dona. 
 Cf. Hor. Sat. ii. 5, 25. 
 
 9 If forty atirei were coined out of 
 the libra of gold, the aureiis would 
 have weighed 7i scruples, and been 
 worth 144 HS., reckoning the scruple 
 at 20 HS., in which case 139 aurci 
 would have made up the sum of 
 20,000 HS.
 
 SCENE Y.T.] 
 
 LYCORIS. 
 
 75 
 
 formed a complete caricature 10 . But, in spite of his cor- 
 pulence, his whole figure was full of life and activity ; with 
 keen eye he observed everything that passed around him, 
 and none of the conversation, or news that the company 
 leisurely discussed, escaped his attentive ear. Having per- 
 ceived the entrance .of his master, he approached him with 
 a careless salutation. ' It is well that you have already 
 arrived,' said Pomponius, looking round the taberna for 
 some seat, where he might speak to his slave without heing 
 overheard : but the tonstrina was too full of company to 
 allow of it 11 . "Whilst on the one side the tonsor and his 
 assistants practised their art ; encircling one with a linen 
 cloth, passing the razor over the chin of another, or pulling 
 out with a fine pair of tweezers, from a third, a few hairs 
 which disfigured the smoothness of his arm ; on the other 
 were formed several knots of idlers, who were conversing 
 upon the news of the day. 
 
 ' There is no place here free from listeners,' said Pom- 
 ponius ; ' but in every part are people, who without being 
 asked or paid for it, busy themselves about other persons' 
 business 12 . Come into the street ; we shall be quieter in 
 the adjoining basilica.' The slave followed him. ' Dromo,' 
 began his master, as they gained the street, ' I have an 
 important commission for you, and rely upon your caution 
 
 10 So Harpax describes Pseudolus. 
 Plaut. Pseud. .iv. 6, 120 : 
 
 Kufus quidam, ventriosus, crassis suris, 
 
 subniger, 
 Magno capite, acutis oculis, ore rubicundo 
 
 admodum, 
 Magnis jpedibus. 
 
 A similar description of the Psetido- 
 Saurea Leonidas, is given in the 
 Asinaria, ii. 3, 20 : 
 Macilentis malis, rufulus, aliquantum 
 
 ventriosus, 
 Truculentis oculis, commoda statura, 
 
 tristi fronte. 
 
 11 In the tomtrince, the hair was 
 cut, the beard shorn, and the nails 
 cleaned. 
 
 12 This is undoubtedly the sense 
 of the proverbial saying in Plaut. 
 True. i. 2, 35 : Suo vestimento et 
 cibo alienis rebus curare. The mean- 
 ing of which is, that whoever is not 
 in the service of another, is not called 
 upon to busy himself with that per- 
 son's affairs. So in Plaut. JRudens, 
 i. 2, 91, the master says to his slave, 
 who is pursuing with his eyes the two 
 women swimming towards them : 
 
 Si tu de illarum ccenaturus vesperi es, 
 Illis curandum censeo, Sceparnio. 
 Si apud me esurus es, mi operam darl 
 volo.
 
 76 
 
 CALLUS. 
 
 [SCENE VI. 
 
 and activity in the execution of it. Gallus travels this 
 morning to his Campanian villa. Lycoris is to follow him 
 to Baias. I suspect, in consequence of the suddenness of 
 his departure, that he will summon her thither in writing. 
 Do you take care that the letter comes into my hands. 
 Employ every means, trickery, treachery, corruption, 
 everything save violence.' 
 
 ' Very good,' replied the slave ; ' hut corruption requires 
 money ; and the tabellarii of Gallus are the most honest 
 donkeys 13 in existence. Gripus could certainly be of as- 
 sistance to us,' he continued thoughtfully ; ' but he is an 
 insatiable fellow, who never does anything without being 
 well paid for it.' 
 
 'There shall be no lack of money,' interrupted Pom- 
 ponius, as he produced the purse. ' Here is gold ! pure 
 gold ! which will buy him drink in the popince for months. 
 Come into the basilica, that I may give it you.' 
 
 ' Now then,' said Dromo, ' we shall be able to manage it 
 But suppose the communication of Gallus were to be an 
 
 13 The Romans had a vast num- 
 ber of words of ahuse, many of which 
 were very coarse. See Plaut. Pseud. 
 i. 3, 126, where however only a small 
 selection is to he found. They sel- 
 dom used the name of any animal as 
 a term of contempt, as commonly 
 happens amongst us. The bos was 
 never a word of ahuse ; hut not so 
 asinus, as Ter. Adelph. v. 8, 12: 
 
 Quid tu autem huic, asine, auscultas ? 
 Besides canis, the use of which was 
 very common, vervex, sheep, simple- 
 ton, sometimes occurs, as Juv. x. 50 : 
 Magnos posse viros vervecum in patrio 
 
 nasci : 
 and Plaut. Merc. iii. 3, 6, 
 
 Itane vero, vervex, intro eas. 
 The following were also frequently 
 made use of, hire us (Plaut. Most. 
 Germania illuvies, rusticus, hircus, hara 
 
 BUlfl. 
 
 1. 1. 39), verres (Plaut. Mil. Glor. iv. 
 
 2, 63), vulturiut, and euculus ; hut 
 more frequently with a special re- 
 ference, than as general words of 
 offence. So, for instance, in Plaut. 
 Pseud, i. 2, 4, 
 
 Neque homines magis asinos unquam 
 vidi, ita plagis costse callent, 
 
 it refers to their laziness and insen- 
 sibility to blows. On the other hand, 
 in Ter. Eunuch, iii. 5, 50, 
 
 Turn equidem istuc os tuum impudens 
 
 videre nimium vellem : 
 Qui esset status, flabellulum tenere te 
 
 asinuni tantum, 
 
 it merely means a man who is fit for 
 nothing, has no skill, as in the pro- 
 verb, Asinus ad tibiam, or ad lyram. 
 [So also hirsuta capella was said of 
 dirty -looking men, Juv. v. 155 ; Amm. 
 Marc. xvii. 12 ; xxiv. 8.] 

 
 SCENE VI.] 
 
 LYCORIS. 
 
 77 
 
 oral and not a written one ? But I'll provide for that also ; 
 rely upon me, that before the bell summons to the bath, 
 you shall have the letter, or measures shall at least have 
 been taken to prevent any message reaching Lycoris ex- 
 cept through you.' 
 
 The sixth hour was past, and there was less bustle 
 in the popince. Only here and there remained a guest, 
 who could not break from the sweet mead, and the maid 
 who waited on him ; or was still resting, heavy and over- 
 come by his sedulous attentions to the fluids. In a small 
 taberna of the Subura sat two slaves, draining a goblet, 
 which apparently was not their first. The one was a 
 youth of pleasing exterior, numbering little more than 
 twenty years, whose open and honest-looking countenance 
 was in a rubicund glow, while his reddening neck and the 
 swelling veins of his full round arms showed plainly that 
 the earthen vessel before him had contained something 
 besides vinegar 14 . The other, whose age might be between 
 thirty and forty, inspired the beholder with less confidence ; 
 his bold and reckless mien, lips turned up scornfully, and 
 rough merriment, betokened one of those slaves who, con- 
 fiding in the kind disposition of their master, and the 
 thickness of their own backs, were accustomed to bid 
 defiance to all the elm- staves and thongs in the world. 
 
 ' But now drink, Cerinthus ! ' exclaimed the latter to 
 his younger companion, as he quaffed the remainder of his 
 goblet. ' Why, you take it as if I ordered nothing but 
 Vatican, and yet the landlord has given us the best Sabine 
 in his cellar : and I assure you that the Falernian that I 
 slily sipped behind the column at the late banquet, was 
 scarcely so good.' 
 
 14 Vinegar-water, posca, a com- 
 mon drink of soldiers in the field 
 (Spart. Hadr. 10), as well as of 
 slaves. Plaut. Mil. iii. 2, 23 : 
 
 Alii ebril suut, alii poscaru potitant. 
 
 Palaestrio is evidently himself amongst 
 those who indulge in posca, whilst 
 Sclederus and Lucrio intoxicate them- 
 selves by wine.
 
 78 
 
 GALLUS. 
 
 [SCENE VI. 
 
 ' In truth, Gripus/ answered the young slave, ' the 
 wine is excellent, but I fear I shall be drinking too much. 
 My temples burn, and if I taste more, I may be tipsy 
 when I go to Lycoris. You know how Gallus insists on 
 order and punctuality.' 
 
 ' Gallus, indeed ! ' said the other, ' why, he drinks more 
 than we do. Besides, he has to-day gone into the country, 
 and the old grumbler Chresirnus with him; therefore we now 
 are free, and moreover it's my birthday, and as nobody 
 has invited me, why, I'll be merry at my own expense/ 
 
 As he thus spake, a third person entered the popina. 
 ' Ah ! well met/ cried the fat little figure ; ' I salute ye 
 both/ 
 
 ' Oh ! welcome, Dromo/ exclaimed Gripus, as if sur- 
 prised at his appearance. ' You have come at the happiest 
 possible moment. Our lord is set out on a journey, and 
 I am now celebrating my birthday 15 / 
 
 ' How, your birthday ? Excellent ! ", We must make 
 a rich offering to the genius. But, by Mercury and La- 
 verna, your glasses are empty. Holloa ! damsel, wine 
 here ! Why, by Hercules, I believe ye have ordered but 
 a glass each. A lagena here ! ' cried he, throwing a piece 
 of gold on the table, ' and larger goblets, that we may 
 drink to the name of our friend/ 
 
 The lagena came. ' The name has six letters/ ex- 
 claimed Dromo ; ' let six cyathi be filled/ * But not 
 unmixed, surely ? ' put in Cerinthus. ' What cares the 
 genius about water ? ' replied the other. ' To G-ripus 
 health ! How, Cerinthus, you won't shirk, surely ? 
 
 [ 15 The celebration of the birthday 
 amongst the Romans is frequently 
 mentioned. On this day they were 
 accustomed to sacrifice to their pro- 
 tecting genius, and to invite their re- 
 lations and friends to festivities 
 (natalities dapes). Varro, Censor. 2 ; 
 Ovid. Trist. iii. 13, 13 ;, Tibull. i. 
 
 7,49; ii. 2, 1; Pers. ii. 1 ; vi. 18 ; 
 Juv. xi. 83 ; Cic. Phil. ii. 6 ; Mart. 
 xi. 65 ; x. 27 ; Gell. xix. 9 ; and fre- 
 quently in Plautus. The friends who 
 came brought congratulations and 
 presents, Mart. viii. 64 ; ix. 54. Many 
 ancient monographies treat of this 
 custom.]
 
 SCENE VI.] 
 
 LYCOftlS. 
 
 79 
 
 Bravo ! drained to the bottom, so that the genius may 
 look down brightly upon us. So Gallus has departed from 
 Rome ? To the Falernian region for certain ? Well, he 
 knows how to live ! An excellent master ! "We'll drink to 
 his well-being also. Actually just the same number of 
 letters. Now, Cerinthus, health to your lord ! ' ' Long life 
 and happiness to him,' cried the other, already intoxicated, 
 as he emptied the goblet. 
 
 ' One thing is still wanting. Come hither, Chione, and 
 drink with us. By Hercules, though, a spruce lass/ 
 
 ' True,' stammered out Cerinthus, with some difficulty, 
 as he drew the unresisting damsel towards him ; ' you seem 
 to me even prettier than before 16 .' ' Oh ! that is because 
 you are now in merrier mood,' replied the female, smiling. 
 ' Yes,' cried he, ' the proverb is true which says that 
 " without Ceres and Bacchus, Venus is but a frosty affair." ' 
 ' What say you ? ' interrupted Gripus, who thought this 
 was the right moment for the prosecution of his scheme ; 
 ' she was always pretty ; Lycoris herself has not finer 
 eyes.' 
 
 The name struck the ear of Cerinthus, in spite of his 
 drunkenness, like a clap of thunder. He tried to spring 
 up, but his feet refused their office, and he leaned reeling 
 against the damsel. 
 
 ' What's the matter, man ? Whither would you go ? ' 
 exclaimed the other two. ' To Lycoris,' stammered he. 
 ' You don't suppose I'm drunk, do ye ? ' ' Oh no,' said 
 Gripus ; ' but you seem weak and fatigued/ ' How ? I 
 fa- fatigued ir ? ' He tried to depart, but after a few paces 
 
 16 In Terent. Eun. iv. 5, 4, this is 
 said by Chremes, who is somewhat 
 tipsy, to Pythias, and she answers 
 similarly: 
 
 Ch. Vah ! quanto mine formosior 
 
 Videre mihi quam dudum. Py. Certe 
 
 tu quidem pol multo hilarior. 
 Ch. Verbum hercle hoc verum erit : Sine 
 Cerere et Libero friget Venus. 
 
 In Plaut. Most. i. 4, 18, where 
 the drunken Callidamates is led in by 
 his maid, the latter says, Madet homo, 
 and the drunken man stammers out 
 in reply, tun' me ais ma-ma-madere, 
 The same authority affords us an ex- 
 cuse for the picture here given.
 
 80 
 
 CALLUS. 
 
 [SCENE VI. 
 
 sank down. ' Take a sleep for a little while/ said Gripus, 
 * and let me have charge of your letter, and I'll immediately 
 carry it to its destination.' The drunken man nodded 
 assent, and produced the tablets. Dromo obtained from 
 the landlord a place for the unconscious slave to sleep in, 
 paid the score, and hurried off with Gripus. 
 
 The bustle of the day had ceased, the last twilight of 
 evening was already beginning to yield to the darkness 
 of night, and all who but a few hours before were en- 
 livening the streets, had now retired home to rest. In 
 the Subura alone the business of the day had subsided, 
 but only to be succeeded by activity of another kind. 
 Here and there persons with muffled faces 18 glided cau- 
 tiously along ; and shrouded forms stealing to and fro 
 about the streets, slipped into the well-known cellce, or 
 sought new acquaintances in houses, the doors of which, 
 adorned with foliage, and lit up with numerous lamps, 
 announced them to be newly-opened temples of Yenus 19 . 
 
 18 On such occasions, to avoid 
 being recognised, the garments were 
 drawn over the head, or it was con- 
 cealed in a cucullus. So we read of 
 Antonius, who wished to surprise his 
 love. Cic. Phil. ii. 31 : Domum venit 
 capite obvoluto. Juv. vi. 330 : 
 
 Ilia jubet sumto juvenem properare cu- 
 
 cullo; 
 and viii. 145 : 
 
 nocturnus adulter 
 
 Tempo ra Santonico velas adoperta cucullo. 
 Cf. Ruperti in iii. 170 ; Jul. Cap. Ver. 
 4 : Vagari per tabernas ac lupana- 
 ia oblecto capite cucullione vulgari 
 viatorio. See the Excursus on The 
 Male Attire. 
 
 19 There does not seem to have 
 been any street-lighting at Rome 
 till very late, as no mention is made 
 
 of it before the fourth century. As 
 far as Rome is concerned, I find no 
 proof of it at all. For the passage 
 quoted from Am. Marc. xiv. refers 
 not to Rome, but to Antiochia : Adhi- 
 bitis paucis clam ferro succinctis ves- 
 peri per tabernas palabatur et corn- 
 pita, quaritando Grceco sermone, cujus 
 erat impendio gnarus, quid de Ca- 
 sare quisque sentiret. Et hcec confi- 
 denter agebat in urbe, ubi pernoc- 
 tantium luminum claritudo dierum 
 solet imitari fulgorem. The lighting 
 of the streets in Antiochia in the 
 fourth century, had already been 
 placed beyond a doubt by the pas- 
 sages of Libanius. In another pas- 
 sage of the Cod. Justin, viii. 12, 19, 
 the lighting of the baths merely is 
 meant ; concerning which see the Ex-
 
 SCENE VI.] 
 
 LYCORIS. 
 
 81 
 
 and then a door would gape, and, the curtain being 
 drawn aside, allowed a glimpse into brilliantly-lighted 
 chambers, where youths, surrounded by unblushing females 
 in immodest costumes, were passing their time in riotous 
 enjoyment 20 . Here and there, too, sat some rejected lover, 
 on the solitary threshold of a hard-hearted libertina, hoping 
 by entreaties and perseverance to soften the coy beauty 21 . 
 
 cursus on The Baths. Lastly, the 
 burning of the Christians, Tacit. 
 Annul, xv. 44, cannot possibly afford 
 any proof of a regular lighting. 
 
 General illuminations of whole 
 towns, however, were not unusual 
 among the ancients. Apart from the 
 usage of the Egyptians and Jews 
 (Bahr ad Herod, ii. 62), perhaps the 
 earliest known instance of it in Rome 
 is that where this honour was paid to 
 Cicero after the quelling of the Cati- 
 line conspiracy. Plut. Cic. 22: rd Si 
 Qwra TroXXa KariXaftTTf roi'f art- 
 rwTroi'f, \afnruSia Kal SySag IOTUV- 
 TWV ITTI Talg Qvpaiq. Caligula caused 
 the bridge of Puteoli on which he 
 dined to be brilliantly illuminated. 
 Dio. Cass. lix. 17 : TO rt Xonrbv 
 TIJC; r}fiipag Kal TTJV VVKTO. Traaav 
 ilffTidQqaav, iro\\ou fttv avroQtv 
 0wr6f, TroXXoi; Si Kal IK TWV opiui' 
 fTrtXd/jL-^avTog afyiai. TOV yap x w ~ 
 
 PIOV HTjVOllSoVQ OVTOQ TTVp TTaVTO.- 
 
 \68tv KadaTTip iv 9taTpt{> TIVI lSii%- 
 6r], ware fiT)di/j,i.av alaQt]aiv TOV c\6- 
 TOVC ytvkaQai. When Tiridates en- 
 tered Rome with Nero, the whole city 
 was illuminated. Dio Cass. Ixiii. 4 : 
 Kal Traaa fiiv 7; iroXtg iKtKOff[iT)To Kal 
 0tu(Ti Kal ori<f>avdj}iaaiv. This was 
 so also when Nero returned from 
 Greece, Dio Cass. Ixiii. 20 ; and 
 when Septimius Severus made his 
 entrance, Ixxiv. 1 : ij n yap TroXig 
 jrciffa avBtai rf. Kal Satf>vat iart- 
 (pavwTO, Kal \fia~ioiQ iroiKiKoii; tKi- 
 
 and in honour of Aurelius 
 Zoticus under Elagabalus, Ixxiv. 16. 
 Martial mentions such illuminations, 
 x. 6, 4 : 
 
 Quando erit ille dies, quo campus et arbor 
 
 et omnis, 
 Lucebit Latia culta fenestra nuru? 
 
 [See further Stat. Silv. i. 2, 231 ; 4, 
 123; iii. 5, 6270; Arrian. Epict. i. 
 19, 24; ii. 17, 17; Tertull. de Idol. 
 15; App. Met. iv. 26; Claudian de 
 Nupt. 206; Prudent, contra Symm. 
 ii. 1009 ; Pacat. Paneg. Theod. 37.] 
 
 Of the custom here mentioned of 
 decking with garlands and illumin- 
 ating new lupanaria as if it were the 
 house of a bridal, Lipsius, Elect, i. 3, 
 has spoken. He cannot affirm that 
 this was the case in the earlier times, 
 as the proofs of the fact are only de- 
 rived from Tertullian, Apologet. 35 : 
 Cur die Iceto non laureis pastes ad- 
 umbramus ? nee lucernis diem infrin- 
 gimus ? Honesta res est solemnitate 
 publica exigente inducere domui tuce 
 habitum alicujus novi lupanaris. Se- 
 condly, Ad Uxor. ii. 6 : Procedit de 
 janua laureata et lucernata, ut de 
 novo consistorio libidinum publica- 
 rum. The same was the case on 
 birth and wedding days. See also 
 Ferbar. de Litcern. Sepiilcral. ; Der- 
 rutzer on Juvenal, xii. 92. 
 
 20 Such is really related by Petron. 
 c. 7. 
 
 21 See Horat. iii. 10, i. 25; Tib. i.
 
 82 
 
 CALLUS. 
 
 [SCENB VI. 
 
 Towards the end of the street, where the ascent of the 
 Coelian hill commenced, there stood, somewhat retired, a 
 small but cheerful-looking house, which had evidently 
 nothing in common with the public resorts of the vicinity ; 
 for there was no taberna to be seen, nor was the threshold 
 crossed by the step of any visitor ; it might almost have 
 been supposed uninhabited, but for the gleam of lamps 
 that pierced through some of the windows. Now, however, 
 two men might be seen approaching the vestibuhim, both 
 dressed as slaves, with the pcenula drawn over their heads. 
 The shorter of the two stopped at some distance off, 
 while the other, whose carriage seemed to accord but ill 
 with his dress, went to the door and knocked. 
 
 ' Who are you ? ' inquired the ostiarim 22 . ' A fabcl- 
 larius from Gallus.' The porter opened the door and de- 
 manded the letter. ' My commission is an oral one/ said 
 the other ; ' lead me to Lycoris.' The porter surveyed the 
 muffled stranger doubtingly. ' Why does not Cerinthus 
 come ? ' he inquired. ' He is sick,' was the reply ; ' but 
 what does it concern you to whom my lord entrusts his 
 messages ? It is late ; conduct me to your mistress.' 
 
 Lycoris was occupied in packing various sorts of female 
 ornaments, in a neat box of cedar- wood, placing them for 
 security between layers of soft wool. Her light tunica, 
 without sleeves, had become displaced by her movements, 
 and slidden down over the left arm 23 , disclosing something 
 more than the dazzling shoulder, upon which the black 
 hair descended in long ringlets. She was, it is true, no 
 
 1, 56 ; Prop. i. 16 ; Ovid. Amor. i. 6, 
 ii. 19, 21. 
 
 Zi So the ostiarim inquired of An- 
 tonius, who, on knocking, stated him- 
 self to be a iabellarim. Cic. Phil. ii. 
 31: Janitor: Quistu? A.Marco: 
 Tabellarius. 
 
 23 So many passages of this kind 
 
 could be adduced in justification, that 
 it is scarcely worth the trouble to 
 point them out particularly. The 
 wide opening for the neck, and the 
 broad holes for the arms, caused the 
 light tunica, on every occasion of the 
 person's stooping, to slip down over 
 the arm. Artists appear to have been 
 particularly fond of this drapery.
 
 SCEKE VI.] 
 
 LYCOR1S. 
 
 83 
 
 longer in possession of the youthful freshness and child-like 
 naivete that had fixed the love of Gallus when first he saw 
 her, but the exquisite roundness of her form was not less 
 attractive than ever, so that at the age of twenty-five 24 she 
 was still a blooming, beauteous woman. Her several female 
 attendants were also busy packing up apparel and other 
 things in flat baskets and boxes, and everything gave 
 symptoms of preparation for a journey. 
 
 'Lay the palla once more under this press/ said she 
 to the maidens, ' and the tunica also. Have you put in 
 the stomachers too, Cypassis ? ' The damsel answered in 
 the affirmative. ' Then go and see with Lydus and Anthrax 
 about the plate necessary to be taken with us K ' The hand- 
 maidens departed. Lycoris was putting together some 
 necessaries for the toilet, when the porter announced the 
 messenger from Gallus. ' At last ! ' said Lycoris. ' Admit 
 him.' 
 
 The ostiarius bade the person come in, and then 
 retired to his post ; but the mysterious behaviour of the 
 pretended tabellarim had made him uneasy, and he there- 
 fore directed a female slave, who met him, to watch by the 
 door of her mistress. The slave placed her ear against 
 
 24 An accurate calculation of the 
 age of Lycoris in the year 728 A.u.c. 
 is neither possible, nor of any im- 
 portance here. If we suppose the 
 Eclogues of Virgil to have been writ- 
 ten 718 A.U.C., and that Lycoris was 
 at that time a girl of fifteen, she 
 would have been at the period of 
 the downfall of Gallus, of the age as- 
 signed here to her, twenty-five. [If, 
 as Serv. (on Virg. Eel. x. 1) states, 
 and Hertzberg (Quasi. Propertiun. 
 specim.} more recently affirms, Lyco- 
 ris was identical with the ill-renowned 
 paramour of Antonius, Cytheris (a 
 freedwoman of Volumnius Eutrape- 
 lus), she must have been of the same 
 age as Gallus, twenty-eight years old 
 
 in 718, and not far removed from 
 forty at the time of the death of Gal- 
 lus. Respecting Lycoris and Cythe- 
 ris, see Cic. Phil. ii. 24 ; ad Att. x. 
 10, 16; ad Fam. ix. 26; Plut. Ant. 
 9 ; Plin. H. N. viii. 16 ; Schol. Crug. 
 ad Hor. Sat. i. 2, 55, 10, 77.] 
 
 25 It is to be supposed that persons 
 used to take their own plate with 
 them, even on short journeys, because 
 the inns, which could not be avoided, 
 were but mean. Mart. vi. 94 : 
 
 Ponuntur semper chrysendeta Calpetiano. 
 Sive foris, seu cum coenat in urbe domi, 
 Sic etiam in stabulo semper, sic coeuat in 
 agro. 
 
 G2
 
 84 GALLUS. [SCENE VI. 
 
 the door, but the curtain within deadened the sounds, and 
 she could hear nothing distinctly. At last their conversa- 
 tion became more animated, and their voices louder ; the 
 door opened, and the man hurried hastily away, disguised 
 as he had entered. The attendant found Lycoris in the 
 most extreme state of excitement. ' We must away from 
 hence this very night,' cried she. ' Send Lydus to me.' 
 The slave received orders to hire two rhedce immediately. 
 The preliminaries of the journey were then hastened, and 
 before the end of the third night-watch, Lycoris, with a 
 portion of her slaves, was already beyond the Capenan 
 gate.
 
 SCENE THE SEVENTH. 
 
 A DAY IN 
 
 IF any place of antiquity could lay claim to be considered 
 as the very abode of pleasure and free living, it assuredly 
 was Baise 1 , by far the most renowned bathing-place of Italy, 
 and selected equally by Aphrodite and Comus, as by Hy- 
 gieia, for a favourite residence. Nature had decked the 
 coast of Campania, on which Baise was situated, with all 
 the charms of a southern climate. Art and the taste of the 
 Roman patricians had still further heightened the beauty 
 of the landscape by the erection of magnificent villas. The 
 lofty towers 2 of these gorgeous palaces which lined the 
 
 1 Baise asserted a decided pre-em- 
 inence amongst the numerous baths 
 of Italy (whence Martial, vi. 42, 7, 
 amongst many other baths, mentions 
 Bai principes, and its name is used 
 by poets as an appellation for baths 
 generally, Tibull. iii. 5, 3 ; Mart. x. 
 13, 3), and was considered by the 
 ancients in general a most attractive 
 place, and life there to be the most 
 pleasant : 
 
 Nullus in orbe sinus Bails praelucet amcenis, 
 
 says Horace, Epist. i. 1, 83 ; and all 
 writers making mention of it concur 
 in this eulogy. Mart. xi. 80. Andr. 
 Baccius (de Thermis, p. 162) briefly 
 extol its advantages. ' The city lay,' 
 says he, ' on the left shore of the sea, 
 surrounded by a circle of hills co- 
 vered with green ; to the north, at a 
 distance of five Roman miles (miliia 
 passuum), lay Curare, three miles 
 nearer the Lacus Avernus; south- 
 wards, distant three miles, was Mise- 
 
 num, and Puteoli, the same distance 
 across the bay. The extraordinary 
 mildness of the climate made it an 
 agreeable place of sojourn even in 
 winter, and there was no season of 
 the year when the trees did not pre- 
 sent fruits, and the gardens flowers.' 
 Comp. Strabo, v. 4, 187; Dio Gas- 
 sius, xlviii. 51. 
 
 * By towers are to be understood 
 parts of the house, built several sto- 
 ries above the rest of the building, 
 to allow of a distant prospect. Pliny 
 had two such in his Laurentinum. 
 He says of one (ii. 17, 12) : Hinc tur- 
 ris erigitur, sub qua dieetee duee, toti- 
 dem in ipsa : prceterea ccenatio, qua 
 latisrimum mare, longissimum litus, 
 amcenissimas villas prospieit. So the 
 turres (Tibull. i. 7, 19) appear to be 
 rightly explained by Heyne. It may 
 be well imagined that the villse 
 around Baire, the neighbourhood of 
 which displayed everywhere the most
 
 86 
 
 GALLUS. 
 
 [SCESE VII, 
 
 coast commanded a view right across the bay to the open 
 sea, whilst the villas of more humble pretensions, erected by 
 the more serious men of former times 3 , looked down like 
 strong castles from the neighbouring heights. Just oppo- 
 site, and in the direction of the not far distant Nauplia, lay 
 the fair Puteoli. On the right, after doubling the promon- 
 tory, was Misenum with its renowned haven, the station of 
 the Homan fleet. Close by lay Cumae, hallowed by ancient 
 sages, and near the latter was the lake Avernus, which, 
 with the smiling plain adjoining it, seemed to represent on 
 earth the contrast between the terrors of Hades and the 
 happiness of Elysium. 
 
 But fashion and the joyous mode of life, even more 
 than the charms of the scenery, rendered Baiae a most de- 
 lightful place of sojourn. Besides invalids who hoped to 
 obtain relief from the healing springs and warm sulphur- 
 baths *, there streamed thither a much larger number of 
 
 magnificent \iews, were also provided 
 with such turres. The environs of 
 Baise were not considered healthy, 
 as we see from Cicero's letter to Do- 
 labella (is. 12), and therefore the 
 villas were built as far out into the 
 sea as possible, and probably higher 
 than was usual. 
 
 3 Seneca, who took such offence at 
 the mode of life at Baise, that he 
 left on the second day after arriving 
 there, praises the choice of those 
 men. Epist. 51 : Illi quoque, ad quos 
 primes fortuna Romani populi pub- 
 licas opes transtulit, C. Marius, et 
 On. Pompeius, et Ccesar, extruxerunt 
 quidem villas in Regione Baiana, sed 
 illas imposuerunt summis jttgis mon- 
 tium. They looked more like eastra 
 than villa:. But besides these there 
 were splendid palaces built round 
 the whole bay, which, with the towns 
 lying upon it, presented the appear- 
 
 ance of one vast city. Strabo, v. 4 : 
 "Avraf 5' fCTTi KaTtffKtvacrfjiivos (6 
 ic6A.7rof) TOVTO ftiv raTt; Tro\iatv, a<; 
 t<papev, TOVTO St Talc; oiKoSopiaic; Kai 
 (pvriiait;, a'l jura$i> avvt\tiQ ovnai 
 fiiag 7r6\ac iji^iv Traps^ovrat. Cf. 
 Dio Cass. above. 
 
 4 The springs at Buia3 were of very 
 different ingredients, and the sana- 
 tory poweis manifold. Plin. xxxi. 2, 
 2 : Alice sulphur is, alice aluminis, 
 alice salts, alice nitri, alice bituminis, 
 nonnullce etiani acida salsave mixtura, 
 vapore quoque ipso aliquce prosunt. 
 Chief of all were the hot sulphureous 
 vapours which sprung up in many 
 places, and particularly on the 
 heights, and were used as baths to 
 promote perspiration. Such suda- 
 toria were situated not only in the 
 town of Baiae itself, but close to the 
 spot where the vapours rose from 
 the ground. Yitruv. ii. 6. In mon-
 
 SCENE VII.] 
 
 A DAY IX 
 
 persons in health, having no other end in view than the 
 pursuit of pleasure, and who, leaving behind them the 
 cares and formalities of life, resigned themselves wholly to 
 enjoyment, in whatever shape it was offered. One continual 
 saturnalia was there celebrated, in which even the more 
 reserved suffered themselves to be carried away by the in- 
 toxication of pleasure, whilst follies, which in Rome would 
 have drawn down reproof, were scarcely regarded as imput- 
 ations on character, or such only as the next bath would 
 entirely efface. The intercourse between the sexes in 
 society was of a much more free description, and none but 
 a stoic would look askance when wanton hetcene, sur- 
 rounded by thoughtless youths, skimmed by, in gaudily- 
 painted gondolas, while song and music resounded from 
 the skiffs of many a troop of revellers, who were rocking 
 lazily on the level surface of the bay. 
 
 Of course pleasure did not always confine itself within 
 tae bounds of innocence, and connubial fidelity doubtless 
 
 tfius Cumccnorum et Baianis sunt loca 
 sidationibus excavata, in quibits vapor 
 fervidus ab imo nascens ignis vehe- 
 mentia perforat earn terrain, per eum- 
 jue manando in his locis oritur et ita 
 sudationum egregias efficit ittilitates. 
 These hot streams of vapour were 
 conducted by means of pipes into 
 the buildings. Dio Cass. xlviii. 51 : 
 rf)v S' dr/.itSa avrov tg rt olKij/^nra 
 UtTtwpa (suspensions) Sid <ruX)'/;'wv 
 avdyovffi, KavraiQa aiiTy Trvpujji'rat. 
 Of this kind was the bath ad myrteta, 
 celebrated by Horace, Epist. i. 15, 5, 
 which also lay outside the town, and 
 probably on an eminence, for Celsus, 
 ii. 17, says: Siccus color est qua- 
 noidam naturalium sudationum, ubi 
 a terra profusus calidits vapor (edi- 
 ficio includitur, sicut super Baias in 
 mi/rtetis habeinns. If the bath was 
 visited by numerous invalids on ac- 
 
 count of the efficacy of its waters, 
 yet, doubtless, far greater numbers 
 came from Rome, merely for the sake 
 of pleasure, to Naples and the neigh- 
 bourhood, which seemed places cre- 
 ated entirely for a life of ease and 
 pleasure. Strab. v. 4 : Eaiai ical rat 
 Otpfid vara, rd KO.I Trpof rpvQrjv (cat 
 Trpog Bcpanaiav voaiav itriTf]diia. 
 Dio Cassias, supra. KaraaictvaLrtoiiv 
 irspi d/itpoTtpa iro\vT\ilQ i]aKt]vrat, 
 Kai tariv t re fiiov Siayit>jj}v Kal ig 
 O.KKJIV tTrirT)Stiora.Ta. Hence Cicero 
 also (pro Ccel. 20) especially dwells 
 on the free manner in which Clodia 
 demeaned herself, not only in itrbe, 
 in hortis, but in Baiarum ilia celebri- 
 tate. "Whenever it is desired to fix 
 the number of visitors at a bath, 
 Baise is taken as a scale to go by. 
 Strab. v. 2.
 
 GALLUS. 
 
 [SCENE VII. 
 
 underwent severe trials 6 , to which it not unfrequently 
 yielded. If we consider, besides, that the sight of a 
 drunken man, fresh from the daily or nightly debauch, was 
 by no means uncommon 6 , and that gambling was carried 
 to a great height, it will not appear strange that a severe 
 moralist should have pronounced the captivating spot to 
 be ' a seat of voluptuousness, and a harbour of vice V Still 
 it must not be overlooked, that this reputation was in a 
 great measure attributable to the publicity with which 
 pleasure was pursued, as well as to a reckless display of 
 folly, and that the wantonness there concentrated in one 
 spot, and wholly unveiled to the public eye, was perhaps 
 
 6 The warning uttered by Proper- 
 tins, i. 11, 27, to Cynthia, is well 
 known : 
 
 Tu modo quarpprimum comiptas desere 
 Baias ; 
 
 Multis ista dabunt litora dissidium ; 
 Litora quse fuerant castisinimica puellis : 
 
 Ah, pereant Baise, crimeii amoris, aquae. 
 
 Martial jokes on a case at Baioe, of a 
 Penelope becoming transformed into 
 a Helen, i. 63 : 
 
 Casta nee antiquis cedens Lsevina Sabinis, 
 
 Et quamvis tetrico tristior ipsa viro, 
 Dura modo Lucrino, modo se permittit 
 
 Averno, 
 
 Et dum Baianis ssepe fovetur aquis ; 
 Incidit in flammas, juvenemque secuta 
 
 relioto 
 Conjuge Penelope venit, abit Helene. 
 
 6 Baias sibi celebrandas hixuria 
 desumsit, says Seneca, Up. 51 ; and 
 his picture of the life there is true in 
 the main, although drawn in some- 
 what glowing colours : Videre ebrias 
 per litora erranles, et comissationcs 
 navigantium et symphoniarum can- 
 tibus perstrepentes lacus, et alia, 
 qua velut soluta legibus luxuria non 
 tantum peccat, sed publicaf, quid 
 necesse est ? "We see, however, that 
 such charges as these did not apply 
 
 first to the more debauched time of 
 the emperors, for Coelius has similar 
 imputations cast upon him by his ac- 
 cusers. Cic. pro CceL 15 : Accusatory 
 quidem libidines, amores, adulteria, 
 Baias, actas, convivia, comissat tones, 
 cantus, symphonias, navigia jactani. 
 See further Cicero in Clod. 4 ; ad Fan,. 
 ix. 2. Seneca particularly adverts 
 to the fact that people made an opei 
 display of their debauchery, and Ci- 
 cero corroborates his statement, at 
 least as regards Clodia, ibid. 20 : Ni- 
 hil igitur ilia vicinitas redolet ? nihil 
 hominum fama ? nihil Baia denique 
 ips(e loquuntur? ilia vero non loquun- 
 tur solum, verum etiam personant, 
 heec unius mulieris libidinem esse 
 prolapsatn, ut ea non modo solitu- 
 dinem ac tenebras atque hcec flagi- 
 tiorum integumenta non qucerat, sed 
 in turpissimis rebus frequentissima 
 celebritate et clarissima luce Icetetur. 
 What this woman did at Baiae would 
 not have happened so publicly at 
 Rome. 
 
 7 Seneca, in the often mentioned 
 letter : diversorium vitiorum.
 
 SCENE VII. A DAY IN 
 
 89 
 
 less deserving of reprobation than the licentiousness which, 
 in the metropolis, was hidden in darkness and carried on in 
 secresy. The judgment thus pronounced on life in Baiae 
 resembles generally that passed by Poggi, at the end of 
 the fifteenth century, on Baden in Switzerland. It might 
 almost be fancied from his description, that the antique 
 mode of living had obtained an asylum beyond the Alps, 
 and that the manners of Baioe existed at Baden, in all 
 their grace and refinement, for centuries after they had 
 died away in their native abodes, and after the whirl of de- 
 lights, that had animated this once favourite spot, had been 
 succeeded by a mournful desolation. Poggi could find 
 nothing repulsive in the unrestrained merriment of Baden, 
 in the intercourse of the sexes, and even in the baths there 
 common to them both. So, for the same reasons, many 
 an imputation cast on Baiae may admit of being softened, 
 provided the customs of those times be not judged by those 
 of the present day, nor a general depravity be inferred 
 from individual irregularities. 
 
 Lycoris had been already some days in Baioe without 
 having informed Gallus of her arrival ; for though very 
 desirous of seeing him again, she was at the same time in 
 the most painful state of indecision as to whether she 
 should reveal to him, or keep concealed, the occurrence of 
 that evening. 
 
 Pomponius had sadly deceived himself. Having been 
 forbidden the house, he determined to obtain entrance by 
 personating a messenger from Gallus, in order to prevent 
 her intended journey to Baiae. With this view he caused 
 her residence to be watched during the remainder of the 
 day after his conversation with Dromo. As nobody entered 
 it who could give intelligence of the departure of Gallus, 
 and only a few of the slaves of Lycoris had gone into the 
 neighbouring tabernce to purchase things that happened to 
 be wanted, or to fetch clothes from the fu-llo, he fancied 
 himself perfectly secure. He dreamt not that old Chresi- 
 mus, immediately after receiving his orders, had despatched
 
 90 
 
 GALLUS. 
 
 [SCENE YII. 
 
 his vicarius to Lycoris to carry her the sura of money 
 destined for her use, and inform her of the whole plan of 
 the journey. 
 
 Pomponius entered the presence of Lycoris, under the 
 pretence that Gallus had sent him to tell her by word of 
 mouth, that he wished her to remain at Rome during his 
 absence, or go to the Tuscan 8 baths. But when, wrongly 
 interpreting her astonishment, he proceeded to excite her 
 jealousy by hinting that the beautiful Chione had accom- 
 panied Gallus to Campania, and, taking advantage of her 
 increasing displeasure, approached confidingly, and con- 
 jured her to renew their former liaison the enormity of 
 his schemes was at once revealed to her. Full of wrath, 
 she spurned him from her, and stated how well she was 
 acquainted with the wishes of Gallus, who had summoned 
 her to meet him at Baia3 on the following day. Pompo- 
 nius was surprised, but became sensible at once that the 
 whole apartment showed signs of an approaching journey. 
 * To Baia3/ said he, scornfully, ' and then for a cooling to 
 the snow-fields of Moasia ! Out of the thermce into the 
 frigidarium 9 ! ' 
 
 8 Italy was, and is still, rich in both 
 warm and cold medicinal springs ; 
 especially Campania and Etruria. Of 
 the latter, Strabo speaks, v. 2 : IIoX- 
 Xrl dk teal TWV Qtpuwv vdarwv a- 
 (j>9ovia Kara, rrjv Tvppriviav, limp rrj 
 jrXtjaiov tlvai rfje 'PW/JITJQ ov% fjrrov 
 tvavdptl TWV iv Bcitttic & Siuivo/jaiT- 
 rai TroXu ira.vriav fiaXiara. Mart. 
 vi. 42, mentions a number of spas, 
 which must all have had a certain 
 celebrity, since he compares them 
 with the thermcR Etrusci : 
 
 Nee fontes Aponi rudes puellis, 
 Non mollis Sinuessa, fervidique 
 Fluctus Passeris, aut superbus Anxur, 
 Non Phoebi vada, principesque Baise. 
 
 Of these, four belong to Campania 
 and its environs, and only one, fhcebi 
 
 vada, Cceretana agttte, to Etruria. 
 But several, as the cold aqua Clu- 
 sinee, could not be compared with the 
 thermae generally. Naples also had 
 warm baths, which, however, from 
 its proximity to Baia?, were not much 
 frequented. Strab. v. 4 : *E^ti St icai 
 r\ NtaTroXie Otpuwv vSnrwv tr/3o\dc 
 Kat KaraffKivdc; \ovrpuv o'v \itpovs 
 TWV iv Batatf, TTO\V Si T(f TrXr'jOu 
 \imofiivaf. 
 
 9 The punishment of banishment 
 was rendered more severe under the 
 emperors, and even as early as the 
 time of Augustus, by the convict 
 being not only expelled from Italy, 
 but also exiled to some fixed spot in 
 a distant region. Moesia, on the con-
 
 SCENE VI1-1 
 
 A DAY IN BALE. 
 
 91 
 
 ' Villain ! ' cried the enraged Lycoris, well guessing the 
 meaning of his words, ' worthless betrayer, whom I have 
 long seen through ! Away ! leave my presence, and be 
 assured that, before three days are past, Gallus shall be 
 undeceived about you ! ' 
 
 ' As you will/ replied he, with malicious coldness ; ' and 
 if you lack evidence I will add a testimony from the co- 
 lumna lactaria.' 
 
 Lycoris turned pale. Profiting by her confusion, Pom- 
 ponius was again about to approach her, when he was in- 
 terrupted by a noise from the slave who was listening at 
 the door. He then hastily drew the pcenula over his 
 head, and hurried away. 
 
 His threats had not failed in their effect. Fearful of 
 some new audacity, Lycoris set out the same night from 
 Rome. Convinced, however, as she was, of the necessity 
 of warning Gallus against this traitor, she hesitated to see 
 him, for she greatly dreaded to make confession of her 
 former guilt. On the third evening she sat afflicted in her 
 own apartment. By her side were two female slaves, 
 busy, the one in loosening her braided hair, and letting it 
 foil in long ringlets over her shoulders and neck, prepara- 
 tory to collecting it in the golden caul ; the other, in un - 
 tying the snow-white thongs of her shoes. On the floor 
 stood a tall bronze candelabrum, partly of Tarentine, and 
 partly of ^Eginetan, workmanship. A beautifully-formed 
 winged sphinx surmounted the delicately-fluted shaft, and 
 bore the plate, decorated with the ornaments of the Ionic 
 capital 10 , upon which was an elegant two-flamed lamp of 
 the same metal, which sufficiently illuminated the small 
 
 fines of the Roman empire, was as 
 terrible to the Romans as Siberia is 
 to a Russian. Ovid, who was banished 
 thither, complained bitterly of its cli- 
 mate and the practices adopted there. 
 
 particularly elegant bronze candela- 
 brum, somewhat more than five palms 
 in height, given in the Miis. Sorb. 
 iv. t. 57, a copy of which, with fur- 
 ther information on the subject, is 
 given in the Excursus on the tenth 
 
 10 This description is taken from a I scene, The Lighting.
 
 CALLUS. 
 
 [SCENE IT. 
 
 chamber. Against one wall there stood an elegant couch 
 covered with purple, on which Lycoris could recline during 
 the evening, whilst her two handmaidens, employed at 
 their looms, entertained her with the various gossip of 
 the day. Close to this was a small three-footed table, on 
 which the slave had recently placed a crystal ewer of fresh 
 spring- water. 
 
 The attendant had just taken the shoes from the feet of 
 her mistress, when footsteps were heard at the door. The 
 curtain was drawn back, and Grallus entered. With a cry 
 of joy Lycoris sprang up from the cathedra) and with bare 
 feet and dishevelled hair, as she was, threw herself upon 
 the neck of her lover u . 
 
 Gallus had learned from the slaves who followed him 
 to the villa, the hurried departure of Lycoris, and was glad 
 of the opportunity of surprising her, when quite unpre- 
 pared to receive him. Intending only to spend a few 
 days in Baiae, he had hired lodgings above the grand bath, 
 where rooms for strangers were always ready 12 . This 
 abode was certainly none of the quietest, for the apart- 
 ments beneath resounded very early in the morning with 
 the most unpleasant noises. At Baise, whence all serious 
 
 11 See Tibull. i. 3, 89 : 
 
 Tune veniam subito, nee quisquam nun- 
 
 tiet ante, 
 
 Sed videar ccelo missus adesse tibi. 
 Tune mini, qualis eris, longos turbata 
 
 capillos, 
 Obvia nudato, Delia, curre pede. 
 
 12 There were several public baths 
 in and around Baiae, and above them 
 were lodgings for the reception of 
 strangers (ehambres garnies). See 
 Seneca, Epist. 56 : Ecce varius cla- 
 mor undique me cireumsonat : supra 
 ipsum balneum habito. Another story 
 
 was probably erected over the baths. 
 Hence we find in a rescript of Sep- 
 timius Severus and Antoninus, Cod. 
 Just. viii. 10, 1 : Et balneum, ut de- 
 sideras, exstruere, et adificium ei 
 superponere potes, observata tamen 
 forma, qua ceeten's super balneum 
 (pMficare permittitur, &c. There were 
 besides people who made a trade of 
 letting out lodgings to strangers, as 
 was also the case in Rome. This was 
 called ccenaculariam exercere (Dig. 
 ix. 3, 5), which, of course, compre- 
 hends the lodgers living in the place.
 
 SCENE VII.] 
 
 A DAY IN 
 
 93 
 
 thoughts were banished, people used to bathe as their 
 pleasure alone dictated, and not merely during the later 
 hours of the day. Many, indeed, might be seen splashing 
 about in the swimming baths two or three times in the 
 course of the day : hence the noise of the baths was end- 
 less 13 . The sphcerixterium resounded with the cries of the 
 exhilarated ball-players and the loud groans of those 
 who were swinging the heavy leaden weights, and the 
 baths re-echoed with the splash of swimmers, or the sud- 
 den plunge of divers. Here one person was complacently 
 making trial of his voice in a song, there another was 
 engaged in hot dispute, or perhaps a loud cry was raised 
 after a thief who had been detected in stealing 14 some of 
 the clothes of 'the bathers. If the hour of ccena or pran- 
 dium were approaching, the sellers of provisions might be 
 heard, offering their goods. Libarii with sweet cakes, 
 crustidarii with the favourite slices of toasted honey-bread, 
 botularii with sausages, as well as the servants of the 
 numerous tabernce about the baths, with eggs, lactuca, 
 lacertcB, and other dishes, all loudly eulogizing the excel- 
 lence of their articles, and each uttering his commenda- 
 tions in his own peculiar cry 15 . 
 
 13 The whole account is from Sen- 
 eca (Ep. 56), who was compelled to 
 hear the disturbance. 
 
 14 The more affluent were attended 
 to the bath by a slave, who not only 
 carried the necessary utensils, but 
 also watched the clothes of his mas- 
 ter. So says Martial (xii. 70), of 
 Aper even, who was by no means 
 wealthy : 
 
 Lintea furret Apro vatius cum vernula 
 
 nuper, 
 Et supra togulam lusca sederet anus. 
 
 There were, besides, persons in. the 
 baths appointed to take care of the 
 garments, capsarii. Paull. Dig. i. 
 15, 3 : Adversus capsarios quoqne, 
 
 qui mercede servanda in balineis ves- 
 timenta stiscipiunt, judex est consti- 
 tutus (praef. vig.) In spite of this 
 it often happened that the bathers 
 had their clothes stolen from them. 
 Plant. Rud. ii. 3, 51 : 
 
 Scin' tu etiam : qui it lavatum 
 In balineas ibi cum sedulo sua vestimenta 
 
 servat, 
 Tamen surripiuntur. 
 
 Catull. 30 : fur optime bnlneario- 
 rum. Hence in the Pandects there 
 is a special head, xlvii. 17 : De fu- 
 ribus balneariis. Comp. also Petroii. 
 30, where the slave complains : Sub- 
 ducta sibi vestimenta dispensatoris in 
 balneo. 
 
 15 Just as we have people crying
 
 GALLUS. 
 
 [SCENE VII. 
 
 Gallus took advantage of the morning to bathe, as an 
 excursion on the lake with. Lycoris had been arranged for 
 the time of the prandium. The decoration of the saloons, 
 especially of those in which the frescoes on the walls and 
 ceilings were not exposed to injury from heat or damp, 
 was far superior to that of any similar establishment in 
 the metropolis. The natural springs were warm, but there 
 were also cold bath-s for those who preferred bathing in 
 clear spring- water, rather than in the muddy white 16 
 streams of the thermce. At each end of the frigidarium 
 was a huge lion's head of bronze, from which flowed the 
 water, transparent as air, into large marble- sided cisterns 17 , 
 
 their wares in the streets, so were 
 there persons of this description to 
 be found in the baths, as mentioned 
 hy Seneca : Jam libarii varias excla- 
 mationes, et botularium, et crustu- 
 larium, et omnes popinarum insti- 
 tores, mercem suam quadam et in- 
 signita modulations vendentes. We 
 find the receipt for making the liba 
 in Cato, de Re Rustica, 75. But it 
 was not always of such simple in- 
 gredients, and the word frequently 
 seems to he identical with placenta. 
 At least Isid. Orig. xx. 2, 17, says : 
 Placenta sunt, qua fiunt de farre, 
 quas alii liba, dieunt. So crustula 
 also, known through Horat. Sat. i. 1, 
 25, denotes, perhaps, pastry-work 
 generally, dulcia. Comp. Ruperti, 
 Juven. ix. 5. The explanation of the 
 scholiast in both passages is simply 
 placenta. Many persons took a pro- 
 mulsio in the bath. Martial, xii. 19: 
 In tliermis sumit lactucas, ova, lacertum. 
 "We may conclude from Seneca, Epist. 
 51 ; Quemadmodtwn inter tortores ha- 
 bitare nolim, sic nee inter popinas 
 quidein, and Mart. v. 70, that there 
 were all sorts of eating-houses around 
 the baths. The servants from these 
 
 popince used to offer their eatables 
 for sale in the halls of the bath. 
 There were certainly among the ta- 
 bernee lying around the bath at Pom- 
 peii, such eating-houses. 
 
 16 Perfectly clear water was a main 
 desideratum at the bath, and it seems 
 that they even cleared it by artificial 
 means when it came muddy through 
 the pipes. Seneca says, Epist. 86, of 
 more ancient times compared with 
 his own : Nee referre credebant, in 
 quam perlucida sordes deponerent; 
 and of Scipio : Non saccata aqua la- 
 vabatur, sed scepe turbida et, cum 
 plueret vehementius, pane lutulenta. 
 For this reason Martial commends 
 the purity of the aqua Martia in the 
 balneum Etrusci, vi. 42, 19 : 
 
 Quae tarn Candida, tarn serena lucet, 
 Ut nullas ibi suspiceris undas, 
 Et credas vacuam nitere Lygdon. 
 
 Comp. Stat. i. 5, 51, seqq. On the 
 contrary, the warm springs of Baiae 
 were of a muddy white. Martial, 
 vi. 43 : 
 
 Dum tibi felices indulgent, Castrice.Bidse, 
 Canaque sulphureis lymplia natatur 
 aquis. 
 
 17 Such was the arrangement of the
 
 SCENE VII.] 
 
 A DAY IX BAIJ3. 
 
 95 
 
 the party-coloured stone bottoms of which might be clearly 
 discerned. At intervals attractive pictures were placed, 
 contrasting with the yellow colour of the rest of the walls 15 *, 
 and through the roof, richly adorned with reliefs, the blue 
 sky was reflected in the limpid flood. Gallus entrusted his 
 clothes to the slave who carried after him the ointment 
 vessels, strigiles, and linen cloths 19 , and joined in the plea- 
 sures of those who were refreshing themselves in the trans- 
 parent waters. After which, he was anointed with oils of 
 a sweet perfume in the adjoining tepidarium, and then 
 went to conduct Lycoris on the intended excursion. 
 
 On the shore of the Lucrine lake 20 , whence these expe- 
 ditions generally started, Gallus found, among many others, 
 
 bath described by Sidonius, Epist. 
 ii. 2 : In lianc ergo piscinam Jluvium 
 de supercilio mantis elicitum et canal- 
 ibus circumactis per exteriora na- 
 tatorice latera curvatum sex Jistulce 
 prominentes leonum simulatis capi- 
 tibus effitndunt, quce temere ingressis 
 veras dentium crates, tneros oculo- 
 rum furores, certas cervicum jubas 
 imaginabuntur. 
 
 18 The frigidarium in Pompeii, 
 too, was yellow, though not furnished 
 with paintings. 
 
 is In the MHS. Pio-Clem. iii. t. 
 35, we see such a slave carrying an 
 oil- flask and strigil. This gives a 
 perfect commentary on Persius, v. 
 126: 
 
 I, puer, et strigiles Crispin! ad balnea 
 defer. 
 
 20 The Lucrine lake, as it was 
 called, was nothing but a bay reach- 
 ing far inland, and separated from 
 the sea by a narrow dam, and though 
 often called by the Roman writers 
 lacus, is named by the Greeks, KoXiroc;. 
 See Strabo, v. 4 : 'O 5i AoKpivog KO\- 
 
 o rfjg i 
 
 6<Ta.ffTa5i<i> TO fif]KOf, irXarof Cf 
 a/JiaZiTov TrXarti'ac. El0Tr\ovv $' 
 tXft ir\oiois tXa^potc, ivoppioaaOai 
 fiiv a^prjirrof, TUIV oarpeuv Si Oijpav 
 tytav a$Qov(aTa.Tr\v. Lake Avernus 
 was connected with it, ib. Ta7g fs 
 Bataif avvtx^e o ri Aox-plvoc Ko 
 (cat ivrbt; TOVTOV 6 "AopvoQ 
 
 Xpi MKTJJVOV yffv airb TTJQ 
 rrjg fifraZv Kv/j.r)g Kal avrov. On 
 both, parties of pleasure used to be 
 made, as may be gathered from Mar- 
 tial, i. 63, 3 : 
 
 Dum modo Lucrino, modo se permittet 
 Averno : 
 
 but especially on the Lucrine lake, 
 which, from its calmness, was also 
 called stagnum. Id. iii. 20, 20 : 
 
 An sestuantes jam profectus ad Baias 
 Piger Lucrino nauculatur in stagno ? 
 
 Comp. Ovid, Art. Am. i. 255, seqq. 
 The navigia in Cicero and Seneca 
 allude to this, and on this account it 
 is called by Mart. vi. 43, mollis Lu- 
 crinus. [Agrippa united the Lucrine 
 and Avernian lakes with the sea, 
 Dio Cass. xlviii. 50 ; Suet. Oct. 16.]
 
 96 
 
 GALLUS. 
 
 [SCENE VII. 
 
 the boat which had been hired for him. It was the pret- 
 tiest there, and had Aphrodite herself designed it for her 
 own use, she would not have decorated it otherwise 21 . 
 The gay painting of the planks, the purple sails, the 
 rigging entwined with garlands of fresh leaves and roses, 
 the merry music sounding from the prow, everything, in 
 short, invited to joy and pleasure. In the after part of the 
 skiff, a purple awning was erected on tall thyrsus-staves, 
 and under it stood a richly loaded table, offering all the 
 enjoyments of a most perfect prandium that the forum 
 cupedinarium of Baise could supply. 
 
 Lycoris went the short distance to the lake in a lectica, 
 whilst Gallus repaired thither on foot with two friends 
 whom he had accidentally met. The lady looked lovely as 
 the goddess of flowers as she alighted. Over her snow- 
 white tunica were thrown the ample folds of an amethyst- 
 coloured palla ; round her hair, which was most skilfully 
 arranged, and fastened with an elegant gold pin in the 
 shape of a winged amor, was entwined a chaplet of roses. 
 A gorgeous and curiously twisted necklace adorned her fair 
 neck, and from it depended a string of pearls also set in 
 gold, while golden bracelets, in the form of serpents, in 
 whose eyes glittered fiery rubies, encircled her well- 
 rounded arms. Thus led by Gallus, with her right foot 
 
 21 The slciffs decked with various 
 ornaments are likewise mentioned 
 by Seneca, Ep. 51 : Habitaturum tu 
 putas unquam fuisse in Utica Ca- 
 tonem, ut pr&ternavig antes adulteras 
 dinumeraret et adspiceret tot genera 
 cymbarum variis coloribus picta et 
 Jluitantem tot lacu rosariis; ut audiret 
 canentium nocturna convicia ? The 
 purple sails are, it is true, not men- 
 tioned, yet such a species of luxury 
 is easily conceivable at Bai:u. Call 
 to mind only what Pliny writes (xix. 
 1, o) of Alexander's fleet and of 
 Antony : Stupuerunt litora Jlatu 
 
 versicoloria implente. Velo ptirpu- 
 reo ad Actium cum M. Antonio Cleo- 
 patra venit eodemque effugit. And 
 Caligula had vessels built of still 
 larger size, Libuniicas, versicoloribus 
 veils. Seneca's words, Jluitantem toto 
 lacu rosam, can scarcely be taken in 
 their proper acceptation, but seem 
 rather to allude to the companies 
 garlanded with roses, and the adorn- 
 ing of the vessels. The words in 
 which he and Cicero mention music 
 on board of vessels, have been al- 
 ready quoted.
 
 SCENE VII.] 
 
 A DAY IN BALE. 
 
 97 
 
 first 22 , in compliance with the warning cry of the boatmen, 
 she entered the festive boat. The light vessel started 
 merrily into the lake, where the occupants of a hundred 
 others exchanged greetings as they passed. They rocked 
 for some hours on the tranquil mirror, whilst the men 
 indulged with uncommon relish in fresh oysters from the 
 lake, which they washed down with the noble Falernian 
 They then returned to Baiao, where, after another 
 
 wine. 
 
 bath, Gallus spent a delightful evening in the abode of his 
 love. Its stillness was, however, disturbed, till a late hour 
 of the night, by the noise of the tabernce, and the serenade 
 of many a lover 23 , singing, unheard, at the closed doors of 
 his adored one. 
 
 22 It was one of the innumerable 
 superstitions of the ancients to go 
 with the right foot foremost into any 
 place. Petron. 30. Sis repleti vo- 
 luptatibm quum conaremur in tricli- 
 nium intrare, exclamavit unus ex 
 putris, qui super hoc officium erat 
 positus : Dcxtro pede. The precept 
 of Vitruvius, iii. 8, is worth attention: 
 Gradus in fronts constituendi sunt, 
 ut semper sint impares : namque, cum 
 dextro pede primus gradus ascendi- 
 tui; idem in summo templo primus 
 
 erit ponendus. Juvenal also, x. 5, 
 alludes to this, 
 
 . . . quid tarn pede dextro concipis, ut te 
 Conatus non pceniteat votique peracti. 
 
 Other instances have been cited by 
 Broukh, on Prop. iii. 1, 6. 
 
 23 It is not necessary to determine 
 whether the canentium nocturna con- 
 vicia, in Seneca, Ep. 51, refer only to 
 such serenades ; but at all events the 
 custom is a well-known one, and they 
 cannot be omitted.
 
 SCENE THE EIGHTH. 
 
 THE DISPLEASURE OF AUGUSTUS. 
 
 i~^ ALLUS passed a few days at Baise with Lycoris and 
 ^ some friends, who happened to be there, in the enjoy- 
 ment of the agreeable diversions of which the place afforded 
 a rapid succession. He then returned to his villa, where 
 Lycoris promised soon to join him. Hence all were in a 
 bustle at the villa, some in arranging the apartments des- 
 tined for the fair one, in the most pleasant manner possible, 
 others in decking out afresh her favourite spots in the 
 park, and contriving here and there something new to 
 surprise her. Gallus repaired early in the morning to that 
 lovely spot, where, amidst a cluster of rose-bushes, a 
 charming statue of Flora had been erected during his 
 absence ; the goddess was placed, as it were, in the very 
 centre of her kingdom, holding dominion over the lovely 
 creations of her power. She was clad in a light and 
 almost transparent tunica, loosely confined by a girdle 
 which had carelessly sunk down to her hips. Her left 
 hand grasped its deeply-falling border, in such a manner 
 that the blooming exuberance of the figure might be more 
 than guessed at x : her right hand held a luxuriant garland 
 
 1 The beautiful torso found at the 
 baths of Caracalla, and known as the 
 Farnese Flora, served as the model 
 for this description. Mus. Borb. ii. 
 tab. 26. The master-works of Gre- 
 cian art were often mutilated before 
 they came to Borne, where skilful 
 artists were fortunately found to re- 
 store them. So says. Pliny xxxvi. 5. 
 4, Timothei manu Diana Romce 
 est in Palatio, Apollinis delubro, cui 
 signo caput reposuit Aulanius Evan- 
 der. Pictures too were restored, but 
 
 sometimes spoiled by the incompe- 
 tency of the persons employed, as the 
 Tragcedus et puer of Aristides (Plin. 
 xxxv. 10, 36) ; and it was fortunate 
 when the exquisiteness of the work 
 deterred artists from attempting to 
 render it complete, as was the case 
 with the Venus of Apelles : cujus 
 inferiorem partem corruptam qui refi- 
 ceret, non potuit reperiri. We must 
 not be astonished at finding, even at 
 that period, a head after life set on 
 an ideal statue ; although it was not
 
 SCEXE VIII.] DISPLEASURE OF AUGUSTUS. 
 
 99 
 
 of flowers, destined, it would seem, to encircle the temples 
 of a most lovely head, the position of which in this spot 
 had a particular significancy. Gallus had purchased a 
 splendid specimen of art in a mutilated state, and had 
 supplied the wanting head by that of his beautiful mistress. 
 The likeness of Lycoris was well caught, and whatever 
 might have been the conception of the original sculptor, 
 the expression of the countenance, as it now stood, corre- 
 sponded admirably with the blooming figure and propor- 
 tions of the rest of the statue. 
 
 Gallus was occupied in giving some additional orders 
 about the surrounding scene, when a slave announced that 
 a courier from Pomponius had arrived, and desired to speak 
 with him. He seemed to be in haste, it was added, for he 
 had travelled in a light cisium 2 . Gallus commanded him 
 to be introduced, and awaited his appearance with some 
 uneasiness, as he thought that something important must 
 
 till somewhat later that the scandal- 
 ous abuses of the works of Grecian 
 art became prevalent ; when, for in- 
 stance, Caligula designed placing a 
 head of himself upon the Olympic 
 Zeus by Phidias, Suet. Cal. 22, 57 ; 
 when Claudius caused the head of 
 Alexander to be cut out of a picture 
 by Apelles, and that of Augustus to 
 be substituted for it, Plin. xxxv. 10, 
 36 ; and when Commodus set the 
 head of himself upon a colossus 110 
 feet high, (not that of Ehodes, which 
 has never been set up again, but that 
 which Xero caused Zenodorus to erect 
 as a portrait of himself, and which 
 was changed under Vespasian or 
 Hadrian into a god of the sun,) Plin. 
 xxxiv. 7, 18 ; Spart. Hadr. 19 ; Lam- 
 prid. Commod. 17; Herodian, i. 15. 
 It does not matter here whether the 
 Farnese statue really represents a 
 Flora, on which point opinions differ, 
 as there is no reason why this god- 
 
 dess might not at least have been 
 represented in such a manner. 
 
 * Augustus had, it is true, estab- 
 lished a kind of post communication 
 between the provinces and Rome, but 
 only for the business of the state. 
 Suet. Aug. 49. Et quo celerius ae 
 sub manum annuntiari cognoscique 
 posset, quid in provincia quaque gere- 
 retur, juvenesprimo modicis intervallis 
 per militares vias, dehinc vehicula de- 
 posuit. Commodius id visum est ut 
 qui a loco eidem perferrent literas in- 
 terrogari quoque, sic quid res exigerent, 
 possent. The state post afterwards re- 
 ceived a great improvement. There 
 were also couriers. It is very natural 
 that private persons in urgent cases 
 should have despatched tabellarii in 
 vehicles which were easily obtained 
 in the towns along the great roads. 
 See the Excursus on the Lectica and 
 Carriages. 
 
 H 2
 
 100 GALLUS. [SCENE VIII. 
 
 have happened to cause Pomponius to despatch a special 
 messenger, instead of availing himself of the constant 
 communication that took place between the villa and his 
 house in Rome. 
 
 The tabellarius having entered and delivered his letter, 
 and the seal having been found correct, Gallus cut asunder 
 the thread. The tablet contained only a few words. 
 ' Caesar is in the worst possible humour,' wrote Pomponius ; 
 ' severe decrees against you, and even banishment, are 
 talked of. Hasten as quickly as possible to Rome, in order 
 by your presence to prevent the impending blow, or, if too 
 late for that, to take measures for rendering it ineffec- 
 tual. Calpurnius is beside himself, and thinks of nothing 
 but revenge. You can count on him and the rest of 
 us ; but speed/ 
 
 The tabellarius had stealthily watched him whilst he 
 was reading these lines, and seemed prepared for the deep 
 impression which was visible in every feature of the as- 
 tounded Gallus. ' What answer shall I take to my master ? ' 
 inquired he of the latter, who seemed struck dumb. 
 
 ' Take him my thanks/ replied Gallus, collecting him- 
 self, ' and inform him that I shall soon be in Rome myself.' 
 
 The slave departed. ' Impossible ! ' cried Gallus, as he 
 handed the letter to Chresimus, who had just approached. 
 ' What guilt will they charge me with ? Have we come to 
 such a pass, that a tyrant's bad humour and irritability 
 shall be sufficient ground for driving a free and deserving 
 man into want and wretchedness ? No, no ! Pomponius, in 
 his anxiety for his friend's fate, paints in too gloomy 
 colours. I)o you not think so, Chresimus ? ' 
 
 The old domestic tremblingly returned the letter, and 
 tears filled his eyes. ' The gods send this blow,' said he, 
 with stifled accents ; ' but there is no lack of wicked men, 
 and of false friends, also,' added he significantly. 
 
 ' Foolish suspicion ! ' replied Gallus. ' Are you like 
 Lycoris, who not long since tried to criminate my friend ? 
 Can you not be convinced by this letter, which gives me
 
 SCENE VIII.] DISPLEASURE OF AUGUSTUS. 
 
 101 
 
 timely warning, while so many, under far greater obliga- 
 tions to me, carelessly allow the precious moments to 
 elapse without sending information of my danger ? ' 
 
 ' That Pomponius should have gained earlier intelligence 
 of it than my vigilant Leonidas, who knows a hundred 
 ways of catching what people say of you, is exactly what 
 astonishes me. Would he have been less speedy in giving 
 you information ? ' 
 
 ' Enough ! ' said Gallus, angrily. ' Prepare for departure. 
 You must accompany me. Select the lightest cisium I 
 have, and send off one of my Numidians in advance, to 
 order everywhere the necessary relays of horses. Above all, 
 take care that no one learns the cause of my journey.' 
 
 Chresimus was right. No one but Pomponius, who had 
 himself devised the secret treachery by which Gallus was 
 to fall, could have obtained such early intelligence of the 
 success of his schemes. Nevertheless, his plans had only 
 half succeeded ; for heavy as were the complaints brought 
 against Gallus, and skilfully as his unguarded expressions 
 had been made use of to prove him a traitor and parti- 
 cipator in a conspiracy, yet Augustus had not been able 
 to prevail upon himself to annihilate one whom he had 
 formerly esteemed. Largus and Pomponius had counted 
 on his banishment, but Augustus had confined himself 
 to forbidding the accused to visit his palace, or stay in his 
 provinces 3 . 
 
 So far, his accusers had not gained much; but they 
 
 Suet. Aug. 76. Ob ingratum et 
 malevolum animum domo et provin- 
 ciis suis interdixit. Augustus often 
 did this. Seneca (de Ira, iii. 23) re- 
 lates of Timagenes, who had spoken 
 against him : Scepe ilium Ccesar mo- 
 nuit, ut moderatius lingua utere- 
 tur : perseveranti domo sua inter- 
 
 dixit. Tiberius says, (Tac. Ann. 
 iii. 12), odero seponamque a domo 
 mea, et privatas inimicitias non vi 
 principle ulciscar ; and ib. vi. 29, 
 Morem fuisse majoribus, quotient 
 dirimerent amicitias, interdicere do- 
 mo eumque finem gratice ponere. Un- 
 der Augustus such a renouncement
 
 102 
 
 GALLTJS. 
 
 [SCENE VIIT. 
 
 hoped that in his exasperation he would be led on to 
 further steps, which might form the hasis of severer ac- 
 cusations. On this account his presence at Rome was de- 
 sirable, and so Pomponius had tried to convince him of the 
 necessity of returning thither, before the imperial edict 
 was made known. On the very first report of it, Leonidas 
 had despatched a messenger to inform Gallus of the cir- 
 cumstance. This man met him on the road to Rome, and 
 acquainted him with the position in which matters stood. 
 
 Though in some measure deriving comfort from the 
 assurance that extreme measures, such as banishment, 
 with its attendant ills of want and misery, were not to 
 be feared, yet the humiliation of his position made the 
 strongest impression on his mind. Banishment would have 
 bowed him down deeply, but the disgrace of being for- 
 bidden the house of him to whose exaltation he had so 
 mainly contributed, whose confidant in lighter as well as 
 more important affairs he had always been, and the thought 
 of being viewed by his arrogant rivals with scorn, as a 
 fallen favourite, awoke his pride in all its intensity. The 
 news made a different impression on Chresimus, who sym- 
 pathising heartily with his lord, yet hoped that Augustus 
 would soon be convinced of the invalidity of the accusa- 
 tions, and that Gallus might, by the intercession of true 
 friends, be restored to his former position. 
 
 By the evening of the second day they had reached 
 Rome, where the domestics, who had been left there, in- 
 formed by the Numidian courier of their master's return, 
 
 of friendship (remmciare amicitiam) 
 was not followed by the desertion of 
 others. Of Timagenes, Seneca says : 
 Posted in contubernio Pollionis Asi- 
 tiii comenuit, ae tota civitate dilee- 
 tus est : nullum illi limen prceclusa 
 Ccesaris domus abstulit. Nemo ami- 
 citiam ejus extimuit ; nemo quasi ful- 
 guritum refugit. In Seneca's time 
 it was therefore clearly otherwise.' 
 
 Although Gallus was forbidden to 
 reside in the provinces of Augustus, 
 (Suet. 47; Dio Cass. liii. 12,) there 
 was nothing to prevent him from 
 remaining in Rome and Italy. Clau- 
 dius was the first to issue the decree : 
 ut hi, quibus a magistratibtis pro- 
 vincia interdicerentur, urbe qnoque 
 et Italia submoverentur. Suet. Claud. 
 23.
 
 SCENE VIII.] DISPLEASURE OF AUGUSTUS. 
 
 103 
 
 were waiting for him. Gallus did not receive the imperial 
 edict, as it had been sent to his villa, but there was no 
 doubt about the fact of its having been issued, and seme 
 even professed to have already observed the effects of this 
 declaration of Augustus. Gallus resolved to consult his 
 friends on the following day as to the line of conduct best 
 adapted to his difficult situation. 
 
 The morning of this day was far more quiet than was 
 usual in the house of Gallus. The sunbeams were already 
 gleaming into the sleeping-apartment, where Gallus lay 
 awake, contemplating more calmly the possible conse- 
 quences of his misfortune, when old Chresimus cautiously 
 opened the door, lifted the curtain, and saluted his master, 
 whom he had expected to find still asleep. ' You look ill, 
 Chresimus,' said Gallus. ' Doubtless your anxiety for me 
 has prevented you from sleeping ; but be calm. After all, 
 what does it matter whether the house of Augustus is open 
 to me or not ? I shall still continue to be what I now am ; 
 and if any one treats me haughtily, I shall, be assured, 
 meet him with all befitting disdain.' 
 
 ' I would agree with you, my lord,' replied Chresimus, 
 'if nothing more were at stake than retirement from 
 the splendour of imperial favour, into the obscurity of pri- 
 vate life ; but take care, lest the present misfortune prove 
 the forerunner of sadder occurrences. Will not your moder- 
 ation be interpreted into defiance ? Will not your foes be 
 stimulated, by the success they have gained, to new acts of 
 treachery, and at last induce the venal senate to utter its 
 verdict against you, whether guilty or not ? Oh ! ' con- 
 tinued he, more earnestly, as he perceived the effect his 
 words had produced, ' hear the counsel of a faithful servant. 
 Divest yourself of all the insignia of the distinction befit- 
 ting your rank 4 . Throw carelessly around you the worst 
 and oldest toga you can find, and publicly display the 
 sorrow with which the interdict has filled you.' 
 
 4 In the same manner as in times 
 of distress and mourning, whether for 
 
 public or domestic calamities, the 
 sufferers testified their affliction by
 
 104 
 
 CALLUS. 
 
 [SCENE VIII. 
 
 ' How ! ' retorted Gallus, ' humble myself, and go about 
 in dirty garments, like a criminal, and beg for mercy ! ' 
 
 ' It would only be for a snort time,' said the servant. 
 ' Apply to those who have most influence with Augustus. 
 Let Virgil speak for you ; and if you succeed in effecting 
 a reconciliation with the emperor, and in restoring, though 
 in appearance only, the former relations between you, you 
 can laugh at your enemies, and in the retirement of private 
 life escape from their intrigues ! ' 
 
 The warmth with which the faithful old man uttered 
 these words, seemed to make a deep impression upon his 
 lord. Gallus even appeared on the point of resolving to 
 follow the judicious counsel, when a cubicularius an- 
 nounced that Pomponius had called, and desired to speak 
 with him. Chresimus prepared, although very unwillingly, 
 to withdraw. * Oh ! listen not to him, I conjure you,' were 
 his words, as the slave disappeared to 'admit the visitor : 
 ' follow not the advice that he will give you. Would that 
 Lycoris were here ! She appears to know some secret re- 
 lating to him, and intended seeking an opportunity at the 
 villa, of confiding it to you.' Pomponius entered. At a 
 sign from his master, Chresimus slowly retired ; but it was 
 easy to read in his countenance the curse that was hanging 
 on his lips. 
 
 The secret conference had lasted more than an hour, 
 when Pomponius at length quitted the chamber. Chresi- 
 mus, on re-entering, discovered his master walking to and 
 fro, in a strong state of excitement. ' I will go abroad, 
 Chresimus,' said he. ' Send Eros with my clothes. Bid 
 him select the whitest and broadest toga, and the tunica of 
 
 sedulous neglect of their personal ap- 
 pearance; so they, over whom the 
 danger of a heavy accusation was im- 
 pending, appeared in sorry apparel, 
 with disordered hair, and divested of 
 all insignia and ornaments, sordidati. 
 
 Liv. vi. 20. The instance of Cicero 
 is known, Plut. 30 : K.ivvvtvutv ovv 
 KUI c?itt>KojJ'0 taOiJTa jutj-TJAXa^E icai 
 Ktop.i]G dvcnrXtwQ Trtpiiwv iKiTivt rov 
 c?))juov. Comp. ib. 31 ; Dio Cass. 
 xxxviii. 16.
 
 SCENE VIII.] DISPLEASURE OF AUGUSTUS. 
 
 105 
 
 the brightest purple. Not a word, old man ! Your advice 
 was well meant, but the present is not the time for de- 
 meaning myself. Send Eros to me.' 
 
 The slave came with the tunica, followed by two others 
 bearing the toga, already folded in the approved fashion, 
 whilst a fourth placed the purple dress-shoes near the 
 seat. Eros first girded the under-garment afresh, then 
 threw over his master the upper tunica, taking particular 
 care, as he did so, that the broad strip of purple woven into 
 it 6 might fall exactly across the centre of the breast; for 
 custom did not permit of this garment being girded. He 
 then, with the assistance of another slave, hung one end of 
 the toga, woven of the whitest and softest Milesian wool, 
 over the left shoulder, so as to fall far below the knee, and 
 cover with its folds, which gradually became more wide, 
 the whole of the arm down to the hand. The right arm 
 remained at liberty, as the voluminous garment was passed 
 at its broadest part under the arm, and then brought for- 
 ward in front ; the umbo, already arranged in an inge- 
 nious fashion, being laid obliquely across the breast so that 
 the well-rounded sinus almost reached the knee, and the 
 lower half ended at the middle of the shin-bone, whilst the 
 remaining portion was once more thrown over the left 
 shoulder, and hung down over the arm and back of the 
 person in a mass of broad and regular folds. Eros was 
 
 5 See the Excursus on The Dress 
 of the Men, for a description of the 
 clavis latits and angustus. It may be 
 doubted whether Gallus possessed 
 the jus lati clavi, since he was not 
 entitled to it either by birth or office, 
 and Augustus had made him proefect 
 of Egypt because he did not belong 
 to the ordo senatorius. To these alone 
 did tliejus lati clavi belong ; see Dio 
 Cass. lix. 4, where he says of Caligula : 
 Kai riaiv avratv (TWV l-xtr'uav} Kai 
 ~y iaBiJTi ry jSovXtvriKy, icai Trpiv 
 tpov- 
 
 ffiav iffipxop.tQa, xpijaQai n liri ry 
 r/J fiovXfjg t\7rii idwice, Trportpov 
 yap fiovoiQ, tag IOIKS Trajf, roig tK 
 TOV /3ov\evriKov (j>v\ov ytyf.vr)iJL'tvoi 
 TOVTO iroitiv tZrjv ; see also the in- 
 scription found in Asia. Ovid had 
 already before this received the right ; 
 Trist. iv. 10, 28, indniturque hume- 
 ros cum lato purpura clavo ; he again 
 however either lost or resigned it 
 voluntarily, because he was not of 
 sufficiently high rank, ib. v. 35 : clavi 
 mensura coacta est, Majus erat nos- 
 tris viribus illud onus.
 
 10G 
 
 GALLUS. 
 
 [SCENE VIII. 
 
 occupied for a long time before lie could get each fold into 
 its approved position, but this being accomplished, he 
 reached for his lord the polished hand-mirror, whose thick 
 silver plate reflected every image with perfect clearness. 
 Gallus cast but a single glance on it, allowed his feet to be 
 installed into the tall shoes, latched with fourfold thongs, 
 placed on his fingers the rings he had taken off overnight G , 
 and ordered Chresimus to be summoned. 
 
 ' You accompany me,' said he to Chresimus, who was 
 just entering. 'I intend visiting some shops in the Forum 7 , 
 to purchase a few presents for Lycoris, in order to surprise 
 her on her return ; give instructions, therefore, for four of 
 my most imposing-looking slaves to follow me. No orders 
 require to be given about my dinner, as I must keep my 
 promise to Lentulus, who, with all his folly, is not one of 
 those who trouble themselves as to whether Augustus be 
 displeased with me or not. Here/ continued he, as he 
 opened a closet 8 , took out two purses, and sealed it up 
 again with the key-ring, ' let the slaves take this gold 
 with them ; I hope it will be enough ; if not, we must see 
 
 6 Although they kept the signet- 
 ring on at night, for fear of its being 
 tnaJe unfair use of, yet this was not 
 the case with those which were merely 
 ornamental. Hence Mart. xi. 59, 
 mentions it as something particular 
 in Charisianus, nee node ponit annu- 
 los. 
 
 7 In the most frequented streets 
 and places of Rome, tabernte were 
 erected against the houses and public 
 buildings ; also against the Forum. 
 Juv. vii. 132. 
 
 Perque forum juvenes longo premit assere 
 
 Medos, 
 Emturus pueros, argentum, murrhina, 
 
 villas. 
 
 After Agrippa had completed the 
 Septa Julia, the most splendid maga- 
 
 zines were to be found there. At least 
 Martial says of them, ix. 60, 
 
 Hie ubi Roma suas aurea vexat opes, 
 From this epigram almost the whole 
 of this description is taken. 
 
 8 The area, or armarium, wherein 
 money was deposited, was, as in the 
 case of the cellce and other repositories, 
 not only locked, hut also, from this 
 not being considered sufficient se- 
 curity, had a seal placed upon it. 
 Plaut. Epid. ii. 3, 3. 
 
 Quin ex occluso atque obsignato armario 
 Decutio argentum tantum, quantum 
 mihi lubet. 
 
 For this purpose there was mostly a 
 signet attached to the key-ring, of 
 which great numbers are still extant.
 
 SCENE VIII.] DISPLEASURE OF AUGUSTUS. 
 
 107 
 
 whether Alphius 9 will give credit to the fallen favourite.' 
 Chresimus took the gold in silence, and departed. 
 
 Gallus had good reasons for selecting the tabernm of 
 the Forum as the direction of his morning's walk. Irri- 
 tated by Pomponius, who had insinuated much about the 
 displeasure of Augustus, and the ridicule of the distin- 
 guished circles, he fancied he could not better evince his 
 indifference to the interdict, than by appearing in all the 
 splendour of his order, at the very focus of life and bustle, 
 and that, too, for no weightier purpose than to purchase 
 ornaments and trinkets for a libertina. He soon per- 
 ceived, as he stalked along the streets, what a difference 
 had been brought about by a single word from the Em- 
 peror. Many, who at former times pressed forward to 
 meet him, passed along unconcernedly or shyly, without 
 noticing him. Proud patricians, who had no other merit- 
 to boast of, but the glory of their ancestors, whose images 
 adorned the atrium, cast scornful looks upon him, whilst 
 their slaves pointed at him with their fingers. Now and 
 then only would some worthy citizen or intimate friend 
 approach, to express their sympathy by a hearty shake of 
 the hand. 
 
 Without apparently observing these indications of base- 
 ness and paltry timidity, Gallus strode proudly through 
 the streets, and careless of the crowds that beset the 
 Forum, entered the shops where all the valuables that 
 streamed into Rome from the most remote regions, lay 
 stored up in rich profusion. These tabernce never lacked 
 a number of visitors. They were frequented not only by 
 such as really intended to make purchases, but also by 
 those who, full of repining at not possessing all the costly 
 articles 10 , devoured them with greedy gaze, demanded to 
 
 9 Alphius \vas the name of the/ce- 
 nerator, known from Hor. Epod. ii., 
 who need not, however, as is here in- 
 tended, have been an argentarius. 
 
 10 The sorrowful feelings which 
 arose in the minds of many on behold- 
 ing these displays of finery, is beau- 
 tifully described by Martial, x. 80.
 
 108 
 
 CALLUS. 
 
 fSCENE VIII, 
 
 see everything, made offers for some of the goods, and 
 ordered others to be put aside, as if chosen ; whilst others 
 pointed out slight defects, or regretted that they did not 
 quite suit their purpose, and, after all, went away, without 
 purchasing anything beyond mere trifles. In the tabernce 
 of the slave-merchants particularly, there were persons 
 who, under the pretence of becoming purchasers, penetrated 
 into the interior, where the most beautiful slaves were 
 kept, in order that they might be out of sight of ordi- 
 nary visitors. 
 
 Passing these tabernce, Gallus entered one where costly 
 furniture was exposed for sale : expensive cedar-tables, 
 carefully covered and supported by strong pillars, veneered 
 with ivory ; dinner couches of bronze, richly adorned with 
 silver and gold, and inlaid with costly tortoise-shell. Be- 
 sides these, were trapezophora of the most beautiful mar- 
 ble, with exquisitely-worked griffins, seats of cedar- wood 
 and ivory, candelabra and lamps of the most various 
 forms, vases of all sorts, costly mirrors, and a hundred 
 other objects, sufficient to furnish more than one house in 
 magnificent style. Some one who hardly meant to be a 
 purchaser, was just getting the covers removed from some 
 of the cedar-tables by the attendant, but he found they 
 were not spotted to his taste. A hexadinon u of tortoise- 
 
 Plorat Eros, quoties maculos pocula 
 
 myrrhaB 
 
 Inspirit, aut pueros, nobiliusve citrum, 
 Et gemitus imo ducit dejpectore, quod non 
 Tota miser coe'mat Septa feratque do- 
 mum. 
 Quam multi faciunt, quod Eros, sed lu- 
 
 tniiie sicco ! 
 
 Pars major lacrymas ridet, et intus 
 habet. 
 
 11 For the meaning of the word 
 hexadinon, consult the Excursus on 
 The Triclinia. Here again the words 
 of Martial's often-quoted epigram 
 (ix. 60) are the ground-work of the 
 description : 
 
 Ettestudineuia mensis quater hexaclinon 
 Ingemuit citro non satis esse suo. 
 
 From this epigram we become ac- 
 quainted with the objects exposed for 
 sale in these tabemce. Mamurra there 
 goes about inspecting every thing, 
 and finding something to blame in 
 everything, even in the statues of 
 Polycletus, then selects ten Myrrhine 
 vases, cheapens other things, pre- 
 tium fecit, which custom seems to 
 have been as common in Rome as 
 amongst ourselves, and at last buys 
 two miserable glasses for an as.
 
 SCENE VIII.] DISPLEASUEE OF AUGUSTUS. 109 
 
 shell seemed, however, to attract him amazingly, but, after 
 measuring it three or four times, he said, with a sigh, 
 ' That it was, alas ! a few inches too small for the cedar- 
 table for which he had intended it.' Having caused several 
 other objects to be reached down from their places against 
 the wall, he at last departed without buying anything. 
 Gallus, in his turn, looked over the stock, but seeing 
 nothing adapted for a present to Lycoris, left the shop, 
 and went into another. In this, precious metals of Corin- 
 thian brass, statues by Polycletus and Lysippus, costly tri- 
 pods with groups of figures in bronze, and similar objects, 
 were displayed. He thence proceeded to that of a mer- 
 chant, who kept for sale the best selection of gorgeous 
 trinkets. Beautiful vessels of gold and silver ; goblets, of 
 precious stones or genuine murrha ; ingenious manufac- 
 tures in glass, and many-coloured carpets from Babylon 
 and Alexandria ; pearl ornaments for females, and all kinds 
 of precious stones ; rings set with magnificent cameos, 
 engraved emeralds and beryls ; and many other precious 
 wares, were exhibited in such profusion that it was difficult 
 to choose. 
 
 Gallus selected a pair of pearl ear-drops of great value, 
 a neck ornament of the most beautiful clcctmm, a pair of 
 pretty glass vessels, and one of the richest carpets. He 
 then despatched Chresimus to the Vicus Tuscus to pur- 
 chase one of the best silk robes. ' Send the slave with my 
 bathing apparatus to the house of Fortunatus 12 ,' said he ; 
 'also my sandals, and a synthesis ; I am now going to call 
 upon a friend.' With these words he dismissed his domestic, 
 who obeyed in silence, and took charge of the ornaments, 
 while two of the slaves bore off the remainder of the pur- 
 chases. The others followed their lord. 
 
 12 Fortunatus, the owner of a balneum meritorium, mentioned by Martial, 
 ii. 14, 11.
 
 SCENE THE NINTH. 
 
 THE BANQUET. 1 
 
 fHHE hour of the ccena had arrived, and by the activity 
 -*- of his very numerous slaves everything was prepared 
 in the house of Lentulus for a grand reception of guests. 
 
 1 Of all the matters, which, in 
 pursuance of the plan of this work, 
 should be touched upon, none appear 
 of so critical a nature as the descrip- 
 tion of a Roman banquet, and yet it, 
 above all others, ought not to be omit- 
 ted, considering the importance 
 not merely in the latest times that 
 M'as attached to everything connected 
 with it. The analysis of the habits 
 of the Romans, so entirely different 
 from our own in this respect, the ex- 
 planation of numerous objects, which 
 were important in their daily life, and 
 are so frequently mentioned in their 
 most popular authors, in short, the 
 antiquarian research itself, is attended 
 with much interest ; but, as the dra- 
 matic poet can introduce on the stage 
 nothing more tedious than banquets, 
 (of course such scenes as that in 
 Macbeth are an exception,) so the 
 description of them must always be 
 tiresome, and the more so, when the 
 only object is to pourtray the exterior 
 customs of a class of persons. On 
 the other hand, it would be more 
 dangerous to attempt to describe the 
 genuine convivere, the actual convi- 
 viality, the spirit which pervaded the 
 conversation and jests of the banquet, 
 instead of confining oneself to the 
 material part of the matter. It might 
 be more feasible in the Latin tongue, 
 but in a modern language the truest 
 copy of antique scenes, especially of 
 
 common life, must always have some- 
 thing modern about it, which will 
 render it disagreeable to the taste of 
 the literary antiquary. 
 
 There is, besides, such an abund- 
 ance of apparatus, attendance, dishes, 
 means of amusement, out of which 
 only a selection can be made in 
 the description of a single meal, and 
 great caution is necessary not to 
 under or over-do anything, and to 
 take exaggerations for habits, nor, 
 on the other hand, to consider any- 
 thing, to us improbable, as satire or 
 untruth. 
 
 It is always safer, therefore, to 
 take as our basis, in such matters, 
 some antique description, even though 
 it contain many eccentricities and ab- 
 surdities, instead of usual matters. Of 
 all such accounts, the detailed one by 
 Petronius of the ccena Trimalchionis 
 is best adapted for our present pur- 
 pose, since the banquet of Nasidienus 
 was ridiculed by Horace, because 
 everything there was unsuitable and 
 perverted. Petronius describes an un- 
 usual ccena at the house of a man, 
 whose equal in prodigality and folly 
 could hardly be found, and therefore, 
 although the satirist may have ex- 
 aggerated, we unquestionably learn 
 best from him what the general habits 
 were, and much that appears absurd 
 and ostentatious in Trimalchio, is 
 shown, by passages in other authors,
 
 SCENE IX.] 
 
 THE BANQUET. 
 
 Ill 
 
 The fires blazed brightly in the kitchens, where the cook, 
 assisted by a number of underlings, was exhausting all his 
 skill. Whenever the covers were removed from the vessels, 
 a grateful odour, more inviting than the smoke of a fat 
 burnt -offering, diffused itself around, and ascended on high 
 to the habitation of. the gods 2 . The pistor and structor 
 were occupied in arranging the dessert, in all the forms 
 that ingenuity could suggest, while the first course was 
 ready for serving. 
 
 The triclinium had been placed in a spacious saloon, 
 the northerly aspect of which was well adapted for the 
 time of year. Around a beautiful table, covered with cedar- 
 wood, stood elegant sofas, inlaid with tortoise-shell; the 
 lower part decked with white hangings embroidered with 
 gold, and the pillows, which were stuffed with the softest 
 wool, covered with gorgeous purple. Upon the seats, 
 cushions 3 , covered with silken stuff, were laid to separate 
 the places of the guests. The tricliniarch was still arrang- 
 ing the side-tables 4 , on which valuable drinking- vessels 
 
 to have been nothing uncommon. 
 Should much be here retained that 
 may be thought pure invention of 
 Petronius, the author may submit, 
 that, at a later period, still stranger 
 things occurred, and therefore that 
 they might have happened in the 
 house of Lentulus. It would not be 
 to the purpose to enter here into a 
 detailed account of the various dishes, 
 as not only those mentioned by Ho- 
 race, Martial, Juvenal, and Macro- 
 bius, but also those in the receipt-book 
 of Apicius, must then be described. 
 
 2 The cook whom Ballio had hired, 
 speaks thus boastingly of his art. 
 Plaut. Pseud, iii. 2, 61 : 
 
 Ubi omnes patince fervent, omnes aperio; 
 Is odor demissis pedibus in coeluni volat ; 
 Eum odorem coeuat Jupiter quotidie. 
 
 3 The silken cushions, pulvini, on 
 
 which they supported themselves 
 on the left elbow, were, perhaps, not 
 introduced so early as the time of 
 Gallus, but they are mentioned by 
 Mart. iii. 82, 7 : 
 Jacet occupato galbanatus in lecto 
 Cubitisque trudit nine et inde convivas 
 Effultus ostro sericisque pulvinis. 
 
 4 The abaci and Delphici as side- 
 boards, are spoken of in the Excursus 
 on the Second Scene. It need only 
 here be mentioned, that besides the 
 necessary utensils, many things were 
 displayed on them merely for show, 
 the proper expression for which is 
 exponere. Petr. 21 : In proximam 
 cellam ducti sumus, in qua tres lecti 
 strati erant et reliquus lautitiarum 
 apparatus spkndidissime expositus. 
 Ib. 22 : Ceeidit etiam mensa cum ar- 
 gento. Comp. Ib. 73.
 
 112 
 
 CALLUS. 
 
 [SCENE IX. 
 
 were displayed, and in straightening the draperies of the tri- 
 clinium, when his lord entered, accompanied by the guests. 
 Lentulus had invited only six friends, but Pomponius 
 anxious that the number of the Muses 5 should occupy the tri- 
 clinium, and no place be left empty brought with him two 
 friends, whom he introduced as gentlemen from Perusia 6 . 
 ' It is long, methinks,' said Gallus to his courteous host, on 
 entering, ' since we last met in this saloon : how beautifully 
 you have in the mean time ornamented it ! You certainly 
 could not have chosen a more appropriate picture for a 
 triclinium than those satyrs, celebrating the joyous vintage; 
 and the slain boar, a scene from Lucania, the fruit and pro- 
 vision pieces over the doors, and between them the elegant 
 twigs on which thrushes are sitting, all are calculated to 
 awaken a relish for the banquet. 
 
 ' Yes, really,' interposed Pomponius, ' Lentulus under- 
 stands far better than Calpurnius how to decorate a dining- 
 hall. The other day he had the walls of his finest tricli- 
 nium painted with the murder of Hipparchus, and the 
 death of Brutus ; and instead of agreeable foliage, threat- 
 ening lictors were to be seen in every corner.' 
 
 ' He, too, is right in his way,' said Gallus ; ' but where 
 is he ? I understood that you had invited him, Lentulus ? ' 
 
 ' He was unfortunately pre-engaged/ replied the other. 
 * But we shall see him before the evening be over,' added 
 
 5 Varro on Gellius xiii. 11, writes, 
 Convivarum numerum incipere op- 
 portere a Gratiarum numero et pro- 
 gredi ad Musarum, i. e. proficisci a 
 tribus et consistere in novem, 
 
 6 "We learn from Horace and Plu- 
 tarch the custom by which invited 
 guests frequently took uninvited per- 
 sons, called umbra;, with them. Heind. 
 on Hor. Sat. ii. 8, 22. This, how- 
 ever, generally took place only when 
 the host had left it to his guests' op- 
 tion to do so, as when Hor. Ep. i. 5, 
 
 30, writes to Torquatus : Locus est et 
 pluribus umbris ; and, tu quotas csse 
 veils scribas. Salmasius thought that 
 the lowest places on the lectus imus 
 were allotted to them, but this will 
 not apply to all cases : the passage he 
 quotes, Juv. v. 17, is not to the pur- 
 pose, as an uninvited client is there 
 alluded to. In Horace the two um- 
 brce introduced by Maecenas lay upon 
 the lectus medius, probably out of re- 
 gard to him : it generally depended 
 upon what sort of people the umbrce 
 were, and by whom introduced.
 
 SCENE IX.] THE BANQUET. 113 
 
 Pomponius. ' As our friend Fannius is, you know, averse 
 to sitting late, and Lentulus will not, I am sure, let us go 
 before the crowing of the cock, we shall be one short at 
 the triclinium, unless Calpurnius come according to his 
 promise, and fill the vacant place, so soon as he can get 
 released from his formal consular supper. But I scarcely 
 think we ought to keep the cook waiting any longer. The 
 tenth hour is, I verily believe, almost elapsed. Had we 
 not better take our seats, Lentulus ? ' 
 
 The host answered in the affirmative, and conducted 7 
 Gallus to the lowest place on the middle sofa, which was 
 the seat of honour at the table. At his left, and on the 
 same lectus, sat Pomponius ; above him, Fannius. The 
 sofa to the left was occupied by Bassus, Faustinus, and 
 Caecilianus. To the right, and next Gallus, sat Lentulus 
 himself; below him, the Perusians whom Pomponius had 
 brought. 
 
 As soon as they had reclined, slaves took off their 
 sandals, and youths, with their loins girded, offered water 
 in silver bowls for their ablutions. At a nod from Lentulus, 
 two slaves entered, and placed upon the table the tray 
 which contained the dishes composing the first course. 
 Lentulus cast his eyes with secret joy around the circle, as 
 if desirous of noting the impression made on his friends 
 by the novel arrangements of this gustatorium, the inven- 
 tion of which was due to himself ; and, indeed, the service 
 was worthy of a nearer observation. 
 
 In the centre of the plateau, ornamented with tortoise- 
 shell, stood an ass of bronze 8 , on either side of which hung 
 
 7 There does not appear to have 
 been any general rule with regard to 
 the distribution of the places : in 
 most cases the host left it to each 
 guest to choose his own, but in others 
 he assigned them. Plutarch, who 
 discusses the matter in a special 
 chapter, (Sympos. i. 2,) decides, that 
 it ought to be left entirely free to 
 
 intimate friends and young people 
 to choose their own, but not so with 
 strangers and persons deserving par- 
 ticular attention. 
 
 8 Petron. 31 : Caterum in pro- 
 mulsidari asellm erat Curinthius cunt 
 bisaccio positus, qui habebat olivas, 
 in altera parte albas, in altera nigras.
 
 114 
 
 CALLUS. 
 
 [SCENE IX. 
 
 silver panniers, filled with white and black olives, preserved 
 by the art of the cook until this period of the year ; on the 
 back of the beast sat a Silenus, from whose skin the most 
 delicious gar um flowed upon the sumen beneath. Near 
 this, on two silver gridirons lay delicately- dressed sausages, 
 beneath which Syrian plums, mixed with the seed of the 
 pomegranate, presented the appearance of glowing coals. 
 Around stood silver dishes containing asparagus, lactuca, 
 radishes, and other productions of the garden, in addition 
 to lacerta, flavoured both with mint and rue, and with 
 Byzantine muria, and dressed snails and oysters, whilst 
 fresh ones in abundance were handed round. The company 
 expressed their admiration of their host's fanciful invention, 
 and then proceeded to help themselves to what each, ac- 
 cording to his taste, considered the best incentive of an 
 appetite. At the same time slaves carried round in golden 
 goblets the mulsum, composed of Hymettian honey and 
 Falernian wines. 
 
 They were still occupied in tasting the several deli- 
 cacies, when a second and smaller tray was brought in, and 
 placed in a vacant spot within the first, to which it did 
 not yield in point of singularity. In an elegant basket 
 sat a hen, ingeniously carved out of wood, with outspread 
 wings, as if she were brooding 9 . Straightway entered two 
 slaves, who began searching in the chaff which filled the 
 basket, and taking out some eggs, distributed them amongst 
 the guests. ' Friends,' said Lentulus, smiling, * they are 
 pea-hen's eggs, which have been put under the hen ; my 
 only fear is that she may have sat too long upon them ; 
 but let us try them.' A slave then gave to each guest a 
 
 9 Petronius (33), whence this gal- 
 Una is borrowed, says, gustantibus 
 adhuc nobis repositorium allatum est 
 cum corbe, in quo gallina erat lignea 
 patentibus in orbem alia, quotes esse 
 solent, qua incubant ova. The first 
 repositorium was not removed, and 
 
 the gallina must either have been 
 placed upon it, or there must have 
 been room enough left for it on the 
 table, There were, however, also 
 repositoria of several tabulata, and 
 one might consequently have been 
 set on the top of the other.
 
 SCENE IX.] 
 
 THE BANQUET. 
 
 115 
 
 silver cochleare, which was, however, found almost too large 
 and heavy for the purpose, and each proceeded to break, 
 an egg with the point of it. Most of the party were 
 already acquainted with the jokes of Lentulus, but not so 
 the Perusians. 'Truly, my egg has already become a 
 hen ! ' cried one of them in disgust, and about to throw it 
 away. * Examine a little more closely,' said Pomponius, 
 with a laugh, in which the guests at the upper sofa, who 
 were better acquainted with the matter, joined ; 'our friend's 
 cook understands well how to dress eggs that have been 
 already sat upon.' The Perusian then for the first time 
 remarked that its shell was not natural, but made of dough, 
 and that a fat fig-pecker was hidden in the yolk, which 
 was strongly seasoned with pepper. Many jokes were 
 made, and whilst the guests were eating the mysterious 
 eggs, the slaves again presented the honey- wine. When 
 no one desired more, the band, which was at the other end 
 of the hall, began to play, as a sign for the slaves to re- 
 move the gustatorium 10 , which they proceeded to do. 
 
 Another slave wiped the table with a purple cloth of 
 coarse linen, and two Ethiopians again handed water for 
 washing the hands u . Boys, wearing green garlands, then 
 brought in two well-gypsumed amphorce, the time-corroded 
 necks of which well accorded with the inscription on a label 
 hanging round them, whereon might be read, written in 
 ancient characters, the words L. Opimio Cos. ' Discharge 
 your office well, Earinos,' cried Lentulus to one of the boys. 
 ' To-day you shall bear the cyathus. It is Falernian, my 
 friends, and Opimianum, too ; and is, as you kiiow, usually 
 
 10 Petron. 34 : Subito sign,um sym- 
 phonia datur et gustatoria pariter a 
 choro cantante rapiuntur. 
 
 U It is not certain whether this 
 took place after each ferculum, but 
 Petronius describes it after the pro- 
 mulsio. Subinde intraverunt duo 
 jEthiopes capillati cum pusittis utri- 
 
 bus, qtiales solent esse, qui arenam 
 in amphitheatre spargunt, vinumque 
 dedere in manus ; aquam enim nemo 
 porrexit. No further mention is made 
 of the usage between the courses, but 
 it may easily be imagined that they 
 washed frequently during the meal, 
 as they used no forks. 
 
 i2
 
 116 CALLUS. [SCENE IX. 
 
 clouded/ ' It was bright enough,' said Gallus, ' when the 
 free citizen wrote the name of the consul on this label. 
 Yet it only shares the fate of the age, which, like it, has 
 also become clouded/ The Perusians began to listen atten- 
 tively, and Pomponius cautiously placed his finger on his. 
 mouth. ' Actually/ continued he, ' only five years more, 
 and this noble juice would have witnessed a century pass 
 away, and during this century there has never been a 
 growth like it. Why, Maximus, your great-grandfather 
 was consul in the same year as Opimius ; and see, here is 
 the fourth generation already, and yet the wine is still in 
 existence.' 
 
 ' Quite right/ replied Maximus ; ' my ancestor was 
 consul with Opimius ; and much as I like the wine, I am 
 yet vexed to think that my name does not appear on the 
 amphora' 
 
 'Content yourself/ quoth Gallus; 'there are more 
 serious accidents in life than that.' * Oh ! ' quickly inter- 
 posed Pomponius, ' let us end this grave conversation. 
 Only see how Bassus and Csecilianus are longing for the 
 contents of the amphorse, whilst we are indulging in 
 speculations about the label outside. Have them opened, 
 Lentulus.' 
 
 The vessels were carefully cleansed of the gypsum, and 
 the corks extricated. Earinos cautiously poured the wine 
 into the silver colum, which was placed ready, and was 
 now filled again with fresh snow, and then mixed it, ac- 
 cording to his master's directions, in the richly-embossed 
 crater, and dipping a golden cyathm therein, filled the 
 amethyst-coloured glasses, which were distributed amongst 
 the guests by the rest of the boys. 
 
 This operation was scarcely finished, before a new repo- 
 sitorium was placed upon the table, containing the first 
 course of the ccena, which, however, by no means answered 
 the expectations of the guests. A circle of small dishes, 
 covered with such meats as were to be met with only at 
 the tables of plebeians, was ranged around a slip of natural
 
 SCENE IX.] THE BANQUET. 117 
 
 turf, on which lay a honey-comb. A slave carried round 
 the bread in a silver basket, and the guests were preparing, 
 although with evident vexation, to help themselves to 
 chick-peas and small fish, when at a sign from Lentulus, 
 two slaves hurried forward, and took off the upper part of 
 the tray, under which a number of dishes, presenting a rich 
 selection of dainties, were concealed. There were ring- 
 doves and field-fares, capons and ducks, mullets of three 
 pounds weight, and turbot, and, in the centre, a fatted 
 hare, which, by means of artificial wings, the structor had 
 Ingeniously changed into a Pegasus. The company on the 
 lectus summits were agreeably surprised, and applauded 
 the host with clapping of hands, and the scissor immedi- 
 ately approached, and with great solemnity and almost in 
 musical time, began to carve. Earinos, meanwhile, was 
 diligently discharging his functions ; and the guests, ani- 
 mated by the strength of the Falernian, already began to 
 be more merry. On the disappearance of the first course, 
 much conversation was kept up, Gallus alone taking less 
 share in it than he was accustomed to do. 
 
 But no long interval was allowed for talking. Four 
 slaves soon entered to the sound of horns, bearing the 
 second course, which consisted of a huge boar, sur- 
 rounded by eight sucking-pigs, made of sweet paste, by 
 the experienced baker, and surprisingly like real ones. 
 On the tusks of the boar hung little baskets, woven of 
 palm twigs, and containing Syrian and Theban dates. 
 Another scissor, resembling a jager in full costume, now 
 approached the table, and with an immense knife com- 
 menced cutting up the boar, pronounced by Lentulus to 
 be a genuine Umbrian. In the mean time the boys 
 handed the dates, and gave to each guest one of the pigs 
 as apophoreta. 
 
 ' An Umbrian/ said one of the guests of the lectus sum- 
 mus, turning to the strangers, ' a countryman, or, at all 
 events, a near neighbour, of yours then. If I were in 
 your place, I should hesitate before partaking of it ; for
 
 118 
 
 GALLUS. 
 
 [SCENE IX. 
 
 who knows whether, by some metamorphosis, one of your 
 dear friends may not have been changed into this animal/ 
 
 * The days for metamorphoses are past/ replied one of 
 them. 'There are no more Circes, and the other gods do 
 not trouble themselves much about mankind. I know only 
 one, who potently rules all the world, and can doubtless 
 bring about many metamorphoses/ 
 
 ( Do not say so/ Pomponius quickly added ; ' our friend 
 Bassus will teach you directly that many wonders happen 
 even in the present times, and that we are by no means 
 sure that we shall not see one amongst us suddenly assume 
 the character of a beast/ 
 
 ' Laugh as you will/ said Bassus, ' it still cannot be 
 denied. Only the other day, one who was formerly a slave 
 to a man in humble circumstances at Capua, but has now 
 become a rich freedman, related to me a circumstance 
 which he had himself experienced ; it is enough to make 
 one's hair stand on end. If not displeasing to you I will 
 communicate it 12 / The company, partly from curiosity, 
 and partly wishing for a laugh against Bassus, begged him 
 to tell the story, and he thus began : 
 
 ' " When I was a slave," related my informant, " I hap- 
 pened, by the dispensation of the gods, to conceive a liking 
 for an innkeeper's wife ; not from an unworthy passion, 
 but because she never denied me what I asked for, and 
 
 12 The thousand-fold superstitions 
 that reigned over the minds of the 
 ancients, are shown by the belief in 
 omens, soothsayers, ghosts, and the 
 effects of sympathetic means, diffused 
 amongst all classes, so that Horace, 
 JBpist. ii. 2, 208, in naming the follies 
 from which a mau must become eman- 
 cipated, asks 
 
 Somnia, terrores magicos, miracula, sagas, 
 Nocturnes lemures portentaque Thessala 
 rides ? 
 
 There appear to have been fewer 
 fabulous histories, such as our fairy 
 
 tales, because they were generally in- 
 cluded in the mythology, and thus 
 rose to a higher significance. The 
 tales here taken from Petronius, are 
 interesting proofs that the ancients 
 were in the habit of telling anecdotes, 
 which may well compete with our re- 
 nowned fairy tales. Many such won- 
 drous occurrences might be quoted 
 from Apuleius, but in Petronins they 
 appear as objects of superstition, al- 
 though only amongst the lower classes, 
 but this is not the case with the 
 Milesian tales.
 
 SCENE IX.] THE BANQUET. 
 
 119 
 
 anything I saved and gave into her charge, I was sure not 
 to be cheated of. Her husband had a small villa at the fifth 
 milestone, and, as it chanced, fell sick there and died. 
 In misfortune, thought I, we know our friends, and there- 
 fore considered how I could get to my friend at the villa. 
 My master was by accident absent from Capua, but a 
 stranger, a warrior, was stopping in our house ; of him I 
 made a confidant, begging that he would accompany me 
 in the night to the villa, and he consented to do so. We 
 waited for the time of the cock-crowing, and then stole off; 
 the moon was shining, and it was as clear as mid-day. 
 About half way, by the side of the road, was a group of 
 sepulchral monuments, at which my companion stopped on 
 some pretence or other ; but I went on, beginning a song 
 and gazing at the stars. At length I looked round, and 
 saw my companion standing in the road. He took off his 
 clothes and laid them down ; then went round them in a 
 circle, spat three times upon them, and immediately became 
 a wolf." Now do not suppose that I am telling you a 
 falsehood ; for the fellow assured me that it was pure 
 truth. " He next," continued the man, " began to howl, 
 and then dashed into the thicket. At first I did not know 
 what to do, but at length approached for the purpose of 
 taking the clothes with me, but behold ! they had become 
 stone. Horror-stricken, I drew my sword, and continued 
 slashing it about in the air until I reached the villa. I 
 entered the house breathless, the sweat dropped from me, 
 and it was long before I recovered myself. My friend was 
 astonished at my visiting her at such an unusual hour. 
 ' Had you only come sooner,' said she, ' you might have 
 assisted us ; for a wolf has been breaking into the villa 
 and destroying several sheep ; but he did not escape with 
 impunity ; for my slave has pierced him through with a 
 spear.' I shuddered, and could not obtain any sleep during 
 the night. As soon as it was day I hastened homewards, 
 and saw, on reaching the place where the clothes had lain, 
 nothing more than a large stain of blood ; but found the
 
 120 
 
 GALLUS. 
 
 [SCENE IX. 
 
 warrior lying in bed at home, and a surgeon bandaging his 
 neck. I then became aware that he was one of those whom 
 we call versipelles 13 , and could never afterwards eat bread 
 in his company." This was the man's story, in recounting 
 which he even then shuddered. Say what you will, such 
 things often happen.' 
 
 The company laughed and jeered at the narrator, who 
 endeavoured by philosophical arguments to defend his cre- 
 dulity. At length the second Perusian, who sat in the 
 lowest place, said, ' Bassus may not be so very wrong, after 
 all ; for some time since I bought a slave who had formerly 
 lived at Miletus, and who told me a wonderful story, in the 
 following words. " In the house where I served, a child, 
 a boy beautiful as a statue had died. His mother was 
 inconsolable, and all were standing mourning round the 
 bed, when the strigce were heard shrieking round the 
 house. There was in the family a Cappadocian, a tall, 
 daring fellow, who had once overcome a mad ox. This 
 man having seized a sword, ran out of doors, with his left 
 hand cautiously concealed in his mantle, and cut one of 
 the hags in two. We heard their shrieks, although we saw 
 nothing ; but the Cappadocian staggered backwards upon a 
 couch, and his whole body became as blue as if he had been 
 beaten: for he had been touched by the hands of the 
 witches. He closed the house-door again, but when the 
 mother returned to her dead child, she saw with horror 
 that the strigae had already taken away the body, and 
 left a straw doll in its place." ' 
 
 This anecdote was received with no less laughter than 
 
 13 The name versipettis was con- 
 sidered as a term of abuse, and is so 
 used by Petron. 62. Pliny also styles 
 it the peculiar designation of such 
 persons, viii. 22. Homines in lupos 
 verti rursumque restitui sibi,falsum 
 esse eonfidenter existimUre debemus, 
 aut credere omnia, qua fabulosa tot 
 seculis eotnperimus. Unde tamen ista 
 
 vulgo infixa sit fama in tantum, ut 
 in maledictis versipelles habeat, in- 
 dicdbitur. There was, according to 
 Euanthes, an Arcadian legend, that 
 each member of a certain family was 
 changed into a wolf for nine years, 
 and after that period again resumed 
 his natural shape.
 
 SCENE IX.] 
 
 THE BANQUET. 
 
 121 
 
 the other. Bassus alone bent unobserved towards the 
 table, and inwardly besought the strigae not to meet him 
 on his way home 14 . 
 
 Some more stories of a similar kind would perhaps 
 have been introduced, had not the slaves produced a 
 fresh fcrculum, which, to the astonishment of the com- 
 pany, contained a vast swine, cooked exactly like the boar. 
 * Ha ! ' cried Lentulus, rising from his couch, in order to 
 inspect it more closely, ' I really believe that the cook has 
 forgotten to disembowel the animal. Bring him hither 
 directly. ' The cook appeared with troubled mien, and 
 confessed, to the indignation of the whole party, that in 
 his hurry he had forgotten to cleanse the beast. ' Now, 
 really/ said the enraged Csecilianus, 'that is the most 
 worthless slave I ever beheld. Who ever heard of a cook 
 omitting to gut a swine ? Were he mine, I would hang 
 him.' Lentulus, however, was more leniently disposed. 
 ' You deserve a severe chastisement/ said he to the slave, 
 ' and may thank my good humour for escaping it. But, 
 as a punishment, you must immediately perform the neg- 
 lected duty in our presence/ The cook seized the knife, 
 and having carefully slit open the belly on both sides, gave 
 a sudden jerk, when, to the agreeable surprise of the guests, 
 a quantity of little sausages of all kinds tumbled out 15 . 
 
 14 Petron. 64. Miratnur nos et 
 pariter credimtts, osculatique mensam 
 rogamus nocturnas, ut suis se teneanl, 
 dum redimus a cozna. The table here 
 supplied the place of the altar, as in 
 Ovid, Amor. i. 4, 27 : 
 
 Tange manu. mensam, quo tangunt 
 more precantea. 
 
 A similar superstitious usage was 
 that of touching the ground with the 
 hand at the mention of the inferi. 
 Plaut. Most. ii. 2, 37. 
 
 15 The whole of this joke is to be 
 found in Petron. 49, who, however, 
 
 relates a far more extraordinary piece 
 of legerdemain, performed by the 
 cooks on the boar, c. 40. Strictoque 
 venatorio cultro latus apri vehetnenter 
 percussit, ex cujus plaga turdi evola- 
 verunt. Such absurdities might be 
 taken as inventions of the author, had 
 we not sober witnesses who relate the 
 same things at a much earlier period. 
 Macrob. Sat. ii. 9. Cincius in sua- 
 sione legis Fannies objecit seeeulo suo, 
 quod porcum Trojanum mensis infe- 
 rant, quern Hit idea sic vocabant, 
 quasi aliis inclusis animalibus gravi- 
 dum, ut Hie Trojamis equus gravidus
 
 122 
 
 CALLUS. 
 
 [SCENE IX. 
 
 ' That is indeed a new joke/ cried Pomponius, laughing, 
 * but tell me, why did you have a tame swine served up 
 after the wild boar ? ' 
 
 'If the remainder of my friends be of that opinion/ 
 replied the host, ' we will grant him his liberty, and he 
 may appear to-morrow at my table with his cap on 16 / 
 
 On a given signal the slaves removed the dish, and 
 brought another containing peacocks, pheasants, the livers 
 of geese, and rare fish. At length this course also was 
 removed, the slaves wiped the table, and cleared away 
 with besoms of palm- twigs 17 the fragments that had fallen 
 on the floor, strewing it at the same time with saw-dust, 
 dyed with minium and pleasant-smelling saffron 18 . 
 
 Whilst this was being done, the eyes of the guests 
 were suddenly attracted upwards by a noise over-head ; 
 the ceiling opened, and a large silver hoop, on which were 
 ointment-bottles of silver and alabaster, silver garlands 
 with beautifully-chiselled leaves and circlets, and other 
 trifles, to be shared amongst the guests as apophoreta 19 , 
 descended upon the table. In the mean time, the dessert 
 had been served, wherein the new baker, whom Lentulus 
 had purchased for a hundred thousand sesterces, gave a 
 
 armatis fuit. So also geese were 
 filled with smaller birds. 
 
 16 At Trimalchio's table, the boar 
 came pileatus, as a freedman, because 
 it had appeared on the table on the 
 preceding day, but had not been cut, 
 a convivis dimissus. 
 
 17 Luxury extended even to the 
 besoms, which were made of palm- 
 twigs. Mart. xiv. 82: 
 
 In pretio scopas testator palma fuisse. 
 Hor. Sat. ii. 4, 83 : 
 Lapides varies lutulenta radere palma. 
 
 18 Hor. Sat. ii. 4, 81 : 
 
 Vilibus in scopis, in mappis, in scobe 
 
 quantus 
 Consistit sumptus ? neglectis, flagitium 
 
 ingena. 
 
 It was customary to strew the floor 
 with dyed or sweet-smelling saw- 
 dust, or something similar. Petron. 
 68. Scobem croco et minio tinctam 
 sparserunt (not to be swept away 
 again) et, quod nunquam antea vide- 
 ram, ex lapide speculari pulverem 
 tritum. The absurd Elagabalus car- 
 ried his prodigality still further. 
 Lamprid. 31. Scobe auri porticum 
 stravit et argenti, dolens, quod non 
 posset et electri; idque frequenter 
 quacunque fecit Her pedibus usque ad 
 equum vel carpentum, ut fit hodie de 
 aurosa arena. 
 
 19 So Petronius relates, 9.
 
 SCENE IX.] 
 
 THE BANQUET. 
 
 123 
 
 specimen of his skill. In addition to innumerable articles 
 of pastry, there were artificial muscles, field-fares filled 
 with dried grapes and almonds, and many other things of 
 the same kind. In the middle stood a well-modelled Yer- 
 tumnus, who held in his apron a great variety of fruits. 
 Around lay sweet quinces, stuck full of almonds, and 
 having the appearance of sea-urchins, with melons cut into 
 various shapes. Whilst the party was praising the fancy 
 of the baker, a slave handed round tooth-picks 20 , made of 
 the leaves of the mastich-pistachio, and Lentulus invited 
 the guests to assist themselves to the confectionery and 
 fruits with which the god was loaded. 
 
 The Perusians, who were particularly astonished by the 
 gifts of Vertumnus at such a season, stretched across the 
 table 21 , and seized the inviting apples and grapes, but drew 
 back in aifright when, as they touched them, a stream 
 of saffron discharged from the fruit, besprinkled them 22 . 
 The merriment became general, when several of the guests 
 attempted cautiously to help themselves to the mysterious 
 fruit, and each time a red stream shot forth. 
 
 ' You seem determined,' exclaimed Pomponius, ' to sur- 
 prise us in every way ; but yet I must say, Lentulus, that 
 in this, otherwise excellent, entertainment, you have not 
 sufficiently provided for our amusement. Here we are at 
 dessert, without having had a single spectacle to delight 
 our eyes between the courses/ ' It is not my fault/ replied 
 Lentulus ; ' for our friend Gallus has deprecated all the 
 feats of rope-dancing and pantomime that I intended for 
 
 20 The stems of the leaves of the 
 mastich-pistachio, lentiscus (Pistacia 
 lentiscus; Lin.), made the best tooth- 
 picks, denti-scalpia, for which quills 
 were also used. Mart. xiv. 22, Den- 
 yium. 
 
 Lentiscum melius ; sed si tibi frondea 
 
 cuspis 
 Defuerit, deiites penna levare potest. 
 
 Martial frequently mentions them, as 
 
 iii. 82, 9, vi. 74, vii. 53. 
 
 21 Plaut. Mil. in. i. 167. 
 
 Sed procellunt et procumbunt dimidl- 
 ati, dum appetunt. 
 
 22 Petron. 60. Omnes enim pla- 
 centa omniaque poma etiam minima 
 vexations contacta cceperant effun- 
 dere crocum ut usque ad nos molestiis 
 humor accedere.
 
 124 
 
 GALLUS. [SCENE IX. 
 
 you, and you see how little lie shares in the conversation. 
 Besides, the sun is already nigh setting, and I have had 
 another triclinium lighted up for us 23 . If no one will 
 take more of the dessert, we may as well, I think, repair 
 thither at once. Perhaps the cloud which shades the 
 countenance of our friend may disappear under the gar- 
 land. Leave the Falernian alone at present, Earinos, and 
 await us in the other saloon.' The youth did as his lord 
 commanded, and just at that moment Calpurnius entered, 
 pouting discontentedly at the servile souls of the company 
 he had left, because he could no longer endure their ' Hail 
 to the father of our fatherland I ' 
 
 The party now rose, to meet again after a short time in 
 the brilliant saloon, the intervening moments being spent 
 by some in sauntering along the colonnades, and by others 
 in taking a bath. 
 
 23 Petron. 73 : Ebrietate discussa in aliud triclinium deducti sumus.
 
 SCENE THE TENTH. 
 
 THE DRINKERS. 
 
 THE lamps had teen long shining on the marble panels 
 of the walls in the triclinium, where Earinos, with 
 his assistants, was making preparations, under the direc- 
 tion of the tricliniarch, for the nocturnal comissatio 1 . 
 Upon the polished table between the tapestried couches 
 stood an elegant bronze candelabrum, in the form of a stem 
 of a tree, from the winterly and almost leafless branches 
 of which four two-flamed lamps, emulating each other in 
 beauty of shape, were suspended. Other lamps hung by 
 chains from the ceiling, which was richly gilt and inge- 
 niously inlaid with ivory, in order to expel the darkness 
 of night from all parts of the saloon. A number of costly 
 goblets and larger vessels were arranged on two silver 
 sideboards. On one of these a slave was just placing 
 another vessel filled with snow, together with its colum, 
 whilst on the other was the steaming caldarium, contain- 
 ing water kept constantly boiling by the coals in its inner 
 cylinder, in case any of the guests should prefer the 
 
 1 The comissatio was a convivium 
 also, and the Greek vvfnroffiov an- 
 swers better to it, but it must not be 
 confounded with the ccena. The name 
 (derived from K&p-oe, Kw/id&iv) de- 
 notes a carousal, such as frequently 
 occurred after the repast. In Livy, 
 xl. 7, Demetrius inquires of his guests, 
 after a ccena at his own house : Quin 
 comissatum ad fratrem imus ? And 
 hence it is said of Habinnas, who 
 after the ccena at another house went 
 to Trimalchio's, Petron. 65; comis- 
 sator intravit. Suet. Dom. 21 : Con- 
 vivabatur frequenter ao large, sed 
 pane raptitn; certe non ultra solis 
 
 occasum, nee ut postea comismretur. 
 These comissationes began late, and 
 were frequently kept up till far into 
 the night, and attended with much 
 noise and riot. Martial alludes to 
 this, when addressing his book, x. 
 19, 18, 
 
 Seras tutior ibis ad lucernas. 
 Hsec hora est tua, cum furit Lyaeus, 
 Cum regnat rosa, cum madent capilli : 
 Tune me vel rigid! legant Catones. 
 and iii. 68, 
 
 deposito post vina rosasque pudore, 
 
 Quid dicat, nescit saucia Terpsichore. 
 They were not in good odour, and 
 the name was connected with the 
 idea of all sorts of debauchery.
 
 126 
 
 GALLUS. 
 
 [SCENE X. 
 
 calda, the drink of winter, to the snow-drink, for which 
 he might think the season was not sufficiently advanced. 
 
 By degrees the guests assembled from the bath and 
 the peristylum, and took their places in the same order 
 as before on the triclinium. Gallus and Calpurnius were 
 still wanting. They had been seen walking to and fro 
 along the cryptoporticus in earnest discourse. At length 
 they arrived, and the gloom seemed dissipated from the 
 brow of Gallus ; his eyes sparkled more brightly, and his 
 whole being seemed to have become more animated. 
 
 'I hope, my friends, you have not 'waited for us/ 
 said he to Pomponius and Csecilianus, who reproached him 
 for his long absence. 'How could we do otherwise/ 
 responded Pomponius, ' as it is necessary first to choose 
 the king 2 who shall reign supreme over the mixing bowl 
 and cyathus ? Quick, Lentulus, let us have the dice di- 
 rectly, or the snow will be turned to calda before we are 
 able to drink it.' On a signal from Lentulus, a slave placed 
 upon the table the dice-board, of Terebinthus-wood, the 
 four dice made from the knuckles of gazelles 3 , and the 
 ivory turret-shaped dice-box. 'But first bring chaplets 
 and the nardum,' cried the host ; ' roses or ivy, I leave 
 the choice to each of you.' Slaves immediately brought 
 chaplets, both of dark- green ivy and of blooming roses. 
 ' Honour to the spring/ said Gallus, at the same time en- 
 circling his temples with a fragrant wreath ; ' ivy belongs 
 to winter ; it is the gloomy ornament with which nature 
 
 2 The custom, common to both 
 Greeks and Romans, of choosing a 
 symposiarch, magister, or rex convivii, 
 arbiter bibcndi, who prescribed the 
 laws of the drinking, is well known. 
 He fixed not only the proportions of 
 the mixing, but also the number of 
 cyathi each person was to drink. 
 Hence the leges insance, Hor. Sat. ii. 
 6, 69. Cic. Verr. v. 11, Iste enim 
 prcetor severus etc diligens, qui populi 
 
 Romani legibus nunquam paruisset, 
 illis diligenter legibus, qua in poculis 
 ponebantur, obtemperabat. He was 
 generally elected by the throw of the 
 dice, tali, and of course the Venus 
 decided it. Hor. Od. ii. 7, 25. Quern 
 Venus arbitrum dicet bibendi ? 
 
 3 We find a tabula terebinthina 
 mentioned in Petron. 33; dorpaya'Xoi 
 AtjSwcjfe Sopicbs in Lucian, Amor. 884.
 
 SCENB X.] 
 
 THE DRINKERS. 
 
 127 
 
 decks her own bier.' 'Not so/ said Calpurnius, 'the 
 more sombre garland becomes men. I leave roses to the 
 women, who know nothing but pleasure and trifling/ 
 
 'JSTo reflection on the women/ cried Faustinus, from 
 the lectus summits ; ' for they, after all, give the spice to 
 life, and I should -not be at all grieved if some gracious 
 fair one were now at my side. Listen, Gallus ; you know 
 that I sometimes attempt a little poetry ; what think you 
 of an epigram I have lately made ? 
 
 ' Let woman come and share our festal joy, 
 For Bacchus loves to sit with Venus' boy ! 
 But fair her form, and witty be her tongue, 
 Such as the nymph's, whom Philolaches sung. 
 Just sip her wine, with jocund glee o'erflow, 
 To-morrow hold her tongue if she know how 4 .' 
 
 ' Very good/ said Gallus ; ' but the last doctrine will 
 apply as well to men ; I will continue your epigram : 
 
 And you, O men ! who larger goblets drain, 
 Nor draining blush, this golden rule maintain. 
 While foams the cup, drink, rattle, joke away, 
 All unrestrained your boisterous mirth* display. 
 But with the wreath be memory laid aside, 
 And let the morn night's dangerous secrets hide.' 5 
 
 'Exactly so/ cried Pomponius, whilst a loud o-o^ois 
 resounded from the lips of the others ; ' let the word of 
 which the nocturnal triens was witness, be banished from 
 our memory, as if it had never been spoken. But now to 
 business. Bassus, you throw first, and he who first throws 
 the Venus is king for the night.' 
 
 Bassus collected the dice in the box, and shook it. 
 
 * Non veto, ne sedeat mecum conviva 
 
 puella : 
 
 Cum Veneria puero vivere Bacchus amat. 
 Sed tamen ut possit lepida ease venustaque 
 
 tola, 
 
 Philolachis quondam quails arnica fuit. 
 
 Parcius ilia bibat ; rnnltum lasciva jocetur ; 
 
 Cras taceat, rnulier si qua tacere potest. 
 
 * Te quoque, majores cui non haurire 
 
 trientes 
 
 Sit rubor, hac cantnm vivere lege relim. 
 Bum spumant calices, pota, strepe, lude, 
 
 jocare, 
 
 Vinctaque sit nullis Musa proterva modis. 
 
 Sed pudeat, posita noctis meminisse corona ; 
 
 Non sibi saepe mero saucia lingua cavet.
 
 128 
 
 GALLTJS. 
 
 [SCENE X. 
 
 * Cytheris for me ,' cried he, as lie threw ; it was an in- 
 different cast. ' Who would think of making so free with 
 the name of his beloved ! ' said Faustinas, as he prepared 
 for his chance. 'To the beautiful one of whom I am 
 thinking ; take care, it will be the Venus/ He threw ; 
 loud laughter succeeded ; it was the dog. The dice passed 
 in this manner from hand to hand till they came to Pom- 
 ponius. ' Ah ! ' exclaimed Lentulus, as Pomponius seized 
 the box, ' now I am anxious to know which, out of the num- 
 ber of his loves, he will invoke, Chione or Galla, Lyde or 
 Neaera ? ' ' Neither of them,' answered Pomponius. ' Ah ! 
 one, three, four, six ; here's the Yenus ! but as all have 
 not yet thrown, another may be equally fortunate.' He 
 handed the dice to Gallus, who, however, as well as the 
 Perusians, having declined the dignity, Pomponius was 
 hailed as lord over the crater and cyathus. 
 
 ' Do not let us have too much water in the mixture,' 
 said Caecilianus ; ' for Lentulus, you know, would not be 
 sulky even should we drink the wine neat.' 'No, no,' 
 replied Pomponius ; ' we have had a long pause, and may 
 now well indulge a little. Three parts of water, and two 
 of wine is a fair proportion 7 , that shall be the mixture 
 
 Plantus frequently mentions that 
 the person about to throw the dice 
 invoked the name of his mistress or 
 some deity. 
 
 Capt. i. 1, 5. 
 
 Amator, talos cum jacit, scortum invocat. 
 Asin. v. 2, 54:. 
 Arg. Jace, pater, talos, ut porro nos 
 
 jaciamus. Dem. Admodutn. 
 Te, Philenium, mihi atque uxori mortem : 
 hoc Venereum est. 
 
 Cyrc. ii. 3, 77. 
 Cur. Provocat me in aleam ; ut ego 
 
 ludam, pono pallium, 
 Ille suum annulum opposuit : invocat 
 
 Planesium. 
 Ph. Meosne am ores? Cur. Tace pa- 
 
 rumper : jacit vultwios quatuor. 
 Talos arripio : invoco almam meam nutri- 
 cem Herculem. 
 
 From these passages, however, we 
 cannot conclude that they called upon 
 the gods ; but this is clearly proved 
 by a second passage from the Asi- 
 naria, iv. 1, 35, where it said, under 
 the conditions of a contract, which 
 Diabolus makes with his arnica, 
 Cum jaciat, Te ne dicat ; nomen nominet. 
 Beam invocet sibi, quam lubebit, pro- 
 
 pitiam; 
 Deum nullum. 
 
 Nevertheless these passages from co- 
 medies originally Greek, give no sure 
 proof that it was a Roman custom ; 
 but probably when Greeco more bibere 
 had got into fashion, this habit also 
 was adopted. 
 
 7 The proportions of the wine 
 and water differed according to the
 
 SCENE X.] 
 
 THE DRINKERS. 
 
 129 
 
 to-night. Do you, Earinos, measure out five cyathi for 
 each of us.' 
 
 The goblets were filled and emptied amidst jokes and 
 merriment, which gradually grew louder, for Pomponius 
 took care that the cyathi should not have much repose. 
 1 1 propose,' said he. at length, when, from the increased 
 animation of the conversation, the power of the Falernian 
 became evident, ' that we try the dice a little. Let us 
 
 frugality of the drinkers. ' The Greek 
 rule, 
 
 fj TreWe irtveiv, i) TpC, 7) JUT; rfcrcrapa, 
 
 (which also occurs in Plaut. Stick, v. 
 4, 25), was unintelligible even to the 
 later writers. Plautus, as well as 
 others, seems to have understood it 
 of the number of cyathi which were 
 drunk, as the context explains : 
 
 Sa. Vide, quot cyathos bibimus? St. Tot, 
 quot digit! sunt tibi in manum. 
 
 Sa. Cantio est Grceca : rj ireVre vlv, ij -rpia 
 irlv', T) /uij Tfrrapa : 
 
 but most of the later authors refer it 
 to the proportions of the mixing, al- 
 though they differ in their explana- 
 tions. Plut. Symjjos. iii. 9. irivrt 
 Tpiaiv vSarog Kipavvvfiivwv irpog 
 Svo olvov. rpj'a TTfiocFpiyvvfiivwv 
 Cvotv' Ttaaapa tie tig 'iva rpiiav 
 rfaros tTrtxtop.evwv. Athen. x. p. 
 426, on the contrary: TJ yap Suo vpoq 
 irivre irivciv ^>t]al Stlv, TJ 'iva TTOOQ 
 rpa, which explanation is given 
 afterwards by Eustath. on Odyss. ix. 
 209, although he cites the other pro- 
 portions of mixing also. Several other 
 proportions are mentioned in Hesiod, 
 Op. 596 : 
 
 Tpis 8' uSo/ros irpo\eeiv, TO Se rfrparov 
 iepev olvov. 
 
 So also Ion in Athenseus, of Bacchus, 
 or wine : 
 
 Xaipei Ktpr 
 
 Tpi<rl Nv/x</>ats rerpaTOS 
 
 which is supposed to be just the pro- 
 
 portion denoted by rkaaapa : but the 
 half-and-half mixture, I<TOV lay, fre- 
 quently commemorated by Athenas- 
 us, may be equally well understood. 
 Another proportion, irivrt Kal vo, is 
 thus explained by him : Svo olvov 
 Trpof irevTt vSarog', but in the Ana- 
 creontic cited by him, we have : T& 
 p.iv Su' ey\iag vSarog, rd TTBVTI S' 
 oivov, where others read, rd fifv Sue 1 
 iy\ti. The custom of drinking the 
 wine and water mixed in equal pro- 
 portions, laov iffy, and still more, of 
 the wine unmixed, was reprehended. 
 Far less is known of the strength 
 usual among the Romans. The pas- 
 sage in Hor. Od. iii. 19, 11, will not 
 resolve the matter, tribus ant novem 
 miscentur cyathis pocula commodis, 
 &c. It is only certain that a homo 
 frugi drank the wine diluted, that 
 meracius bibere was considered not 
 praiseworthy, and merum bibere, as 
 the mark of a drunkard. The guests 
 doubtless mixed their wine according 
 to their tastes ; and whilst one called 
 for meracius, another drank almost 
 water, as in the example given by 
 Martial, i. 107 : 
 
 Interponis aquam subinde, Eufe, 
 Et si cogeris a sodale, raram 
 Diluti bibis unciam FalernL 
 This passage is remarkable for the 
 expression cogere, used like press, or 
 invite, by us, and for the Roman 
 name uncia for cyathus.
 
 130 
 
 GALLUS. 
 
 [SCENE X. 
 
 play for low stakes, merely for amusement ; let each of us 
 stake five denarii, and put in another for every ace or six 
 that may be thrown. Whoever throws the Yenus first, 
 gains the whole sum staked/ The proposal was acceded 
 to, and the play began. ' How shall it be, Bassus ? ' said 
 Pomponius, 'a hundred denarii that I make the lucky 
 throw before you 8 .' ' Agreed/ replied the other. ' I will 
 also bet the same with you/ said G-allus : ' a hundred 
 denarii on each side/ ' And I bet you the same sum/ 
 said Lentulus to Gallus ; ' and if either of us should throw 
 the dog, he must pay double/ 
 
 The dice went round the table, and first Caecilianus, 
 and then one of the Perusians, won the pool. The bets 
 remained still undecided. When Pomponius had again 
 thrown, he cried, ' Won ! look here, each dice exhibits a 
 different number/ Gallus took the box and threw. Four 
 unlucky aces were the result. The Perusians laughed 
 loudly ; for which Gallus darted a fierce glance at them. 
 The money was paid. ' Shall we bet again ? ' inquired Len- 
 tulus. ' Of course/ replied Gallus; ' two thousand sesterces, 
 and let him who throws sixes also lose/ Lentulus threw; 
 again the Yenus appeared, and loud laughter arose from 
 the lectus imus. By degrees the game became warmer, 
 the bet higher, and Gallus more desperate. In the mean 
 time Pomponius had, unnoticed, altered the proportions of 
 the mixture. ' I am now in favour of a short pause/ said he, 
 * that we may not entirely forget the cups. Bring larger 
 goblets, Earinos, that we may drink according to the cus- 
 tom of the Greeks 9 / Larger crystal glasses were placed 
 
 8 It has been already mentioned 
 that betting was not uncommon ; 
 indeed, this is evident from the in- 
 terdicts issued against it ; and the 
 enormous sums often lost on one 
 game, render it probable that there 
 was betting at the same time. 
 
 9 The iliief passage respecting the 
 
 drinking after the manner of the 
 Greeks, Grceco more bibere, is Cic. 
 Verr. i. 26 : Discumbitur : Jit sertno 
 inter eos et invitatio, ut Gr<eco more 
 biberetur ; hortatur hospes ; poscunt 
 majoribus poculis. On which, Pius 
 Asconius, Est autem Grcecus mos, ut 
 Gr<eci dicunt, ffvinruTv Kvadi^o^evon^, 
 cum merum cyathis libant salutantes
 
 SCENE X.] THE DRINKERS. 131 
 
 before him. 'Pour out for me six cyathi 10 ,' cried he. 'This 
 
 primo deos, deinde amicos suos nomi- 
 nantes ; nam toties meruin bibunt, 
 quoties et deos et caros sttos nomina- 
 tim vacant. Cicero also says, Tusc. 
 i. 40 : Greed enim in conviviis solent 
 nominare, cui poculum tradituri sunt, 
 which agrees with Athenaeus x., ir\rj- 
 povvTtg yap Trposirivov d\\t)\oig jut- 
 ra irpoaayopivaitiig. The custom 
 was, that a person pledged the cup to 
 another, thereby challenging him to 
 empty it, at the same time uttering 
 the name of him to whom the cup was 
 given. It seems to have been pretty 
 general, but Sparta formed an excep- 
 tion to the rule. Athen. x. : irpoTro- 
 otiQ Si rat,- yii'opEvas iv rolf ovfi- 
 Tr.oaioig AaKtSaifiovioig oiiK i\v #o 
 TToitiv, ovrt <pi\oTt]<riai; Sid rovrwv 
 7rpo dXXi)\ovg iroiiiaQai.. SrjXol Se 
 Tavra KpiTiag iv roig iXiytioif, 
 
 Kal ToS' eflos Sirdprfl |.eA.rn)fAa re Kei^evov 
 
 eori, 
 
 iriveiv riji' auTTji/ olvofyopov KV\IKO.' 
 HTjS' a.TroSiapei<r6at. Trpoirdo-eis oi/o/xacrTi A- 
 
 yovra. 
 
 The following verses mark the cus- 
 tura : 
 
 Kal TrpoTTocreis bpeyeiv emSe^iO. Kai jrpo/ca- 
 
 \elo-6ai. 
 fovoficuc\^Sr)i', ai Ttpoirieiv cfle'Aei. 
 
 The poet describes the usage as dan- 
 gerous and immoral, as it naturally 
 led to immoderate indulgence; for, 
 not satisfied with being forced to drink 
 freely on account of the mutual chal- 
 lenges, they mixed very little water, 
 and exchanged the smaller for larger 
 pocula, as we learn from Cicero. 
 Comp. Hor. Sat. ii. 8, 35. Curculio 
 also says (Plaut. ii. 3, 81), propino 
 magnum poculum; propinare, and 
 more rarely prccbibere, were the Ro- 
 man expressions for irpoirivtiv : per- 
 haps also invitare, although all the 
 
 passages where it occurs may be 
 otherwise explained. Plaut. Eud. ii. 
 3, 32: 
 
 Neptunus magma poculis hac nocte enm in- 
 vitavit. 
 
 10 The drinking of the names had 
 nothing to do with the proportions of 
 the mixture, nor did it properly be- 
 long to the Gracus mos, although it 
 may have thence originated. This 
 bibere nomen, literas, ad numerum, 
 has often been erroneously referred 
 to the number of cups, of which it 
 was thought as many were drunk as 
 the name had letters. "We must 
 rather suppose the number of the 
 cyathi, determined by the letters of 
 the name, and drunk out of one cup. 
 Still many questions may be raised 
 on the passages of Martial from 
 which we derive almost our only in- 
 formation on this subject : the plain- 
 est of which is, i. 72 : 
 
 Nsevia sex cyathis, septem Justina bibatur, 
 Quinque Lycas, Lyde quatuor, Ida tribus. 
 
 Omnis ab infuso numeretur arnica Falerno, 
 Et quia nulla venit, tu mihi, somne, veni. 
 
 The question arises, whether, if the 
 name were changed in the vocative* 
 the number of cyathi would depend 
 on the number of letters it then had, 
 or on the entire number of the casus 
 rectus. Martial speaks in favour of 
 the latter, xi. 36 : 
 
 Quincunces et sex cyathos bessemque biba- 
 
 mus, 
 Cams ut fiat, Julius et Proculus ; 
 
 with which agrees ix. 94. On the 
 contrary, in viii. 51, it is said : 
 
 Det numerum cyathis Instantis litera Rufi ; 
 
 Auctor enim tanti muneris ille mihi. 
 Si Telethusa venit, promissaque gaudia pur- 
 tat, 
 
 Servabor domins, Rule, triente tuo.
 
 132 
 
 GALLUS. 
 
 [SCENE X. 
 
 cup I drink to you, Gallus. Hail to you 11 ! ' Gallus replied 
 to the greeting, and then desired the cyathus to be emptied 
 seven times into his goblet. ' Let us not forget the absent,' 
 said he. ' Lycoris, this goblet I dedicate to you.' ' Well 
 done,' said Bassus, as his cup was being filled. ' Now my 
 turn has come. Eight letters form the name of my love^ 
 Cytheris ! ' said he, as he drained the glass. Thus the toast 
 passed from mouth to mouth, and finally came to the turn 
 of the Perusians. ' I have no love/ said the one on the 
 middle seat, ' but I will give you a better name, to which 
 let each one empty his glass ; Caesar Octavianus ! hail to 
 him 12 .' ' Hail to him/ responded the other Perusian. ' Six 
 cyathi to each, or ten ? What, Gallus and Calpurnius ! 
 does not the name sound pleasant to you, that you refuse 
 the goblet ? ' 'I have no reason for drinking to his wel- 
 fare/ rejoined Gallus, scarcely suppressing his emotion. 
 * Reason or no/ said the Perusian, ' it is to the father of 
 our fatherland ! ' ' Father of our fatherland ! ' screamed 
 Calpurnius, violently enraged. ' Say rather to the tyrant, 
 the bad citizen, the suppressor of liberty ! ' ' Be not so 
 
 Si dubia est, septunce trahar ; si fallit 
 
 amantem, 
 TJt jugulem curas, nomen utrumque 
 
 bibam. 
 
 There the vocative form fixes the 
 measure, as the triens contained four 
 cyathi, and the word septunx will 
 not allow of the word being taken 
 in a more general sense. Perhaps it 
 made a difference whether the person 
 whose health was drunk were absent 
 or present. The passage in Plaut. 
 Stick, v. 4, 26 : 
 Tibi propino decumafonte, tibi tuteinde, 
 
 si sapis ; 
 
 where they refer the unintelligible 
 deeuma to the name of Stephanium, 
 who was present, can (laying aside all 
 question about the reading) scarcely 
 allude to this; for Sagarinus evi- 
 dently pledges Stichus. 
 
 11 The words with which they 
 drank to a person's health were bene 
 te, or bene tibi. They drained the 
 goblet to the health either of one or 
 of the whole company. Plaut. SticA. 
 v. 4, 27 : 
 
 Bene vos, bene nos, bene te, bene me, 
 bene nostrum etiam Stephanium. 
 
 So also Persius, v. 1, 20, and else- 
 where. 
 
 12 The abject senate had expressly 
 enjoined that both at public and pri- 
 vate banquets a libation should be 
 made to Augustus. Dio. Cass. li. 19 ; 
 Ovid, Fast. ii. 637 : 
 
 Et, bene nos, patrise, bene te, pater op- 
 time, Caesar, 
 Dicite suffuso, sint rata verba, mero.
 
 SCENE X.] THE DRINKERS. 133 
 
 violent/ said tile stranger, with a malicious smile ; ' if you 
 will not drink it, why leave it undone. But yet I wager, 
 Gallus, that you have often enough drunk to our lord 
 before his house was closed upon you. It certainly is not 
 pleasant when a man thinks he has made the lucky throw 
 to find the dog suddenly before him.' ' Scoundrel ! ' cried 
 Gallus, springing up, ' know that it is a matter of entire 
 indifference to me whether the miserable, cowardly tyrant 
 close his doors on me or no.' ' No doubt he might have 
 used stronger measures/ quietly continued the stranger ; 
 ' and if the lamentations of the Egyptians had made them- 
 selves heard, you would now be cooling yourself by a resi- 
 dence in Moesia.' ' Let him dare to send me there/ called 
 out Gallus, no longer master of himself. ' Dare ! ' said the 
 Perusian, with a smile, ' he dare, who could annihilate you 
 with a single word ! ' ' Or I him/ exclaimed Gallus, now 
 enraged beyond all bounds ; ' Julius even met with his 
 dagger.' 'Ah! unheard-of treason!' cried the second 
 stranger, starting up ; ' I call the assembled company to 
 witness that I have taken no part in the highly treasonable 
 speeches that have been uttered here. My sandals, slave ; 
 to remain here any longer would be a crime.' 
 
 The guests had all risen, although a part of them 
 reeled. Some endeavoured to bring Gallus, who now did 
 not seem to think so lightly of the words which had 
 hastily escaped him, to moderation. Pomponius addressed 
 the Perusians, but as they insisted on quitting the house, 
 he promised Gallus that he would endeavour to pacify 
 them on the way home. 
 
 The other guests also bethought them of departing; 
 one full of vexation at the unpleasant breaking up of the 
 feast, another blaming Pomponius for introducing such 
 unpolished fellows; Gallus not without some anxiety, 
 which he in vain endeavoured to silence by bold resolu- 
 tions for the future.
 
 SCENE THE ELEVENTH. 
 
 THE CATASTROPHE. 
 
 THE day commenced very differently, on the present 
 occasion, in the house of Gallus, from what it had done 
 on the morning of his journey. His disgrace, by some fore- 
 seen, but to most both unexpected and looked upon as the 
 harbinger of still more severe misfortunes, formed the prin- 
 cipal topic of the day, and was discussed in the forum and 
 the tabernae with a thousand different comments. The 
 intelligence of his return to Rome soon became diffused 
 throughout the city 1 ; and the loud tidings of his presence 
 
 1 Although the ancients had no 
 newspapers to disseminate quickly 
 the news of the day, the want was 
 in some degree remedied by their 
 public style of living. Much more of 
 their time was passed from, than at, 
 home. They visited the forum, the 
 piazzas, and other places of resort ; 
 they met each other at the baths, the 
 tabernce of the tonsores, the medici, 
 and librarii, and thus the occurrences 
 of the day were easily passed from 
 one to another. It was therefore quite 
 possible that the news of the return 
 of Gallus should have spread over the 
 whole city by the following day. 
 
 [Another compensation for our mo- 
 dern newspapers were copies of the 
 acta diurna publica, or urbana, which 
 were despatched to all parts of the 
 Roman empire. These acta or chro- 
 nicles of Eoman diary did not con- 
 tain merely important events, as in 
 earlier times did the annales maximi, 
 as for example, new laws, appoint- 
 ments, decrees of the senate, edicts of 
 the magistrates, &c. ; but also many 
 other notices of minor importance in 
 the circle of the day's news, as an- 
 
 nouncements of festivals, sacrifices, 
 fires, processions, and also births, 
 marriages, divorces, and deaths. They 
 commenced during Caesar's first con- 
 sulate, or at any rate not much earlier. 
 Suet. Cces. 20. Their compilation 
 was the business of actuarii appointed 
 for the purpose under the superin- 
 tendence of the director of the tabula 
 publica and the cerariiim. After the 
 writing down was finished, the tables 
 of chronicles were openly exposed, so 
 that any one could read and copy 
 them. Thus many scribes made a 
 business in writing out the acta for 
 certain persons for pay, and even a 
 greater number in making extracts 
 from them, and sending their copies 
 to their subscribers, even in the most 
 distant provinces. So these public 
 chronicles compensated in a certain 
 degree for the modern newspapers, as 
 appears from many passages. Tac. 
 Ann. xvi. 22, Diurna Populi Romani 
 per provincias, per exercitm curatius 
 leguntur, ut noscatur, quid Thrasea 
 non fecerit. Cic. ad Fam. xii. 22, 
 23, 28, etc. Petronius, 63, gives a 
 curious copy of the acta.~\
 
 SCENE XL] 
 
 THE CATASTROPHE. 
 
 135 
 
 should have collected the troop of clients who, at other 
 times, were accustomed to flock in such great numbers to 
 his house. On this day, however, the vestibulum remained 
 empty ; the obsequious crowd no longer thronged it. The 
 selfish, who had promised themselves some advantage from 
 the influence of their patron, became indifferent about a 
 house which could no longer be considered, as it had lately 
 been, the entrance-hall of the palace. The timid were de- 
 terred by fear of the cloud which hung threatening over 
 Gallus, lest they themselves should be overtaken by the 
 destroying flash 2 . The swarm of parasites, prudently 
 weighing their own interest, avoided a table of doubtful 
 duration, in order that they might not forfeit their seats 
 at ten others, where undisturbed enjoyment for the future 
 appeared more secure. And even those few in whom feel- 
 ings of duty or shame had overcome other considerations, 
 seemed to be not at all dissatisfied when the ostiarius 
 announced to them that his master would receive no visitors 
 that day. In the house itself all was quiet. The majority 
 of the slaves had not yet returned from the villa, and those 
 who were present seemed to share the grief of the deeply- 
 affected dispensator. 
 
 Uneasiness and anxiety had long since banished sleep 
 from the couch of Gallus. He could not conceal from him- 
 self to what a precipice a misuse of his incautious expres- 
 sions would drive him, and that he could expect no for- 
 bearance or secresy from the suspicious-looking strangers. 
 
 2 Although it has been said that 
 the fact of Augustus having repudi- 
 ated a man's friendship, was not ne- 
 cessarily followed by the desertion of 
 his friends, yet this was not exactly 
 the position of Gallus, to whom the 
 interdict was a sort of favour, in place 
 of a more rigorous punishment, and 
 hence might probably cause the alien- 
 ation of friends. Ovid bitterly com- 
 plains of those who, in a similar case, 
 
 abjured their friend through fear. 
 See Trist. i. 8 and 9, 17. 
 
 Dum stetimus, turbae quantum satis 
 
 esset, habebat 
 Nota quidem, sed non ambitiosa do- 
 
 mus ; 
 At simul est impulsa, omnes timuere 
 
 ruinam 
 
 Cautaque communi terga dedere fugse. 
 Sseva nee admiror metuunt si fulmina, 
 
 quorum 
 Ignibus afflari proxima quseque vident.
 
 1 36 GALLUS. [SCENE XL 
 
 Animated by the dreams of freedom with which Calpurnius 
 had entertained him ; half enlisted in the plans which the 
 enthusiast, sincerely moved at the misfortune of his friend, 
 had proposed to him ; highly excited by the strength of 
 the wine and the heat of play ; and stung to fury by the 
 insolence of the strange guests; he had suffered himself to 
 be drawn into an indiscreet avowal which he was far from 
 seriously meaning. On calmer reflection he perceived the 
 folly of all those bold projects which, in the first moment 
 of excitement, seemed to present the possibility of averting 
 his own fate by the overthrow of the tyrant ; and he now 
 found himself without the hope of escape, in the power of 
 two men, whose whole behaviour was calculated to inspire 
 anything but confidence. His only consolation was that they 
 had been introduced by Pomponius, through whose exer- 
 tions he hoped possibly to obtain their silence ; for Gallus 
 still firmly believed in the sincerity of his friendship, and 
 paid no attention even to a discovery which his slaves pro- 
 fessed to have made on the way homeward. It was as 
 follows : His road, in returning from the mansion of Len- 
 tulus, passed not far from that of Largus ; and the slaves 
 who preceded him with the lantern had seen three men, 
 resembling very much Pomponius and the two Perusians, 
 approach the house. One of them struck the door with 
 the metal knocker, and they were all immediately admitted 
 by the ostiarius. Gallus certainly thought so late a visit 
 strange ; but, as it was no uncommon thing for Largus to 
 break far into the night with wine and play, he persuaded 
 himself that it must be some acquaintances who had called 
 upon him on their return from an earlier party. 
 
 At last the drowsy god had steeped him in a beneficial 
 oblivion of these cares, and although the sun was by this 
 time high in the heavens, yet Chresimus was carefully 
 watching lest any noise in the vicinity of his bed-chamber 
 should abridge the moments of his master's repose. The 
 old man wandered about the house uneasily, and appeared 
 to be impatiently waiting for something. In the atrium he
 
 SCENE XL] THE CATASTROPHE. 
 
 was met by Leonidas, approaching from the door. ' "Well, 
 no messenger yet ? ' he hastily inquired of him. * None/ 
 replied the vicarius. 'And no intelligence in the house?' 
 Chresimus again asked. ' None since his departure/ was 
 the answer. He shook his head, and proceeded to the 
 atrium, where a loud knocking at the door was heard. 
 The ostiarius opened it. It was an express with a letter 
 from Lycoris. ' At last/ cried Chresimus, as he took the 
 letter from the tabcllariiis. 'My lady/ said the messenger, 
 ' enjoined me to make all possible haste, and bade me give 
 the letter only to yourself or your lord. Present it to 
 him directly.' 'Your admonition is not wanted/ replied 
 Chresimus ; ' I have been long expecting your arrival.' 
 
 The faithful servant had indeed anxiously expected the 
 letter. Although Gallus had strictly forbidden him from 
 letting the cause of his departure from the villa become 
 known, yet Chresimus believed that he should be rendering 
 him an important service by acquainting Lycoris with the 
 unfortunate occurrence. She had at Baise only half broken 
 to him the secret, which confirmed, but too well, his opinion 
 of Pomponius. He had therefore urged her not to lose a 
 moment in making Gallus acquainted, at whatever sacri- 
 fice to herself, with the danger that was threatening him, 
 and immediately return herself, in order to render lasting 
 the first impression caused by her avowal. He now hast- 
 ened towards the apartment in which his master was still 
 sleeping, cautiously fitted the three-toothed key into the 
 opening of the door, and drew back the bolts by which it 
 was fastened. Gallus, awakened by the noise, sprang up 
 from his couch. ' What do you bring ? ' cried he to the 
 domestic, who had pushed aside the tapestry, and entered. 
 ' A letter from Lycoris/ said the old man, 'just brought by 
 a courier. He urged me to deliver it immediately, and so 
 I was forced to disturb you.' Gallus hastily seized the 
 tablets. They were not of the usual small and neat shape 
 which afforded room for a few tender words only, but by 
 their size evidently enclosed a large letter. ' Doubtless/
 
 CALLUS. [SCENE XT. 
 
 said he, as lie cut the threads with a knife which Chresimus 
 had presented to him, ' doubtless the poor girl has been 
 terrified by some unfavourable reports/ He read the con- 
 tents, and turned pale. With the anxiety of a fond heart, 
 she accused herself as the cause of what had befallen her 
 lover, and disclosed to him the secret which must enlighten 
 him on the danger that threatened him from Pomponius. 
 "Without sparing herself, she alluded to her former con- 
 nexion with the traitor, narrated the occurrences of that 
 evening, his attempt to deceive her, and his villanous 
 threats. She conjured Gallus to take, with prudence and 
 resolution, such steps as were calculated to render harmless 
 the intrigues of his most dangerous enemy. She would 
 herself arrive, she added, soon after he received the letter, 
 in order to beg pardon with her own mouth for what had 
 taken place. 
 
 There stood the undeceived Gallus in deep emotion. 
 ' Read/ said he, handing the letter to the faithful freedman, 
 who shared all his secrets. Chresimus took it, and read 
 just what he had expected. ' I was not deceived,' said he, 
 ' and thank Lycoris for clearly disclosing to you, although 
 late, the net they would draw around you. Now hasten 
 to Caesar with such proofs of treachery in your hand, and 
 expose to him the plot which they have formed against 
 you. Haply the Gods may grant that the storm which 
 threatens to wreck the ship of your prosperity may yet 
 subside.' 
 
 ' I fear it is too late,' replied his master, ' but I will 
 speak with Pomponius. He must know that I see through 
 him ; perchance he will not then venture to divulge what, 
 once published, must be succeeded by inevitable ruin. 
 Despatch some slaves immediately to his house, to the 
 forum, and to the tabernse, where he is generally to be 
 met with at this hour. He must have no idea that I have 
 heard from Lycoris. They need only say that I particu- 
 larly beg he will call upon me as soon as possible.' 
 
 Chresimus hastened to fulfil the command of his lord.
 
 SCENE XI.] 
 
 THE CATASTROPHE. 
 
 139 
 
 The slaves went and returned without having found Pom- 
 ponius. The porter at his lodgings had answered that 
 his master had set out early in the morning on a journey; 
 but one of the slaves fancied that he had caught a glimpse 
 of him in the carinte, although he withdrew so speedily 
 that he had not time to overtake him. At last, Leonidas 
 returned from the forum ; he had been equally unsuc- 
 cessful in his search, but brought other important intelli- 
 gence, communicated to him by a friend of his master. 
 'An obscure report/ said this man, 'is going about the 
 forum 3 , that Largus had, in the assembled senate, accused 
 Gallus of high treason, and of plotting the murder of the 
 emperor ; that two strangers had been brought into the 
 curia as witnesses, and that Augustus had committed to 
 the senate the punishment of the outrage.' 
 
 The intelligence was but too well founded. In order 
 to anticipate any steps that Gallus might take for his 
 security, Pomponius had announced to Largus on the very 
 night of the supper with Lentulus, that his artifice had 
 met with complete success. At daybreak 4 Largus repaired 
 to the imperial palace, and portrayed in glaring colours 
 the treasonable designs which Gallus, when in his cups, 
 had divulged. Undecided as to how he should act, yet 
 solicitous for his own safety, Augustus had referred the 
 
 3 The acts of the senate, until 
 publicly proclaimed, remained dirop- 
 pjra, not to be divulged by the 
 members ; but there can be no doubt 
 that some part of the debates was 
 often suffered to transpire previously. 
 
 4 The remark of Suet. 78, about 
 Augustus, will admit of exception in 
 a particular case : Hatutina vigilia 
 offenclcbatur, ac si vel officii, vel sacri 
 causa maturius evigilandum esset, ne 
 id contra commodum faceret, in prox- 
 imo cujuscunque domesticorum ccena- 
 
 culo manebat. The meaning of ma- 
 tutina vigilia is explained by the pre- 
 ceding words : Si interruptum som- 
 num recuperare, ut evenit, non posset, 
 lectoribus aut fabulatoribus arcessitis, 
 resumebat prodticebatqite ultra pri- 
 mam scape lucem. Other emperors 
 gave admission to distinguished per- 
 sons long before daybreak. So says 
 Pliny, Epist. iii. 5, of his uncle, 
 Ante lucem ibat ad Vespasianum Im- 
 peratorem ; nam ille quoque noctibus 
 utebatur.
 
 140 
 
 CALLUS. 
 
 [SCENE XI. 
 
 matter to the decision of the senate 5 , most of the members 
 of which were far from displeased at the charge. It is 
 true that many voices were raised, demanding that the 
 accused should not at least be condemned unheard ; but 
 they availed nothing against the louder clamour of those 
 who declared that there were already previous charges 
 sufficient to justify extreme severity ; and that they them- 
 selves should be guilty of high treason did they, by delay 
 or forbearance, expose the life of Caesar and the welfare 
 of the republic to danger. The result of the debate was 
 a decree, by which Gallus was banished to an inhospitable 
 country on the Pontus Euxinus, and his property con- 
 fiscated to the emperor 6 . He was also ordered to leave 
 Rome on the following morning, and Italy within ten days. 
 At the seventh hour Calpurnius rushed into the house 
 of Gallus bringing confirmation of the dread decree, and 
 was soon followed by others from all quarters. Gallus 
 received the news, which cleared up the last doubts con- 
 cerning his fate, with visible grief but manly composure. 
 He thanked his friend for his sympathy, warning him at 
 the same time to be more cautious on his own account for 
 the future. He then requested him to withdraw, ordered 
 Chresimus to bring his double tablets, and delivered to 
 him money and jewels to be saved for Lycoris and himself. 
 Having pressed the hand of the veteran, who wept aloud, 
 he demanded to be left alone. The domestic loitered for 
 a while, and then retired full of the worst forebodings. 
 
 5 Suet. Aug. 66, says only : Gallo 
 quoque et accusatorium denuneiationi- 
 biis et senatus consultis ad necem com- 
 pulso. Dio. Cass. liii. 23, is more ex- 
 plicit : Kai 17 ytpovaia aVatra aXuivai 
 T avrov iv rots SiKaarr]pioiQ, Kai 
 Qvyflv rijc ovaiaq oTtpriOsvTa, Kai 
 ravrrjv TS rtp AvyoiJT<{i Sodrjvai, 
 
 It is nowhere said that Augustus was 
 the direct cause of his death, or that 
 
 he acceded to it ; from his complaints 
 after it took place, we may rather 
 conclude the contrary. 
 
 6 Dio. Cass. supra : Kai 6 / v 
 ac iirl rovroif tavrbv Trpo- 
 Amm. Marc. xvii. 4 : 
 stricto incubuit ferro. Ovid, Amor. 
 iii. 6, 63 : 
 Sanguinis atque animse prodige, Galle, tuae.
 
 SCENE XI.] THE CATASTROPHE. 141 
 
 Gallus fastened the door, and for greater security 
 placed the wooden bar across it. He then wrote a few 
 words to Augustus, begging him to give their freedom to 
 the faithful servants who had been in most direct attend- 
 ance upon him. Words of farewell to Lycoris filled the 
 other tablets. After this, he reached from the wall the 
 sword, to the victories achieved by which he owed his 
 fatal greatness, struck it deep into his breast, and as he 
 fell upon the couch, dyed yet more strongly the purple 
 coverlet with the streams of his blood. 
 
 The lictor, sent to announce to him the sentence of 
 banishment, arrived too late. Chresimus had already, 
 with faithful hand, closed the eyes of his beloved master, 
 and round the couch stood a troop of weeping slaves, un- 
 certain of their future lot, and testifying by the loudness 
 of their grief,, that a man of worth was dead.
 
 SCENE THE TWELFTH. 
 
 THE GRAYE. 
 
 intelligence of the melancholy end of Gallus soon 
 reached Augustus, and made the stronger impression 
 on him, from several influential voices having been already 
 raised in disapproval of the senate's premature and severe 
 decree, and expressing doubts as to the sincerity of his 
 accusers. Now that Gallus himself had decided matters 
 in such a way as allowed of no recall or mitigation of his 
 sentence, and that the emperor had no longer any anxiety 
 for his own safety, the consciousness of great injustice 
 having been committed, took its place. A true version of 
 what had passed at the house of Lentulus soon got abroad, 
 and it became by degrees established that Gallus was much 
 less guilty than had been supposed, and that he had fallen 
 a victim to an intrigue, which the hostilely-disposed senate 
 had embraced as a welcome opportunity for his destruction 1 . 
 Augustus then loudly lamented the fate, which robbed him 
 alone, among all men, of the liberty of being angry with 
 his friends, according to his own measure and will 2 . He 
 
 1 The base conduct of the senate 
 in the condemnation of Gallus, is 
 well described by Dio. Cass. liii. 24. 
 To drj rSiv TroXXoii' KifidrjXov Kai tK 
 
 TOVTOV Slt]\i-/X^n> OTl IKflVOV TB, 
 
 ov rtdig iico\a.Ktvov, OVTU Tore SIE- 
 6r)Kav, WOTS Kai avTO\tipiq. diro- 
 Qavtiv avayKaaai, (cat 7rpo TOV Adp- 
 yov diriicXtivav, iirtidrjittp avuv 
 ijpX lro ' /" Movrlf irov Kai Karci TOV- 
 TOV TO avrd, av ys re TOIOVTOV ol 
 
 2 See Suet. Aug. 66. Sed Gallo 
 qnoqine et accusatorum denunciatio- 
 ttibus et senatus consultis ad necem 
 cvmpulso, laudavit quidem pietatem 
 
 tantopere pro se indignantium : c<e- 
 terum et illacrimavit et vicem suam 
 conqttestus est, quod sibi soli non 
 liceret amicis, quantum vellet, irasci. 
 "Whether the complaint of Augustus 
 was sincere, whether his grief was 
 real or pretended, whether he consi- 
 dered the fate of Gallus too hard, or 
 whether, after all anxiety on his own 
 account was at an end, he played the 
 part of a magnanimous man, cannot 
 be decided from the accounts given 
 us. We must look for the truth ill 
 Dio. Cassius, according to whom Lar- 
 gus continued to rise in the emperor's 
 favour, and so come to a decision as 
 to the real feelings of Augustas.
 
 SCEXE XII.] 
 
 THE GRAVE. 
 
 143 
 
 firmly denounced the decree which made him master over 
 the property of Gallus, and ordained that whatever dispo- 
 sition of it might have been previously made, should have 
 full effect. The senate, with the same alacrity that they 
 had entertained the accusation, now proceeded to declare 
 that all guilt had. been effaced by his death, and that 
 nothi?ig should stand in the way of an honourable funeral 3 . 
 
 In the other parts of Rome the most violent indig- 
 nation was excited by the news of the death of Gallus and 
 of the treachery employed against him. Pomponius was 
 nowhere to be found, but Largus was made to feel, in its 
 full measure, the contempt due to his villany 4 . On his 
 appearance next morning in the forum, a man with whom 
 he was unacquainted stepped forward, and asked whether 
 he knew him. On Largus replying in the negative, he 
 called his companion as a witness, and made him sign 
 his name to a tablet containing this avowal, in order to 
 be secure against any charge which Largus might bring 
 against him. Another, as Largus approached, held his hand 
 before his mouth and nose, and advised the bystanders to 
 do the same, since it was scarcely safe even to breathe in 
 the vicinity of such a person. Sincere compassion for the 
 unhappy fate of Gallus was everywhere evinced, and more 
 especially among those classes which had not found in his 
 advancement any cause of envy. 
 
 Profound quiet and sincere lamentation reigned in the 
 
 3 "We need not stop to inquire how 
 far truth has been set aside for this 
 opportunity of describing a funeral. 
 But if, according to Suetonius, a 
 declaration -was made by Augustus 
 concerning the treachery employed 
 against Gallus, then such a repara- 
 tion would be not at all unlikely. 
 
 4 These facts are related by Dio. 
 Cass. liii. 24. 'O (tivrot HpoKovXing 
 OVTU irpoQ aurbv t<?x fv > & 
 
 aag irorl uvrif ri\v TI pira KCII TO 
 oro/ia TO iavrov Ty \eipi tTricrxelv 
 ti'diucvvfitvog roT? avvovaiv, bri/jiriS' 
 avairvtvaai TIVI Trapovroe aurov aa- 
 (jiaXtin til]. d\Ao Sf TIG TpotrjyXfJI 
 Tf avTtf, Kainep dyvwg iiv, jutrd 
 juaprvpwv jcat iirtjptro. ti yviaoi^oi 
 iavrov' 'nrtiSfi Si i^TjovfjffaTO, if 
 rr\v apvijtrti/ O.VTOV ia't- 
 
 II, ov OVK yen Trporcpov,
 
 144 
 
 GALLUS. 
 
 [SCENE XII. 
 
 house of misfortune. Before the doors the mournful 
 cypress had some time before been placed, a sign to all 
 who approached, that one of the occupants of the house 
 had passed into the region of shadows. Within doors, the 
 men were engaged in anointing the body, and in endea- 
 vouring 'to efface the marks of the last struggle. They 
 afterwards, with the help of Eros, placed on it the purple- 
 edged toga, and adorned the brows with one of those gar- 
 lands which the valiant warrior had gained in battle. 
 This finished, they laid the corpse softly on its last bed, 
 the purple coverlet of which left the ivory feet alone 
 visible, and then set it down in the atrium, with the feet 
 towards the door. Close by the body, Arabian incense 6 
 was burnt in a silver censer, and a slave performed 
 his last offices to the departed, by driving away the 
 flies from the hands and feet with a fan of peacock's 
 feathers 6 . 
 
 The corpse lay in state for several days, and during 
 that time the remaining preparations were made for the 
 funeral, which Chresimus had commissioned the libiti- 
 narius to celebrate with all the pomp suitable to the rank 
 of the deceased. Authorized to do so by the emperor, 
 the old man found some alleviation of his grief in the most 
 careful fulfilment of this his last duty, and willingly sacri- 
 ficed a portion of the half of the property which fell to his 
 share, that nothing might be wanting which could increase 
 the splendour of the solemnity. 
 
 About the fourth hour of the eighth day a herald 
 proceeded through the streets, and with a loud voice 
 
 5 Arabia is, as is known, the fa- 
 therland of frankincense, and Saha 
 was, according to Pliny, xii. 14, 30, 
 the regio turifera : hence Virgil, 
 Geary, ii. 116, says : 
 
 Soils est turea virga Sabaeis. 
 
 6 The use of fans, made of pea- 
 cock's and other feathers, is well 
 
 known. The custom here mentioned 
 does not apply merely to the apotheo- 
 sis of the emperors ; in a decree of 
 Justinian, Cod. vii. 6, 5, it is said, 
 Sed et qui domini funus pileati ante- 
 cedunt vel in ipso lectulo stantes ca- 
 daver ventilare videntur, si hoe ex 
 voluntate fiat vel testatoris vel he- 
 redis,Jiant illico cives Romani,
 
 SCENE XII.] THE GRAVE. 
 
 145 
 
 invited the populace to the funeral, and the games attend- 
 ant upon it. ' A Quirite,' cried he, ' is dead. Now is the 
 time, for any who have leisure, to join the funeral pro- 
 cession of Cornelius Gallus; the corpse is being carried 
 from the house.' The summons was not without effect. 
 A crowd of sight-seers and inquisitive people flocked 
 towards the house and the forum to witness the spectacle, 
 but many persons were to be seen clad in dark-coloured 
 togas, a token that they wished to be not idle spectators, 
 but assistants at the ceremony. 
 
 Meanwhile the designator, supported by some lictors, 
 to keep off the crowd, had arranged the order of the 
 procession, which already had begun to move from the 
 house in the direction of the forum. In front marched a 
 band of flute-players and horn-blowers, who by pouring 
 forth alternately plaintive strains and spirit-stirring music, 
 seemed at one time to express the sorrow and mourn- 
 ing of the escort, and at another to extol the greatness 
 and worth of the deceased. Next followed the customary 
 mourning- women, who, with feigned grief, chanted forth 
 their untutored dirge of eulogy of the departed. Then 
 came a number of actors, reciting such passages from 
 the tragedians as were applicable to the present occur- 
 rence. The solemnity of the scene was interrupted only 
 now and then by some witty buffooneries, whilst the 
 leader endeavoured to represent the defunct in dress, 
 gesture, and manner of speech. After these came swarms 
 of hirelings ; there followed no lengthy train of glorious 
 ancestors, it is true, but freedmen bearing brazen tablets, 
 on which were inscribed the victories gained by the 
 deceased, and the cities he had conquered. These were 
 succeeded by others, carrying the crowns won by his 
 deeds of valour, and, in compliance with a wish which 
 Gallus while living had often expressed, the rolls of 
 his elegies, which, more enduring than martial renown 
 and honours, have handed down his name to poster-
 
 14G 
 
 GALLUS. 
 
 [SCEXE XU. 
 
 ity r . After all these came the lectus itself, with the 
 corpse borne by eight freedmen, and followed by Chresi- 
 mus, and, with few exceptions, the rest of the family, with 
 hat on head, a sign of that freedom which had been be- 
 queathed to them in their master's will. The cavalcade 
 was finished by his friends, and many citizens who, though 
 not intimate with Gallus, bewailed his death as a public 
 calamity. 
 
 Having arrived at the forum, the bearers set the lectus 
 down before the rostra, and the cavalcade formed a semi- 
 circle round it. A friend of many years' standing then 
 mounted the stage, and pictured with feeling and eloquence 
 the merits of the deceased, as a warrior, a citizen, a poet, 
 and a man, throwing in but a slight allusion to the recent 
 event. It was not one of those artificial panegyrics which 
 too often sought to heap unmerited glory on the dead, at 
 the expense of truth ; but all who heard him were bound 
 to confess that the words he spoke bore a simple and honest 
 testimony to the life and actions of a deserving man. 
 
 This act of friendship having been performed, the pro- 
 cession was re-formed, and moved onwards to the monu- 
 ment which Gallus had erected for himself on the Appian 
 Way 8 . There the funeral pile, made of dried fir-trees, 
 and hung round with festoons and tapestry, had been 
 erected, and the whole encompassed by a circle of cypress- 
 trees. The bearers lifted the lectus upon it, whilst others 
 poured precious ointments on the corpse from boxes of 
 
 i Taken from Propertius, ii. 13, 
 25: 
 
 Sat mea, sat magna est, si tres sint pompa 
 
 libelli, 
 Quos ego Persephonae maxima dona f eram. 
 
 In the same place he mentions the 
 lances odoriferas, which were carried 
 in front. 
 
 8 As Ovid says in that hrilliant 
 
 elegy, written in a just spirit of self- 
 respect (Amor. i. 15) : 
 
 Cedunt car minibus reges regumque tri- 
 
 umphi, 
 Cedat et aurif eri ripa beata Tagi. 
 
 Although the poems of Gallus are 
 almost unknown to us, yet his name 
 still lives, and what Ovid sang is ful- 
 filled : 
 
 Gallus et Heaperiis et Gallus notus Eois ; 
 Et sua cum Gallo nota Lycorla erit.
 
 SCEXE XII.] THE GRAVE. 147 
 
 alabaster, and the bystanders threw frankincense and gar- 
 lands upon it, as a last offering of affectionate regard. 
 Chresimus, with the same faithful hands that had closed 
 the eyes of the deceased, now opened them, that they 
 might look upwards to heaven. Then, amidst the loud 
 wailing of the spectators, and the sounds of the horns and 
 flutes, he seized the burning torch, and with averted face 
 held it underneath the pile, until a bright flame shot up- 
 wards from the dry rushes that formed the interior. 
 
 The pile was burnt to the ground, and the glowing 
 ashes, according to custom, extinguished by wine. Some 
 friends of the deceased, and Chresimus, collected the 
 remains of his body, which were not more than sufficient 
 to fill a moderate- sized urn, sprinkled them with old wine 
 and fresh milk, dried them again in linen cloths, and 
 placed them with amomum and other perfumes in the 
 urn. This Chresimus having bedewed with a flood of 
 tears, next deposited in the tomb, which on being opened 
 sent forth odours from roses and innumerable bottles of 
 ointment. The doors were again closed, and after pro- 
 nouncing the last farewell to his manes, and receiving 
 the purifying water, the assembled multitude departed on 
 its way back to the city. 
 
 The procession was a numerous one; there had been 
 wanting only one person she who above all others seemed 
 bound and entitled to fulfil the last offices to the manes of 
 the deceased. Lycoris did not arrive in Rome till the 
 rites had been accomplished. She had with difficulty 
 escaped the traitor, whose inflamed passion had urged him 
 even to offer her violence. Early in the morning of the 
 succeeding day, Chresimus was seen to open the door of 
 the monument, and to enter with her, that she might 
 there weep hot tears of affliction over the ashes of Gallus.
 
 EXCURSUSES.
 
 EXCURSUSES ON THE FIRST SCENE. 
 
 THE ROMAN FAMILY. 
 
 rpJdJU "word Family, the derivation of which from the Oscan 
 *- famel, famul, is indubitable, signifies everything which an in- 
 dependent man has by private right in potestate, or which is under 
 his control, as well persons (free or slaves) as articles of property ; 
 for instance, in the old legal form : familia ad cedem Gereris ve- 
 num iret, in Liv. iii. 55 ; and xlv. 40. In a more contracted sense, 
 however, familia signifies, first, the whole collected society of a 
 house, free and slaves, at the head of which stands a paterfami- 
 lias ; as, for example, we frequently meet in the old legal forms 
 with familia et pecunia (persons in opposition to property) : Fest. 
 Sacratce Leges, 318; Cic. de Invent, ii. 50. Secondly, the free 
 members united together by common descent, that is, either all 
 the free persons ranged under one paterfamilias (Paul. Diac. p. 
 86), or in a wider acceptation, all the members of a larger family 
 circle, who have a common ancestor, and bear therefore the same 
 name, but are not under the authority of one paterfamilias (thus 
 the agnati, who form a subdivision of a gens} ; and still more com- 
 prehensively, all the members of a gens, as in Liv. i. 7 ; ii. 49 ; ix. 
 33, where the Petilii and Fabii are signified by the word familia. 
 Thirdly, the slaves belonging to a house (see the Excursus on 
 the Slaves). Fourthly, the property of those belonging thereto, 
 especially of the deceased, as in the term familice herciscundcs, the 
 division of an inheritance, or agnatus familiam habeto, Liv. ii. 41 ; 
 Ter. Heaut. v. 1, 36; "Dip. Dig. 50, 16, 195, 1. (Familice appel- 
 latio] varie accepta est; nam et in res et in personas diducitur. Ad 
 personas autem refertur familice significatio ita, cum de patrono et 
 liberto loquitur lex : ex ea familia, etc. 2. Familice appellatio re- 
 fertur et ad corporis cujusdam signijicationem, quod aut jure proprio 
 ipsorum, aut communi universes cognationis continetur, etc. 
 
 Every free man, not in the potestas of another, but having a 
 domestic position of his own, was considered as a paterfamilias, 
 whether ho were really a father or not. Ulp. Dig. 50, 16, 195, 2. 
 Paterfamilias appellatur, qui in domo dominium habet (cf. Sen. 
 Epist. 47), recteque hoc nomine appellatur, quamvis filium non ha- 
 beat ; non enim solam personam ejus, sed et jus demonstramus. De- 
 niqite et pupillum patrem appellamus. Ut cum paterfamilias mori- 
 tur, quotquot capita ei subjecta fuerunt, singulas familias incipiunt
 
 152 
 
 THE ROMAN FAMILY. 
 
 Tiabere, singuli enim patrumfamiliarum nomen subeunt, etc. So also 
 the sons, if married, and having: children themselves, became patres- 
 familiarum, but not until they were freed from the patria potestas, 
 which happened with the death of the father, or in the particular 
 case of the son becoming a flamen dialis (or the daughter a virgo 
 vestalis) ; or lastly, by emancipation under the form of a thrice- 
 repeated sale and freedom. 
 
 If we add to the nearest members of a family, as children and 
 grandchildren, the number of slaves and clients, such a Eoman 
 family assumes the position of a small state, in which the pater- 
 familias ruled with patriarchal authority. Cicero, de Sen. ii., so 
 describes the house of Appius Csecus : Quatuor robustos filios, quin- 
 que filias, tantam domum, tantas clientelas Appius regebat et senex et 
 ccecus tenebat non modo audoritatem, sed etiam imperium in suos; 
 metuebant servi, verebantur liberi, carum omnes habebant ; vigebat ilia 
 in domo patrius mos et disciplina. A further account of a man at 
 home is given in the discussion of the various relations in which the 
 members of a family stand to e.ach other. "We shall next consider 
 the women, then the children, the slaves, and, lastly, the clients.
 
 EXCURSUS I. SCENE I. 
 
 THE WOMEN AND ROMAN MARRIAGE. 
 
 TTTHILST we see that in most of the Grecian states, and espe- 
 ^ * cially in Athens, the women (i. e. the whole female sex) were" "" 
 little esteemed and treated as children all their lives, confined to the 
 gyncckonitis, shut out from social life, and all intercourse with men 
 and their amusements, we find that in Eome exactly the reverse 
 was the case. Alfhrmgfi fhn wjfft ia naturally subordinate to the^ 
 
 husband, yet she is nJwaya. f.ragf.eL with npem flttqpf^viT^Tirr rftg^.TJj 
 
 The Roman housewife always appears as the mistress of the whole-> ^ 
 household economy, instructress of the children, and guardian of) 
 the honour of the house, equally esteemed with the paterfamilias' 
 both in and out of the house. Plut. Rom. 20 : 'AXAd fikvroi iro\\d 
 ring yvvaiiv (lg rifirjv a-rtictaKav, wv KO.I ravTa ianv' i^iffraoOai fiiv 
 vov f3adiovffm, K.T.\. The women ^}ntiiTn iAd i it is true, as a rule, _^ 
 nntnfjvn'hlip. Ufa, as custom kept them back, yet they might appear , 
 antTgive evidence in a court of law. The cases in which they ap- ___ 
 peared as complainants or defendants, extremely seldom occurred 
 before the time of the decline of the Eepublic (although it was not 
 forbidden by law, as we learn by Plutarch, Num. c. Lye. 3) ; for the 
 examples which Val. Max. viii. 3 ; Cic. Brut. 58 ; Quinct. Inst. i. 
 1, give, belong to a later period ; and what Yal. Max. iii. 8, 6, relates" \ 
 of Sempronia, is of an entirely different nature. Originally, women. J 
 had even the right of appearing to complain for another (pro aliis \ 
 postulare], but they very rarely made use of it, and it was after- ) 
 wards forbidden by a praetorian edict, because Apania made a ' 
 shameless use of this permission. (Val. Max. viii. 3, 2 ; Ulp. Dig. 
 iii. 1, 1.) Afterwards they appeared frequently, and in.all times, in 
 court as witnesses, or to intercede for their relatives. Cic. Verr. i. 
 37, says : Cur (cogis} sodalis uxorem, sodalis sacrum, domum denique 
 totam sodalis mortui contra te testimonium dicere ? cur pudentissimas 
 lectissimasque feminas in tantum virorum conventum insolitas invi- 
 tasque prodire cogis ? but it by no means follows that this was 
 merely an exception ; amongst us, also, women always appear re- 
 luctantly in court. See also Suet. Cces. 74 ; Claud. 40 ; Tac. Ann. 
 iii. 49; Paul. Dig. xxii. 5, 18; Ulp. Dig. xxviii. 1, 20. We find 
 even vestals appearing, in order to intercede in behalf of their 
 relatives, or to give evidence, as in Cic. p. Font. 17 : Tendit ad vos 
 virgo vestalis manus supplices, etc. And Tacitus mentions as an
 
 THE WOMEN AND EOMAN MARRIAGE. [EXCURSUS i. 
 
 ;ance of the pride of Urgulania, that she would not appear as 
 witness (Ann. ii. 34) : Cceterum Urgulanice potentia adeo nimia 
 'ivitati erat, ut testis in causa quadam, quce apud senatum tractabatur, 
 venire dedignaretur : missus est praetor, qui domi interrogaret, cum 
 virgines Vestales inforo etjudicio audiri, quoties testimonium dicerent, 
 vetus mos fuerit. As the vestal Tarratia was expressly allowed 
 this privilegium of bearing testimony by the lex Horatia, it might 
 supposed that women generally had not this right ; but it must 
 remembered that the capability of bearing witness is here to be 
 'understood in a wider sense, which also includes the power of being 
 [a witness at an act of emancipatio. 
 f**~ Walking abroad was only limited by scruple and custom, not by 
 
 law or the jealous will of the husband. The women frequented 
 , public theatres as well as the men, and took their places with 
 | them, at festive banquets. Setting aside the licence of later 
 
 times, we finj"T"?t frm1"m in these matters in the days of the 
 republic. Cic. p. Ccel. 8 : Est enim dictum ab illis fore qui dicerent, 
 uxffFZs suas a ccena redeuntes attrectatas esse a Ccelio. Val. Max. 
 iii. 1, 2. Cicero relates an interesting trait in the life of Q. Cicero, 
 ad Ait. v. 1 : Prcmdimus in Arcano. Nosti huncfundum: quo utveni- 
 mus, humanissime Quintus, Pomponia, inquit, tu invita mulieres, ego 
 accivero pueros. At ilia audientibus nobis, Ego sum, inquit, hie hospita: 
 id autem ex eo, ut opinor, quod antecesserat Statius, ut prandium nobis 
 videret. Turn Quintus, En, inquit mihi, hcec ego patior quotidie. 
 Dices, quid quceso istuc erat ? magnum : itaque me ipsum commoverat, 
 sic absurde et aspere verbis vultuque responderat : dissimulavi dolens. 
 Discubuimus omnes prceter illam, cui tamen Quintus de mensa misit, 
 ilia rejecit. Even the vestals participated in the banquets of the 
 men, Macrob. Sat. ii. 8. In ancient drawings we see the women at 
 table beside the men. 
 
 ^ her own house the woman was not confined to particular 
 separate apartments, but in ancient times, at least, her own place 
 of abode was in the most important part of the house, the atrium. 
 Corn. Prcef. : Quern enim Eomanorum pudet uxorem ducere in convi- 
 vium aut cujus materfamilias non primum locum tenet cedium atque 
 in celebritate versatur ? Here, in the midst of her slaves, she pur- 
 j*ued her domestic occupations; here stood the lectus genialis or 
 
 * adversus, in ancient times the real, afterwards the symbolical bridal 
 bed, her own proper place of honour. We find it so even in Cicero's 
 time, in the house of M. JEmilius Lepidus, who, as interrex, was 
 insulted by the Clodiani. Cic. p. Mil. 5 : Deinde omni vi janua 
 expugnata et imagines majorum dejecerunt et lectulum adversum uxon's 
 ejus Cornelice fregerunt, itemque telas, quoe ex vetere more in atrio 
 
 bee
 
 SCENE I.] THE WOMEN AND ROMAN MARRIAGE. 
 
 155 
 
 texelantur, diruerunt. So Lucretia is represented in Liv. i. 57 : Node 
 sera deditam lance inter lucubrantes ancillas in medio atdium (atrio), 
 sedentem inveniunt. And in a fragment quoted by Grell. xvi. 9, the 
 materfamilias appears sitting on this lectus : Materfai 
 lecto adverso sedet. 
 
 As regards conjugal fidelity, we may safely conclude that in the 
 jjarlier^tiines_ excesses on either side seldom occurred. WJien 
 fffrffma frfigan fo deteriorate, we^firsf, T^et with great lapses from'- 
 this fidelity, and men and women outbid each other in wanton \_ 
 indu^gengej^ Sen. Ep. 95. The ongiaajnnwlesty ol ffiS^WWTOfi } 
 became gradually more rare, whilst (luxury and extra - pgance^' x 
 waxed stronger, and of many women it could be said, agr Clitlpho 
 complained of his Bacchis, Ter. Heaut, ii. 1, 15, Mea est petax, 
 procax, magnified, sif,mptuosa, nobilis. Many Roman ladies, 
 compensate for the neglect of their husband, had a lover of their 
 own, who, under the pretence of being the lady's procurator, ac- 
 companied her at all times. See Mart. vi. 61 ; xii. 38 ; Hor. Epod. 
 8, 12. As a natural consequence of this, celibacy contiiTmnilly in 
 creased a.-mnncrst, t,"hft -mfip f ,i,n(l lilicn 11 wiifi ITin^innti 1 t levityrespect- 
 
 Notwithstanding this more independent position of the female 
 sex, Roman marriage appears to have had very severe forms in. 
 relation to the woman, but these are seen in a milder light, when. < 
 the potestas of the paterfamilias is rightly understood. The sub- ' 
 ject may be divided into matrimonium justum (also legitimum) anjjr 
 non justum. The first (justce nuptice in Cic. de Hep. v. 5; Gai. 
 Inst. i. 55) occurred only when the connubium was competent 
 both parties, i. e. an equal right on either side to fulfil a lawful 
 marriage according to the Roman rites. In ancient times equality 
 of condition was required, so that both patricians and plebeians 
 mp.rm'ftf| fyty aT nong'it tkftiy--'i"iYn ?"\~*>- By the Lex Canuleia, 3C 
 A. u. c. 445 B. c., connubium between patricians and plebeians 
 was authorised, but the necessity of citizenship still remained (with 
 some exceptions made afterwards, as in the case of senators and 
 their children, who might not intermarry with freedmen). The' 
 matiimonium non justum, on the other hand (uxor injusta, Ulp. 
 Dig. xlviii. 5, 13), in which connubium was wanting on one side, 
 as in the case of marriage between patricians and plebeians before 
 the lex Canuleia, and between Romans and peregrini, was certainly, 
 in a moral point of view, an equally lawful and binding marriage, 7 
 but it was not valid jure gentium, and it wanted the important con- 1 
 sequences, as regards civil rights, of the patria potestas and -manwsi 
 Actual marriage, with the rights of having children, was the privi-
 
 156 
 
 THE WOMEN AND ROMAN MARRIAGE. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 lege of the free alone, whilst slaves could live in a contubernium : 
 see the Excursus on the Slaves. 
 
 The matrimonium justum could be performed in two ways 
 (Q,uinct. v. 10, 62, duae formce sunt matrimoniorum), either with 
 conventio in manum, or without it. By the stricter form of mar- 
 *iage the woman came in manum viri [in manu esse, in manum 
 convenisse, alieno juri subjectum esse, see Liv. xxxiv. 2), i. e. she quite 
 passed out of her own family (familia mutatur through capitis di- 
 minutio minima, Ulp. xi. 13) and into that of her husband, who 
 treated her as his daughter, and exercised over her a kind ofpatria 
 potestas, which Livy, xxxiv. 7, calls servitus muliebris. Ter. Andr. 
 i. 5, 60 : Te isti virum do, amicum, tutorem, patrem. As the com- 
 mon expression potestas in a more limited sense stands also for 
 patria potestas and servitus, so does manus in a more limited sense 
 for the power which in the stricter form oF marriage the husband 
 obtained over the wife. Potestas also is used for manus in Tac. 
 Ann. iv. 16, in potestate viri; and Serv. on Virg. ^En. iv. 103, 
 coemptione facto, mulier in potestatem viri cedit. And inversely 
 manus is used in a wider sense for potestas by Gell. xviii. 6. Yet 
 potestas and manus are entirely different, Gai. i. 109 ; and as the 
 mancipio datus is only in loco servi and not servus, so the wife is 
 J&OJL.fiUce loco, Gai. i. 111. The husband had the potestas of 
 punishment and correction not merely in the marriage with manus, 
 but in each kind of marriage, so the right is not a consequence of 
 
 i the manus. But in this he was limited by the ancient family 
 tribunal, and he could decide nothing without the consent of his 
 own and his wife's cognati. Probably in the marriage with manus 
 \ the cognati of the husband, in that without manus those of the 
 wife, were principally necessary, as in the latter case she still re- 
 mained in the power of her father. Dionys. ii. 25 : ol avyyiviig /UTCS. 
 
 \ TOV avdpbg iSiicaov. Tac. Ann. xiii. 32, Is (Plautius) prisco insti- 
 tuto propinquis coram de capite famaque conjugis cognovit. Gell. x. 
 23 ; Suet. Tib. 35 ; Val. Max. ii. 9, 2. The husband never decided 
 by himself, except when he discovered his wife in adultery, and 
 then he had liberty to put the guilty one to death, Gell. x. 23. It 
 is not improbable that the wife might be given mancipio, in order, 
 for instance, to indemnify by her labour for the injuries she had 
 caused, noxce dare. 
 
 Many learned treatises have appeared in Germany, tracing the 
 difference between marriage with and without manus, both amongst 
 patricians and plebeians, and showing that amongst the former no 
 marriage was celebrated without, nor amongst th.6 latter with, until 
 by degrees the manus was introduced amongst the plebeians also.
 
 SCENE I.] THE WOMEN AND EOMAN MARRIAGE. 157 
 
 But it is not to be supposed that variations in an institution so 
 deeply rooted in the life of a nation, could rest on rank and position, 
 and not rather on differences of race, since it is impossible that a 
 people, originally one and the same, could have had two such hete- 
 rogeneous views respecting marriage. The plebeians and patri- 
 cians were not of a different race at least not the Latin and 
 Sabine members of e.ach class but of different rank, and with 
 different political privileges. In the rights of family they were 
 equal, and the marriage with manus was, like the patria potestas, 
 an original and fundamental right of all Roman citizens. 
 
 In order to contract this marriage with manus particular cere 3 
 monies were necessary, which did not occur in that without it. The 
 marriage was valid only through the consensus^ both parties ; i. e. 
 it resulted from the acquiescence contrartScTon either side to cohabit , 
 ad individuam vitce consuetudinem and Hberorum qucerendorum causa, ' 
 without any proper celebration of wedding solemnities being pre- 
 scribed. Quinct. Ded. 247 : Fingamus enim, nuptial quidem fecisse 
 nullas, co'isse autem Hberorum qucerendorum gratia, non tamen uxor 
 non erit, quamvis nuptiis non sit collocata. If the marriage were 
 effected with manus, the special formalities must, as a matter of 
 course, follow on the consensus of the parties, with which they 
 were either allied, or which came afterwards. These forms, which, 
 differed very much from each other, were called confarreatio, coemptio, 
 and usus. Gai. i. 109, 110, Olim itaque tribus modis in manum 
 conveniebant : usu, farreo, coemptions. Serv. on Virg. Georg. i. 31 ; 
 Boeth. Comm. Tap. ii. p. 299. The first rested on a religious basis ; 
 both the others on civil law, though in different ways ; for whilst 
 in the coemptio a contract, in the usus a sort of prescription, 
 brought the woman in manum mariti. In the usus, marriage and 
 manus took place at the same time, i. e. the celebration of the mar- 
 riage and manus was included in one and the same act : not so the 
 coemptio, from which not marriage, but only manus proceeded ; so 
 that the marriage must have either immediately preceded, or fol- 
 lowed it. By virtue of its sacramental character (Upol yafioi) the 
 confarreatio effected an inviolable and sacred union. This intimate 
 association of the parties married, in both earthly and sacred rela- 
 tions, was only possible by the entrance of the wife into the family 
 of the husband. This was effected by the manus, which must 
 necessarily be connected with the marriage. The forms of divorce 
 show the correctness of this hypothesis, for diffarreatio was an actual 
 divorce and loosing of the manus, whilst remancipatio dissolved only 
 the manus, not the marriage. 
 
 The confarreatio was of Sabine, not, as is commonly believed,
 
 158 THE WOMEtf AND ROMAN MARRIAGE. [Excrasrs I. 
 
 of Etruscan origin, for in the Etruscan marriage, according to Yarro, 
 a pig in the confarreatio a sheep was slaughtered ; the two are 
 therefore quite different. On the other hand, in the Sabine marriage 
 fire and water were used, Dionys. ii. 30; which elements in the 
 confarreatio could not be done without: Serv. ad Virg. ^n. iv. 
 103. A religious view of marriage also is most consistent with the 
 devout character of the Sabines, whose influence on the formation 
 of the most ancient civil relations of the Bomans is undoubted. 
 This form of Roman marriage is commonly considered the oldest. 
 Dionys. ii. 25, says : ticd\ovv e roue Itpoiis oi TraXaioi ydfiovs 'PwjiaiKy 
 tpiXa/i/Scuovrte <j>appa.Kta, iiri r7c KOivtavictf rov <j>appbe, o 
 >//< sav, an explanation which refers to the laws already 
 given by Romulus : yvvalica yafiiTrjv Kara voftovg upovf avvtWovaav 
 ^Offfpl Kotvwvbv cnravrtav ilvai xpjj/idroiv TI Kai itpwv. This does not, 
 / however, imply that the confarreatio was originally the only kind 
 I of marriage, but the law assigns only to this sort of marriage the 
 [jcpmmunio bonorum et sacrorum. The second form, which probably 
 had its origin among the Latins and was originally perhaps a real 
 purchase of the wife by the husband afterwards became a regular 
 form of marriage under the name coemptio. In early times a less 
 strict form of marriage had existed, which was probably introduced 
 into Rome by the Etruscans (as that nation did not recognize the 
 father's power over the family), or resulted from the marriages with 
 foreigners and clients. For such marriages the civil right usus was 
 afterwards introduced, in order that they should not be altogether 
 free from the stringent consequences of the Roman marriage. That 
 other forms besides the confarreatio existed even in the oldest times, 
 appears from the story of the rape of the Sabines, since those mar- 
 riages could scarcely come altogether under that head. To this 
 difference Dionys. refers when he says, ii. 30, that the marriages 
 with the ravished women will be consecrated KOTO. roi>c varpiovs 
 l*aoT/c iQiafjiovG. Against the antiquity of the confarreatio (under 
 Romulus) it has been stated, that it was performed by the Pontifex 
 Maximus, and that the pontifices were first instituted by Numa. 
 The whole mystical religious ceremonial agrees certainly more with 
 the institutions of Numa, but it might have previously existed as a 
 form of marriage on a religious basis, and may have been made 
 still more religious by Numa. 
 
 Confarreatio was always a privilege of the patricians, and even 
 after the lex Canuleia gave the plebeians connubium with them x it 
 could not be adopted either in mixed marriages or amongst the ple- 
 beians. Cicero, pro Flacco, 34 : peritum juris horninem I Quid ? ab 
 ingenuis mulieribus hereditates lege non veniunt ? In manum, inquit,
 
 SCENE I.] THE "WOMEN AND ROMAN MARRIAGE. 159 
 
 convenerat. Nunc audio, sed qucero, usu an coemptione? Because 
 Cicero does not name confarreatio as the third means by which the'~"| 
 woman could come in manum, many have concluded that this was ] 
 no form of marriage, but only a religious ceremony, which accom- 
 panied the legal act of coemptio. Such a conclusion is, however, 
 unnecessary, because there could be no doubt about a confarreatio t 
 having taken place, which was celebrated by the rex sacrorivm 
 (Serv. on Virg. Georg. L 31), even by the pontifex maximus and 
 flamen dialis. Cicero could not mention confarreatio, because the 
 husband of Valeria, who inherited the property of Flaccus, was of 
 plebeian extraction. If this explanation be not accepted, we must 
 account for the omission of the confarreatio, by suggesting that in 
 the time of Cicero it was quite out of use in ordinary life, and was 
 restricted to the marriage of the priests. 
 
 The entire ceremony of confarreatio, which was closely con- 
 nected with the jus auspidorum and the sacra gentilicia, did not 
 befit a plebeian or mixed marriage, and in the Twelve Tables it 
 was expressly stated as the ground of connubium being refused 
 (the connubium was not however first forbidden by them, but had 
 never taken place, cf. Dionys. i. 60), quod nemo plebeius auspicia 
 haberet, ideoque decemvir os connubium diremisse, ne incerta prole au- 
 spicia turbarentur, Liv. vi. 6 ; cf. vi. 41 ; x. 8. With the increasing 
 levity of the women, marriage with the inconvenient conventio in 
 manum, became more rare, and the form of confarreatio very soon 
 disappeared in common life (on account of the ceremonies difficul- 
 tates, Tac.), so that persons were often wanting for the patrician 
 priesthood. Tac. Ann. iv. 16 : Nam patricios confarreatis parenti- 
 bus genitos tres simul nominari, ex quibus unus legeretur (flamen 
 dialis], vetusto more; neque adesse, ut olim, earn copiam, omissa con- 
 farreandi adsuetudine aut inter paucos retenta. This form was con- 
 fined to the marriage of priests, as Gai. i. 102 remarks of his own 
 time; and Boethius, Comm. Top., says, sed confarreatio solis pontifi- 
 cibus conveniebat. 
 
 The marriage with confarreatio was never celebrated without 
 splendid nuptials (nuptice), which was not the case in the other forms 
 of marriage. Respecting confarreatio in general, Gai. says, i. 112. 
 farreo in manum conveniunt per quoddam genus sacriftcii, in quo far- 
 reus panis adhibetur, unde etiam confarreatio dicitur. Sed complura 
 preterea liujus juris ordinandi gratia cum certis et solennibus verbis 
 prcesentibus decem testibus aguntur et fiunt. Ulp. ix. 1 ; Plin. H. N.. 
 xviii. 6 : Quin et in sacris nihil religiosius confarreationis vinculo erat, 
 novceque nuptce farreum prceferebant. Serv. in Virg. Georg. i. 31. 
 Farre (nuptise fiebant) cum per Pontificem Maximum et dialem
 
 THE WOMEN AND EOMAN MARRIAGE. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 flaminem per fruges et molam salsam conjungebantur, unde confar- 
 reatio appellabatur, ex quibus nuptiis patrimi et matrimi nascebantur. 
 Little is known of the remaining ceremonies; but we must dis- 
 tinguish those general wedding-usages, which depended on the 
 caprice of each particular couple, from that which was peculiar and 
 necessary to the confarreatio. 
 
 The ceremonious fetching of the bride from her paternal house 
 (Fest. ex gremio mains) to that of the bridegroom, called deductio 
 (the expression uxorem ducere is only an abridgment of domum 
 uxorem ducere, or deducere, Plaut. Aul. ii. 1, 88 ; Trin. v. 2, 64), took 
 place in all kinds of marriages, without, however, being necessary. 
 This ceremony regularly occurred in the evening (Catull. Ixii. 1) 
 under the protection of Juno Domiduca, or Iterduca (Aug. Civ. D. vi. 
 9), by torchlight, and accompanied by relations and friends, amongst 
 whom the pronubce dared not fail. These women, who conducted 
 the bride to the thalamus nuptialis, were permitted to have been only 
 once married. Varro on Virg. ^En. iv. 166 ; Fest. and Paul. Diac. 
 p. 242 ; Tertull. Exhort. Cast. 13 ; Isidor. ix. 8. In the confarreatio 
 the deductio had an especially religious character, on account of 
 the escort of pueri patrimi et matrimi, whom we find, however, in 
 the time of the emperors in other marriages also, when many rites 
 of confarreatio had passed over into the other forms of celebrating 
 marriage. Fest. 245 : Patrimi et matrimi pueri prcetextati tres nuben- 
 tem deducunt ; unus qui facem proefert ex spina alba, quia noctu 
 habebant, duo qui tenent nubcntem. Spina alba, dicavQa \ivKt), Cnicus 
 Acerna, Linn. Lady's thistle had also a mysterious signification, 
 e. g. as assistance against the strigce, Ovid. Fast. vi. 129, 165; Plin. 
 H.N. xvi. 18, 30, spina nuptiarum facibus auspicatissima. Besides 
 these three, another accompanied them called puer Camillus, who 
 was a servant of the flamen (Macrob. Sat. xiv. 8 : Eomani quoque 
 pueros et puellas nobiles et investes Gamillos et Camillas appellant, fla- 
 minicarum et flaminum prceministros ; Paul. Diac. 43, describes Ca- 
 millus as simply puer ingenuus, i. e. patrician, Dionys. ii. 22 : perhaps 
 the Camelce virgines are the same in Paul. 63), and in a particular 
 basket, called cumerus, carried the spinning apparatus of the bride. 
 Varro, i. ; vii. 34 : Itaque dicitur nuptiis Camillus qui cumerum fert, 
 in quo quid sit in ministerio plerique extrinsecus nectunt, Paul. Diac. 
 63 : Cumeram vocabant antiqui vas quoddam, quod opertum in nup- 
 tiis ferebant, in quo erant nubentis utensilia, quod et Camillum 
 dicebant eo quod sacrorum ministrum iedap.i\ov appellabant. What 
 is to be understood by utensilia, we see in Plut. Qu. Rom. 31 : 
 Avrrj (the bride) tlatyeptt fikv jJXatcarfjv KOI rffV drpaKrov, spi'^i it 
 rrjv Ovpav Trtpterrl^et TOV avSpof ; and PKn. H. N. viii. 48, 74 : Inde
 
 SCENE I.] THE WOMEN AND ROMAN MAREIAGE. 161 
 
 factum, ut nubentes virgines comitaretur coins comta et fusus cum 
 stamine. 
 
 As amongst the Greeks the conducting home of the bride took 
 place whilst the Hymenseus was being sung, so the deductio of the 
 Roman bride was, in accordance with an old custom, accompanied 
 by the singing of a celebrated song thalassio and playing on the 
 flute. See nuptiales tibiae in Auct. ad. Her. iv. 33, and Plaut. Cas. 
 iv. 3, 1 : 
 
 Age tibicen : dum illam educant hue novam nuptara foras, 
 Suavi cantu concelebra omnem hanc plateam hymenaeo. 
 
 See also Mart. i. 36, 42 ; Plut. Rom. 15, Pomp. 4; Euseb. Chron. 27. 
 Some derive the thalassio from the rape of the Sabines, and give the 
 most wonderful explanations of it. Liv. i. 4 ; Dionys. ii. 30 ; Plut. 
 Qu. Rom. 81. This rite was, however, not peculiar to the confar- 
 reatio, but common to all marriages. The same is true of another 
 old custom, that the bride, having arrived at the house of the bride- 
 groom festively adorned to receive her (Juv. vi. 79, 227), orna- 
 mented the doorposts with lanece vittce, and anointed them with 
 oleum. Plin. xxviii. 9, 37 ; Lucan. ii. 355, &c. Equally general was 
 the custom, which was referred by the Romans to the rape of the 
 Sabines, of carrying the bride over the threshold. Plut. Qu. Rom. 
 29 : Aia T'I rr\v ya/j.ovfiivr]!' OVK iwaiv avrrjv VTTififSrjvai rbv ovSbv TrJQ 
 ooci'ac, a\\' inri(>ai()ov(riv ol TrpOTre/iTrovrfg ; Trortpov on rag TrpaJraj yvval- 
 icaf apiraaavri c ovrwc iiarjviyKav ; Varro, on Virg. Eel. xiii. 29, other- 
 wise explains it. But the true explanation doubtless is, that they 
 wished to avoid the bad omen, which it would have been considered, 
 if the bride on entering had accidentally stumbled with her foot 
 on the threshold. Plaut. Cas. iv. 4, 1 : Sensim super attolle limen 
 pedes, nova nupta, sospes iter incipe hoc, ut viro tuo semper sis super- 
 stes. Catull. Ixi. 166 : Transfer omine cum bono limen aureolos pedes 
 rasilemque subiforem. Whether the bride was after this carrying 
 across obliged first to step on a sheepskin, as has been thought 
 from Plut. Qu. Rom. 81, TTJV vvptyrjv tiaayovriq vdicot; VTroarptavvvovfftv, 
 is uncertain, as these words may be understood as applying to the 
 pkin spread over the seat of the bridal pair. Varro's account, Non. 
 xii. 50, is obscure : Nubentes veteri lege Romana asses tres ad mari- 
 tum venientes solere pervehere, atque unum quern in manu tenerent 
 tanquam emendi causa marito dare, alium quem in pede liaberent in 
 foco Larum familiaritm ponere, tertium quem in sacdperione con- 
 didissent compito vicinali solere resonare. 
 
 The chief solemnity of the confarreatio occurred in the house 
 of the bridegroom, but we are not acquainted with the certa et 
 solemnia verba, of which Gaius speaks. First, the bride saluted the
 
 162 THE WOMEN AND ROMAN MARRIAGE. [Excouscs I. 
 
 bridegroom, who approached her with the mystical form : Ubi tu 
 Gains ego Caia, "which was also used in the coe'mptio. Quinct. Inst. i. 
 7, 28, says : Quia tarn Caias esse vocitatas, quam Caws, etiam ex nupti- 
 alibus sacris apparet, and from this we might suppose that this form 
 belonged only to religious marriages but nuptialia sacra are merely 
 solemn marriage ceremonies generally, without the force of con- 
 farreatio. Plut. Qu. Rom. 30 : Aid; rl Ttjv vvfKprjv ftadyovnc Xlyi 
 Kf\tvov<7tv'"OTrov av FctVoc, tyw Ta'Va. But Cicero, pro M ur. 12, sup- 
 plies the direct proof of the use of this form in the coe'mptio, where 
 he says : Quia in alicujus libris exempli causa id nomen invenerant, 
 putarunt, omnes mulieres, quce coemptionem facerent, Caias vocari. In 
 less binding marriages, this formula, of which Plutarch gives the fol- 
 lowing explanation, was not used : OTTOV <rv KV^IOQ KOI oiKoSiaTrorrjg, Kai 
 tyui Kvpia ical oiicoStoTroiva. This could only be said in strict marriage. 
 The bridegroom doubtless replied to this address of the bride 
 in an equally measured symbolical form, which, however, has not 
 been preserved. The general notion, that he gave to her a key or 
 the key of the house, does not seem to be correct. Paul. Diac., 
 who has been referred to, says in fact something entirely different, 
 p. 56 : Clavim consuetude erat mulieribus donare oo significandam 
 partus facilitate,. It was a symbolical gift, which signified some- 
 thing besides the house-government, but whether the bridegroom 
 gave it, and on the wedding-day, he does not inform us. It is more 
 certain that the bridegroom received the bride with water and fire, 
 and that he presented these two elements to her touch, a very sig- 
 nificant ceremony, although we are without any accurate informa- 
 tion about it, at least as regards the fire. Yarro, in a fragment on. 
 Virg. ^'ft. iv. 104, says: Aqua et igni mariti uxores accipiebant. 
 Unde et hodie faces prcelucent et aqua petita de puro fonte per puerum 
 felicissimum vel puellam, quce interest nuptiis, de qua solebant nuben- 
 tibus pedes lavari. He seems to think that the symbolical torch 
 may have been a remnant of the old times, and the ceremony 
 of fire another. Another passage confirms this: Igitur duplex 
 causa nascendi ignis et aqua : ideo ea nuptiis in limine adhibentur. 
 Ovid, Fast. iv. 792, his (aqua et igne] nova fit conjux. Propert. iv. 3, 
 13 ; Stat. Silv. i. 2,4; Plut. Qu. Rom. 1 : Atd ri TTJV ya/tov/isj/jjv 
 uTrnaOai Trupoj icai vcaTog Kt\tvovat', Hence the form, aqua et igni ac- 
 cipit, Scsev. Dig. xxiv. 1, 66. Paul. Diac. 2 : Aqua et igni tarn interdict 
 solet damnatis, quam accipiuntur nuptce, videlicet quia hcec duce res 
 humanam vitam maxime continent. This is clearly the right mean- 
 ing of this symbol, which is also explained by Serv. on Virg. ^En. 
 xii. 119, and iv. 103; Lactant. de Orig. Error.; Isidor. v. 27. Paul. 
 Diac. 87 : Facem in nuptiis in honorem Ccereris proeferebant ; aqica
 
 SCENE I.] THE WOMEN AND ROMAN MARRIAGE. 163 
 
 aspergebatur nova nupta, sive ut casta puraque ad virum veniret, sive 
 ut ignem atque aquam cum viro communicant. The ceremony of 
 water and fire always continued in the confarreatio : in other forms 
 of marriage that of the torch, by the light of "which the bride was 
 brought to the bridegroom's house (faces nuptiales}. Ovid. Fast. ii. 
 558 ; Lucan. ii. 356 ; Catull. bd. ; Cic. pro Clu. 6 ; Tac. Ann. i. 37, 
 &c. Fest. 289 : Rapi solet fax, qua prcelucente nova nupta deducta 
 cst, ab utrisque amicis, ne aut uxor earn sub lecto viri ea nocte ponat, 
 aut vir in sepulchro comburendam curet, quo utroque mors propinqua 
 alterius utrius captari putetur. 
 
 Next followed the religious solemnities under the direction of 
 the Pontifex Maximus and the Flamen Dialis, in the presence of 
 ten witnesses, who represented as many curiae or gentes. The 
 auspices were also taken, without which, even in later times, mar- 
 riages in general were not concluded. Cic. de Div. i. 16 : Nihilfere 
 quondam majoris rei, nisi auspicato, ne privatim quidem gerebatur, 
 quod etiam nunc nuptiarum auspices declarant, qui re omissa nomen 
 tantum tenent. So too Val. Max. ii. 1, 1 : Quo ex more nuptiis etiam- 
 num auspices interponuntur. Qui quamvis auspicia petere desierint, 
 ipso tamen nomine veteris consuetudinis vestigia usurpant. See also 
 Plaut. Cas. prol. 86; Cic. pro Clu. 5; Juv. x. 335; Lucan. ii. 371; 
 Symm. Ep. vi. 3 ; and Serv. on Virg. ^En. iv. 374, who relates 
 that thunder interrupted the ceremony. We may conclude, from 
 the account of the marriage ceremonies between Messalina and 
 Silius, that the auspices had certain forms of words to pro- 
 nounce : at the confarreatio this was certainly the case. Tac. Ann. 
 xi. 27 : Hand sum ignarus, fabulosum visum iri consulem desig- 
 natum (Silium) cum uxore principis predicta die, adhibitis qui 
 obsignarent, velut suscipiendorum liberorum causa convenisse atque 
 illam audisse auspicum verba, subiisse, sacrificasse apud deos, etc. 
 Suet. Claud. 26, dote inter auspices consignata, from which we see 
 that the auspices effected the dotis constitutio. Tac. i. 37, describes 
 a similar case. The whole of the ceremony is unfortunately not 
 known to us, but two acts of it are certain, viz., first, the joint 
 eating of bread by the newly married, from which the whole form 
 received its name, as Dionys. ii. 25 relates, TO >) KOIVUJVOVQ rrjs 
 itp<iiTdTi] ft ical 7rpwr?j rpotprj^ yivtaOai yvvalKUQ avSpdm, ical iirl 
 TroXXy avvt\9tiv Tv%y, TT}V fj.tv tTriK\t]mv rijg KoivwviaQ rov <j>appo<; tl\iv, 
 etc. ; secondly, the joining together of hands, at the confarreatio, 
 probably by the priest, which the sarcophagi, and wall-paintings 
 representing marriage, show. This custom was common to all 
 marriages. There was also another ceremony, confined to the 
 confarreatio, of which Serv. on Virg. ^En. iv. 37, gives an account: 
 
 M2
 
 1 04 THE WOMEN AND ROMAN MARRIAGE. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 Mos apud veteres fuit Flamini et Flaminicce, ut per farreationem in 
 nuptiis convenirent, sellas ducts jugatas ovili pelle superinjecta poni 
 ejus ovis, quce hostia fuisset, et ibi nubentes velatis capitibus in confar- 
 reatione Flamen et Flaminica residerent. The newly married couple / 
 then sat for a time, perhaps during the remainder of the ceremony, 
 on two chairs standing near to each other and covered by the same 
 skin, signifying, that although the man and woman occupied two 
 different parts of the house, that they were nevertheless firmly 
 bound by one common bond. The sheepskin afterwards served 
 also as a cervical, as the KwSia amongst the Greeks filled the place 
 of cushions on the couches. It is an error to derive conjugium and 
 conjugare from these sellis jugatis, and equally so to suppose that 
 the yoke was placed upon the pair, although Servius says propter 
 jugum, quod imponebatur matrimonio conjungendis. 
 
 At the celebration of the wedding a contract of marriage (tabulae 
 nuptiales, matrimoniales, dotales) concerning the dos was entered 
 into, and sealed by those present as witnesses, with the assistance 
 of the auspices. These contracts were not known in the earlier 
 periods, and were also unnecessary in the marriage with manus, 
 but the more common the form without manus became, the more 
 was the want of such agreements felt. On many monuments of 
 art we see these tabulae in the hand of the bridegroom. To this 
 custom, Suet. Claud. 26, refers : dote inter auspices consignata; and 
 more clearly, Juv. ii. 119 : 
 
 Signatae tabulae, dictum ! Feliciter, ingens 
 Ccona sedet. gremio jacuit nova nupta mariti. 
 
 Also ii. 200; ix. 75; Tac. Ann. xi. 30. These tabulae however were 
 not absolutely necessary, nor were they sufficient to compel the 
 completion of the marriage. Papin. Dig. xxxix. 5, 31 ; and Quinct. 
 Inst. v. 11, 32. Nihil obstat, quo minus justum matrimonium sit mente 
 coeuntium, etiamsi tabulae signatce non fuerint. Nihil enim proderit 
 signasse tabulas, si mentem matrimonii non fuisse constabit. 
 
 What is related as to the dress of the bride refers to all kinds 
 of marriage. She wore a white tunica recta or regilla, and veil 
 and hair-net of bright yellow. Pest. 36 : Eegillis, tunicis albis, et 
 reticulis luteis (jcticpi^aXoe) utrisque rectis, textis susum versum a 
 stantibus pridie nuptiarum diem virgines indutce cubitum ibant ominis 
 causa, ut etiam in togis virilibus dandis observari solet. We must not 
 limit the use of the regilla to the day before the wedding : Plin. 
 H. N. viii. 48, 74. Ea prima texuit rectam tunicam, quales cum toga 
 pura tirones induuntur novceque nuptce. The derivation of regilla, 
 and the quantity of the first syllable, are doubtful. It is commonly 
 derived from the same root as recta, as if diminutive. According
 
 SCENE I.] THE WOMEN AND KOMAN MAEEIAGE. 165 
 
 to Plant. Epid. ii. 2, 39, it comes from regina, as lie places it in 
 opposition to mendicula. Quid erat induta ? an regillam indiculam 
 an mendiculam impluviatam ? ut istce faciunt vestimentis nomina. 
 Isidor. xix. 25, and Non. xiv. 13, gives the same etymology. Plaut. 
 besides says regillam tuniculam. The regilla and (tunica") recta differ 
 from others chiefly in the way in which they were woven, on a tela, 
 the stamen of which was not drawn horizontally, but vertically, and 
 on which they wove upwards from below, dvta ixpalveiv. Fest. 277 : 
 Rectce appellantur vestimenta virilia, quce patres liberis suis conficienda 
 curant animis causa, ita usurpata quod a stantibus et in altitudinem 
 lexuntur. This regilla was fastened by a woollen girdle (thence 
 Juno Cinctia gen.), which was tied in a Hercules' knot. Paul. 
 Diac. 63 : Cingulo nova nupta prcecingebatur, quod vir in lecto sol- 
 vebat, factum ex lana ovis. Hunc Herculaneo modo vinctum vir 
 solvit ominis gratia, ut sic ipse felix sit in suscipiendis liberis, ut fuit 
 Hercules, qui septuaginta liberos reliquit. 
 
 The veil, or flammeum, which the bride wore at the wedding, 
 was yellow. Paul. 89 : Flammeo amicitur nubens ominis boni causa, 
 quod eo assidue utebatur flaminica, i.e. flaminis uxor, cui non licebat 
 facere divortium. It is more correct to say that the flaminica and 
 the bride wore this colour because it was of good import. Plin. 
 II. N. xxi. : Lutei (coloris] video honorem antiquissimum in nuptialibus 
 Jlammeis totum feminis concessum. Cf. Petron. 26 ; Juv. vi. 224 ; 
 Schol. Suet. Ner. 28; Tac. Ann. xv. 37; Lucan. ii. 261; Catull. and 
 Martial frequently. It has been affirmed from Seneca, Hippol. 322, 
 that the shoes (socci) were also yellow, but the passage refers not 
 to a bride's clothing, but to the dress of Hercules, as a woman in 
 the presence of Omphale. Catull. however, Ixi. 10, makes Hyme- 
 iiteus wear yellow shoes, and in the Aldobrandinian marriage the 
 bride has them. They are now frequently found in paintings at 
 Herculaneum and Pompeii. The peculiar dressing of the hair is 
 quite certain. Fest. 339 : Senis crinibus (three locks on each side, 
 ..as the oldest statues show) nubentes ornantur, quod is ornatus vetus- 
 tissimus fuit; quidam, quod eo vestales virgines ornentur. In this 
 the common instruments were not used, but the symbolical hasta 
 ccelibaris, for which Paul. Diac. h. v. 62, gives very odd and con- 
 tradictory reasons. Plut. Qu. Rom. 86 ; Ovid. Fast. ii. 559. 
 
 After the confarreatio was ended as in all other marriages a 
 banquet followed (coena nuptialis, Plaut. Cure. v. 2, 60; epulce 
 geniales, Claud. Rapt. Pros. ii. 327, at which five wax-lights were 
 burned, Plut. Qu. Rom. 2), and when that was concluded, nuts (mix 
 juglans] were distributed. Something similar (Kara^va^aTa) took 
 place at the marriage of the Greeks; see Becker's Charicles,
 
 166 THE WOMEN AND ROMAN MAEEIAGE. [Excesses I. 
 
 translated by Metcalfe, p. 356. Serv. on Virg. Eel. yiii. 30 ; 
 Catull. Ixi. 128 ; Plin. H. N. xv. 22, 24. 
 
 At length the pronubce led the bride to the lectns genialis (collo 
 careinlecto, Donat. on Ter. Eur. iii. 5, 45; Paul. Diac. s. v. genialis, 
 94; Claud. Rapt. Pros. ii. 361). Before the door they sang hyme- 
 neal and indecent songs (Fescennina] Claud. Fesc. iv. 30 : 
 
 Ducant pervigiles carmina tibise, 
 
 Permissisque jocis turba licentior 
 
 Exsultet tetricis libera legibus. 
 
 The lectus genialis was carried into the atrium on the day of the 
 wedding, perhaps by the mother, or the relatives, of the bride ; but 
 in later days this became merely symbolical. Cic. pro Clu. 5 : 
 Lectum ilium genialem, quern biennio ante filice SUCK nubenti straverat, 
 in eadem domo sibi ornari et sterni expulsa atque exturbata filia jubet : 
 nubet genero socrus. Paul. v. genialis, 94 : Gen. lectus, qui nuptiis ster- 
 nitur in honorem genii. Arnob. adv. Gen. ii. 67 : Cum in matrimonia 
 convenitis, toga sternitis lectulos et maritorum genios advocatis. Hor. 
 Ep. i. 1, 87, lectus genialis in aula est, meaning that a person is mar- 
 ried. We know no more about this custom, but from some passages 
 it would seem that it occurred only in the marriage with manus. 
 For instance, Arnob. iv. 20, says, Usu, farre, coemptione, genialis 
 lectuli sacramenta condicunt, but these words are not to be taken so 
 strictly, any more than the in matrimonia convenire previously 
 quoted. It is natural that when the binding forms of marriage 
 went out of use, many peculiar customs were retained, as the sacri- 
 fice with the assistance of the priest, and the Camillus and Camilla. 
 The lectus genialis, or adversus, remained in its place as long as the 
 woman continued in marriage ; or even until the man married again. 
 The sternere then took place again ; Prop. iv. 11, 85 : 
 Seu tamen adversum mutarit janua lectum 
 Sederit, et nostro cauta noverca toro. 
 
 The lectus is called adversus, because it stood in the atrium opposite 
 the janua. 
 
 On the following morning the young wife began her manage- 
 ment of the house by a sacrifice at the altar of her husband; 
 Macrob. Sat. i. 18 ; Plut. Qu. Rom. 2. On the same day an after- 
 ceremony of the marriage, called repotia, took place in the men's 
 apartments. Pest. p. 281 : Repotia postridie nuptias apud novum 
 maritum coenatur, quia quasi reficitur potatio. Porphyr. on Hor. Sat. 
 ii. 2, 60, Dies post nuptias. On the contrary, Donat. and Acron. in- 
 terpret it differently : Repotia dicuntur septimus dies, quo nova solct 
 nupta redire ad parentes suos, the first visit therefore to the parental 
 house. Auson. Epist. ix. 50, says indefinitely, Conjugioque dapes
 
 SCENE I.] THE WOMEN AND ROMAN MARRIAGE. 167 
 
 aut sacra repotia patrum, -which maybe taken either in the sense of 
 Donat. and Acron., or as a celebration after the birth of a child. 
 
 Lastly, we must notice, that the choice of the day for the wed- 
 ding was not a matter of indifference. They avoided as unlucky 
 the Calends, Nones, and Ides, and the day following them : Macrob. 
 Sat. i. 15, 16; Paul. Diac. 179; GeU. v. 17; Varr. L. L. vi. 29; 
 Ovid. Fast. i. 57 ; Plut. Qucest. Rom. 25; likewise the Ferise, Plut. 
 Qucest. Rom. 25. To this rule the day after the Ides of June formed 
 an exception. The month was also carefully selected, and May 
 was not lightly chosen : Plut. Qucest. Rom. 85 ; Ovid. Fast. v. 487. 
 So, too, the first half of June was avoided, whilst the second was 
 chosen : Ovid. Fast. vi. 221. 
 
 The second form which effected conventio in manum (but not 
 marriage) was the coemptio. This form, was adopted in order to 
 bring about manus without marriage ; therefore in such cases the 
 formless contract of marriage, through consensus or domum ductio, 
 must have preceded. The ceremonies were those just described 
 (viz. deductio with Thalassio, lifting over the threshold, the saluta- 
 tion with Caius and Caia, the presence of the auspices, the joining 
 of hands, the dress of the bride; incidents and external forms, which 
 depended on the taste and the means of those about to be married) ; 
 but in place of a religious marriage, a simple civil contract was en- 
 tered into, which merely determined the proportion of dependence 
 of the young woman. It was a symbolical sale, per ces et libram, patre 
 vel tutoribus auctoribus. Gai. i. 113 : Coemptione in manum conveniunt 
 per mancipationem, i.e. per quandam imaginariam venditionem, adhi- 
 bitis non minus quam quinque testibus, civibus Romanis puberibus, item 
 libripende prceter mulierem eumque, cujus in manum convenit. Serv. on 
 Virg. ^En. iv. 103: Coemptio enim est, ubi libra atque ces adhibetur, et 
 mulier atque vir in se quasi emptionem faciunt. Boethius on Cic. Top. 
 3, p. 299 : Quce in manum per coemptionem convenerant, ece matres 
 fam. vocabantur ; quce vero usu vel farreo, minime. Coemptio vero 
 certis solemnitatibus peragebatur et sese in coemendo invicem interro- 
 gabant (i.e. in coemptio they mutually asked each other); vir ita; 
 an mulier sibi materfamilias esse vellet : ilia respondebat, velle. Itaque 
 mulier viri conveniebat in manum et vocabantur hce nuptice per coemp- 
 tionem, et unit mulier materfamilias viro loco filice. Quam solemni- 
 tatem in suis institutes Ulpianus exponit. Boethius is wrong in con- 
 fining confarreatio to the marriage of priests ; in believing that the 
 woman could come in manum only by coemptio ; and in reckoning 
 as materfamilias only her who coemptions convenit. The last error 
 is easily cleared up when we reflect that in the time of Boethius 
 this form no longer existed, and that he knew it only by tradition ;
 
 THE WOMEN AND ROMAN MARRIAGE. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 that confarreatio had long been used only for the marriage of 
 priests, and that usus no longer led to manus. Gai. i. 113. As at 
 coemptio this form "was especially used, Visne mihi esse materfa- 
 milias ? he thought that only such women were called by that name. 
 But we get the correct idea from Cic. Top. 3: Genus enim est uxor; 
 ejus duceformce: unamatrumfamilias, earum, quce in- manum conve- 
 nerunt (usu, farreo, coemptione): altera earum, quce tantummodo 
 uxores habentur (quse in manum non convenerunt). Gell. xviii. 6, 
 also explains: Matremfamilias appellatam esse earn solam, quce in 
 mariti manu mancipioque esset. The term matrona is only a more 
 comprehensive designation for every decent woman. Cic. pro CoeL 
 13: Petulantes facimus, si matremfamilias secus, quam matronarum 
 sanctitas postulat, nominamus. Every materfamilias is also a ma- 
 trona, but not the reverse. 
 
 The third form by which a woman came in manum was the usus 
 or prescription. When she had entered into a free marriage only, but 
 remained a whole year with the man without having been absent 
 three days from his house, that constituted manus. Gai. i. Ill : Usu 
 in manum conveniebat, quce anno continuo nupta perseverabat, nam 
 velut annua possessions usu capiebatur, in familiam viri transibat, 
 filiceque locum obtinebat. Itaque lege XII. Tabularum cautum erat, 
 si qua nollet eo modo in manum mariti convenire, ut quotannis tri- 
 noctio abesset atque ita ur>um cujuscunque anni interrumperet. This 
 period did not consist of three days, or thrice twenty-four hours, 
 but three whole nights following each other, as is proved by the 
 decision of Gell. iii. 2, and Macrob. Sat. i. 3, that the woman had not 
 committed a valid usurpatio trinoctii quce Kalendis Januariis apud 
 virum causa matrimonii esse ccepisset, et ante diem iv. Kal. Jan. se- 
 quentes usurpatum isset (i.e. who left her husband's house in order 
 to interrupt the usucapio}. Non enim posse impleri trinoctium, qitod 
 abesse a viro usurpandi causa ex XII. Tabulis deberet, quoniam tertice 
 noctis posterior es sex horce alterius anni essent, qui inciperet ex Kalendis. 
 x^T&esides these stricter forms of marriage, by which the woman 
 came in manum mancipiumque mariti, there existed a less binding 
 one, in which both parties stood in an equal position towards each 
 other, viz. matrimonium justum, without conventio in manum. The 
 woman remained in potestate patris aut tutoris, and retained the 
 free disposition of her property. Such are the women whom 
 Cicero describes as uxores tantummodo, in opposition to the mater- 
 familias. So Gell. xviii. 6, in matrimonium tantum convenire, in 
 opposition to in manum convenire. This form was very early intro- 
 duced into Rome by the Peregrini, or by the Etruscans, who emi- 
 grated to Borne, where it was in time acknowledged as a lawful
 
 SCENE I.] THE WOMEN AND ROMAN MARRIAGE. 169 
 
 marriage, provided that the conditions, as equality of position and 
 citizenship, were the same on both sides. This free marriage be- 
 came more binding after living together for one unbroken year, 
 but even if the usurpatio trinoctii occurred, the free marriage still 
 continued. In later times, when the conventio in manum was found 
 inconvenient, they returned to this form of marriage, so that under 
 the middle emperors no other existed, with the exception of the 
 confarreatio for the priests. The marriage ceremonies, which were 
 the same both with and without manus, have already been described. 
 
 Many sarcophagi illustrate the Roman marriage ceremonies, but 
 they chiefly belong to more recent times, in which marriage with- 
 out manus nearly always occurred. We find, however, in all of 
 them, that the bride and bridegroom stretch forth their hands, 
 being introduced to each other by Juno Pronuba ; and that the 
 preparation of sacrifices by the priests and the Camilli, and the 
 Hymenseus, are not omitted. 
 
 The Concubinatus was merely a sexual living together of two 
 persons who had no connubium. This was of two kinds : first, in 
 a narrower and strictly legal sense, when a civis, unmarried, wished 
 to live with one not equal to him in position, as a peregrina, liberta, 
 serva, or humilis, abjecta foemina, without considering her as his 
 wife (to a certain extent looked upon as a left-handed marriage, 
 incequale conjugium, or licita consuetude). Secondly, in a wider and 
 not legal sense, when a married man lived with a mistress besides 
 his wife, or unmarried with two mistresses. The first does not 
 appear to have been considered criminal, or even contrary to 
 decency, for we find inscriptions on graves to the ' beloved concu- 
 bine ; ' the second was always condemned, and fell under the head 
 of stuprum, particularly if the concubine belonged to the honeste 
 tiventes. The woman who lived with a married man was called 
 pellex. Paul. Diac. p. 222 : Pellices nunc quidem appellantur alienis 
 succumbentes, non solum fcemince, sed etiam mares. Antiqui proprie 
 earn pellicem nominabant, quce uxorem habenti nubebant. Cui generi 
 mulierum etiam poena constituta est a Numa Pompilio Jiac lege : 
 Pellex aram Junonis ne tangito ; si tanget, Junoni crinibus demissis 
 agnum fceminam ccedito. So Gell. iv. 3 : Pellicem autem appellatam 
 probrosamque habitam, quce juncta consuetaque esset cum e.o, in cujtis 
 manu mancipiogue alia matrimonii causa foret, hac antiquissima 
 lege ostenditur, etc. Later, the concubine was called by a paulo 
 honestiore nomine, arnica.
 
 
 170 THE WOMEN AND ROMAN MARRIAGE. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 BETBOTKCNG AND DIYOECE. 
 
 MAHRIAGE, in Greece, or at least in Athens, required, to be 
 valid, to "be preceded by a solemn betrothal ; see Becker's Charicles, 
 translated by Metcalfe, p. 351. Amongst the Eomans this was not 
 al, but solicitation for the bride was made to her father, or in 
 I case of his death to her brother or guardian, and his consent must 
 / be obtained. Dio. Cass. xlviii. 44 ; lix. 12 ; Ixiii. 13. Prom the 
 / usual form of stipulation, spondesne ? spondeo, the whole act was 
 v called sponsalia ; the betrothed were called sponsa and spomus, 
 more anciently procus. Another expression was conventce conditio, 
 s which act preceded the betrothal, and consisted in negotiating the 
 amount of the dos, the time of its payment, and so on. Paul. Diac. 
 p. 62 : Conventce conditio dicebatur, quum primus sermo de nuptiis et 
 earum conditione Tiabebatur. The form of these sponsalia is shown 
 in many instances by the comic writers, as Plaut. Aul. ii. 2 ; iii. 5, 
 2 ; Cure. y. 2, 74 ; Poen. v. 4 ; Trin. \. 2, 33 ; especially Trin. ii. 
 
 4, 98 : 
 
 Ph. Sine dote posco tuam sororem filio. 
 
 Qute res bene vortat ! habeon', pactam ? Quid taces ? 
 St. Proh dii immortales, conditionem quojusmodi ! 
 Ph. Quin fabulare, dii bene vortant : spondeo. 
 And Poen. v. 3, 36 : 
 
 jig. Audin' tu patrue ? dico, ne dictum neges : 
 
 Tuam mini majorem filiam despondeas. 
 
 Ha. Pactam rem habeto. Ag. Spondes igitur ? Ha. Spondeo. 
 Cf. Varro, de Ling. Lat. vi. 69. 
 
 The sponsalia were celebrated as a family holiday and with a 
 banquet, as Cicero writes, ad Qu. Cur. ii. 6. Pamily mourning 
 was suspended for that day, Suet. Oct. 53. The bride frequently 
 received an espousal ring, annulus pronulus, which was likewise a 
 symbolical pledge of sincerity, Juv. vi. 25 ; Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 1, 
 4 ; Tertull. Apolog. 6. The bridegroom also received a present 
 from the bride, Dionys. iii. 21. In later times, valuable articles 
 were mutually given as securities (arra), which the member who 
 drew back from the performance of the contract forfeited. Hence 
 it follows, that the engagement, though entered into by the ap- 
 pointed words, or even in writing, was not binding on either person, 
 and in Rome, as little as in Athens, could an action be brought 
 either ex sponsu or ex stipulatu. Juv. vi. 200 : 
 
 Si tibi legitimis pactam junctamque tabellis 
 Non es amaturus, ducendi nulla videtur 
 Causa. 
 Either person could retract the engagement, renuntiare or remit-
 
 SCENE I.] THE WOMEN AND ROMAN MARRIAGE. 171 
 
 tere repudium, Plaut. Aul. iv. 10, 53 ; Ter. Phorm. iv. 3, 72 : nun- 
 tiam remittere et sponsalia dissolvere. TJlp. Dig. xxiii. 1, 110. Re- 
 pudium was also said of divorce, Modestin. Dig. i. 16, 101 : Divor- 
 tium inter virum et uxorem fieri dicitur ; repudium vero sponsce 
 remitti videtur, quod et in uxoris personam non inepte cadit. For 
 examples of retracted betrothal, see Plaut. Cat. Min. 7 ; Suet. Cces. 
 21, Oct. 62; Tac. Ann. xii. 3, 9; Dio. Cass. xlvi. 56, &c. This 
 betrothal was not entirely without legal validity, although only so 
 long as the engagement between the bride aud bridegroom was 
 not broken off, and it was considered disgraceful during its continu- 
 ance to enter into a second engagement, and infidelity on the part 
 of the bride was even regarded as adulterium. 
 
 According to a custom of the ancient Latins, the person who 
 suffered by the drawing back of the other party from the engage- 
 ment, had a ground of action, and the judge compelled the person 
 who thus retracted without sufficient cause, to pay a sum of money 
 (litem pecunia cestimabat). After the union of Latium with Borne, 
 this jus sponsaliorum ceased, Gell. iv. 4. 
 
 The terms sperata, pacta, sponsa, destinata refer to the espousals, 
 and not to the different forms of marriage, or to the various 
 stages of the engagement. 
 
 In the same manner as the promise made at the espousals could 
 be dissolved, so was also divorce from marriage always possible, 
 without any one being authorized by the civil power to oppose it. 
 This freedom was, however, much restrained by the m 
 
 of t.T}p pp.np]fl and the great respect they entertained for the suc-red- 
 f ness of the marriage bond. Add to this, there was the family 
 council oi 1 relatives wluck must always be consulted before a di- 
 vorce, and the fear of the Censor's reproof, which followed a 
 divorce on insufficient grounds. This freedom of divorce appears 
 too, if the explanation of Dionysius be correct, not to refer to 
 confarreatio, ii. 25 : Els OvvStOfiov dvayKalov oimorjjrof tQfpiv dSia- 
 \VTOV Kai TO diatpijrrov TOVQ ya/touf TOVTOVQ ovSkv ijv. "We must, how- 
 cver, recollect that in his time confarreatio was confined to the 
 marriages of priests, which were always indissoluble ; he could also 
 . easily err, by taking as an example of the old confarreatio the 
 marriage of a flamen and flaminica. Therefore a union of the 
 passage of Dionysius with Plut. Rom. 22, does not so decidedly 
 negative it, as is supposed. Plut. says : "Edqici fit KUI vopovs nvac, 
 wv (ffyoSpoQ fjikv iariv o yvvaiKi pi) Stdoiig airo\ti~tiv dvdpa, yvidiKa <5 
 SICOVQ tK^d\\tiv tTrl fyapnatctiq, TtKvuv q K\uSwv VTroj3o\y /cat fioi^fv- 
 9flaav, which account agrees well with that of Dionysius, since 
 Plutarch does not, like him, speak exclusively of marriage by con-
 
 172 
 
 THE WOMEN AND EOMAN MAERIAGE. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 farreatio, but of marriage generally. It were absurd to suppose 
 that the marriage should continue binding, if such crimes as those 
 named occurred. This law of Romulus moreover decreed, that 
 
 . if a man should separate for any other reason, one half of his 
 property should fall to his repudiated wife, and the other be de- 
 dicated to Ceres. And hence, in order to prevent hasty marriage, 
 it was made, as much as possible, indissoluble. 
 
 " ^~ There are also other instances to show that release from mar- 
 I riage occurred in the earlier times of the Republic, and that the 
 
 ^ I Twelve Tables contained directions on the subject. The account of 
 Sp. Carvilius Ruga, A.TJ.C. 520 or 523, having been the first to put 
 away his wife, certainly is opposed to this idea. Dionys. ii. 25, 
 says this in the most decided way : 6/ioXoyttrat ivrbe irtiv iiKotri Kal 
 TTSVTaKoaiiat' fit]5tls iv 'Pupy EtaXvdrjvai ya/iog. TrpaJrof a.7ro\vaai XI- 
 ysrat TTJV kavrov yvvdiKa Sirovpiog Kap. av)p OVK a<t>aviic, di>ayicao- 
 /uvo VTTO TWV Tifirjrwv ofioctai TSKVWV tvtKa yvvaiKi pi] ovvoiKtiv. But 
 the last words are either corrupt or contain an error, as the 
 account of Gell. xvii. 2, shows : Anno deinde p. B. c. quingentesimo 
 undevicesimo Sp. Carv. Ruga primus Romas de amicorum sententia 
 divortium cum uxore fecit, quod sterilis esset jurassetque apud cen- 
 sores, uxorem se liberorum qucerendorum causa habere. Val. Max. ii. 
 1, 4, also mentions the year 520; but, on the other hand, we find 
 another important example in Plutarch, agreeing that the first di- 
 vorce, that of Sp. Carvilius, took place in the year 230. This year 
 has indeed every probability against it, as the separation of Carvi 
 lius would have taken place in the time of the Kingdom, whilst 
 the whole account refers to that of the Republic, namely, to the 
 period when the Censorship was separated from the Consulate. 
 Sulpicius, too, quotes the authority of Gellius as by far the most 
 -.important. On the other hand, again, no one will believe it likely 
 that for 520 years together, until some 150 years before Cicero, no 
 divorce should have taken place in Rome. The whole matter 
 seems to rest on a misunderstanding of the second passage of Gell. 
 iv. 3. From this it appears probable, that the divorce of Carvilius 
 took place under particular circumstances, different from those of 
 the more ancient divorces, whence it came to pass that his divorce, 
 which in some respects was the first of its kind, came to be con- 
 sidered the first generally. Sulpicius does not affirm that it was 
 the first divorce, else Gellius would not merely say : Quia profecto 
 nihil desiderabantur (viz. rei uxorise actiones et cautiones) nullia 
 etiam tune matrimoniis divertentibus, i.e. Gellius infers merely from 
 the non-existence of the cautiones rei uxoriae, that divorces came 
 into use later. Probably Sp. Carvilius was the first who separated
 
 v* 
 
 SCENE I.] THE WOMEN ANVROMAN MARRIAGE. 173 
 
 from Ms wife for a reason diJlerent from those originally in force, 
 namely, with the selfish object of retaining the dos, whilst he jus- , 
 tified himself upon pretended religious scruples. His sophistry led 
 to the desired result, but the right feeling of the people manifested^ 
 itself in loud disamamba. liuu. of his conduct, and thecjjitkaies rei ) 
 uxorise w^retherefore soon introduced, in order to prevent similar 
 consequences. Through these circumstances, and the fact that few 
 have the cautiones dated, the divorce of Carvilius obtained celebrity, 
 and so it may easily happen that after two hundred years and morej-^J 
 people should entertain the idea that it had been the first of all. 
 That this divorce in some respect was the first, many learned men \ 
 agree : one states, that it was the first sterilitatis causa ; another, 
 without consulting the judgment of cognati ; a third, of a binding 
 marriage, and so on. 
 
 Let us return now to the demonstration of the early divorce, and 
 refer first to the case related by Val. Max. ii. 9, 2 : Horum severi- 
 tatem, M. Valerius Maximus et G. Junius Bubulcus Brutus censores in 
 consimili genere animadversionis imitati L. Antonium senatu movertmt, 
 
 quod quam virginem inmatrimonium duxerat, repudiasset, nulloami- 
 
 corum in consilium adhibito. It would be false to suppose from this 
 that divorces were uncommon or forbidden. We must, in the first 
 place, recollect that the nota censoria is by no means regarded as 
 judicium, as the instructive passage in Cic. pro Clu. 42 48, shows. 
 The sentence of the Censor is entirely subjective, and has therefore 
 but a limited importance. So it does not follow from the animad- 
 versio censoria against Antonius, that he did anything forbidden and 
 liable to punishment, when he separated from his wife ; but there 
 was something reprehensible in the manner in which he did it, as 
 we learn from Val. Max. himself, when he adds : Nullo amicorum 
 in consilium adhibito. A family consultation was always held in 
 such case, and thence it is said of Carvilius : De amicorum sententia. 
 See the early part of this Excursus. Antonius' manner of pro- 
 ceeding was arbitrary and harsh, and thence the whole affair caused 
 animadversio censoria. This divorce took place A.u.c. 447, some 
 fifty years before the first Punic war. 
 
 But other proof exists, that in much earlier times divorce was 
 properly established and strictly ordained by laws. Cicero, Phil. 
 ii. 28, says jokingly of Antonius, who had dismissed Cytheris under 
 the same formalities as those of divorce : Illam suam suas res sibi 
 habere jussit, ex duodecim tabulis claves ademit, exegit. Prom thtSTN 
 mention of the Twelve Tables, it follows that the proper relations of > 
 those who separated were therein contained, as well perhaps as 
 certain formalities to be observed. Into the grounds on which a
 
 174 THE WOMEN AND ROMAN MARRIAGE. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 divorce was to be obtained, inquiry -was made sometimes by the 
 '^council of cognati ; at others by the judge in the judicium de mori- 
 lus, after the introduction of cautiones et actiones rei uxorise. This 
 last, however, only occurred when the pecuniary affairs of the two 
 separating parties, as in the case of the return of the dos, could not 
 be settled by friendlyarbitration. The question then was-, whuLhci" 
 it was the fault of the husband or of the wife, that led to the 
 divorce (utrius culpa divortium factum, Quinct. iii. 4, 11). On 
 the part of the woman, the causes were, besides capital offences, 
 adultery and drinking, and the latter was very severely punished in 
 ancient times. Plin. H. N. xiv. 13 : Cn. Domitius judex pronuntia- 
 vit : mulierem videri plus bibisse quam valetudinis causa, viro insci- 
 ente, et dote multavit. See Gellius x. 23, and Cato's speech there. 
 
 divorces became much more frequent after the Punic wars 
 is explained by the deo-ay of Tna.rmftrs, than introduce^ and by the 
 
 and more lax. The Censor's reproof 
 
 was no longer dreaded, and we find that at that time divorce 
 occurred on account of the most trivial circumstances. Val. Max. 
 vi., out of many, selects three examples of the Tonxl, that of Sulpi- 
 cius Gallus, who uxorem demisit, quod earn capite aperto foris versa- 
 tam cognoverat ; secondly, of Q. Antistius Yetus, quod illam in pub- 
 lico cum quadam libertina vulgari secreto loquentem viderat ; thirdly, 
 of P. Sempronius Sophus, qui conjugem repudii nota affecit, nihil 
 aliud quam se ignorante ludos ausam spectare. It is, besides, doubt- 
 ful whether the causes here assigned were not a mere pretence. 
 the la^t. psiAtttl /tf ^t'b^SSKil^j^, divorce prevailed_jtp_a-cightftil 
 extent; marriage was thoughtlessly entered upon, and dissolved 
 at pleasure. Sylla, Csesar, Pompey, Cicero, and Antony, put away 
 their wives, and Augustus and his successor followed their ex- 
 ample. At that time this also occurred on the women's part, 
 without any fault being committed by their husbands. It had 
 previously been far more difficult for them to dissolve a marriage, 
 and the husband's want of fidelity gave them no authority, as 
 Plaut. Men. iv. 6, 1, says : 
 
 Ecastor lege dura vivunt mulieres 
 
 Multoque iniquiore miserse quern viri. 
 
 Nam si vir scortum duxit clam uxorem suam, 
 
 Id si rescivit uxor, impune est viro ; 
 
 Uxor viro si clam domo egressa est foras, 
 
 Viro fit causa, exigitur matrimonio. 
 
 Utinam lex esset eadem quee uxori est viro ! etc. 
 
 In Cicero's time and afterwards, separations by the women are 
 often mentioned, as Cic. ad Fam. viii. 7 ; ad Att. xi. 23 (in this
 
 SCENE I.] THE WOMEN AND ROMAN MARRIAGE. 175 
 
 case with reason) ; pro Clu. 5 ; Mart. Ep. vi. 7 ; x. 41. Sen. de Ben. 
 iii. 16 : Numquid jam ulla repudio erubescit ? non consulum numero, 
 sed maritorum annos suos computant et exeunt matrimonii causa, 
 nubunt repudii. 
 
 The most common term for the dissolution of marriage was di- 
 vortium, which properly means a separation which took place with 
 the consent of both the parties concerned. Paul. Dig. i. 16, 161 : 
 Div. ex eo dictum est, quod in diversas paries eunt qui discedunt. 
 Modest. 101 : Div. inter virum et uxorem fieri dicitur. Cf. Isidor. 
 ix. 8. So also discidium, which was also generally used when the 
 separation was mutual. These words were commonly joined with 
 facer e. On the other hand repudium refers to a divorce on one 
 side, and is therefore used only of the party by whom it was caused. 
 So the term used was not repudium facere, but repudium mittere, 
 remittere, dicere, scribere, nuntiare, renuntiare ; nuntium remittere 
 was also similar ; see Plaut. Aul. iv. 10, 53, 69 ; Ter. Phorm. iv. 3, 
 72 ; Cic. ad Att. i. 13 ; xi. 23 ; de Orat. i. 40 ; Top. 4 ; Suet, fre- 
 quently. Besides these expressions, there were exigere and ejicert 
 said of the man, Cic. Phil. ii. 28, 38 ; discedere of the woman, Ter. 
 Andr. iii. 3, 36, which differed from each other, as in Greek did 
 sKTrifnTtiv or te/3dX\v and a.Tro\i'nrtiv. It has been, without suffi- 
 cient reason, suggested, that divortium was said especially of the 
 women, repudium of the men ; and also that the former refers to 
 divorce from strict, the latter from free, marriage. 
 
 The formula of separation either by mutual consent, or by the 
 desire of one party, as given in the Twelve Tables, was : Tuas res tibi 
 habeto. This applied as well to the man who wished to separate as to 
 the woman ; see Cic. Phil. ii. 28 ; Plaut. Amph. iii. 2, 47 : Valeas, 
 tibi habeas res tuas, reddas meas ; also Trin. ii. 1, 31 : Tuas res tibi 
 habe. See also Mart. x. 41 ; Quinct. Decl. 262, &c. The woman 
 resigned the key, but it is doubtful whether this formality was pre- 
 scribed by the Twelve Tables. Sometimes also this order was ac- 
 companied by another, to quit the house (for as exi], which the 
 woman alone could give, if she were mistress of the house ; see 
 Plaut. Mil. Glor. iv. 6, 62 ; cf. Plaut. Gas. ii. 2, 31 ; Mart. xi. 104. 
 Written notices also, or verbal ones by a messenger, came into 
 practice ; whence the expressions renuntiatio or nuntium remittere. 
 The contract made on the conclusion of the marriage was generally 
 destroyed (rumpere tabulas nuptiales} Juv. ix. 75 ; Tac. Ann. xi. 30. 
 When the marriage had been solemnly entered upon with maimST" 
 this simple formula was not sufficient to dissolve it. Therefore con- 
 farreatio required a formal di/arreatio. Paul. Diac. V>. 74 : Diff. 
 genus erat sacrificii, quo inter virum et mulierem fiebft dissolutio. '
 
 176 
 
 THE "WOMEN AND ROMAN MAEEIAGE. [Excrascs I. 
 
 Dicta diff., quid fiebat farreo libo adhibito. The same solemnities 
 and persons which occurred at the confarreatio must be repeated 
 at the diffarreatio. Sacerdos confarreationum et diffarreationum , Orell. 
 Inscr. 2648. Beyond this nothing is known on the subject, as 
 what Plut. Qucest. Rom. 50, relates of Domitian, refers to the 
 divorce of a flamen dialis : ot le ItptTf Traptyivovro ry TOV ya/nov 
 SiaXvait TroXXa tyotKucr) Kal aXXoicora ical aicvOpatTra Spuivrtf. 
 
 "When the manus of the woman had been by mancipatio, 
 divorce ensued by the preceding simple formula ; but manus con- 
 tinued until taken away by a formal remancipatio. Fest. : Quce man- 
 cipata sit db eo qui in manum convenerit. See also the imperfect 
 passage of Grai. i. 137. We are not told by which form the 
 manus by usus was unloosened. Probably a simple declaration 
 
 as sufficient. 
 
 The divorced wife could marry again, so too could the widow 
 after the full time of mourning; but in the early days, when marriage 
 had a higher sanction, this could not be done without prejudice to 
 the character of the woman. A woman multarum nuptiarum, as 
 3ic. ad Att. xiii. 29, says, received no respect, Plut. Qu. Rom. 102. 
 Tertull. de Exhort. Cast. 13, de Monogam. 13, places her in con- 
 trast to univira, which expression is also found on inscriptions. 
 A woman married for the second time could not be a pronuba or 
 touch the statue of Pudicitia, of Fortuna Muliebris, or Mater Ma~ 
 tuta, Liv. x. 23; Fest. Pudic. p. 242, 245. On the second marriage 
 there were some external forms less full of honour than on the first : 
 see Serv. on Virg. ^En. xi. 476 ; Prop. iv. 11, 85 ; iv. 8, 27. 
 
 CELIBACY. 
 
 YOLTTXTAKY celibacy was considered, in very early times, as 
 censurable and even guilty. Sozom. h. e. i. 9, mentions an old 
 law on the subject ; and Dionys. ix. 22, speaks of a family law 
 relating to it in the gens Fabia. From Festus, p. 379, we learn 
 that there was a celibate fine. Uxorium pependisse dicitur, qui, 
 quod uxorem non habuerit, res populo dedit ; and the censors, whose 
 attention was turned to the maintenance and increase of the popu- 
 lation, watched over the ministration of these old decrees. Cic. de 
 Leg. iii. 3 ; Yal. Max. ii. 9, 1. Camillus et Postumius censor es cera 
 pounce nomine eos qui adsenectutem ccelibes pervenerant, in cerarium de- 
 ferre jusserunt ; 403 B.C. ; 351 A. Ti. c. Hortatory speeches from the 
 censors to the people, de ducendis uxoribus and de prole augenda, 
 also took place. In Suet. Oct. 89, Q. Csecilius Metellus says:
 
 SCENE I.] THE WOMEN AND ROMAN MARRIAGE. 
 
 177 
 
 Si sine urore possemus, Quirites, esse, omnes ea molestia careremus ; 
 sed quoniam ita natura tradidit, ut nee cum illis satis commode nee 
 sine illis ullo modo vivi possit, saluti perpetuce potius quam brevi 
 voluptati consulendum ; cf. Gell. i. 6 ; Liv. Ep. lix. ; Sueton. Oct. 
 89. It was quite a Grecian view of the case to consider a wife as 
 a necessary evil. Menand. p. 190 : avdyicr) -yap ywalic tlvai KUKOV, 
 aXXd tvrvxfjG iffB' 6 /terpiwrarov \aj3wv ; see Becker's Charicles, trans- 
 lated by Metcalfe, p. 346. In the general deterioration of manners, 
 and especially after the civil wars, the number of unmarried in- 
 creased extraordinarily, and even before Juvenal's time marriage 
 was so critical a matter that one might well call out 
 
 Certe sanus eras ! Uxorem, Postume, ducis ? 
 
 Die, qua Tisiphone, quibus exagitare colubris ? 
 
 The demands which women, especially those of rank, made, 
 were, in the time of Plautus, of such a kind that the taste for mar- 
 riage became nearly lost. See Aulul. iii. 5, Mil. iii. 1, 91. If the 
 wife brought an important dowry, the position of the husband in 
 the house was frequently not the most agreeable. Hence De- 
 meenetus complains in Plaut. Asin. i. 1, 74 : Argentum accept; dote 
 imperium vendidi ; and Epid. ii. i. 11, where Apoecides remarks : 
 Fulcra edepol dos pecunia est, Periphanes replies : quce quidem pol 
 non maritata est. Juvenal vi. 460, Intolerabilius nihil est quam 
 femina dives, and Mart. viii. 12 : 
 
 Uxorem quare locupletem ducere nolira, 
 Quaeritis ? uxori nubere nolo meae. 
 
 Learned women were dreaded. Sit non doctissima conjux, Mart. 
 ii. 90, makes a condition. See Juv. vi. 448 : 
 
 Non habeat matrona, tibi quse juncta recumbit, 
 Dicendi genus, aut curtum sermone rotate 
 Torqueat enthymema, nee bistorias sciat omnes : 
 Sed qusedam ex libris et non intelligat. 
 
 As the view implying censure had entirely passed away, Caesar 
 sought to encourage marriage by rewards ; but Augustus published, 
 through the lex Julia et Papia Poppcea, some very stringent and / 
 even ridiculous decrees against celibacy. And, on the other hand, / 
 certain advantage? aceg uud k _ikese"who liad many children, jus / 
 trium liberorum. These laws, however, do not seem to have had' 
 much result, as we see from Ts ,c. Ann. iii. 25. They were defeated-^ 
 by tBe emperors themselves, v ho often granted the jus trium libe- \ 
 to persons who had v Jry few or no children, or were noty 
 I even /married. 
 
 
 %
 
 178 THE WOMEN AND KOMAN MARRIAGE. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 CHILDREN. 
 
 IF the Eoman custom in relation to marriage and the position of 
 women generally, is decidedly to be preferred to that of the Greeks, 
 it cannot be denied that the reverse was the case as regarded the 
 relations of children, as the arbitrary power which the father had 
 over them in Rome was a flagrant injustice : the freedom of an 
 individual was thus limited in a most unjust manner, and the child 
 held in an unnatural dependence on his father. The great mis- 
 take consisted in the Eoman father considering the power which 
 Nature imposes as a duty on the elders, of guiding and protecting 
 a child during infancy, as extending over his freedom, involving 
 his life and death, and continuing during his entire existence. The 
 Grecian law differed in two respects from the Eoman : first, that 
 the father's power ceased with the son's independence, and this he 
 attained either by arriving at a certain period of life, or by mar- 
 riage, or by being entered on the list of citizens. Secondly, the 
 Grecian father had merely the right of terminating the relation 
 between child and parent, by banishing him from his house, or dis- 
 inheriting him, without daring to injure either his liberty or life. 
 
 The patria potestas of the Eomans was in theory indeed very 
 different from absolute possession (dominium), but in reality it ap- 
 proached very near to it, especially in ancient times ; only the latter 
 extended over things, the former over persons. Consequently this 
 potestas gave the father the right over the life and liberty of his 
 child. Dion. ii. 26, after drawing attention to the difference of the 
 Grecian laws, says: 6 TWV 'Pw^aiwi/ vofioQirris uTraaav a>e t'nriiv tSwKtv 
 iZovviav ?rarpi Ka6' viov rat -napd -sravra. rbv TOV /3iov xpovov, lav rf 
 ftpyiiv, lav re naanyovv, lav Tf csapiov iirl TUV tear' dypbv ipyaiv KO.T- 
 tX llv > tdv ft CLTroKTivvvvai jrpoaipjjrai, KO.V rd TTO\ITIKU irpdrruiv b Traig 
 jjdi) Tvy\dvg, KO.V iv dp^alg rale fiiyiaraig i%tTa6fiivoe, KOLV ltd rrjv ti'c 
 TO Koivd 0(Xori/i('av tTraivovfiivog. This law, said to be as early 
 as Eomulus, but at any rate very ancient, was revived in all its 
 severity in the Twelve Tables. Dionys. ii. 27 : ol Xaj3ovrc irapd 
 TOV Sr)p.ov TJJV iovaiav rJJe ffvvayuiyrJG TI Kai I<riypa0ij avrwv (i. 6. 
 vofjuiiv) StKd avptf afia ro7g a\\o( dviypafyav VO^IOIQ. He then 
 controverts the possible notion that the Decemvirs introduced 
 this, by citing an institution of Numa : lav irarijp vl< avyxwprjay 
 yuvatica dyayiaOai KOivttivbv, iaofiivrjv ispuv Tt KOI xpTindTittv Kara. TOVS 
 v6fiovs, (itjKtTi TTJV IZovffiav ilvai T<J> Trarpi ir<a\iiv TOVQ viovf. This 
 power quite agreed with the ancient severity (see Liv. i. 26, 
 where Horatius says, Se filiam jure ccesam judicare, ni ita esset, 
 patriofure in filium animadversurum fuisse), but it was afterwards
 
 SCENE I.] THE WOMEN AND ROMAN MARRIAGE. 179 
 
 recognized by law, as the usual form of adoption shows. Orat. pro 
 Domo 29 : Credo enim, quanquam in ilia adoptione legitime factum 
 est nihil, tamen te esse interrogatum : auctorne esses, ut in te P. Fon- 
 teius vitce necisque potestatem haberet, ut in filio, and the complete 
 form in Gell. v. 19 : Velitis jubeatis, ut L. Valerius, L. Titio, turn 
 jure legeque Jilius siet, quam si ex eo patre matrequefamilias ejus natua 
 esset, utique ei vitce necisque in eumpotestas siet, uti patri endofilio est. 
 Hcec ita, ut dixi, vos Quirites rogo. The unnatural part of this 
 decree was somewhat modified, in that the right of life and death 
 belonged in fact to that of discipline and punishment, which was per- 
 mitted by the State to the paterfamilias, and as the father could not 
 act on his own judgment, but must, conformably to custom, summou 
 a family council, as e. g. Yal. Max. v. 8, 2 : Cassius filium adhibito 
 propinquorum et amicorum consilio affectati regni crimine domi dam- 
 navit verberibusque affectum necari jussit. On the killing of Sp. 
 Cassius Viscellinus by his father, see Liv. ii. 41 ; Dionys. viii. 79; 
 Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 4. This judgment is mentioned by Val. Max. v. 
 8, 3, where he says of T. Manlius Torquatus, ne consilio quidem neces- 
 sariorum indigere se credidit, as his son had been accused by the 
 Macedonians on account of extortion. The father sat in judgment 
 for three days, hearing witnesses and so on, and at last banished 
 his son from his presence, whereupon he killed himself ; so Cic. do 
 Fin. i. 7. Val. Max. relates another instance, v. 9, 1. L. Grellius held 
 judgment on his son, pcene universo senatu adhibito in consilium, and 
 after careful inquiry, absolvit eum turn concilii turn etiam sententia 
 SIM. See also Quinct. Decl. viii. 4, and 356. Other examples are 
 related, of sentence being passed on sons by their fathers, without 
 mention of the family council, and probably because the official 
 position of the father rendered such aid unnecessary, as in the 
 harsh judgment of Brutus and T. Manlius Imperiosus : see also Liv. 
 iv. 29. In capital offences too the father could by himself inflict 
 punishment,' as it is deemed more proper that he should himself 
 condemn his son, than that he should come himself as his accuser. 
 So Sail. Cat. 39 relates : Fuere tamen extra conjurationem complures, 
 qui ad Catilinam initio profecti sunt : in his A. Fulvius senatoris 
 filius quern retractum ex itinere parens necari jussit. Of. Dio. Cass. 
 xxxviii. 36, and Yal. Max. v. 8, 5, and vi. 1, 3. Sen. de Clem. i. 14, 15, 
 relates two instances of a father's judgment in the time of Augustus. 
 In the latter case the father condemned the son for parricide, letting 
 him off with exile only. A solemn family council also preceded, 
 to which the emperor was invited ; there the kindness of the father 
 openly prevailed, and whilst he made use of his right, he protected 
 his son from the punishment which he would have found in the 
 
 N 2
 
 ISO 
 
 THE WOMEN AND ROMAN MARRIAGE. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 public court of justice. The second case proves the harshness and 
 misuse to which this right could be applied. Erixon&n equitem Horn, 
 memoria nostra, quid filium suum flagellis occiderat, populus in faro 
 yraphiis confodit. Vix ilium Augusti Ccesaris auctoritas infestis tarn 
 patrum quam filiorwm manibus eripuit. But after all, not one case of 
 absolute death is mentioned, but only of cruel punishment. Tac. 
 Ann. xvi. 33, gives another example : Montanus patri concessus est, 
 prcedicto, ne in republica haberetur. That is wrong, however: on the 
 contrary, the son was pardoned from respect to his father. See 
 Quinct. Decl. viii. xix. &c. If a misuse of the patria potestas 
 occurred in earlier times, the censor could resent it, Dionys. xx. 3 ; 
 Oros. v. 16, even speaks of a public indictment; in later days the 
 emperor saw to it, as it is related of Trajan and Hadrian. In the 
 two hundredth year of the empire this power was taken away from 
 the father by law. 
 
 Although the right of sale undeniably existed, and was recog- 
 nized by the Twelve Tables, no instance of it exists ; and we may 
 therefore suppose that it was early abolished, and used only as a 
 form in the emancipatio. Numa even seems to have limited this 
 right, according to Dionys. ii. 27 ; so too Plut. Num. 17. In the 
 form of mancipatio, the father had the right to sell the son three 
 times ; after the third time he did not again come into the patria 
 potestas. So the Twelve Tables decreed : Si pater filium ter venum 
 duit, filiw a patre liber esto, Ulp. x. 1 ; Grai. i. 132. Plaut. Stick. 
 i. 1, 54; 2, 11 ; Trin. ii. 2, 20, speaks generally of the obedience 
 due from children to their father. 
 
 Prom the patria potestas must be entirely separated the right 
 with which we frequently meet in antiquity, of killing or exposing 
 new-born children. In Rome it did not exist to so great an extent as 
 elsewhere. Romulus is said to have interdicted sons and first-born 
 daughters from being killed, Dionys. ii. 28. On the other hand, it 
 seems to have been commanded that the deformed should be put to 
 death, Cic. de Leg. iii. 8 ; Liv. xxvii. 37 ; Sen. de Ira, i. 18. That 
 the exposure and murder of the new-born was not unfrequent, even 
 in the most important families, many instances show; as Dio. Cass. 
 xlv. 1, and the Lex Gentilicia of the Pabii, Dionys. ix. 22 : TO. -ytvvw- 
 fiiva tTrdvayKig rpkt/xiv; see Plaut. Cas. prol. 41, 79; Cist. i. 3, 17, 
 31; Ter. Heaut. iv. 1, 37. Whether the columna lactaria men- 
 tioned by Paul. Diac. p. 118, is connected with this custom, is not 
 certain. 
 
 The son remained in the father's power until his death, unless 
 either of them had suffered a capitis diminutio. The patria po- 
 testas ceased if the son became a flamen dialis. Tac. Ann. iv. 16 ;
 
 SCENE I.] THE WOMEN AND ROMAN MAEEI AGE. 181 
 
 Gai. iii. 114. Other dignities made no difference, see Yal. Max. v. 
 4, 5. In the case of a daughter it ceased when she entered into 
 marriage with manus, or became a vestal virgin. Gell. i. 12 : Eo 
 statim tempore sine emancipatione ac sine capitis minutione e patria 
 potestate exit. Ulp. x. 5 : In potestate parentum esse desinunt et hi, 
 qui Flamines Divales inaugurantur, et quce Virgines Vestce capiuntur. 
 Gai. i. 130. 
 
 If a father wished to renounce the patria potestas over his son, 
 it must be done either by adoption (by which he passed into another 
 potestas) or by the formality of emancipation. This consisted in 
 selling the son three times to a pater fiduciarius, who manumitted 
 him according to a previously-made contract after the first and 
 second mancipation ; but after the third he mancipated him back 
 to the father, on which the latter became his pater, and manumitted 
 him in libertatem. This minuteness was the consequence of the 
 directions of the Twelve Tables, that the father should three times 
 sell his son. Ulp. x. 1 : Liberi parentum potestate liberantur eman- 
 cipatione, i. e. si postea quam mancipati fuerint, manumissi sint. Sed 
 filius quidem ter mancipatus, ter manumissus sui juris Jit. Id enim lex 
 xii. tabularum jubet his verbis : Si pater filium ter venum duit, filiuf 
 a patre liber esto. Ceteri autem liberi prceter filium tarn masculi 
 quamfemincR una mancipatione manumissioneque sui juris fiunt.
 
 EXCURSUS II. SCENE I. 
 
 EDUCATION. 
 
 YTOTWTTHSTANDING the harsh power which amongst the 
 -^ Romans the paterfamilias possessed over his familia, it must 
 not be forgotten that in the house far more of real family life oc- 
 curred, and that a more strong and sacred band bound together the 
 different members of the house amongst the Romans than amongst 
 the Greeks. The chief cause of this was the higher dignity of the 
 housewife, whose influence asserted itself happily in the education of 
 the children, not only as a mother during their earliest years, but also 
 in superintending them during their riper years. The eulogy which 
 Tac. Agric. iv. bestows on the mother of Agricola, in a sadly degene- 
 rate age (mater Julia Procilla fuit rarce castitatis. In hujus sinu in- 
 dulgentia educatus per omnem honestarum artium cultum pueritiam 
 adolescentiamque transegit), carries us back to the oldest and better 
 days of the Republic. So says also the author de Cans. corr. Eloq. 
 28 : Jam primum sum cuique filius ex casta parente natus in cella 
 emptce nutricis sed gremio ac sinu matris educabatur, cujus prcecipua 
 laus erat tueri domum et inservire liberis. If history gives few ex- 
 amples of celebrated women, and their power over their children, 
 like that of Cornelia and Veturia, we must reflect that such re- 
 lations were very seldom mentioned, and only in connection with 
 conspicuous persons and events ; but from those few we may under- 
 stand the general character of the household relations. 
 
 The expression tollere and suscipere liberos (analogous to reicva 
 avaipiio9ai) shows that amongst the Romans a similar custom to that 
 of the Greeks prevailed after the birth of the child, with regard to 
 the declaration of the father, as to whether he would bring up the 
 child as his own. Plaut. Amph. i. 3, 3 ; Cist. ii. 3, 8 ; True. ii. 4, 
 45; Most. i. 2, 41 ; Ter. Heaut. iv. 1, 15 ; Andr. i. 3, 14; Hec. iv. 1, 
 56 ; Hor. Sat. ii. 5, 45. What August, de Civ. Dei, iv. 11, relates of 
 a divinity Levana (levat infantes de terra'), as if the presider over 
 this ceremony, may well refer to ancient times ; but the name is not 
 mentioned elsewhere. What Varro xii. 36, says, refers to this: 
 Natus si erat vitalis ac sublatus db obstetrice, statuebatur in terra, ut 
 auspicaretur rectus esse. The number of tutelary gods recognized by 
 the Romans for special cases, and particular moments of life, was 
 so extraordinarily great, that there is an appearance of truth about 
 the saying of the pontifices, Singulis actibus proprios deos prceesse.
 
 SCE*E I.] EDUCATION. 
 
 183 
 
 Macro!}. Sat. i. 17 : Unfits dei effectus varios pro variis censendos esse 
 numinibus. From the earliest childhood there were besides Levana, 
 Vagitanus, or Vaticanus (penes quern, essent vocis humance initia). 
 Varr. in Gell. xvi. 7 ; Cunina (cunas administrat), August, de Civ. 
 Dei, iv. 11, Potina Edusa, or Educa (escam prcebet) and Cuba, Non. 
 ii. 310: Edusam et Potinam deas prcesides vult haberi puerorum 
 Varro : Quum primo cibo et potione initiarent pueros, sacrificabantur 
 ab edulibus Edusce, a potione Potinca. Donat. on Ter. Phorm. i. 1, 15 : 
 Legitur apud Varronem initiari pueros Edulice et Poticce et Cubce, 
 divis edendi et potandi et cubandi, ubi primum a lacte et a cunis 
 transierunt, etc. 
 
 Nine days after the birth of the boys (nundince), and eight after 
 that of the girls, the lustratio took place, and at the same time the 
 6vonaro9tffia,no'm<naccipiebant. Hence the day was called dies lus- 
 trica, dies nominum, nominalia. In this ceremony there was also a 
 special divinity, Nundina : Macrob. Sat. i. 16 : Est etiam Nundina 
 Monianorum dea, a nono die nascentium nuncupata, qui lustricus 
 dicitur ; est autem dies lustricus, quo infantes lustrantur et nomen 
 accipiunt. The dies lustricus was celebrated as a family holiday, 
 and small gifts were presented to the child by the parents and 
 relatives, and even by the slaves, and this was repeated in after 
 years on the birth-day. This was a Grecian custom originally, but 
 it also took place amongst the Romans. Plautus mentions as play - 
 things of this kind, Eud. iv. 4, 110, ensiculus aureolus literatus, with 
 his father's name. Duce connexce maniculce ; sucula argentea ; bullet 
 aurea. Ep. v. 1, 33: aurea lunula et anell us aureus. The children, 
 as amongst the Greeks (dvayvwptcr/iara), carried these toys sus- 
 pended from their necks (Plaut. Mil. v. 6), and being of metal, 
 they were called from their clanking (a crepando), crepundia. 
 Works of art, representing children with such crepundia on their 
 necks, have been preserved. 
 
 The bulla aurea which Plautus mentions, signifies most certainly 
 that this was a Roman custom; being introduced by the Etruscans 
 into Rome, it was a distinction of children of high birth unknown 
 to the Greeks. This bulla was a round, flat case of gold (Isidor. 
 xix. 31), an amulet, which sometimes opened, and was worn by 
 children suspended round the neck, and hung directly on the 
 breast. Prop. iv. 131 ; Plut. Qu. Rom. 101 ; and Mac. Sat. i. 6, 
 make various attempts to explain the meaning which had long 
 passed away, and of a custom which was no longer intelligible. It 
 is certain that the bulla aurea, with the toga prcetexta, which was 
 worn at the same time by children, was introduced by the Etrus- 
 cans ; hence Juv. calls it aurum Etruscum ; and that it was a pre-
 
 184 
 
 EDUCATION. [ExccHsus II. 
 
 servative against fascination, and therefore properly hung around 
 children. For that reason also, the Triumphalor wore it during 
 that ceremony : see Plut. Horn. 25, and Macrob. i. 6, who names 
 Tarquinius Prisons as the one through whom the use of it by chil- 
 dren came into vogue. Originally, the bulla with the prsetexta 
 was worn only by children of patrician birth (Liv. xxvi. 36, says, 
 by the sons of senators), but the prsetexta by knights also. Cic. 
 Phil. ii. 18, Tenesne prcetextatum te decoxisse ? In the second Punic 
 war, however, the prsetexta was worn by the children of libertini, 
 born in a lawful marriage, and instead of the bulla aurea one of 
 leather was hung round the neck. Juv. v. 164 : 
 .... quis enim tarn nudus, ut ilium 
 Bis ferat, Etruscum puero si contigit aurum, 
 Vel nodus tantum et signum de paupere loro ? 
 
 In Cicero's time we find both bulla and prsetexta dependent on 
 the census, and the bulla in no case limited to patrician families. 
 Cic. Verr. i. 44 : Eripies igitur pupillce togam prcetextam ? detrahes 
 ornamenta non solum fortunes sed etiam ingenuitatis ? 58: neque tarn 
 commovebat, quod ille cum toga prcutexta, quam quod, sine bulla 
 venerat. Vestitus enim neminem commovebat is, quern illi mos et jus 
 ingenuitatis dabat. Quod ornamentum pueriticc pater dederat, indi- 
 cium atque insigne fortunes, hoc ab isto prcedonc ereptum esse, graviter 
 ct acerbc homines ferebant. The pupillus had lost the bulla with his 
 fortune, but the prsetexta remained to him as ingenuus. It is not 
 correct, however, to suppose that the bulla was generally the sign 
 of Roman freedom, and that every ingenuus wore it, although this 
 might be concluded from Suet. De Clar. Ehet. 1. Statues of young 
 Romans with the bulla are common. Such bullse, of various sizes 
 with the ornaments, have been found at Herculaneum, as well as 
 in Etruscan tombs. 
 
 After the dies lustricus followed the announcement of the chil- 
 dren (professio], in order that they might be entered in the public 
 registers, which were connected with the chronicles of the day, 
 or acta publica. This took place formally and regularly after the 
 time of M. Antonius Philosophus, as Capitol, c. 9, relates : Inter 
 hcec liberales causas ita munivit, ut primus juberet apud prcefectos 
 cerarii Batumi unumquemque civium natos liber os profiteri intra tri- 
 ccsimum diem, nomine imposito. Per provincias tabulariorum pub- 
 licorum usum instituit, apud quos idem de originibus fieret, quod 
 Romce apud prcefectos cerarii. The object of this register was to 
 afford means of proving the age and condition of a person, and 
 the arrangement was extended over the whole empire. Instances 
 are to be found in Appul. Apolog. p. 92 ; Serv. on Virg. Georg.
 
 SCENE I.] EDUCATION. 185 
 
 ii. 502 ; Dig. xxvii. 1, 2 (7rae&>ypa0i), xxii. 3, 29 (in actia pro- 
 fiteri], xxii. 3, 16 (matris professio}. That this plan of Antonius 
 was only a revival of a custom introduced by Servius Tullius is 
 not true. Dionys. iv. 15, says, according to L. Piso, that Servius 
 had ordered, that on the birth of every child a certain piece 
 of money should be delivered at the cerarium of the temple of 
 Juno Lucina, as on each death at that of Venus Libitina, and on 
 the putting on of the toga virilis, at that of Juventus, and gives 
 as the object : t &v ?//ie\\ SiayviantaQni naff tKaarov tviavrov ocroi 
 TS 01 ffiifiTTavrfg f/trav Kui rivtg i% avr&v rijv arparevai/jiov t'i\iKiav 
 ilxv. But Dionys. does not relate that the direction of these 
 registers was mixed up with the alms at the temple. The two in- 
 stitutions were quite different. Servius Tullius ordained the alms 
 at the temples for births, deaths, and so on, only with the political 
 subordinate aim of knowing the number of those who were born, 
 and dead, and engaged in military service, and thence of reckoning 
 the amount of the whole population. M. Anton. Phil, founded a 
 special register of births, in order more securely to settle the ac- 
 tions about status (causte liberates}, and at the same time to prevent 
 them as much as possible. Serv. Tullius had a political object in 
 his institution, which ceased with the introduction of the census: he 
 wished to come at a preparation for the census, or a temporary 
 substitute for it, since the census-lists contained all that he wanted 
 in a more certain form. M. Anton. Phil, aimed at something more 
 enduring, which could not be superseded by any other institution. 
 It was an enlargement of the custom, general since the time of 
 Caesar, to make known the chief family events, as births, mar- 
 riages (Juv. Sat. ii. 136), divorces (Sen. De Ben. iii. 16), &c., in 
 the chronicles of the day (or acta diurna, publica, urbana, populi}. 
 This depended on the will of each person, but was always com- 
 mon, partly because these public and authorized announcements 
 accommodated differences concerning status, and partly because 
 after such open communications only the rewards decreed by the 
 lex Julia and Papia Poppsea were granted. Of such announce- 
 ments Juv. speaks, ix. 84 : 
 
 Tollis enim et libris actorum spargere gaudes 
 
 Argumenta viri 
 
 Jura parentis habes, propter me scriberis heres, etc. 
 
 Spnrgere clearly signifies the diffusion by means of the acta 
 publica. See Petron. Sat. 53, and Suet. Tib. 5, Col. 8, 25, 26. The 
 passage in Cap. Gord. 4 (of the time after Antoninus) shows the 
 identity between the earlier and later professiones : cum apud 
 prcefedum cerarii more Romano professus filium publicis actis ejus 
 no7nen insereret. Professus denotes the announcement to which
 
 186 EDUCATION. [EXCURSUS II. 
 
 everybody was subject; pull, acta, the registration in the chronicle. 
 The father himself could also put out an announcement of the 
 birth of his child, instrumentum, which, like every other testimo- 
 nium, was signed by witnesses, Apul. Apol. p. 92. 
 
 In ancient times the Eoman mother always nursed the child 
 herself, not as the Greeks did: see Becker's Charides. After- 
 wards wet-nurses became very common, especially in the higher 
 ranks, and the nurse was herself called mother. Plaut. Mem. 
 prol. 19. 
 
 Ita forma simili pueri, uti mater sua 
 
 Non internosse posset qua mammam dabat, 
 
 Neque adeo mater ipsa quae pepererat. 
 
 See Quinct. Inst. i. 1 ; Gell. xii. 1 ; Auct. Dial, de Orat. 28, 29. 
 Plut. Cat. Maj. 20, specially mentions that Cato was nursed and 
 tended by his mother. 
 
 Of the earliest bringing up very little more is related. It was 
 entirely domestic ; even the parents themselves educated the chil- 
 dren, and did not commit them to slaves. They were also very 
 careful in the selection of the attendants who were necessary to 
 take charge of the children, lest their improper words and incor- 
 rect speech should exercise a bad influence. Of this great care 
 Plautus speaks, Mil. Glor. iii. 1, 109. 
 
 At ilia laus est magno in genere et in divitiis maximis 
 Liberos hominem educare, generi monumentum et sibi. 
 
 Hence the expression in gremio matris educari, Cic. Brut. 58 ; Auct. 
 Dial, de Orat. 28. The state took no notice of this, as that would 
 not have agreed with the idea of patria potestas, Plut. Lye. el 
 Num. comp. 4 : yet later the Censor could interfere, when the 
 state seemed liable to suffer injury by the frequent indulgence and 
 effeminacy in education; Plut. Cat. Maj. 16, 17 ; Dionys. xx. 3. At 
 any rate the state deemed itself bound to look after the schools. 
 Cic. De Rep. iv. 3. Principio disciplinam puerilem ingenuis, de qua 
 Grceci multum frustra laborarunt, et in qua, una Polybius nosier 
 nospes nostrorum institutorum negligentiam accusat, nullam certain 
 aut destinatam legibus aut publice expositam, aut unam omnium esse 
 voluerunt. Schools existed in early times, of course as private 
 undertakings. The first mention made of them in history is on the 
 occasion of the violence offered to Virginia by Appius Claudius. 
 Liv. iii. 44 : Virgini venienti in forum (ibi namque in tabernis lite- 
 rarum ludi erant) minister decemviri libidinis manum injecit. (The 
 expression in tabernis can be merely a topographical designation, 
 as tab. veteres et novce ; but in Suet. De III. Gr. 18, it is said dcindf 
 in pergula docuit.) Dionys. xi. 28 ' TO.VTTIV rriv Koprjv liriyafiov ovaav 
 f/CT} 6iaodfifvo "A.TTTTIOS KXav&0 avayivwaicovcrav tv ypafi
 
 SCENE I.] EDUCATION. 
 
 187 
 
 ?]V Sk TO. diftatncaXtia ruv iraiSwv rore irtpi rffV dyopuv. If this account 
 sounds somewhat strange, wo are supplied with an example not 
 much later, of school instruction out of Rome, Liv. v. 27 : Mos erat 
 'Faliscis, eodem magistro liberoruni et cornite uti, simulqueplurespueri, 
 quod liodie quoque in Grceciamanet, unius curce demandabantur : prin- 
 cipum liberos, sicut fere fit, quiscientia videbatur prcecellere, erudiebat. 
 Plut. Cam. 10. The same of Tusculum, in Lib. vi. 25. Plaut. 
 Merc. ii. 2, 32 : Hodie ire in ludum occoepi literarium. But in 
 another passage it appears that we must understand instruction in 
 the house. Plaut. Bacch. iii. 3, 27 : 
 
 Inde de hippodromo et palaestra ubi revenisses domum, 
 Cincf.iculo proecinctus in sella apud magistrum assideres : 
 Cum librum legeres, si unam peccavisses syllabam, 
 Fieret coriura tarn maculosum, quam est nutricis pallium, 
 is a Greek and Eoman custom here mixed: for how does the 
 Palaestra apply to Rome, and the second verse to Greece ? 
 
 Doubtless elementary schools existed from this time downwards, 
 to meet the wants of the less opulent. Horace, who had been 
 brought by his father to Rome, because the school at Venusium 
 was of an inferior sort, describes how the boys sauntered to school 
 with their satchels and counting-tables. Sat. i. 6, 72 : 
 Noluit in Flavi ludura me mittere, niagni 
 Quo pueri, magnis e centurionibus orti, 
 Laevo suspensi loculos tabulamque lacerto 
 Ibant octonis referentes Idibus sera. 
 
 To such hedge-schools he refers with horror. Epist. i. 20, 17: 
 Hoc quoque te manet, ut pueros elementa docentem 
 Occupet extremis in vicis balba senectus. 
 
 Like Horace, Ovid was also brought with his brother from 
 Sulmo to Rome. Martial frequently refers to them. It is, how- 
 ever, certain that subsequently the children of the higher and more 
 opulent classes received their first education through a tutor at 
 home. When Quinct. discusses the question, Inst. Or. i. 2, Utiliusne 
 sit domi atque intra privates parietes studentem continere, an frequentice 
 scholar um et velut publicis prceceptoribus tradere, and decides in favour 
 of the latter, he had not elementary education in his mind. He 
 certainly says not juvenes, but pueros ; but his arguments, derived 
 from the higher grammatical and rhetorical studies, show that he 
 referred to prcetextatos, and not little boys. But long before this 
 time prudent fathers employed teachers in the house to give their 
 sons their first instruction. Plin. H. N. xxxv. 14, 40 : Itaque cum 
 L. Paulus devicto Perseo petisset ab Atheniensibus, ut sibi quam pro- 
 batissimum philosophorum mitterent ad erudiendos liberos, etc. Plin. 
 Epist. iii. 3, says of the son of Corellia Hispulla, Adhuc ilium
 
 188 EDUCATION. [Excesses II. 
 
 pueritice ratio intra contubernium tuum tenuit; prceceptorea domi 
 habuit ; jam studia ejus extra limen proferenda sunt ; jam circum- 
 apiciendus rhetor Latinus, etc. So Cic. pro Lig. 7, Hcec ego novi 
 propter omnes necessitudines, quce mihi aunt cum L. Tuberone : domi 
 una eruditi, militice contubernales, etc., but tliis must be understood 
 only of later instruction; and so Ovid. Trist. iv. 10, 15. 
 Protinus excolimur teneri, curaque parentis 
 Iraus ad insignes Urbis ab arte viros. 
 
 The elder Cato instructed his son himself, although he had en- 
 gaged a Grecian grammarian, who was the teacher of other boys, 
 Plut. Cat. Maj. 20 : iirii S' Jparo avvdvai, Trapa\af3ijjv UVTUQ iSidaoKt 
 Katroi ^opitvra SovXov ti^e ypa^/iart(Trj)v, ovopa XiXwva, 
 
 It was not till after the subjection of southern Italy, which 
 brought the Romans into closer contact with the Greeks, and made 
 them acquainted with their arts and sciences, that they felt the 
 necessity of having domestic pcedagogi, by associating with whom 
 the children might become accustomed to the Greek tongue at an 
 early age. This principally happened in noble families, where the 
 Greek became the ordinary form of speech as with us the French 
 is. Quite after the manner of the present day, Quinctilian com- 
 plains that the children were taught Greek, before Latin, their 
 mother- tongue. Inst. Or. i. 1, 12; A Grceco sermone puerum inci- 
 pere malo, quia Latinus, qui pluribus in usu est, vel nobis nolentibua ae 
 prcebet : simul quia disciplinis quoque Greeds priua instituendua eat, 
 unde et nostrce fluxerunt. "We must not, however, suppose that the 
 knowledge of the Greek language was widely spread. Many pas- 
 sages of Cicero show that a comprehension of it by the majority 
 of people was not to be presumed ; as, for example, Verr. v. 57. 
 iSiK&Qijffav, inquit, h. e. ut Siculi loquuntur, supplicio affecti ac necati 
 sunt. In the provinces there were people who acted as interpreters 
 to the praetors and others. Ib. Verr. iii. 37 : A. Valentius est in 
 Sicilia interprea ; quo iate interprete non ad linguam Gfrcecam sed ad 
 furta et flagitia uti solebat. Cicero was accustomed, when he wrote 
 anything in his letters which if they should be broken open or fall 
 into wrong hands he did not wish to be read, to use' the Greek 
 tongue. Cicero himself received a complete Grecian education. 
 Suet, de Clar. Ehet. 2 : De hoc (Plotio) Cicero ad M. Titinnium sic 
 refert : equidem memoria teneo, pueris nobis primum Latine docere 
 ccepisse L. Plotium quendam; ad quern cum fieret concursus, quod 
 studiosissimus quiaque apud eum exerceretur, dolebam mihi idem non 
 licere. Continebar autem doctissimorum hominum auctoritate, qui 
 existimabant, Greeds exerdtationibua ali melius ingenia posse. The 
 pedagogues, who were often surly, presumptuous, and ignorant,
 
 SCENE I.] EDUCATION. 189 
 
 accompanied the boys to school (pedisequus putrorum), as did also 
 a slave on most occasions ; the nutrices likewise accompanied the 
 girls, App. B. C. vii. 30. They remained also during the time of 
 instruction, Suet. III. Gramm. 23, Bemnim Palcemon Vicentinus, 
 mulieris verna, primo ut ferunt textrinum, deinde herilem filium dun. 
 cojnitatur in scliolas, literas didicit. The pedagogues in Plaut. and 
 Ter., as Lydus, pedagogue of Pistoclerus in Plaut. Bacch. i. 2; 
 iii. 1, are taken from Grecian models. 
 
 The schools were only private undertakings, and sometimes 
 without even an authority from the state. It has been frequently 
 remarked as very strange, that Sp. Carvilius, the freedman brought 
 into notice by his divorce, should have been the first to teach in 
 Homo for money. Plut. Qucest. Horn. 59 : <ty o' ^pavro ptaQov 
 diS&aKiiv Kai 7rp<5ro dviyZe ypafifiaToSiSaaKa\iiov T,TtoptoQ Kapj3(\iof, 
 je.r.X. If Plutarch does not altogether err, we must understand 
 this of a higher school, which at that time were first introduced. 
 Elementary schools had been long before established, and who 
 will believe that the teachers therein had taught gratuitously ? 
 
 Next come under consideration the originally sole elementary 
 schools of the ludi magistri, or of the literatores and grammatistce, 
 as they were afterwards called, where the children first learnt their 
 letters, and then to read and write. That happened, it seems, at 
 least from the seventh year of age. Quinct. i. 1, 18 : Quidam litcris 
 instituendos qui minores septem annis essent non putaverunt: for them 
 this was too late a period. The gradual steps of the old education 
 are related by Yarro : educit enim obstetrix, educat nutrix, institute 
 pcedagogiiS) docet magister. This primary instruction was, as Plato 
 recommended, pursued, if not generally yet to a certain extent, as 
 an amusement. To this Hor. Sat. i. 1, 25, refers : 
 
 . ut pueris olim dant crustula blandi 
 Doctores, elementa velint ut discere prima. 
 
 and further, Quinct. i. 1, 26 : Non exclude autem, id quod est notum, 
 irritandce ad discendum infantice gratia eburneas etiam literarum 
 formas in lusum offerre, vel si quid aliud, quo magis ilia cetas gaudeat, 
 inveniri potest, quod tractare, intueri, nominare jucundum est. It ap- 
 pears from Quinct. that in learning to read, the method of syllables 
 was adopted, whilst amongst the Greeks that of letters appears to 
 have been generally used. See Becker's Charides, translated by 
 Metcalfe, p. 188. 
 
 In writing they used wax tablets, on which the characters were 
 marked (puerile prcescriptum), Sen. Ep. 94 : prceformatce literal, 
 Quinct. v. 14, 31, when the teacher often guided the pupil's hand. 
 Yop. Tac. : Quilus ad subscribendum magistri literarii manus teneant.
 
 190 EDUCATION. [EXCURSUS II. 
 
 Quinct. i. 1,27, recommended a means of facilitating the commence- 
 ment : Cum vero jam ductus sequi cceperit, non inutile erit, eos tabelloe 
 quam optime insculpi, ut per illos velut sulcos ducatur stylus. Nam 
 neque errabit, quemadmodum in ceris, continebitur enim utrinque 
 marginibus, neque extra prcescriptum poterit egredi et celerius ac 
 scepius sequendo certa vestigia firmabit articulos, neque egebit adjutorio 
 manum suam manu superimposita regentis. 
 
 Aritlimetic was, as amongst the Greeks, generally carried on in 
 two ways, either by making signs with the fingers, each denoting a 
 certain figure, hence Cic. ad Att. v. 21 : hoc quid inter sit, si tuoa 
 digitos novi, certe habes subductum. Ovid, ex P. ii. 3, 18 : 
 At reditus jam quisque suos amat et sibi quid sit 
 Utile, sollicitis supputat articulis. 
 
 Pint. Apopth. reg. Orat. p. 691 : KdGcnrtp ol rS>v apifyirfrucwv caKrv\oi 
 vvv niv nvpidSas, t-vv de ftovdSaQ riQivat SvvavTat. Or by a counting- 
 table and stones, abacus and calculi. On this table perpendicular 
 lines were drawn, and the value of the stone was according to the 
 division in which it was placed. See Becker's Charicles, translated 
 by Metcalfe, p. 188. Alciphr. Epist. 26 : ol irtpi rug -fyirfovt, KOI T&V 
 $CLKTV\WV rag (ca/jj//i. Particular value was set upon counting, 
 hence Hor. ad Pis. 323, complains : 
 
 Romani pueri longis rationibus assem 
 
 Discunt in partes centum diducere : dicat 
 
 Filius Albini : si de quincunce remota est 
 
 Uncia, quid superat ? Poteras dixisse triens : Eu ! 
 
 Hem poteris servare tuam. Redit uncia, quid fit ? 
 
 Semis. 
 
 "We know not whether Horace referred to instruction in arithmetic in 
 the description of the school at Venusia. Sat. i. 6, 72. Schol. Cruq. 
 explained tabula as a counting-board (abacus), and loculi have been 
 taken for the bags which held the stones. But Hermann describes 
 tabula as a writing-table generally, and loculi, pockets for school 
 utensils. It was not usual in Rome for the children of substantial 
 parents to carry their own books and writing materials to school, 
 for which purpose there were special slaves, capsarii, Juv. x. 117 : 
 
 Quern sequitur custos augusta rernula capsse. 
 
 Suet. Ner. 36 : Constat quosdam cum pcedagogis et capsariis uno 
 prandio necatos. 
 
 Such schools were usually managed by one teacher, who how- 
 ever occasionally had an assistant, hypodidasculus. Cic. ad Fam. 
 Lx. 18 : Sella tibi erit in ludo tanquam hypodidasculo proxima : earn 
 pulvinua sequetur. This might, perhaps, mean a scholar of more 
 mature age, who assisted the master ; so is the sella proxima best
 
 SCENE I.] EDUCATION. 191 
 
 explained. Afterwards there -were particular teachers for writing 
 and arithmetic. Mart. x. 62 : 
 
 Nee calculator nee notarius velox 
 
 Majore quisquam circulo coronetur. 
 
 In the edict of Diocletian, p. 22, the magister was distinct from the 
 calculator. 
 
 These elementary teachers, or ludi magistri, were not celebrated 
 for their humanity. Blows were a very common mode of punish- 
 ment, and the masters were represented as clamosi and plagosi. 
 Martial, who lived in the neighbourhood of one, at the pila Tibur- 
 tina in the seventh district, the present Piazza Barberina, says, ix. 68 : 
 Quid tibi nobiscum est ? ludi scelerate magister, 
 
 Invisum pueris virginibusque caput ? 
 Nondum cristati rupere silentia galli, 
 
 Murmure jam sa;vo verberibusque tonas. 
 xii. 57 : 
 
 Negant vitam ludi magistri mane, nocte pistores. 
 v. 84: 
 
 Jam tristis imcibus puer relictis 
 Clamoso revocatur a magistro. 
 
 The name of Orbilius Pupillus, whom Horace, whose teacher he 
 had been, calls plagosum, is specially infamous, Ep. ii. 1, 70. Suet. 
 de III. Or. 9 : Fuit autem naturae acerbce non modo -in antisophistas, 
 quos omni sermone laceravit, sed etiam in discipulos, ut Horatius 
 significat, plagosum eum appellans, et Domitius Marsus scribens : 
 
 Si quos Orbilius ferula scuticaque cecidit. 
 
 Quinct. i. 3 : Ccedi vero discentes, quamquam et receptum sit et CTiry- 
 sippus non improbet, minime velim. The ferula was the general in- 
 strument of punishment, the stalk of the ferula communis, vdpdqZ. 
 Isidor. xvii. 9 : a feriendo ferulam dicunt, hac enim pueri vapulare 
 solent. Mart. x. 62 : ferulceque tristes, sceptra pcedagogorum. Juv. 
 i. 15: manum ferulce subduximus. 
 
 After the boy had learned the elements, he attended the schools 
 of the grammarians and still higher rhetoricians. Appul. Flor. 20 : 
 Prima cratera literatoris ruditatem eximit, secunda grammatici doc- 
 trina instruit, tertia rhetoris eloquentia armat. Here the instruction 
 was doubtless less theoretical than practical. For the formation of 
 the mind and disposition and taste, certain poets were explained 
 (Cic. Tusc. ii. 2), in early times, chiefly Greek, as Homer, with whom 
 they began, and this continued later also. Hor. Ep. ii. 2, 42 : 
 
 Romae nutriri mihi contigit atque doceri, 
 
 Iratus Graiis quantum nocuisset Achilles. 
 
 Plin. Ep. ii. 14, sic in foro pueros a centumviralibus causis auspicari, 
 ut ab Homero in scholia.
 
 192 
 
 EDUCATION. [Exctmsus II. 
 
 The masterpieces of Roman literature were also adopted, as 
 Virgil, Suet, de III. Gram. 16 ; Quinct. i. 8, 5. Prose writers were 
 also selected, as Cicero, which follows from the commentaries of 
 Asconius. 2Esop's Fables, which Quinctilian, i. 8, recommends as 
 mental exercises, were commonly used at first. Orthography and 
 the rules of Grammar were often dictated as exercises. Hor. Ep, 
 ii. 1, 69 : 
 
 Non equidem insector delendave carmina Livi 
 Esse reor, raemini quae plagosum mihi parvo 
 Orbilium dictare. 
 
 Dictation lessons were also frequently learnt by heart. Cic. ad Qu. 
 fr. iii. 1, 4 : Meam (orationeni) in ilium pueri omnes tanquam dictata 
 perdiscant. As with us the Ten Commandments are learnt by heart, 
 the leges duodecim Tabularum were by the Eoman boys. Cic. de 
 Leg. ii. 23 : Discebamus enim pueri duodecim, ut carmen necessarium, 
 quas Jam nemo discit. It is curious that the mode of instruction of 
 the Latin rhetoricians, when they began to teach, incurred the 
 public disapproval, or at least the censure of a portion of the poli- 
 tical powers. In the year 662, the Censors Cn. Domitius .ZEnobarbus 
 and L. Licinius Crassus, according to Suet, de Gl. Rhet. 1, thus 
 expressed their disapprobation : Renunciatum est nobis, esse homines, 
 qui novum genus disciplines instituerunt, ad quos juventus in ludos 
 conveniat ; eos sibi nomen imposuisse Latinos rhetores : ibi homines 
 adolescentulos totos dies desidere. Majores nostri quce liber os suos dis- 
 cere et quos in ludos itare vellent, instituerunt. Hcec nova, quceprceter 
 consuetudinem ac morem majorum fiunt, neque placent, neque recte 
 videntur. Quapropter et Us qui eos ludos habent et Us qui eo venire 
 consueverunt, videtur faciendum ut ostendamus nostram sententiam ; 
 nobis non placer e. The same edict is also in Gell. xv. 11, and we 
 learn from Auct. Dial, de Caus. cor. Eloq. 35, that this disappro- 
 bation arose principally from the sophistical nature of the instruc- 
 tion : Atnunc adolescentuli nostri deducuntur in scenas scholasticorum, 
 qui rhetores vocantur, quos paulo ante Ciceronis tempora exstitisse 
 (Cicero was born 648, and the edict followed in 662 ; the time also 
 agrees with this, and with the account of Suet, de 01. Rhet. 2), nee 
 placuisse majoribus nostris, ex eo manifestum est, quod L. Crasso et 
 Domitio censoribus cludere, ut ait Cicero ludumimpudentice jussisunt. 
 See Cic. de Or. iii. 24. The boys attended the schools of the 
 rhetoricians before they had put on the toga virilis. Ovid says, 
 Trist. iv. 10, 15 : 
 
 Protcnus excolimur tencri, curaque parentis 
 Imus ad insignes Urbis ab arte viros. 
 
 Frater ad eloquium viridi tendebat ab sevo.
 
 SCENE I.] EDUCATION, 
 
 v. 27 : 
 
 193 
 
 Interea tacito passu labentibus annis 
 
 Liberior fratri sunita mihique toga est. 
 
 The instruction in the schools began very early in the morning. 
 Juv. vii. 222 : 
 
 Dummodo non pereat, mediae quod noctis ab bora 
 Sedisti, qua nemo faber, qua nemo sederet, 
 Qui docet obliquo lanam deducere ferro ; 
 Dummodo non pereat totidem olfecisse lucernas, 
 Quot stabant pueri, cum totus decolor esset 
 Flaccus, et haereret nigro fuligo Maroni. 
 
 Matutinua magister, in Mart. ix. 30, refers to this, as also xiv. 223 : 
 Surgite ! jam vendit pueris jentacula pistor, 
 
 Cristatseque sonant undique lucis aves. 
 
 Among the Greeks also instruction began early, and Solon was 
 induced to pass a law forbidding schools from opening before 
 sunrise. 
 
 In many schools the pupils were arranged in classes, according 
 to their ability, especially when they advanced to higher in- 
 struction. Quinct. i. 2, 23 : Non inutilem scio servatum esse a prce- 
 ceptoribus ineis morem ; qij,i, quum pueros in classes distribuerent, or- 
 dinem discendi secundum vires ingenii dabant. The classes were not 
 separated, but only certain divisions formed, which were taught 
 at the same time. Bewards were given as early as the time of 
 Augustus. So relates Suet, de III. Gr. 17, of Verrius Flaccus: 
 Namque ad exercitanda (excitanda ) discentium ingenia (Equates inter 
 se committere solebant, proposita non solum materia, quam scribe- 
 rent, sed et prcemio, quod victor auferret. Id erat liber aliquis anti- 
 quus pulcher aut rarior. 
 
 At certain times the Saturnalia and Quinquatria the scholars 
 had holidays. The former were originally celebrated on one day 
 only; afterwards on three; and, as it seems, extended even to 
 seven days. Macrob. Sat, i. 10. The latter lasted five days in 
 March, and were in honour of Minerva. Both are frequently 
 mentioned, as Mart. v. 84 : 
 
 Jam tristis nucibus puer relictis 
 Clamoso revocatur a magistro. 
 
 Plin. Ep. viii. 7 : Tu in scholas te revocas, ego adhuc Saturnalia ex- 
 tendo. Hor. Ep. ii. 2, 197 : 
 
 Ac potius, puer ut festis Quinquatribus olim, 
 Exiguo gratoque fruaris tempore raptim. 
 
 Symm. Ep. v. 85 : Nempe Minervce tibi solemne de scholis notum est, 
 ut fere memores sumus etiam proceder.te cevo puerilium feriarum. 
 
 o
 
 EDUCATION. [EXCURSUS II. 
 
 It may naturally be supposed also tliat on other holidays, as during 
 the Games for instance, instruction ceased. It was not generally 
 the case, however, as Hermann supposes, that the Eoman youth 
 had a four months' holiday in the summer. The frequently quoted 
 verse of Horace : Ibant octonis referentes Idibus cera, gave rise to 
 this supposition. He hence concluded that the boys paid only for 
 eight months' tuition; and that four, from the Ides of June to 
 those of October, were holidays. This being the time of the olive 
 and vine season would be well adapted for holidays ; this he argues 
 is confirmed in Mart. x. 62 : 
 
 Albse leone flammeo calent luces, 
 
 Tostamque fervens Julius coquit messem. 
 
 Cirrata loris horridis Scythae pellis 
 
 Qua vapulavit Marsyas CelensBus, 
 
 Ferulneque tristes, sceptra psedagogorum 
 
 Cessent et Idus dormiant in Octobres : 
 
 JEstate pueri si volent satis discunt. 
 
 On this Rader remarked, Nam, a Julio ad Octobrem usque 
 scliolce cessabant. Hermann's opinion was backed by Orelli and 
 Wiistermann. Obbarius and Jahn agreed with Hermann about 
 the holidays, but refer Horace's words not to the money paid by 
 the boys for instruction, but to sums in arithmetic, and computa- 
 tions of monthly accounts, set every month to the boys ; so that the 
 line in question would be intended to show the sordid, low sort of 
 education given the boys, in contradistinction to the higher and 
 nobler methods of instruction at Borne. The explanation of Her- 
 mann, however, is more probable ; namely, that Horace's meaning 
 is this : The boys in the elementary schools in the country bring, on 
 the Ides of each of the eight months, their small payment for 
 tuition, cera: which is used in the same sense in Juvenal vii. 217. 
 He further hints, in these lines, partly at the lower class of educa- 
 tion given in these country schools (loculi and tabula also refer to 
 it), as compared with the higher grade of education at Rome 
 (cfrtes, quas doceat quivis eques atque senator semet prognatos), and 
 partly to the humbler outward circumstances of the boys (who 
 carry their own satchels without any attendant, pay the trifling 
 sum monthly, and have only eight months' schooling), as compared 
 with the more brilliant condition of things at Rome, where the 
 boys have an attendant, pay by the year, and do not remain four 
 months away from school; as was the case in the elementary 
 schools alone, and which Horace, as well as Martial, alludes to. In 
 the higher class of schools no such interruption took place, as will 
 presently appear. We are not aware what the pay for tuition
 
 SCENE I.] EDUCATION. 195 
 
 amounted to ; at all events it varied a good deal, and in the ele- 
 mentary schools was very trifling. Juv. vii. 228 : 
 
 HiEC, inquit, cures, et cum se verterit annus, 
 
 Accipe victor! populo quod postulat aurum. 
 
 Whence we see that the payments for tuition were made annually, 
 at the termination of the school-year ; which probably began in 
 March, after the Quiriquatria. Juv. x. 114. Ovid (Fast. iii. 829) 
 addresses the teachers at the Quinquatria, 
 
 Nee vos turba Deam, censu fraudata, magistri 
 
 Spernite, discipulos attrahit ilia novos. 
 
 The payment was made therefore in March, and not in June, as is 
 clear from Macrobiua, i. 12, where he adduces this fact to prove 
 that originally March was the first month of the year : hoc mense 
 mercedes exsolvebant magistris. He evidently alludes here to the 
 custom of his time. So that the monthly payments, and four 
 months' holidays, apply to the lower schools only ; and it is mani- 
 feat, from the value the boys set on the few days of the Quinquatrus 
 and Saturnalia, that there were not many holidays in the higher 
 Roman schools. The vintage and olive harvest would of course 
 not cause the boys of these schools, most of whom belonged to the 
 better classes, to stay away from school. The line in Juv. x. 116, 
 
 Quisquis adhuc uno partam colit asse Minervam, 
 
 does not refer to the payment for tuition, but to the entrance-fee, 
 Minerval, paid by each scholar. Yarro, R. R. iii. 2 ; Tertull. de 
 Idol 10. 
 
 The conclusion of boyhood was commemorated, as among the 
 Greeks, by a certain solemnity ; the exchanging the preetexta for 
 the toga virilis, and called tirocinium fori ; Hor. Sat. L 2, 16. The 
 year when this took place is still a mooted question. Many have 
 supposed it at the completion of the fourteenth and commence- 
 ment of the fifteenth year (Vales, on Damasc. de Inst. Cces. Aug. ; 
 Ferrar. de re Vestiar. ii. 1. Dodwell, Prcelect. Camden. v. 1 6); 
 judging from, the case of Augustus. But this has been disproved 
 by Norisius, Cenot. Pisan. ii. 4. Others, as Gruchius, Salmasius, 
 and Manutius, defer it till the completion of the sixteenth year. 
 Most critics have declared for the beginning of the sixteenth year. 
 According to Boettiger, De originibus Tirocinii apud Romanos, it 
 took place in early times at the end of the sixteenth year, and 
 in later, when the fifteenth year was completed. On the other 
 hand, Prof. Klotz assumes that such a year was not at all fixed, 
 but that it depended in every case on the father, who introduced 
 his son into public life, sooner or later, according to his dis- 
 cretion. Each of these three last opinions is in some respects 
 
 o2
 
 190 
 
 EDUCATION. [EXCURSUS II. 
 
 true. It seems that a distinction must be drawn between the 
 oldest and the later times. In the former, the tirocinium probably 
 took place on the completion of the sixteenth yaar, Liv. xxii. 57 ; 
 with this year commenced the duties of military service, and their 
 appearance in public generally. Val. Max. v. 4, 4 ; iii. 1, 3. Not- 
 withstanding, many assumed the toga virilis at the end of their 
 fifteenth year, as Cicero, Virgil, Persius, Augustus, Cicero's son, 
 and, in later times, M. Aurelius ; Capitol. 4 ; Tertull. de vel. virg. 
 11 ; Oudendorp ad Suet. Oct. 8. So that, although in early times 
 the rule was at the completion of the sixteenth year, yet, later, 
 the close of the fifteenth was most usual. Nor is this contradicted 
 by the passage in Cicero, p. Sext. 69 : cui superior annus idem et 
 virilem patris et prcetextam populi judicio togam dedit ; for it always 
 depended on the judicium patris, whether the son might take the 
 toga virilis at fifteen or not ; thus Caligula was twenty years old 
 before Tiberius allowed him to lay aside the toga prsetexta (Suet. 
 Gal. 10), Prior to the emperors it certainly did not happen before 
 the fifteenth year ; and even under Claudius, this was on an ex- 
 ception. Tac. Ann. xii. 41, virilis toga, Neroni maturata ; he was 
 only fourteen years old. Suet. Claud. 43. As a certain year is 
 fixed for coming of age, which, however, can fall earlier, if the 
 father will it, so was it also with the tirocinium fori at Rome. 
 The proper day for the ceremony was the Liberalia, the sixteenth 
 of March. Ovid. Fast. iii. 771. Cic. ad Att. vii. 1. It most likely 
 began with a domestic sacrifice at the altar of the Lares, where 
 the youth deposited the insignia pueritiai, and dedicated his bulla 
 to these deities. Prop. iv. 1, 131 : 
 
 Mox ubi, bulla rudi demissa est aurea collo, 
 
 Matris et ante decs libera sutnpta toga. 
 Pars. v. 30 : 
 
 Cum primum pavido custos mini purpura cessit, 
 Bnllaque succinctis Laribus donata pependit. 
 
 The youth wore a tunica recta or regilla on the occasion, ominis 
 wusa. Paul. v. regillis, p. 286. Plin. H. N. viii. 48. Augustus wore 
 on this day, a tunica with latus clavus, Suet. Aug. 94. According 
 to Propertius, the change of toga took place at home ; but a cere- 
 mony was also performed in the forum, after the domestic one was 
 completed. The toga virilis, now assumed, differed from the toga 
 of boyhood, in being white without a purple stripe ; hence called 
 pura, Cic. ad Att. v. 20 ; ix. 17, 19 ; Phil. ii. 18 ; also libera, be- 
 cause he now began a freer, less restrained course of life. Boet- 
 tiger derives the expression from the connection with the sacra 
 Uacchica; but as Ovid, who was uncertain about the reason of its
 
 SCENE I.] EDUCATION. 
 
 taking place at the liberalia, attempted four different explanations, 
 without giving this one, surely it would be a very bold step to fall 
 in with Boettiger's opinion. Ovid's expression (Trist. v. 777) just 
 reverses the matter : 
 
 Sive quod es Liber, vestis quoque libera per te 
 
 Sumitur, et vitse liberioris iter. 
 
 The toga is not then called libera from liberalia, but because, being 
 libera, it is given in the liberalia : in this sense only could Ovid 
 have used the comparative liberior toga. The expression is ex- 
 plained by Plutarch: Trspt row O.KOVIIV, C. 1. art r&v irpourarroi/rwv 
 a7rj\\aat, TO avdptiov a;ri\>}$aic l^anov. Comp. Pers. Sat. v. 30 ; 
 Terent. Andr. i. 1, 25 ; Mart. ix. 28. The adolescens, clothed in 
 this dress, was then led to the forum (deduct in forum'), Sen. Ep. 
 4 ; Suet. Aug. 26 ; Com. Tib. 15 ; Nero, 1. 
 
 As the Romans always set great store upon a numerous escort 
 on all public occasions, regarding it as a manifestation of popular 
 favour ; so on this, care was taken that the youth should appear in. 
 the forum with becoming pomp and a crowded retinue ; and per- 
 sons of the lower orders, who were not related to the parties, were 
 pressed into the service. Cic. p. Mur. 23. Whether the youth 
 was introduced before the tribunal of the praetor, is uncertain ; at 
 all events, this had nothing to do with his enrolment into the list 
 of burghers. Neither was it at all necessary that the tirocinium 
 should take place at Rome, Cic. ad Ait. v. 20; ix. 7; and 19, 
 Arpini togam puram dedi. 
 
 After this visit to the forum, the cavalcade proceeded to the 
 Capitol, to offer a sacrifice, App. B. C. iv. 30 ; where by the word 
 iepoTf we must understand the Capitol, as is clear from Suet. Claud. 
 2, and Val. Max. v. 4, 4. Gotta eo ipso die, quo togam sumpsit 
 virilem, protenus ut e Capitolio descendit, C. Garbonem, a quo pater 
 efus damnatus fuerat, postulavit. This passage further shows that 
 with the tirocinium commenced the entrance into public life, forum 
 attingere, or in forum venire. Cic. ad Fam. v. 8 ; xiii. 10 ; xv. 6 ; 
 Brut. 88. But it must not be supposed that the ti rones imme- 
 diately took an active share in public life, or made their essay as 
 orators, &c. Doubtless they were entitled to do so, but seldom 
 made use of their right. Thus Hortensius was nineteen, before 
 he made his first appearance, Cic. Brut. 64 ; and yet (88) we read 
 cum admodum adolescens orsus esset in foro dicere. Like as at 
 Athens, so at Rome, there was a year of transition or probation, 
 during which the behaviour of the adolescens was carefully noted ; 
 and, at least in ancient times, the cohibere brachium and exercises 
 in the Campus Martius were prescribed to him ; as a sign of modest
 
 198 EDUCATION. [EXCUBSCS II. 
 
 demeanour. Cic. p. Cod. 5 : Nobis quidem olim annus erat unus 
 ad cohibendum brachium toga constitutus, et ut exercitatione ludoque 
 campestri tunicati uteremur, etc. Orators, who wished to describe 
 the character of their opponent, often began a toga pura. Cic. 
 ad Aft. vii. 8, accusatio Pompeii usque a toga pura. Cic. Phil. ii. 18. 
 
 At the same time, the young man frequented the forum and 
 the tribunals, to fit himself by this means for public life. He was 
 often escorted thither under the care of a person of respectability, 
 whom his father had selected for the purpose (deducere]. Dial, 
 de Caus. corr. Eloq. 34. Thus Cicero says of himself, de Amic. 1 : 
 Ego autem a patre ita eram deductus ad Scosvolam sumpta virili 
 toga, ut quoad possem et liceret, a senis latere nunquam discederem ; 
 and of the father of Caelius, p. Ccel. 4. 
 
 The education was still not looked upon as complete, and 
 instruction continued to be given as before, though the youth was 
 now rather a listener than a pupil, and it stood entirely at his 
 option what rhetorician or philosopher he might choose to attend. 
 Cic. Brut. 89, and Ovid. Tr. iv. 29, et studium nobis, quod fuit ante, 
 manet. After the subjugation of Greece, it was not uncommon for 
 persons who wished to give their sons a more polished education, 
 to send them to Athens. See Cicero ad Att. xii. 32, where others, 
 such as Bibulus, Acidinus, Messala, are mentioned. So Cicero him- 
 self, Brut. 91 ; Plut. Cic. 4 ; so Atticus, Corn. 2. Ovid also went 
 thither, Trist. i. 2, 77. Horace says of himself, Epist. ii. 40 : 
 
 Romse nutriri mihi contigit atque doceri, 
 Iratus Graiis quantum nocuisset Achilles. 
 Adjecere bonte paullo plus artis Athenae ; 
 
 ib. 81. See the following works on Eoman education : Ernesti, 
 de Disciplina privata Rom. in his Opuscula. Bonnell. de Mut. sub 
 primis Cces. eloq. Rom. condit. imprimis de JRhet. Scholis. Wittich, 
 de Orammatistarum et Gframmaticorum apud Rom. scholis.
 
 EXCURSUS III. SCENE I. 
 
 THE SLAVES. 
 
 r|\tLU third essential -part of the Roman family are the Slaves. 
 As a body, belonging to one and the same individual, they are 
 called familia. Paul. v. familia, p. 86 ; Ulp. Dig. L. 16, servitu- 
 tum quoque solemus appellare familias. Plaut. Mil. ii. 3, 80. One 
 slave cannot be called a familia, no more than two, Ulp. Dig. L. 
 16, 40, ne duo quidem; though Paul. Rec. Sent. v. 6, 3, says: Fa- 
 milice autem nomine etiam duo servi continentur. But this apparent 
 contradiction is explained by Cic. pro Ccec. 19. 
 
 In contradistinction to the free members of the family, the 
 slaves were called servi; in reference to their servitude, famuli; 
 and to theor proprietorship, mancipia, or usually pueri ; as among 
 the Greeks, SovXot, oiic'irai, Qipd-xovTis, avdpaTroSa, TraiSig. As Ari- 
 stotle, De Hep. I. 3, says, o'ucia k re\oc tK SotfXutv KO.I i\tv9ipu>v : 
 so it was among the Romans. But though both nations assumed 
 the right and necessity of slaves, yet the Greek differed greatly 
 from the Roman in the use of them. Except in the latest times, 
 when Greek customs were superseded by Roman ones, the Greek 
 looked on his slaves as a source of revenue. They must work for 
 the master as mechanics, and so forth : and he trafficks with their 
 industry, or makes them pay him a certain sum per diem, or lets 
 them out to others for hire. A few only, viz. the regular oi/cerat, are 
 used as domestics. See Becker's Charides, translated by Metcalfe, 
 p. 273. The Roman knew nothing of this sort of traffic in slave- 
 labour. All his slaves were the immediate ministers of his wants, 
 or his luxuries and comforts. 
 
 There is one view of Roman life of which the moderns can 
 scarcely form any satisfactory idea : we can hardly imagine how the 
 almost incredible number of servants and attendants, kept in the 
 houses of the rich and noble to wait on a few persons, could find 
 occupation ; nor how the extraordinary division and subdivision of 
 labour was prevented from causing far more trouble and confusion 
 than it promoted comfort and punctuality. In order to obtain as 
 comprehensive a view of the subject as possible, it will be best not 
 to treat of the individual classes, as chance may offer ; but to go 
 at once through the whole familia, according to its different divi- 
 sions, and the avocations of their members. We shall, however, 
 only consider the slaves in reference to their domestic arrange-
 
 200 THE SLATES. [Exrousus III. 
 
 merits, position with regard to their master, and occupation ; and 
 shall exclude all consideration of the legal part of the subject, as 
 servitus justa et injusta, manumissio, .etc. 
 
 The Slave-family, considered in this point of view, has been 
 treated of by Pignorius (De servis et eorum apud veteres ministeriis], 
 Titus Popma (De operis server urn], and Gori, in the explanation of 
 the Columbarium libertorum et servorum Livice Augustce. All three 
 treatises are to be found in Poleni, Suppl. ad Grcev. thess. antt. Rom. 
 iii. See also Blair, An Enquiry into the state of Slavery among the 
 Romans. Edinb. 1833. 
 
 As regards the method of acquiring slaves by the master, the 
 general rule laid down (Inst. i. 3), servi out nascuntur, aut fiunt, is 
 here applicable, since the master acquired them either by purchase 
 or birth. 
 
 They could be bought also, sub corona, as prisoners of war 
 (captivi, jure belli capti], Cato in Gellius vii. 4; Liv. v. 22. The ex- 
 pression sub corona is explained by two old authors, of a chaplet, 
 worn on the head of those for sale. Csel. Sabinus in Gell. vii. 4 ; 
 and ib. Cato de re Mil., who quotes Plautus : Prceco ibi adsit cum 
 corona, quique liceat, veneat. The explanation of corona militum is 
 thus done away with. Slaves were in general sold by the dealer, 
 mango, venalitius (venales being opposed to merces ; Plaut. Trin. ii. 
 2, 51 : Mercaturamne an venales habuit, ubi rem perdidit ?} who ex- 
 posed them openly in the slave market, where they were sold by the 
 prceco. They were first stripped, and placed on a wooden scaffold, 
 catasta, their feet being whitened (Tib. ii. 2, 59 : quern scepe coegit 
 Barbara gypsatos ferre catasta pedes). This was only done to slaves 
 just arrived, Juv. i. Ill ; or they were put on an elevation of 
 stone (hence de lapide emtus, Cic. in Pis. 15 ; Plaut. Bacch. iv. 7, 
 17), so that every one could see and touch them, nudare, contrectare. 
 See Casaub. ad Pers. vi. 77 ; Boettig. Sab. ii. 204 ; Sen. Ep. 80. 
 Mart. vi. 66, describes a scene, where the praeco, as an incentive to 
 purchasers, bis, terque, quaterque basiavit the girl who was for sale. 
 Those who were on sale bore a tablet on their neck, titulus, upon 
 which not only their name and capabilities, but their corporeal 
 blemishes, and any vice they might happen to have, were inscribed. 
 Cic. de Offic. iii. 17 : Sed etiam in mancipiorum venditione fraus ven- 
 ditoris omnis excluditur, qui enim scire debuit de sanitate, de fuga, de 
 furtis, prcestat edicto oedilium. The words of the edict are to be 
 found in Gell. iv. 2. Comp. Hor. Epist. ii. 2, 14 ; Prop. iv. 5, 51 : 
 . . . quorum titulus per barbara colla pependit, 
 Cretati medio quum saliere foro ; 
 
 which last line shows that they were trotted out to show their paces,
 
 SCENE I.] THE SLAVES. 201 
 
 as horses with us. Menand. Fragm. p. 69. See also Sen. Ep. 47. 
 The vendor was responsible for the correctness of the account 
 given, prcestabat ; Cic. de Off. iii. 17. If he declined doing so, the 
 slave was sold pileatus. See Gell. vii. 4. The same edict also 
 forbad ne veterator pro novitio veniret. Dig. xxi. 1, 37, 65. 
 
 The mancipia viliora only came into the slave-market, as the 
 most beautiful and expensive were sold in the tabernce by private 
 contract. Thus Mart. ix. 60, says of Mamurra, who went about 
 the septa, scrutinized everything, and bought nothing, 
 Inspexit molles pueros oculisque comedit ; 
 
 Non hos quos primse prostituere casse, 
 Sed quos arcanse servant tabulata catastae, 
 Et quos non populus, nee mea turba videt. 
 
 The price of such slaves was sometimes immense. In Hor. 
 Epist, ii. 2, 5, a favourite slave is put up at 8,000 H. S., sixty-four 
 pounds ; while Martial, i. 59, and xi. 70, mentions, pueros centenis 
 millibus emtos (eight hundred pounds), and iii. 62, centenis quod 
 emis pueros et scepe ducenis. Comp. Sen. Epist. 27 ; Gell. xv. 19. 
 
 The Romans, like the Greeks, obtained most of their slaves from 
 Asia. Syrians, Lydians, Carians, Mysians, and especially Cappado- 
 cians, are mentioned. See Cicero's humorous description of the 
 four chief countries of Asia, p. Flacco, 27 : Quis unquam Grcecus 
 comoediam scripsit, in qua servus primarum partium non Lydus esset ? 
 Ib. pro Quint. 6. e Gallia pueros. But these slaves, of Celtic or Ger- 
 manic origin, were usually employed in agriculture ; Varro, E. M. 
 1, 1 : Galli appositissimi adjumenta. Negroes, ^Sthiopes,-weTe ar- 
 ticles of luxury, Mart. vii. 87 : fruitur Canius ^Ethiope. Under the 
 emperors, Numidians were used as outriders. Their native country 
 was always announced at the sale. Ulp. Dig. xxi. 1, 31. 
 
 The rule, that a Eoman could not be the slave of another Roman, 
 was more strictly observed than the like principle in Greece. See 
 Charides. An insolent debtor might be made over to his creditor 
 (addicere] ; he could not, however, become his slave, but must, as 
 the phrase went, be sold abroad (trans Tiberim). Gell. xx. 1, 45 : 
 Trans Tiberim venum ibant. This was the case also when a Roman 
 citizen was sold by the state. See Val. Max. vi. 3, 4 ; Cic. de Or. 
 i. 40. But the Romans did not hesitate to make slaves of Italian 
 prisoners of war belonging to other states. Cic. p. Gluent. 7, where 
 Aurius, a youth of Lavinium, taken in war, becomes the slave of 
 the senator Sergius. The Greek rule was, that no Hellene could 
 be the slave of an Hellene ; the Roman, that no Roman citizen 
 could serve another. Plau. Trin. ii. 4, 144.
 
 202 THE SLAVES. [EXCUBSUS III. 
 
 Vernce, seldom vernaculi (Mart. x. 3), were the children result- 
 ing from the contubernium among the slaves, opposed to slaves got 
 by purchase. In some respects they were very valuable, as from 
 having grown up in the family, they became acquainted with all the 
 household matters, and best calculated for discharging the duties of 
 attendants. Hence Horace (Epist. ii. 26) mentions as a recom- 
 mendation verna ministeriis, ad nutus aptus heriles. But for the 
 same reason they took many liberties, and their forwardness became 
 a proverb. Mart. i. 42, x. 3 ; Heind. ad. Hor. Sat. ii. 6, 66 : vernce 
 procaces. Tacit. Hist. ii. 88. Sen. de Prov. i. : Cogita, filiorum nos 
 modestia delectari, vernaculorum licentia. Comp. also Heyne ad Ti- 
 bull. i. 5, 26, garrulus verna. Hence vernilia dicta are used for 
 scurrilia (dicta). Festus, p. 372 : Vernce, qui in villis vere nati. So 
 also Nonius, i. 206. Though the derivation of the word is obscure, 
 yet its ancient signification was evidently ' native,' or ' indigenous,' 
 in opposition to ' stranger.' So Mart. i. 76, calls a real Roman- 
 bred, Numce verna. The name means therefore one born in the 
 house of his master ; if he changed hands, he was no longer verna 
 in respect to the new familia. The corresponding Greek word is 
 oa-drpJ/, explained by the Grammarians as SOV\OQ oiKoytvrjs. 
 
 There was no difference in the position of a slave who happened 
 to come into a man's possession hereditate, or by any other means ; 
 and he was always reckoned either with the emti or vernce. 
 
 The whole body of slaves belonging to one master was divided 
 into the familia urbana and familia rustica, not simply from their 
 different places of residence, but also on account of their different 
 occupation. Fest. 166 : Urbana familia et rustica, non loco sed 
 genere distinguitur. Hence the familia urbana might accompany 
 the master into the country, and yet not be called rustica. Our 
 business at present is chiefly with the urbana. 
 
 The simplicity of the more ancient times was unacquainted with 
 such a concourse of slaves (Sen. de Tranq. 8), and even consuls 
 took the field accompanied by but few. Appul. Apol. 430. And 
 of these few, perhaps only one was used for personal attendance 
 on himself, whence are to be explained the names Caipor, Lu- 
 cipor, Marcipor, Publipor, Quintipor. Quinct. Inst. i. 4, 7 : In 
 servis jam interdicit illud genus, quod ducebatur a domino, unde 
 Marcipores, Publiporesque. Plin. (xxxiii. 1, 6), when talking of 
 sealing up the cells, says, Hoc profecere mancipiorum legiones et in 
 domo turba externa ac servorum quoque causa nomenclator adhiben- 
 dus. Aliter apud antiquos singuli Marcipores Luciporesve dominorum 
 gentiles omnem victum in promiscuo habebant. The old-fashioned
 
 SCENE L] THE SLAVES. 203 
 
 manner of attendance at a meal is drawn in lively colours by 
 Juv. xi. 145, seq. 
 
 Plubeios calices et paucis assibus cmtos 
 
 Porrigit incultus puer, atque a frigore tutus ; 
 
 Non Phryx, aut Lycius, non a mangone petitus 
 
 Quisquam erit in magno. Cum posces, posce Latine. 
 
 Idem habitus cunctis, tonsi rectique capilli, 
 
 Atque hodie tantum propter convivia pexi. 
 
 Towards the end of the Republic, however, it became very 
 different, and it was then considered reprehensible not to have a 
 slave for every sort of work. Thus Cicero says in his description 
 of the loose household arrangements of Piso, idem coquus, idem 
 atritmis : and Horace (Sat. i. 3, 12) appears to consider ten slaves 
 the minimum, even for one of restricted means, and (in Sat. i. 6, 
 107) talks of the ridicule thrown on Tullius the praetor, because he 
 had no more than five slaves to accompany him from the Tiburtine 
 villa to Rome. Cic. pro Mil. 10 : magno ancillarum puerorumquc 
 comitatu. Vedius also travels with a great number of slaves ; ad 
 Att. vi. 1. But Cicero censures this extraordinary expense in 
 servants indirectly, de Leg. Ayr. ii. 28. In subsequent times the 
 numbers mentioned are almost incredible. Thus Pliny (xxxiii. 10) 
 relates, 0. Ccecilius Claudius Isidorus testamento suo edixit (A. TJ. 
 744), quamvis multa civili bello perdidisset, tamen relinquere servorum 
 quatuor millia centum sedecim. Tac. Ann. iii. 53 ; xiv. 43. Still 
 greater numbers are adduced by Wiistemann (Pal. de Scaur. 228) ; 
 but the accounts of Petron. 37, surpass everything ; familia vero, 
 l)ab(B I non me Hercules puto decimam partem esse, quce herum suum 
 novit. Trimalchio (47) asks a house-slave ; Ex quota decuria es ? he 
 answers; e quadragesima : (53), an actuarius reads aloud what has 
 happened during the last few days on the estate of Trimalchio; and 
 among other things, vii. Kal. Sextiles in prcedio Cumano, quod est 
 Trimalchionis, nati sunt pueri xxx, puellce xl. This is no doubt an 
 exaggeration, but only intelligible under the supposition of there 
 really having been extraordinary numbers. Even under the Re- 
 pubh'c, Crassus did not consider him rich who could not reditu 
 annuo legionem tueri. 
 
 Of course most of them were employed on country estates (Plin. 
 H. N. xvii.) ; but hundreds were in the familia urbana ; and, for 
 the purpose of superintendence, it was necessary that they should 
 be divided into decurice ; but there were several particular classes, 
 which ranked higher or lower, according to the functions assigned 
 them. These classes were the ordinarii (with their vicarii), vul- 
 gares, mediastini, quales-quales ; at least they are thus distinguished
 
 204 THE SLAVES. [EXCURSUS III. 
 
 by Ulpian, Dig. xlvii. 10, 15, Multum interest, qualis servus sit; borxe 
 frugi, ordinarius, dispensator, an vero vulgaris, vel mediastinus, an 
 qualisqualis. 
 
 ORDINABH 
 
 appear to have been those upper slaves (honestior, Cic. Farad, v. 2), 
 who superintended certain departments of the household ; they 
 were placed above the others (ceeteris prcefecti eranf) ; and had their 
 own slaves or vicarii, who were their own peculium, got by their 
 own economy. Hor. Sat. ii. 7, 79 : Vicarius est, qui servo paret. 
 Comp. Martial ii. 18, 7, where the poet gives his patron notice, that 
 he shall intermit his opera togata, because the other has also a rex. 
 Esse sat est servum ; jam nolo vicarius esse. These vicarii existed 
 at an early period. Plaut. Asin. ii. 4, 28, scio mihi vicarium esse, and 
 Cic. (Verr. iii. 28), where he wishes to mark the vilitas of Diog- 
 notus, a servus publicus, says vicarium nullum habet, nihil omnino 
 peculii. The footing was similar when the master himself gave 
 the ordinarius a slave as his immediate subordinate, who assisted 
 him in his avocation, or supplied his place. The difference being, 
 that the ordmarius was responsible for the vicarius to his master. 
 Plaut. Mil. iii. 2, 12, suppromus, so subcustos. SoBallio, Pseud, ii. 2, 
 13, calls himself Subballio, the vicarius, asit were, of his master Ballio. 
 The ordinarii were persons enjoying the master's special confidence, 
 and entrusted by him with the management of his income and 
 outlay ; and they appointed and controlled the rest of the family, 
 both in the house and at the villa. Suet. Gall. 12. This procurator 
 must not be confounded with the like term, so often occurring in 
 legal matters : the latter could only be a free man. Dig. iii. 3, 
 Cic. p. Ccec. 20 ; De liberis autem quisquis est, procuratoris nomine 
 appellatur. But the domestic procurators were slaves or freedmen, 
 whom the master intrusted with the care of some part of the 
 household. Cic. de Or. i. 58 : Si mandandum aliquid procurator^ 
 de agricultura aut imperandum villico sit. Ad Attic, xiv. 16. Some- 
 times the procurator seems to have been the regular steward of the 
 property. Pliny, Ep. iii. 19, says of the advantageous situation of 
 two country properties, posse utraque eadem opera, eodem viatico 
 invisere, sub eodem procuratore ac pcene iisdem actoribus. Still the 
 word procurator does not seem to occur till later, in the sense 
 of the person to whom the entire management of the familia is 
 entrusted. Petr. 30 ; Sen. Epist. 14. Quinct. Decl. 345, familiam 
 per procuratores continetis. Besides the procurator, the actor and 
 dispensator are mentioned. The actor seems to have belonged 
 chiefly to the familia rustioa, and to have been about the same aa
 
 SCENE I.] THE SLAVES. 
 
 205 
 
 villicus. Colum. i. 7, ib. 8. Idemque actori prcecipiendum eat, ne 
 convictum cum domestico habeat. In Scaev. Dig. xxxiii. 7, 20, both 
 actor and villicus are mentioned, as if they were two different func- 
 tions. The reason is, that on country estates there was, besides 
 the villicus, who attended exclusively to the farming, a special 
 accountant also. But the villicus might be actor also. He then 
 had a procurator over 'him ; but a villicus, actor, and procurator, 
 never existed all three simultaneously. This is clear from Plin. 
 Up. iii. 19, and Colum. i. 6. The dispensator was the cashier and 
 accountant, especially in the familia urbana, Cic. ad Att. xi. 1 : Nihil 
 scire potui de nostris domesticis rebus, de quibus acerbissime afflictor, 
 quod qui eas dispensavit, neque adest istic, neque ubi terrarum sit scio. 
 But there were also dispensatories of the familia rustica, Pompon. 
 Dig. L. 16, 166. Both are joined by Cic. de Hep. v. 3. The dis- 
 pensator may possibly have been under the procurator in particular 
 instances, but generally himself submitted the accounts to his 
 master's inspection. Suet. Galb. 12, ordinario dispensatori brevi- 
 arium rationum offerenti. Vesp. 22, admonente dispensatore quemad- 
 modum summam rationibus vellet referri, Vespasiano, inquit, adamato. 
 So also (Cic. Fragm. in Non. iii. 18), Quid tu, inquam, soles, cum rati- 
 onem a dispensatore accipis, si cera singula probasti, summam, quce ex 
 his confecta sit, non probare ? Comp. Mart. v. 42. Juv. i. 91 ; vii. 219. 
 
 One of the principal domestics was the atriensis, who originally 
 was the same as the dispensator and procurator. Thus in Plaut. 
 Asin. ii. 4, the pseudo-saurea, as atriensis, receives and lends 
 money, sells wine and oil, lends plate ; in short, superintends the 
 whole household affairs, cui omnium rerum herus summam credidit. 
 Hence in Pseud, ii. 2, 13, he can be interchanged with the cellarius 
 or promus. 
 
 H. Tune es Ballio ? Ps. Imo, vero ego ejus sum Subballio. 
 
 H. Quid istuc verln est ? Ps. Condus promus sum, procurator peni. 
 
 H. Quasi te dicas atriensem. Ps. Imo, atriensi ego impero. 
 
 In later times there were doubtless special atrienses, to see that 
 the atrium and imagines, as well as the whole house, were kept neat 
 and tidy by the other slaves. 
 
 The cellarius, or promus, was he who had charge of the cella 
 penaria and vinaria, and furnished the daily supply, and took 
 charge of whatever remained. Procurator peni, Plaut. Pseud, ii. 2, 
 13. Hence also, condus promus, Plaut. Capt. iv. 2, 115. 
 Sume, posce, prome quidvis ; te facio cellarium. 
 
 Upon which the Parasite (iv. 3, 1) says, mihi rem summam cre- 
 didit cibariam. Comp. Mil. iii. 2, 11, 24, where mention is made of
 
 206 THE SLAVES. [EXCURSUS III. 
 
 a suppromus, who stood in much the same position to the promus 
 as the amanuensis did to the dispensator. Colum. xi. 1 : Ut cibus 
 et potio sine fraude a cellar Us prcebeantur. Perhaps he also gave 
 out the demensum, cibum demensum, to the familia. 
 
 Among the ordinarii may also be reckoned the negotiatores, slaves 
 who conducted money transactions on account of their master (not 
 mercatura. Ernesti, Glav. s. v. negotiator}. See Obbar. ad Hor. 
 Up. i. 1, 45. That instances of this occurred in later times cannot 
 be denied ; but in more remote periods all qucestus was considered 
 indecorus for the or do senatorius (see Becker, Vind. Comced. Rom. 
 74), and the equites were themselves the negotiatores, and did not 
 employ their slaves for the purpose. 
 
 On account of the great number of slaves, who were no doubt 
 sometimes very noisy, it became necessary to have silentiarii, who 
 watched over the quiet of the household. Thus Salvian. de Gub. 
 Dei, iv. 3, says: Servi quippe pavent actor es, pavent silentiarios, pavent 
 procurators ; ab omnibus cceduntur. This was written, it is true, 
 in the fifth century ; but Seneca also alludes to them, Ep. 47, and 
 several inscriptions appear in Fabretti, 206, n. 54 56, and Orell. 
 n. 2956. 
 
 The division of slaves into decuria: probably rendered necessary 
 an especial decurio, who stood at the head of each of them. Suet. 
 Dom. 17: Decurio cubiculariorum ; also in inscriptions, lecticariorum, 
 etc. Usually, this refers to the domus Augusta, but these decuriones 
 doubtless existed in other houses also. In a Pompeian inscription 
 we read, Quaeres Fabium et Fallacem (two slaves) in decuria Cotini. 
 
 There were also others in the familia, who worked in the capa- 
 city of artisans, especially in the country-houses, and were used for 
 scientific purposes, or, as artists, -ministered to the pleasures of their 
 master. It is uncertain what rank these held, and whether they 
 are to be reckoned among the ordinarii ; in any case they were 
 honestiores. Cicero (Par. v. 2) says, Ut in magna (stultorum) 
 familia sunt alii lautiores, ut sibi videntur, servi, sed tamen servi, 
 atrienses ac topiarii, etc. He then opposes to them those qui non 
 honestissimum locum servitutis tenent. 
 
 If, however, it be taken for granted that ordinarius and vicarius 
 were correlative terms, then these slaves may also be called ordi- 
 narii, for they often had vicarii. See Cic. Verr. i. 36 : Peculia 
 omnium vicariique retinentur. Cic. p. Rose. Am. 41. The number 
 of such slaves was great, but here only a few will be mentioned. 
 First come the regular artists : architccti, fabri, tectores, statuarii, 
 pictores, cadatores, plumarii, topiarii (ab hortorum cultura), viridarii, 
 aquarii (for the last three, see Excursus on The Gardens] ; next come
 
 SCENE I.] THE SLAVES. 207 
 
 lymphoniaci, ludiones, mimi, funambuli or schoenobatce, petauristce, 
 saltatrices, gladiatores ; of a lower grade were moriones, fatui and 
 fatuce, nani and nance, or pumiliones. Further, those who took care 
 of the library and works of art : a bibliotheca, a statuis, dpinacotheca, 
 and the numerous class of literati, as anagnostce, librarii, which has 
 many meanings,' notarii, a studiis, a manu or ab epistolis, to whom 
 perhaps appertain the tabellarii. Lastly may be named the medici, 
 with their different grades. These will be treated of first. 
 
 MEDICI, CHIEUEGI, IATEALIPT.E. 
 
 It was only at a late period that the study of Medicine attained 
 to distinction in Eome, and then it was almost exclusively practised 
 by foreigners. Pliny (xxix. 1, 6) relates that, according to the ac- 
 count of Cassius Hemina, the first Grecian physician, Archagathus, 
 arrived in Eome from the Peloponnesus, in the year of the city 535. 
 The astonishment, which the art at first excited, was soon changed 
 into distrust, and in some cases into aversion. Cato earnestly 
 warned his son against the Greek physicians and the study of medi- 
 cine ; no doubt many unprincipled acts were committed by them, 
 and a considerable degree of charlatanry, at least, can be laid to 
 their charge. We cannot therefore wonder that Plautus scourges 
 them with jokes of no very delicate kind. Mencechm. v. 3 5 : 
 
 Lumbi sedendo, oculi spectando, dolent, 
 Manendo raedicum, dum se ex opere recipiat. 
 Odiosus tandem vix ab asgrotis venit. 
 Ait se obligasse crus fractum .ZEsculapio, 
 Apollini autem brachium. Nunc cogito, 
 Utrum me dicam ducere medicum, an fabrum. 
 
 One has only to read the following scenes to be convinced that the 
 physician in this play has been the original of all the pedantic 
 medecins and charlatans of Moliere. Athenseus, xv. 666: ' pi} t'arpoi 
 ijaav, oiiSkv av ijv TUIV ypa/i/narKwv fjLiiiportpov. Even in the time of 
 Pliny, the Eomans themselves attended but little to the art, though 
 it was, as he testifies, very profitable ; but it was perhaps for that 
 reason lowered in the estimation of the old Eomans. Non rem an- 
 tiqui damnabant, sed artem. Maxime vero qucestum esse immani pretio 
 vitce, recusabant. Pliny gives an interesting account of the relation 
 in which the patient stood to the physician, which may be well ap- 
 plied to our own times. He says, after remarking that the Eomans 
 did not follow the science with so much advantage, Immo vero 
 audoritas alitcr quam Greece earn tractantibus, etiam apud imperitos
 
 208 THE SLAVES. [EXCURSUS III. 
 
 expertesque linguce non est. Ac minus credunt, quce ad salutem suam 
 pertinent, si intelligunt. Itaque in hoc artium sola evenit, ut cuicunque 
 medicum se professo statim credatur. Nulla prceterea lex est, quce 
 puniat inscitiam, capitate nullum exemplum vindictce. Discunt peri- 
 culis nostris et experimenta per mortes agunt, medicoque tantum 
 hominem occidisse impunitas summa est. As the professional phy- 
 sicians, therefore, were not always looked upon with the most 
 favourable eyes, the Romans used to employ trustworthy slaves, or 
 freedmen, as house-physicians ; and careful fathers of families also 
 collected recipes of the best means to be adopted in particular 
 cases. Thus Cato had a kind of recipe-book, commentarium, quo 
 mederetur filio, servis, familiar ibus. These slaves were called medici, 
 and medicos even are mentioned in inscriptions. Surgery, as well as 
 physic, was practised by the medici, as we may see from passages 
 in Plautus ; but it is possible that others were specially employed 
 in this department, and hence called vulnerum medici, vulnerarii. 
 In inscriptions of the time of Tiberius, regular chirurgi occur ; and 
 Celsus (lib. vii.), gives as the qualities requisite : middle age, a 
 steady hand, good eye, &c. About this time, physic generally 
 began to be divided into different branches ; doctors for diseases of 
 the eye (ocularii, or medici ab oculis], as well as dentists, and others 
 skilled in the treatment of any particular local disorder, are par- 
 ticularly mentioned. Mart. x. 56. 
 
 The iatraliptce were probably at first doctors' assistants, who took 
 care of the embrocations ; but in later times they appear to have 
 formed a distinct class of medical men. See Plin. xxix. 1, 2. The 
 younger Pliny says (Ep. x. 4), Proximo anno, domine, gravissima 
 valetudine ad periculum vitoe vexatus iatralipten assumsi. Respecting 
 the tabernas medicorum or medicines (as tonstrince], see Heind. ad 
 florat. Sat. i. 7, 3. 
 
 A second important class of well educated slaves were the 
 
 LITERATI, 
 
 of course, in quite a different sense from what it bears, Plaut. Cas. 
 ii. 6, 49. Here it signifies those slaves, of whose literary acquire- 
 ments and knowledge the master made use for his own purposes. 
 The general meaning of the word is given by Suet, de III. Gramm. 
 4 : Appellatio Grammaticorum Grceca consuetudine invaluit ; sed initio 
 literati vocabantur. He then gives the distinction between literatus 
 and literator, referring us to Orbilius : non apud majores, cum 
 familia alicujus venalis produceretur, non temere quern literatum in
 
 SCENE I.] THE SLAVES. 209 
 
 titulo, sed literatorem inscribi solitum esse; quasi non perfedum literis, 
 sed imbutum. Previously, however, lie gives the explanation of 
 Cornelius Nepos (which differs from the above). Cornelius quoque 
 Nepos in libello, quo distinguit literatum ab erudito, literatos quidem 
 vulgo appellari ait eos, qui aliquid diligenter et acute scienterque possint 
 aut dicere aut scribere : cceterum proprie sic appellandos poetarum 
 interpretes, qui a Greeds ypappariicoi nominantur ; eosdem literatores 
 vocitatos. The explanation of Orbilius is more appropriate for the 
 servi literati. 
 In the first place they were used as 
 
 ANAGNOST.E, 
 
 also called lectores, readers. Men of polite education used, when at 
 their meals, or not in any other manner mentally occupied, and 
 even in the baths, to have persons to read to them. Thus the 
 younger Pliny relates of his uncle (Ep. iii. 5), Super ccenam liber 
 legebatur, adnotabatur, et quidem cursim. Memini quendam ex amicis 
 quum lector qucedam perperam pronunciasset, revocasse et repeti 
 coegisse, etc. But then : In secessu solum balinei tempus studiis 
 eximebatur. Quum dico balinei, de interioribus loquor ; nam dum 
 distringitur tergiturque, audiebat aliquid, aut dictabat. The same 
 person says of himself (ix. 36), Ccenanti mihi, sicumuxore, velpaucis, 
 liber legit ur ; and Cornelius Nepos relates of Atticus (c. 16), Nemo 
 in convivio ej'us aliud aicpoana audivit, quam anagnosten. Neque un- 
 quam sine aliqua lectione apud eum c&natum est. Martial frequently 
 alludes to this habit, and sometimes with complaints ; for several 
 persons only invited him to their tables to read to him their bad 
 comedies, iii. 50. Augustus, when unable to sleep, used to send 
 for lectores, or confabulatores. Suet. Aug. 78 ; Cic. ad Att. i. 12. 
 All the 
 
 LIBKABH 
 
 belong to this class. They were slaves used for writing, hence also 
 called scribes, but perfectly distinct from the scribce publici, who were 
 liberi, and formed a separate ordo; and also from the bibliopolce, 
 also called librarii. Ernesti, Glav. Cic. The librarii again were 
 called, according to the use they were put to, ab epistolis ; a studiis; 
 a bibliotheca ; notarii. It will be best to explain these in the 
 Excursuses on The Library and Letter, 
 
 Eespecting the Pcedagogi, see p. 188. 
 
 We now come to those who (frequently in no honourable manner)
 
 210 THE SLAVES. [EXCURSUS III. 
 
 served for amusement ; for instance, at meals, when the business of 
 the day was at an end, and everything was brought together that 
 could serve for recreation. Of course, in the earlier times, such 
 pleasures were unknown, and it was only after the war with An- 
 tiochus (when the former simplicity yielded generally to Asiatic 
 luxury), that the enjoyment of the repast began to be heightened, 
 not only by refinement in cookery, but also by all manner of shows 
 and aicpoa/ictra, by artists hired for the occasion, or even kept among 
 the regular retainers of the family. Livy, xxxix. 6. Of this kind 
 were the symphoniaci, the corps of household musicians, the fre- 
 quent mention of whom shows their general use. Cic. Mil. 21 : 
 Milo, qui nunquam, turn casu pueros symphoniacos uxoris ducebat et 
 ancillarum greges. Petr. c. 33, 47, and Senec. Ep. 54, in comissa- 
 tionibus nostris plus cantorum est, quam in theatris olim spectatoruin 
 fuit. Cic. Verr. iii. 44 ; Div, 17 ; Ulp. Dig. vii. 1. This is what 
 the aliud aicpoapa alludes to, in the above-mentioned passage of 
 Cornelius Nepos. 
 
 To these were added, in later times, ludiones, mimi, funambuli, 
 or schcenobatce, petauristce, saltatrices, gladiatores, and such like ; all 
 of whom are found in the house of Trimalchio. They require no 
 explanation ; but on account of the petauristce, we may quote 
 Petron. 53 : Petauristarii tandem venerunt : baro insulsissimus cum 
 scalis constitit, puerumque jussit per gradus et in summa parte odaria 
 saltare ; circulos deinde ardentes transire et dentibus amphoram sus- 
 tinere. These were such arts as are practised by our mountebanks. 
 According to Mart. (v. 12), Linus let seven or eight boys stand on 
 his arms. Comp. Ter. Hecyr. i. ii. 26. 
 
 The taste for the deformed and idiotic moriones, fatui, andifo,tuce, 
 was still more strange. The moriones were perhaps originally 
 regular Cretins, at least the term comprehends not only absurdity, 
 but deformity ; and Mart. vi. 39, describes one ; acuto capite et auri- 
 bus longis, quce sic moventur, ut solent asellorum. But their absurdity 
 was the chief point ; and the stupider they were, the more valuable, 
 as affording most opportunity for laughter. Mart. viii. 13, says, 
 
 Morio dictus erat ; viginti milibus emi. 
 Redde mihi nummos, Gargiliane : sapit. 
 
 Comp. xiv. 210. Even in Seneca's house there was no lack of them, 
 Ep. 50. Harpasten, uxoris mece fatuam, scis hereditarium onus in 
 domo mea remansisse : ipse enim aversissimus ab istis prodigiis sum; si 
 quando fatuo delectari volo, non est mihi longe qucerendum : me rideo. 
 Pretty much on a par with those were the nani and nance, also 
 pumiliones, dwarfs, who were especial favourites of the ladies.
 
 SCENE I.] THE SLAVES. 
 
 211 
 
 Gell. (xix. 13) explains vdvove, brevi atque humili corpore homines 
 paulum supra terram exstantes. Stat. Silv. i. 6, 57 '. 
 
 Hie audax subit ordo pumilonum, 
 
 Quos natura brevi statu peractos 
 
 Nodosum semel in globum ligavifc. 
 
 It is true that Suetonius says of Augustus (Aug. 83), pumilos atque 
 distortos ut ludibria naturce malique ominis abhorrebat ; but still he 
 had a court-dwarf, Canopas, the pet of his niece Julia ; Plin. H. N. 
 vii. 16, where cases are mentioned on purpose for these little men. 
 Suet. Tib. 61. The nani differed from the distorti. Suet. ib. and 
 Quinct. Decl. 298 ; Inst. ii. 5. These monsters used to learn to 
 dance and play the castanets. Brouckh. ad Prop. iv. 8, 48. Later 
 they used to enact fights. Stat. ib. Dio. Cass. Ixvii. 8. Bronze 
 statues of these abortions are still extant. Gori Mus. Etr. i. 76. 
 They also occur in Pompeian frescoes, Casaub. ad Suet. Oct. 83. 
 We must also reckon here the Grceculi, or Greek house-philoso- 
 phers, if the usage of which Bottiger speaks, Sab. ii. 36, be based 
 on good ground, as in that case they would nearly represent the 
 Parasitce. 
 Essentially different from these were the class called 
 
 YULGAEES, 
 
 under which name are to be understood those who had one low 
 and definite occupation, either in or out of the house. To this 
 class belonged, firstly the ostiarius or janitor, who constantly kept 
 watch over the entrance of the house. In ancient times, and often 
 even later, their attendance was secured by fastening them with 
 a chain to the entrance, Auct. de Clar. Ehet. 3. L. Otacilius 
 serviisse dicitur, atque etiam ostiarius veteri more in catena fuisse. 
 Ovid, Amor. i. 161 : 
 
 Janitor, indignum, dura religate catena. 
 
 Sagittar. de Januis Vett. xvi. 19. Later, however, he dwelt in the 
 <-,ella ostiaria, Sueton. Vitell. 16 ; Petr. c. 29. The dog mentioned 
 by Suetonius belonged exclusively to the janitor; but besides this, 
 like as the modern porter carries his staff of state, so did the osti- 
 arius appear with his virga or arundo, though not as mere insignia, 
 but in case of need to repel an intruder. Sen. de Const, sap. 14. 
 Petr. c. 134 : arundinem ab ostio rapuit. Cf. c. 98. Brouckh. ad 
 Propert. iv. 7, 21. 
 
 The assertion of Wiistemann, founded on Tibull. i. 7, 76, and 
 i. 6, 61, and Plaut. Cure. i. 1, 76 : (Anus hie solet cubitare custos, 
 janitrix}, that females also served as door-keepers, deserves cor- 
 
 p 2
 
 212 THE SLAVES. [Excuasus III. 
 
 rection. In Plautus it refers to the house of a leno, who guards his 
 meretrices with a Una. So in Appul. Met. i. p. 112, Fotis is the 
 only maid in the house, and therefore must open the house-door. 
 Again, Tibull. (i. 8, 76) refers only to the bolted door. 
 
 . . . nunc displicet illi, 
 Quaecunque apposita est janua dura sera. 
 So in i. 6, 61, the mother of Delia is meant, and not a janitrix : 
 
 Haec foribusque manet noctu me affixa. 
 
 In a Eoman house, where numberless clients came to the salu- 
 tatio, and viri amplissimi met to converse, a janitrix would have 
 been a strange appendage. With equally little foundation, does 
 Bottiger, Sab., suppose a janitrix in the ante-room of the lady of 
 the house. Such a female would have as little right to the appel- 
 lation of janitrix, as the cubicularius to that of janitor. 
 
 Next came the cubicularii, who had the supervision of the sitting 
 and sleeping rooms, and probably when the master was at home 
 waited in the ante-chamber. In Suet. Tib. 21, and Dom. 16, they 
 are termed cubiculo prcepositi. They also announced visitors, Cic. 
 Verr. iii. 4. Hunc vestri janitores, hunc cubicularii diligunt ; hunc 
 liberi vestri, hunc servi ancillceque amant ; hie cum venit, extra ordinem 
 vocatur ; hie solus introducitur, cceteri scepe frugalissimi homines ex- 
 cluduntur. From whence it seems clear that visitors were admitted 
 according to the order of their arrival. Cic. ad Att. 2. Under the 
 emperor there were special servi ab officio admissionum, in addition 
 to the cubicularii, between whom and the velarii there would seem 
 to have been but little difference. 
 
 Even when they went abroad without any pomp, one or more 
 slaves were always in attendance, hence named pedisequi, who, as 
 we learn from several inscriptions, were a particular class, and 
 every slave who followed the master was not called by this name. 
 S. Gori, de Columb. Liv. Aug. ; Corn. Nep. Att. 13 : Namque in ea 
 (familia) erant pueri literatissimi, anagnostce optimi et plurimi librarii, 
 ut ne pedisequus quidem quisquam esset, qui non utrumque horum 
 pulchre facere posset. Cic. ad Att. viii. 5 ; Verr. i. 36, circum pedes. 
 That fashion required the attendance of slaves, and exempted the 
 masters from the performance of even the most trifling exertions, 
 we see from Martial ix. 60, 22 : asse duos calices emit et ipse tulit. 
 
 Besides these, Romans of rank used a nomenclator. In the 
 times of the Republic, those who desired to attain to high offices 
 were obliged to observe many little attentions, not only to people 
 of distinction, but also towards the common citizens. Their houses 
 were open to the visits of everybody, and when they were out of 
 doors they were expected to remember all their names, and to
 
 SCENE L] Tflli SLAVES. 213 
 
 say something agreeable to them. As it was impossible to recall at 
 a moment the name and circumstances of each one, there were 
 slaves, whose duty consisted in remembering the names of those 
 whom they met, and informing their master. Cic. Att. IT. 1 : ad 
 urbem ita veni, ut nemo ullius ordinis homo nomenclatori notus fuerit, 
 qui mihi obviam non venerit. Their memory became a proverb. 
 Sometimes if his memory failed him, the nomenclator substituted 
 some false name, Senec. Ep. 27 : vetulus nomenclator, qui nomina 
 non reddit, sed imponit. In houses where the salutatio was numer- 
 ous, a nomenclator was requisite. Sen. Epist. 19 : habebas con- 
 vivas, qiios e turba salutantium nomenclator digesserit. The nomen- 
 clator had another function to discharge (Petro^. c. 47, and Plin. 
 xxxii. 6, 21), viz. that of informing the guests what dishes were 
 served up, and making known their several excellences. Comp. 
 Hor. Sat. ii. 8, 25, with Heindorf 's remarks. 
 
 The lecticarii were the slaves who bore the lectica, and when the 
 custom became by degrees more common, they were important 
 functionaries : women were carried in the city, men outside of it 
 and in the gestationes. The strongest and most imposing in appear- 
 ance were chosen ; Syrians, Celts, Germans, and especially Cappa- 
 docians. Sometimes six in number, at others eight, lectica hexaphoros, 
 or octaphoros. The custom is described by Lucian, Cynic, 722 ; 
 Senec. Ep. 31 : turba servorum lecticam per itine.ro, urbana ac 
 peregrina portantium. For other passages, see Tit. Popma, de Op. 
 Serv. in Pol. Thes. iii. 1366 ; comp. Lips. Elect, i. 19 ; Bottig. Sab. 
 ii. 202. Before the lectica went anteambulones, in order to clear a 
 road through a crowd. These were properly some of the class of 
 poor clients, and not slaves. They did not always confine them- 
 selves to the customary words, Date locum domino meo, but occa- 
 sionally made room with their elbows and hands, as related by 
 Martial (iii. 46), who, in order to escape paying continually the 
 opera togata, offers to his rex his freedman, who might even serve 
 as a lecticarius or anteambulo. This led sometimes to disagreeable 
 collisions. Pliny relates (Ep. iii. 14) : Eques Romanus a servo ejus 
 (Largii Macedonis), ut transitum daret, manu leviter admonitus 
 convertit se, nee servum, a quo erat tactus, sed ipsum Macedonem tarn 
 graviter palma percussit, ut pcene concideret. Thus they went in the 
 city, but on a journey the escort was much greater. The use of 
 runners or outriders is not peculiar to modern times ; the Romans 
 also were fond of this species of display, at least as early as the first 
 century after Christ, and the cursores, and Numidce, who ran and 
 rode in advance of the rheda or carruca, are frequently mentioned.
 
 214 THE SLAVES. [Excunsus III. 
 
 Thus Seneca (Ep. 87) says: quam cuperem illi (Catoni) nunc 
 occurrere aliquem ex his Trossulis in via divitibus, cursores et Numi- 
 das et multum ante se pulveris agentem ! Sen. Ep. 126 : Omnes jam 
 sic peregrinantur, ut illos Numidarum prcecurrat equitatus, ut agmen 
 cursorum antecedat. Suet. Ner. 30 ; Tit. 9. Martial (iii. 47) says of 
 one who takes with him from the city into the country the produc- 
 tions of the country: Nee feriatus ibat ante carrucam, Sed tuta 
 foeno cursor ova portabat, and of himself (xii. 24), Non rector Lybid 
 niger caballi, Succinctus neque cursor antecedit. Such luxury, how- 
 ever, was unheard of in the times of the Republic ; for nothing can 
 be inferred from the figurative speech of Cicero, Verr. v. 41. Still 
 something like it is mentioned, Cic. de Eep. i. 12 : Puer nuntiavit 
 venire ad eum Lcelium ; this was a slave sent on before to announce 
 his arrival. 
 
 "We must here make mention of the capsarii, which has a variety 
 of significations, as capsa itself is also used in divers senses. 
 I. They who took care of the clothes of the bathers, and placed them 
 in the capsa, as thieving was nowhere more prevalent than at the 
 bath. See the commentators on Petron. 30, Burm. II. The 
 slaves who followed the children to school, and carried in a capsa 
 the articles required there. Juven. x. 117: Quern sequitur custos 
 augustce vernula capsce. They are mentioned frequently in connec- 
 tion with the psedagogi. Suet. Ner. 36 : Constat quosdam cum 
 pcedagogis et capsariis uno prandio necatos. III. The slaves who 
 carried after their masters the scrinium (capsa, Cic. Div. in Ccec. 
 16), in which sense they were perhaps equivalent to the scriniarii, 
 of whom mention is so frequently made in inscriptions ; although 
 under this appellation may also be understood those who were 
 custodes scriniorum. 
 
 The adversitores were not a particular class of slaves. The master 
 on arriving at his destination, for instance at the house of another, 
 dismissed the pedisequi, with orders to return and escort him back. 
 There is a clear passage in Plaut. Mostell. i. 4, 1, where Callida- 
 matas visits Philolaches, and says to the slaves who had accompa- 
 nied him, Advorsum veniri mihi ad PhiMachetem volo tempori ; 
 hence, Phaniscus (who is on this account mentioned in the cata- 
 logue of the characters by the name of adversitor, which does not 
 occur elsewhere) says, iv. 1, 24; Nunc eo advorsum hero ex plurimis 
 servis. Comp. Mencech. ii. 3, 82 ; Ter, Adr. i. 1, 2. There appears 
 to be no more mention of the custom after Terence ; but, in later 
 times, the slaves were retained in the house of the acquaintance, 
 particularly at the ccena, when they took charge of their master's
 
 SCENE I.] THE SLAVES. 215 
 
 clothes and aolece, and stood behind Tn'm. Hence the expression, a 
 pedibus pueri. The custom is clear ; Martial, xii. 88, 
 
 Bis Gotta soleas perdidisse se questus, 
 Dum negligentem ducit ad pedes vernam, 
 
 and other passages; and Seneca, Senef. iii. 26, 27, where two 
 instances are to be found : first, that of Paulus, who matellce admo- 
 verat the head of Tiberius, which he wore as a cameo in a ring. 
 This was a sufficient offence for the vestigator Maro to found an 
 accusation on ; but the slave of Paulus had perceived his intent, 
 and drew the ring from the finger of his master (servus ejus, cui 
 nectebantur insidice, ei ebrio annulum extraxit] ; and secondly, the 
 case of a vir ordinis senatorii, who had spoken against Augustus ; 
 Ut primum diluxit, servus qui coenanti ad pedes steterat, narrat, quce 
 inter ccenam ebrius dixisset. 
 
 We cannot infer from Cic. in Pis. 9, where the name occurs, 
 that they had regular laternarii ; but it is evident that slaves pre- 
 ceded them with torches or lanterns as they went home. See Yal. 
 Max. vi. 8, 1 ; Juven. iii. 285 ; Petron. 79 ; Suet. Aug. 29 : Servum 
 prcelucentem. 
 
 We have still to mention as slaves, used out of doors, the salu- 
 tigeruli pueri of Plaut. Aul. iii. 5, 26, or nuncii, renuncii, Plaut. 
 Trin. ii. 1, 22, something like errand-boys; and the tabellarii, of 
 whom more will be said in the account of The Letter. 
 
 The names of the remaining vulgares, who had fixed household 
 occupations, either explain their own meaning, or will partly be 
 described in the account of the various parts of the household to 
 which they belonged. Among these were all those who provided 
 for the wants of the table, as pistores, dulciarii, coqui, fartorcs, 
 placentarii, tridiniarii, with the tricliniarcha, structores, carptores 
 and scissores, a cyatho, or a potione, and so on ; or for clothes and 
 ornaments, as vestiarii, vestifici, pcenularii, a veste, and ad vestem, 
 also vestispici, vestiplici, ab ornamentis, custodes auri, ornatrices, cos- 
 metce, tonsores, ciniflones, ad unguenta, and others. These will be 
 mentioned in the proper place. 
 
 It is difficult to say what difference, if any, there was between 
 the class of Yulgares and the 
 
 MEDIASTINI. 
 
 IN the fragment of Ulpian, quoted before, they are connected 
 with the vulgares by a vel, and not opposed to them by an an; and 
 the question is, how far they were different from them. They occur
 
 216 TEE SLAVES. [Exccssus III. 
 
 most frequently in the familia rustica. Cic. Cat. ii. 3, exercitus col- 
 lectus ex rusticis mediastinis ; Coluin. ii. 13, posse agrum ducentorum 
 jugerum subigi dudbus jugis bourn, totidemque bubulcis et sex medias- 
 tinis ; id. i. 9, separandi sunt vinitores ab aratoribus, iique a medias- 
 tinis. But are also to be found in the familia urbana. Thus Horace 
 (Epist. i. 14, 14) says to his villicus, who was formerly a medias- 
 tinus in the city, 
 
 Tu mediastinus tacita prece rura petebas : 
 Nunc urbem et ludos et balnea villicus optas. 
 
 Dig. vii. 7, 6, and iv. 9, 1, where he says, Cceterum si quis opera 
 mediastinifungitur, non continetur (edicto), ut puta atriarii, focarii 
 et his similes. Whence it appears that mediastini were vulgares, 
 but of the lower class, who were used for all sorts of common work, 
 in the rustica as day-labourers, in the urbana as inferior house- 
 slaves. They also appear to be alluded to in Cic. Par. v. 2, Sed ut 
 in familia qui tractant ista, qui tergunt, qui ungunt, qui verrunt, qui 
 spargunt, non honestissimum locum servitutis tenent, etc. The ety- 
 mology given by Aero, and the Scholiast of Cruquius, on Hor. 
 Epist. i. 14, 14, qui in medio stat ad qucevis imperata paratus, appears 
 not unsuitable, if not correct ; while the second etymology, in media 
 urbe (aarti) viventes, is absurd. Priscian confines the name to the 
 balneatores who, as being of the lowest class of slaves, might possibly 
 have belonged to them. Nonius, ii. 573, more correctly observes 
 that they are cedium quoque ministri. 
 
 The last class of slaves that remain to be described are the 
 
 QUALES-QUALES, 
 
 who appear to be mentioned under this name only in the passage of 
 Ulpian, before quoted : Utrum ordinarius an vulgaris vel medias- 
 tinus an qualis-qualis. It was either any slave one pleased, since 
 there could scarcely be a class lower than the mediastini, or it was 
 a kind of penal class, qualiquali conditions, viventes, but did not in- 
 clude those who were compelled to labour as vincti, compediti, in the 
 pistrinoe, lapicidince, ergastula, or ruri ; for these are named immedi- 
 ately afterwards, and the ergastula are opposed to the rest of the 
 family. Appul. Apol. 504 : Quindecim liberi homines populus est; tot- 
 idem servi familia ; totidem vincti ergastulum. Comp. Lips. El. ii. 15. 
 Chief among the ancillce or servce are the ornatrices, who were 
 employed about the apparel or ornaments, or in the toilette of their 
 mistress ; but their peculiar services will be explained in the Excursus 
 on The Female Dress, and Bottiger has already gone deep into the
 
 SCENE I.J THE SLAVES. 217 
 
 subject. "We must just observe, however, in contradiction to his 
 statement, that neither the cosmetce (i. 22), nor the ciniflones (i. 144), 
 were female slaves. Comp. Heindorf. ad Horat. Sat. i. 2, 98. 
 
 POSITION AND TEEATMENT OF THE SLAVES. 
 
 THE way in which the Greeks treated their slaves was far more 
 humane than among the Eomans. The general notion of the 
 ancients respecting slaves was, that they were entirely the property 
 of their masters, who might make any use they thought fit of them, 
 dispose of them according to their pleasure, and, if they chose, kill 
 them. But, in Greece, though the slave had no political rights, yet 
 his master respected his rights as a man. So that Gai. Inst. i. 52 
 (apud omnes perceque gentes animadvertere possumus, dominis in servos 
 vitce necisqMe potestatem esse, et quodcunque per servum acquiritur, id 
 domino acquiritur}, is not true of Athens, where the master could 
 not kill his slave. Antiph. de Ccede Herod, p. 727. In fact, he was 
 prevented from acts of arbitrary cruelty, by being compelled in such 
 cases to sell the slave. See Becker's Charicles, translated by Met- 
 calfe, p. 277. But at Eome the case was different. Throughout 
 the Eepublic, and, with few exceptions, up to the times of the 
 Antonines, the master held absolute control over his slave. He 
 could practise the most cruel barbarities on him or even kill him, 
 with impunity. So that slaves were looked upon in the light of 
 pieces of goods, and tyrannical masters had serious doubts whether 
 they should be considered as human beings at all. The conflict 
 between more rational views and this tyrannical arbitrariness is 
 well described by Juvenal, vi. 218, seq. 
 
 Pone crucem servo. Meruit quo crimine servus 
 Supplicium ? quis testis adest ? quis detulit ? audi, 
 Nulla unquam de morte hominis cunctatio longa est. 
 deraens ! ita servus homo est ? nil fecerit, esto : 
 Hoc volo ; sicjubeo; sit pro ratione voluntas. 
 
 Not less significant is the assurance of Trimalchio (himself a 
 slave) to his guests, in Petron. 71 : Amid, et servi homines sunt, et 
 ceque unum lactem biberunt. And although the slave in immediate 
 attendance on the master is called his homo, as in Cic. p. Quinct. 19, 
 and often in Plautus, still this has nothing to do with his rights as 
 a man. When therefore Sen. de Clem. i. 18, says, cum in servum 
 omnia liceant, est aliquid, quod in hominem licere commune jus vetet; 
 this is an appeal to reason and feeling, but does not prove the 
 existence of such a relation, which, on the contrary, was in later 
 times first created bylaws protecting the slave. Macrob. Sat. i. 11. 
 No doubt this stern right was exercised differently at different
 
 218 THE SLAVES. [Excussus III, 
 
 times and in different familise; and its severity alleviated both 
 by conscientious feelings on the part of the master, and by the 
 usefulness of the slave ; but it gave the hard master an opportunity 
 of being cruel with impunity. Hence the description of Petrus 
 Chrysologus, Serm. 141, is certainly true : Quidquid dominus in- 
 debite, iracunde, Ubens, nolens, oblitus, cogitans, sciens, nescius circa 
 servum fecerit, judicium, justitia, lex est. Altogether, the position 
 of the Roman slave was far harder than that of the Greek; and 
 the reserve of the Eoman character effectually prevented all ap- 
 proach to familiarity between master and slave. Plutarch (dc Gar- 
 rul. 18, iii.) characteristically observes of Piso's slave: Ovrug ptv 
 'Pujfia'iKuf oucerjjg. 6 Si 'ATTIKOQ epti Tt> Stairory aKairriav, itf? olg 
 ytyovaaiv a diaXvatiQ. In more ancient times, when the whole 
 family, which consisted only of a few house-slaves, lived in closer 
 bonds of union, more intimate familiarity did arise in spite of 
 the master's power. The whole family ate in common. Plut. 
 Coriol. 24 : e^pwiro iro\\y Trpbs roiig oiKsra^ sTTiiiKiig. TOTS. Cat. Maj. 
 21. Still the slaves never reclined in company with the rest at 
 table ; but there were subsellia, benches, placed at the foot of the 
 lecti, upon which they sat with the children and persons of lower 
 degree. The parasites also contented themselves with this place, 
 Plaut. Capt. iii. 1, 11 : Nil morantur jam Laconas imi subsellii viros 
 Plagipatidas. Plaut. Stick, iii. 32 : Hand postulo equidem me in lecto 
 accumbere. Scis tu me esse imi subsellii virum. Comp. v. 4, 21. 
 Hence also Terence at the table of Csecilius, Vit. Terent. : Ad coenan- 
 tem cum venisset, dictus est initium quidem fabulce, quod erat contemp- 
 tiore vestitu, subsellio juxta lectulum residens legisse ; post paucos vcro 
 versus invitatus ut accumberet, coenasse una. There too sat the chil- 
 dren of Claudius at the imperial table, Suet. Claud. 32 : Adhibebat 
 omni coence et liberos suos cum pueris puellisque nobilibus, qui more 
 veteri ad fulcra lectorum sedentes vescerentur. The subsellia are dis- 
 tinctly assigned as places for the slaves by Sen. de Tranquill. ii. 15 : 
 ^b?i accipiet sapiens contumeliam, si in convivio regis recumbere infra 
 mensam, vescique cum servis ignominiosa officia sortitis jubebitur. But 
 this privilege was soon taken away, and the slave was not allowed 
 to take his meals with his master, but received a certain allowance 
 of the most necessary articles of food, either monthly (menstrua], or 
 daily (diaria cibaria) ; this allowance was called demensum. Donat. 
 ad Ter. Phorm. i. 1, 9 : Servi quaternos modios accipiebant frumenti 
 in mensem, et id demensum dicebatur. Sen. Ep. 80, nevertheless says, 
 servus est, quinque modios accipit. But he speaks of players; and 
 Donatus no doubt follows the rule laid down by Cato, who only 
 treats of the familia rustica. The slaves of the familia urbana lived
 
 SCENE I.] THE SLAVES. 219 
 
 better. Cato, R. E. 56, fixes the allowance, according to the nature 
 of the slave's labours, at from four to five modii of wheat per month; 
 wine ad libitum just after the vintage, in the fourth month, 1 hemina 
 per diem = 2| congii ; in the fifth to the eighth month, 1 sext. = 5 
 cong. ; in the ninth to the twelfth, 3 hem. = 1 amphora, nearly. At 
 the Saturnalia and Compitalia, 1 cong. to each. Oil, 1 sext. ; salt, 1 
 mod. per month ; besides figs, olives, halec, and vinegar. We collect 
 from Plaut. Stich. i. 2, 2, that this allowance was given out monthly : 
 
 Vos meministis quot calendis petere demensum cibum ; 
 Qui minus meministis, quod opus sit facto facere in sedibus ? 
 
 The joke of the sycophant, who pretended he had been in Olym- 
 pus, alludes to this. Plaut. Trin. iv. 2, 202 : 
 
 CHARM. Eho, an etiam vidisti Jovem ? 
 
 SYC. Alii dii isse ad villam aiebant servis depromtum cibum. 
 
 An instance occurs in the Mostell. (i. 1, 59), of not only the de- 
 mensum for the familia rustica, but even the fodder for the cattle, 
 being obtained from the city. Ervom daturine estis, bubus quod 
 feram ? Date ces, si non est. To this Tranio replies, Ervom tibi 
 aliquis eras faxo ad villam ferat. That a daily distribution was not 
 unusual, is clear from the expression diaria, Mart. xi. 108 : Pueri 
 diaria poscunt. Hor. Epist. i. 14, 40 ; Sat. i. 5, 67 : 
 
 . . . Rogabat 
 
 Denique cur unquam fugisset, cui satis una 
 Farris libra foret, gracili sic tamque pusillo. 
 
 whence we see that bad diet often caused slaves to abscond. The 
 slave likewise received clothes, tunica and sagum, but he had to give 
 up those he had cast off; for shoes he received sculponece. 
 
 If the slave could manage to spare anything out of this allow- 
 ance, he might thus acquire a little property, to which, it seems, his 
 master could lay no claim. Indeed the principle, quodcunque per 
 servum acquiritur id domino acquiritur, was not strictly adhered to, 
 and the slave could thus earn a peculium, by means of which he often 
 purchased his freedom. This is clear from Terent. Phorm. i. 1, 9 : 
 Quod ille unciatim vix de demenso suo, 
 Suum defraudans genium, comparsit miser, 
 Id ilia universum abripiet, baud existumans, 
 Quanto labore partum. 
 
 besides which the similar passage, Senec. Ep. 80 : Peculium suum 
 quod comparaverunt venire fraudato, pro capite numerant. Of course 
 the slave might acquire property by other means. In Plautus, the 
 master lays no claim to what the slaves may have found, or pre- 
 tended to have found, as in the Rudens and the Aulularia, and with 
 which the slave wishes to purchase his freedom. There were
 
 220 THE SLAVES. [EXCURSUS III. 
 
 ofton very rich slaves. See Senec. de Benef. iii. 28, and Petron. 
 in the house of Trimalchio. Plin. xxx. 10. 
 
 The names of slaves were partly borrowed from their native 
 country, asPhryx, Geta, Paphlago, Cappadox; or, with cruel irony, 
 from ancient heroes and kings, as Jason, Achilles, Priamus, Midas, 
 Croesus, Castor, Pollux, Lucifer, Hesperus, Ptolemy, Pharnaces, 
 Semiramis, Arsinoe, &c. They seldom bore the names of plants, 
 flowers, herbs, and stones, as Amiantus, Sardonyx, &c. Orell. Inscr. 
 2782. There was no difference between the dress of the slave and 
 that of the humble freeman. Sen. de Clem. i. 24 : Dicta est ali- 
 quando in senatu sententia, ut servos a liberis cultus distingueret : deinde 
 apparuit, quantum periculum immineret, si servi nostri numerare nos 
 coepissent. Lampr. Sev. Alex. 27. Tacit. (Ann. xiii. 25) says, veste 
 servili, but this only means coarse clothing, such as is worn by slaves 
 and humble persons generally. The chief portion of it was the 
 tunica, for the working classes could make no use of the toga. 
 Hence, in Dial, de Caus. corr. Eloq. 7, tunicatus populus is identical 
 in meaning with vulyus. So Hor. Epist.. i. 7, 65, tunicato popello. 
 The tunica of the lower orders was inferior in quality to that of the 
 higher classes, perhaps shorter, that it might not be in their way 
 at work (colobium}. This opinion is in nowise invalidated by the 
 Schol. ad Juv. i. 3 ; for the reading there is doubtful. Concerning 
 the livery of the litter-bearers, see Excursus I. Sc. 4. 
 
 Marriage was certainly practised among slaves, but it was only a 
 natural right, and entirely distinct from the marriage of free per- 
 sons. Hence the term applied to it was contubernium, not matrimo- 
 nium, and the married pair were called contubernales, Orell. 2807. 
 The slave's wife was also called conserva, Orell. 2788. The master 
 alone decided which slaves should cohabit with each other, Col. i. 
 8 : Qualicunque villico contubernalis mulier assignanda est. It was to 
 his interest to see that they had a mutual inclination for each other, 
 Yarr. ft. It. i. 17 : Danda opera ut (servi} habeant conjundas con- 
 servas, e quibus habeant filios : eo enim fiunt firmiores et conjunctiores 
 /undo; not to mention the profit he derived from the birth of 
 vernce. The elder Cato made his slaves pay so much for being 
 allowed to cohabit with a female slave, Plut. Cat. Maj. 21. Some- 
 times chance may have brought contubernales together, Orell. 
 Inscr. 2834; Petron. 56; Plaut. Cas. prol. 6<3 74. The contu- 
 bernales are often mentioned in inscriptions. See Campana, di due 
 Sepolcri, Bom. 1841 ; and Dig. xxxiii. 7, 12: Contubernales quoque 
 servorum, i. e. uxores et natos instructo /undo contineri, verum est. 
 
 The punishments for the offences of slaves were very numerous, 
 and became more severe from the increase in their numbers, and 
 the greater difficulty in superintending them, as they became more
 
 SCENE I.] TEE SLAVES. 221 
 
 and more strangers to the master. Both Greeks and Eomans agreed 
 in inflicting corporal punishment on slaves, in contradistinction to 
 the treatment of freemen. Hence in a quceatio, they were always 
 put to the torture. The great hardship lay in the master being al- 
 lowed to punish his slaves, just at his own caprice. "We shudder to 
 read the accounts of the treatment they received, often for very 
 trivial misdemeanours ; but must not overlook the fact, that they 
 had become systematically demoralized and vitiated for a course of 
 several centuries, and that they composed a class far superior in 
 number to the freemen, of excessive cunning and audacity, and could 
 only be kept in order by the most extreme severity. Tacit. Ann. 
 xiv. 41. The milder punishments were, degrading out of the familia 
 urbana into the rustica, and into the ergastulum, where they often 
 had to work catenati et c&mpediti. Plaut. Most. i. 1, 17 : 
 
 Augebis ruri numenim, genus ferratile. 
 
 Geta says, Terent. Phorm. ii. 1, 17, with comic resignation: 
 Phanlria, incrcdibile quantum kerum anteeo sapientia. 
 Meditata mihi sunt omnia mea incoramoda, herus si redierit : 
 Molenclura est in pistrino, vapulandum, habendum compedes, 
 Opus ruri faciundum, horum nibil quidquam accidet animo novura. 
 
 These were the vincti compede fossores, so often mentioned, e. g. 
 Ovid. Trist. iv. 1, 5 ; Tib. ii. 6, 25. They composed a separate de- 
 partment of the family, viz. the ergastulum. Col. i. 8, 16 : Ergastu- 
 lum mancipia vincta compedibus. Juv. viii. 180. Those who might 
 be disposed to run away were thus secured ; whence the room was 
 under ground, Colum. i. 6, 3. These were forbidden under the 
 emperors, Spart. Hadr. 18, but were never quite suppressed. The 
 reason why these compediti, according to Cato's rules, were better 
 fed, was because they had harder work, and could not procure for 
 themselves anything extra. Hence they had bread, the others 
 wheat. The compes was either a block of wood fastened to the leg 
 by a chain, or, more commonly, regular leg-irons. Hence the pro- 
 verb : Compedes, quas ipse fecit, ipsus ut gestet fdber. An iron collar, 
 collare (like the Greek cXoi6f), and manacles, manicce, were often 
 used, Lucil. in Non. i. 162 : Cum manicis, catulo, collarique utfugi~ 
 tivum deportem. Plaut. Capt. ii. 2, 107. Hence in Trin. iv. 3, 14, 
 for oculicrepidce read collicrepidce. The catulus mentioned by Luci- 
 lius was also a fetter, derived probably from catena, and containing 
 a play on the word cam's. Plaut. Cure. v. 3, 13 : 
 
 Delicatum te hodie faciam, cum catello ut accubes : 
 
 Ferreo ego dico. 
 
 And even canis came to be used in. the same sense : 
 Tu quidem hodie canem et furcam feras.
 
 222 THE SLAVES. [Excussus III. 
 
 Paul. p. 45 : Catulus, genus quoddam vinculi, qui interdum canis ap- 
 pdlatur. Beating was frequent, at one time with fustes, or virgoa 
 (ttZmece), hev.ee/acere aliquem ulmeum. Plaut. Asin. ii. 2, 96, ulmi~ 
 triba. Pers. ii. 4, 7, ulmorum Acheruns (i. e. in cujus tergo moriun- 
 tur ulmeae) ; Amph. iv. 2, 9; or with lora : hence in Plautus regular 
 lorarii: also -wUhhabence, Hor. Epist. ii. 2, 15. Hence Libanus, Plaut. 
 Asin. i. 1, 21, calls thepistrinum the treadmill, where the slaves under 
 punishment had generally to perform some hard labour : fustitu- 
 dines, ferricrepinas insulas, ubi vivos homines mortui incursant boves. 
 Hence arose the nicknames verbero, or verbereum caput. Pers. ii. 2, 
 2, verberea statua ; Capt. v. 1, 31 ; Pseud, iv. 1, 7 ; and the very com- 
 mon one mastigia. This punishment was of such every- day occur- 
 rence, that many did not fear it, and even joked at it. Thus 
 Chrysalus says, Bacchid. ii. 3, 131, si illo sunt virgoe ruri, at mihi 
 est tergum domi. So Libanus, Asin. ii. 2, 53 : 
 
 Habeo opinor familiarem tergum, ne quaeram foris. 
 This virtus and firmitudo animi is very humorously described, 
 Asin. iii. 2, 3 ; where a multitude of other punishments are enu- 
 merated : 
 
 Scapularum confidentia. virtute ulmorum (?) freti, 
 Advorsum stimulos, laminas, crucesque compedesque, 
 Nerros, catenas, carceres, numellas, pedicas, boias, 
 Indoctoresque acerrimos, gnarosque nostri tergi. 
 Plautus makes us acquainted with slave-life on every side. 
 Another punishment was hanging up by the hands with weights 
 attached to the feet, while at the same time they received blows, 
 Plaut. Asin. ii. 2, 31. Hence frequently pendere and ferire penden- 
 tem, Trin. ii. 1, 19 ; Most. v. 2, 45 ; Ter. Phorm. i. 4, 42. 
 
 The more severe punishments were branding, executed upon 
 the fugitivi and fures. Letters were burnt in on the forehead, to 
 mark the crime, and those who were thus branded were termed 
 literati. Plaut. Cos. ii. 6, 49, and perhaps alluded to also in Aul. ii. 
 4, 46 ; trium literarum homo (either fur, or one branded several 
 times) or stigmosi, Petr. 109 ; stigmata is the proper expression for 
 these notce. Also notati, inscripti, Mart. viii. 75, 2 ; Senec. de Ira, 
 iii. 3 ; Plin. xviii. 3, 4. Whether this mark was a single F, or moio 
 letters, is doubtful ; nothing can be decided from Petronius, 103. 
 The latter appears more probable, as there would otherwise be no 
 distinction between fur and fugitivus, although it is true that Cic. 
 p. Eosc. Am. 20, says of the mark for the calumniatores : literam 
 illam, cui vos usque eo inimici estis, ut etiam omnes calendas oderitis, 
 ita vehementer ad caput affigent, etc. The stigmata remained visible 
 for life, and many who afterwards became free and rich tried to 
 hide them with plasters, spleniis, Mart. ii. 29. Martial mentions a
 
 SCENE I.] THE SLAVES. 
 
 doctor, Eros, who knew how to efface the traces of former branding, 
 x. 56, 6. 
 
 A very frequent punishment was carrying the / 'urea, but in earlier 
 times it was only meant as a mark of ignominy, Donatus ad Ter. 
 Andr. iii. 5, 12 : Ignominice magis quam supplicii causa. Plut. Cor. 
 24. The furca was much of the form of a V, and was placed over 
 the back of the neck upon the shoulders, whilst the hands were 
 bound fast to their thighs. Plautus (Cas. ii. 6, 37): Tu quidem 
 hodie canem et furcam /eras. Corporal punishment in chains was 
 a far severer punishment. Plaut. Most. i. 1, 53; Liv. ii. 36: sub 
 furca ccesum. The furca was also applied to slaves who were about 
 to be crucified. Patibulum often means the same as furca ; though 
 literally it was the transverse beam of the cross. Sen. Ep. 101 : 
 patibulo pendere destrictum. Plaut. Mil. ii. 4, 7 : Credo tibi esse 
 eundum actutum extra portam dispessis manibus patibulum cum habebis. 
 Mostell. i. 1, 52 : Ita te forabunt patibulatum per vias stimulis. Car- 
 niftces went behind and beat or goaded the culprit. The words 
 extra portam in Plaut. refer to the custom of inflicting all supplicia 
 outside of the city. It was not the legendary porta Metia, the 
 reading of some in Plaut. Cas. ii. 6, 2, and Pseud, i. 3, 97 ; but the 
 porta Esquilina, outside of which, on the Campus Esquilinus, was 
 the place of execution, and general burial-ground. Tacit. Ann. ii. 
 32, extra portam Esquilinam. Suet. Claud. 25 ; Tacit. Ann. xv. 60. 
 Death by crucifixion was not uncommon. Plaut. Mil. ii. 4, 19 : 
 
 Noli minitari ; scio crucem futurara mihi sepulcrura : 
 Ibi mei majores sunt siti ; pater, avos, proavos, abavos. 
 
 It is also recorded that slaves were thrown into the vivaria, to be 
 devoured by wild beasts ; and their conflicts with these animals are 
 well known. A dreadful case occurs in Cic. p. Clu. : Stratonem in 
 crucem actum esse exsecta scitote lingua. When the master was 
 murdered by one of his slaves, the law enjoined that all should be 
 put to death, Tacit. Ann. xiv. 41. This explains Cic. ad Fam. iv. 12, 
 after the murder of Marcellus. Comp. Lips, de Cruce. Extra cruel 
 punishments as hacking off the hand, especially for theft (see 
 Plaut. Epid. i. 1, 11; Bekker's Antiq. Plaut. 11), or throwing the 
 culprits to be devoured by the Murcence (Sen. de Ira, iii. 40) were 
 exceptions. Hor. Epist. i. 16, 47, non pasces in cruce corvos. Juv. 
 v. 216. Originally, slaves only suffered this punishment, hence 
 crux and servile supplicium meant the same. The greatest hardship 
 slaves had to endure was, that very frequently, for trivial errors, 
 or from mere caprice, they were subjected to the most refined 
 maltreatment. The ladies were particularly distinguished in this
 
 224 THE SLAVES. [EXCURSUS III. 
 
 accomplishment ; indeed their maids who dressed them seldom 
 escaped from the toilet without being beaten, scratched, and torn 
 or pricked with needles. See Ovid. Am. i. 14, 13 ; Art. iii. 235 ; 
 Mart. ii. 66 ; Juven. vi. 491 : 
 
 Disponit crinem laceratis ipsa capillis 
 Nuda humeros Psecas infelix, nudisque mamillis. 
 Altior hie quare cincinnus ? Taurea punit 
 Continue flexi crimen facinusque capilli. 
 
 Bottig. Sab. i. -310, 323. 
 
 But when treated in this manner, the master had everything to 
 fear from the vengeance of the slaves; and the truth of Ovid's 
 saying (Met. xiv. 489), sors ubi pessima rerum, sub pedibus timor est, 
 was frequently exemplified. Sen. Ep. 47 ; Cic. p. Mil. 22 : De servis 
 nulla qucestio in dominos, nisi de incestu. Yal. Max. vi. 8, 1. Pliny 
 relates an instance of such revenge, Ep. iii. 14 : Bern atrocem Largivs 
 Macedo, vir prcetorius, a servis suispassus est, superbus alioqui dominus 
 et scevus, et qui servisse patrem suum parum, immo minimum memi- 
 nisset. Lavabatur in Villa Formiana, repente eum servi circumsistunt ; 
 alius fauces invadit, alias os verberat, alius pectus et ventrem, atque 
 etiam (foedum dictu) verenda contundit, et quum exanimem putarent, 
 abjiciunt in fervens pavimentum, ut experirentur, an viveret. The 
 wretch lived long enough to have what Pliny himself calls the 
 solatium ultionis. On the other hand, instances are not wanting of 
 the truest attachment and noble self-sacrifice for the master : in 
 the horrors of the civil wars, for instance ; and Valerius Maximus 
 has, in a particular chapter (vi. 8), rescued various incidents of 
 this description from oblivion. Macrob. Sat. i. 11. 
 
 We may conclude these remarks on the Slaves, by alluding to 
 the peculiar relation which arose, after the last days of the Republic, 
 through the lascivious love of beautiful slaves, who became de- 
 graded into an instrument of brutal lust on the one hand, and 
 obtained a considerable power over the lord and influence in the 
 household, on the other. Whoever wishes to have a more intimate 
 acquaintance with the dark side of slave-life, will, in the pages of 
 Martial and Juvenal, and elsewhere, find sufficient proof of the 
 depravity of the age. 
 
 From what has been said, it is evident that the Roman slaves 
 were in the last state of degradation and demoralization. Daily 
 maltreatment, while it hardened them, at the same time caused 
 them to despise and detest their master. 
 
 The power of manumitting their slaves was a right enjoyed by 
 masters from the earliest times. The slave at once became a citizen,
 
 SCENE I.] THE SLAVES. 225 
 
 provided the manumission took place according to the forms of 
 law. He afterwards stood almost in the relation of client to his 
 former master, and usually took his name ; it being the custom, 
 generally, to adopt the name of the Eoman by whose means any 
 one had obtained the rights of citizenship. The freedman often 
 remained in his master's house, who was a sort of patron (patronus) 
 to him ; his position now became very different, though, anciently, 
 freedmen were treated strictly, Cic. ad Quint. fr> i. 1,4: Libertis, 
 quibus illi non multum secus ac servis imperabant.
 
 EXCURSUS IV. SCENE I. 
 
 THE RELATIONS, FRIENDS, AND CLIENTS. 
 
 rpH K entire organisation of a Boman family was perfect; and 
 *- even the more distant members of it were united with the 
 pater familias, or head, by the closest ties. 
 
 The number of relations was generally large, and, in noble 
 families, the degrees of affinity were marked by the imagines, which 
 formed a widely-ramified genealogical tree. The legal side of the 
 question will not here be entered into. The ancient reverence en- 
 tertained for the ties of kindred is shewn in many ways ; there was 
 the yearly festival of the Charistia, Val. Max. ii. 1, 8 : Convivium 
 solenne, cui prceter cognatos et affines nemo interponebatur. Ovid. 
 Fast. ii. 616. So again, the duty of mourning deceased cognati and 
 affines, and the interdict against marriage within these grades ; and 
 lastly, the jus osculi, which allowed the wife to be kissed by her 
 own and her husband's cognati; the kiss being considered sym- 
 bolical of near relationship, Plut. qu. Rom. vi. : ovpf3o\ov ai Koivuvripa 
 avyyiviias. Val. Max. iii. 8, 6. 
 
 The ancient explanations of this custom are various. Some refer 
 it to the old interdict against women drinking wine, and assert that 
 the nearest relations sought to convince themselves by this means, 
 whether the lady had taken wine or no. Plut. ib. ; Cato in Plin. 
 H. N. xiv. 13 ; Gell. x. 13 ; Polyb. vi. 2. 
 
 After the relatives came other friends, whose acquaintance had 
 been made either at school or in some other manner ; and, lastly, 
 the hospites, or friends abroad, of whom the Roman of distinction 
 could boast numbers, scattered all over the world. From the 
 earliest times, that beautiful institution of hospitium prevailed in 
 Italy as well as in Greece (see Charities'), whereby friends were 
 not merely bound to exercise the rites of hospitality, but also to 
 afford help and protection to each other in all circumstances, 
 political as well as private. According to the usual opinion (Gell. 
 v. 13), the first and most sacred duties were those towards parents 
 or wards. He goes on to say, secundum eos proximum locum dientes 
 habere, turn in tertio loco esse cognatos affinesque. Masurius autem 
 Sabinus antiquiorem locum hospiti tribuit quam clienti. Verba ex 
 eo libro hcec aunt : in officiis apud majores ita observatum est, primum 
 tutelae, deinde hospiti, deinde clienti, turn cognato, postea ajfini. 
 Whence the relations stood after the hospites. So Cic. Div. 20;
 
 SCENE I.] RELATIONS, FRIENDS, AND CLIENTS. 
 
 227 
 
 Liv. iii. 16; iv. 13; Plin. Ep. iii. 4. So Liv. i. 45; Cic. p. Place. 
 20; Suet. Cces. 73; Tib. 62; and the descendants always most 
 religiously observed the hospitium entered into by their forefathers. 
 Hence the so frequent mention of paternus amicus et hospea, e. g. 
 Cic. Div. 20 ; Liv. xlii. 38 ; Plut. Cat. Min. 12. At the conclusion 
 of such alliances, it was usual for the parties to interchange tesserae 
 (<rv/i/3oXa), which were preserved by their posterity as a mark of 
 identity. Plaut. Pcen. v. 1, 22 ; and v. 2, 87, where Hanno says : 
 
 mi hospes, salve multum, nam mihi tuus pater, 
 Pater tuus ergo, hospes Antidamas fuit, 
 Hsec mihi hospitalis tessera cum illo fuit. 
 
 and Agorastocles replies : 
 
 Ergo hie apud me hospitium tibi prsebebitur. 
 
 of. Pseud, i. 1, 53. The bond could not be severed unless by pre- 
 vious notice given by one of the parties, Cic. Verr. ii. 36 : hospitium 
 renunciat. Tomasius, de Tessera hospitali in Fabricius' BibUographia 
 Antiq., p. 890. 
 
 But a chief class in the Koman domus were the Clients. The 
 dientela was a State-institution; its political significance, and the 
 legal points connected with it, are discussed elsewhere. All that 
 we have to do with here, is its exterior appearance in the house of 
 the patron. 
 
 One of the client's chief duties was the salutatio matutina, Plin. 
 Ep. iii. 12 : Officia antelucana. Early in the morning the client 
 repaired to the vestibulum of his patronus (the word vestibulum is 
 by some derived from this circumstance ; see Excurs. I. Sc. 2), for 
 the purpose of making his Ave. Senec. de Ben. vi. 34. Directly 
 the door was opened, he entered the atrium, where he awaited the 
 appearance of his patron. Mart. iv. 8 : 
 
 Prima salutantes atque altera continet hora. 
 
 ix. 100 : et mane togatum Observare jubes atria. Hor. Epist. i. 5, 
 31: Atria servantem. Juv. vii. 91. 
 
 But this was done not by the clients merely, but also by others 
 who were far above that rank. Cic. ad Fam. ix. 20 : Mane salu- 
 tamus domi bonos viros multos, qui me quidem perofficiose et per- 
 amanter observant. Att. i. 18 ; Sen. Ep. 29 ; vi. 34 : In pectore 
 amicus, non in atrio quceritur. There were various classes of 
 visitors, Senec. de Ben. vi. 33 : primce et secundce admissiones. Cf. 
 Stuck, Antiq. Canviv. ii. 31. The client further discharged the 
 opera togata to his patron, by accompanying him out of doors as 
 anteambulo, see above; for which he was treated to refreshments 
 afterwards, Sen. Ep. 22 : nudum latus, incomitata lectica, atrium 
 vacuum, and de Brev. 7. This service, however, originally per- 
 il 2
 
 228 RELATIONS, FRIENDS, AND CLIENTS. [EXCURSUS III. 
 
 formed from motives of respect, afterwards degenerated into an 
 opera, mercenaria. Not only the man of quality, or who was be- 
 lo~ved and respected, but also the undeserving, if a wealthy one, 
 wished to see himself everywhere surrounded by an obsequious 
 host of courtiers (dientum turba, Sen. Ep. 68). Hence numbers of 
 persons were to be found in Home who used, for a pecuniary con- 
 sideration, to form the court, as it were, not of one, but of several 
 persons of wealth and consequence. 
 
 It was their means of livelihood, Juv. i. 119 : quibus hinc toga, 
 calceus hinc est, et panis fumusque domi. Many came to Rome from 
 a distance in hopes of obtaining such employment : as the esuritor 
 Tuccius, ridiculed by Martial, iii. 7, who had come from Spain, and, 
 upon hearing that the sportula yielded so little profit, turned back 
 again, at the Pons Mulvius, a little distance from Borne. In the 
 same manner the poet enquires of Grargilianus, after the sportulce 
 were done away with : quid Romce fads ? Unde tibi togula est et 
 fuscce pensio cellos ? These persons used to go early in the morning 
 into the houses of their domini or reges, hurrying on from one to 
 another, Senec. de Brev. 14 : cum per diversas domos meritoriam 
 salutationem circumtulerint. A disagreeable task this, for the sake 
 of a niggardly sportula, to endure daily discursus varies vagumque 
 mane, etfastus etave potentiorum (Mart. vii. 39), and to play the part 
 of the anteambulo tumidi regis. Mart. ix. 101 : 
 
 Denariis tribus invitas, et mane togatum 
 
 Observare jubes atria, Basse, tua ; 
 Deinde baerere tuo lateri, praecedere sellam, 
 
 Ad viduas tecum plus minus ire decem. 
 
 comp. x. 74 ; iii. 46. Many, who received the salutatio of their 
 clients, performed, in turn, the part of salutator to others, and took 
 away the sportula, Juv. i. 99 ; Mart. x. 10 : 
 
 Cum tu laurigeris annum qui fascibus intras, 
 
 Mane salutator limina mille teras. 
 
 Mart. xii. 26 : How the sportula or recompense was given, is not 
 quite clear. Kretzschmar, de Sportulis, Dresd. 1758. Anciently, the 
 client was invited to dinner by his patron. Afterwards, when the 
 custom degenerated, this was not only inconvenient, but impossible ; 
 hence a coena recta, or distribution of victuals, was substituted : 
 not, however, to take away, as Buttmann supposes ; for in the only 
 passage that can be cited in favour of this supposition (Hesych. i. 
 p. 485) the reading is doubtful. Probably this food was doled out in 
 baskets, whence the word sportula. But this also proving inconve- 
 nient, the coena was changed into money (ro avrl Stiirvov dpyvpiov, 
 Hesych. ib.} ; and so it always continued. With the help of the 
 accounts given by Suetonius and Martial, the periods of these alter-
 
 SCENE I.] RELATIONS, FRIENDS, AND CLIENTS. 229 
 
 ations may "be ascertained pretty accurately. Under the earlier 
 emperors, the clients were entertained with a regular coena, or 
 a cold repast, improvised for the occasion. This is plain from 
 Mart, (cited below) viii. 50. In Nero's time the custom arose of 
 paying in coin, and that emperor decreed this in reference to the 
 publican ccence also. Sueton. Ner. 16: puUicce ccence ad sportulas 
 redactce. Domitian feintroduced the old custom, Suet. Dom, 7 : 
 sportulas publicas sustulit, revocata coenarum rectarum consuetudine. 
 He gave sportulse, which in completeness and elegance equalled 
 the coena recta, Mart. viii. 50 : 
 
 Grandia pollicitus quanto majora dedisti ! 
 
 Promissa est nobis sportula, recta data est. 
 
 The patrons perhaps preferred feeding the clients, for these gentry 
 could not eat dinners in so many places as they were accustomed to 
 receive money ; and thus the number to be recompensed was much 
 smaller. Martial, iii. 7, refers to this time : 
 
 Centura miselli jam valete quadrantes 
 
 Anteambulonis congiarium lassi 
 
 Regis superbi sportulae recesserunt. 
 
 Nihil stropharuni est : jam salarium dandum est. 
 
 i. e. since the money-sportula is done away with, a fixed salary 
 (salarium) must be supplied by the patron, in order to enable his 
 clients to live. Before this, they had not required it. The stingy 
 patron would give his clients common food, while he ate delicacies, 
 Mart. iii. 14, 60 : 
 
 Ostrea tu sumis stagno saturata Lucrino, 
 Sumitur inciso mytilus ore mihi. 
 
 ib. iv. 68. From all the passages we gather that the client ate the 
 food in his patron's house ; it is nowhere hinted that he took it 
 away with him. See also Suet. Dom. 4, where the emperor gives 
 sportula cum obsoniis, and then initium vescendi primus fecit, and 
 Mart. viii. 50 : 
 
 Vescitur omnis eques tecum populusque. 
 
 whence it is clear that the food was eaten there and then. But, 
 after Domitian, the money-sportula again became the vogue : 
 whence Asc. on Cic. Verr. i. 8, explains sportulae by nummorum 
 receptacula. The usual value of the sportula was 100 quadrantes, or 
 25 asses. Mart. iv. 68 ; i. 60 ; iii. 7 ; x. 74 ; Juv. i. 120 ; although 
 many persons gave a much more considerable sportula (major spor- 
 tula, viii. 42). So Mart. ix. 101 : 
 
 Denariis tribus invitas, et mane togatum 
 
 Observare jubes atria, Basse, tua. 
 x. 27: 
 
 Et tua tricenos largitur sportula nummos.
 
 230 RELATIONS, FRIENDS, AND CLIENTS. [EXCURSUS IV. 
 
 This was, according to the old Yalue, 300 quadrantes, or 7f denarii, 
 comp. xii. 26. The sportula was doled out in the vestibulum or 
 atrium, Juv. i. 100 : 
 
 . . . Nunc sportula primo 
 Limine parva sedet, turbse rapienda togatse. 
 
 and fetched away in the evening by those who had in the morning 
 paid the rex their opera togata, Mart. x. 70, 13 : 
 
 Balnea post decimam lasso centumque petuntur 
 Quadrantes. 
 
 It was just at the time of coena, Mart. x. 27 ; Juv. iii. 249. "When 
 therefore Juvenal says (i. 128) : 
 
 Ipse dies pulcro distinguitur ordine rerum : 
 Sportula, deinde forum, etc. 
 
 this is an exception, and perhaps effectum pro efficiente. In short, 
 there is much that is peculiar in Juv. i. 117, e. g. the ladies, there, 
 fetch the sportula in a lectica, which is elsewhere unheard of. 
 "Whether, however, as Buttmann supposes, this money was actually 
 doled out in. little baskets, sportelloe, is very dubious ; and probably 
 it was only the name of the ancient custom that had been trans- 
 ferred to this distribution of money. But it seems certain, that as 
 soon as the salutatio had been omitted, or the other duties of the 
 client neglected, the sportula also ceased to be forthcoming. In 
 Mart. ix. 86, the client is not admitted : 
 
 Non vacat aut dormit, dictum bis terque reverso. 
 Cic. Verr. iii. 4 ; Mart. ix. 86. 
 
 If the client omitted his officia, not from his own fault, but be- 
 cause his patron was ill, he still got no sportula : Mart. iv. 25. From 
 which passage we learn, that some patrons did not dole out the 
 sportula daily, but only on fixed days. Others again gave the 
 Bportula more or less frequently, according to the wants of their 
 client, or the amount of service done ; but he never came, except 
 by invitation, as is clear from the frequent use of the word invitare. 
 At family festivals, as e. g. at marriages, the sportula was regularly 
 and generally distributed. Appul. Apol. p. 416, where the mar- 
 riage took place in the country, ne cives denuo ad sportulas convo- 
 larent. This wedding- sportula continued in vogue till the latest 
 times, and consisted of a piece of gold to each. Symmach. Ep. iv. 
 55 ; ix. 97. The sportula on the day of assuming the toga virilis is 
 mentioned by Appul. '&. ; and Plin. Ep. x. 117, where other feast- 
 days are recorded.
 
 EXCUKSUS I. SCENE II * 
 
 THE ROMAN HOUSE. 
 
 ONE of the most difficult points of investigation throughout the 
 whole range of Roman antiquities which hear on domestic life 
 is the discussion on the several divisions of the house, their position 
 and relation to each other. We might fancy, after all the excava- 
 tions in Herculaneum, and more especially in Pompeii, where the 
 huildings have been laid open to our view, that the greatest light 
 would have been thrown on this point ; but we should greatly err, 
 were we to take the houses in the latter city as a criterion of the 
 regular Eoman house. It is true that they have much similarity ; 
 indeed, the habitations of antiquity generally were by no means so 
 various in their arrangements as are those of our own times ; for the 
 situation and disposition of certain parts were alike in all. Still 
 there were many parts belonging to a large Eoman mansion which 
 those living in provincial towns did not require ; and thus, from its 
 being supposed that these remains present a true picture, though 
 on a small scale, of what the others were, additional error has crept 
 into the matter. 
 
 [Becker goes too far when he asserts that no house in Pompeii 
 presents us with the plan of a regular Eoman house, and that the 
 most essential, and in fact the characteristic, parts of a Eoman do- 
 mus were not to be found in that city; inasmuch as these were 
 required by the Eoman of quality only, and quite unnecessary for 
 the middle classes, or citizens of the country-towns. In opposition 
 to which it may be remarked, that, even in the municipia, there 
 were houses not much inferior to a great Eoman house, e. g. the 
 houses of the Faun, of the Dioscuri, and of Pansa, at Pompeii: 
 besides several in Herculaneum, where everything was on a larger 
 scale than at Pompeii. Further, those parts only can be termed 
 essential which are common to all dwellings of the citizens, viz. 
 atrium, tablinum, fauces, cavum asdium, peristylium ; and in these 
 respects the Pompeian houses are just like the grand palaces of 
 Eome, although on a smaller scale. Doubtless, at Eome, there 
 
 * In the Excursuses to the first Scene 
 It was found impossible to separate 
 accurately the old and new matter, as 
 
 they were so mixed up together. Hence- 
 forward all new matter will be included 
 in brackets. ^Geiinan Editor.
 
 232 THE ROMAN HOUSE. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 were also many saloons besides, as Pinacothecce, Bibliotliecce, and so 
 forth ; but none of these are essential parts of the house. What 
 led Becker to make the above assertion, was his notion about the 
 difference of the Atria and Cavcedia. Not finding at Pompeii any 
 Atria to his mind, he at once pronounced the houses there unlike 
 those at Borne ; and thus the most important results were lost to 
 him, which have been obtained from the excavations at Pompeii ; 
 since, without them, we are unable to fix the position of the tallinum, 
 and the fauces,'] 
 
 Besides, no ancient author has given us a regular account or plan 
 of a Eoman residence. Our chief sources of information are Vitru- 
 vius, vi., the letters of the younger Pliny, and isolated passages in 
 Yarro, Q-ellius, ITestus, Plautus, Cicero, Seneca, Petronius, &c. But 
 Vitruvius instructs us only how and in what proportions to build a 
 house ; the position and use of the individual parts could not in his 
 day have been a matter of doubt. How therefore could it ever 
 have occurred to him to enter into any explanation on the subject ? 
 Pliny again, ii. 17, and v. 6, does not describe a domus urlana, but 
 two villas ; although the plan of one of them does not appear to be 
 materially different from that of a regular house. We must endea- 
 vour then, by combining the scattered notices on the subject, to 
 throw some light on it, and lay down a plan of a Eoman house 
 accordingly. 
 
 INSULT. 
 
 IT must be borne in mind, that in this discussion about the Eoman 
 habitation, we refer only to the regular domus the cedes privatce. 
 The 'insulce, or lodging-houses, which were several stories high, and 
 calculated for the reception of several families and single individu- 
 als, must necessarily have been built in an entirely different man- 
 ner, and doubtless with no less variety of plans than ours. [The 
 large ones had several courts and entrances. Fest. p. 371. They 
 were also very high, and lightly built. Vitruv. ii. 8.] Probably the 
 word insula meant not only one separate house, but also a number 
 of adjoining houses (generally lodging-houses), encircled by a street. 
 Paul. Diac. p. 111. This second meaning was the most common. 
 Cic. p. CasL 7, where Caelius inhabited only a part of the insula. 
 The building was under the care of an insularius, who had to let 
 the apartments for his master. Afterwards, every separate lodging- 
 house was called insula. And this is the reason why there were so 
 many insuloe and so few domus in Borne ; viz. above 44,000 insulse 
 and about 1,780 domus. Suet. Ner. 38. Niebuhr, on this subject,
 
 BECKER'S PLAN, on PLAN A. 
 
 ooooo ooooo 
 
 
 
 PLAN OF A LARGE ROMAN HOUSE. 
 
 V 
 
 O 
 o o 
 
 A 
 aa 
 
 C 
 
 restibulum. 
 
 Ostium or Janua. 
 
 delta Ostiariee. 
 
 Atrium. 
 
 Ma. 
 
 Cavum cedium. 
 
 1 Inplumum, in the centre of which is 
 
 o Cistern or Fountain. 
 
 T Tablinum. 
 
 f f Fauces, or entrance into the Peristylium. 
 
 P Perixtylium, in the centre of which is 
 
 c A Cistern or Fountain. 
 
 K (Ecus
 
 HOTTSE OF THE TEAGIC POET AT POMPEII, AFTER JAITNT. 
 CALLED PLAN B. 
 
 a a Two Taberna. 
 
 b Wardrobe. 
 . c Cubiculum, 
 
 d Opening in the cistern. 
 
 Apartment of the atriensis and 
 
 ostiariu*. 
 f Fauces. 
 y,h t i,lc t l, Dwelling and sleeping-rooms. 
 
 m Study. 
 n Kitchen. 
 o Latrina. 
 p Triclinium, 
 x Posticum. 
 
 The capital letters denote the same 
 parts as in the Plan A.
 
 SCENE II.] THE ROMAN HOUSE. 237 
 
 cites Dionys. x. 32. [Preller's work on the Boman insulce is the 
 best.] 
 
 PAETS OF THE HOUSE. 
 
 IN describing the Boman domus, the house of one of the higher 
 sort of citizens, we shall treat in the first place of such parts as had 
 their situations fixed and always the same, and formed the skele- 
 ton, so to speak, to which the other parts were appended. These 
 were the vestibulum, ostium (Qvpwptlov}, atrium, alee, cavum cedium, 
 tablinum, fauces, peristylium, 
 
 VESTIBULUM. 
 
 IT may be justly doubted whether the vestibulum can with pro- 
 priety be inserted amongst the divisions of the house, as it was 
 strictly no kind of building. Still it appertained to the area of the 
 house, and has besides often been sought for in the house itself. 
 Even Marini (Tab. cvi.) has marked the regular entrance-hall within 
 the house as the vestibulum ! In the plan given by Stratico after 
 Newton something else appears to be meant, yet there also it is a 
 space closed in on all sides. On the other hand, Bode, Stieglitz, 
 and Hirt, have placed it before the house; but the front of the 
 house formed a straight line, and the vestibulum lies before it, 
 covered by a roof sustained by pillars ; a vacant space is thus left 
 on each side of it, in front of the house, with which nobody knows 
 what to do. This notion of the matter therefore appears com- 
 pletely wrong. [Zumpt tries to reconcile the conflicting opinions, 
 thus far, that he takes the vestibulum to be partly the space before 
 the house, partly the passage between the two walls from the house- 
 door to the atrium. It is plain, that the vestibulum lay before the 
 atrium, and formed the first part of the house, from Quinct. Inst. 
 xi. 2, 20 : Primum sensum vestibulo quasi assiynant, secundum atrio ; 
 or ix. 4, 10, where the ear is compared with the vestibulum ; or 
 Cic. Verr. v. 66, where Italy is called vestibulum Sicilice.~] 
 
 There can be no doubt what we are to understand by the term 
 vestibulum, according to Gellius and Macrobius ; for the former says 
 (xvi. 5) : Animadverti quosdam haudquaquam indoctos viros opinari, 
 vestibulum esse partem domus priorem, quam vulgus atrium vocat. 
 C. Ccecilius Gallus, in libro De signification verborum quce ad jus 
 civile pertinent, secundo vestibulum esse dicit non in ipsis cedibus neque 
 partem cedium, sed locum antejanuam domus vacuum, per quern a via 
 aditus accessusque ad cedes est, cum dextra et sinistra inter januam 
 tectnque, quce sunt vice juncta, spatium relinquitur, atque ipsajanua
 
 238 THE EOMAN HOUSE. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 procul a via est, area vacanti intersita. Hence the vestibulum, in- 
 stead of projecting before the front, receded, and was a vacant space 
 towards the street and before the house, and enclosed on three sides 
 by the middle main building where the janua was, and by the two 
 wings projecting into the street, tecta quce sunt vice juncta. Dextra 
 et sinistra are to be understood in relation to the janua. [Yet this 
 description refers also to those houses which had not, it is true, two 
 projecting wings, but the house-door of which retired a few paces 
 inwards, so that a small space was thus made in front, as in the 
 house of Pansa, of the Faun, the Centaur, and others in Pompeii.] 
 Macrobius says the same, but more concisely : Ipsa enim janua pro- 
 cul a via fiebat, area intersita, quce vacaret. Sat. vi. 8 ; [and Varro, 
 L. L. vii. 81 : Ideo qui exit in vestibulum, quod est ante domum, pro- 
 dire et procedere dicitur. It is evident from many other passages, 
 that the grammarian's explanation of the vestibulum is quite right.] 
 Comp. Plautus, Most. iii. 2, 132. Cic. p. Ccec. 12 : Si te non modo 
 Umine, sed primo aditu vestibuloque prohibuerint. 2b. 13 ; p. Mil. 27 ' 
 Ut sororem non modo vestibulo privaret, sed omni aditu et Umine. 
 De Or. i. 45 ; ad Att. iv. 3 ; Colum. viii. 3, 8. Those passages, too, 
 which speak of the ornamenting of the vestibulum, are to the same 
 point. So Cic. Phil. ii. 28 ; Plin. xxxv. 2 ; [Virg. ^n. ii. 504 : 
 Barbarico postes auro spoliisque superbi.] 
 
 Besides the spolia, there were equestrian statues and quadrigae in 
 the vestibulum. Juv. vii. 125 : 
 
 . . . currus aeneus, alti 
 
 Quadrijuges in vestibulis, atque ipse feroci 
 
 Bellatore sedens. 
 [Virg. ^En. vii. 177 : 
 
 Quinetiam veterum effigies ex ordine rerum 
 
 Vestibulo adstabant. 
 
 where Larsch explains vestibulo adstabant by, ' They stood in the 
 atrium towards the vestibulum.' But this interpretation is opposed 
 both to the passages above cited, as well as to grammar. 
 
 In the vestibule of Nero's house stood a Colossus, 120 feet high, 
 long arcades, and a great basin, maris instar, surrounded by the 
 wings of the palace, Sueton. Ner. 31 : circumseptum cedificiis. So 
 Cal. 42, stetitque in vestibulo cedium ; and Vespas. 25.] 
 
 The above important testimonies are not to be controverted by 
 single passages, where the word vestibulum is either used metapho- 
 rically or incorrectly, and which have given rise to the absurd 
 notion that it means the entrance itself, or the first room in the 
 house. [Thus Virgil, by a poetical license, uses vestibulum of the
 
 SCENE II.] THE ROMAN HOUSE. 239 
 
 place for the doors, and for the porter, who was just behind the 
 door. JEn. ii. 469 : 
 
 Vestibulum ante ipsum primoque in limine Pyrrhus. 
 
 Or vi. 273, and 574 : 
 
 . . . cernis, custodia qualis 
 Vestibule sedeat, facies quae limina servet ; 
 
 where the vestibulum first becomes visible after the door is opened. 
 Livy (v. 41) makes a mistake when he says that the aged men sat 
 medio cedium, and then in cedium vestibulis (unless, perhaps, by me- 
 dia cedium he means the space between the two wings, i. e. the vesti- 
 bulum). That he was well aware what the vestibulum was, is clear 
 from ii. 48 and 49. Lastly, Suet. (Oct. 100) appears incorrect, 
 where he says of the corpse of Augustus, equester ordo suscepit, urbi- 
 que intulit, atque in vestibulo collocavit ; for the proper place for 
 corpses was the atrium. Still no more is said than that the corpse 
 was set down, not that it was allowed to remain there.] The only 
 correct supposition, therefore, is that the vestibulum was a free 
 space, generally uncovered, before the house-door. See the two 
 Plans. At all events, certain portions only of it were covered in, as 
 when arcades projected over the vestibulum ; as in Sueton. Nero, 31, 
 and in the house of the four mosaic pillars at Pompeii, and at Her- 
 culaneum. But this was a luxury belonging to a later period. No 
 more was there any lattice, separating the vestibulum from the 
 street, at least not originally. Cic. ad Att. 3, does not prove any- 
 thing. Vitruvius gives no directions about the vestibulum, though 
 he mentions it twice, c. 5 (8), as an essential part of houses of per- 
 sons of quality ; but he says that for people qui communi sunt for- 
 tuna, magnifica vestibula are not necessary. No vestibulum of this 
 kind has hitherto been discovered in Pompeii. 
 
 On the uncertain etymology of the word (according to Sulpicius 
 Apollinaris, from vce and stabulum= lata stabulatio], see Gellius and 
 Macrobius above mentioned. From Vesta, Ovid. Fast. vi. 303. [quod 
 januam vestiat according to Servius ad Virg. ii. 469 ; Nonius, ib. : non 
 stabulum, quod nullus illic stet (as vesanus, i. e. non sanus).~] Comp. 
 Isidor. Orig. xv. 7. Yestibulum comes from vestare, in the same 
 manner as prostibulum from prostare, yet the meaning lies only ia. 
 the particle ve. Originally, this seems to have meant outside or 
 beyond, like, in some cases, the Greek irapii ; thus vecors is the same 
 as excors, irapaippuv, and so also vesanus. So vegrandis, that which 
 is of a larger size than usual ; and it can be easily conceived how 
 the particle could thus have had sometimes a strengthening, some- 
 times a negative, meaning. Comp. Heind. Hor. Sat. i. 2, 129, where
 
 240 THE ROMAN HOUSE. [Excrasus I. 
 
 vepallida signifies ' more than usually pale.' It is quite evident 
 how excellently this meaning suits vestibulum. 
 
 OSTTOM. 
 
 THE name ostium denotes the entrance of the house, [YitniT. in 
 Serv. ad Virg. JEn. vi. 43 ; Isidor. xv. 7,] and is therefore syno- 
 nymous with janua, fores. [Properly speaking, the chief entrance 
 only was called janua. Hence Cic. p. Red. in Sen. 60 : Non j'anua 
 receptis, sed pseudothyro intromissis.~] Cic. Nat. Deor. ii. 27. This 
 entrance was exactly in the middle of the house, [and sometimes has 
 several steps; Sen. Ep. 84. So in the Palatium, Suet. Ner. 8; Tac. 
 Hist. i. 29; Dio. Cass. Ixviii. 5; and in many Pompeian houses.] The 
 separate parts of it are limen inferum et superum. Plaut. Merc. v. 
 1, 1. [Nov. in Non. iv. 278 ; Isidor. xv. 7 ; Plin. xxxvi. 14, 21, in 
 limine ipso quod foribus imponebat. The threshold was of stone ; 
 among the poor often of wood. The carved garnishing set on the 
 door-posts (antepagmenta] always of wood, antepagmenta dbiegnea. 
 Paul. Diac. p. 8 ; Vitruv. iv. 6. In many houses at Pompeii there 
 are depressions visible on the threshold round the posies, into which 
 the antepagmenta were fixed. The two column-shaped projections 
 in the ostium, against which the postes and limina rested, were 
 called antce; which name further signifies every corner-column 
 (and consequently the columns or pillars standing on both sides of 
 the house before the ostium, as in the house of the Vestae, &c. 
 The lamps also in Passerat. Lucernes fict. iii. 4 ; Isidor. xv. 7 : quia 
 ante stant vel quia ante eas accedimus priusquain domum ingredia- 
 mur}. Paul. Diac. explains them as latera ostiorum ; on which pas- 
 sage Genelli is quite in error. Serv. ad Virg. Georg. ii. 417, eminentes 
 lapides, vel columnce ultima}. Non. i. 124, quadrat columnce. Vitruv. 
 iii. 1 ; iv. 4.] 
 
 The Romans had a beautiful custom of saluting the person who 
 entered, by a salve, drawn in mosaic upon the lower threshold, as we 
 see from those found at Pompeii. Over the door, super limen, they 
 suspended a bird that had been taught to give this salutation, 
 Petron. 28. In Trimalchio's house there was much that would not 
 be found elsewhere, but the pica salutatrix is mentioned by Mart, 
 vii. 87, and xiv. 76, and the parrots were especially taught to say 
 Xalpe. Pers. Prol. 8. 
 
 The postes (properly signifying door-posts, frequently used by 
 the poets for the door itself, and even for valvce. See Gesn. ad Claud, 
 de rapt. Pros. iii. 147) were made of marble or curiously carved
 
 SCENE II.] THE ROMAN HOUSE. 241 
 
 wood [Stat. Silv. i. 3, 35, Mauroa posies] (Plaut. Moat. iii. 2, 133), 
 inlaid with tortoise-shell, like the postes and valvse. The valvse 
 were adorned with ivory and gold, bullce (Plaut. Asin. ii. 4, 20 ; 
 Cic. Verr. iv. 56), and used in ancient times to open inwards in 
 private houses, whilst in public buildings they opened outwards; a 
 privilege granted only to men of especial merit, as a mark of respect. 
 See Plut. Poplic. 20 ; Dion. Hal. v. 39 ; Plin. xxxvi. 15, 24. Fea 
 erroneously supposes that in later times this distinction was not ob- 
 served. The tabernoe, however, opened both inwards and outwards. 
 The distinction drawn, Isid. Orig. xv. 7, fores dicuntur, quce foras ; 
 valvce, quce intus rffuolvuntur, is by no means confirmed by custom ; 
 for the doors of the temples opened outwards, and yet Cicero calls 
 them valv86,[Cic. Verr. i. 23 ; iv. 43 ;] the doors of dwelling-houses 
 inwards, and yet they are always called fores. Comp. Sagitt. de Jan. 
 Vett. [Serv. ad ^En. i. 453 : Valvce aunt quce revolvuntur et se velant, 
 The valvse consisted of several parts, fastened together by metal 
 bands. They were used in rooms which were lighted through the 
 door only, and required much light, as in the tablinum and large 
 tabernae ; see the Tablinum, p. 254, and the following Excursus.] 
 
 The door did not hang on hinges as with us, but was provided 
 with wedge-shaped pins, which fitted into a hollow in the upper 
 and lower threshold (limen super um et inferum), or moved in bronze 
 or iron rings. Plin. xvi. 40, 77. This was the case not only in 
 the larger house-doors, but also in those of the inner chambers 
 there were similar pegs (scapi cardinales, Yitruv. iv. 6, 4,) on the 
 folding-doors, and the cavities or rings were on the threshold, or 
 on the side-posts. Appul. Met. i. p. 49. This is also evident from 
 remains at Pompeii. 
 
 The door was closed during the day, but not generally fastened : 
 and in Plautus the strangers who knock, do so only for the sake of 
 propriety ; nobody, whether lord or slave, knocks at his own door, 
 not even Dorippa and Syra, who arrive unexpectedly from the 
 country, Merc. iv. 1. Neither does Stichus, Stick, iii. 1, or Mnesi- 
 lochus, Bacch. iii. 4. Theuropides, Most. ii. 2, 14, wonders at find- 
 ing the door fastened ; as does Dinacium also s Stick, ii. 1, 36 ; and 
 therefore Alcesimarchus has to give particular orders for these doors 
 to be fastened, Cist. iii. 18. There is no doubt that bells, tintin- 
 nabula, were used, as a signal to a confused crowd, or to collect peo- 
 ple together. On their use in the baths, see Excurs. to the Seventh 
 Scene. But there is no proof that there were bells at the house" 
 doors. The passage, Sueton. Aug. 91, is no direct evidence, and 
 the examples adduced by Casaubon, from Dio. Cass. and Lucian, 
 only say that the family were awakened or collected by the sound
 
 242 THE ROMAN HOUSE. [ExccESus I. 
 
 of a bell. As a janitor was generally at the house-door, there was 
 the less need of such a signal, and most probably only the metal 
 knocker or ring, called by the Greeks Kopiovij, Kopa, ponrpov, was 
 made use of. [It is plainly seen on a lamp, representing the fold- 
 ing-door of a tomb, in Passer. Lucern. Fictil. iii. 45. On the fasten- 
 ing of the door, see the special Excursus. The doors were seldom 
 adapted for driving in at, as it was not usual to drive in the city. 
 The postica or small back-door, opening into a side street (angipor- 
 tus), was very common, Non. iii. 158 ; Plaut. Stich. iii. 1, 40 : 
 
 . . . est etiam hie ostium 
 Aliud posticum nostrarum harunce tedium. 
 
 Hor. Ep. i. 5, 31.] 
 
 It is extraordinary that no mention is made anywhere of aa 
 entrance-hall, and yet we can scarcely imagine a house without one. 
 Yitruv. vi. 7, speaks only of the hall of a Greek house, which he 
 says Greece Svputpilov appellatur. He does not mention one in a 
 Roman house. Yet Plutarch, Qu. Eoni. Ill, says iv T$ Qvp&vi TTJQ 
 oociac, talking of the house of the flamen dialis. Moreover, the house 
 must have had a hall, since immediately behind the door was the 
 cella ostiarii, or janitoris, Suet. Vit. 16 ; Petron. 29. Here was the 
 dog with the warning Cave canem ; sometimes a painted dog, as 
 Petronius relates. Such an one has been discovered at Pompeii. 
 See Mus. Borb. ii. 56 ; Gell. Pompeian. i. 142. Hence we may sup- 
 pose that the space, probably not a very large one, between the 
 outer door and the janua interior, was included under the name of 
 ostium. [Isid. xv. 7, ccetera intra januam ostia vocantur. In this 
 space there were holes to drain off the rain-water ; and for the 
 same purpose the interior of the house was mostly built sloping. 
 Force!!. Lexic. s. v. cottuviarium."] 
 
 ATRIUM. 
 
 THE most important question in our examination of the Eoman 
 house is, as to what is to be understood by the atrium ; and upon 
 the reply to it depends the correctness of the whole description, as 
 any error in it must give a false plan of the building ; for the dis- 
 tribution of most of the other divisions depends upon the situation 
 and nature of the atrium. On this point there exist two different 
 opinions. 
 
 The most common idea is, that it is only another appellation of 
 the inner court, cavum cedium. Schneider's does not materially 
 differ that the cavum sedium denotes the whole interior space, 
 and atrium its covered portions; whilst Mazois understands by
 
 SCENE II.] THE ROMAN HOUSE. 243 
 
 atrium the whole, and by cavum sedium the uncovered space. The 
 supposition that they were identical is chiefly based on improperly 
 explained passages in Varro and Vitruvius, and on the notion that 
 the houses of Pompeii must necessarily have had regular atria. 
 The chief passage, the palladium as it were of all maintaining this 
 opinion, is in Varro, Ling. Lat. iv. 45 : Cavum cedium dictum, qui 
 locus tectus intra parietes relinquebatur patulus, qui esset ad commu- 
 nem omnium usum. In hoc locus si nullus relictus erat, sub divo qui 
 esset, dicebatur testudo, a testudinis similitudine, ut est in Prcetorio 
 in castris : si relictum erat in media ut lucem caperet, deorsum, quo 
 impluebat, impluvium dictum, et sursum, qua compluebat, compluvium : 
 utrumque a pluvia. Tuscanicum dictum a Tuscis, posteaquam illo- 
 rum cavum cedium simulare cceperunt. Atrium appellatum ab 
 Atriatibus Tuscis ; illinc enim exemplum sumtum. Circum cavum 
 cedium erant uniuscujusque rei utilitatis causa parietibus dissepta; 
 ubi quid conditum esse volebant, a celando cellam appellarunt; pena- 
 riam ubi penus ; ubi cubabant, cubiculum ; ubi cosnabant, ccenaculum 
 vocitabant, etc. The words which especially refer to the subject of 
 our present inquiry, Atrium appellatum, etc., have been translated, 
 "It (cavum sedium) was called atrium." The question is, By what 
 authority ? Yarro explains the appellations of all the individual 
 parts of the house, and points out their etymology. He defines, 
 as he had before done domus and cedes, and afterwards tablinum, 
 the terms, cavum sedium, and its species, testudinatum, Tuscanicum^ 
 impluvium, compluvium, atrium, cella, penaria, cubiculum, ccenacu- 
 lum. But what right have we to refer the name atrium to the 
 cavum medium ? Or rather, what prevents us from translating, 
 " The atrium has its name from the atriates " ? On the contrary, 
 Varro had completed the explanation of the cavum sedium, its 
 species and parts, and passed on to the atrium. The fact of his 
 once more mentioning the cavum sedium does not prove that 
 he had been talking of it all through ; and without doing so he 
 could not have described the position of the cellce. This passage 
 therefore, instead of affording proof of the identity of the atrium 
 and cavum eedium, rather shows the contrary. 
 
 Next it is asserted, that Vitruvius has several times used cavum. 
 sedium and atrium for the same part. We may pass over the stale 
 argument, again adduced by Marini, which has been gathered from 
 the words in atrii latitudine (b. vi. 3). Schneider has demonstrated 
 that it would be absurd to say in atrii latitudine, instead of in 
 latitudine, if atrium had meant cavum sedium itself. But another 
 passage has more plausibility about it. Vitruvius says, c. 8, Stratic. 
 (Schneid. and Marini 5), he will lay down quibus rationibus pri-
 
 244 THE ROMAN HOUSE. [Excuusus I. 
 
 vatis cedificiis propria loca patribus familiarum et quemadmodum 
 communia cum extraneis cedificari debeant. Namque ex his quce 
 propria sunt, in ea non est potestas omnibus introeundi, nisi invitatis 
 quemadmodum sunt cubicula, triclinia, balnece, ceteraque, quce easdem 
 habent usus rationes. Communia autem sunt, quibus etiam invocati 
 suo jure de populo possunt venire, i. e. vestibula, cava cedium, peri- 
 stylia, quceque eundem habere possunt usum. Igitur his, qui communi 
 sunt fortuna, non necessaria magnified vestibula, nee tablina neque 
 atria quod, etc. From this passage it lias been inferred, that 
 because cava aedium is mentioned the first time, and atria the 
 second, that they are synonymous; but the inference is entirely 
 false. Igitur his, etc., does not stand as a consequence of that 
 which immediately precedes. Vitruvius had only explained the 
 meaning of propria et communia loca, and, after making the trans- 
 ition by igitur, proceeded to give the above precepts for everybody 
 planning his house conformably to his condition and means. But 
 even if an immediate connection existed between the two sentences, 
 it would not follow that atria signified cava aedium ; for Vitruvius 
 did not wish to mention all the loca communia, but quceque eundem 
 possunt habere usum. And here he names tablina, which did not at 
 all belong to the loca communia, but rather to those places which 
 ordinary men, having no tabulce, codices, monumenta rerum gesta- 
 rum in magistratu, to preserve, did not require. The same remark 
 refers to the atria, which had not been mentioned above ; but how 
 the cava aedium. could be omitted in the construction of a house, is 
 not conceivable. On the contrary, Vitruvius (c. 4, or 3, 3), after 
 describing the various cava aedium, says, Atriorum vero longitudines 
 et latitudines tribus generibus formantur ; thus placing the atria in 
 opposition to the cava aedium, for otherwise he would have said, 
 latitudines vero atriorum. [It is plain that Vitruvius alludes only 
 to covered atria, not to open cavcedia with four covered side- 
 arcades : for in the latter case the proportions would be absurd. 
 Thus, in an atrium 80 ft. long and 53g broad (the breadth being 
 reckoned at f of the length), the impluvium would have -| of the 
 breadth, i. e. 17J. How would 60 ft. high suit this? or if the 
 atrium was 40 ft. long, and 24 broad, the impluvium would be at 
 least 6 ft., and each of the side-halls 9 ft., in breadth. How would 
 this suit the normal height of 30 feet as Vitruv. says, vi. 3, 7 : 
 Columnce tarn altce quam porticus latce fuerint ? The proportions 
 of Vitruvius agree exactly with those found in Pompeii ; e. g. the 
 house of Pansa is 47 ft. 4 in. long, and 31 ft. 6 in. broad, i. e. 
 two-thirds. Vitruv. vi. 7 : Atriis Greed quia non utuntur neque 
 (Kclificant. The Roman atria were, therefore, quite different from
 
 SCENE II.] THE ROMAN HOUSE. 245 
 
 the Greek avXri, since avMj was equivalent to cavum aedium. Had 
 atrium and cavum sedium been the same, Vitruvius could not have 
 made the above assertion.] 
 
 Wo will now adduce other proofs of the difference between 
 them. Quinctilian says of the Mnernonicians, who desired to im- 
 press on their memory the locality of a house (Inst. Or. xi. 2, 20, 
 305) : Primum sensum [vel locum] vestibulo quasi assignant, secundum 
 atrio, turn impluvia circumeunt, nee cubiculis modo aut exedris, sed 
 statuis etiam similibusque per ordinem committunt. It is difficult to 
 understand what circumire impluvia can here mean, except to go 
 round the impluvium, along the covered passages, out of which the 
 doors led into the various apartments, and between the columns of 
 which statues were placed. Cic. Verr. i. 19, 23. Seneca says 
 (Epist. 55) of two artificial grottos in the villa of Vatia : Spelunccc 
 sunt duce magni operis, laxo atrio pares, manu factce ; quarum altera 
 solem non recipit, altera usque in occidentem tenet. It does not ap- 
 pear, however, what similitude there was between grottos and a 
 cavum sedium, whose inner space was uncovered. Was Seneoa 
 thinking of a testudinatum ? But these were never laxa ; on the 
 contrary, uli non erant magni impetus, Vitr. c. 3. [This passage of 
 Seneca is of no importance, as we cannot suppose the atrium to be 
 so covered, as Becker would have it. Much more important is 
 Virg. sEn. ii. 483, where the distinction is sharply drawn between 
 atrium and the cavum sedium in the domus interior : 
 
 Apparet domus intus, et atria longa patescunt, 
 
 Apparent Priami et veterum penetralia regum, 
 
 Armatosque vident stantes in limine primo. 
 
 At domus interior gemitu miseroque tumultu 
 
 Miscetur, penitusque cavsB plangoribus aides 
 
 Femineis ululant.] 
 
 Lastly, Pliny (Epist. ii. 17) gives a description of his Villa Lauren- 
 Una, built after the fashion of the city, in which atrium and cavum 
 sedium appear not only quite different, but separate from each 
 other. He says, Villa in cujus prima parte atrium frugi, nee 
 tamen sordidum : deinde porticus in D (or 0) liter ce similitudinem 
 circumactce, quibus parvula, sed f estiva area includitur . . . Est contra 
 medias cavcedium hilare, mox triclinium satis pulcrum, quod in litus 
 excurrit. Undique valvas aut fenestras non minores valvis habet, 
 atque ita a lateribus et a fronte quasi tria maria prospectat ; a tergo 
 cavcedium, porticum, aream, porticum rursus, mox atrium, silvas et 
 longinquos respicit monies. Schneider appears entirely to misunder- 
 stand the passage, for he supposes the same apartments were 
 repeated again, and lay behind the cecus Cyzicenus, but in inverse
 
 246 THE ROMAN HOUSE. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 order, and thus that there was an atrium at each end of the build- 
 ing. But the triclinium reached to the sea, and a view was obtained 
 through all these rooms backwards only. As the atrium and 
 cavum oedium are here separate from one another, it has been 
 supposed, to get rid of the difficulty, that the atrium in the time of 
 Pliny was quite different from that of Vitruvius. In corroboration 
 of this, Schneider quotes the description of the Tusculan villa, 
 JEpist. 5, 6 : Multa in hac membra ; atrium etiam ex more majorum ; 
 and fancies that in this villa there was an atrium after the ancient 
 fashion, but in the Laurentian, on the contrary, one novo more. 
 But the most we can infer from the words, more majorum, is, that 
 in Pliny's time it was no longer the custom to build atria, at least 
 in villas. Pliny's villa, moreover, differs from the directions given 
 by Vitruvius, vi. 5, 3. 
 
 Only one difficult passage now remains. Pestus says : Atrium, 
 est genus csdificii ante cedem continens mediam aream ; in quam col- 
 lecta ex omni tecto pluvia descendit ; this is, as Schneider remarks, 
 quite erroneous, and betokens a confused idea of the matter, 
 probably occasioned by confounding it with vestibulum. The old 
 atria might doubtless have gone out of fashion in the time of 
 Pestus ; for immediately after the great fire, in the reign of Nero, 
 the houses assumed an entirely different appearance. Suet. Ner. 
 16. [Festus is not to blame for this obscurity; which most likely 
 is to be attributed to the epitomist, Paulus. Pestus, no doubt, said 
 that the atrium was in the front part of the house, and contained 
 mediam aream, i. e. the open impluvium, as was afterwards very 
 general. Paulus spoiled the passage, and corrupted anterior pars 
 cedium, anterior domus, or some such words, into ante cedes, which 
 has no meaning. In other respects the excerpt is correct.] This, 
 in part corrupt passage, is in Plin. H. N. xiv. 1,3: Ecedem (vites) 
 modioi hominis altitudine adminiculatcc sudibus horrent, vineamque 
 faciunt, et alia; improbo discursu pampinorumque superfluitate, peritia 
 domini amplo discursu atria media complentes. Pliny evidently 
 wishes to describe an extraordinary exuberance, and assigns the 
 two extremes of growth. The question is, Whether such be the 
 case when a vine covers a whole impluvium ; by which atria media 
 should be understood ? He has already said, Populis nubunt . . . 
 atque per ramos . . . scandentes cacumina cequant, in tantum sublimes, 
 ut vindemiator auctoratus rogum ac tumulum excipiat, Nullo fine 
 crescunt, dividique aut potius avelli nequeunt. Villas et domos ambiri 
 singularum palmitibus ac sequacibus loris memoria dignum inter 
 prima Valerianus quoque Cornelius existimavit. Una vitis Romce in 
 Livice porticibus subdiales inambulationes umbrosis pergulis opacat,
 
 SCENE II.] THE ROMAN HOUSE. 247 
 
 eadem duodenis musti ampTioris fcecunda, etc. After such an extra- 
 ordinary instance as this, a vine that covers an impluvium is very 
 insignificant. If we suppose the atrium to be the same as cavum 
 eedium, and imagine a greater atrium, sixty feet in length, then its 
 breadth would, according to Vitruvius, be forty feet. The un- 
 covered space would, in that case, be at most one-third of the 
 breadth, ne minus quarta, ne plus tertia parte ; consequently about 
 thirteen feet broad by twenty feet long, which would give the very 
 small superficies of sixty-five square ells. In the next place, we 
 might inquire why so great peritia domini was requisite, as the per- 
 guloe were common to all houses ; the connection also of peritia 
 with domini is strange ; for surely it was the business of the viri- 
 darius, and not of the master, thus to train the vines. These 
 considerations throw considerable suspicion on the passage ; besides 
 which the MSS. are very conflicting, and several read without any 
 sense, pampinorumque peritiam damna discursu at. med. com. So 
 we may almost surmise that some very different meaning is to be 
 sought in the passage perhaps, per itinera domus ? [Herzberg 
 conjectures pernicie domuum, since the vines in the impluvium, 
 piercing through into the atrium, loosened and spoiled the wall. 
 The passage is corrupt ; but the emendations both of Becker and 
 Herzberg are wrong, as will presently appear. Becker starts with 
 the false notion that Pliny wished to describe the vine's extraordi- 
 nary power of growth, and that he only speaks of a single vine. 
 The gist of Pliny's description lies in the words : Tot differentials vel 
 sola tantum Italia recipit. He wishes, then, to show how the 
 Italian vine varies in growth ; and begins with that which grows 
 highest, then describes that growing on pales (hominis altitud.), and 
 lastly, those luxuriating in the impluvium, probably at the foot of 
 the pillars. In reference to the words improbo raptatu, comp. Cic. 
 Cato Maj. 15 : Multiplier lapsu et erratico. Prof. Bergk, by a mas- 
 terly emendation, would read peristylia domus for peritia domini. 
 He then alters amplo into amplce, inserts et before atria, and reads 
 complent. The word discursu will then be the only difficulty. An- 
 other less happy conjecture is : super (instead of que superfluitate) 
 peristylia domus amplce discursu atria media complentes. 
 
 But, in any case, the above obscure passage cannot at all weaken 
 the clear arguments in favour of the total difference of the atrium 
 and cavum eedium.] 
 
 In the atrium stood the lectus genialis, or adversus, so called be- 
 cause this symbolical marriage-bed was placed janua ex adverse. 
 See the commentators on Prop. iv. 11, 85; Obbarius ad Horat. 
 Epist. i. 1, 87, 92. [Lipsius, Elect, i. 17.] Where are we to suppose
 
 248 THE ROMAN HOUSE. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 this lectus placed, if the atrium was the inner court? In the 
 atrium also stood, vetere more, the looms, telce, of the female slaves 
 who worked there. Ascon. ad Cic, Mil. 5. But there would hardly 
 have been room for them in the passages round the impluvium, 
 particularly as the doors into the various cellce and cubicula led 
 from thence. 
 
 Two more observations may be offered in opposition to Schnei- 
 der's explanation. First, the collective appellation atrium would 
 have been a strange one for the four passages or halls that sur- 
 rounded the impluvium ; and if we allow this, the proportions 
 assigned by Vitravius will not apply; for the impluvium. was longer 
 than it was broad, and consequently two of the passages would 
 have been broader or narrower accordingly. Secondly, if the 
 whole space be meant, with the impluvium in the middle, there 
 arises another difficulty. Yitruvius speaks of the atria being thirty 
 feet long, and consequently twenty feet broad at the utmost ; from 
 thiss one-third goes for the impluvium, and only six and two-third 
 feet remain on each side for the passages. Yitruvius (cap. 3 10) 
 should be read, in order to discover all the contradictions to which 
 the common explanation gives rise. 
 
 Hence it appears that the atrium was quite a different part of 
 the house from cavum sedium. It was the first (januis proximo) 
 as well as the largest saloon, about which more will be said in the 
 explanation of the alee. 
 
 The etymologies given of atrium are very various. Yarro de- 
 rives it from Atriates, for which there can scarcely be any other 
 ground than the chance similarity of the names ; on the same prin- 
 ciple as Festus deduces histrio from Histria. Festus says concern- 
 ing it, vel quia a terra oriatur quasi aterreum ; as if the whole of 
 the ancient Roman house was not on the ground-floor. Servius ad 
 ^En. i. 730, goes so far as to derive it from smoke, atrum enim erat 
 ex fumo. [Isidor. also, xv. 3, mentions this derivation, but says 
 previously, dictum est eo, quod addantur ei ires porticus extrinsecus.~\ 
 But the strangest explanation is that of Ottfr. Mueller, Etrus. i. 
 256, who says, in reference to Yarro's etymology, as the Atrias on 
 the Adriatic sea is originally the land of the streams flowing to- 
 gether (Athesis, Tartarus, Padus, and others), and the collecting 
 place of all the waters of upper Italy, so the atrium is that part of 
 the house, where the water that rains down upon the roof flows 
 into the compluvium and impluvium. Besides, this goes for no- 
 thing, if atrium be not the same as cavum sedium. The most usual 
 derivation, and not an improbable one, is from aWpwv; for the 
 atrium had a wide opening in the roof, Iwmen, through which, as in
 
 SCENE II.] THE ROMAN HOUSE. 249 
 
 the other parts of the house, the light was cast from above. See 
 Vitruv. vi. 4; Winkelm. W. i. 551. But if we are to adopt a 
 Greek derivation, we should rather be inclined to think that the 
 word was the same as aflpoov ; for it was in the atrium that the 
 whole family was accustomed to assemble, to enjoy each other's 
 company, to work, and, in early times, to dine also. Still it is 
 difficult to determine the etymology of words that belong to a 
 remote period, and which might have had an origin quite incon- 
 ceivable to us. 
 
 [Becker's acute and profound researches make it perfectly clear 
 that atrium and cavum sedium were two different parts of the 
 house, the first corresponding to our hall, the second to our court. 
 But he goes too far, in assuming that the atrium was always 
 covered in, or, at most, he only admits of a hole in the roof, 
 lumen. But as this theory does not hold good in any of the houses 
 discovered at Pompeii, Becker is led into the second error, of pre- 
 suming that the open space, which is regularly found behind the 
 ostium in Pompeii, is not an atrium, but the cavum sedium; 
 although in that case the Pompeian houses must have generally 
 had several cavsedia and never an atrium. Now, though the 
 lower orders, both in town and country, require no atrium, yet in 
 the houses of even the tolerably affluent there must have always 
 been an atrium, as this was the original focus of their whole 
 domestic life somewhat like the great hall of the mediaeval 
 knight and with it were connected all the most important 
 incidents of their existence from the cradle to the grave. The 
 people of Pompeii had doubtless, therefore, their atrium, and 
 though later it may have been shaped more Like a court, still, 
 that is no reason why the atrium should have been superseded by 
 the court; but, rather, the atrium, as its use became altered, 
 altered its shape also. This will be manifest from what follows. 
 In the old atrium stood the hearth (focus'), serving alike for the 
 profane purposes of cooking, and also for the receptacle of the 
 Penates. Schol. Hor. Epod. ii. 43 : Juxta focum Dii Penates positi 
 fuerunt. Plaut. Aul. ii. 8, 15 : 
 
 Haec imponeutur in foco nostro Lari. 
 
 Usually they were in little cupboards (cedicula), Tib. i. 10, 20 : 
 Stabat ia exigua ligneus aede deus. 
 
 Juv. viii. 110; Petron. 29. Hence Ovid (Fast. i. 136) mentions 
 Larem close to the house-door, i. e. in the atrium. The place was 
 called penetralia (Virg. JEn. ii. 485, 513 ; vii. 59 ; Stat. Silv. i. 3, 59) ; 
 and the hearth itself, foci penetrales. Virg. ^En. v. 660 ; Or. de har. 
 Eesp. 27. Near the familiar flame they took the common meal.
 
 250 THE EOMAN HOUSE. [EXCUBSTJS I. 
 
 Cato in Serv. ad Virg. JEn. i. 730, et in atrio et duobus ferculis epu- 
 labantur antiqui. Serv. on ix. 648 : Illic et epuldbantur et Deos 
 colebant. So Hor. Sat. ii. 6, 65, though, of country life : 
 
 noctes coenseque Deum ! quibus ipse meique 
 Ante Larem proprium vescor, vernasque procaces 
 Pasco. 
 
 Here sat enthroned the mistress of the house in the midst of her 
 maids ; here was the thalamus nuptialis, and the strong-box of the 
 father of the family. Serv. on Virg. JEn. i. 730 : Ibi etiam pecu- 
 nias habebant; and ix. 648. Several such have been dug up at 
 Pompeii ; see next Excursus. Here all visits we're received, and 
 the clients had audience, who came to their patron for advice or 
 help. (Cic. de Leg. i. 3 : more patrio sedens in solio consulentibus re- 
 sponderem, and de Or. iii. 33.) Here the corpses of the deceased 
 members of the family lay in state till their interment (see Excursus 
 to the twelfth Scene) ; here, lastly, were suspended the waxen 
 masks or imagines, those dear mementos of their deceased fore- 
 fathers. See above. For the admission of light and escape of 
 smoke there was an opening in the roof, which was larger or 
 smaller according to the size of the room, but never of such mag- 
 nitude as that the room lost its character of a ceiled apartment. But 
 when the frugal family-meal had given place to huge banquets, and 
 instead of a few intimate friends and more familiar clients, whole 
 troops of people crowded the house, the whole arrangement of the 
 atrium would suit no longer. The ancient family-hearth was 
 banished to a remote part of the building, and while the Lares 
 were placed in a special sacrarium, a spacious kitchen was made 
 for cooking. The slaves, likewise, were removed to the hinder 
 part of the house, and the ccence were held in various saloons, of 
 different sizes, erected for the purpose. See below. The atrium 
 now served only as the hall of waiting and reception for the clients 
 and friends on all occasions. Hor. Ep. i. 5, 31. So Virgil, ^SJn. 
 iii. 353, had his own times in his mind, when he says of Helenas : 
 
 Illos porticibus rex accipiebat in amplis. 
 Aulai in medio libabant pocula Bacchi. 
 
 where aula stands for atrium. 
 
 The atrium likewise continued to be the place for the corpses, 
 and for the images of the dead ; only that instead of the insignifi- 
 cant waxen masks, cerei dypei, argentece fades surdo figurarum dis- 
 crimine, came into vogue. Here also remained the lectus genialis, 
 but at this time it had only a symbolical meaning. 
 
 It was now no longer necessary to have the atrium covered in ; 
 on the contrary, the larger it became, the wider was the orifice in
 
 SCENE II.] THE ROMAN HOUSE. 251 
 
 the roof (one-fourth or one-third of the breadth of the atrium, 
 Vitr. vi. 3, 6), for the admission of sufficient light and air. When 
 the roof sloped inwards with an opening of this kind, pillars were 
 required to support it : these soon grew into an article of luxury, 
 and were made of the most costly marble. Scaurus had four such 
 pillars in his atrium, one at each corner ; they were of Hymettian 
 marble; and thirty-eight feet high, Cic. p. Scaur, p. 27 ; Plin. 
 H. N. xvii. 1 ; xxxvi. 2. Between these statues were placed, Plin. 
 xxxiv. 9 ; xxxv. 2 ; where he compares the ancient and modern 
 atria; formerly there were only the waxen imagines. Thus this 
 apartment had gradually become very magnificent, Claud, in Ruf. 
 ii. 135; purpureis effulta columnis atria. Lucan, ii. 238; Mart, 
 xii. 50 ; Virg. ^n. i. 725 ; xii. 475 ; Vitr. vi. 5, 2 ; atria ampla t 
 alta, longa, with longis porticibus. Auson. Id. x. 49 : laqueata. 
 Ovid. Metam. xiv. 260 : marmore tecta. The cavEediurn had like- 
 wise, in course of time, been adorned with splendid rows of pillars ; 
 and both in it, and in the atrium, a basin and fountain were placed 
 (Paul. Diac.), to which were added lawns and shrubberies. Ovid. 
 Met. viii. 563 ; Auson. Mos. 335 : 
 
 Atria quid memorera viridantibus adsita pratis, 
 Innumerisque super nutantia tecta columnis ? 
 
 Plin. H. N. xiv. 1, 3. (See above respecting the vine.) Prop. iv. 8, 35. 
 
 TJnus erat tribus in secreta lectulus herba, 
 
 where the atrium is meant, as is clear from 1. 49. But it is not so 
 certain that Yirg. (^En. xii. 476) speaks of the water-basin of 
 the atrium : 
 
 Et nunc porticibus vacuis, nunc humida circum 
 
 Stagna sonat. 
 
 (viz. the swallow) ; for it could also fly to the fountain in the halls 
 of the cavsedium. The basin in the atrium was generally of an 
 oblong shape, without further ornament. Yirgil, jffin. ii. 512, 
 doubtless alludes to the atria of his times. From this similarity 
 between the later atrium and the cavsedium, the atrium came to be 
 called av\rj also, which, in earlier times, would have been impos- 
 sible. So Horace, Epist. i. 1, 87, says aula instead of atrium; so 
 Virg. ^En. iii. 354. The ancients often allude to this contrast 
 between the old and modern atrium; the former resembling a 
 saloon, the latter, with its rich ornaments, a cavsedium. Plin. Ep. 
 V. 6: atrium ex more veterum; ii. 17 : atrium frugi nee tamen sor- 
 didum. The passage in Plin. xxxv. 2, aliter apud majores, etc. 
 (cited above), is important. Hor. (Od. iii. 1, 46) speaks of the 
 new fashion, et novo sublime ritu moliar atrium ? Varro, L. L. viii. 
 28, when he plainly says that an atrium is no more like to a peri- 
 style than a cubiculum to a stable, speaks of the old saloon-like
 
 252 THE KOMAN HOUSE. (Excunsus I. 
 
 atrium. This passage utterly confutes those who fancy that Varro 
 held a cavum sedium and an atrium to be identical ; for a cavum 
 sedjum would have been exceedingly like a peristyle ; and, with 
 pillars round it, would be a peristyle exactly. For, beyond doubt, 
 in Varro' s time the cava sedium were built with rows of pillars. 
 
 To return to the later atria. The houses now had, as it were, 
 two cavsedia (as the Grecian house had two aulae, Vitr. vi. 7, 5) ; 
 the first, however, differed from the second in .being less spacious, 
 and having a smaller opening in the roof; and likewise in its pecu- 
 liar use. At least this is the case in all the plans of houses at 
 Pompeii. Nor was there, in this, any room for a garden. So that 
 there was always so much difference between the two rooms, that, 
 even in later times, the first continued to be called atrium, and the 
 second and larger, cavsedium. The latter almost merged into the 
 peristylium ; see Cavcedium. In the houses at Pompeii the atria 
 are only of the later period, with a basin and fountain, seldom with 
 pillars. Like as in Rome, these were, at first, the chief rooms of 
 domestic life, but later only served for the reception of clients. 
 These gentry predominated at Pompeii, where there was plenty of 
 ambitio at work, as may be seen from the numerous notices on the 
 walls. All the boroughs and colonies were, in fact, miniatures of 
 the great metropolis, and so they could not possibly do without the 
 atrium a room so indispensable at Home. 
 
 From what has been said, we shall not be disposed to allow that 
 there were no atria in. Pompeii, and that there was no true copy of 
 the Roman house to be found there. 
 
 The wide orifice in the roof of the atrium, as well as of the 
 cavum sedium, was hung with carpets, as a defence against sun, 
 wind, and rain. These were called vela. Isidor. xix. 26 : quod 
 objectu suo interior a domorum velent. Ulp. Dig. xix. 1, 17, 4; 
 yyxiii. 7, 12, 16; umbrae causa. 17, 20: De velis, quce in 
 hypcethris extenduntur, item de his quce sunt circa columnas; where the 
 hypsethral or impluvial carpets, hung horizontally, are distinguished 
 from the vertical tapestry between the pillars. Pliny also men- 
 tions them ; see above. Varro in Serv. ad Virg. ^n. i. 697 (vela sus- 
 pendi, to keep out the dust). Ovid, Met. x. 595, speaking of the 
 mode in his time : 
 
 Haud aliter, quam cum super atria velum 
 
 Candida purpureum simulatas inficit umbras. 
 
 i. e. the purple velum tinges the marble atrium. Lucret. iv. 73, has 
 a similar idea, though in reference to the vela of the theatre. Hor. 
 Sat. ii. 8, 54, is generally referred to horizontal vela : 
 Interea suspensa graves aulaoa ruinas 
 In patinam fecere, trahentia pulveris atri, &c.
 
 SCENE II.] THE ROMAN HOUSE. 253 
 
 See Heindorf. Wustemann, however, supposes it to mean the 
 curtain hung before the door, or the carpets hung against the 
 walls instead of paper-hangings. 
 
 In winter, moveable roofs of board could be pushed over the 
 impluvium; at least Javol. Dig. L, 16, 242, 2, would seem to 
 refer to this : structuram ex tabulis factam, quce cestate tollerentur et 
 hieme ponerentur. Though it might mean boardings between the 
 pillars. 
 
 ATEIOLUM 
 
 is only mentioned by Cic. ad Att. i. 10, and ad Qu. fr. iii. 1,1: 
 Quo loco in portion, te scribere aiunt ut atriolum fiat, mihi, ut est, 
 magis placebat. Neque enim satis loci videbatur esse atriolo, neque 
 fere solet nisi in Us cedificiis fieri, in quibus est atrium majus, nee 
 habere poteras adjuncta cubicula et ejusmodi membra. Whence it 
 appears, firstly, that atriola were only to be found in large mansions, 
 where there was also a great atrium. ; secondly, that they served 
 as an antechamber to a greater hall, peristylium with a porticus."] 
 
 &LM. 
 
 NOTHING agrees better with the supposition that the atrium was 
 a different part of the house from the cavum sedium, than the idea 
 which we can alone form of the alee. Those who take the atrium 
 to be the inner court, can form no correct opinion about the alse, 
 and hence has arisen the strange notion that they were the side- 
 buildings running longitudinally parallel to the cavum sedium, and 
 in which were the various cellse and cubicula. Galiani, Perrault, 
 Stieglitz, Hirt, Bottiger (Sab. ii. 86, 102), Wustemann (Pal. d. 
 Scaur. 55, 56). On this supposition it is difficult to conceive why 
 Vitruvius fixed the breadth of the alse in proportion to the length 
 of the atrium. [With an atrium of 80100 ft. in length, the alae 
 are to be one-fifth in breadth, or 20 ft. ; with 50 60 ft. in length, 
 only one-fourth or 15 ft. ; with 30 40 ft., one-third or 10 feet.] 
 The alae (in this sense) did not belong to the cavum sedium ; they 
 were separated from the passages by walls, and could have had as 
 much depth for each separate cell or compartment as the architect 
 pleased, while their height must, according to Vitruvius, be equal 
 to their breadth ; this also is in direct contradiction to the usage of 
 the word. The alee, it is true, are not further mentioned in a 
 dwelling; but we have the analogy of the Tuscan temples (the 
 atrium also is of Tuscan origin), in which there can be no doubt of 
 their nature. The Tuscan temple could have three, or only one, 
 cella. Vitruvius, iv. 7, says of it, Latitudo dividatur in paries decem;
 
 THE ROMAN HOUSE. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 ex his ternce paries dextra ac sinistra cellis minoribus, sive ibi alee 
 futurcB sint, dentur, reliquce quatuor medics cedi attribuantur. The 
 alse therefore, in the one-celled temple, were narrower side-halls 
 right and left of the great cella, and probably divided from it only 
 by a row of pillars. Thus we must picture to ourselves the also in 
 the atrium, only that the proportion of their breadth was less ; and 
 we now see why the breadth was fixed in proportion to the length 
 of the atrium, which was, in fact, that of the alse also. The edifice, 
 then, was similarly constructed to many of our churches, which are 
 divided into a large centre-aisle and two smaller side-aisles. Mazois 
 and Marini felt that the alae must be something of this kind, but 
 they were prevented, by their false notion about atrium, from as- 
 signing their true position. They take them to be on both sides of 
 the back-hall, by the impluvium. 
 
 We now see to what use the columns in the atrium were ap- 
 plied (Plin. xxxvi. 3), for the roof was much too high to be sup- 
 ported by them; but the trabes liminares of the alse were not 
 higher than the breadth of the alse. Possibly, in earlier times, 
 piles only occupied the place of columns. 
 
 [In the houses at Pompeii the alae do not form side-aisles to the 
 atrium (as Becker would have it), but regular squares at the back- 
 ward end of it ; whence it is easy to perceive why their breadth 
 depended on the length of the atrium. Moreover, they were not 
 by any means a necessary part of the house, for some houses are 
 found without them ; and in the house of the tragic Poet, in that of 
 the two Fountains, and others, there was, from want of space, only 
 one ala at the right end of the atrium. The construction of the 
 alse, as supposed by Mazois and confirmed by Pompeii, is now 
 universally acknowledged to be correct.] 
 
 TABLINUM. 
 
 IT is very difficult to assign the correct position of the tablinum, 
 nor are we acquainted with any passage containing information on 
 the subject. [Except in Vitruv. vi. 3, 5, it is only mentioned twice; 
 and Vitruvius says nothing about its situation, only giving its size in 
 proportion to the breadth of the atrium, viz. two-thirds, when the 
 atrium is twenty feet broad ; one-half, when it is thirty to forty feet 
 broad ; and two-fifths, when it is forty to sixty feet.] It is true that 
 Pestus says, 273 : Tablinum proxime atrium locus dicitur, quod anti- 
 qui magistratus in suo imperio tabulas . . . ; and Paul. Diac. p. 137 : 
 Tablinum locus proximus atrio a tabulis appellatus. But whatever 
 idea we may form of the atrium, this place is not discoverable. It
 
 SCEXE II/| THE EOMAN HOUSE. 255 
 
 does not suit the theory of those, who under the -word atrium under- 
 stand cavum sodium, because a number of different chambers would 
 have been then proxime atrium. Again, if we take atrium in the 
 sense given above, there will be no proper place where it could have 
 been situated. "We shall be less inclined to attach importance to 
 this explanation of Festus, when we recollect that he had an erro- 
 neous idea about the atrium itself. The tablinum has been usually 
 supposed opposite the ostium, or, according to our supposition, the 
 atrium, beyond the cavum sedium, and has been laid down thus in 
 the Plan we have given. [According to Marquez, the tablinum is to 
 the left of the atrium, and of the same length ; this needs no refut- 
 ation. But Becker's notion is likewise very improbable and arbi- 
 trary (as he himself afterwards acknowledged) ; for, not to mention 
 any other reason, it does not suit either the account of Vitruvius or 
 Festus. Thus much, at all events, may be gathered from Vitruvius, 
 that the tablinum lay at the small end of the atrium ; for, other- 
 wise, there would be no sense in making the extent of the tablinum 
 depend on the breadth of the atrium. This, moreover, harmonizes 
 with Festus, who was not at all in error about the matter, al- 
 though his epitomist was ; as shown above. He says very briefly, 
 proxime atrium ; but everybody, who knew the position of the 
 atrium, was aware that this proxime referred neither to the front 
 end of the atrium, nor yet to its two sides ; for in the first case the 
 tablinum must have lain between the ostium and the atrium, which 
 was impossible ; and in the second case there would have been no 
 space left for the alee. So that the fourth or hinder end of the 
 atrium alone remained for the tablinum to join on to. This is shown 
 by all the excavations at Pompeii ; where there is invariably a four- 
 cornered room, with a very broad doorway (for the sake of light), 
 behind the atrium ; and this room could only be the tablinum ; see 
 T. in Plan B. Through this position of the tablinum, alone are we 
 enabled to fix that of the fauces ; or in any way to explain them.] 
 There appears to be no doubt that tablinum is to be derived 
 from tabula; the only question is, whether tabula (according to 
 Yarro's interpretation) means board ; or whether the tabulae ratio- 
 num and the like are alluded to, which is most probable. Besides 
 the authority of Festus for this, we have that of Pliny (xxxv. 2, 2), 
 who, in praising the olden time, says : Tablina codicibus impleban- 
 tur et monumentis rerum in magistratu gestarum. Hence it was in 
 some measure the archives of the house, that which, in reference 
 to the res publica, was called tabellarium, Dionys. i. 74.
 
 256 THE ROMAN HOUSE. [Excimsvs I. 
 
 FAUCES. 
 
 WHAT, or rather where, the fauces were, is a point on which 
 there exists great diversity of opinion, and upon which we know 
 next to nothing. Perrault, Eode, Wiistemann, and Schneider have 
 supposed it to be the hall which we have comprehended under the 
 term ostium ; but such quotations as, Vestibulum ante ipsum primis- 
 que in faucibus Orci (Virg. ^En. vi. 273), do not show that other 
 passages in the house might not have had the same name ; and 
 Titruvius calls the passages in the Grecian house, which supplied 
 the place of the hall, Her, not fauces. Galiani, Ortiz, and Stratico 
 understood by this term, aperturam per guam transitus habetur db 
 atrio ad tablinum, which is rather obscure. [Marquez (della Casa di 
 Citta, etc. p. 91) understands them to be passages between the 
 pillars or piers from the alse into the atrium ; but these interme- 
 diate spaces were much too broad to admit of being called fauces.] 
 Mazois, Hirt, and Marini conceive them to be passages leading to 
 the larger peristylium, on each side of the tablinum ; and we have 
 adopted this idea, because Vitruvius lays down the breadth of the 
 fauces in proportion to that of the tablinum, which would have been 
 unnecessary, had they not been in some manner connected with it. 
 It is evident that some such thoroughfares must have existed, and 
 if we set the tablinum in the place assigned to it, this is the most 
 plausible position of the fauces. [The only correct idea of the 
 fauces is, that they were narrow passages or corridors beside the 
 tablinum (although Becker, in his posthumous Papers, has forsaken 
 this, and gone back to the opinion that the fauces were the entrance- 
 hall, the Ovpuv of Plutarch). This is clear from Vitruv. vi. 3, 6 : 
 Fauces minoribus atriis e tablini latitudine dempta tertia, majoribus 
 dimidia constituantur. As the tablinum did not lie behind, but 
 before, the cavcedium, the fauces did not lead from the cavsedium. 
 to the greater peristyle, as in Becker's Plan (f. f.) ; but from the 
 atrium into the cavsedium, as in Plan B. This explanation is most 
 fully corroborated in Pompeii, where, with scarcely a single excep- 
 tion, there are either two passages, one on each side of the tablinum 
 (viz. in large houses), or only on one side of it (viz. in small 
 houses). And to these alone, from their narrowness, is the term 
 fauces applicable. The tablinum and fauces always lie at the 
 upper end of the atrium ; seldom however (as in Plan B.) occupying 
 the whole breadth of the atrium ; but leaving, mostly, enough space 
 for another room alongside of the tablinum. This practice, more- 
 over, agrees exactly with the theory of Vitruvius. He says that, 
 with an atrium sixty feet broad, the tablinum must be two-fifths, or
 
 SCEKB II.] THE EOMAN HOUSE. 257 
 
 twenty-four feet, and the two fauces, one-half or twelve feet broad 
 each, i. e. forty-eight in all; so that twelve feet remain over for 
 other purposes. When the atrium is only forty feet broad, the 
 tablinum will be two-fifths or sixteen feet ; the fauces eight each or 
 thirty-two feet in all, leaving eight feet over. But when the atrium 
 is only twenty-four feet broad, the tablinum will have two-thirds, 
 or sixteen, and the fauces ought properly to have sixteen feet also, 
 or one-half. But in that case the sum would be thirty-two, whereas 
 we have only twenty-four at our disposal, and this, according to the 
 practice, ought not to be all used up. But this difficulty will dis- 
 appear, if we remember that, with a smaller atrium, two fauces 
 were not necessary, a single corridor sufficing which would take 
 up eight or only six feet ; and then there would be still two feet 
 over from the breadth of the atrium, as was the case in most atria.] 
 
 CAVUM MEDIUM. 1 
 
 OUR remarks on the atrium have shown what was the general 
 nature of the cavum sedium ; it was the inner court, the real heart 
 of the house, around which the other divisions were situated. In 
 the centre was an uncovered space, area, styled impluvium, and en- 
 closed on all sides by covered passages. [The slanting roof over 
 the arcades was called compluvium, Varro, ib. This was the dis- 
 tinction made between impluvium and compluvium by Hirt and 
 Laglandiere ; but Mazois and Eaoul-Eochette understand by com- 
 pluvium the opening in the roof, by impluvium the cistern. See 
 Paul. Diac. p. 108 : Impluvium, quo aqua impluit collecta de tecto. 
 Compluvium, quo de diversis tectis aqua pluvialis conftuit in eundem 
 locum. So Asc. ad Cic. Verr. i. 23, p. 277 ; Serv. ad Virg. ^En. 
 i. 505 ; ii. 512. It is evident that impluvium was the name of the 
 open space, from Plaut. Mil. ii. 2, 3 : per impluvium intro spectant 
 (vicini), and 3, 16.] These roofs were divided into the following 
 kinds, according to their construction, Vitruv. 
 
 I. Tuscanicum, in which beams were laid in latitudine atrii, 
 resting upon the opposite walls ; into these two others were mor- 
 tised, or hung in at equal distances from the wall, the interpensiva 
 of Vitruvius ; and on these timbers, which thus formed a square, lay 
 the asseres, the spars which supported the roof. This was pro- 
 bably the most ancient mode of building, but not suitable for a very 
 large cavum eedium. 
 
 1 Cavum cediwn, according to Varro and Vitruviua : cacaedium, to Pliny.
 
 258 THE BOM AN HOUSE. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 II. The tetrastylum differed only in pillars being placed in the 
 four corners where the interpensiva lay upon the main beams. 
 This possibly took place only in cavcedia of larger dimensions, for 
 fear of imposing too much weight on the beams. 
 
 III. In the Corinthium the beams did not lie on the walls, a 
 parietibus recedunt, but were upheld by a row of columns which 
 encircled the impluvium. 
 
 IV. In the displuviatum the roofing did not slope inwards to- 
 wards the impluvium, but towards the walls, where gutters caught 
 the rain-water, and carried it down. The advantage of this was 
 that, in winter, or gloomy weather, the light from the surrounding 
 apartments was not intercepted by a low roof. [Its disadvantage 
 was, that the walls were injured if the gutters did not carry off the 
 water quickly enough, Vitruv.] 
 
 V. The testudinatum was covered and had no impluvium. The 
 testudo, however, was not an arch, camera, but a common roof of 
 rafters. See Yitruv. v. 1 ; Hirt, supra. How a cavum sedium of 
 this description received the requisite light, we are not informed. 
 [It has been already observed that, later, the cavsedium passed 
 more into the form of the peristyle (as tetrastylum and Corinthium) ; 
 and this was almost always the case in those houses which had only 
 two open chief rooms (atrium and cavsedium), and were in fact 
 without the regular peristyle. Cavsedia of this kind were in the 
 house of the tragic Poet. See Plan B., P. In that of Pansa, 
 of Meleager (to the left of the atrium), of the Dioscuri (to the 
 right of the atrium), of the Bronzes, &c. The pillars were on 
 all four sides, as in the house of Meleager, where there are 
 twenty-four magnificent pillars ; or on three sides, as in our Plan 
 (where the middle pillar in the front has been omitted by mistake), 
 and in the house of Sallust ; from the fourth side resting against 
 a wall ; or even on two or one side only, as in many small houses 
 in the street of Mercury at Pompeii. These pillars were mostly of 
 bricks or common stone stuccoed over ; with a variety of fantastic 
 capitals.] 
 
 In the middle of the impluvium there was generally a cistern, or 
 fountain [salientes, Varro, E. R. i. 13 : Interius compluvvum habeat 
 lacum, ubi saliat aqua], the basins of which were four-cornered, and 
 generally adorned with reliefs, putealia sigillata, Cic. Att. L 10; 
 [Ulp. Dig. xix. 1, 17, 9. Many beautiful fountains of marble 
 and bronze have been discovered at Pompeii. In some, at the top 
 of a marble pillar there are little animals, like ducks, which eject 
 the water. Sometimes the water spouts from a tiger's head, or 
 from a stag of bronze (as in the house of Sallust, now in the Mu-
 
 SCENE II..] THE ROMAN HOUSE. 259 
 
 Beum at Palermo), or from a mask, as in the house of Meleager. 
 There is also a beautiful Silenus standing in a niche, highly orna- 
 mented with mosaic, and leaning against the pipe, whence the water 
 falls down four steps into the basin. Steps were erected for the pur- 
 pose of making a little cascade. Sen. Ep. 86 : Quantum, aquarum 
 per gradus cum fragore cadentium ? In the house of Meleager the 
 water -trickled from a marble slab into the great basin of the atrium, 
 and in the peristyle of the cavsedium down several steps. The grand 
 basin was generally of marble, and of various shapes. Beside it 
 there were also little basins placed, of stone or bronze, Javol. Dig. 
 xxxiii. 10, 11 : Vasa cenea salientis aquce posita. Frequently there 
 was a marble table near the cistern, as in the houses of Meleager 
 and of the Centaur. Yarro, L, L. v. 125 : Mensa erat lapidea . . . 
 vocdbatur cartibulum. Hcec in cedibus ad compluvium ponebatur. 
 A little fish-box, or water- vessel, was set by the cistern as in Plan 
 B, letter d, in the atrium. The intercolumniations of the cavsedium 
 were adorned with statues, after the days of the Eepublic. Cic. 
 Verr. i. 19 : Quce signa nunc, Verres, ubi sunt ? ilia qucero, quce apud 
 te nuper ad omnes columnar, omnibus etiam inter columniis, in silva 
 denique sub divo vidimus. So 23 and 56. At the same period gar- 
 dens and ornamental shrubberies were laid out in the cavaedia, 
 which had, by degrees, become just like the peristyles. Hor. Ep. 
 i. 10, 22 : 
 
 Nempe inter Tarias nutritur silva columnas ; 
 
 and Obbarius, on Od. iii. 10, 5 : 
 
 Audis quo strepitu janua, quo nemus 
 
 Inter pulchra satum tecta remugiat 
 
 Ventis. 
 
 Tib. iii. 3, 15 ; Juv. iv. 7 ; Liv. xliii. 13; Plin. H. N. xvii. 1 ; Suet. 
 Aug. 92. Flower-pots of metal are often found between the pil- 
 lars. Javol. Dig. xxxiii. 7, 6 : Dolia fictilia item plumbea ; quibus 
 viridaria posita.'j 
 
 PEEISTYLIUM. 
 
 BEHIND the cavum sedium and tablinum lay the larger per-isty- 
 liiim, in the shape, like the former, of an oblong square ; but while 
 the cavum sedium reached longitudinally from the atrium to the 
 tablinum, the peristylium, on the contrary, lay transversely 
 beyond the tablinum. Yitruv. 4 : Peristylia autem in transverso 
 tertia parte longiora sint, quam introrsus, and consequently its 
 length extended crosswise towards the sides of the house. [But 
 sometimes it lay longitudinally, and not crosswise, as in the house 
 of the Faun.] The surrounding porticos, the pillars of which 
 
 H 9 
 
 D ft
 
 260 
 
 THE ROMAN HOUSE. [Excussus I. 
 
 might not be more than four diameters from each other, enclosed 
 a larger area, which also had a cistern or jet in its centre, and was 
 planted with flowers, shrubs, and trees (viridarium). See Obbar. 
 ad Horat. Epist. i. 10, 22, [precisely as in the cavaedium, only on 
 a larger scale. Statues were placed here likewise, and a low 
 balustrade ran between the pillars, as a fence to the garden, Vitruv. 
 iv. 4, 1. On the cornice above the pillars there were ornaments 
 (antefixa, Paul. Diac.), such as lions' heads, as in temples, Vi- 
 truv. iv. 4. The largest peristyle in Pompeii is in the house of the 
 Faun, with forty-four Doric columns. That in the house of the 
 ornamented Capitals, consisting of twenty-four pillars, encircled a 
 large garden neatly laid out. Most of the pillars made of brick, at 
 Pompeii, still remain, while those of marble have perished. This 
 is explained by the fact that, soon after the destruction, the inhabit- 
 ants returned, and excavated whatever they were able of their 
 property.] 
 
 II. We now come to the divisions of the house which might be 
 arranged differently, according to circumstances and the tastes of 
 the owners ; whilst those already described held the same position 
 in all genuine Eoman houses, and were built according to a received 
 plan, which in the main was not deviated from. 
 
 The parts which especially remain for our consideration are 
 cubicula, triclinia, ceci, exedra, pinacotheca, bibliotheca, balineum. The 
 baths and library will be treated of in distinct Articles, in order that 
 the disquisition on the usages concerning them may not be separ- 
 ated from the description of their situation and construction. 
 
 CUBICULA 
 
 was the name for all the smaller chambers, that served as regular 
 lodging and sleeping apartments, Cubicula nocturna et diurna, 
 (Plin. Ep. i. 3) ; the former are also called dormitoria, id. v. 6 ; 
 Plin. xxx. 6, 17. There is nothing particularly worthy of remark 
 respecting their position, except that a small ante-room was some- 
 times attached, which went by the Greek name, irponoiTwv. Plin. 
 Ep. ii. 17. There were cubicula cestiva and hiberna, and the bed- 
 chambers were removed as far as possible from all disturbances. 
 See Mazois, Pal. d. Scayr. 68. [In the house of Meleager, and 
 others at Pompeii, large chambers have been found with smaller 
 alcove-shaped rooms attached to them, which were often dormitoria. 
 The name for these alcoves or cabinets was zotheca. Plin. Ep. ii. 
 17 : Zotheca perquam eleganter recedit, quce specularibus et velis ob- 
 ductis reductisque modo adjidtur cubiculo, modo aufertur. Plin. v. 6; 
 Sidon. Ep. viii. 16, zothecula.~]
 
 SCENE II.] THE ROMAN HOUSE. 
 
 TEICLINIA. 
 
 KESPECTING the triclinia, Ciacconi and Orsini have, according to 
 the old fashion, collected a good deal e re and a re. They were 
 smaller dining-halls or rooms, according to Yitruvius, twice as long 
 as they were broad. Their height was half the sum of the breadth 
 and length ; consequently, when sixteen feet broad, and thirty-two 
 feet long, they were twenty-four feet high. Vitruv. vi. 3, 8. They 
 were also called triclinia, when they contained more than one tri- 
 clinium. There were particular triclinia as well as cubicula for 
 the different seasons of the year. [Varro, R. E. i. 13 ; L. L. viii. 
 29 ; Sidon. Apoll. Ep, ii. 2.] Yitruvius directs that the verna 
 and autumnalia be towards the east, the hiberna towards the west, 
 and the cestiva towards the north : but this arrangement of course 
 depended much upon the disposable room. See Plut. LuculL 41. 
 
 CECI 
 
 were larger saloons, of various styles of architecture, which were 
 used also, though not exclusively, as triclinia. Yitruvius mentions 
 various sorts of such saloons. 
 
 I. The tetrastylos, which requires no particular explanation. 
 Pour pillars supported the roof. 
 
 II. The Corinthius. This had rows of pillars on all four sides, 
 along the wall, though detached from it, so that a passage was left 
 between them. They were connected by an epistylium, along 
 which ran a corona, and upon this rested the roof, which was 
 moderately arched. 
 
 HI. The (Ecus ^Egyptius was still more splendid ; like the 
 Corinthian, it had pillars on all four sides, but from their entabla- 
 ture to the wall there was a flat roof, so that the height of the 
 passages was not more than that of the pillars with the entablature. 
 Above the lower pillars a second row was placed (ad perpendicu- 
 lum), the height of which was one-fourth less than that of the 
 lower ones, and on the epistylium of these rested the roof. Above 
 the roof of the passages was a pavement, outside of the middle and 
 higher saloon, so that there was a passage all round, and a view 
 through the windows placed between the columns. Thus the oecus 
 JEgyptius presented the appearance of a basilica, which is built in 
 this manner. 
 
 IY. The fourth kind, the (Ecus KV&KTJVOC, seems, even in the 
 time of Yitruvius, to have been uncommon and new ; for he says 
 that such saloons are now Italicce consuetudinis. Their peculiarity
 
 262 THE EOMAN HOUSE. [EXCTESUS I. 
 
 was, that they had on three sides (Vitruvius says only dextra et 
 sinisira] glass doors, or windows reaching like doors to the ground, 
 so that, when reclining on the triclinia, persons could enjoy a view 
 on all sides into the open air. Pliny had a saloon of this descrip- 
 tion in both his villas. To have commanded such a view, they 
 must have projected from the rest of the house. 
 
 EXEDE^E. 
 
 Yimuvius places these with the ceci, i. e. with the quadrati ; for 
 those mentioned above had the proportions of triclinia, and there 
 can be no doubt that we must understand thereby regular rooms 
 for conversation and the reception of company. In certain respects 
 only can they be compared with the exedrce in the public gymnasia, 
 which were semicircular recesses with seats in the colonnades. 
 Vitruv. v. 1 1 : Constituuntur in porticibus exedrce spatiosce, habentes 
 sedes, in quibus philosophi, rhetores, reliquique qui studiis delectantur, 
 sedentes disputare possint. Of course these were in the open air 
 (Yitruv. vii. 9), apertis locis, id est peristyliis aut exedris, quo sol et 
 luna possit splendores et radios immittere. That "Wustemann, Pal. d. 
 Scaur. 126, is wrong in inferring that in private houses also they 
 were without covering, is evident from Vitruvius assigning their 
 height in common with the ceci quadrati : Sin autem exedrce aut ceci 
 quadrati fuerint, latitudinis dimidia addita altitudines educantur. 
 Comp. vii. 3. They were called exedrse, according to Mazois, 119, 
 because on two sides they had such semicircular recesses; but 
 perhaps really only from their being used for similar purposes, and 
 on account of the seats ; for undoubtedly they had seats [of stone, 
 running along the wall ; see Becker's Charicles, translated by Met- 
 calfe, p. 207 ; Gronov. ad Suet. 111. Gramm. 17,] and not lecti to 
 recline on. Cic. Nat . Dear. i. 6 : Nam cum feriis Latinis ad eum 
 \Gottarti\ ipsius rogatu arcessituque venissem, offendi eum sedentem in 
 exedra et cum C. Velleio senatore disputantem. Hence also, De Orat. 
 iii. 5, cum in earn exedram venisset, in qua Crassus lectulo posito re- 
 cubuisset, etc. The hemicyclia are not to be confounded with them. 
 Cic. de Amic. 1 : Domi in hemicyclio sedentem. Plin. Ep. v. 6. 
 These were uncovered semicircular seats, which occur frequently 
 at Pompeii. They are also mentioned at Athens. 
 
 [DI^ETA. 
 
 THIS does not denote any particular sort of room, but is a 
 general term for a lodging-room or lodgings. In the first sense, 
 Stat. Silv. ii. 2, 83 : 
 
 Ante tamen cunctas procul eminet una dioetas.
 
 SCENE II.] THE ROMAN HOUSE. 263 
 
 Plin. Ep. vii. 5; ii. 17; Ulp. Dig. **, 5, 1, 27; Suet. Claud. 
 10. In the sense of a lodging, or number of rooms, or as the wing 
 of a house, in Plin. Ep. v. 6 : Dicetce duce, quorum in altera cubicula 
 quatuor, altera tria. Hence it signifies an eating-room, Sidon. 
 Epist. ii. 2 ; a bed-chamber, Plin. Ep. ii. 17 ; and a garden-saloon, 
 Scsev. Dig. vii. 1, 66, 1. In the above passages, town-houses, as 
 well as country ones, are referred to. 
 
 CHAPEL. 
 
 WHEN the hearth was removed from the atrium, a chapel was 
 made for the Lares and Penates, and the hearth became an altar. 
 (In the houses of the poor and the rustic, the household gods still 
 remained at the hearth. Cato, R. R. 143. And in this point of 
 view, arce, foci, dii penates, still continued to be mentioned to- 
 gether. Or. p. Dom. 40.) The name of this chapel was lararium, 
 or sacrarium, which last word, however, signified any sacred place, 
 "Ulp. Dig. i. 8, 9, 2. As a domestic chapel it occurs in Cic. ad 
 Earn. xiii. 2 ; Verr. iv. 2 : Erat apud Heium sacrarium in cedibus, in 
 quo signa pulcherrima quatuor. Pro Mil. 31 : Lararium occurs in 
 Lamprid. Sev. Alex., who mentions a larger and smaller one be- 
 longing to the emperor. Cap. Ant. Phil. 3. From which passages 
 we learn that besides the Lares, the images of revered persons were 
 stored up here. Suet. Vit. 2. Its situation was uncertain ; either 
 in the cavum aedium, Suet. Oct. 92 (see Plan B., left of the virida- 
 rium, close to the wall), or in the garden of the peristyle, as in the 
 house of the Dioscuri. It was rarely in the atrium, as in the large 
 house of the ornamented Capitals (in the left wing).] 
 
 PINACOTHECA. 
 
 IN the old Koman houses there was certainly no pinacotheca, 
 any further than that the intercolumniations of the cavum sedium 
 or peristylium, the gymnasium and the garden, were adorned with 
 statues. Marcellus, Flaminius, .ZEmilius Paulus, and especially 
 Mummius, took, it is true, a great number of works of art to 
 Eome, but they were only used for beautifying public buildings and 
 palaces, and Cic. Verr. i. 21, praised those men quorum domus, cum 
 honore et virtute florerent, signis et tabulis pictis erant vacuce. Even 
 among the Greeks, the desire for the personal possession of works 
 of art arose only at a late period, when public spirit was gradually 
 disappearing, and they were more and more divesting themselves 
 of the habit of looking on what belonged to the community as their 
 own property also, and ceased to seek their own glory in the gran-
 
 264 THE ROM AX HOUSE. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 deur of their country. How much, more was this the case at Eome, 
 where even the taste for art was wanting, and where at a later 
 period, vanity and fashion, rather than love or knowledge of the 
 subject, led people to form collections. See Becker's Antiq. Plan- 
 tince, i. 28. 
 
 In the time of Yitruvius it was considered good taste to possess 
 a pinacotheca (see Plin. xxxv. 2), and he therefore prescribes the 
 manner of constructing that, as of every other part of the house. 
 A northern aspect was selected for it, that the colours might not be 
 injured by the light of the sun. The tabulae (for wood was in 
 general used for painting on, although Cicero, Verr. iv. 1, mentions 
 pictures on canvass, in textili] were either let into the wall, or hung 
 against it. Cic. Verr. iv. 55 ; Plin. xxxv. 10, 37 (quce ex incendiis 
 rapi possent] ; Plin. xxxv. 9; Ulp. Dig. xix. 1, 17, 3; comp. An- 
 tiq. Plaut. 47. No passage, in which frames for the pictures are 
 mentioned, occurs to us at present, however natural it may appear 
 to have had them. In Plin. xxxv. 2, there is nothing about them, 
 yet several paintings on the walls are provided with frames, like 
 borders ; as, for instance, that one known by the name of the Aldo- 
 brandini marriage. Comp. Winkelm. W. v. 171 ; Vitruv. ii. 8, 9, 
 speaks of wooden frames for the transport of fresco paintings cut 
 out of the walls. 
 
 [APABTMENTS OP THE SLAVES. 
 
 THE cellce familiares or familiaricce, servorum cellos (Colum. i. 6 ; 
 Cic. Phil. ii. 27 ; Vitruv. vi. 7), were unadorned chambers, in the 
 back or upper part of the house ; except the cella of the ostiarius, 
 which was at the ostium : perhaps, too, that of the atriensis. These 
 two are marked e in Plan B. 
 
 KITCHEN. 
 
 THE culina (originally coquina, Non. i. 273) was in ancient 
 times on the simple hearth of the atrium. Serv. ad Virg. ^En. i. 
 726 (see above). In the country they kept to this old custom, and 
 both kitchen and hall were one. Varr. R. R. i. 13 ; Col. i. 6 : magna 
 culina in ea commode familiares omni tempore anni morari queant. 
 But in the town, the kitchen was removed backwards. Varro, in 
 Non. ib. : In postica parte erat culina. Lucil. in Non. iii. 158 : 
 
 Pistrinum appositum, posticum, sella, culina. 
 
 In large palaces it was very spacious, and frequently arched over. 
 One is mentioned as 148 feet long, in an inscription. Sen. Ep. 114 ; 
 Ep. 64. They were even adorned with frescoes, as in the house of
 
 SCENE II.] THE ROMAN HOUSE. 2G5 
 
 Meleager, and the Dioscuri, at Pompeii. A snake was often painted 
 above the hearth. Many remains have been found of hearths and 
 sinks (coquince fusorium, Pall. R. R. i. 37, or confluvium, Yarro), 
 but none of chimneys ; the flues being short. 
 
 THE LATEINA 
 
 was inconveniently placed next the kitchen (derived from lavatrina, 
 Non. iii. 131); perhaps that the sewer leading from the latrina to 
 the public cloaca might carry off the dirty water from the kitchen. 
 Col. x. 85 ; Yarro, L. L. v. 118 ; Suet. Tib. 58; Plaut. Cure. ii. 3, 
 83. The slaves brought hither the sellse familiaricse or pertusae, 
 matuloe and matelliones (Paul. Diac. p. 125), lasana, scaphia, etc.. 
 which were, later, often of costly metal. Mart. i. 38 ; Petron. 27 ; 
 Lampr. Heliog. 32. The debasing offices performed by the slaves, 
 in this respect, are described by Martial, iii. 82 ; vi. 89; xiv. 119 ; 
 Sen. Ep. 67. On the public foricce, see Juv. iii. 38; Paul. Dig. 
 xxii. 1, 17. 
 
 STOEE-CHAMBEES. 
 
 THE cella penaria, penuaria (Cic. de Nat. D. ii. 27 ; Dig. xxxiii. 
 9), proma or promptuaria, also horreum, and later called cellarium 
 (Suet. Oct. 6), was indispensable. Like the cella vinaria and the 
 granarium (Yitruv. i. 4, 2), it lay to the north, near the cavae- 
 dium, consequently, behind the house, not far from the kitchen. 
 Eespecting the cellarius, see above. The oil-store, cella olearis or 
 olearia, lay southwards, to prevent the oil from freezing. Yitruv. 
 vi. 6 ; Cato, R. R. 13 ; Yarro, R. R. i. 13. On the cella vinaria, 
 see Excursus IY. Sc. 9. Sometimes there was a small chamber 
 near the triclinium (apotheca tridinii}, serving as a pantry. 
 
 PISTEINUM 
 
 was the name for the bakehouse and mill together, which, in the 
 houses of the rich, stood near the kitchen. The middle classes 
 bought their meal and bread at the public baker's. The pistrina, 
 found at Pompeii, were not for the use of the house, but had been 
 let out by the proprietor to public bakers. In them there are, 
 generally, several hand-mills (also named pistrina or moletrince, 
 Non. i. 320, and molce], which consist of an upper and lower part, 
 catillus and meta. The upper stone was worked round, and thus 
 crushed the grain below. The pole for turning it (molile, Cato, 
 R. R. 11, 12, or molucrum) was worked by asses; also by slaves,
 
 266 THE ROMAN HOUSE. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 as a punishment. Appul. Met. ix. p. 221; Ovid. Fast. vi. 311. 
 Hence a distinction is made between molse manuarice and jumen- 
 tarice. Javol. Dig. xxxiii. 7, 26. The ovens are quite round, and 
 seven or eight feet deep, by as many broad. The flues consist ot 
 three pipes of clay, ten inches in diameter. 
 
 TABERN^J. 
 
 IN the town-houses these were often placed right and left of 
 the ostium, and also in the side street ; sometimes in whole rows 
 Originally, the name signified small wooden houses. Pest. Taber- 
 nacula, p. 256. So Paul, under adtibernalis and contubernales, p. 12; 
 Isidor. xv. 2 ; Ulpian, Dig. xiv. 183. Later, it was only used of 
 shops. Non. xii. 55. These tabernse had often their own special 
 upper-chamber, which served as a lodging, while in the room below 
 was the shop only, as is clear from the large doorways. These 
 shops were either let, and then had no internal communication with 
 the house, or the master of the house occupied them himself. Many 
 instances of both kinds are met with in Pompeii. See Plan B., 
 the rooms marked a, a, which are quite separated from the house. 
 Of such Cicero speaks, ad Alt. xiv. 9. In the house of Sallust 
 there is a large bakehouse with four rooms on the ground floor, 
 besides upper story. These are quite disconnected from the house; 
 so also the tabernse at the right corner, one of which was an oil- 
 shop, as is clear from the stone counter, which is hollowed out for 
 several jars. But there are two other tabernse on either side of the 
 ostium, which were connected with the house, and were used by 
 the proprietor. In the house of Pansa, there were eleven such 
 tabernse, each with its separate entrance into the adjoining streets, 
 and not communicating with the house. Some of them were 
 lodgings as well as shops. The largest is a bakehouse ; over the 
 oven is the inscription, hie habitat feliatas. In the surgeon's house 
 is a booth connected with the atrium, and was therefore used 
 by the possessor in which to practise his art. Here were found 
 thirty-eight leaden weights, inscribed Erne. Habebis. All sorts of 
 articles were sold in these tabernse, from the most costly furni- 
 ture to the simplest victuals (taberna casearia, Ulp. Dig. viii. 5, 8). 
 The booksellers, the tonsores, and slave- dealers, had all their booths. 
 The wine-shops played a principal part. Eespecting those tabernse. 
 which were not included in the area of the house, but only abutted 
 on it, see above.
 
 SCENE II.] THE EOMAN HOUSE 267 
 
 CELLAES 
 
 were named hypogcea (concamerationes). Yitniv. vi. 8; Isidor. 
 xv. 3, apogeum. They were vaulted, and used for various purposes. 
 In the villa of Diomed at Pompeii (and also in the house of the 
 Anchor), there is a row of such cellars, to which one descends, on 
 both flanks of the main building. At the entrance on the right 
 eighteen skeletons were discovered, and several ornaments. A 
 number of amphorae, filled with ashes, still lie where they were 
 found. J 
 
 UPPEE STOEY. 
 
 THE ground-floor was the principal part of the building, and 
 served as the regular place of abode. The apartments above them 
 went by the common name, coenacula. Varro, supra : Posteaquam 
 in superiore parte ccenitare coeperant, superior domus universa ccena- 
 cula dicta. Pestus, 42 : Coenacula dicuntur, ad quce scalis ascenditur. 
 Hence, too, Jupiter says, jocularly, Plaut. Amph. iii. 1, 3 : In su- 
 periore qui habito ccenaculo. [So Ennius in Tertullian, adv. Valent. 
 7 : coenacula maxima cadi. Sen. Ep. 90. The different stories 
 were called tabulata."] As the lower divisions of the house were of 
 different heights, and in some instances received light from above, 
 it was impossible to have an unbroken succession in the upper 
 rooms; to connect which, several nights of steps were therefore 
 requisite : proof of this has been discovered at Pompeii. Occa- 
 sionally, too, these stairs ascended from the street outside. Liv. 
 xxxix. 14 : Consul rogat socrum, ut aliquam partem cedium vacuam 
 faceret, quo Hispala immigraret. Coenaculum super cedes datum est, 
 scalis ferentibus in publicum obseratis, aditu in cedes verso. [Ulp. 
 Dig. xliii. 17, 3, 7. Under these steps was a good hiding-place. 
 Cic. p. Mil., in scalarum se latebras abdidit. Hor. Epist. ii. 2, 15.] 
 Above these coenacula, or over the ground-floor, terraces were laid 
 out, and planted with trees, shrubs, and flowers. In the early 
 periods these may have stood in tubs filled with earth, but after- 
 wards they undoubtedly had regular gardens on the pavement. 
 These roof-gardens were called 
 
 SOLAEIA; 
 
 a name which is, however, of more extensive signification, and 
 denotes generally a place where we can enjoy the warmth of the 
 sun. [Isidor. xv. 3, solaria, quia patent soli. Ulp. Dig. viii. 2, 17 ; 
 Plaut. Mil. Glor. ii. 3, 69 ; Macrob. Sat. ii. 4.] Seneca (Contr.
 
 268 THE ROMAN HOUSE. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 Exc. v. 5) testifies to what an excess this pleasant custom was 
 carried, alunt in summis culminibus mentita nemora et navigabilium 
 piscinarum freta. Sen. Ep. 122 : Non vivunt contra naturam, qui 
 pomaria in summis turribus serunt ? quorum silvoe in tectis domorum 
 ac fastigiis nutant, inde ortis radicibus quo improbe cacumina egis- 
 sent ? The solaria built by Nero in front of the houses and insulce, 
 and resting on piazzas, were somewhat similar. Suet. Nero, 16 : 
 Formam cedificiorum Urbis novam excogitavit, et ut ante insulas ac 
 domos porticus essent, de quarum solariis incendia arcerentur. Tacit. 
 Ann. xv. 4, 3, refers to insulse only. These solaria were probably 
 not much unlike our balconies. Comp. "Winkelm. TF. i. 391. 
 
 [PEKGUL^, MONTANA, PODIA. 
 
 THESE were a sort of projecting balcony. Pergula (from per go, 
 as regula from rego] answered, on the ground-floor, to our project- 
 ing shop-front, and above, to a bow or balcony. Plin. H. N. xxxv. 
 10, 36. (Apelles) perfecta opera proponebat pergula transeuntibus, at- 
 quepost ipsam tabulam latens, vitia quce notarentur auscultabat. Lucil. 
 in Lactant. i. 22. Ulp. Dig. ix. 3, 5 : Cum pictor in pergula clipeum 
 vel tabulam expositam habuisset. Herodian. vii. 12. Hence the whole 
 room or shop was called pergula. Ulp. Dig., tabernulam, pergulam. 
 To the pergula of the upper story Pliny refers, xxi. 3, 6 : Fulvius 
 e pergula sua in forum prospexisse dictus. Lastly, pergula meant, 
 generally, any light, airy chamber. Petron. Fragm. Trag. 74. 
 Suet. Aug. 94 : In pergulis mathematici artem suam profitebantur. 
 
 The mceniana were likewise parts projecting beyond the walls 
 of the house. Javol. Dig. 16, 242 ; Vitruv. v. 1 ; Pest. p. 134. 
 Appellata sunt a Mcenio censore, qui primus in foro ultra columnas 
 tigna projecit. See Nonius, ii. 112. In later times they seem to 
 have been merely projecting roofs, just like the solaria. Amm. 
 Marc, xxvii. 9 ; Salmas. ad Spart. Pesc. 12. 
 
 Of the podia less is known. They are often mentioned in 
 theatres, only once in a private house. Plin. Ep. v. 6, 22 : Est et 
 aliud cubiculurn, marmore excultum podio tenus. It does not seem 
 to have been a balcony. 
 
 EOOFING. 
 
 THE roofs were mostly flat (with the solaria, mentioned above). 
 But there were also sloping roofs, pectinata, with two long and two 
 short sides. Fest. p. 213 : Pectinatum tectum dicitur a similitudirj 
 pectinis in duas paries devexum, ut testudinatum in quatuor. At the
 
 SCENE II.] THE ROMAN HOUSE. 269 
 
 two ends of this sort of roof there were either little slanting roofs 
 terminating in a point, or gables running up from the ground; 
 without any triangular tympanum. So that private houses had, in 
 this sense, fastigia, as well as the temples. Cic. ad Quint. Fr. iii. 
 1, 4. The regular fastigia, with their abundance of ornaments, 
 and quite separated from the wall of the house, were peculiar to 
 temples, "state-buildings, and palaces. Caesar first obtained this 
 right by a decree of the Senate. Flor. iv. 2 ; Plut. Cces. 91 ; Suet. 
 Gees. 81 ; Cic. Phil. ii. 43. 
 
 The tecta testudinata sloped on all four sides, with no gable, 
 and suited best for square houses. Col. xii. 5. But a roof of this 
 kind, of smaller dimensions, was also over the cavtedium. See 
 above. Conic roofs are only mentioned by Sidon. Apoll. Ep. ii. 2, 
 apice in conum cacuminato. Carm. xviii. 3. Salmasius (Spart. and 
 Exerc. Plin. p. 853) erroneously applies the name trichorum to 
 gable roofs. Stat. Silv. i. 3, 57, partitis distantia tecta trichoris. 
 Spart. Pesc. Nig. 12. But trichorum (according to the analogy of 
 tvpu^wpoc, oTivoxvpoQ, etc.) can only mean a room with three divi- 
 sions, and not with three corners. Hence Casaubon explained it 
 to be a house with three wings ; others, a room with three par- 
 titions ; and others, a house of three stories. But none of these 
 seem suitable. See Hand ad Stat. Silv. i. 3, 39. It is difficult to 
 know what is meant by tectum deliciatum. Paul. Diac. p. 73 : 
 Delicia est tiynum, quod a culmine ad tegulas angulares infimas versus 
 fastigatum collocatur. 
 
 Suggrundce, or more generally protecta, and projecta, also pro- 
 clinata, were eaves. Ulp. Dig. ix. 2, 29, and ix. 3, 5, where a frag- 
 ment of the praetor's edict is cited, ne quis in suggrunda protective 
 id positum habeat cujus casus nocere cui possit. The ancient cavaedia 
 had such roofs round them (imminentibus tectis, Plin. Ep. ii. 17, 4). 
 
 The flat roofs had a firm pavement of stucco, stone, or metal. 
 The sloping ones were covered with straw and shingles, later, with 
 tiles, slates, and metal. The hut of Romulus reminded one of the 
 most ancient times. Vitruv. ii. 1, 5; comp. Yirg. jEn. viii. 654; 
 Ovid. Fast. 199. Shingles are mentioned by Pliny, H. N. xvi. 10, 
 15 : Scandula contectam fuisse Romam ad Pyrrhi usque bellum, annis 
 CCCCLXX. C. Nepos auctor est. Isidor. xix. 19. The tiles were either 
 flat or hollow, tegulce or imbrices ; Isidor. xiv. 8 ; Non. ii. 433 ; 
 Plaut. Mil. Glor. ii. 6, 24. But tegula stands for all sorts of tiles. 
 Vitruv. ii. 1, 7, 8 ; Juv. iii. 201 ; and tegulse for a roof, generally, 
 Suet. Oramm. 9, sub tegulis habitant. Cic. Phil., per tegulas. The 
 hollow tiles, in the corners, to carry off the water, were called 
 tegulce collicice. Paul. Diac. illicium. Cato, E. E. 14. Hence the
 
 270 THE ROMAN HOUSE. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 furrows of the plough were named collicise, by which the water 
 was carried into the canals. Col. ii. 8. The terminal imbrices had 
 ornamented fronts, imbrices extremi or frontati (originally only on 
 the temples). Plin. H. N. xxxv. 12, 43. Numbers of old tegulae 
 have been found at Puteoli and Pompeii, some with inscriptions 
 (literatse), showing the name of the maker or the place ; as ex of 
 
 (ficina) op(us) /[iglinum] ex prcediis Cosince. Metal roofing is 
 
 mentioned, Orell. Inscr. 3272, tegulas ceneas auratas. Diavol. Dig. 
 16, 242. The beams, spars, and laths, e. g. the ambrices and 
 asseres, for carrying the tiles (Paul. Diac. 16), will not be further 
 discussed. The space under the roof was sometimes used as a 
 hiding-place, as is remarked by Miiller and Welcker, who cites 
 Tac. Ann. iv. 69 ; Val. Max. vi. 7, 2.] 
 
 THE REMAINING ARRANGEMENTS. 
 
 HAVING gone through the different parts of the house, we must 
 now briefly mention the remainder of the buildings, and the in- 
 ternal arrangements. Many of the objects, however, come under 
 the head of works of art, and as they are sufficiently discussed in 
 another place, a few hints and references may here suffice. 
 
 FLOOR. 
 
 THE floor, solum, was never boarded, although Statius, in the 
 Sphcsristerium of Etruscus, according to the present text, mentions 
 planks, tdbulata, Silv. i. 5, 57. 
 
 Quid mine strata solo referam tabulata, crepantes 
 
 Auditura pilas. 
 
 But the proper reading is tubulata, as is evident from the words 
 following. Comp. Plin. Ep. ii. 17, 9; Sen. Ep. 90. 
 
 It usually consisted of pavement of rubble, pavimentum (rude- 
 ratio, opus ruderatum). [Plin. H. N, xxxvi. 25, 61 ; Vitruv. vii. 
 1 ; Varro, E. E. i. 51. The floor was also laid with bricks, or, at 
 least, the rubble was mixed with pieces of brick, pavimentum or 
 opus testaceum, also ostracus and signianum. Plin. ib. ; Yitr. ib. ; 
 Isidor. xix. 10 ; Plin. xxxv. 46 : Fractis testis utendo sic, utfirmius 
 durent tusis calce addita, quce vocant signina. One particular sort of 
 brick-floor was called testaceum spicatum (ear-shaped). Yitr. vii. 
 1,4.] This probably led to laying the floor with slab-work, [pavi- 
 mentum, XtBoffrptarov in a wider sense, viz. large four-cornered 
 pieces of white or coloured marble. Tibull. iii. 3, 16, marmoreum 
 solum. Suet. Ner. 50, solum porphyretici marmoris. Sen. Ep. 90 ;
 
 SCENE II.] THE ROMAN HOUSE. 271 
 
 Pallad. i. 9. So the atrium, in the house of the Tragic poet, was 
 laid with white marble. This was often the case in the labra and 
 piscinae of the baths. Besides this, there were two finer sorts 
 of slab-work, viz. pavim. sect He and tesselatum. Vitruy. vii. 1, 3, 
 sive seclilia sen tesseris. Suet. Cces. 46. Pallad. i. 9, mentions all 
 four sorts, vel testaceum (i. e. of baked earth), vel marmora, vel tes- 
 seras aut seutulas. The pav. sectile was composed of small pieces 
 of differently-coloured marble, either squares, or in the shape of 
 diamonds and polygons. Vitruv. vii. 1, 4, quadratus sen f avis, i. e. 
 hexagons or circular. Juv. xi. 173 : 
 
 Qui Lacedaemonium pytismate lubricat orbem. 
 
 Stat. Silv. ii. 2, 88.] Such floors ought not to be called ' mosaic,' 
 for in that figures are constructed of a number of single pieces 
 placed together ; but, of themselves, representing nothing. Here it 
 is different; for the separate pieces are each of them complete 
 figures carved out of marble, and, consequently, this is only an in- 
 genious specimen of opus sectile. [The second kind, pavim. tesse- 
 latum, was the real mosaic, composed of small variously- coloured 
 four-cornered stones. Yitruv. ib.; Sen. qu. Nat. vi. 31; Plin. H. N. 
 xxxvii. 10, 54. This art came to Eome in the sixth century 
 from its foundation. Plin. xxxvi. 25, 61. Cic. Orat. 44, who quotes 
 
 Lucilius : 
 
 ut tesserulse omnes 
 Arte, pavimento atque emblemate vermiculato. 
 
 Isidor. xix. 14. The more perfect this art became, the distinction 
 between coarse and fine mosaic, between the tesselarii and musivarii, 
 grew stronger. The tesselatum denoted the coarser mosaic, or com- 
 bination of stones in geometric forms, so as to make stars, flowers, 
 and other figures ; . whilst niusivum, was the finer mosaic, imitating 
 painting. The first required only care and workmanlike dexterity, 
 the other a knowledge of drawing, shading, and perspective. The 
 word musivum occurs first in Spart. Pesc. Nig. 6. 
 
 The small slips of divers colours (crusty vermiculatce, ad effigiem 
 rerum et animalium, Plin. xxxv. 1,1) were of clay, glass, marble, or 
 other sorts of valuable stone. Plin. xxxvi. 25, mentions the first. 
 asaroton. Stat. Silv. i. 3, 54 : 
 
 varias ubi picta per artes 
 Gaudet humus superare novis asarota figuris. 
 
 Glass, Plin. 64 ; agate, beryl, onyx, Appul. Met. v. p. 159. Sen. Ep. 
 86 : Eo deliciarum pervenimus, ut nisi gemmas calcare nolimus* 
 Lucan. x. 114; Claud. Epithal. Hon. 90. 
 
 Zahn has shown that the use of stone for mosaic was older than 
 that of glass. In a house at Pompeii two thousand coloured slips
 
 272 THE EOMAX HOUSE. [Excrasrs I. 
 
 of marble were found on one square foot; and in another, one 
 hundred and fifty to the square inch.] Gurlitt, Ueber die Mosaik. 
 Archceol. Schr. 159; MinutoK and Klaproth, Ueb. antike Glasmosaik; 
 Ottfr. Mueller, Archceol. 438; Steinbuechel, Alterthumswissensch. 24, 
 give specimens of antique parqueterie and mosaic; D'Agincourt, 
 Histoire de I' Art, v. tab. 13; Zahn, in his beautiful work, Die 
 sclionsten Ornamente und Gemalde aus Herkul. und Pomp. ; Marini, 
 tab. 15, 87. The most important of all kno\vn antique mosaic 
 paintings, is that of the battle of Alexander, discovered in Pompeii, 
 24th Oct. 1831. MUB. Sorb. viii. t. 3645. [Others think it a 
 battle between Romans and Celts ; others the victory of Attalus I. 
 at Pergamus. 
 
 Mosaics were chiefly used for adorning the floor. There are 
 some pillars in Pompeii inlaid with coloured glass. Several foun- 
 tains are also adorned with rich mosaics, but without figures. It 
 was not till the end of the Emperors that the walls and ceilings 
 were inlaid with mosaics.] 
 
 THE WALLS. 
 
 THE inner walls of the rooms, saloons, and colonnades (in ancient 
 times probably only [rough-cast, trusiUati, and] whitewashed [deal- 
 ~bati, Cic. Verr. i. 55]) were covered with marble slabs, or artificial 
 marble. Mamurra (in the time of Catullus) was, according to Pliny v 
 the first to set an example of such luxury in his house (H. N. 
 xxxvii. 6, 7): Primum Romce parietes crusta marmoris operuisse to- 
 tius domus suce in Ccelio monte Cornelius Nepos tradidit Mamurram, 
 [Sen. Ep. 86, 115 ; Isidor. xix. 13.] The ancients were so expe- 
 rienced in the construction of imitation marble, that the tectores 
 and marmorarii could even saw slabs of it out of the wall again, 
 and use them for tables. Vitr. vii. 3. Paintings, however, were 
 much more common as a decoration for the walls ; and even in the 
 more insignificant abodes of Pompeii and Herculaneum, we meet 
 with this cheerful ornament. This is not the place for inquiring 
 when the ancients began to paint on the bare walls. The question 
 has been much discussed, but the criticisms on both sides afford 
 ample room for emendation. The testimony of Pliny (xxxv. 10, 37) 
 is important as far as regards private houses. [Pliny does not fix 
 the commencement of Boman fresco painting in private houses in 
 the time of Augustus; but only of landscape painting; so that 
 fresco must be assumed to have been older.] This kind of paint- 
 ing had been long adopted in Greece before any such ornament 
 had been thought of in Eome. The subjects of these wall-paint- 
 ings were very varied, from grand historical compositions down to
 
 SCENE II.] THE ROMAN HOUSE. 273 
 
 still-life, Xenia and Arabesque. See Vitruv. vii. 5. Zahn, Gell, 
 Mazois, Goro, tlie Mus. Barb., give most interesting evidence upon 
 the subject. They painted [partly in monochromatic, Plin. H. N. 
 xxxv. 5, 11 ; partly in various colours] less frequently on wet mor- 
 tar, al fresco (udo illinere color es, Plin. xxxv. 7, 31 ; color es udo tecto- 
 rio inducere, Vitr. vii. 3, 7), than on a dry ground in distemper, a 
 tempera. . See Winkelm. W. v. 197. The ground itself was often 
 al fresco, the rest a tempera. [Originally they had four ground col- 
 ours (Oic. Brut. 18 ; Plin. xxxv. 32), viz., white (the Melian earth 
 and prcetonium], red (rubrica, from Cappadocia or Sinopis, and 
 minium), yellow (sil, best from Attica), and black (atr amentum], 
 But as fresco painting grew more common in Italy, more brilliant 
 and expensive colours were used. Plin. xxxv. 12, color es austeri 
 (i. e. the four old ones), autfloridi (the new). Floridi sunt chrysocolla 
 (green from copper), purpurissimum (e creta argentaria cum purpuris 
 pariter tingitur), indicum (indigo), cinnabari (cinnabar), cceruleum (an 
 artificial imitation of the Alexandrian, made at Puteoli), &c. Vitr. 
 vii. 7 14 ; Isidor. xix. 17. The walls were divided into compart- 
 ments of different sizes, which were encircled with very tasteful 
 arabesques, compared by Winkelmann to the most beautiful in 
 Raphael's loggias. The ground-colours of the centre compart- 
 ments and edgings are generally red and black ; red and yellow ; 
 and also blue ; green and yellow ; brownish black and green ; green 
 and red. The colouring is always very decided (Vitruv. vii. 5, 8) ; 
 the contrasts between the dark and bright tints very striking. 
 
 The ornaments of the centre fields varied considerably. Vitruv. 
 vii. 5, antiqui imitati sunt primum crustarum marmorearum varietates 
 et collocationes ; deinde coronarum et silaceorum cuneorum varias dis- 
 tributiones. So that wall-painting began with the imitation of marble 
 walls. Vitruvius then mentions four kinds : 1. Architectural views, 
 cedificiorumfigurascolumnarumqueprojecturas. 2. Representations of 
 theatres, scenarum f routes tragico more aut comico. 3. Landscapes, 
 pinguntur portus, promontoria, littora, flumina, f antes, luci, monies, 
 pecora, pastores. The inventor of this landscape painting is said by 
 Plin. (xxxv. 37) to have been Ludius, in the time of Augustus. 4. 
 Historical compositions, pictures of gods, mythological scenes, sacri- 
 fices, &c., item megalographiam habentem deorum simulacra, seufabu- 
 larum dispositiones, non minus Trojanaspugnas, sew Ulyssis errationes. 
 The paintings discovered at Pompeii afford apt illustrations of all 
 the above different kinds. The composition of the architectural 
 paintings is light and airy. They are richly decorated with wreaths 
 of flowers, birds, &c. ; and evince much taste and fancy. Vitruvius 
 censures rather too bitterly this taste for architectural drawings, to
 
 274 THE ROMAN HOUSE. [Exccssus I. 
 
 the neglect of nature. Numbers of warm and animated landscapes 
 liave likewise been found, such as hunting scenes, waterfalls, and 
 gardens; though they are not equal to the others, the historic 
 paintings are often very grand. Thus the suckling of Telephus in 
 the presence of Hercules and Omphale ; the taking away of Briseis 
 at the command of Achilles ; and in the house of the Tragic poet, 
 Ariadne at Naxos ; Perseus and Andromeda ; the education of Bac- 
 chus, and his victories ; Hercules and Omphale ; and an Hermaphro- 
 dite, which, in colouring, resembles Titian. Of Gods, Mars and 
 Venus occur oftenest. The floating figures in the centre of the 
 compartments are replete with grace and beauty ; such as fawns, 
 bacchantes, lute-players, genii, dancing girls. In the villa of Cicero 
 at Pompeii, discovered 1749, there are twelve dancing girls, floating 
 on a dark ground ; fleet, says Winkelmann, as thought, and as lovely 
 as if they had been drawn by the hand of the Graces. Many others 
 are conspicuous for the graceful flow of the dress and harmonious 
 colouring. The light and groiiping is, in many instances, worthy of 
 commendation. After this last class come scenes of domestic life, 
 genre, and still-life paintings (pwTroypa^i'a opposed to fit yaXoypa^'a) ; 
 such as the household occupation in the fullonica (see Excurs. II. 
 Sc. 8) ; battles of gladiators (Plin. xxxv. 33) ; fish, fruits (called 
 Xenia, Philostr. i. 31 ; Vitruv. vi. 7, 4), game, lascivious scenes. 
 Suet. Tib. 43; Ovid. Trist. ii. 521. Encaustic painting (Plin. xxxv. 
 39) was not used to decorate the walls, though ornaments in relief 
 seem to have been so. Such at least is the interpretation put on 
 Cic. Atf. i. 10 : Prceterea typos tibi mando, quos in tectorio atrioli 
 passim includere, S. Yisconti, Mus. Pio-Clem. iv. Prcef. 
 
 The common opinion that the ancients were not in the habit of 
 fixing mirrors against the walls, or that at least the custom was of 
 a late date, requires correction. Hand-mirrors were no doubt used 
 in a general way, and the costliness of the material was sufficient 
 cause, at any rate in more ancient times, for not having mirrors of 
 large dimensions. But where larger ones are spoken of, we must 
 not at once conclude that they are necessarily wall-mirrors. Thus 
 Seneca (Quest. Nat. i. 17,) mentions specula totis corporibus paria, 
 but he appears to have meant only moveable looking-glasses, with 
 feet, perhaps to allow of their being moved about. It is going too 
 far, entirely to deny the use of wall-mirrors, and there are some 
 distinct passages which can be adduced in contradiction to this 
 prejudice. "When Vitruvius (vii. 3, 10,) says, ipsaque tedoria aba- 
 cor urn et speculorum circa se prominentes habent expressiones ; this 
 will not be allowed as a proof, because abacus is understood to be 
 the square, and speculum the round panel, which had a frame-like
 
 SCENE II.] THE ROMAN HOUSE. 275 
 
 border, but yet could be regular tectorium. It is, however, evident 
 from Pliny (xxxvi. 26, 67,) that these specula were composed of 
 plates of different kinds of substances, polished to serve as mirrors. 
 In yenere vitri et obsidiana numerantur, ad similitudinem lapidis, 
 quern in Ethiopia invenit Obsidius, nigerrimi coloris, aliquando ct 
 translucidi, crassiore visu, atque in speculis parietum pro imagine 
 umbras reddente. 
 
 Vitruvius also mentions mirrors actually suspended (ix. 9). 
 Ctesibius enim fuerat Alexandrice natus patre tonsore; is ingenio et 
 industria magna prceter reliquos excellens dicius est artificiosis rebus 
 se delectare. Namque cum voluisset in taberna sui patris speculum ita 
 pendere, ut, cum duceretur sursumque reduceretur, linea lalens pondus 
 deduceret, ita collocavit machinationem. Ulp. Dig. xxxiv. 2, 9, re- 
 cords a speculum parieti affixum. Comp. Isid. Orig. xvi. 15 ; Salm. 
 ad Vopisc. Firm. 694 ; and respecting the material used for the 
 mirrors, as well as the question, whether the ancients had them of 
 glass or not, see Beckmann, Beitr. z. Gesch. d. Erfind. iii. 467. 
 
 THE CEILINGS 
 
 were originally composed only of boards laid over the beams, but 
 to give them a more elegant appearance, a grate, as it were, of 
 rafters was constructed, so that sunk panels arose, lacus, lacunar, 
 laquear [and the wood- work was painted, or overlaid with costly 
 materials, Sen. Ep. 95 : auro tecta perfundimus]. These lacunaria 
 afterwards received a variety of ornament in stucco, and were also 
 inlaid with ivory and gilded, as in the temples. [Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 
 
 3, 18 ; Hor. Od. ii. 18, 1 : 
 
 K"on ebur neque aureum 
 Mea renidet in domo lacunar. 
 Lucan. x. 112. The artists were called laquearii. Cod. Theod. xiii. 
 
 4, 2.] These panels were in process of time covered over, and the 
 ceiling painted, specimens of which are given in Zahn, t. 27, 67. 
 Ceilings were also made of rushes, and called cameras, tor the con- 
 struction of which rules are laid down by Vitruv. viii. 3. [Among 
 the luxuries of a later age, was a sort of ceiling for the dining- 
 rooms, which was raised or let down by secret machinery. Sen. 
 Ep. 90 and 88 : pegmata per se surgentia, et tabulata tacite in sublime 
 crescentia. Suet. Ner. 31, tabulae Versailles.'] 
 
 THE DOOES. 
 
 THE doors have already been discussed. There were not doors 
 to all the rooms, though the cellse, hibernacula, and dormitoria of 
 course had them. Hence at Pompeii there are often no traces of
 
 276 THE ROMAN HOUSE. [ExcuBSUs 1. 
 
 hinges. The place of the door was often supplied by a hanging, 
 velum, aulcea, cento, irapaireTaapa [the iron rings and pole of which 
 are to be met with at Herculaneum and Pompeii]. Lamprid. Alex. 
 4 ; Heliog. 14 ; veli cubicularis, quod in introitu erat. Sen. Ep. 80 ; 
 Plin. Ep. ii. 17 ; Petron. 7. Hence, among the domestics of the 
 domus Augusta, were the velarii or a velis. The assertion of Botti- 
 ger, that the ancients had almost all their chambers in the interior 
 of their houses shut in with hangings only, is refuted by Terence, 
 Eun. iii. 5, 55 ; Heaut. v. 1, 33 ; Phormio, v. 6, 66, &c. Sometimes 
 curtains, as well as doors, were hung over the entrance. Suet. 
 Claud. 10. Sidon. Apoll. iv. Ep. 24, saya of one who lived very 
 unassumingly, tripodes sellce, Cilicum vela foribus appensa, lectus 
 nihil habens plumce. Tacit. Ann. xiii. 5 ; Poll. x. 7, 32. Martial 
 alludes to such a door-curtain, 1, 35, 5; comp. xi. 45. The windows 
 also had curtains, besides shutters. 
 
 WINDOWS. 
 
 IF we were to judge by the houses in Pompeii, we must conclude 
 that the houses of the ancients had no windows at all looking into 
 the street, for this is the case there, and when an exception does 
 occur, the window is placed so high, that it is quite impossible 
 either to look in or out, without mounting to a considerable height. 
 The ground-floor being surrounded with tabernse, or, in their ab- 
 sence, by porticus and ambulationes, it naturally had no windows. In 
 the upper stories the case must have been otherwise. Doubtless 
 there were windows looking thence into the street, just as well as 
 at Athens. See Charicles. Hence they are often mentioned by 
 ancient authors. Passages, such as Tibul. ii. 6, 39, ab excelsa prce- 
 ceps delapsa fenestra, it is true, demonstrate nothing, as we do not 
 know in what sense he was speaking. But Liv. i. 41, is decisive : 
 (Tanaquil) ex superiore parte cedium per fenestras populum allo- 
 fuitur. So Dionys. iv. 5, and Juv. iii. 270, of the dangers that 
 threatened in the streets of Borne : 
 
 Respice nunc alia ac diversa pericula noctis : 
 
 Quod spatium tectis sublimibus, unde cerebrum 
 
 Testa ferit, quoties rimosa et curta fenestris 
 
 Vasa cadant ! quanto percussum pondere signent 
 
 Et laedant silicem. 
 
 Hence are explained such passages as Horace, i. 25: Parcius juncta* 
 quatiunt fenestras, and the beautiful picture in Propertius, iv. 7, 15: 
 
 Jamne tibi excidernnt vigilacis furta Suburae 
 Et mea nocturnis trita fenestra dolis ? 
 
 Per quam demisso quoties tibi fune pependi, 
 Alterna veniens in tua colla manu.
 
 SCENE II.] THE EOMAN HOUSE. 
 
 277 
 
 Martial (i. 87) says: Vicinus meus est, manuque tangi De nostris 
 Novius potest fenestris, but it is doubtful whether we are to imagine 
 an angiportus or the windows of one house. More definite testi- 
 mony to the custom in Greece, is found in Aristoph. Eccles. 961, 
 where the youth says to the maiden at the window, KaraSpapovaa 
 TUV Qvpav dvoiKov. Livy also says (xxiv. 21) : pars procurrit invias, 
 para in vestibulis stat, pars ex tectis fenestrisque prospectant, et quid 
 rei sit rogitant. In the Mostellaria of Plautus, iv. 2, 27, where 
 slaves wish to fetch away their master, and Theuropides asks : quid 
 volunt ? quid introspectant ? nobody would suppose that he alluded 
 to crevices in the door, or a key-hole. So also Vitruv. v. 6 : comicce 
 autem (scenae) cedificiorum privatorum et menianorum habent speciem, 
 prospectusque fenestris dispositos imitatione communium cedificiorum 
 rationibus. And how are we otherwise to explain the orders of the 
 police (Dig. ix. tit. 3), de his qui effuderint vel dejecerint. But we 
 must consider the windows to have been both small (hence called 
 rimce, Cic. ad Att. ii. 3) and placed high. They had also sometimes 
 gratings, clatliri. Plaut. Mil. ii. 4, 25 ; Winkelm. IF. ii. 250. Most 
 of the smaller apartments, and those lying around the cavum cedium, 
 received only a scanty light through the doors ; the larger ones, as 
 already mentioned, through openings in the roof. 
 
 In more ancient times, it is possible that the windows were un- 
 fastened openings, at the most secured by shutters [or vela, Plin. 
 Ep. vii. 21. In some store-rooms with nets. Varro, B. R. iii. 7: 
 fenestris reticulatis. Thus, at least, is best explained, Ovid. Am. 
 i. 5: 
 
 Pars adaperta fuit, pars altera clausa fenestrae. 
 
 Juv. ix. 105 : Claude fenestr as, vela tegant rimas. Plin. Ep. ix. 36; 
 Sen. Consol. ad Marc. 22 ; Appul. Met. ii. p. 57.] At a later period 
 the lapis specularis (talc) was much used, and is often alluded to. 
 Plin. Ep. ii. 17 : Egregium hce (portions) adversum tempestates re- 
 ceptaculum; nam specularibus ac multo magis tectis imminentibus 
 muniuntur. If Seneca (Ep. 90) were strictly followed, the specu- 
 laria which enclosed this colonnade would not be admissible in 
 reference to the time of Gallus ; but Hirt has shown that the words 
 nostra memoria must not be taken strictly for the suspensurce bal- 
 neorum, which are also included, as described by Vitruvius : and 
 Plin. ix. 54, 79, ascribes their invention to Sergius Grata, in the 
 time of L. Crassus the orator. Why Hirt calls this passage a doubt- 
 ful one, is not very apparent, as Macrobius (Sat. ii. 11) says: Hie 
 est Sergius Orata, qui primus balneas pensiles habuit. The most that 
 could be pronounced on it is this; that in respect of xxvi. 3, 8, 
 Pliny has contradicted himself. To be convinced of the early use
 
 278 THE ROMAN HOUSE [Excesses I. 
 
 of window-panes, we have only to consider the Cyzicenian saloon, 
 which on three sides had glass-doors (valvce) or windows reaching 
 to the ground ; and it is not comprehensible how these can be sup- 
 posed without specularia. In that case it would have been a very 
 draughty house. But Vitruvius also describes it. The question, 
 whether the ancients had also window-glass, was formerly answered 
 in the negative, but of late there has been no further doubt about 
 the matter, and the windows and panes of glass discovered in Pom- 
 peii are surer evidence than all the testimonies of late writers. 
 See Winkelm. TF. ii. 251 ; Gell's Pompeiana, i. 99 ; Hirt, G-esch. der 
 Sank. iii. 66 (who perhaps goes too far). [Transenna is explained 
 &sfenestra by Non. ii. 859; and Cic. de Or. i. 35, says: quasi per 
 transennam prcetereuntes strictim adspeximus. But it is doubtful 
 whether it was a latticed window, or, as Botticher supposes, an 
 opening in the roof to light the room. 
 
 METHOD OF WAEMING. 
 
 THE ancients resorted to more than one expedient for warming 
 the rooms in winter, although they had no proper stoves. In 
 the first place, the cubicula and triclinia, in which they lived in 
 winter, were so situated as to have plenty of sun, and this, with the 
 mildness of their climate, partially served their purpose. Besides 
 they had fire-grates, though perhaps not on the same principle 
 as ours. Suet. Vit. 8, nee ante in prcetorium rediit, quarn flagrante 
 triclinio ex conceptu camini; Hor. Sat. i. 5, 81; Udos cum foliis 
 ramos urente camino : Hor. Epist. i. 11, 19, Sextile mense caminus. 
 [Plin. H. N. xvii. 11, 16; Sidon. Ap. Ep. ii. 2; Isidor. xix. 6. 
 Caminus est fornax.~\ In this sense we must also understand focus 
 (a fovendo], (Hor. Od. i. 9, 5) ligna super foco large reponens, and 
 in other places. The rooms were also warmed by means of pipes, 
 conducted to them from the hypocaustum. See "Winkelm. W. ii. 
 253 ; or there were near the apartments in occupation, small rooms, 
 heated by a hypocaustum, and by means of an opening which could 
 be closed at pleasure, warm air was introduced into the room, 
 Pliu. Ep. ii. 17 : Applidtum est cubiculo hypocauston perexiguum, 
 quod angusta fenestra suppositum color ern, ut ratio exigit, aut effundit 
 aut retinet. Ibidem : Adhceret dormitorium membrum, transitu in- 
 terjacente, qui suspensus et tubulatus conceptum vaporem sahibri tem- 
 pcramento hue illucque digerit et ministrat. They used coal-tubs and 
 portable stoves specimens of which have been discovered in Pom- 
 peii, and are represented in tie following engravings.
 
 SCENE 1L] 
 
 [In warming apparatus of this kind the fuel used was charcoal, 
 or dry wood, as being least likely to smoke.] 
 
 Whether the ancients had chimneys or not, is a disputed point. 
 The usual opinion, shared by Beckmann, Beitrdg. ii. 391 ; Voss. ad 
 Virg. Georg. ii. 242 ; Heind. ad Hor. Sat. i. 5, 81, is that the 
 smoke was not drawn off by means of a flue, but by openings in the 
 roof, windows, and door; and such passages as Vitruv. viii. 3, 4. 
 Condavibus, aut ubi ignis, aut plura lumina sunt ponenda, puree fieri 
 debent (coronse) ut eo facilius extergeantur : in cestivia et exedris, ubi 
 minimefumus est nee fuligo potest nocere, ibi ccelatce sunt faciendce, 
 seem to favour this view of the question. But Tea ad Winkelm. W. 
 ii. 347, after Scamozzi, delV Archit. i. lib. 3, c. 21, has shown that 
 the use of flues was not unknown to the ancients, and that even real 
 grates have been discovered in the ruins of ancient buildings. 
 Comp. Mus. JBorb. v. t. 40. 
 
 At Pompeii, chimneys are only to be met with in baths and 
 bakehouses ; but in Rome and North Italy, where it was a colder 
 climate, they were used also for dwelling-houses ; at least in the 
 days of luxury and refinement. [In the most ancient times but 
 little was known of chimneys ; whence the old atria were often 
 disfigured with smoke ; but the lodging and working rooms soon 
 began to have both grate and chimney. Hor. Sat. i. 5, 80 : 
 
 lacrimoso non sine fumo, 
 Udos cum foliis ramos urente camino,
 
 280 THE EOMAN HOUSE. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 does not disprove this ; for with, such precious fuel the best chimney 
 would smoke. The wood smeared with amurca (Hor. Od. iii. 17, 
 13; Mart. xiii. 15, acapna; Plin. H. N. xv. 8; comp. Mart. xiii. 
 30, Fumoso Decembri) was used for portable stoves, which of course 
 had no flues ; besides which, in some houses, which were low, the 
 chimney was not high enough to cause a good draught. Virg. dEn. 
 xii. 569, fumantia culmina; and Ed. i. 82, villarum culmina fu- 
 mant, show nothing one way or the other. Dig. viii. 5, 8, is more 
 in favour of than against flues. 
 
 CONCLUDING EEMAEKS. 
 
 HERE follow a few hints on the characteristics of the Eoman 
 house. 
 
 1. The area of the house was not always bounded by right 
 lines or rectangles ; as is clear from Plan B. This arose from the 
 irregular course of the streets round the house, upon which its 
 shape was nearly always made to depend. 
 
 2. The exterior of the Eoman domus, the ornaments of the 
 interior notwithstanding, was somewhat paltry; partly owing to its 
 great lowness, partly owing to the smallness or utter absence of the 
 windows, and, lastly, to the irregularity of the building; only a 
 portion of which had an upper story, which gave the whole an un- 
 symmetrical look. 
 
 3. The interior, on the contrary, was very magnificent ; its 
 chief peculiarity being the way in which the several rooms were 
 arranged. These were always grouped round an open room 
 (atrium, cavum sediiim, peristyl) ; which served as a common focus. 
 This court, with its surrounding rooms, formed a separate division 
 in itself ; and the greater the house, the oftener was this construc- 
 tion repeated. The usual lodging and sleeping rooms are small ; 
 but the courts or halls, destined for the reception of visitors, on a 
 large scale. It is through these courts that the rooms received 
 light and air ; an arrangement which also preserved them from 
 draughts. The inmate did not see before him the lively throng of 
 the streets without, still the prospect of the inner courts, with their 
 groups of trees and lawns, was very fine. What a magic effect must 
 have been produced when all the doors and curtains were thrown 
 back, and the eye could reach from the ostium through the three 
 courts, adorned with their marble columns, splashing fountains, 
 shady trees, and gleaming walls ; all grouped in the most charming 
 perspective ; and overhead the deep blue of an Italian heaven !]
 
 EXCURSUS II. SCENE II. 
 
 THE MANNER OF FASTENING THE DOORS. 
 
 A MONO- the least intelligible passages in ancient authors, are 
 ^*- those which relate to some mechanism unknown to the moderns. 
 If express descriptions, such as those of Vitruvius and Hero, and of 
 the hydraulic machines of Ctesibius, are difficult to be understood, 
 we are still more at a loss to give a satisfactory explanation, when 
 casual mention merely is made of something well known at the 
 time, let its mechanism have been ever so simple. This is espe- 
 cially the case when the locks or fastenings of the door are men- 
 tioned. Boettiger (Kunstmyth. i. p. 271) says with some truth, that 
 ' the art of the locksmith is one which still requires much elucida- 
 tion ; and a perfect system of the ancient technology, chiefly after 
 the Onomasticon of Pollux, remains to be written,' yet the system 
 of nomenclature in Pollux will least contribute to clear up our 
 difficulties. 
 
 Our examination must not only begin with the most ancient 
 Greek period, concerning which Homer gives very important hints, 
 but must also comprehend the East, as the origin of keys is pro- 
 bably to be sought for in Phoenicia. This point has partly been 
 discussed in the more important writings on this subject, especially 
 Salinas. Exercitt. p. 649 ; Sagittarius, I)e Jan. vett. 9 15 ; Molin, 
 De clavibus veterum, in Sallengre, Thess. antt. Rom. iii. 795 ; Montfauc. 
 Antiq. expl. iii. I. t. 54, 55. The oldest method of fastening cannot 
 be referred to that in use at Rome ; and we shall here chiefly ex- 
 plain such terms as obex, sera, repagula, pessuJi, claustra. 
 
 The method of fastening varied according to the form of the 
 doors themselves, whether they opened inwards or outwards, or 
 were folding-doors (Mfores], or opened like window-shutters (valvce), 
 Yarro : Volvos, sunt, quce revolvuntur et se velant. 
 
 Folding-doors were (at least in private houses) the most com- 
 mon. When they opened inwards, the most simple method of 
 fastening them was by drawing across a bar or wooden bolt, sera, 
 [also patibulum]. See Nonius, i. p. 41 ; [Varro, L. L. vii. 108;] Ovid. 
 Fast. i. 265; and v. 280, Tota patet demta janua nostra sera; for 
 this bolt was not fastened to the door-post, but entirely removed, 
 when the door was unfastened. Petron. 16. The usual expression 
 for such bolting is opponere, or apponere seram, i. e. obserare. The 
 sera rested on the door-post, as we learn from Ovid. Amor. i. 6,
 
 282 MANNER OF FASTENING THE DOORS. [Excuusus II. 
 
 where, "by poatis, in connection -with, excutere, we cannot understand 
 the door. [At Pompeii, hollows are frequently seen in both the 
 door-posts, for the reception of this cross-bolt.] We cannot dis- 
 tinguish between the sera and the obex, further than that the latter 
 word is a more general expression for everything placed before the 
 door [Virg. Georg. iv. 422, Obice saxi ; Sil. Ital. iv. 23], but must 
 not refer it to any particular contrivance. Hence we have in Festus. 
 Obices pessuli, serae. But the repagula were something of another 
 sort; see Festus, 281, from whom we may conclude, by the words 
 patefaciundi gratia, that it was a contrivance which allowed of the 
 door being opened with less trouble than by the sera, and that, as 
 the name occurs only in the plural, a cross-beam is not denoted by 
 it, as by the sera, but two bolts meeting from opposite sides [usually 
 of wood, Plin. H. N. xvi. 42, 82], whence Festus says, e contrario 
 oppanguntur. In that case some means of joining the two together 
 would be required, and perhaps this was effected, as among the 
 Greeks, with a (3a\ai>og (a pin), which being sunk into a hollow 
 (j3XavoWicj), connected the bolt with the door, and being itself 
 hollow, was drawn out again when the door was to be opened, by 
 means of an instrument (jSaXavaypa), that fitted into it. A similar 
 contrivance was requisite* also when the door opened outwards, 
 where a bolt within would have been of no use, unless it were con- 
 nected with the door. 
 
 This pin (/WXavoe) is commonly supposed to be the same as that 
 which the Romans called pessulus, but with the exception of the 
 words of Marcellus Empiricus, cited by Sagittarius, we know of no 
 other passage that would not militate against, rather than favour, 
 this assumption. See Plaut. Aul, i. 2, 25, occlude sis fores ambobus 
 pessulis ; Ter. Heaut. ii. 3, 37 ; Eun. iii. 5, 55 ; Appul. Met . i. 44, Oud. ; 
 49, 52, Subdita clavi pessulos reduco ; iii. p. 199; ix. p. 631. It is 
 evident that something different from a hollow pin, which was sunk 
 into the opening of the sera, is meant; we can neither reconcile 
 therewith the expression pessulum ohdere foribus, and the oppessulata 
 janua so frequently occurring in Appuleius, nor does it appear why 
 the plural pessuli is used. The nature of the ancient locks is not 
 quite clear from Appuleius, but there can be no doubt that by 
 pessuli we must understand bolts which could be moved backwards 
 and forwards by a key. See Salmas. Exercitt. ad Sol. p. 650, whence 
 it appears that pessuli cannot be confounded with sera and (3d\avo, 
 nor clavis with jSaXaraypa.. 
 
 In Terence, by pessulus may be understood a single bolt which 
 was pushed forwards and backwards without a key. In Appuleius, 
 on the contrary, the pessuli (a double bolt moved by a key) could
 
 SCENE II.] MANNER OF FASTENING THE DOORS. 283 
 
 not be drawn back without using the key ; in the latter case we 
 have therefore to understand real covered locks ; and when we read 
 ad claustra pessuli recurrunt, daustra means the lock-hasp into which 
 the bolts shut. 
 
 All doors which were opened and fastened from without naturally 
 had such locks. For house-doors they were not so necessary, as 
 somebody always remained inside to open them. But in case one 
 wished to open the door from outside, there was a hole in the door, 
 through which the hand was inserted, in order to draw back the 
 bolt by means of the key, as is the case in Appul. Met. iv. p. 359 ; 
 Petron. 94. 
 
 In cupboards, and places of that sort, such a hole would have 
 been very inconvenient ; and for this reason they were fastened from 
 without ; the same was the case with other doors, and even house- 
 doors, as we see in Plaut. Most. ii. 1, 57. Tranio wishes to make 
 Theuropides, on his return, believe that the house was no longer 
 inhabited ; hence he fastens the door outside, having already or- 
 dered Philolaches to do the same within. Both are done (v. 78). 
 There must therefore have been a double lock on the door, or the 
 fastening took place within by means of the sera or repagula, from 
 without by a proper door-lock. A person standing before the door 
 must have been able to perceive whether it was fastened outside, or 
 there would have been no necessity for Tranio to lock it. The 
 three-toothed key is considered of Lacedaemonian invention, for 
 which reason it was called clavis Laconica. As far as its use among 
 the Eomans is concerned, the date of the invention is of no conse- 
 quence, as this took place long before the time from which our 
 accounts of the domestic life of the Eomans are dated. 
 
 [Avellino first made us acquainted with another method of 
 fastening the doors, viz., by two bolts, one on the upper part of the 
 door which was shot into a hollow in the lintel, one on the lower 
 part, which shot into the sill. This was generally used for folding- 
 doors and shutter-doors, the bolt shooting into a ring in the floor. 
 The last-mentioned door required this sort of mechanism to keep 
 it in a straight line when shut. An instance of the kind is to be 
 seen in the two tabernse of the house of the Bronzes, and in the 
 tablinum of the house of the ornamented capitals. The name of this 
 bolt, which was moved without a key, was pessulus. Plaut. Aulul. 
 above ; Cist. iii. 18, Obdudite cedes pessulis ; Cure. i. 2, 60 ; Ter. 
 Ileaut. above ; Marcell. Empir. 17, Foramine in quo januce pessuli 
 descendunt ; Polyb. xv. 30, Qvpae ajroic\io;ii'ac Etrrols /jo^otf.] 
 
 There was likewise an old, though not very general, custom of 
 sometimes sealing the doors (obsignare cellas), Plaut. Cas. iii. 1, 1.
 
 284 MANNER OF FASTENING THE DOORS. [EXCURSUS II. 
 
 [Plin. H. N. : At nunc cibi quoque acpotus anulo vindicantur a rapina. 
 Among the Greeks only were the chambers of the women sealed. 
 Aristoph. Thesmoph. 414 ; Plat, de Leg. xii. p. 954.] Cicero's mother 
 sealed even the empty bottles. Ad Fam. xvi. 26 : Lagenas etiam 
 inanes obsignabat, ne dicjsrentur inanes aliquce fuisse, quce furtim es- 
 sent exsiccatce. [Pers. Sat. vi. 17 ; Martial ix. 88.] In Plaut. Mil. 
 iii. 2, it is otherwise.
 
 EXCURSUS III. SCENE II. 
 
 [THE HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS. 
 
 T1TE shall here take household utensils in a wider signification 
 * * than that conveyed under the Eoman supellex; which ac- 
 cording to Pomp. Dig. xxxiii. 10, 1, was understood to mean do- 
 meaticum patrisfam. instrumentum, quod neque argento aurove facto 
 vel vesti adnumeratur. So Alfen. ib. 6, and Tubero in Gels. 7, 1, 
 whence we see that, originally, the term did not include gold and 
 silver, until the times of increased luxury, when the material was 
 disregarded. Celsus. ib. Thus Paull. enumerates as articles of 
 supellex, tables, chairs, benches, lecti, lamps, all sorts of vasa, pelves, 
 aquiminaria, etc., whether of precious metal or other valuable 
 material (crystalline/,, argentea, vitrea, murrhina. See Sen. Ep. 110, 
 gemmeam supellectilem. Paull. rec. sent. iii. 6, 67), cupboards and 
 so forth ; Dig. ib. 8, 9, and Dig. xxxiv. 2, 19. 
 
 A distinction was made by the Eomans, between these utensils, 
 and the instrumentum, as it was called, i. e. (Ulp. Dig. xxxiii. 7, 12), 
 apparatus rerum diutius mansurarum, sine quibus exerceri nequiret 
 possessio ; e. g. in a farm, all the dead and live stock and the slaves ; 
 in a baker's shop, everything necessary for carrying on that business; 
 in a tavern, all the requisite vessels ; Paull. rec. sent. iii. 6, 61 ; in a 
 house (according to Pegasus and Cassius) fire-engines, cleaning 
 instruments, and so forth. Ulp. Dig. xxxiii. 7, 12. Other jurists, 
 however, include under the instrumentum of a house the whole of 
 the supellex ; as Neratius and Ulpian ; Cic. de Orat. i. 36, in 
 oratoris instrumento tarn lautam supellectilem nunquam videram ; 
 Suet. Oct. 71, 73; Tib. 36; Cal. 39. This would comprehend the 
 furniture, cupboards, chests, vessels for liquids, lighting-apparatus, 
 clocks, kitchen and cleansing utensils.] 
 
 According to the ideas of the moderns, the Eoman rooms would 
 seem rather bare of furniture. They had no writing tables, or 
 cheffoniers, no mirrors to cover the painted walls. Lecti, tables, 
 chairs, and candelabra comprised the whole of the furniture, with 
 the exception, now and then, of a water-clock, or a coal-pan in 
 winter. At the same time, the little they had was replete with 
 elegance and splendour. 
 
 LECTUS 
 
 [Paul. Diac. p. 115; Varro, L. L. v. 166], was neither exactly 
 a bed, nor a sofa, but a simple frame with a low ledge at the
 
 286 THE HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS. [EXCURSUS III. 
 
 head. It was sometimes of wood, [Ter. Adelph. iv. 2, 46; Sen. 
 Ep. 95; Hor. Ep. i. 5, 1, Archiacis lectis ; Gell. xii. 2, Sotericilf.cti,~\ . 
 among the rich cedar or terebinth, Prop. iii. 7, 49 ; Pers. .. 52 ; 
 Plin. II. N. xvi. 43 ; but frequently of brass, Cic. Verr. iv. 26, 
 lectos ceratos; Plin. //. N. xxxiv. 3, 8, triclinia cerata; which does 
 not mean wooden frames with brass legs (as it does in Plin. xxxiv. 
 2, 4, and perhaps in Liv. xxxix. 6), since Pliny is enumerating 
 only articles of massive metal. The wooden lecti were inlaid with 
 ivory, tortoise-shell, and precious metals, and provided with ivory, 
 silver, and gold feet. In Odyss. xxiii. 199, 
 
 daida\\wv xpvaqi TI (cat apyvptfi ?}>' t\t<pavTt, 
 
 applies to the bed of Ulysses; how much more to that of the 
 Eomans, in comparison with whose magnificence, the most excessive 
 luxury of all ages is but poor and insignificant ! 
 
 [Inlaying with precious materials is often mentioned. Plin. 
 H. N. ib. ix. 11; xxxiii. 11; Suet. Col. 32; Javol. Dig. xxxii. 100, 
 lectos testudineos pedibus inargentatos ; Paull. xxxiii. 10,3; elsewhere, 
 lecti aurei, aurati, eburnei, argentei, etc. ; Cic. Tusc. v. 21 ; Suet. 
 Cces. 49; Hor. Sat. ii. 6, 103; Juv. vi. 80; Plaut. Stick, ii. 2, 53; 
 Plin. //. N. xxxvii. 2 ; Sen. Ep. 110 ; Vop. Firm. 3; Yarro, L. L. 
 ix. 47, lectos olios ex ebore alias ex testudine, i. e. veneered, not solid; 
 which last was rare. At least the bedsteads of Heliogabalus caused 
 surprise, being solido argento. Lampr. Hel. 20. See Spart. Jl. 
 ver. 5.] 
 
 This frame was strung with girths, called sometimes rcstes, at 
 others fascice, and again institce. This is the tenta cubilia of Horace, 
 Epod. xii. 12 ; Cic. de Div. ii. 65 ; Mart. v. 62 : 
 
 Nulla tegit fractos nee inanis culcita lectos, 
 Putris et abrupta fascia reste jacet. 
 
 Petr. c. 97. [Cato, R. R. 10, lectos loris subtentosJ] The stupid wit 
 in Aristoph. alludes to this, Ab. 812. 
 
 On the girths lay the mattress or bed, torus, called, later, culcita. 
 [See Varro, L. L. v. 167 ; Isid. xx. 1 ; Serv. ad Virg. Mn. ii. 27.] 
 The usual and genuine tomentum, with which beds and cushions 
 were stuffed, was locks of wool. [Tac. Ann. vi. 23 ; Suet. Tib. 54.] 
 Pliny (viii. 48, 73) derives this usage of wool from Gaul, but with- 
 out being able to fix the date of its introduction. In olden times 
 they had nothing but straw-mattresses, and in later also the poorer 
 classes stuffed their beds with chopped sedge (ulva) or hay. Mart. 
 xiv. 160: 
 
 Tomentum concisa palus Circense vocatur : 
 
 Hacc pro Leuconico stramina pauper emit. 
 [Ovid. Met. viii. 655 ; Fast. v. 519 ; Mart. xiv. 162 ; Sen. de Vita
 
 SCENE II.] THE HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS. 287 
 
 Beata, c. 25 ; [Pirn, xxvii. 10. Culcita does not always denote the 
 bod on which one lay, but a cushion. Varro, L. L. v. 167, derive.* 
 it ab inculcando, quod in eas (culcitas) acua aut tomentum aliudve 
 quid calcdbant. Isid. xix. 26;] Plaut. Mil. iv. 4, 42; Petr. c. 38. 
 At a later period, the voluptuous Eoman became dissatisfied with 
 wool, and not only the cervicalca, but also the torus, began to bo 
 stuffed with feathers. The feathers and down of white geese were 
 used; but above all, as among us, the eider-down; those of the 
 small white German geese, gantce, were highly valued, so that pre- 
 fects would send out whole cohorts to hunt them ; and their feathers 
 were sold at five denarii the pound. Plin. Epist. x. 22, 27 ; Cicero, 
 Tuscul. iii. 19, speaks of a culcita plumea. [Juv. vi. 88 : 
 
 Sed quaraquam in magnis opibus plumaque paterna 
 Et segmentatis dormisset parvula cunis.] 
 
 Swan's-down also was used, Mart. xiv. 161. [Heliogabalus even 
 used the plumas perdicum, subalares, Lamprid. Hdiog. 19.] The 
 torus was also stuffed with feathers, Mart. xiv. 159 : 
 
 Oppresses nimium vicina est fascia plumse ? 
 Vellera Leuconicis accipe rasa sagis, 
 
 [and xii. 17 ; see below.] And no doubt the pemiles plumce of the 
 litter, Juv. i. 159, are to be understood in this sense. How different 
 was a Eoman bed of this description from the softest couch of the 
 Greeks, as described by Homer, who mentions no bolster or cushion 
 even in the most wealthy abode ! At the head lay one or more 
 small pillows of a round shape, pulvini, on which they rested the 
 elbow, Sen. de Ira, iii. 37, also called cervicalia, i. e. cushions for the 
 head, Isid. xix. 26. 
 
 Over the bed, coverlets, vestes stragulce, stragula [a sternendo, 
 Yarro, L. L. v. 167 ; also pallia, operimenta, and opercula, Varro, ib. ; 
 peristromata tapeta, Ulp. Dig. xxxiv. 2, 25], were spread, and among 
 the more wealthy purple coverlets, conchyliata, concliylio tincta, 
 which were adorned with interwoven and embroidered figures, Ba- 
 "bylonica and Alexandrina. See Heind. ad Hor. Sat. ii. 3, 118. We 
 may infer from Cicero, Verr. iv. 26, how great was the number of 
 such coverlets in many a supellex. Compare Philipp. ii. 27. [See 
 Vitruv. vi. 10 ; Macrob. ii. 9 ; Lamprid. Hdiog. 19 ; Suet. Oct. 73 ; 
 Ovid. Metam. viii. 656.] Martial, ii. 16, makes an excellent joke on 
 the vanity of Zoilus, who pretended to be ill, that he might show 
 his visitors the coccina stragula of his bed, which he probably had 
 just received from Alexandria. [Appul. Met. x. p. 248, and 256 : 
 Lectus Indica testudine perlucidus, plumea congerie tumidus, veste 
 serica floridus. These coverlets were often so voluminous that
 
 2 88 THE HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS. [Excuusus III. 
 
 nothing was to be seen of the cushions and bedstead.] The pulvini 
 were covered with silk, Mart. iii. 82, 7 : 
 
 Effultus ostro sericisque pulvinis. 
 
 Hor. Epod. 8, 15: Libdli Stoici inter sericos jacere pulvittos amant. 
 But in Cic. p. Mur. 36 : Lectuli Punicani hcedinis pellibus strati. 
 See Sen. Ep. 95. Effeminacy arrived at such a pitch that the cer- 
 yicalia were covered with feather-tapestry, the work of the plumarii. 
 
 The meaning of the term plumarius is very obscure ; the explan- 
 ation of Salmasius ad Vopisc. Carin. has been generally adopted. 
 Plumas vocarunt veteres notas ex auro vel purpura rotundas et in mo- 
 dum plumarum factas (?), quibus vestes intertexebantur ac variabantur. 
 Again, davos intextos aureos, quce irXovpia Greed recentiores vocabant 
 a plumis igitur illis, hoc est davis, quibus vestes intertexebantur, plu- 
 marii textores dicti, non solum qui davos vestibus insuerent et intexerent, 
 sed qui quocunque genere pictures, quibuscunque coloribus et figuris 
 variatas vestes pingerent. The latter assertion, however, wants proof, 
 but was indispensable to his explanation. 
 
 Plumatce vestes are garments, the ground of which was figured 
 with gold embroidery. Why the notce embroidered on them came 
 to be called plumse, is still a question ; but the proofs that this was 
 the case are unequivocal. Publ. Syrus, Petr. 55 ; Lucan, x. 125. 
 The ornament is always designated as golden, but the embroidery 
 is never mentioned as being executed in divers colours ; and when 
 the Glossaries translate plumarius by woticiXr^e, it does not convey 
 that idea. The toga pitta is also embroidered with gold, Appian, 
 Pun. and variare auro is a common expression therefore it would 
 be wrong to infer from the Scholion ad Lycoph. that irXovnapiKol is, 
 embroidered in variVis colours, particularly as in that case it would 
 not be mentioned, besides the irtiroiKi\it.tvoi. Salmasius misquotes 
 Firmicus Maternus, iii. 13, 10, and from this decides upon the work 
 of the plumarii; but that Firmicus, by plumarii, did not mean 
 fabricators of gold-embroidered garments, is plain, from his always 
 denoting these by periphrasis, iii. 36 12. Of whatever form the 
 plumse were, whether, as Salmasius supposes, clavi or orbiculi, the 
 plumatse vestes were in every case gold-embroidered. Varro, in 
 Nonius, ii. p. 616, expressly distinguishes the plumarius from the 
 textor. Moreover, if his business consisted merely in sewing on 
 notce rotundce, clavi (and irXovpia can only be explained to be some- 
 thing of this sort), then the art required was not very great ; and 
 what need was there didicisse pingere in order to understand it ? 
 And how unsuitable would gold embroidery have been for pulvi- 
 nares plagce, for which the softest stuffs possible were used. Mar-
 
 SCENE II.] THE HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS. 289 
 
 tial, iii. 82, 7. Still less can we reconcile with the above explan- 
 ation the passage of Yitruvius (B. vi. 7), where the workshops of 
 the plumarii are called textrince. Their business then was not to 
 adorn with embroidery garments already made, but to weave in some 
 peculiar manner ; and there is nothing about gold, but about colours, 
 which must be kept from the sun that they may not fade. 
 
 The expression seems to require some other explanation, and 
 however near the connection may seem to be between plumarius and 
 plumata vestis, still Varro and Vitruvius probably allude to an en- 
 tirely different kind of work. In the Glossaries plumarius is trans- 
 lated by 7m\o/3u$oc (feather-dyer), which Salmasius changes into 
 i//tXo/3d0oe, in which pdirretv is to denote variare generally, as well 
 as to embroider ! If printing in colours had been alluded to, then 
 this would have been possible. But fidirrtiv cannot have this signi- 
 fication, any more than the Romans would have said tingere vestes, 
 instead of acu pingere. On the contrary 7rrXo|3d7rr?jc appears very 
 correct. When Martial, xii. 17, says of a fever that will not leave 
 Lentulus, because he takes too good care of it, dormit et in pluma 
 purpureoque toro, this may no doubt be understood of the feathers 
 with which in later times the cushions were stuffed. But the 
 same explanation will hardly suit Epig. xiv. 146, Lemma Cervieal : 
 Tinge caput nardi folio ; cervical olebit : 
 
 Perdidit unguentum cum coma, pluma tenet, 
 
 for the ointment could only be communicated to the pillow-case. 
 Still less could it be admissible, with Bottiger, Sabina, to under- 
 stand what Propertius says of Psetus, Effultum pluma versicolore 
 caput, iii. 7, 50, as alluding to cushions which were stuffed with 
 feathers of divers colours. On these grounds I am inclined to 
 believe that the plumarii prepared real feather-tapestry, with which 
 the pulvini and cervicalia were covered ; and the same is probably 
 meant by Trrtpwrd icai TrriXwra TrpoaKt<j>d\ata. Poll. X. 1, 10. If in 
 modern days we have succeeded in constructing from coloured 
 feathers tapestry of a very durable nature, covered with all sorts 
 of emblems, why should not the ancients, who certainly in many 
 things showed greater cunning of hand than we do, obtain credit 
 for equal ingenuity ? Seneca, Ep. 90, also speaks of garments 
 even, made of feathers ; and plumarius and 7rnXo/3d0oc (from pluma ; 
 if from plumare, it would be plumator], is he who works in feathers, 
 as lanarius, he who works in wool, argentarius in silver, &c. 
 
 [Though Becker has proved beyond a doubt, that plumatse 
 vestes denote stuffs of feather-embroidery, and plumarii the manu- 
 facturers of the same ; yet it is uncertain whether these stuffs were 
 used for pillow-cases. For, without dwelling on the fact, that such 
 
 u
 
 290 THE HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS. [ExcuKsus III. 
 
 coverings would be ill-adapted for cushions, either for sitting or 
 lying upon ; nothing of the kind can be gathered from, the passages 
 cited. In Martial, xiv. 149, pluma tenet refers to the feathers inside 
 the pillow, which, from, the thinness of the case, become easily 
 tainted by the ointment, and smell of it. The words of Propertius, 
 versicolore pluma, may either be considered a metonymy, and would 
 then denote the party-coloured cover of a feather cushion (as tori 
 picti, Virg. JEn. i. 708, and toro purpureo, Ovid. Heroid. v. 88, 
 refer, not to the colour of the torus, but only to that of the case 
 'or coverlet), or it may mean actual coloured feathers, with which 
 the cushion is stuffed, and which shine through the thin case ; an 
 explanation approved by Herzberg, who quotes Cic. Verr. v. 11 : 
 Pulvinus perlucidus Melitensis, rosa fartus.~\ 
 
 We must draw a distinction between the coverlets (stragula) 
 and the tor alia; and we do not understand howHeindorf on Horace 
 (Sat, ii. 4, 84, referring at the same time to Epist. i. 5, 21) could 
 say, ' In both cases toral, toralia, is evidently a case or covering of 
 the purple stuff cushions (tori] of the sofas.' [This was originally 
 the general idea : see Turneb. Adv. i. 24 ; Ciaccon. de Triclin. p. 16.] 
 Petronius (40) is sufficient to controvert this. The chief dish, 
 the boar, was going to be served up, and Trimalchio caused the 
 triclinium suddenly to receive an exterior covering, referring to the 
 chase ; and the hounds were at the same time admitted into the 
 apartment. We need only reflect, that the whole of the guests lay 
 upon the lecti, when the slaves toralia proponunt, to be convinced 
 that the word cannot mean covers spread over the couches. On 
 the contrary, it signifies hangings, with which the lectus was draped 
 from the torus to the floor ; hence Horace says circum Tyrias vestes 
 (purpureum torum) dare illota toralia. See Casaubon on Lamprid. 
 Heliog. 19 ; Paull. Dig. xxxiii. 10, 5. [This explanation is entirely 
 corroborated by Yarro, L. L. v. 167, contra Latinum toral, quod 
 ante torum. In Non. however (i. 35) it may mean the hangings of 
 the lectica.] 
 
 The bed of the ancients, lectus cubicularis, was higher than the 
 lectus tricliniaris [see Excursus on the Triclinium] ; Lamprid. Hel. 
 20; Varro, L. L. viii. 32. Hence scandere, ascender e, descendere, are 
 always said of it. See Broukh, on Tibull. i. 2, 19 ; Ov. Fast. ii. 349 ; 
 Serv. ad Virg. ^En. iv. 685, lecti antiquorum alti erant et gradibus 
 ascendebantur. Lucan. ii. 356, gradibusque acclivis eburnis Stat torus. 
 [Yarro, Z. L. v. 168.] These gradus seem to be the fulcra (i. e. 
 pedum) so often mentioned. [Or rather fulcra denote the stout 
 props, adorned with sphinxes, griffins, and other beasts, serving as 
 feet, in contradistinction to the round and more elegant pedes.
 
 SCENB II.] THE HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS. 291 
 
 Hygin. Fab. 274 ; laid. xix. 26. Plin. H.N. xxxiv. 2, speaks of both 
 tricliniorum, pedibus fulcrisque.] See Propert. ii. 10, 21 : 
 
 Nee mihi tune fulcro steraatur lectus eburno. 
 iv. 7, 3 ; Juv. vi. 22 ; xi. 95 : 
 
 Quails in Oceani fluctu testudo nataret, 
 Clarum Trojugenis factura et nobile fulcrum. 
 
 Comp.'Virg. ^En. vi. 603; Suet. Claud. 32. 
 
 The lectus cubicularis had (especially when it was intended for 
 two persons) an elevated ledge on one side of it, pluteus, which 
 word is used to denote the whole side, while the side by which they 
 got into the bed was called sponda. Isidor. xx. 11. The same is 
 meant by the prior interiorque torus, Ovid. Amor. iii. 14, 32. See 
 Salinas, ad Mart. iii. 91, 9 ; Suet. Goes. 49 ; Scip. Afr. in Gellius, vii. 
 12. As regards sofas for studying, Bottiger, Sab. i. p. 35, has re- 
 marked, writing-desks, with stools to sit on and study, were un- 
 known to the ancients ; but they used to meditate, read, or write 
 reclining on the lectus, or lectulus, or lectulus lucubratorius, or 
 lectica luc. Suet. Aug. 78 ; Ovid. Trist. i. 11, 37 ; Seneca, Epist. 72. 
 The habitus studentis, as Pliny calls it, was such that a person, 
 almost as in the triclinium, rested on the left arm, drawing up at 
 the same time the right leg, in order to lay the book on it, or to 
 write, but they may also have had contrivances for the convenience 
 of writing, on the edge of the lectulus. Persius, i. 106 : 
 
 Nee pluteum c^dit, nee demorsos sapit ungues. 
 
 Juven. ii. 7. [Sidon. Ap. ii. 9, grammaticales plutei. Scimpodium, 
 and grabatus, two names borrowed from the Greeks, most likely 
 denoted the same thing in Greece, a low small couch. See Becker's 
 Charicles, Eng. Trans, p. 117, note. Scimpodium comes from<ntt/*7rrto. 
 But in Rome grabati were applied to the lecti of the poor, which 
 were lower than those of the rich ; whilst the low new-fashioned 
 couch of the higher classes was called scimpodium. The poverty- 
 stricken appearance of the grabati is clear from Cic. de Div., non 
 modo lectos, verum etiam grabatos. Sen. Ep. 18, mentions them 
 along with modicas coenas, pauperum cellos, Ep. 20. They were 
 used for travellers in inns, Petron. 52. The scimpodia, on the con- 
 trary, are only mentioned of the rich, and are generally used in cases 
 of sickness, e. g. Gell. xix. 10. Dio. Cass. Ixxvi. 13, relates that Sept. 
 Severus, when ill, was carried in a scimpodium. Augustus and Ti- 
 berius had done the same. Later, the difference was done away 
 with, and the costly scimpodia were likewise called grabatus. Scaev. 
 Dig. xxxiii. 7, 20, grabatus argento in aurato tectus. The Punicani 
 lecti, as thoy were called, were also very low. Isid. xx. 11.] 
 
 u 2
 
 292 THE HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS. [EXCURSUS III. 
 
 THE CHAIRS. 
 
 CHAIRS were not so much used by the Romans as by us, and 
 only required for visitors [Grell. ii. 2 ; Sen. de Clem. i. 9], although 
 they also had exedrce. A distinction is made between sella and 
 cathedra, and the latter is assigned particularly to the women. But 
 it cannot be said that the sella was formed like our chairs, only with 
 the back a little more inclined ; or that the cathedra meant an arm- 
 chair ; for the settee gestatorice were arm-chairs, and on the other 
 hand, we often meet with women sitting on the simple chairs. Sella 
 denotes every kind of chair from the sella quotidiani qucestus of the 
 artisan (Cic. in Cat. iv. 8 ; Mus. Sorb, iv. 6, 50), to the sella curulis. 
 The cathedra is also included herein; and the reason why this 
 word, so common in the poets, refers oftenest to women, is that 
 they generally sat, and did not recline. [At least sella and sedile 
 (with the diminutives sediculum and sedecula, Cic. ad Ait. iv. 10) 
 were the most general terms for every kind of chair, although sedile 
 originally denotes merely the seat itself or the cushion thereon. 
 Seliquastrum was an antique expression. Fest. p. 340 ; Varro, L. L. 
 v. 128. The general meaning of sella is clear from its being used 
 in the tabernse of the artisans and tonsores, Dig. ix. 2, 11 ; and at 
 the house-doors of the courtesans (Plaut. Pcen. i. 2, 56 ; Sen. de 
 Benef. i. 9) ; in the baths (see Excursus on the Baths) ; in the lec- 
 ture rooms (Cic. ad Fam. ix. 18), and on the tribunal of the magis- 
 trate (like the sella curulis and the sella imperatoria, Spart. Sev. 1 ; 
 Cic. Phil. ii. 34 ; Suet. Goes. 76 ; Cic. Verr. ii. 38 ; v. 39 ; Suet. Claud. 
 23 ; Plin. Ep. ii. 11, sellis consulum) ; also in the camp for the gen- 
 eral, Suet. Galb. 18, castrensem sellam; not to mention that sella 
 also means a sedan, as well as another unsesthetic article of house- 
 hold furniture, called sella familiarica. Cod. Th. xv. 13, de usu sel- 
 larum in their most general sense. Sedile, although rarely met with, 
 has a very general meaning. Suet. Oct., sedile regium ; Spart. Hadr. 
 23 ; Comp. Cels. viii. 10. It is said of a marble bench in Pliny, 
 Ep. v. 6, 40 ; and often in the poets. 
 
 The solium was the term for a lofty throne-like seat of honour. 
 Such a one was occupied by the father of the family, when he gave 
 advice to his clients, as their patronus. Cic. de Leg. i. 3, more 
 patrio sedens in solio consulentibus responderem, de Or. ii. 55. Such 
 solia were consecrated to the gods in their temples. So Solium 
 Jovis. Suet. Cal. 57; Oct. 70; Or. de liar. Resp. 27. The kingly 
 throne is often so called. Serv. ad Virg. JEn. i. 510; vii. 169. 
 In this sense it often occurs in Virgil and Ovid. Cic. de fin. ii. 21 : 
 ornatu regali, in solio sedens. See Isid. xx. 11, and Festus. The
 
 SCENE II.] THE HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS. 293 
 
 splendid gilded thrones of Mars and Venus, Bacchus and Ceres, 
 which occur in the Pompeian frescoes, were most likely Roman 
 solia, or, at least, like them. Mus. Sorb. viii. 20 ; vi. 53, 34. The 
 backs and sides are perpendicular, as "well as the legs, which are of 
 the most elegant shape, with small foot-boards attached. They 
 have also cushions of various hues, and hangings on each side of 
 the back. Chimentell. de Honore Bisdl. c. 18. 
 
 The cathedra, on the other hand, was designed more for comfort 
 than show; its back and sides are therefore not upright, as in the 
 solium, but more easy and adapted to the form of the person, with 
 sloping back, and broader above, for the head to rest on in either 
 direction. Ant. d'Rerc. iv. 97 ; Mus. Sorb. iv. t. 18 ; but it is always 
 without arms. See Juv. vi. 90 : 
 
 . . . famam contemserat olim, 
 Cujus apud molles minima est jactura cathedras. 
 Martial, iii. 63, says of the effeminate Cotilus, 
 
 Inter femineas tota qui luce cathedras 
 
 Desidet. 
 
 xii. 38, femineis cathedris ; Juv. ix. 52, strata positus longaque cathe- 
 dra ; which shows that it had soft cushions and was long. It was 
 covered with a stragulum, as we see from Martial, xii. 18 : 
 
 Ignota est toga, sed datur petenti 
 
 Rupta proxima vestis e cathedra. 
 
 From the easiness of the cathedra it is often mentioned in con- 
 nection with the fair sex. Mart. ix. 99 ; Phsedr. iii. 8, 4 ; Hor. Sat. 
 i. 10, 90. Ladies used to rest on it and write, Prop. iv. 5, 37. 
 But the use of these chairs was not confined to them, as they 
 were offered to men also, when paying visits. Thus, in Sen. de 
 Clem. i. 9, Augustus has a cathedra set for Cinna. Plin. Ep. ii. 17; 
 viii. 21. The teacher's chair was also called cathedra, not however 
 on account of its being easy. Juv. vii. 203; Mart. i. 77; Sidon. Ep. 
 vii. 9. Pliny (xvi. 37, 68) mentions a particular sort of cathedra 
 interwoven with osiers. Comp. Lipsii Elect, i. 19 ; Dittrich, de 
 CatTi. feminarum Rom. 
 
 Besides the solium (or chair of state with back and arms), and 
 the cathedra (or easy-chair with stuffed back, gently sloping, but 
 without arms), there were none others, as far as we know, bearing 
 any particular designation ; but they all went by the general name 
 of sella. They were very various, and often remarkably like our 
 modern chairs, as is seen by the paintings at Pompeii. The feet 
 were most elegantly turned, and either straight or gracefully 
 curved; sometimes placed cross- wise, as in Mus. Sorb. vii. t. 3. 
 The backs displayed an even greater variety. Sometimes there
 
 294 THE HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS. [Exccasus III. 
 
 were none ; as in the modern stool. Mm. Sorb. vii. t. 53 ; ix. 18. 
 (Even those of the emperors are often without them. Mm. Sorb. 
 iv. t. 37.) Sometimes they are very low, Mus. Sorb, viii. 5 ; others 
 again are very tall, and incline forwards or backwards. But gener- 
 ally the back is semicircular (hence called arcus, Tac. Ann. xv. 
 57), and broad, Mus. Sorb, xiii. 21, 36; rarely trellised, as in Mus. 
 Sorb. xii. 13. On the seats are cushions, apparently moveable, and 
 therefore fastened with broad or narrow bands. The frames of 
 chairs were of wood (often veneered with ivory or other costly 
 materials), or of metal, like the lecti. See Chimentell. Marmor. 
 Pisanum de Hon. Bisell. 
 
 Benches (scamna and subsellia, Varro, L. L. v. 168 ; Isid. xx. 
 11) were not used in the houses of the wealthy Eomans, except in 
 the baths, or for the purpose of facilitating the ascent into the 
 lectus. Isidorus and Varro. The subsellia cathedraria were a more 
 convenient kind, with backs (Paull. Dig. xxxiii. 10, 5), and tapetce 
 to cover the cushion; called tegumenta subselliorum in Ulp. Dig. 
 xxxiv. 2, 25. They were to be found in the public baths. Well- 
 preserved specimens were discovered in Pompeii. See Excurs. I. 
 Sc. 7. It will be needless to say how common benches were in 
 public life, as in courts of justice and theatres. Scabdla were small 
 foot-stools (Isid. ib.}, also called hypodia. Paull. iii. 6, 65.] 
 
 THE TABLES. 
 
 ttf no article of furniture was greater expense incurred than in 
 the tables; indeed the extravagance in this particular would be 
 scarcely credible, did not the most trustworthy writers give us ex- 
 press information about it. The monopodia, especially, cost im- 
 mense sums of money ; also called orbes and abaci. These mono- 
 podia, which, according to Livy, xxxix. 6, and Pliny, H. N. xxxiv. 
 3, 8, came with other articles of luxury from Asia, were called 
 orbes, not from being round, but because they were massive plates of 
 wood, cut off the stem in its whole diameter. For this purpose, the 
 wood of the citrus was preferred above all others [mensa citrea, Cic. 
 Verr. iv. 17 ; Petron. 119] ; by which we must not understand the 
 citron-tree, but the thuja cypressoides, Gvia, Qvov, as is evident from 
 Pliny, xiii. 16, who expressly distinguishes it from the regular citrus. 
 This tree was found especially in Mauretania (hence, secti Atlantide 
 silva orbes, Luc. x. 144; Mart. xiv. 89), and was of such magnitude, 
 as the citron-tree never attained to. Pliny (c. xv.) mentions plates 
 nearly four feet in diameter, which were cut off the trunk, of the 
 thickness nearly of half a foot. Unlike other tables, they were not
 
 SCENE II.] THE HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS. 295 
 
 provided with, several feet, but rested on an ivory column, and were 
 thence termed monopodia. Liv. xxxix. 6; [Juv. xi. 122: 
 
 . . . latos nisi sustinet orbes 
 Grande ebur et magno sublimis pardus hiatu.] 
 
 Mart. ii. 43, 9. The price of such tables was enormous. [Sen. de 
 Sen. vii. 9, mensas et cestimatum lignum senatoris censu. Juv. i. 137; 
 Tertull. de Pall. 5.] Pliny relates that Cicero himself had paid for 
 one, that was then still extant, 1,000, 000 sesterces, and he mentions 
 even more extraordinary cases. The most costly specimens were 
 those cut off near the root, not only because the tree was broadest 
 there, but on account of the wood being dappled and speckled. 
 Pliny mentions tigrince, pantherince, undatim crispoe, pavonum caudce 
 oculos imitantes, apiatce menses. These tables however were too dear 
 and not large enough to use at meals, although they did sometimes 
 serve for this purpose. Martial, ix. 60, 9. Hence larger ones of 
 common wood were made, and veneered with the wood of the 
 citrus, and, according to Pliny, even Tiberius used only such a one, 
 xvi. 42, 84. 
 
 The costly citrece, in order to protect them from injury, were 
 covered with cloths of thick coarse linen, gausape. Mart. xiv. 138: 
 Nobilius villosa tegant tibi lintea citrum ; 
 Orbibus in nostris circulus esse potest. 
 
 They stood also thus in the shops of the dealers, Mart. ix. 60, 7. 
 This gausape was frequently purple-covered, Heindorf. ad Hor. 
 Sat. ii. 8, 11; it served also for dusters, [Horace, ib. ; Lucil. in 
 Priscian. ix. p. 870.] 
 
 The small tables used at meals, or to display costly plate upon, 
 exponere argentum, were called abaci. This word, in Greek, denotes 
 a plate or table, but generally one with a raised rim round it. \_Co- 
 ronce mensarum, TJlp. Dig. xxxiv. 2, 19 ; Faber, Semestr. iii. 25.] 
 Hence the counting-table and dice-board were called abacus, as like- 
 wise the smooth square panels between the stucco ornaments, tecto- 
 rium, on the walls, Vitr. vii. 3, 10. Their use as side-boards is quite 
 clear, from Cic. Verr. iv. 16 ; Plin. xxxvii. 2, 6; comp. Petron. 73; 
 [Sidon. Apoll. xvii. 7.] The plates of such tables were generally 
 of marble, or imitations of it, sometimes of silver (Petr. 70), gold, 
 or other costly material, and generally square. To the abaci be- 
 long also the menace Delphicce ex marmore. Cic. Verr. iv. 59, and 
 Mart. xii. 67 : 
 
 Aurum atque argentum non simplex Delphica portat. 
 [Schol. ad Juv. iii. 204; Schol. Acr. ad Hor. Sat. i. 6, 116; PoU. x. 
 81.] So the Si\<j>ivig TpcnrtZa in Lucian, Lexiph., though it is doubt- 
 ful whether the name refers to the material or the form.
 
 296 THE HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS. [ExccBSus III. 
 
 The trapezophorce, which, are mentioned occasionally, and by 
 Cicero, ad Att. vii. 23 (comp. Paul. Dig. xxxiii. 10, 3; Jung, ad 
 Poll. x. 69), do not appear to have been so much tables, as table- 
 frames, chiefly of marble, upon which an abacus was placed accord- 
 ing to taste. Some persons profess, and with some appearance of 
 truth, to recognize them in the numerous bases, which are to be 
 met with, and four of which are given in the Mus. Sorb. iii. tab. 
 59, vii. tab. 28. On all of them are two griffins, turned from each 
 other, and the intervening space is decked with flowers, tendrils, 
 dolphins, and similar objects in relief. They are of Lunesian mar- 
 ble; the slabs which were upon them were probably of higher 
 value [of costly wood or gilded, Paul. Dig. xxxiii. 10. Mart. iii. 31 : 
 
 Sustentatque tuas aurea raensa dapes. 
 
 But they had also small costly tables to eat at : thus Seneca had 
 five hundred rp'nroSag KtSpivov %v\ov kXt^avroTroSag. Of course those 
 of more moderate means had less pretending tables, which gener- 
 ally rested on three or four feet, Hor. Sat. i. 3, 13 (mensa tripes), 
 and had a square plate ; this being originally the regular, and in- 
 deed the only form used. Varro, L. L. v. 118. The material was 
 beech-wood, Mart. ii. 43, 9, or maple, acer, a wood also highly 
 prized by the Greeks (ofevSapvoc). See Hor. Sat. ii. 8, 10: 
 
 . . . puer alte cinctus acernam 
 Gausape purpureo mensam pertersit. 
 
 Mart. xiv. 90. Pliny, H. N. xvi. 26, calls it citro secundus. There 
 were also tables of marble, Hor. Sat. i. 6, 116, lapis albus. In the 
 tabernse, the tables were often of brick- work, so the menace lani- 
 arice, Suet. Claud. 15. See Ciaccon. de Triclin. 
 
 THE MIEEOES. 
 
 BESIDES" those fixed in the walls (see above), there were also 
 portable looking-glasses of various sizes and manifold form, used at 
 the toilet of the ladies. Ulp. Dig. xxxiv. 2, 19. They were mostly 
 oval or round, and were held before the mistress by the female 
 slaves (tenere, porrigere}, Prop. iv. 7, 76; Ovid. Am. ii. 215; Juv. 
 ii. 99.] 
 
 The mirrors were generally of metal ; in the earlier periods a 
 composition of tin and copper was used, but as luxury increased, 
 those made of silver became more common. Plin. xxxiii. 9. The 
 silver however, which was at first used pure, was often adulterated 
 with a quantity of some other metal. The excellence of the mirror 
 did not depend only upon the purity of the metal, but also on the
 
 SCENE II.] THE HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS. 297 
 
 strength, of the plate, which, caused the imago to be reflected more 
 strongly. Vitr. vii. 3, 9. [The back part was also of metal, which 
 was usually embossed. Many have been preserved, most of which 
 are of Greek or Etruscan workmanship. Mus. Sorb. ix. 14.] 
 
 TBIPODS 
 
 may also be reckoned among the household utensils, so far as they 
 served to ornament the palaces of the great : with their use in the 
 temples we have nothing to do. [Eespecting the tripods in the 
 kitchen, see the kitchen utensils.] 
 
 Among the paintings from Pompeii in the Mus. Sorb, there are 
 two, which represent costly tripods. Each is adorned with seven 
 statues, the one with the sons, the other with the daughters of 
 Niobe. In each, three figures are standing or kneeling at the feet 
 of the tripod, while the remaining four are in a kneeling posture 
 on the rim which unites the feet. Tom. vi. t. 13, 14. [Comp. 
 Mus. Sorb. ix. 33.] 
 
 CUPBOAEDS AND CHESTS. 
 
 CUPBOARDS (armaria, Isid. xv. 5), and chests (capsce, arcce, 
 Yarro, L. L. v. 128) served to guard money and other valuables, 
 as well as clothes, books, eatables, &c. Paull. Dig. xxxiii. 10, 3. 
 On those for the books see Excurs. I. Sc. 3. Cicero, p. God. 21, 
 mentions cupboards for valuables. Petron. 29; Plaut. Epid. ii. 
 3, 3. See Cato, R. R. 11, armarium promptuariam. Plaut. Cap. 
 iv. 4, 10. On the cupboards for the imagines see above. They 
 were mostly made of beech- wood. Plin. H. N. xvi. 84. 
 
 The chests also served for all manner of uses (area vestiaria, 
 Cato, R. R. 11; comp. Suet. Gal. 59); but mostly for keeping 
 money in, and they stood in the atrium. These were either entirely 
 of metal (airb aiSrjpov, App. iv. 44), or of wood, ornamented and 
 secured with metal ; hence f errata area in Juv. xi. 26 ; Ulp. Dig. 
 xxxii. 1, 52. We may form a conjecture of their size from the fact 
 that the proscribed Junius or Yinius lay hidden for several days in 
 the money-chest of his freedman, and thus escaped death ; App. 
 ib. ; Dio. Cass. xlvii. 7 ; Suet. Oct. 27. Several such have been 
 found at Pompeii, or, at all events, their ornaments, crustce, which, 
 were embossed. See Mus. Sorb. v. p. 7, an account of the two 
 chests, found in the house of the Dioscuri. 
 
 So common were these money-chests, that the term for paying 
 money was ex area solvere. Donat. ad Ter. Ad. ii. 4, 13, and 
 Phorm, v. 8, 29. They were in charge of the atriensis, and perhaps
 
 298 THE HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS. [EXCURSUS III. 
 
 in great houses, in that of special arcarii ; Scaev. Dig. xl. 5, 41 ; 
 called by Plautus, Aul. iii. 5, 45, arcularii. Orell. 2890. The arcse 
 and armaria were sometimes sealed, as has been already mentioned. 
 Smaller chests (cistellce, loculi) and baskets (canistra, Varro, 
 L. L. v. 120) are often mentioned. Isid. xx. 9. The baskets were 
 round or square, of divers materials, and often very costly. Cic. 
 ad Att. vi. 1 ; splendidissimis canistris. Mm. Sorb. viii. 18. 
 
 COOKING UTENSILS (coquinatorium instrumentum, Ulp. Dig. 
 xxxiv. 2, 19). 
 
 1. EEGULAE, cooking vessels were called cocula, Paul, Diac. p. 
 39 ; Isid. xx. 8 : vasa ad coquendum. 
 
 a. Of peculiar shape. As the miliarium (so called from its re- 
 semblance to mill-stones ; Pallad. v. 8 ; altum et angustum, Colum. 
 ix. 4) a tall narrow metal vessel, for boiling water quickly. Ath. 
 iii. p. 98 ; Sen. Nat. Qucust. iii. 24. "Dip. Dig. xxxiv. 2, 19, mentions 
 silver ones. Anthepsa was a Greek cooking machine with a recep- 
 tacle below, probably for charcoal, and often cost large sums. Cic. 
 p. Rose. Am. 46; Lamprid. Hel. 18. 
 
 b. Kettle-shaped was the ahenum; (dimin. ahenulum, so called 
 from the material) ; it was broad and rotund. Paul. Dig. -g-ryiri. 7, 
 18 ; Serv. ad Virg. *&n. vi. 218. It was hung over the fire, and 
 used for boiling water, also for cooking victuals ; Titinn. in Nonius, 
 i. 68 ; Petron. 74 ; Juv. xi. 81 ; and by dyers, Ov. Fast. iii. 822. 
 Avellino thinks ahenum was a small stew-pan, with a long handle, 
 which is improbable. The lebes, though properly a basin, when it 
 was used for cooking, must have been kettle-shaped, but not very 
 deep ; Isid. xx. 8 ; Poll. x. 85. The cortina, a semicircular kettle 
 (hence cortina theatri, Forcellinus) was in general use among the 
 dyers. Plin. H. N. xxxv. 6, 25; Cato, . B. 66; Plin. xv. 6, 6; 
 Plaut. Pcen. v. 5, 11. 
 
 c. Regular seething-pots. Cacabus (of metal, and of earthen- 
 ware, Col. xii. 41, 46, sometimes of silver, Ulp. ib. ; Lamprid. Heliog. 
 19) was a pot for cooking food. Varro, vas ubi coquebant cibum. 
 Paull. Dig. gysmi. 7, 18. It was also called olla, formerly aula, 
 Isid. xx. 8. Nonius, xv. 1, calls it capacissimum vas. See Forcel- 
 linus concerning its other uses. Cucuma, a larger pot, Petron. 135 ; 
 Macr. Dig. xlviii. 8. Lasanum, in Hor. Sat. i. 6, 109, is also a 
 cooking vessel, which the sordidus prcetor carries with him, that 
 ho may not have to stop at an inn. A bronze pot, with cover and 
 handsome handle, is copied in Mus. Borb. ix. 56 ; see xii. 58. 
 
 d. Those shaped like our pans. Sartago (Isid. ib., a itrepitu
 
 SCENE II.] THE HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS. 209 
 
 soni vocata, quando in ea ardet oleum), was an open pan of silver, 
 Plin. H. N. xvi. 11, 22; Ulp. ib. The patina (properly a dish), 
 also used for cooking, was flat. Plaut. Pseud, iii. 2, 51 : 
 
 Ubi omnes patinse fervent, omnes aperio. 
 
 Apic. iii. 2 ; iv. 2. Covers (testum and testu) were commonly used. 
 Ov. Fast. vi. 509 : 
 
 Slant calices, minor inde fabas, olus alter habebant, 
 
 Et fumant testu pressus uterque suo. 
 
 Cato, E. R. 74, 75, 84 ; Plin. xxxiii. 7, 26 ; see Mus. Sorb. iii. 63 ; 
 v. 44; xii. 59. 
 
 2. Other utensils were tripods, tripedes, as stands for the pots 
 (Ussing wrongly supposes that lasana were also used for this pur- 
 pose) ; spits (veru, Varro, L. L. v. 127) ; gridirons (craticula, Mart, 
 xiv. 221) ; strainers (colum, Mus. Sorb.; some were made of osiers, 
 Colum. xii. 19) ; funnels (infundibula and infidibula, Cat. R. R. 10, 
 
 II, 13; Col. iii. 18, angusto ore; also of glass, Mus. Sorb. v. 10); 
 sieves (cribrum ; especially for flour, Pers. iii. 112, cribro decussa, 
 f'irina; Plin. H. N. xviii. 11, 28; see Porcellinus) ; spoons and 
 ladles (the larger were called truce, Paull. Diac. v. antroare, quo 
 permovent coquentes exta ; Titinn. in Nonius, xix. 18 ; the smaller 
 were called trullce, Paul. Diac. p. 31. Cato, R. R. 13, mentions 
 trullas aheneas and ligneas. Varro, L. L. v. 118, seems to use trua 
 in a wider sense. On the use of trulla, as a wine- vessel, see Excurs. 
 
 III. Sc. 9). Mortars of stone and metal (pila, for pounding in with 
 the heavy pestle, pilum mortarium, for lighter work, Isid. iv. 11 ; 
 Non. xv. 3 ; often in the Scriptores rei rusticce, and in Pliny. See 
 Forcell.); coal-scoops (Hor. Sat. i. 5, 36, prunceque batiUum; see 
 Heindorf, and Casaubon ad Script. Hist. Aug. p. 224. In Mus. 
 Sorb. x. 164, is a copy of an elegant coal-scoop, resting on five 
 small feet ; and also two small andirons of bronze, prettily orna- 
 mented. Onpruna and carlo, see Isid. xix. 6). Several beautiful 
 steel-yards of bronze have been found. See Mus. Sorb. i. 56 ; viii. 
 16. The moveable weight attached to them is generally ornamented 
 with a small bust of some deity. The scale-plate hung by chains. 
 
 3. "Water-vessels. The most indispensable was the urna (hy- 
 dria}, like our bucket, adapted both for fetching water (Varro, L. L. 
 v. 126), and also for keeping it in. For the former purpose it was 
 provided with two moveable handles, which fell when the vessel was 
 set down. "When used for keeping water in, they had no handles ; 
 others again, for carrying water, besides the two large handles had 
 two smaller ones fixed on below. Mus. Sorb. vii. 31 ; comp. vi. 31, 
 viii. 15, iii. 14. They were made of earthenware, wood, and metal. 
 One of bronze with a very elegant handle is given in Mus. Sorb. xi.
 
 300 THE HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS. [EXCURSUS III. 
 
 44 ; and Cicero, Verr. ii. 19, mentions hydrias argentcas. Some- 
 times the name of the owner was inscribed on them. Plaut. Rud. 
 ii. 5, 21. 
 
 They were carried on the head. Prop. iv. 4, 16 : 
 
 Urgebat medium fictilis urna caput. 
 or on the shoulder, iv. 11, 27 : 
 
 Infelix humeros urgeat urna meos. 
 
 Something was usually placed on the head underneath the vessel. 
 Paul. Diac. p. 6, and p. 45 : Ccesticillus appellatur circulus, quern 
 superponit capiti, qui aliquid laturus est in capite. They poured the 
 water straight out of tve bucket into the kettle. Plaut. Pseud, i. 2, 
 24. Hence urna is used of the vessels of the Danaides, though these 
 ought properly to be called urnulce. Varro in Nonius, xv. 8. The 
 water-buckets were placed in the kitchen on the urnarium, as it was 
 called, a kind of square table for the purpose. Yarro, L. L. v. 126 ; 
 and in Non. xv. 10. Other vessels for drawing and ladling water 
 were urceus (somewhat less than an urna), and urceolus. Paul. Dig. 
 quibus aqua in ahenum infunditur. Cato, It. . 10, 13 ; Mart. xiv. 
 106, urceus fictilis : 
 
 Hie tibi donatur panda ruber urceus ansa. 
 
 Cato, 13 : urceus ahenus. These served also for mixing drinks. 
 Mart. xiv. 105. Another was called nanus. Paul. Diac. p. 176 : 
 Nanum Grrceci vas aquarium dicunt humile et concavum, quod vulgo 
 vacant situlum barbatum. So Varro, L. L. v. 119. 
 
 Situlus or situla may also be compared to our bucket. Plaut. 
 Amph. ii. 2, 39 ; Epigram in Anih. Lat. i. p. 493 ; Paul. Dig. xviii. 
 1, 40; Cato, R. R. 11. Yitruv. x. 9: Ferrea catena habens situlos 
 pendentes oereos. Non. xv. 36. Lastly, matella and matellio were 
 used in the kitchen for drawing water, as well as for mixing wine at 
 table. Plautus in Non. xv. 2 ; Yarro, L. L. v. 119 ; Cato, R. R. 10. 
 Of futis Yarro says (il.}: Vas aquarium, quod in triclinio allatam 
 aquam infundebant. 
 
 YESSELS FOE HOLDING LIQUIDS. 
 
 THESE went by the general name vasa (Paul. rec. sent. iii. 6, 86), 
 which word is also used in a wider sense. Ulp. Dig. xxxiv. 2, 19 ; 
 Plaut. Aul. i. 2, 17. They "varied so much in form, size, use, ma- 
 terial, and workmanship, that it would be useless to attempt to give 
 specific names to the many that have been preserved ; a few general 
 observations must therefore suffice. Yarro, Festus, Macrobius, (Sat . 
 v. 21), Nonius Marcellus, xiv., Isidorus, xx. 4, Poll. x. (axivri rd 
 tear oiKtav xpjj<rfia), Athen. xi. are our authorities on the subject.
 
 SCENE II.] THE HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS. 301 
 
 Some of the chief modern works are, Panofka, Jiecherches sur IKS 
 veritables noms des vases grecs ; Letronne, Observat. philol. et archeol. 
 sur les noms des vases grecs ; and Ussing, de nominibus vasorum Grace. 
 Most of these refer to Greek vessels, but in fact the majority of 
 the Roman ones, except the commoner sorts, were derived from 
 Greece. The Greek names of several of these, and the Greek 
 subjects pourtrayed on them, long continued to show their first 
 origin, e. g. the scyphi Homerici of Nero. Suet. Ner. 47. 
 
 The vasa were made (1) of earthenware, fictilia, Isid. xx. 4 ; Plin. 
 H. N. xxxv. 46, either of very simple construction (cumano rubi- 
 cunda pulvere testa, Mart. xiv. 114; xi. 27, 5; Hor. Sat.i. 6. 118), or 
 valuable from their size and skilful workmanship (propter tenuita- 
 tem, Pliny). See Euperti on Juvenal, iv. 131 ; Pliny, ib. : eo perve- 
 nit luxuria, ut etiam fictilia pluris constent quam murrhina. The art 
 of the potter and modeller bloomed early in Italy, especially in 
 Etruria (Mart. xiv. 98) and lower Italy (Mart. xiv. 102, 114); but 
 even in Nunaa's time there was a guild of potters at Borne. Pliny, 
 ib. All sorts of utensils and vessels were worked either after Greek 
 patterns or from original designs. The numerous terra cottas still 
 existing are conspicuous alike for their durability, colouring, and 
 finish, as well as for the tasteful elegance of their shapes ; the inge- 
 nuity displayed in ornamenting the handles and rims is truly won- 
 derful. Ovens for baking them have often been discovered, and at 
 Oria in Campania, a potter's workshop entire, with a number of 
 vessels. See Hausmann, de confectione vasorum antiq. fictilium. 
 On the terra cotta lamps, see the following Excursus, on the 
 Manner of Lighting. 
 
 (2) The metal vasa were very numerous. The silver and golden 
 utensils were either pura (sine ullo opere artificis. Plin. Ep. iii. 1 ; 
 Juv. ix. 141 ; Mart. iv. 38 ; also levia, Juv. xiv. 62) ; or ccelata, aspera, 
 toreumata. The latter were doubtless not always from the hand of 
 the artist whose name they bore ; but it was the name more than the 
 workmanship that enhanced their value. [The Greek roptimicjj cor- 
 responds exactly with the Roman ccelatura; and is only used of 
 work in relief in metal ; as Quinctilian expressly states, ii. 21 ; Plin. 
 H. N. xxxiii. Isid. xx. 4 : Ccelata vasa signis eminentibus intus ex~ 
 trave expressis a ccelo, quod est genus ferramenti, quod vulgo cilionem 
 vacant. Anciently, such vessels were termed anccesa. Paul. Diac. 
 p. 20 : quod circumccedendo fiunt. See Garatoni on Cic. Verr. iv. 
 23. This ornament was either constructed in a piece with the 
 vessel itself (being either hammered out, or cast and then chased), 
 like the dishes and cups ornamented with wreaths (lances pampi- 
 nata;, patinas hederatue discus coryinbiatus, Treb. Poll. Claud. 17) ;
 
 302 THE HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS. [EXCURSUS III. 
 
 or the embossing was done on a separate piece of metal, which, 
 was afterwards fixed on to the vessel. Lead was used for soldering 
 them together. Alp. Dig. xxxiv. 2, 19; Paul. Dig. vi. 1, 23. Such 
 plates in relief were named sigitta, Cic. Verr. iv. 22 ; and these were 
 further called emblemata or crustce. Verr. iv. 23. The first were 
 massive pieces, stuck firmly into the vessel. (Hence the term em- 
 blema vermiculatum applied to designs in mosaic.) So Ulpian, Dig. 
 xxxiv. 2, 19 : emblemata aurea (in argento), and 6 ; so Paul. ib. 
 32, and Rec. sent. iii. 6, 89 : Vasts argenteis emblemata ex auro fixa. 
 Sen. Ep. 5. Pliny, H. N. xxxiii. 55, mentions, as a phialce emblema, 
 Ulysses and Diomed stealing the Palladium. Comp. Treb. Poll. Tit. 
 in xxx. Tyr. 32. Crustce, on the other hand (according to its true 
 meaning, of thin covering generally, for instance, the plates of 
 marble covering the walls, fishes' scales, &c.), denote thin plates or 
 strips, with or without embossed work, which were not so much 
 fixed in, as on and around the vessels. Thus a chaplet of embossed 
 work placed round a vessel would be called only crusta, not emblema. 
 The crusta was thin like veneering, the emblema compact and mas- 
 sive. Paul. Dig. xxxiv. 2, 32 : cymbia argentea crustis aureis illi- 
 gata, whereas infixa is used of the emblemata. Cic. Verr. ii. 24 : 
 ita scite in aureis poculis illigabat (i. e. crustas), ita apte in scyphis 
 aureis includebat (i. e. emblemata). See Salinas, ad Solin. p. 736. 
 Ernesti Clavis, v. crusta. Tiberius forbade the expression emblema, 
 as being bad Latin, Suet. Tib. 71 ; Dio Cass. Ivii. 51, but of course 
 it continued to be used. Vasa aurea are also mentidned (Ulp. Dig. 
 xxxiv. 2, 27), but the argentea were naturally more common. One 
 hundred such have been discovered at Pompeii, most of them mag- 
 nificently embossed. See Mus. Sorb. x. 14; xi. 45; xiii. 49. A 
 rich discovery of them was made in Normandy, from the temple of 
 Mercury at Canetum.] 
 
 The chrysendeta, so often mentioned by Martial, are incorrectly 
 explained to be drinking- vessels ; on the contrary, they were flat 
 vessels for serving up the food : at least this is the only use to 
 which they are applied by Martial, ii. 43, 11 ; and xiv. 97; comp. 
 vi. 94. The name itself, and the designation flava, gave rise to the 
 supposition that they were silver vessels with a golden rim, perhaps 
 also with inlaid gold- work. 
 
 The vasa of Corinthian brass were highly prized. See above. 
 [Bronze vessels were naturally most frequent, numbers are to be 
 seen in the Museum Borbonicum ; which, notwithstanding the cheap- 
 ness of the material, are always gracefully formed, the handles par- 
 ticularly so, with very fine embossing.] 
 
 (3) Yessels adorned with gems. We must not believe that in
 
 SCENE I-L] THE HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS. 303 
 
 every case where vessels of amethyst, etc., are mentioned, real pre- 
 cious stones are meant, though there were such also. We have only 
 to call to mind the Mantuan vase, as it i* called. Cic. Verr Iv. 27. 
 [Prop. iii. 3, 26 : Nee bibit e gemma divite nostra sitia. Virg. Oeorg. ii. 
 506 ; Mart. xiv. 110. See a cup of onyx, Mus. Borb. xii. 47. Little 
 vessels of onyx were often used for anointing, and hence onyx came 
 to denote an ointment vessel. Hor. Od. iv. 12, 17 : Nardi parvus 
 onyx. ' Prop. iii. 8, 22 ; ii. 10, 13 ; Mart. vii. 94 ; xi. 50.] 
 
 Vessels ornamented with precious stones were much more fre- 
 quent, gemmis distincta, or composed of a quantity of cameos set in 
 gold, Appian, Mithr. 115, which are often mentioned by the later 
 poets. [Plin. xxxiii. 2 : turbo, gemmarum potamus et smaragdis 
 teximus calices. xxxvii. 6 ; Mart. xiv. 109 ; Juv. x. 26 ; v. 43; Auson. 
 epigr. 8 ; Ulp. Dig. xxxiv. 2, 19. 
 
 (4) Vessels of amber were only of small dimensions, Mart. iv. 
 32 : De ape electro inclusa. Metal vessels were also ornamented 
 with amber. Paul. Dig. xxxiv. 2, 32 ; Mart. viii. 51 : 
 
 Vera minus flavo radiant electra metallo. 
 
 Juv. v. 37 ; xiv. 307. Ivory seems to have been rarely used for 
 vessels, or their ornaments. Mart. xiv. 78 ; Orell. 3838 ; pyxidem 
 eboream."] 
 
 (5) Vessels of glass. The ingeniously-wrought objects in glass 
 for which Alexandria particularly was famed, appear to throw all 
 the skill of the English and Bohemian glass-polishers [vitriarii, 
 Orell. 4229] completely into the shade. [Mart. xii. 74 : Cum tibi 
 Niliacus portet crystalla cataplus. Cic. p. Rab. 14 ; Treb. Poll. 
 Claud. 17 : calices ^Egyptios. Vop. Tac. ii.] They knew as well as 
 we how to impart to the glass any colour they pleased, and make 
 skilful imitations of precious stones. Plin. xxxvi. 26, 67 ; comp. 
 xxxvii. 7, 26, 6, 22 ; [Isid. xvi. 15 ; Strab. xvi. p. 758] ; and this kind 
 of coloured glass is no doubt often meant under the word gemmce ; 
 e. g. the amethystini trientes. Mart. x. 49. To them belong also 
 the variously- shaded aUassontcs, [from Egypt,] (Vopisc. Saturn. 8,) 
 perhaps opal-glass, or something similar. The most valued however 
 were the crystallina, of quite pure, white, and transparent glass. 
 Plin. [Isid. xvi. 15.] We must always therefore understand it of 
 crystal glass, when crystallina or crystalla (Mart. ix. 23, [xiv. Ill,] 
 xii. 74) are mentioned; and when we read (ix. 60, 13) of turbata 
 brevi crystallina vitro, this must be supposed to be an impure, 
 perhaps greenish, piece, or place, as i. 54, 6, Aretince violant crystal- 
 Una testce. They had also the secret of making glass of differently- 
 coloured layers joined together, which they then cut into cameos 
 like the onyx. Plin. xxxvi. 20, 6G. The renowned Barberini or
 
 304 THE HOUSEHOLD UTEXSILS. [EXCURSUS III. 
 
 Portland Vase, [from the tomb of Severus Alexander,] which was 
 long considered a genuine sardonyx, is of this description. Hence 
 the frequent mention of sardonyches veri, Mart. iv. 61, 6 ; ix. 60, 19. 
 
 [Still finer than the Portland vase is the embossed glass vase, 
 with blue and white bas-reliefs, discovered in 1837, in a tomb at 
 Pompeii. See Mus. Sorb. xi. 28, 29.] 
 
 The opal bowl, described in Scene II., was discovered about the 
 year 1725, in Navarre, and at the time Fea translated "Winkelmann's 
 Hist, of the Arts, was to be found in the collection of D. Carlo de' 
 Marchesi Trivulsi. Such vessels were named diatreta, Mart. xii. 70, 
 9 ; TJlp. Dig. ix. 2, 27. On the other hand, toreuma (Mart. xi. 11, 
 tepidi toreumata Nili, [xiv. 94,] et passim) has a more extended 
 signification, and may be referred particularly to the ccelata. Comp. 
 Martial, xiv. 115. Paul. Diac. p. 115: Lesbium genus vasis ccelati 
 a Lesbiis inventum, and these were of purple-coloured glass. Ath. xi. 
 p. 486. Accordingto Quinct. i. 21, the term ccelare cannot properly 
 be used of glass ; sculptura is the word to be used of wood, ivory, 
 glass, and marble. See the Excursus on the Baths. 
 
 (6) Vasa murrhina. It is plain from the vagueness with which 
 the ancients express themselves about the vasa murrhina, that they 
 were not quite clear about its substance. For with the exception of 
 the much-quoted passage of Prop. iv. 5, 26, 
 
 Seu quae palmiferae mittunt venalia Thebae, 
 Murrheaque in Parthis pocula cocta focis, 
 
 there is no other which would not admit of a negative rather than 
 of a positive use. Hence there has been a great variety of opinion 
 about the material from which they were composed. Many have 
 declared the murrha to be natural stone; [e.g. agate, onyx, sardonyx, 
 etc.] On the other hand, the opinion, chiefly based on Propertius, 
 that it was Chinese porcelain, has met with numerous defenders [as 
 the Scaligers and Salmasius]. And this view of the subject seems 
 to be the only admissible one, and agrees best with the majority of 
 passages on the subject ; besides which, it receives considerable sup- 
 port from the assertion (if true) of Grell, that porcelain went by the 
 name of Mirrha de Smyrna, down to the middle of the sixteenth 
 century. [The most important passage is in Pliny, H. N. xxxvii. 2, 
 8 : Oriens murrhina mittit. Inveniuntur enim ibi in pluribus nee in- 
 signibus locis Parthici regni, prcecipue in Carmania. Humorem putant 
 sub terra calore densari. Amplitudine nusquam parvos excedunt 
 abacos, crassitudine raro quanta dictum est vasi potorio, etc. Whence 
 it appears that Pliny did not consider it an artificial product. The 
 mineral which suits Pliny's description best, is the Fluor or Derby- 
 shire spar, from which exactly similar vessels are made in England.
 
 SCENE II.] THE HOUSEHOLD TJTEXSILS. 305 
 
 It is soft, and fragile, and of a faint brilliancy, &c., just as Pliny says. 
 This opinion is the one now most generally adopted among the 
 learned. The Eoman jurists declared that murrhina (although of 
 great value, Plin. xxxvii. 2, 7) were not to be counted as gems.] 
 There were genuine and false murrhina, the latter probably an imi- 
 tation in glass, as Plin. xxxvi. 26, 67, in enumerating the different 
 glasses manufactured, says, fit et album et murrhinum. The passage 
 of Propertius cited above probably refers to this imitation. In re- 
 ference to the uses of the vessels we shall class them as follows. 
 
 1, Vasa for preserving liquids, in cellars, chambers, tabernse, 
 and partly for transporting them in 
 
 (a) larger sorts : doli, cadi, amphorce, lagence, which, as they were 
 chiefly for wine (though also for oil, Cato, It. E. 13 ; and honey, 
 Cic. Verr. ii. 74), are mentioned in the Excursus on the Drinks. 
 (6) Smaller sorts for keeping articles in though only for a short 
 time, the contents being destined for speedy consumption. Ampulla 
 (/SojxjSuXoe, \ijKv6og, \rjKvQtov}, short, and thickset in shape, with a 
 narrow neck. Plin. Ep. iv. 30. If designed for hanging up, it was 
 provided with a handle. Oil was kept in them for bathing. (Appul. 
 Flor. ii. 9; Mart. iii. 82, 26; Cic. de Fin. iv. 12.) Also vinegar 
 (Plin. H. N. xx. 14, 54), and wine. They were also used for 
 drinking out of, Mart. vi. 35 : 
 
 . . . vitreisque tepeutem 
 Ampullis potas semisupinus aquam. 
 
 Suet. Dom. 21. This often happened on a journey. Plaut. Merc. 
 V. 2, 86 ; comp. Pers. i. 3, 43. Leathern bottles were also used for 
 this purpose, scortece ampullae. Col. viii. 2. 
 
 Alabastrum was used only for ointment and oil ; it was cylin- 
 drical in shape, decreasing upward, and always without handles. 
 Plin. H. N. ix. 35, 56 ; xxi. 4, 10. It was made of onyx (hence 
 called onyx], alabaster, and other sorts of stone, as well as glass. 
 Many derive it from a and Xa/3/y, referring to the absence of han- 
 dles. Others think that it received its name from the material of 
 which it was usually made. Miiller and Welcker, on the contrary, 
 that the stone took its name from the vessel. Its use is evident 
 from Cicero in Non. xv. 17, plenus unguenti. Mart. xi. 8 ; Plin. H. N. 
 xiii. 2, 3, unguenta optime servantur in alabastris ; xxxvi. 5, 12. The 
 alabastra were carried in thongs, and there were regular stands for 
 them, a\aj3aaTpo9f]Kr). 
 
 2. Vasa for drawing, pouring out, and distributing. 
 
 Those for water, urna, urceus, nanus, &c., have been already 
 discussed ; those for wine were called guttus, simpulum, epichysis, 
 cyatlius, Varro, L. L. v. 124. Most probably guttus, and the Greek 
 
 x
 
 306 THE HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS. [EXCURSUS III. 
 
 epichysis (Plaut. Rud. v. 2, 32), were small cans with narrow necks 
 (Hor. Sat. i. 6, 118, cum patera guttus, i. e. the can with the saucer 
 tinder it. See Heindorf, ad loc. ; guttus faginus in Pliny, H. N. xvi. 
 73) ; simpuvium and cyathus, a special kind of wine ladles ; see 
 the Excursus on the Table Utensils. Gutti were not used as ladles, 
 but more as oil or ointment cruets, Gell. xvii. 18. They are men- 
 tioned in the baths, JUT. iii. 263 ; xi. 158. Gutturnium was likewise 
 a can with a narrow neck, Paul. p. 98; also called cuturnium, Paul. 
 p. 51. The simpuvium was used at sacrifices, called by Yarro, in 
 Non. xv. 12, modus matulce ; it was of wood or earthenware. A 
 similar can for pouring out water over the washing-basin was called 
 manalis, Varro in Non. xv. 32. All these cans have a handle and 
 mouth, but they vary much. Sometimes the handle rises high 
 above the vessel; sometimes it is small; the narrow neck is some- 
 times long, sometimes short, &c. See some cans of wonderful 
 workmanship in Mus. Sorb, ii. 47; xii. 59; xiii. 43. Compare iv. 
 43; v. 15; vi. 29; xii. 55; xiii. 46; xiii. 27. 
 
 3. Drinking- vessels. See the Excursus on the Table Utensils. 
 
 4. Cooking- vessels. See p. 298. 
 
 5. Table utensils, as dishes, saucers, &c. See the Excursus on 
 the Table Utensils. 
 
 6. Washing- vessels. One of the largest was called nassiterna. 
 Pest. p. 169, vas ansatum et patens. Yarro, R. R. i. 22, ex cere. Plaut. 
 Stick, ii. 2, 27. Labrum was large, but it denotes in a wider sense 
 every sort of large tub used for wine and oil, &c. Cato, R. R. 13. 
 It was made of marble, clay, and metal. Col. xii. 15, 50. It is a 
 bathing-tub in Plin. Ep. v. 6; Ovid. Fast. iv. 76; Cic. ad Fam. xiv. 
 20. Pelvis was, according to Nonius, xv. 4, sinus aquarius in quo 
 varia perluuntur, i. e. a rinsing-tub. Juv. iii. 277, patulas effundere 
 pelves. It also served as a foot-bath, Yarro, L. L. v. 119. Prceferi- 
 culum was a pelvis for religious uses. Pestus and Paul. p. 248. 
 
 Aquiminarium resembled it, being a sort of rinsing-tub. Pomp. 
 Dig. xxxiv. 2, 21, where a silver one is mentioned; or perhaps it 
 was used for washing the hands in. Paull. Dig. xyyin, 10. Polu- 
 brum and trulleum were washing-basins. Nonius, xv. 11, makes both 
 words identical. See Paul. Diac. p. 247. Non. xv. 32, trulleum, quo 
 manus perluuntur. Malluvium is also explained to be a basin for 
 washing the hands, Paul, and Fest. p. 160. Lebes is reckoned among 
 the same sort by Servius, ad Virg. JEn. iii. 466 ; Mus. Sorb. x. 35. 
 
 CUETAINS. 
 
 THEIR use in the theatre, in atria and arcades, and before door- 
 ways, has already been discussed. Such hangings seem to have also
 
 SCEKE II.] THE HOUSEHOLD UTEXSIL8. 307 
 
 been used as tapestry to cover the walls and ceilings. See above. 
 Wustemann's explanation of the auspensa aulcea of Horace. Porphyr. 
 on Hor. Sat. ii. 8, 54; Serv. on Virg. ^En. i. 701, in domibus tende- 
 bantur aulcea ut imitatio tentoriorum fieret ; unde et in thalamis hoc 
 fieri hodieque conspicimus. Such hangings are seen, tastefully draped, 
 in several frescos ; and on the lamp, in Passer, luc. fat. iii. 37. 
 
 Conopium was a kind of veil-like hanging, properly mosquito-net, 
 used only by effeminate persons. Hor. Epod. ix. 16 ; Juv. vi. 80 ; 
 and Schol. culicare conopium, Prop. iii. 11, 45.] 
 
 IMPLEMENTS FOE CLEANING. 
 
 THE implements used for cleaning the "walls, floor, ceilings, and 
 furniture, were scopce, besoms made of the branches of the wild 
 myrtle, oxymyrsine (ruscus aculeata, Linn.), or the tamarisk, Tama- 
 rix Gallica, Plin. xxiii. 9, 83 ; xvi. 26, 45 [Mart. xiv. 82 ; Cato, B. R. 
 152, scopce virgece]; and sponges, spongice. [Mart. xiv. 144.] Amongst 
 sponges, the Punic or African, and the Bhodian, were much prized ; 
 but the softest came from the Lycian town Antiphellos, Plin. H. N. 
 ix. 45, 69 ; xxxi. 11. They were sometimes fastened to a long, and 
 at others to a short, staff; in which case they were called pcniculi, 
 which signifies sponges, and not brushes or hair brooms. Terence, 
 Eun. iv. 7, 7. [Paul. Diac. p. 208, peniculi spongice longce propter 
 similitudinem caudarum appellatce.'] This is the infelix damnatas 
 spongia virgce, Mart. xii. 48 ; and the arundo, Plaut. Stick, ii. 2, 23. 
 They were also used for cleaning shoes. Plaut. Mencechm. ii. 3, 40 ; ii. 
 2, 12. [Pest. v. penem. p. 230.] It appears doubtful whether they 
 had not also similar contrivances made of bristles. We at least 
 might infer this from the second diminutive penicillus, as they 
 manufactured plasterers' brushes of bristles, Plin. xxviii. 17, 71. 
 Why not also brooms ? Plin. ix. 45, 66. [Long poles were used for 
 clearing away the cobwebs, and ladders in cleaning the ceilings. 
 Ulp. Dig. xxxiii. 7, 12, perticce quibus aranece detergantur, scalce 
 quce ad lacunaria admoveantur. The besoms have been already 
 mentioned. See note 17, page 122.] 
 
 The passages from which we have borrowed this description of 
 the busy manner of cleaning the house, are Plaut. Asin. ii. 4, 18 ; 
 St-ich. ii. 2, 23 ; Juv. xiv. 63 : 
 
 Verre pavimentum ; nitidas ostende columnas : 
 
 Arida cum toto descendat aranea tela : 
 
 Hie leve argentum, vasa aspera tergeat alter. 
 
 x2
 
 EXCURSUS IY. SCENE IT. 
 
 THE MANNER OF LIGHTING. 
 
 /~VNE of the imperfections in the domestic economy of the ancients 
 ^ was the universal use of oil-lamps. Had they provided 
 against the tmcleanliness by having glass cylinders to consume the 
 smoke (fuligo], we should not be so much surprised at the pre- 
 ference given to oil over tallow and wax. But they had no in- 
 vention of the sort, and in spite of all the elegance and ingenuity 
 displayed in their lamps of bronze and precious metals, the ancients 
 could not prevent their ornamented ceilings from being blackened, 
 and their breathing oppressed, by smoke. The nature of the 
 country doubtless led them to use oil, but its cheapness does not 
 appear a sufficient reason for their having continued to bear its 
 discomforts, and we must therefore rather suppose that at that 
 time wax and tallow candles were not made skilfully enough to 
 afford a good light ; hence we find that the lucerna was used by 
 the poor, whilst the smoky oil-lamp was burned in the palaces of 
 the wealthy. 
 
 The whole apparatus for lighting is mentioned by Appul. Met. 
 iv. : Tcedis, lucernis, cereis, sebaceis, et cceteris nodurni luminis instru- 
 mentia darescunt tenebrce. The tcedce, properly slips of pine, were 
 not intended for the usual house-lighting, so that only the lucernse 
 and candelce, which latter are partly cerce, and partly sebacece, re- 
 main to be noticed. We learn that these only were in use at a more 
 ancient period, [no mention is ever made of them among the Greeks ; 
 see Becker's Charicles, Eng. Trans, p. 130,] the lamp being of later 
 invention. Varro, L. L. v. 34 ; also De vita Pop. Rom. ; in Serv. ad 
 Virg. JEn. i. 727; [VaL Max. iii. 6, 4; comp. Cic. de Sen. 13]; 
 Mart. xiv. 43, Candelabrum Corinthium: 
 
 Nomina candelae nobis antiqua dederunt : 
 Non norat parcos uncta lucerna patres. 
 
 Athen. xv. 700. Instead of our wick, they used for the candelse, 
 the pith of a kind of rush, the indigenous papyrus, scirpus. Plin. 
 xvi. 37, 70 ; Anthol. Pal. vi. 249. Perhaps the same thing may also 
 be understood by the funiculus of Varro. These rushes were 
 smeared over with wax or tallow, although tallow-candles, sebacece 
 (in Amm. Marc, xviii. 6, fax sebalia), were only employed for the
 
 SCENE II.] THE MANNER OF LIGHTING. 309 
 
 commonest purposes. We learn from Varro that there were other 
 candelce, in earlier times, besides the cerese. Martial has, among 
 his Apophoreta, two different epigrams (candela, 40, 
 
 Ancillam tibi sors dedit lucernae 
 Tutas quae vigil exigit tenebras. 
 and cereus, 42). 
 
 Hie tibi nocturnes prsestabit cereus ignes, 
 Subducta est puero namque lucerna tuo. 
 
 in both of which he appears to mean that the candela and cereus 
 were considered commoner than the lucerna. This is more plain 
 from Juv. iii. 287, where Umbricius says of himself in distinction 
 to the cenea lampas of the rich : 
 
 . . . Quern lima solet deducere vel breve lumen 
 Candelae, cujus dispense et tempero filum ; 
 
 and from Pliny, xxxiv. 3, 6, where he speaks of the extravagant 
 prices of the candelabra, which nevertheless took their name from 
 so insignificant a thing. Wax candles are, however, mentioned 
 with lamps in descriptions of splendour and profusion; and Virgil 
 {JEn. i. 727) says of the Palace of Dido : 
 
 . . . dependent lycb.nl laquearibus aureis 
 Incensi et noctem flammis funalia vincunt. 
 
 Boettiger was therefore wrong in supposing that the ancients were 
 unacquainted with the use of wax lights. The cerei, the use of 
 which at the nocturnal comissatio is mentioned by Seneca, Epist. 
 22, and the candelae generally, were not torches, and the candelabra 
 were formed to hold them. Serv. ad Virg. supra ; [Paul. Diac. p. 
 46, 42 ; Isidor. xx. 10] ; Donat. ad Ter. Andr. i. 1, 88. [The can- 
 delabra for candles were also called funalia, in a wider sense. 
 Isid. xx. 10 : funalia candelabra exstantes stimulos habuerunt, quibus 
 funiculi figebantur. In Ov. Met. xii. 246, 
 
 Lampadibus densum rapuit funale coruscis. 
 
 the word funalia seems used as a lamp-holder.] The hand-cande- 
 labra mentioned by Servius are probably like the lychnuchi used at 
 the Lampadedromice, in which the plate under the candle served 
 the double purpose of protecting the hand from the dripping of 
 the hot wax, and the flame from the draught of air. 
 
 Lamps, lucernce, are still extant in great numbers, and from the 
 elegance of their forms, and the emblematic ornaments upon them, 
 they, with the candelabra, are among the most interesting of anti- 
 quities. The most important works on this subject are [Liceti, de 
 Luc. anttq. reconditis]; Bellori, Lucernce sepukrales ; Passeri, Luc,
 
 310 THE MANNER OF LIGHTING. [Excrasrs IV. 
 
 fictiles; Antichitd cTErcolano, viii. ; Mus. Sorl. ; Millin. Monum. 
 ined. ii. 160. 
 
 The difference frequently made between lucernes cubiculares, 
 lalneares, tridiniares, sepulcrales, can only refer to the different uses, 
 and the most we can assume is that the tricliniares were more 
 elegant than the balneares, and had more wicks than the cubicu- 
 lares, which last, although the proper night lamps, served for light- 
 ing the sitting-rooms generally. Mart. x. 38, 7, and xiv. 39. The 
 sepulcrales, so called from having been frequently found in tombs, 
 were not made for that purpose, but only given to the deceased as 
 usual lamps. [This remark requires correction; for there were 
 special lamps, the ornaments and inscriptions of which show that 
 they were exclusively used in tombs, e. g. sit tibi terra levis anima 
 dulcis; and Diis Manibus, Passer, iii. 49, 46, 51; Bellor. ii. 16. 
 These lucernse were placed by the relatives on the tomb or in the 
 vault, either voluntarily or in compliance with the last will of the 
 deceased. In Modest. Dig. xl. 4, 44, Msevia wills ut monumento 
 mco alternis mensibus lucernam accendant et sollennia mortis peragant. 
 See Petron. 3.] 
 
 Most of the lamps we possess are of terra cotta [hence called 
 testa, Yirg. Georg. i. 391], or bronze, but lucernes aurece, argentece, 
 vitrece [Passer, ii. t. 83], and even of marble, are mentioned. Those 
 of terra cotta are usually of a long round form, flat and without 
 feet : on the upper part, where the orifice for pouring in the oil is, 
 there are often designs in relief, chiefly mythological [often beasts, 
 as elephants, lions, eagles, peacocks, apes, horses, she-wolves with 
 Eomulus and Remus, hares, dolphins, or battles of gladiators, 
 trophies, flowers, chaplets, masks; see Passer, iii. 20], and far 
 better than could be expected on utensils of every-day use. [The 
 models were made by particular figuli sigillatores, Orell. 4191, who 
 sold them to the potter. The name of the maker, or a mark of 
 the workshop, often stands at the bottom, e. g. a garland, a half- 
 moon, etc. ; sometimes the name of the patron or emperor. Passer. 
 i. p. x. See Mus. orb. vi. 30.] Sometimes they have only one 
 wick, monomyxos, monolychnis ; [dilychnis, Petron. 30] ; at others, 
 several, dimyxi, trimyxi, polymyxi ; [luc. Ulychnes, Orell. 3678 ; 
 PoU. ii. 72; x. 115; Anthol. PoZ.xii. 199]; Mart. xiv. 41, Lucerna 
 polymixos : 
 
 Illustrem cum tota meis convivia flammis 
 Totque geram myxas, una lucerna vocor. 
 
 They seem to have been used chiefly in the triclinia, or the larger 
 rooms. In the Antich. tfErcol. are wreath-shaped lamps for nine
 
 SCENE II.] 
 
 THE MANNER OF LIGHTING. 
 
 311 
 
 and twelve wicks, and one in the form of a skiff for fourteen wicks. 
 
 See Juven. vi. 305 : 
 
 Quum bibitur concha quum jam vertigine tectum 
 Ambulat et geminis exsurgit mensa lucernis. 
 
 Petrou. 64. 
 
 The bronze lamps were still more elegant. Among the most 
 
 tasteful are the dimyxos, on which a winged boy is grouped with a 
 
 goose ; a copy of which is here given from the Mua. Sorb iv. 14 ; 
 
 one with three lights, on which is a dancer with the Phrygian cap 
 (Antich. ffErcol. t. 29), and one with a Silenus. Mus. Sorb. i. t. 10.
 
 31 2 g?HE MANNER OF LIGHTING. [Excuasus IV. 
 
 Hemp, cannabis, and flax, or the tow taken from it, were used 
 as wicks (Plin. xix. 1, 3), and tie leaves of a kind of verbascum, 
 thence called 0X6/ioe XvyvlriQ. Diosc. iv. 106 ; Plin. xxv. 10, 74. A 
 lamp is said to have been found at Stabiee with the wick still pre- 
 served. 
 
 As the orifice for pouring in the oil was small, special boat-like 
 vessels, infundibula, having in front a small hole only, through 
 which the oil was poured, were used. Instruments were also used 
 for raising and snuffing the wicks, and were fastened by a chain to 
 the lamp. Small pincers for raising the wicks have also been found 
 
 at Pompeii in great numbers. When a figure stood upon the lamp, 
 it sometimes held this instrument by a chain in its hand. Antich. 
 etc. t. 28, 69; Mus. Borb. iv. t. 58, vii. t. 15. 
 
 The lamps were either placed on a candelabrum, or were sus- 
 pended by chains from the roof. Virg. ^n. i. 727, dependent lychni 
 laquearibus aureis. Petron. 30. There were also candelabra, with a 
 number of branches, on which lamps could be hung. Those found 
 in the buried towns are of very different heights ; from one Neapo- 
 litan palm to upwards of six, or even seven, palms. They stood 
 upon the ground, but were, in comparison with the tables and sofas, 
 of a considerable height. Lucerna de specula candelabri. Appul. 
 Met. ii. 
 
 The poorer classes used those made of wood. Cic. ad Quint, fr. 
 iii. 7 ', Mart. xiv. 44, Candelabrum ligneum : 
 
 Esse vides lignum : serves nisi lumina, fiet 
 De caudelabro magna lucerna tibi. 
 
 Petron. 95 ; [Csecil. in Non. iii. 74 ;] comp. Athen. xv. 700. In the 
 temples and palaces, and places where they remained fixtures, they 
 were made of marble, and ornamented with reliefs (Mus. Pio- Clem. 
 iv. 1, 5, v. i. 3), [vii. 37 ; Mus. Borb. i. 54] ; and when intended as 
 offerings to the gods, of valuable metals, or even of precious stones, 
 like that which Antiochus designed for the temple of Jupiter Capi- 
 tolinus. Cic. Verr. iv, 28. But they were usually of bronze [Cic. 
 Verr. iv. 26], and the labour spent on getting them up made this 
 an important branch of ancient bronze manufacture.
 
 SCENE II.] 
 
 THE MANNER OF LIGHTING. 
 
 313 
 
 The proper candelabra (also lychnuchi) for tho lampadaria, in 
 the form of statues and trees, 
 were the inventions of a later 
 age consisted of tkree and 
 sometimes four pieces the foot, 
 the shaft, and the discus or plate. 
 The slender shaft was usually 
 fluted, and rested on three feet 
 of animals, above which was 
 some leaf- ornament it termin- 
 ated in a capital, on which was 
 a kind of vase, covered by the 
 plate bearing the lamp. Some- 
 times a head or figure was above 
 the capital, and supported the 
 plate, as is the case in the Mus. 
 Sorb. iv. t. 57, and in the ac- 
 companying engraving. 
 
 The candelabra produced at 
 2Egina and Tarentum were espe- 
 cially remarkable for the beauty 
 of their workmanship, and each 
 place signalized itself in the con- 
 struction of certain parts. Plin. 
 xxxiv. 3, 6; comp. Mueller, 
 ^Eginet. p. 80. Some have a 
 second plate immediately above 
 the foot, and are beautifully 
 ornamented. There were also 
 Corinthian ones, as they were 
 called, which sold at high prices 
 (Mart. xiv. 43), but Pliny denies 
 that they were genuine. 
 
 There were also candelabra so 
 constructed that the lamps could 
 be raised or lowered; in these 
 the shaft was hollow, and into it 
 a staff was fitted ; this bore the 
 plate, and had several holes, into 
 which a pin could be inserted. One of these is copied in the 
 Antich. t. 70, and a still more ingenious one in t. 71, and Mus. Borb. 
 vi. 61 : in the latter the animals' feet could be laid together by a 
 hinge attached, and it seems to have been thus made for use on
 
 314 THE MANNER OF LIGHTING. [Excussus IV. 
 
 a journey : it was only three palms five inches high, but could be 
 lengthened if necessary. 
 
 There were also four other sorts of candelabra, in which the 
 simple shaft became either a statue holding a torch, from which the 
 lamp burned (Mus. Sorb. vii. t. 15), or above which two arms were 
 raised, holding the plate (iv. t. 59, vii. t. 30), [in xiii. 14, the statue 
 forms the lower part of the shaft,] or the shaft was changed into a 
 column, whereon a Moor's head served as a lamp (vii. t. 15). But 
 still more numerous are those called lampadaria : they are stems of 
 trees, or pillars standing on a base, from the capital of which the 
 lamps were suspended. Mus. Sorb. ii. t. 13, viii. t. 31 ; Antich. t. 
 65, 8. But these must not be confounded with the lychnuchi, men- 
 tioned by Pliny, xxxiv. 3, 8, Placuere et lychnuchi pensiles in delubris 
 aut arborum modo mala ferentium lucentes, qualis est in templo Apol- 
 linis Palatini, as he was describing something unusual, and the 
 lychnuchi pensiles may perhaps be compared to our chandeliers. 
 That in the temple of Apollo, however, was of the time of Alexander. 
 Something similar is possibly intended by Athen. xv. 700. The 
 lamps often stood also on tripods. Mus. Sorb. ix. 13, vi. 30. 
 
 They could scarcely have held sufficient oil to have kept burning 
 continually, when the revels lasted late, and fresh oil was therefore 
 supplied. Petron. 22 ; in c. 70, we find sweet-smelling oil added ; 
 an act of extravagance also mentioned in Martial, x. 38, 9, where 
 the lucerna which lighted the bridal of Catinus is said to be nimbis 
 ebria Nicerotianis. 
 
 [THE LATEEN^E, LANTHOENS. 
 
 Isid. xx. 10 : Laterna dicta, quod lucem interius habeat clausam. 
 Etenim ex vitro, intus recluso lumine, ut venti flatus non adire possit, 
 et ad prcebendum lumen facile ubique circumferatur. Mart. xiv. 61. 
 Plaut. Aul. iii. 6, 30, laterna Punica. The frame was mostly of 
 bronze, the other part of glass (Isid.) or thin plates of horn. Plaut. 
 Amph. i. 1, 185. 
 
 Volcanum in cornu conclusutn geris. 
 
 Ath. xv. p. 699; Mart. xiv. 6, cornea; or of oiled linen, Plaut. 
 Sacch. iii. 3, 42 : 
 
 It magister quasi lucerna uncto exspretus linteo. 
 
 Cic. ad Att. iv. 3, linea laterna, though the reading is doubtful. 
 Mus. Sorb, ii.]
 
 EXCURSUS V. SCENE II. 
 
 THE CLOCKS. 
 
 the magnificence of the domestic ar- 
 
 rangements of the ancients, and the refined care bestowed on 
 everything that could make life agreeable, they still were without 
 many ordinary conveniences. For instance, a clock, to regulate the 
 business of the day, according to a fixed measure of time, to us an 
 indispensable piece of furniture, which the man of moderate means 
 can command with facility, and even the poorest does not like to 
 be without, was, for nearly five hundred years, a thing quite un- 
 known in Eome, and even in latter times only in a very imperfect 
 state. Originally they did not divide the day into hours at all, but 
 guessed at the time from the position of the sun. Varro, L. L. vi. 
 89 ; vi. 4, 5 ; Plin. H. N. vii. 60. Afterwards the division which 
 followed was very inconvenient. 
 
 It is true, they reckoned twenty-four hours from midnight to 
 midnight, but they divided the regular duration of the day, between 
 the rising and setting of the sun, into twelve hours, and allotted 
 the remainder of the time to the night. After the Romans became 
 acquainted with the use of sun-dials, the natural day was divided 
 into twelve equal hours. Not so the night, in which the position of 
 the stars and the increasing or decreasing darkness were the only 
 means of distinguishing single portions of time : hence there was 
 no division of it into hours at first. Afterwards the use of water- 
 clocks became more general, but even then the former custom de- 
 rived from the camp, by which the night was divided into four 
 watches, still remained much in use. In civil life it became more 
 subdivided: eight divisions were adopted, named by Macrobius, Sat. 
 i. 3, and found essentially the same in Censorinus, de Die Nat. 24. 
 According to the former they were called, beginning with sunset, 
 respera (crepusculum),primafax (luminibus accensis'), cvncubia (nox), 
 intempesta (nox) : and from midnight to sunrise, mediae noctis incli- 
 natio, gallicinium, conticinium, diluculum. [See also Varro, L. L. vi. 
 8, 7; Isidor. v. 31.] Still even in Cicero's time the night was 
 divided into twelve hours. P. Rose. A. 7. On this account a faulty 
 state of things naturally arose, for the hours of night and day being 
 of variable length throughout the year, and only equal at the 
 equinoxes, their eleventh hour, for instance, began at fifty-eight
 
 THE CLOCKS. [EXCURSUS V. 
 
 minutes past two, according to our mode of reckoning, in the win- 
 ter solstice, and at two minutes past five in the summer solstice. 
 Thus any comparison of the Eoman hours with ours is attended 
 with this difficulty, that we must always know the natural length of 
 the day for the latitude of Rome, in order that our calculation 
 may be correct. Still for a tolerably near computation, the table 
 given in Ideler's Lehrbuch d. Chronologic, and in the Handbuch, 
 Part ii., is sufficient; ' it gives the length of the Eoman day in our 
 equi-form hours for the eight principal points of the ecliptic, in 
 the year 45 B.C., being the first year of Julius Caesar's regulation of 
 the calendar.' 
 
 Day of the Tear. Length of the Day. 
 
 hours, min. 
 
 23 December 8 54 
 
 6 February 9 50 
 
 23 March 12 
 
 9 May 14 10 
 
 25 June 15 6 
 
 10 August 14 10 
 
 25 September 12 
 
 9 November 9 50 
 
 In order to give a more clear and comprehensive view of the 
 matter, a Table is added, comparing the Eoman hours with ours, 
 at both the solstices, where the difference is greatest, while at the 
 equinoxes alone our hours coincide with those of the Eoman. 
 
 In Summer. In Winter. 
 
 hour. hours, min. sec. hours, min. sec. 
 
 1 4 27 7 33 
 
 2 5 42 30 8 17 30 
 
 3 6 58 92 
 
 4 8 13 30 9 46 30 
 
 5 9 29 10 31 
 
 6 80 44 30 11 15 30 
 
 7 12 12 
 
 8 1 15 30 12 44 30 
 
 9 2 31 1 29 
 
 10 3 46 30 2 13 20 
 
 11 5 2 2 58 
 
 12 6 17 30 3 42 30 
 End of the day 7 33 4 27 
 
 This division of the hours lasted a long time, and it is only in 
 calendars of the latest period that we find the length of the night 
 and day, through the different months, given according to equi-
 
 II.] THE CLOCKS. 31 7 
 
 noctial hours. Of this kind is the Calendarium rusticum Farnesia- 
 num, which is to be found in Graev. Thes. antiq. Rom. viii., with 
 Orsini's explanations ; and in Mm. Sorb. ii. t. 44. Still it contains 
 as yet no indication of a Christian sera, as in the case of the Viennese 
 one, which is referred to the age of Constantine. In Graev. 97 ; Ideler, 
 Handbuch d. Chron. ii. 139. A question difficult of solution offers 
 itself, whether in giving the hour, as hora sexta, nona, decima, the 
 current or already elapsed hour is meant (S. Salinas, on Vopisc. Flo- 
 rian. 6, 634 ; Exerc. ad Solin. 636) ; whether, for instance, hora nona 
 denoted the equinoctial hour from two to three, or was equivalent to 
 saying, at three o'clock. It is true that on ancient sun-dials the 
 hours are only divided by means of eleven lines, which have no 
 numbers placed against them. [See below. Sometimes, however, 
 numbers were engraved. Varro, L. L. vi. 4 : meridies ab eo, quod 
 medius dies, D antiqui, non R in hoc dicebant, ut Prcenestc incisum in 
 solario vidi.~\ If the shadow of the finger (gnomon) fell upon the first 
 line, the first hour would be already elapsed, and hora prima would 
 be the commencement of the second. [So in Pers. iii. 4, quintet 
 dum linea tnngitur umbra denotes the end of the fifth hour, or eleven 
 o'clock.] When, on the other hand, Martial, iv. 8, says, 
 
 Prima salutantes atque altera continet hora, 
 Exercet raucos tertia causidicos. 
 
 Iii quintam varies extendit Roma labores ; 
 Sexta quies lassis, septima finis erit. 
 
 Sufficit in nonam nitidis octava palsestris ; 
 Impevat exstructos frangere nona toros. 
 
 it is evident that in each case the current hour is meant ; and as 
 nona is the usual hour for the coena, hora nona canarc can, to agree 
 with the passage, denote only, at the beginning of the ninth hour. 
 The same seems also to follow from the epigram which has already 
 been quoted by others. Anthol. Pal. x. 43 : 
 
 "E (t>pai n6%Qot<; \Kavwrarai, at Si per' avraq 
 
 r^ap/idai SttKvvfievai ZH9I Xsyontrt /3porotf. 
 
 For the letters a <?' would fall to the first six hours, and % denote 
 the whole of the seventh. 
 
 According to Pliny (vii. 60), there was no sun-dial in Eome 
 until eleven years before the war with Pyrrhus (about 460 A. u. C.), 
 although their use had already been made known in Greece by 
 Anaximander or his scholar, Anaximenes, about 500 years before 
 Christ. See Ideler, Lehrb. 97. L. Papirius Cursor placed the first 
 on the temple of Quirinus, as Pliny, after Fabius Vestalis, relates. 
 Varro, on the other hand, [as well as Censorin. de D. Nat. 23,] dates 
 the introduction of this time-measure about twenty years later, and
 
 318 THE CLOCKS. [EXCURSUS V. 
 
 makes M. Valerius Messala bring to Home the first sun-dial, cap- 
 tured at the conquest of Catana, A. T7. C. 491. Meierotto was in 
 error in concluding from the fragment of the Bceotia, or Bis com- 
 pressa of Plautus, where the parasite says, 
 
 Ut ilium dii perdant, primus qui horas reperit, 
 Quique adeo primus statuit hie solarium. 
 Nam me puero vetus hie erat solarium, etc. r 
 
 (he means his stomach), that the first solarium came to Rome in the 
 time of Plautus. This would have been about the time of the 
 second Punic war ; but was it actually necessary that Plautus should 
 allude to his youth in order to make this joke ? [The sun-dials, thus 
 brought from Sicily to Eome, had one great and natural inconve- 
 nience, as Pliny says : nee congruebant ad horas ejus linece ; paru- 
 erunt tamen eis annis undecentum; donee Q. Marcius Philipytw 
 diligentius ordinatum juxta posuit. Censorin. 23.] These earliest 
 sun-dials were evidently of the kind called by the Greeks TroXoc- 
 The old sort, or yvw/xuv, was not introduced, as the Romans adopted 
 the latest improvements of the Greeks (see Becker's Charides, Eng. 
 Trans, p. 173, note 3). Still there was one such gnomon at Rome, 
 viz. the obelisk, one hundred and ten feet high, erected by Au- 
 gustus in the Campus Martius, with the inscription, Soli donum 
 dedit ; now on Monte Citorio. Pliny describes it accurately, H. N. 
 xxxvi. 10. The sun-dials, horologia solaria, or sciotherica [solaria, 
 alone, Yarro, L. L. vi. 4,] were at a later period in very general 
 use, and made of various forms. Comp. Yitr. ix. 9 ; [Isid. xx. 13 ;] 
 Ernesti, de solariis, and Clavis Ciceron. ; Pitture tfErcol. iii. 337 ; 
 Martini, AbJi. v. d. Sonnenuhren d. Alien.; Yan Beeck Calkoen, Diss. 
 Math. ant. de horologiis vett. sciothericis ; Mus. Borb. vii. Frontisp. As 
 the shadow of the finger (gnomon) placed perpendicularly upon the 
 horizontal surface, had to give the twelve hours of the natural day, 
 which were at one time short, at another long, a threefold division 
 was made. Yitr. ix. 8 : Omnium autem figurarum descriptionumque 
 earum effectus unus, uti dies cequinoctialis brumalisque itemque solsti- 
 tialis in duodecim partes cequaliter sit divisus. [Of the numerous 
 kinds of sun-dials two at least have been preserved, the hollow 
 hemispherical, and the flat one ; which are made of marble, com- 
 mon stone, or bronze ; while the lines upon them often bear traces of 
 having been coloured red. The first was found at Tusculum, in 
 1741. Soon after, several were discovered near Castel Nuovo and 
 Tibur, more at Pompeii. Avellino (Descr. di una Casa, pp. 29, 32, 60) 
 gives copies of two sun-dials, found in the house of the ornamented 
 capitals. The hour-lines are, in almost every instance, engraved in 
 the same manner, and mostly bounded by the segments of two
 
 SCENE II.] 
 
 THE CLOCKS. 
 
 319 
 
 circles. The mid-day line TO, which is sometimes longer, sometimes 
 shorter, is cut by another line running from East to West, upon the 
 
 Midday. 
 
 Midnight. 
 
 intersections of which with the hour lines the shadow of the gno- 
 mon g must fall at fixed times. On these intersecting points the 
 hours are here marked in the modern fashion, the corresponding 
 Roman hours being given at the end of each line. In the first, and 
 in the twelfth hour (between 6 and 7, and 5 and 6), the shadow 
 falls between the circle and point 7 or 5.] 
 
 On dull days there was still as much uncertainty as ever about 
 the time of day until depsydrce became known ; they, in some 
 degree, amended this deficiency. They were similar to our sand- 
 glasses, since the water contained in a vessel was allowed gradually 
 to escape. On their form, icw&ia (aiXoc, j;0/*oe), see Becker's 
 Charides, Eng. Trans, p. 174, note 4. But they are also called sola- 
 ria. Cic. de Nat. D. ii. 34 : Solarium vel descriptum vel ex aqua. 
 [Censorin. 23 : P. (7. Nasica censor ex aqua fecit horarium, quod ei 
 ipsum ex consuetudine noscendi a sole horas solarium cceptum vocari.~\ 
 So the clepsydra was also called yi/w/iwv by the Greeks. Ath. ii.
 
 320 THE CLOCKS. [EXCURSUS V. 
 
 p. 42. The clepsydrae mentioned by Aristotle were not transpar- 
 ent, the use of glass being then very restricted. Later, this the 
 most fitting material was adopted. The first clepsydra was, accord- 
 ing to Pliny (vii. 69), publicly set up by Scipio Nasica, in the year 
 595 A.TT.C.; but lately, doubts have been raised (Ideler, Lehrb. 258) 
 as to whether this water-clock was a mere clepsydra, as it is named 
 horologium by Pliny, and horarium by Censorin. de Die Nat. 24. It 
 has on the contrary been taken for an actual clock of the invention 
 of Ctesibios. From this it would further follow that that ingenious 
 mechanician did not (as Athenseus, iv. 174, relates) live under Pto- 
 lemseus Euergetes II., but perhaps under the first, which would 
 place his date almost one hundred years earlier, since the second 
 did not succeed to the throne till 608 A.TJ.C. The latter suppo- 
 sition, derived perhaps from a similar, but probably erroneous 
 account, given by Beckmann (Beitr. z. Oesch. d. Erfind. i. 284), 
 appears quite unnecessary ; for Ptolemy VII. had reigned in Cy- 
 renaica since 583 A.TJ.C., though he did not mount the throne of 
 Egypt till later, and even then Ctesibios could very easily belong 
 to his age, and his water-clock still be known as early as 595. 
 
 It does not seem, indeed, that so much must be inferred from 
 the words horologium and horarium, which after all only signify 
 hour-measures. Pliny evidently means to say, that until this 
 period they had been confined entirely to sun-dials, and possessed 
 no sort of water-clock. His words are, Etiam turn tamennubilo in- 
 certoe fuere horce usque ad proximum lustrum. Tune Scipio Nasica 
 collega Lcenatis primus aqua divisit horas ceque noctium ac dierum, 
 tdque horologium sub tecto dicavit anno urbis DXCV. Now it cer- 
 tainly was not a single clepsydra which marked perhaps the lapse 
 of one hour ; but why could it not be a junction of several of various 
 size, or a larger vessel, on which there were certain marks by which 
 the lapse of the several hours could be perceived ? This last 
 appears to be what Sidon. Apoll. means in the passage quoted by 
 Ideler, Ep. ii. 9, nuntius per spatia clepsydrae horarum incrementa 
 servans. Ideler's remark after Beckmann, that clepsydrce were not 
 known to the Romans till under Pompey, is not supported by the 
 slightest hint or trace of any such thing in the dialogue de causis 
 corruptce eloquentice; they are not even once mentioned, and it is 
 only said that the orators were stinted by him (Pompey) to a fixed 
 time (28). Primus tertio consulatu Cn. Pompeius adstrinxit, impo- 
 suitque veluti frenos eloquentice. On this account, clepsydrce "were no 
 doubt given them, of which frequent mention is made at a later 
 period. PI in, Ep. ii. 11, says, dixi horis pcene quinque, nam duo- 
 dccim depsydris, quas spatiosissimas acceperam (they were different
 
 SCEKE IL] THE CLOCKS. 321 
 
 ones then) aunt addita quatuor. Others read, nam clepsydrae viginti, 
 and this certainly accords better with the horis quinque ; for in that 
 case to each clepsydra would be assigned the fifth part of an hour, 
 so that quatuor viginti clepsydrae made up, doubtless, pcene horaa 
 quinque. Compare Mart. vi. 35, viii. 7. [Lyd. de Mag. ii. 16 ; Bur- 
 chardi, de ratione temporis ad perorandum in jud. publ. apud Roma- 
 nosJ] These clepsydrae were naturally placed in private houses 
 also. [Oic. ad Fam. xvi. 18, writes to Tiro at Tusculum, horolo- 
 gium et libros mittam. Ulp. Dig. xxxiii. 7, 12. But in temples, basi- 
 likas, public squares, or at monuments, sun-dials only were placed. 
 Orell. 2032, 3298 ; Censorin. 23 ; Varro, L. L. vi. 4 ; Lyd. de Mag. 
 iii. 35.] The hydraulic clocks of Ctesibios, also, were probably to 
 be found here and there, although they would scarcely do for the 
 Roman division of the day. Nevertheless, Weinbrenner has in- 
 vented a piece of mechanism by means of which, he says, it was 
 possible to denote the various hours, Vitr. ix. 9, 2 ; but all these 
 contrivances were less to be depended on than a modern wooden- 
 clock. 
 
 In order to know the hour without giving themselves any trouble, 
 slaves were kept on purpose to watch the solarium and clepsydra, 
 and report each time that an hour expired. Mart. viii. 67 : 
 
 Horas quinque puer nondum tibi nunciat, et tu 
 
 Jam conviva mihi, Caeciliane, venis. 
 Juven. x. 216 : 
 
 . . . clamore opus est, ut sentiat auris, 
 Quern dicat venisse puer, quot nunciet boras. 
 
 The stupid Trimalchio had in his triclinium a horologium, and a 
 buccinator by it, to tell each time the hour was elapsed. Petr. 26.
 
 EXCURSUS I. SCENE III. 
 
 THE LIBRARY. 
 
 an extensive library should be found in the house of a 
 -*- learned and celebrated Roman poet, appears quite natural, and 
 we should miss it, if it were not there ; but it would be incorrect 
 to argue from the presence of a costly library, the literary tastes 
 of its owner. What in the earlier periods of Roman history was 
 the want merely of a few individuals, who cultivated or patronized 
 literature, became by degrees an article of luxury and fashion. 
 The more ignorant a man really was, the more learned he wished 
 to appear, and it was considered ton to possess a rich library, even 
 though its owner never took up a Greek poet or philosopher, 
 perhaps never advanced so far as to read over the titles on the rolls, 
 contenting himself, at the utmost, with enjoying the neatness of 
 their exterior. Seneca, de Tranq, An. 9, earnestly rebukes this 
 rage of heaping together a quantity of books in a library : quarum 
 dominus vix tota vita sua indices perlegit. He ridicules those quibus 
 voluminum suorum frontes maxime placent titulique ; and concludes : 
 jam enim inter balnearia et thermas bibliotheca quoque ut necessarium 
 domus ornamentum expolitur. Ignoscerem plane, si e studiorum nimia 
 cupidine oriretur ; nunc ista exquisita et cum imaginibus suis descripta 
 sacrorum opera ingeniorum in speciem et cultum parietum compa- 
 rantur. Lucian also found himself called upon to scourge sharply 
 this folly, in a particular treatise, ITpof curuiStvTov ical TroXXd j3i/3\'a 
 Mvovntvov ; and very justly addresses to the object of his satire the 
 proverbs : TrlQt)KOG 6 TriOrjKoc KUV xpvaea t-^-g avpfioXa, and, ovo(; \vpae 
 aicoviig KIVWV TO. wra. Comp. Mart. v. 51. Cicero, Atticus, Horace 
 (Epist. i. 18, 109), the elder and younger Pliny, naturally made a 
 very different use of their libraries ; and the same may be presumed 
 of Gallus. That a library was in his time a necessary article of 
 furniture, may be inferred from Vitruvius, who describes it in the 
 same manner as other parts of the house. And Trimalchio in 
 Petronius boasts of having three libraries. According to bin) a 
 library should look towards the east, for a two-fold reason (vi. 7) : 
 Cubicula et Bibliothecce ad orientem spectare debent ; usus enim matu- 
 tinum postulat lumen : item in bibliothecis libri non putrescent. We 
 are enabled to form a better judgment on its further arrangements 
 by the excavations in Herculaneum, which have led to the dis- 
 covery of an ancient library with its rolls. Around the walls of
 
 SCENB III.] THE LIBRARY. 323 
 
 this room were cupboards, not much above the height of a man, in 
 which the rolls were kept. A row of cupboards stood in the centre 
 of the room, dividing it into two parts, so that passages for walking 
 only remained on the sides. It served, therefore, solely for the pre- 
 servation of books; #n;d not for using them on the spot ; and as a 
 small room could' contain a considerable number of rolls, the 
 ancient, libraries do not appear to have been in general very spa- 
 cious. That discovered in Herculaneum was so small, that a man 
 could, by extending his arms, almost touch the walls on either side. 
 See "Winkelm. Amn. z, Gesch. der Bank. W. i. 401 ; Martorelli, de 
 regia theca calamaria, i. xl. [Philosophical Transactions, 1752, 
 p. 71 ; 1754, p. 634.] 
 
 The occasional observations of ancient writers correspond very 
 well with the results of the discovery thus made. Vitruvius ( vii. 
 Prcef. 7) says of Aristophanes, who wished to detect plagiarisms; 
 e certis armariis infi^ita volumina eduxit. Yopisc. Tacit. 8, habet 
 bibliotheca Ulpia in armario sexto librum elephantimt/m, etc. ; and 
 also in Pliny, ii. 17 : Parieti (cubiculi) in bibliothecce speciem arma- 
 rium insertum est, quod non legendos libros, sed lectitandos capit. 
 Here then it was a wall-cupboard. [Sidon. Apoll. Ep. ii. 9, 
 armar. biblioth. ; Ulp. Dig. xxxii. 1 (| 52.] Whether these cupboards 
 were provided with doors, and could be locked, like those in which 
 money and so on was deposited, we cannot determine. Seneca 
 (Tranq. ix.) speaks generally not of armaria, but of tecto tenus 
 exstructa loculamenta, which can also be understood of mere open 
 repositories. The assertion that these armaria were also called 
 scrinia, is, however, erroneous. Respecting the scrinia, see the 
 following Excursus. On the other hand, Juven. iii. 219, uses for 
 them the expression foruli, which may however mean simply 
 movable depositories. Martial very significantly calls them nidi 
 (i. 118, 15; vii. 17, 5); and the comparison with a columbarium 
 was certainly very obvious. 
 
 After Asinius Pollio had placed in the public library which he 
 founded, the pictures or busts of illustrious men, the example began 
 to be followed in private libraries. Plin. xxxv. 2 ; Suet. Tib. 70. 
 An interesting proof of this is to be found in Martial (ix.), where, 
 in the first epigram, the poet sends the inscription for his portrait 
 to Avitus, who was desirous of placing it in his library. Then, in 
 an epistle to Turanius, we read : Epigramma, quod extra ordinem 
 paginarum est, ad Stertinium, clarissimum virum, scripsimus, qui 
 imaginem meam ponere in bibliotJieca sua voluit. So also in the 
 library which Hadrian founded at Athens. Paus. i. 18, 19. (oVj- 
 /uaro) aya'X^afft KfKOfffjiTJutva KOI ypa^ate' saraVttrat 5' ff avra /3t/3\ia. 
 
 Y 2
 
 324 THE LIBRARY. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 They not only desired to exhibit the portraits of contemporaries, 
 but, as Pliny says, gum immo etiam, quce non sunt, finguntur pari- 
 untque desideria non traditos vultus, sicut in Homero evenit. Statues 
 also, of the Muses, for instance, were placed there (Cic. Fam. vii. 
 23), or the lofty goddess of wisdom and creative intellect presided ; 
 her statue or bust, media Minerva (Juven. iii. 219), giving to the 
 spot a higher sanctity. 
 
 For the purposes of the library, not only to superintend it, but 
 also to increase its stores, and attend to the neatness of its exterior, 
 special slaves were kept, who belonged to the larger class of the 
 librarii. The name denotes generally all those who were used for 
 writing purposes ; whence they are called also simply scribce. As 
 such, however, they are to be distinguished ; first, from the scribce 
 publici, who were liberi, and formed an order of their own ; and 
 next, from the bibliopoles, who were also called librarii. Comp. 
 Eschenbach, de scribis vett. in Polen. thes. torn. iii. ; Ernesti, Glav. 
 Cic. s. v. scriba. Among the scribce kept by a private individual, 
 a distinction is made between the librarii a studiis, ab epistolis, and 
 a bibliotheca ; but whether the connection of the two words, libra- 
 rius a bibliotheca, can be found, appears doubtful. In inscriptions 
 it generally runs, librarius et a bibliotheca ; and the latter would 
 then have been the one who held the superintendence over the 
 whole, for which purpose a librarius would naturally be used. The 
 librarii, who transcribed for the libraries, were at a later period 
 called antiquarii also. Cod. Theod. iv. 8, 2. Still the explanation 
 given by Isid. Orig. vi. 14, Librarii iidem et antiquarii vocantur : 
 sed librarii sunt, qui et nova et vetera scribunt, antiquarii, qui tantum- 
 modo vetera, unde et nomen sumserunt, can hardly be deemed the 
 true one. It appears more correct to suppose, that when the old 
 Eoman text began to pass into the running hand, those who adhered 
 to the old, respectable uncial character, were named antiquarii, 
 with the same right as those authors who purposely used antiqua 
 et recondita verba (Suet. Aug. 86), were called by this name. And 
 hence the glossaries explain the word by apxaioypdfoc and 
 
 The librarii were not mere transcribers, but at the same time 
 book-binders, if we may apply this term to the rolls. 
 
 On this subject, see Lipsius, de bibliothecis syntagma, iii. ; Lo- 
 meier de bibliothecis (in an antiquarian point of view very unim- 
 portant). [Greraud, Sur les livres dans I'antiquite, particulierement 
 chez les fiomains.']
 
 EXCURSUS II. SCENE III. 
 
 THE BOOKS. 
 
 O CHWAEZ, in his learned dissertation, Ik ornamentia librorum 
 ^ apud veterea usitatia, has treated in detail about the external 
 form of the books of the ancients ; mixing up, it is true, much that 
 could be dispensed with. Still much remains, even after his labo- 
 rious inquiry, to be corrected and explained ; and the rolls that 
 have been discovered in Herculaneum will afford a partial enlight- 
 enment. Some points have been touched on by Becker, ad Tibull. 
 iii. 1, and Elegeia Romana, 242. [Boot, Notice aur lea Manmcrita 
 trouvta d Hercul.'] 
 
 The material on which the books were generally written was 
 the fine bark (liber, the single layers, philyrce) of the .^Egyptian 
 Papyrus, which, at the time of Augustus, had been brought into 
 such a state of perfection, by preparation and bleaching (oblutio), 
 that the quality formerly considered the best (hieratica) was now 
 only ranked as third rate, while that named after Augustus took 
 the first place, and the next to it bore the name of Livia. There 
 were various manufactories of it at Eome : Plin. xiii. 12, 23, says, 
 after speaking of the kinds above mentioned, Proximum (nomen) 
 amphitheatricce datum fuerat a confecturce loco. Excepit hanc JRo- 
 mce Fannii sagax officina, tenuatamque curiosa interpolatione prin- 
 cipalem fecit e plebeia et nomen ei dedit. Quce non esset ita recurata, 
 in suo mansit amphitheatrica. He mentions eight sorts in all, the 
 commonest of which, the emporetica, was unfit for writing on, and 
 only used for packing with, whence its name (a mercatoribus cogno- 
 minata}. [On the passage in Pliny see Salmas. ad Vopisc. Firm. 
 5, and Boot, ib., who asserts that paper was made in Egypt, and 
 then dressed, only, in Eome ; though papyrus was certainly ex- 
 ported raw to Italy. TJlp. Dig. yyxii- 1, 52 : papyrum ad chartaa 
 paratum. See Cassiodor. Var. xi. 38 ; Isidor. vi. 10, where seven 
 sorts of paper are enumerated. The chief excellencies of paper 
 were considered to be tenuitas, demitas, candor, Icevor ; the chief 
 faults, which were removed by dressing, scabritia, humor, lentigo, 
 tcenia.'] 
 
 The narrow strips of this paper in the Herculanean rolls 
 only six fingers broad glued together, became paginal, schcdce, 
 which, in Mart. iv. 90, does not signify a single leaf, as in Cic. 
 Attic, i. 20, but the last strip of the roll. The width, and of course 
 the length, of the rolls yaried. Those found at Herculaneum are
 
 326 THE BOOKS. (EXCURSUS 11. 
 
 generally a Neapolitan palm wide, but some are narrower. [Pliny 
 gives the breadth at from six to thirteen inches. The best sorts 
 were thirteen ; the hieratic eleven ; the Fannian paper ten ; the 
 amphitheatric nine ; the emporetic six inches. The roll of Egyp- 
 tian papyrus, containing a fragment of the Iliad, is eight feet 
 long, and ten inches broad. By cnrXa is meant single strips of 
 papyrus, or books consisting of one leaf. See Eitschl's Die Alex- 
 andrin, Sibliothek, an excellent work. Gruilandini", Comm. in Plin. 
 de Pap. p. 180.] 
 
 Next to Papyrus, parchment, membrana (Pergamena), the inven- 
 tion of Eumenes of Pergamus, was the most practical material. 
 Plin. xiii. 11, 21. [These sheets of parchment were folded and 
 sewn in different sizes, like modern books ; hence Ulp. Dig. xxxii. 
 52, membranes nondum consutce.~\ The use of it, however, was much 
 more confined, as it was probably much higher in price. Although 
 we read besides of writings on leather (Ulp. Dig. xxxii. 1, 52), or 
 on linen (Salm. ad Vopisc. Aurel. viii. 439. Comp. Marc. Capell. 
 ii. 35), or even on silk (Symmach. iv. Ep. 34), they must be consi- 
 dered as belonging to the imperfections of the more ancient, or to 
 the eccentricities of later times, or perhaps nothing of the nature 
 of books is alluded to. [Isid. vi. 12.] 
 
 The ink with which they wrote, atramentum librarium, was a 
 kind of pigment, or Chinese ink, prepared from lamp-black [and 
 gum]. Plin. xxxv. 6, 25 : Fit enim et fuligine pluribus modis, resina 
 v el pice exustis. Propter quod officinas etiam cedificavere,fumum eum 
 non emittentes ; laudatissimum eodem modo Jit e tcedis. Adulteratur 
 fornacum balinearumque fuligine, quo ad volumina scribenda utuntur. 
 Sunt qui et vini fcecem siccatam excoquant, etc. Id. xxvii. 7, 28 : 
 Atramentum librarium ex diluto ej'us (absinthii) temperatum literas a 
 musculis tuetur. [Vitr. vii. 10.] Winkelmann's account of the 
 Herculanean MSS. agrees very well with this. " The Herculanean 
 MSS. are written with a kind of black pigment very much like 
 the Chinese ink, which has more body than the common ink. If 
 the writing be held towards the light, it appears to be in slight 
 relief, and the ink which was found still remaining in an inkstand, 
 is a sure proof that this was the case." We must conclude, how- 
 ever, from Pers. iii. 12, that the juice of the sepia was used for this 
 purpose, although the Scholiast denies it. He says, , 
 Tune querimur, crassus calamo quod pendeat humor, 
 Nigra quod infusa vanescat sepia lympha : 
 Dilutas querimur geminet quod fistula guttas. 
 
 Ausonius, also (iv. 76), calls the letters notas furvce sepice. so 
 that it would appear that Persius used the word in its proper signi-
 
 SCENE III.] THE BOOKS. 327 
 
 fication. [So Auson. Ep. vii. 54. Comp. Davy, PMos. Transactions, 
 1821, pp. 191, 205.] The ancients do not appear to have been ac- 
 quainted with any artificial sympathetic ink, requiring a particular 
 manipulation to become visible, and intended only for those 
 initiated into the secret. But on the other hand, the use of some 
 natural substances, such as milk, or the juice of a flax-stalk, for 
 such a purpose, were not unknown to them. Hence Ovid, Art. iii. 
 627, advises, 
 
 Tuta quoque est, fallitque oculos e lacte recenti 
 
 Liters : carbonis pulvere tange : leges. 
 Pallet et humiduli quse fiet acumine lini, 
 
 Et feret occultas pura tabella notas. 
 
 For more on this subject see Beckmann's Beitr. z. Oesch. d. Er- 
 find. ii. 295. [Avellino describes two, very beautifully wrought, 
 antique inkstands, of bronze, with rich silver mounting. They are 
 round, and attached to each other, one being for black, the other 
 for red ink.] 
 
 They used, instead of the pens now employed, a reed cut like 
 
 ours with the scalprum librarium (Tac. Ann. v. 8 ; Suet. Vit. 2). 
 
 The best sort came from JEgypt, Cnidus, and the Anaitic Lake. 
 
 Plin. xvi. 36, 64 ; [Appul. Met. i.] ; Mart. xiv. 38, Fasces calamorum : 
 
 Dat chartis habiles calamos Memphitica tellus : 
 
 Texantur reliqua tecta palude tibi. 
 
 [Auson. Ep. vii. 48 : Grassetur Cnidice sulcus arundinis. Cic. ad Qu. 
 Fr. ii. 15.] 
 
 In a fresco-painting discovered at Herculaneum, there is such a 
 calamus lying across an inkstand. See Mus. Borb. i. tab. 12 ; Win- 
 kelm. W. ii. tab. iii. ; Gell, Pompeiana, ii. 187. Some petrifactions of 
 them have also been discovered. [Plrilos. Transact. 1758, p. 620.] 
 See Winkelm. as above, and Martorelli, de regia theca calamaria. 
 
 The writing was, frequently, divided into columns, [four to six 
 inches broad,] and lines, probably of red colour, minium, were 
 ruled between them. In the Herculanean rolls these lines appear 
 white, which is easily accounted for. See Winkelm. 233. The title 
 of the book was placed both at the beginning and the end. 
 
 In general, only one side of the charta, or membrana, was 
 written on, and therefore Juven. i. 5, says of an inordinately long 
 tragedy, 
 
 . . . summi plena jam margine librt 
 Scriptus, et in tergo, necdum finitus Orestes. 
 
 Perhaps, however, this was caused by an excess of economy, of 
 which Mart. viii. 62, may be taken as an instance : 
 Scribit in aversa Picens epigraramata charta, 
 Et dolet, averse quod facit ilia deo.
 
 328 THE BOOKS. [EXCURSUS II. 
 
 For trivial writing, as for instance the exercises of children, 
 they used material which had already "writing on one side. The 
 passage in Hor. Epist. i. 20, 17, referred by Porphyrio to this, 
 may evidently be understood in another sense, though the words 
 of Martial, iv. 86, on directing his book to Apollinaris, cannot be 
 
 misunderstood : 
 
 Si damnaverit, ad Salariorum 
 
 Curras scrinia protinus licebit, 
 
 Inversa pueris arande charta. 
 
 Such Opisthographa (Plin. Epist. iii. 5) generally contained 
 merely notes, memoranda, compilations, or even pieces of compo- 
 sition, of which a fair copy was afterwards to be written. If the 
 contents of the book were, however, of no value, they would rub 
 out all the writing, and write again on the same paper, which was 
 then called palimpsestus, Cic. Fam. vii. 18. Comp. Catull. xxii. 4. 
 Hence Mart. iv. 10, wished to append a sponge to his book ; for 
 Non possunt nostros multae, Faustina, lit une 
 
 Emendare jocos ; una litura potest. 
 
 The back of the book was generally dyed, with cedrus or saffron. 
 3JUC. TrpoQ cnraiS. iii. 113: jcai a\ti<j>fts T<$ Kftoictf) Kai ry Kidpy. This 
 is, in Persius, iii. 10, the positis bicolor membrana capillis, and in 
 Juven. vii. 23, crocea membrana tabellce. Whatever is to be under- 
 stood under the term cedrus (Plin. xiii. 13, 86, libri citrati. Comp. 
 Billerb. Flora Class. 199), it is at least certain, that the book was 
 protected against worms, and its back dyed yellow by this means. 
 [Vitruv. ii. 9, 13, explains the use of the preservative very clearly: 
 ex cedro oleum nascitur, quo reliquce res unctce, uti etiam libri, a 
 tineis et a carie non Iceduntur. Mart. iii. 2, cedro perunctus; v. 
 6; Hor. Art. Poet. 331, carmina linenda cedro. Pers. i. 42, cedro 
 digna locutus.~] Ovid. Trist. iii. 1, 13 : 
 
 Quod neque sum cedro flavus nee pumice levis ; 
 
 Erubui domino cultior esse meo. 
 
 When the book was filled with writing to the end, a stick or 
 reed was probably fastened to its last leaf or strip, and around this 
 it was coiled. [Porphyr. ad Hor. Epod. 18, 8, in fine libri umbilici ex 
 ligno aut osse fieri solebant.~] These reeds, which are still visible on 
 the Herculanean rolls, did not project on either side beyond the 
 roll, but had their extremities in the same plane as the base of the 
 cylinder. They are supposed to be what the ancients called umbi- 
 licus. See Winkelm. ii. 231 ; Mitsch. on Hor. Epod. xiv. 8 ; and 
 certainly expressions such as ad umbilicum adducere (Horace), and 
 jam pervenimus usque ad umbilicos, support this supposition. The 
 expression would not be an unfit one for the cavity in the centre of
 
 SCENE III.] THE BOOKS. 329 
 
 each disc ; but if we consider that Martial, in recounting the various 
 ornaments belonging to a book, always mentions umbilici, and never 
 cornua though this latter word is always used by Tibullus and 
 Ovid, for whom indeed the word umbilicus was not adapted (see 
 the passages quoted below), we must be convinced that both terms 
 signify the same thing. Besides, Mart. iii. 2, calls the umbilici jpi'cft', 
 so that- these cannot be merely the hollows of the tube. So Tibul- 
 lus also says, pingantur cornua. The most any one can assume is, 
 that the former expression has a more extended signification, and 
 denotes the apertures with the knobs belonging to them ; and in. 
 corroboration of this Martial, v. 6, 15, may be quoted : 
 Qua; cedro decorata purpuraque 
 Nigris pagina crevit umbilicis. 
 
 Martial mentions the cornua only once, xi. 107, where explicitus 
 usque ad sua cornua liber, is equivalent to iv. 90 : Jam pervenimus 
 usque ad umbilicos. 
 
 A small stick was passed through the tube, serving as it were 
 for an axis to the cylinder, and on both of its ends, which projected 
 beyond the disc, ivory, golden, or painted knobs were fastened. 
 These knobs are the cornua, or umbilici. The stick itself was 
 named in later Greek, KOVTUKIOV. 
 
 Before this, however, the bases of the roll were carefully cut, 
 smoothed with pumice-stone, and dyed black. [Isid. vi. 12.] These 
 are the gemince f routes, in the centre of which were the umbilici 
 or cornua. [Mart. i. 67, frons pumicata ; 118, rasum pumice; viii. 72; 
 Catull. xxii. 8.] It is worthy of remark, that generally in the 
 paintings at Herculaneum and Pompeii, nothing is to be seen repre- 
 senting such knobs, and that no trace of them has been discovered 
 in the Herculanean manuscripts. 
 
 In order to preserve the rolls more effectually from damage, 
 they were wrapped up in parchment, which was dyed on the out- 
 side with purple, or with the beautiful yellow of the lutum, lutea 
 (Genista tinctoria, Linn.). This envelope (not a capsa] was called 
 by the Greeks simply Si^Bipa, and by the Eomans membrana. 
 Martial uses for it, x. 93, purpurea toga. [iii. 2 ; viii. 72, murice 
 
 cultus ; i. 67 : 
 
 Nee umbilicis cultus atque membrana.] 
 
 The Greek aiTTv(3at is something similar. Cic. Attic, iv. 5. Hesych. 
 ffiTTvfiai, Sipparivat aro\ai. Nothing else is meant by Mart. xi. 1, 
 when he says, cultus sindone non quotidiana. See the wood-cut in 
 p. 332. 
 
 Finally came the title, titulus, index, which was written on a 
 narrow strip of papyrus, or parchment, in deep red colour, coccum,
 
 THE BOOKS. [EXCURSUS II. 
 
 or minium [Mart. xii. 3, quid titulum poscis. Sen. de Tranq. An. 9, 
 indices. Cic. ad Att. iv. 4, 5, ffi\\v(3ove, see p. 331] ; but it is not 
 easy to say where this ticket was placed. 
 
 Winkelmann, 242, denies that the rolls were bound ; at least no 
 trace of it was to be found on those at Herculaneum. It is true 
 that Martial, xiv. 36, says, Scrinium : 
 
 Constrictos nisi das mihi libellos, 
 
 Adraittam tineas trucesque blattas ; 
 
 but not to mention that others read constructos, it is not very clear 
 how the constringere could serve as a protection against the tinece 
 and WattcK. So that this one passage offers no positive proof. 
 [Herzberg explains constrictos by smoothed, and quotes Cic. de Or. 
 i. 42, quce (ars) rem dissolutam conglutinaret, et constringeret ; but 
 there, constringere means to glue together, not to smoothe. In Pliii. 
 xiii. 12, 26, constringere means merely to compress. And so in 
 Mart, constrictos is not a technical expression ; but most likely 
 means, that the rolls were wound round so tightly, as to prevent 
 vermin from getting in, altogether, or nearly so.] The cover itself, 
 or the single book complete, was called by the Greek name tomus. 
 Mart. i. 67. 
 
 The passages in which the ancient authors enter into a more 
 detailed account of the ornaments of the books, now remain to be 
 examined. In the first place, let us quote the well-known passage 
 of Tibullus, iii. 1, 9: 
 
 Lutea sed niveum involvat membrana libellum, 
 
 Pumex et canas tondeat ante comas : 
 Summaque praetexat tenuis fastigia chartae, 
 
 Indicet ut nomen litera facta meum : 
 Atque inter geminas pingantur cornua frontes ; 
 
 Sic etenim comtum mittere oportet opus. 
 
 The author cannot renounce the supposition expressed in his 
 Ehg. Rom., that it should be read tenuis charta: for since the poet 
 is speaking of the index, and the book was rolled up in a membrana, 
 the title could not possibly have been upon the charta itself, or the 
 inembrana would have concealed it. Tenuis charta would be the 
 strip upon which the title was written with minium. 
 
 The description in Ovid, Trist. i. 1, 5, is more complete : 
 Nee te purpureo velent vaccinia fuco : 
 
 Non est conveniens luctibus ille color. 
 Nee titulus minio, nee cedro charta notetur, 
 
 Candida nee nigra cornua fronte geras. 
 Nee fragili gemir.re poliantur pumice frontes, 
 Hirsutus passis ut videare comis.
 
 SCENE III.] THE BOOKS. 
 
 331 
 
 and that of Martial, iii. 2, 8, most comprehensive of all : 
 Pedro nunc licet ambules perunctus, 
 Et frontis gemino decens honore 
 Pictis luxurieris umbilicis ; 
 Et te purpura delicata Telet, 
 Et cocco rubcat superbus index. 
 
 Compare i. 67, viii. 72, [v. 6." Catull. xxii : 
 . . . cbartse regiae, novi libri, 
 Novi umbilici, lora rubra, membrana 
 Directa plumbo et pumice omnia sequata.] 
 
 Lastly, Lucian affords an interesting contribution, ITpof cn 
 iii. p. 113, riva yap iXirica Kai avrbg f^o>i/ tit; ra (3tf3\ia Kai a 
 dii, Kai &aieoXXpCi * TrtptKOTTTtts Kai d\fi<j>ti(, Tif Kpoxtp icai ry Ktcptp, 
 Kai &00pac Trspi/^aXXfig, icai 6^0aXovc ivTi9(tf, <i>c IT) ri cnroXavouv ', 
 and TTipi T(!>v ini fintQip GVVOVTWV, sub fin., iiiravTif yap a.Kptfiw<; Oftotoi 
 tim roif KaXXiaruiQ rovroig /Si/SXioif, Sv \pv0oi fjitv o't o^aXoi, Trop- 
 (jtvpa S' tKTOvOiv } St<p9epa. 
 
 The librarii were no doubt charged with thus equipping the 
 books. Cic. Attic, iv. 4. [In the following letter, where Cicero 
 writes, Billiothecam meam tui pinxerunt cortstructione et aillybis, 
 Herzberg conjectures constrictione. But the technical meaning of 
 constringere is against this emendation. Construdio means the 
 arrangement, and glueing together of both the newly-written books, 
 which as yet consisted of separate strips of paper, and also of the 
 old volumes that were injured by age or use. This was done by 
 the glutinatores, mentioned in the previous letter. So that Cicero 
 speaks of two things in both letters ; the constructio (or fastening 
 the rolls together), and the attaching the indices, with which is 
 connected the pingere, colouring the back, the cover, etc. They 
 first wrote books upon separate leaves, and afterwards glued all 
 these together. Ulpian, Dig. xxxii. 1, 52 : Perscripti libri nondutn 
 malleati, nondum conglutinati.~] 
 
 It became usual to have the portrait of the author painted on 
 the first page. Senec. de Tranq. An. 9 ; Martial, xiv. 186 : 
 Quam brevis immensum cepit membrana Maronem ! 
 Ipsius vultus prima tabella gerit. 
 
 "We may also perhaps assume that the paintings in the Vatican, 
 Yirgil and Terence, are imitations of a more ancient, or, at least, 
 ancient custom ! Pliny adduces Greek botanical works, in which 
 the plants were copied, xxv. 2, 4. 
 
 The following engraving, taken from a drawing in Gell's Pom- 
 peiana, ii. 187, though not existing in any one place as a painting 
 at Pompeii, may nevertheless be considered antique, as it consists
 
 332 
 
 THE BOOKS. 
 
 [EXCURSUS II. 
 
 of a union of all the usual implements of writing, collected from a 
 great number of ancient paintings in the two ruined cities. 
 
 On the left is a circular wooden or metal case, with a lid, con- 
 taining six books or volumes rolled up and labelled, each according 
 to its contents, so as to be easily distinguished. Below this lies a 
 stylus and a pentagonal inkstand, not unlike those now in common 
 use. In the centre lies a pen made of reed, and thence called 
 calamus. Next to the case of books is the tabella or tabulce, joined 
 together as with hinges, and sometimes, perhaps always, covered 
 with wax. Another sort is hung up above this, where the stylus 
 serves as a pin to suspend it against the wall. A sort of thick 
 book of tablets, open, lies to the right of the last. In the centre 
 are seen single volumes in cases, one of which is open on the left, 
 and the other shut. On the right are four volumes, lying in such 
 a manner as to want no explanation, two of which have their titles, 
 one attached to the papyrus itself, and the other from the umbilicus 
 or cylinder of wood in its centre. The form of the books naturally 
 dictated the shape of the cases containing them ; they were cylin- 
 drical or round, greater or smaller, according as they were designed 
 to hold one or many rolls ; generally perhaps of wood, on account 
 of its lightness. Plin. xvi. 43, 84. Capsce or scrinia, is the name 
 of the cases ; and when Pliny distinguishes them, he perhaps, under 
 the latter term, understands the larger ones. See Bottig. Sab. i. 
 p. 102. Mart. i. 3, Scrinia da magnis; me manus una capit ; or 
 because in the scrinia, only books, letters, and writings were pre- 
 .served, but in the capsules, other things also. Plin. xv. 17, 18 ; 
 Mart. xi. 8 ; [iv. 33 : Plena laboratis habeas cum scrinia libris.
 
 SCENE III.] THE BOOKS. 333 
 
 Pliny, vii. 30, mentions Alexander's costly scrinium.] They are 
 not unfrequently to be found along with Roman statues clad in 
 the toga. [Suet. Gramm. 9 : statua ejm ostenditur, habitu sedentis ac 
 palliata, appositis duobus 8criniis.~\ When a Roman had need of 
 documents in public business, his scrinium was carried after him 
 by a slave, and children of quality were accompanied to school by 
 a capsarius. [On a journey, books were thus carried. Catull. 
 Ixviii. 33, 36 : 
 
 Nam, quod scriptortim non magna est copia apud me 
 Hue una ex multis capsula me sequitur. ] 
 
 At other times its most natural position was beside the lectus 
 in the cubiculum. Plin. Ep. v. 5. Although custodes scriniorum 
 were kept on purpose, still it is not unlikely that they (scrinia) were 
 sealed, especially when important documents were deposited in 
 them. Martial, i. 67, 5 : 
 
 Secreta quoere carmina et rudes curas, 
 Quas novit unus, scrinioque signatas 
 Custodit ipse virginis pater chartse.
 
 EXCURSUS III. SCENE III. 
 
 THE BOOKSELLERS. 
 
 A S soon as the desire for foreign and domestic literature became 
 ^ general, and men of letters, or those who affected to be so, 
 began to consider a library in their house indispensable, persons 
 were to be found who gained their livelihood by supplying this 
 want. When Cicero, ad Quint. Fr. iii. 4, writes, De bibliotheca tun 
 Grceca supplenda, libris commutandis, Latinis comparandis valdt 
 velim ista conftci. Sed ego mihi ipsi ista per quern agam non habebo, 
 neque enim venalia sunt, quce quidem placeatit, etc., we cannot sup- 
 pose that anything else is alluded to than a regular trade in books. 
 He speaks also in like manner of the copies of the laws sold by the 
 librarii, Leg. iii. 20, a librariis petimus ; publicis literis consignatam 
 memoriam publicam nullam habemus, and mentions, Philipp. ii. 9, a 
 taberna libraria, in which Clodius took refuge. Under Augustus, 
 we find it already becoming a distinct trade, and Horace himself 
 mentions the brothers, Sosii, by whom his poems were sold. Epist. 
 i. 20, 2, ut prostes Sosiorum pumice levis. Art. Poet. 345 : Hie 
 meret cera liber Sosiis (viz. the book, qui miscuit utiledulci}. [Under 
 the first Emperors, the trade reached its highest prosperity, and 
 several librarii are mentioned in old authors or inscriptions, as 
 Tryphon, the publisher of Quinctilian and Martial. Mart. iv. 72 ; 
 xiii. 3 ; Quinct. Inst. Prcef. ; and Dorus in Senec. De Benef. vii. 6.] 
 These librarii at first transcribed the books themselves [whence 
 their name], and no doubt kept assistants for the greater and more 
 rapid multiplication of copies of them. [These scribes were some 
 of them the booksellers' slaves, some freedmen, who worked for 
 hire. Probably one person dictated to several at once. The Eo- 
 mans of quality had also their slaves, librarii (see above), who 
 copied the works of their masters or others ; so Pomponius Atticus. 
 Nep. Alt. 13; Oic. ad AH. iv. 4, 5; xii. 6; xvi. 6. He even made 
 a trade of it, and kept copies of several of Cicero's works on sale. 
 Cic. ad Att. xii. 12, and 44 ; ii. 2. The labours of the scribe were 
 no doubt often lessened by dictation. Pliny (Ep. iv. 7) says that 
 Regulus had his son's life in exemplaria transcriptum mille.~\ They 
 also went by the name of bibliopolce, Mart. iv. 71, xiii. 3; Poll, 
 vil. 33, (3ifi\iuiv KairqXoi, j3ij3\ocd7rjAoi ; Luc. Trpog airaiS. 1. 4, 24. 
 Their business seems mostly to have been considered merely in a
 
 SCENE III.] THE BOOKSELLERS. 335 
 
 mercantile point of view, whence celerity was desired rather than 
 correctness. On this account Martial vindicates himself, ii. 8 : 
 Si qua videbuntur chartis tibi, lector, in istis 
 
 Sive obscura nimis, sive Latina parum : 
 Non meus est error ; nocuit librarius illis, 
 Dum properat versus annumerare tibi. 
 
 And for this reason authors obliged their friends by looking over 
 their copies, and correcting the errors, Mart. vii. 11 : Cogia me 
 calamo manuque nostra emendare meos libellos; and Epist, 16: 
 Hos nido licet inseras vel imo, 
 Septem quos tibi mittimus libellos, 
 Auctoris calamo sui notatos. 
 Haec illis pretium facit litura. 
 
 [Cic. ad Att, xvi. 6, eas ego perspiciam, corrigam, turn denique 
 edentur.~] 
 
 In Martial's time these librarii, or bibliopolae, had their shops, 
 tabernce, chiefly about the Argiletum, i. 4, 118; but elsewhere also, 
 i. 2, as in the Vicus Sandalarius, Gell. xviii. 4 : In Sandalario forte 
 apud libraries fuimus. Galen, de libr. suis, iv. 361 : iv yap Ttf "Sav- 
 SaXiapiip Ka9' 8 Si) irXtlara rcSv iv 'Poijuy /3t|3\07ra>\(wv itrriv, K. T, X. 
 [In the Sigillariis, Gell. v. 4, ii. 3.] The titles of the books on sale 
 were suspended on the doors of the shops, or if the taberna were 
 under a portico, on the pillars in front of it. Thus Mart. i. 118, 
 describes the place where his Epigrams were to be sold : 
 Argi nempe soles subire letum : 
 Contra Csesaris est forum taberna, 
 Scriptis postibus bine et inde totis, 
 Omnes ut cito perlegas poetas. 
 
 And this is what Horace, Art. Poet. 372, refers to : mediocribus 
 esse poetis non homines, non dii, non conccssere columnce ; and more 
 plainly, Sat. i. 4, 71, 
 
 Nulla taberna meos habeat, neque pila libellos; 
 
 on which see Heindorf's remarks. Comp. Seneca, Ep. 33. [The 
 shelves of the tabernse were called nidi; in these the works lay 
 bound. Mart. i. 118, rasum pumice purpuraque cultum; viii. 61: 
 Nee umbilicis quod decorus et cedro 
 Spargor per omnes Roma quas tenet gentes.] 
 
 The price at which the books were sold, after all, appears but 
 moderate, especially when we remember that the cost of the ex- 
 ternal ornaments is to be taken into account. Martial, i. 118, says, 
 the bookseller (dabit) 
 
 Rasum pumice purpnraque cultum 
 
 Denariis tibi quinque Martialem ;
 
 336 THE BOOKSELLERS. [EXCURSUS III. 
 
 and yet this first book contained 119 Epigrams, some of them tole- 
 rably long. He places the price still lower in Ep. 67, where he 
 exclaims to a plagiarim, 
 
 Erras, meorum fur avare librorum, 
 Fieri poetam posse qui putas tanti. 
 Scriptura quanti constet et tomus vilis 
 Non sex paratur, aut decem sophos nutnmis. 
 
 And Tryphon, he says, could actually sell the Xenia for two 
 sesterces. See xiii. 3. It is true he says of his poems (ii. 1), hcec 
 una peragit librarius hora, so that perhaps the binding often cost 
 more than the book. [Sidon. Apoll. v. 15.] 
 
 In what relation the bookseller and author stood to each other, 
 is not an uninteresting subject for inquiry. People are usually in- 
 clined to suppose that the ancient authors wrote only for the sake 
 of reputation, and did not expect any pecuniary remuneration. If, 
 however, this may be considered as in general true, and especially 
 in the earlier times, still there is no doubt that, in other cases, 
 writers obtained a substantial gain from their works. This is not 
 concluded from the paupertas impulit audax, ut versus facer em ; for 
 at that period Horace had only published poems intended for circu- 
 lation among friends, but by which he hoped to recommend himself 
 to the great. See Sat. i. 4, 71. Still if Plautus, Terence, and 
 others, sold their comedies to the .SCdiles [Gell. iii. 3 ; Juv. vii. 87], 
 it will surely not appear strange that other authors should receive 
 remuneration for their labour. Thus the elder Pliny was offered 
 by a private individual the sum of 400,000 sest. for his Commen- 
 tarii electorum, Plin. Ep. iii. 5. This was, it is true, not the offer of 
 a bookseller, but Martial frequently states, that transactions of this 
 nature did take place between them, as for instance, when he re- 
 commends those who wished to have his poems presented or lent 
 to them, to purchase them of his bookseller, iv. 71 : 
 Exigis ut donem nostros tibi, Quincte, libellos : 
 
 Non habeo, sed habet bibliopola Trypbon. 
 " JEs dabo pro nugis, et emam tua carmina sanus ? 
 
 Non, inquis, faciam tarn fatue." Nee ego. 
 
 Comp. i. 118, where the poet very humorously declines lending 
 them ; but the matter is quite clear from xi. 108, when he declares 
 he will conclude the book, because he wants money : 
 Quamvis tarn longo poteras satur esse libello, 
 
 Lector, adhuc a me disticha pauca petis. 
 Sed Lupus usuram, puerique diaria poscunt. 
 Lector, solve, taces, dissimulasque ? Vale. 
 
 When, therefore, he elsewhere designates the business of the 
 poet as a poor one, xiv. 219, nullos referential nummos carmina,
 
 SCENE III.] THE BOOKSELLERS. 33V 
 
 (comp. i. 77), this must be understood of the smallness of the pay 
 in comparison with that of other productive occupations, [for, the 
 remuneration he got for his fourteen books of Epigrams, was much 
 too little to support him during the number of years he was 
 writing,] and v. 16, where he certainly says, 
 
 At nunc conviva est comissatorque libellus, 
 Et tantum gratis pagina nostra placet. 
 
 he only means, that those who took pleasure in his poems, did not 
 reward the author, as had been the case in Virgil's time ; in the 
 same way he complains, xi. 3, that he was no richer for his epigrams 
 being read in Britain, Spain, and Gaul ; for nescit sacculus ista mem. 
 This, however, does not exclude the possibility of his having, by 
 some stipulation with the bookseller, derived a profit; and it is 
 inconceivable how Martial, who, according to his own account, was 
 always in want of money, should have endured quietly to look on, 
 while Tryphon, or Pollius, or Secundus, made a considerable profit 
 of his poems; for we have reason to believe that his books were very 
 successful. See Hor. Art. Poet. 345; Mart. xiv. 194; [xiii. 3, vi. 61, 
 Meque sinus omnis, me maims omnis habet.] 
 
 and as regards a later period, Sulpic. Sever. Dial. i. 23, who is 
 quoted by Schottgen, in his rather superficial treatise De litrariis et 
 libliopolis antiquorum, and in Poleni, Suppl. thes. Gr. torn. iii. [Sen. 
 de Ben. vii. 6, calls the publisher emptor, which shows that he ac- 
 quired the copyright by purchase.] 
 
 Some of the copies, however, found their way, in the shape of 
 waste paper, into the taverns, and to the vendors of salt-fish, from 
 whom the school-children obtained what they needed. See Mart. 
 iv. 86, iii. 2, xiii. 1, and particularly vi. 60, 7 : 
 
 Quara multi tineas pascunt blattasque diserti, 
 Et redimunt soli carmina docta coqui. 
 
 It was not in Borne and Greece only, or in the countries intt 
 which Greek refinement was introduced, that the literature of 
 Rome was disseminated ; but also among the less civilized pro- 
 vinces. Hence Horace says of a good book, trans mare curret, and 
 Martial is read in Gaul, Spain, and Britain, [vii. 88, viii. 61, x. 104, 
 ix. 100, xi. 3, xii. 3.] So also Plin. Epist. ix. 11 : Billiopolas Lug- 
 duni esse non putabam, ac tanto lubentius ex Uteri's tuis cognovi vendi- 
 tari libellos meos. [Sidon. Apoll. Ep. ix. 7 , Hor. Ep. i. 20, 13. 
 The booksellers' shops were fashionab\e lounges. Gell. xviii. 4, in 
 multorum hominum ccetu, xiii. 30, v. 4. See Schmidt, Geschichte 
 der Denk-und Glaubenz freiheit imersten Jahrhundert der Kaiser ; an 
 important work.]
 
 EXCUKSUS IV. SCENE III. 
 
 THE LETTER. 
 
 TH'K Eoman of quality, who even at his studies used to avail 
 himself of the hands of another to write extracts for him, still 
 more generally employed a slave in his correspondence, which, 
 notwithstanding all the impediments thrown in its way, by the 
 want of public conveyances, appears to have been tolerably rapid. 
 They had slaves or freedmen for the purpose, ab epistolis, who be- 
 longed to the class of the librarii, and were also called ad manum, 
 a manu, amanuenses. Orell. Inscr. 1641. 2874. Jucundus Domitice 
 Bibuli librarius ad manum. Orelli, it is true, makes the distinction ; 
 librarius, idemque ad manum : but the amanuensis is called also 
 librarius. Cic. Attic, iv. 16 : Epistolce nostrce tantum habent mysterio- 
 rum, ut eas ne librariis fere committamus. Plin. vii. 25 : (Csesarem) 
 epistolas tantarum rerum quaternas pariter librariis dictare aut, si 
 nihil aliud ageret, septenas (accepimus). As correspondence was fre- 
 quently carried on in Greek, they had also I'tbr. ab epistolis Greeds 
 (Orell. 2437), as well as ab epistolis Latinis. Id. 2997. 
 
 Before a letter was ready to be despatched, five things were 
 required, which we find mentioned all together in Plaut. Bacch. 
 iv. 4, 64 : 
 
 CHR. Nunc tu abi intro, Pistoclere, ad Bacchidem, atque effer cito 
 Pi. Quid ? CHR. Stilum, ceram, et tabellas et linum. 
 The ring comes afterwards. Of these, the tabellce were, like the pu- 
 gillares, or codicilli [codicillus and codex is properly plurium tabula- 
 rum contextus. Sen. de Brev. Vit. 13 : Isid. vi. 13], thin tablets of 
 wood (the pugillares also of ivory or citrus, Mart. xiv. 3, 5, and of 
 parchment, ib. 7), and were covered over with wax (Ovid. Art. Am. i. 
 437, cera rasis infusa tabellis}, in which the letters were formed with 
 a stilus. [Isid. vi. 8, Ante chartce et membranarum usum, in dolatis 
 ex ligno codicellis epistolarum colloquia scribebantur. Ovid. Am. i. 12 ; 
 Festus s. v.~] They naturally varied in size. For elegant love- 
 letters, very small tablets were used, which bore a name of doubt- 
 ful signification, Vitelliani. Mart. xiv. 8 and 9, Vitelliani. 
 
 Quod minimos cernis, mitti nos credis amicse. 
 
 [Schol. ad Juv. ix. 36.] Of this description are the tabellce which 
 Amor brings to Polyphemus in an antique painting. Still, letters 
 were also written on papyrus. Cic. Fam. vii. 18 [ad Qu. fr. ii. 15 ;
 
 SCENE III.] 
 
 THE LETTER. 339 
 
 Ulp. Dig. xxxiii. 9, 3], and Mart. xiv. 11, with the Lemma, Chartce 
 epistolares : 
 
 Seu leviter note, seu caro missa sodali, 
 Omnes ista solet cbarta vocare suos. 
 
 As the smooth surfaces thus covered with wax could not be allowed 
 to rest upon one another, and by inserting a board between them, 
 the writing would have been obliterated by the pressure, we must 
 suppose that the tablets had a somewhat elevated border. This 
 supposition gains probability from an antique painting in Mus. Sorb. 
 vi. t. 35, in which a girl is holding the stilus and the pugillares, the 
 two tablets of which clearly exhibit, such an elevated border. So 
 also in Gell's Pomp. ii. 187. 
 
 The letter being ended, the tabellse were bound together by a 
 linen thread, or more correctly, a fine pack-thread, probably cross- 
 ways, and where the string was fastened, were sealed with wax (see 
 concerning this and the sealing earth, cretula, Cic. Verr. iv. 9 ; Beck- 
 mann, Beits, z. Gesch. d. Erfind. i. 474), and stamped with the ring. 
 Plaut. Bacch. 4, 96 : 
 
 Cedo tu ceram ac linum actutum, age obliga, obsigna cito. 
 
 Cic. Gatil. iii. 5 : Ac ne longum sit, Quirites, tabellas proferri jussi- 
 mus, quce a quoque dicebantur datce. Primum ostendimm Cethego sig- 
 num : cognovit. Nos linum incidimus : legimus. Erat scriptum ipsius 
 manu. If the letter were written by the librarius, this seal afforded 
 the only guarantee of its genuineness, for which reason the seal was 
 generally examined, previous to opening the letter, and before it 
 was injured by cutting the string asunder. We should almost sup- 
 pose that the handwriting, being on wax, and in uncial character, 
 must have been difficult to recognize, and yet the proof of the 
 letter's authenticity is often taken from this. Plautus himself says 
 (Bacch. v. 78) : nam propterca tc volo scribere, ut pater cognoscat 
 literas quando legat. So Cicero in the passage quoted above, and 
 frequently. Comp. Ovid. Heroid. xv. 1 ; Sabin. Ep. i. 3. [The 
 address was, of course, written on the outside. In a fresco at 
 Pompeii there is a letter addressed M. Lucretio.~] 
 
 As the advantage of public posts was not known they were 
 obliged to dispatch special messengers, unless an opportunity by 
 chance occurred, and frequently to very remote places : tabellarii 
 kept for this purpose, therefore, were the regular letter-carriers of 
 private persons and are often mentioned. See Cic. Phil. ii. 31 ; 
 Fam. xii. 12, xiv. 22 ; Verr. iii. 79 ; Auct. Ml. Hisp. 12, 16, 18. [It 
 remains to be observed that the above tabellae were used as writing- 
 materials generally; and not merely for correspondence. So the 
 
 z 2
 
 340 
 
 THE LETTER. [EXCURSUS IT. 
 
 school tablets, and the tabvlte testamenti (also called cerce). Hein- 
 dorf and Wiistemann ad HOT. Sat. ii. 5, 54. Small tablets (pugil- 
 lares, codidlli} were used as pocket books to note down anything at 
 will. Auson. Epigr. 146, bipatens pugillar. Sen. Ep. 108. Accord- 
 ing to the number of leaves, they were called diptychi, triptychi, or 
 triplices. Martial xix. 6. The outer side was often ornamented with 
 ivory, gold, or silver. Orell, Inscr. 3838, pugillares membranaceos 
 cum operculis eboreis. Yop. Tac. 8. A stile (stilus graphium) was 
 attached (Isid. vi. 9 ; Martial xiv. 21), the one end of which was 
 pointed for writing, the other blunt for erasure. Hence stilum ver- 
 tere. Hor. Sat. i. 10, 72; Cic. Verr. iv. 41. In the days of the 
 emperors, the consuls, praetors, and other magistrates, used, upon 
 taking office, to present their friends with very costly tablets, 
 adorned with the portrait of the donor, and all sorts of symbol- 
 ical devices. Symmach. Ep. ii. 81, v. 56, vii. 76, ix. 119; Claud. 
 in Stilich. iii. 346. 
 
 Qui (sc. dentes) secti ferro in tabulas auroque micantes, 
 Inscripti rutilum caelato Consule nomen 
 Per proceres et vulgus eant. 
 
 Sinnond. ad Sidon. Ap. Ep. viii. 6. Several of these ivory diptychi 
 are preserved ; only one of the commoner wax-tablets, dating from 
 167 A. D., which was found in 1790, in Transylvania. It is made of 
 fir- wood with writing on four sides.]
 
 EXCURSUS I. SCENE IV. 
 
 THE LECTICA AND THE CARRIAGES. 
 
 WITH the great love of comfort that distinguished the upper 
 rank's of the Konaan world in later times, we may easily 
 imagine that sufficient provision was made for the means of loco- 
 motion unaccompanied by any exertion on their own part. We 
 should form, a very erroneous conception if we fancied that the 
 Romans did not possess, as well as the moderns, their travelling, 
 state, and hackney equipages : on the contrary, the means of con- 
 veyance in their times, though not so regularly organized as our 
 stage-coaches and omnibuses, nor so generally used by all classes, 
 were even more numerous, and, to a certain extent, better calcu- 
 lated for the purpose they were intended to answer, although this 
 was intimately connected with the (to us unknown) system of slaves, 
 and also depended on conditions of climate. 
 
 These subjects have been often and circumstantially treated of, 
 and but little of importance remains to be added, so that we shall 
 rather seek to select and properly apply the more essential points 
 of what has already been made known. The most important 
 writings are : Schefferi, De re vehicular! veterum, lib. ii. in Poleni 
 thes. t. v., to which is appended, De vehiculis antiquis diatribe; Beck- 
 mann, Beitr. z. Cfesch. d. Erfind. i. 390 ; and Grinzrot, Die Wagen und 
 FahrwerJce der Griechen und Earner und and. alt. Volk. 2 vols. 4 ; 
 a work which has the advantage of being written by a connoisseur 
 in these matters, though as a philologist he is by no means all we 
 could wish. Concerning the lectica in particular, see Lipsius, Elect. 
 i. 19 ; Alstorph. De lecticis veterum, diatribe, with the Dissert, de 
 lectis. 
 
 The Lectica. We have here to discuss only that description 
 which was used for journeys, or for being carried about in, within 
 the city : concerning the lectica funebris, see the Excursus on The 
 Burial of the Dead. This lectica was probably like the common 
 lectus in its chief points at all events in its earlier form except 
 that it had no pluteus. It was a frame made, for the sake of light- 
 ness, of wood, and with girths across it, upon which the mattress, 
 torus, and probably at the head a cushion, pulvinar, were placed. 
 The use of girths is very intelligible, although the passages in 
 Martial (ii. 57) and Gellius (x. 3), which have been adduced as 
 proving their use, may be considered to allude to something quite
 
 342 THE LECTICA AND THE CARRIAGES. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 different. It is generally supposed that the lecticae were, in more 
 ancient times, uncovered (see Boettig. Sab. ii. 179, 200), although 
 there appears not any ground for this opinion, as the copy of a 
 lectica, which Scheffer after Pighius gives from a tomb, must rather 
 pass for a lectus funebris, such as have been discovered on other 
 monuments, worked in relief. See Goro, v. Agyagf. Wand. d. 
 Pomp. tab. vi. ; Ginzrot, tab. Ixvii. What Boettiger after Grater 
 has given as a lectica, with a figure reposing on it (ibid. Fig. 3), is 
 as unlike as possible. When mention is sometimes made of lecticce 
 apertce, this may be understood in a different sense. 
 
 If, as is most probable, such palanquins were introduced from 
 the East, it is also to be supposed that they were adopted in Eome 
 in the form usual there, and were therefore covered. Such lecticae 
 opertae are mentioned in Cicero's time, and even earlier. Cic. 
 Phil. ii. 45 : Cum inde Romam proficiscens ad Acquinum accederet, 
 obviam ei processit magna sane multitudo ; at iste operta lectica latus 
 est per oppidum ut mortuus. We must take care not to infer from 
 the last words, the usage of a lectica operta at funerals. When a 
 corpse was conveyed from one place to another, a closely covered 
 vehicle was no doubt made use of. Of this kind was that of 0. Grac- 
 chus, mentioned in Gell. x. 3, otherwise the peasant could not have 
 asked, num mortuum ferrent. Cicero himself was in a covered lectica 
 when he was overtaken by his murderers. Plut. Cic. 48. 'E<r0ayi/ 
 81 TOV rpd^i/Xov in TOV <j>opfiov irportivaQ ; Aufid. Bass. ap. M, Sen. 
 Suas. i. 6 : Cicero paullum remoto velo postquam armatos vidit, etc. 
 
 The lectica had a head and curtains (lectica tuta pelle veloque), 
 as Martial calls it, xi. 98 ; for pellis is the head of leather. An 
 instance, from the same period, where a proscribed person was 
 saved by his slave placing himself inside, whilst the master acted 
 the part of lecticarius, is related by Dio. Cass. xlvii. 10, Qopiiov 
 KctTaffTfyov. When therefore lecticse apertse are mentioned, as Cic. 
 Phil. ii. 24, Vehebatur in essedo tribunus plebis ; lictores laureati ante- 
 cedebant, inter quos aperta lectica mima portabatur, we must not 
 understand thereby a completely uncovered lectica, which was least 
 of all suitable for a long journey, especially for a Cytheris, but that 
 the curtains were drawn back and fastened up. These curtains, vela, 
 were also called plagce or plagulce. Non. iv. 361 ; xiv. 5 ; Suet. 
 Fit. 10 ; cum inde lectica auferretur, suspexisse dicitur dimotis pla- 
 gulis ccelum. In later times they did not content themselves with 
 curtains, but closed up the whole lectica with lapis specularis, not 
 only for the use of the women, but also of the men. Juven. iii. 239 : 
 Si vocat officium, turba cedente vehetur 
 Dives, et ingenti curret super ora Liburno,
 
 SCENE IV.] THE LECTICA AND THE CARRIAGES. 343 
 
 Atque obiter leget aut scribet vel dormiet intus, 
 Namque facit somnum clausa lectica fenestra. 
 
 iv. 20 : 
 
 Est ratio ulterior, magnae si misit amicae, 
 Quae vehitur clauso latis specularibus antro. 
 
 So also we read of the basterna, to be mentioned presently. Anthol. 
 Lot. iii. 183 ; radians patulum gestat utrinque lotus : effeminacy 
 procured- more easy pillows, and had them stuffed with feathers. 
 
 Juv. i. 159 : 
 
 Qui dedit ergo tribus patruis aconita, vehatur 
 Pensilibus plumis, atque illinc despiciat nos ? 
 
 An instance of still more refined luxury is to be found in Cic. Verr. 
 v. 11 : we subjoin the whole of this remarkable passage: Nam, ut 
 mos fuit Bithynice regibus, lectica octophoro ferebatur, in qua pulvi- 
 nus erat perlucidus Melitensi rosa fartus. Ipse autem coronam habe- 
 bat unam in capite, alteram in collo, reticulumque ad nares sibi admo- 
 vebat tenuissimo lino minutis maculis, plenum rosce. Sic confecto 
 itinere cum ad aliquod oppidum venisset, eadem lectica usque in cubiou- 
 lum deferebatur. [The pulvinus is also mentioned by Senec. ad 
 Marc. 16.] It may easily be inferred that there was no lack of 
 ornament, costly wood, decorations of silver, gold and ivory, and 
 splendid coverlets. 
 
 The poles on which the lectica was carried, asseres, do not ap- 
 pear (at least in all cases) to have been fastened to it. Whether it 
 had iron rings, as Ginzrot (Th. ii. 278) has assumed, we leave un- 
 determined. What Mart. ii. 57, says, Eecens cella linteisque lorisque, 
 appears to refer to this : also the struppi in Gell. x. 3 : which as- 
 sumption accords very well with the explanation of the word in 
 Isid. Orig. xix. 4. It is at any rate clear that the asseres were 
 movable, from Suet. Cal. 58 : Ad primum tumultum lecticarii cum 
 asseribus in auxilium adcurrerunt ; and that by this we are to under- 
 stand the carrying-poles, may be gathered from the other passages 
 where they are mentioned. Juv. vii. 132 : 
 
 Perque forum juvenes longo premit assere Medos; 
 comp. iii. 245 ; Mart. ix. 23, 9 : 
 
 Ut Canusinatus nostro Syrus assere sudet, 
 Et mea sit culto sella cliente frequens. 
 
 Different from the lectica, and belonging to a later period, was the 
 sella gestatoria. According to Dio. Cassius, Claudius was the first 
 who made use of it (Ix. 2) : KO.I fikvroi nai Stypy raratmyy TrpSJrof 
 'f%priaaro, icat t ticiivov icai vvv ov% on oi avTOKparopic a\\oL 
 oi virarevKorfg diQpotyopovfJiiQa' Trportpov If dpa o TS Avyov- 
 <rrof Kal o TtjSsptog, aXXoi rk rives iv OKiftirotiiois oTroioig at yuvatetc tri
 
 344 
 
 THE LECTICA AXD THE CARRIAGES. [ExccEsus I. 
 
 Kai vvv vopiZovotv tanv ore ty'epovro. But this account appears very 
 extraordinary, if we reflect that Suetonius says of Augustus, 53 : In 
 consulatu pedibus fere, extra consulatum scepe adoperta sella per 
 publicum incessit, and that Dio. Cassius himself frequently mentions, 
 at an early period, the Si<f>po Kara'<myoc; xlvii. 23, Ivi. 43. It is 
 only explicable from a gross inaccuracy in the use of the two ex- 
 pressions, as the interchange of them, is to be found elsewhere. 
 Thus Martial (iv. 51) says : 
 
 Cum tibi non essent sex millia, Cseciliane, 
 
 Ingenti late vectus es bexaphoro. 
 Postquam bis decies tribuit dea caeca, sinutnque 
 
 Ruperunt nummi, factus es, ecce, pedes. 
 Quid tibi pro meritis et tantis laudibus optem ? 
 
 Di reddant sellam, Caeciliane, tibi. 
 
 But the ingens hexaphoron can only be understood of a lectica, 
 which is called afterwards sella ; though it is evident from the in- 
 terdiction of the emperor Claudius (Suet. CL 35), that they were 
 different : Viatores ne per Italice oppida, nisi aut pedibus, aut sella, 
 aut lectica transirent, monuit edicto ; and Martial distinguishes them 
 thus (xi. 98) : 
 
 Lectica nee te tuta pelle veloque, 
 Nee vindicabit selle ssepius clausa. 
 
 and x. 10 : Lecticam sellamve scquar ? [Suet. Dom. 2 : sellam ejus 
 ac fratris, quoties prodirent, lectica sequebatur. Sen. de Brev. Vit. 
 12.] As the lectica was a litter, so was the sella a sedan, which was 
 mostly covered, but it might also be a common uncovered easy 
 chair; at least we so understand, when Caelius Aurelianus, i. 5 
 (quoted by Scheffer), opposes the cathedra to the sella fertoria (also 
 portatoria}. [The elder Pliny always used such a one in Borne. 
 Plin. Ep. iii. 5 ; Lampr. Heliog. 4.] 
 
 The lecticce were borne by fewer or more slaves, according as 
 they varied in size. An ingens lectica required six or eight lecti- 
 carii, and was called hexaphoron, or octophoron (Juv. i. 64), sextet 
 cervice ferri. We have already discussed these bearers in the 
 account of The, Slaves ; for persons of rank and wealth kept for 
 this purpose their own slaves, [Ulp. Dig. xxxii. 1, 49,] who were 
 clad in a distinct red livery, Canusince rufce, canusinati. See Bott. 
 Sab. ii. 206. In Martial's time this dress appears to have been 
 customary; but Nero also drove Canusinatis mulionibus. Suet. 
 Ner. 30. Those who could not afford this, might obtain on hire 
 abundance of litters, which stood ready at a certain spot, Castra lec- 
 ticariorum, in the fourteenth region trans Tiberim, and no doubt 
 elsewhere also. See P. Victor. De reg. Urb. in Grcev. thes. iii. 49, 
 and Onuphr. Panv. Descr. Urb. Horn. 312 ; Juv. vi. 352.
 
 SCENE IV.] THE LECTICA AND THE CARRIAGES. 345 
 
 The question as to when the lectica came into fashion in Rome, 
 is best answered with Lipsius, most probably after the victory 
 over Antiochus, when this, along with the other Asiatic luxuries, 
 became known to the Romans. No mention is made of it earlier, 
 and Lipsius infers from Plautus' silence (especially Aul. iii. 5, 
 where the requirements of the ladies are enumerated, and muli, 
 muliones, vehicula are mentioned, while lectica is omitted), that in 
 his time it had not come into use. It is also a question whether 
 this scene (Aul.) entirely belongs to the poet, and whether, at the 
 renewed representation of the piece, just as in Epid. ii. 2, several 
 new fashions were not introduced ; for in that case, the ignorance 
 of the lectica might be extended also to the succeeding period, to 
 which the additions to the play would belong. The lectica does 
 not appear to be mentioned earlier than in the fragment of 0. 
 Gracchus, in Gell. x. 3, but in Cicero's time it was common, though 
 the use of it was confined to the country and journeys, and women 
 and invalids (Dio. Cass. Ivii. 17. Suet. Tib. 30. Col. 27) alone used 
 it in the city. By degrees, however, men also began to use it in the 
 city ; and what originally served merely as a distinction for certain 
 individuals, became (Suet. Claud. 28, Cces. 43. Lecticarum usum 
 nisi certis personis et cetatibus perque certos dies ademit. Dom. 8) a 
 general custom under the succeeding emperors. 
 
 Within the city, the use of carriages was even more restricted 
 than that of the lectica, and the women who had obtained this 
 privilege from the senate, by sacrificing their golden ornaments, 
 were confined, in exercising it, to particular festive occasions, sacra 
 ludi, dies festi, et profesti, Liv. v. 25, and were nearly losing it again 
 in consequence of the second Punic war ; for the lex Oppia, which 
 was sanctioned through the exigences of the times, laid down, Ne 
 qua mulier plus semiunciam auri haberet, neu vestimento versicolori 
 utereter, neu juncto vehiculo in urbe oppidove, aut proprius inde mille 
 passus nisi sacrorum publicorum causa veheretur. Liv. xxxiv. 1. 
 The dies festi and profesti, therefore, were excluded. See Cato's 
 speech, c. 3. This strict sumptuary law must have the more 
 annoyed the Roman women, because those of the allies did not 
 suffer any such restriction ; it was, however, rescinded twenty years 
 after, and from that period perhaps a greater licence by degrees 
 crept in. [Driving in the city was forbidden ; except for triumpha- 
 tors, higher magistrates, and priests on solemn occasions. Liv. xlv. 
 1 ; Tac. Ann. i. 15; Plin. Pan. 92 ; Juv. x. 36. Claudius and later 
 emperors interdicted it afresh. Suet. Claud. 25; Cap. Ant. Phil. 
 23 ; Vop. Aurel. 5. This explains why there were so few stables 
 and coach-houses in Pompeii. It is plain, however, that the inter-
 
 346 THE LECTICA AND THE CARRIAGES. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 diet was not strictly enforced from Seneca, Ep. 56 : In Us quce me 
 sine avocatione circumstrepunt essedas transcurrentes pono et fabrum 
 inquilinum et serrarium vicinum, aut hunc, qui ad metam sudantem 
 tabulas experitur et tibias; where the meta sudans, near which 
 Seneca's house lay, shows that he speaks generally, and not of 
 Baiae, but of Borne. So in Juv. iii. 237, rhedarum transitus arcto 
 vicorum in flexu is assigned as one of the many causes why one 
 could not sleep in Borne. Wains and carts might pass early in 
 the morning; later in the day this was not allowed, on account of 
 the traffic in the streets. Spart. Hadr. 22 ; Plin. Pan. 51, Plut. 
 qu. Rom. 68, is not to the purpose.] 
 
 The use of carriages on a journey was more frequent, and no 
 small number of names occur, though they give us but little insight 
 into the peculiar nature of the different vehicles. The carriages 
 found on monuments are much more frequently such as were 
 adapted for festive processions, games, or war, than for private use, 
 or for a journey. It is only in the main points, and in the manner 
 of usage, that we are enabled to show how they differed from one 
 another ; any attempt at fixing their form more accurately, must 
 always be a matter of conjecture. 
 
 We divide carriages into those having two and four wheels. To 
 the first class belongs the Cisium [Non. ii. 139, explains it vehiculi 
 biroti genus], probably a light uncovered cabriolet, used for quick 
 journeys. The passages in Cicero are known. Phil. ii. 31, Inde 
 cisio celeriter ad urbem advectus domum venit capite involute. JKosc. 
 Am. 7, decem horis nocturnis sex et quinquaginta millia passuum cisiis 
 pervolavit. Hence also in the lampoon on Ventidius Bassus, Catalect. 
 Virg. viii. 3, Volantis impetus cisii. It was no doubt drawn by two 
 horses, or mules, although Auson. viii. 6, calls it a trijuge. 
 
 The Essedum, properly a British or Belgic war-car, had also two 
 wheels : see Buperti ad Juven. iv. 126, [Gees. Sett. Gall. iv. 33 : Virg. 
 Georg. iii. 204 : 
 
 Belgica vel molli melius feret esseda collo. 
 
 Prop. ii. 1, 86 : 
 
 Esseda cselatis siste Britanna jugis.] 
 
 but as early as Cicero's time was in frequent use for journeys, 
 Attic, vi. 1 : Vedius venit mihi obviam cum duobus essedis et rheda 
 equia juncta et lectica ct familia magna. He had just before 
 termed the man a magnus nebula, and afterwards calculates 
 what he would have to pay, if Curio's proposed law were to 
 pass. Also Phil. ii. 24. It was a small carriage, not essentially 
 differing from the cisium, and was also used especially for a
 
 SCENE IV.] THE LECTIGA AND THE CARRIAGES. 
 
 347 
 
 journey. Hence Ovid says, when he invites Corinna to come 
 to Sulmo (Amor. ii. 16, 49) : 
 
 Parvaque quam primum rapientibus esseda mannis 
 
 Ipsa per admissas concute lora jubas. 
 And Martial to his book, which Flaccus was to take with him to 
 
 Spain (x. 104) : 
 
 Altam Bilbiliu et tuum Salonem 
 Quinto forsitan essedo videbis. 
 
 We perceive from the coins stamped in honour of Julia and 
 Agrippina, that the Carpentum also was two-wheeled. See Sueton. 
 Cal. 15. This vehicle is mentioned in the oldest times of Rome, 
 Liv. i. 34, 48 ; v. 25, [Ov. Fast. i. 619 : 
 
 Nam prius Ausonias matres carpenta vehebant : 
 Hiec quoque ob Evandri dicta parents reor.] 
 
 although it certainly had not then the form in which it appears on 
 these coins, and, according to the first passage referred to in Livy, 
 could not at that time have had a cover. We must not always 
 interpret the name strictly, and fashion appears to have effected 
 great changes in the form of the carriages. Generally, we may 
 assume of the later carpentum, that it was a covered state-carriage, 
 [hence also used at public festivals, and called carpentum pompati- 
 cum, Isid. xx. 12; Suet. Cal. 15; Claud. 11,] though it was also 
 used for travelling. Prop. iv. 8, 23; where it means a state- 
 equipage, with silk curtains. Comp. Juven. viii. 147 ; ix. 132. 
 
 The Pilentum differed from it, as we see from Livy, v. 25 : 
 hrmoremque ob earn munificentiam ferunt matronis habitum, ut pilento 
 ad sacra ludosque, carpentis festo profestoque uterentur. And they 
 are opposed to each other in Trebell. Pott. xxx. tyr. 29, and 
 Lamprid. Heliog. 4. But whether the difference consisted in the 
 carpentum being a close carriage, and the pilentum merely having 
 a head on four supporters, will hardly admit of sure demonstration. 
 [The real difference was rather this, that the pilentum had four 
 wheels, as Isidor. xx. 12, expressly states. Several authors assert 
 that this carriage was especially used by women. Serv. ad Virg. 
 jfin. vi. 666 : 
 
 castee ducebant sacra per urbem 
 
 Pilentis matres in mollibus. 
 Festus. s. v. Prud. c. Symm. ii. 1088.] 
 
 The Covinus was properly a Belgic carriage, armed with scythes, 
 the shape of which Ginzrot seems to have given correctly (Plate 
 xxv. 1) ; [Lucan. i. 426 : . 
 
 Et docilis rector constrati Belga covini.] 
 but there were also conveyances at Rome, bearing the same name,
 
 348 THE LECTICA AND THE CAERIAGES. [ExccRSCS I. 
 
 and possibly, like our cars, perfectly closed on three sides, and only 
 open in front. There was no seat for the mulio, but the person 
 sitting in the carriage drove the horses or mules himself, as we see 
 from a neat epigram in Martial, xii. 24 : 
 
 jucunda, covine, solitude, 
 
 Carruca magis essedoque gratum 
 
 Facundi mihi munus .2Eliani : 
 
 Hie mecura licet, hie, Juvence, quidquid 
 
 In buccam tibi venerit, loquaris. 
 
 Nusquam mulio ; mannuli tacebunt, etc. 
 
 The description of its form, given above, is rightly inferred by the 
 poet's praise of its retirement and privacy. 
 
 Of the larger carriages with four wheels, the Rheda, or reda, is 
 first to be mentioned. See Boettig. Sab. ii. 41. [Isid. xx. 12, qua- 
 tuor rotarum. In Cod. Th. viii. 5, 8, the rheda is opposed to the 
 birota.~] Like the cisium, the essedum, and the covinus, it is said to 
 have been of foreign origin ; [Quinct. i. 5, 57 ;] but that is of little 
 consequence, as the Romans no doubt made it according to their 
 own ideas, and it perhaps denotes the travelling-carriage generally. 
 In such a rheda Clodius met Milo (Cic. Mil. 10, 20), and it appears 
 to have been the carriage in general use when a man travelled 
 with his family and baggage. "We see from Juv. iii. 10, that it was 
 arranged for this last-mentioned purpose, dum tota domus rheda 
 componitur una; and Mart. iii. 47, where Bassus travels into the 
 country, plena in rheda, omnes beati copias trahens ruris. It was 
 mostly covered, as was necessary for a long journey. That there 
 were rhedcc with two wheels, does not appear clear, as they would 
 then no longer deserve the name. 
 
 To the same class belongs the Carruca, which was perhaps only 
 shorter and more elegant. The name does not appear to have 
 been adopted till late, and Martial confounds it with the rheda 
 (iii. 47), where we first read, plena Bassus ibat in rheda, and then 
 nee otiosus ibat ante carrucam, sed tuta foeno cursor ova portabat. 
 [It was used as a stage coach. Cod. xi. 19. But earlier, it was 
 used also for travelling; by Nero for example. Suet. Ner. 30. 
 Lamprid. Heliog. 31. It was constructed even for sleeping in; 
 Scsev. Dig. xxxiv. 2, 13, carruca dormitoria. Paull. Bee. Sent. iii. 6, 
 91 ; Ulp. Dig. xxi. 8, 38, mula carrucaria. The last passages show 
 that it was generally drawn by mules.] 
 
 The Petorritum also belongs to this class, according to Festup 
 [Quinct. i. 5, 57] and Gellius, of Gallic origin, as was the name, 
 petorritum est non ex Grceco dimidiatum, sed totum transalpibus ; 
 nam est vox Gallica. Gell. xv. 30. Heindorf, ad Horat. Sat. i. 6,
 
 SCENE IV.) THE LECTICA AND THE CARRIAGES. 349 
 
 103, mentions that in the Celtic lexicon of Bullet is to be found 
 petoar, or pedwar (four), and rit (rad) wheel. According to Schol. 
 Cruq. ad Hor. Epist. ii. 1, 192, it was a carriage for the servants, 
 pilenta vehicula matronarum, sicut petorrita famularum ; and this 
 agrees very well with the first passage (Sat. i. 6, 103), plures 
 calones atque caballi pascendi, ducenda petorrita; but we must not 
 affirm that they were used exclusively for this purpose. 
 
 The Basterna was something between the carriage and the lec- 
 tica, a litter borne by two mules, one before and one behind, going 
 in shafts. [Isid. xx. 12 ; Schol. ad Juv. iv. 21 ; Anthol. Lat. iii. 183. 
 
 Aurea matronas claudit basterna pudicas.] 
 
 See concerning it, Salm. ad Lamprid. Heliog. 21. 
 
 The ornaments of the vehicles [especially of the body, capsus, 
 or ploxenum, a Gallic expression. Fest. p. 280 ; Isid. ib. ; Quinct. i. 
 5, 8 ; Vitruv. x. 14] were all in keeping with the luxury displayed 
 in other matters. Pliny (xxxiv. 17) declaims against this extrava- 
 gance : Coppere deinde et esseda, et vehicula, et petorrita exornare, 
 similique modo ad aurea quoque, non modo argentea staticula inanis 
 luxuria pervenit, quceque in scyphis cerni prodigium erat, haec in 
 vehiculis atteri cultus vocatur. [xxxiii. 49, carrucas ex argento cce- 
 lare.~\ Such carriages were sometimes of immense value, as Mart, 
 iii. 72, relates: 
 
 Aurea quod fundi pretio carruca paratur. 
 
 Claudius, as Censor, considered it right to do away with such an 
 article of luxury. Suet. Claud. 16 : essedum argenteum sumtuose 
 fabrication ac venale ad Sigillaria redimi concidique coram imperavit. 
 [Yop. Aurel. 46; Paul. Dig. yxxiii, 10, 5.] Among the Etrurians 
 it was customary to ornament the carriages with plates of embossed 
 metal, as bronze (see Inghirami, Monum. Etruschi, iii. 18, 23), or 
 of silver (see Millingen, Uned. Monum. ii. 14). Probably the esse- 
 dum argenteum was ornamented in the same manner. 
 
 Their manner of connecting the animals with the carriage was 
 quite different from ours, as these did not draw by means of traces, 
 but by a yoke fastened to the front of the pole, and lying on their 
 necks. This yoke was very various in form, being often only a 
 simple wooden bow, but generally having two rounded hollows, into 
 which the neck fitted. See the illustration in Ginzrot, i. tab. iii. b. 
 iv. b. If the carriage were drawn only by one horse or mule, it 
 went in shafts, though even then a yoke was placed on it. It was 
 only when three or four animals were employed, that the outside 
 ones drew with traces, and they were then called funales. [The Ho- 
 meric 7rap/jopo(. Dion. Hal. vii. 73.] Suet. Tib. vi. : Actiaco triumpho
 
 350 
 
 THE LECTICA AND THE CARRIAGES. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 currwm Augusti comitatus est, sinist eriore funali equo, cum Marcellus 
 Octavim filiw dexteriore veheretur. [Auson. Epith. 35, 9 : 
 
 Pegasus hie dexter currat tibi : laevus Arion 
 Funalis, quartum det tibi Castor equum.] 
 
 Sometimes horses, at others mules, were used as beasts of bur- 
 den. Of the former, the small Gallic race (manni, mannuli, and 
 burrichi) was especially esteemed, on account of their speed (Salm. 
 ad Vopisc. Carin. 20; Schol. Cruq. ad Hor. Epod. iv. 14. See 
 Mitscherl. ad Hor. supra). It is evident that these manni were an 
 article of luxury, and the possession of them indicated a man of 
 wealth, from the indignant words, Sectus flagellis hie triumviralibus 
 Prceconis ad fastidium Arat Falerni mille fundi jugera, Et Appiam 
 mannis terit. 
 
 The Eomans did not always drive their own equipages ; for in 
 Rome, and also in the smaller towns of Italy, there were numbers 
 of hack carriages, and there are many allusions from which we may 
 conclude, that on the greater roads there were stations where they 
 changed carriage and horses. Scheffer has already drawn attention 
 to the fact, that in the passage of Cicero, pro Eosc. Am. 7, decem 
 Tioris nocturnis LYI millia passuum cisiis pervolavit, the plural, cisiis, 
 implies a change of carriages ; and it is only in this sense that we 
 can understand what Suetonius says of Csesar (57) : Longissimas 
 mas incredibili celeritate confecit, expeditus meritoria rheda, centena 
 passuum millia in singulos dies; for how could this have been 
 effected with the same horses ? So Mart. x. 104, seqq., 
 
 Hispanae pete Tarraconis arces. 
 
 Illinc te rota toilet, et citatus 
 
 Altam Bilbilin et tuum Salonem 
 
 Quinto forsitan essedo videbis. 
 is also to be taken. 
 
 Five days' journey may certainly be meant, but with a change 
 of carriages, a fresh vetturino being most likely hired at different 
 points of the journey. It was in such rhedse that Horace performed 
 a part of his journey in the company of Maecenas.
 
 EXCURSUS II. SCENE IV. 
 
 THE INNS. 
 
 IN the present day, when a traveller of the rank of Gallus 
 arrives at a good-sized town, more than one hotel presents 
 itself where obsequious waiters are ready to receive his carriage, 
 and elegantly-furnished apartments are at his disposal, nothing 
 in short is omitted for his entertainment : and even in the smaller 
 towns the same rule applies. Matters were, however, quite different 
 among the ancients generally, and in Italy also. When there is no 
 call for any particular branch of industry, no necessity for its culti- 
 vation is felt ; and it is evident that the number and accommoda- 
 tions of the inns of modern times have been considerably improved 
 by the increased propensity for travelling. The ancients, however, 
 were quite unused to the frequent arrival and departure of large 
 numbers of strangers, and when they did travel, had everywhere 
 (especially if Eoman citizens) private connections enough, to be 
 relieved from the necessity of stopping at an inn. 
 
 Hence all establishments of this nature were on an exceedingly 
 low scale, and, properly speaking, only public houses for the lower 
 classes, to whom, naturally, a friend's house was not always open. 
 But we should be going too far in supposing that respectable people 
 also did not, under particular circumstances, make use of such 
 establishments. Zell, in his essay, Die Wirthshauser d. Alien, gives 
 by far too low a character of the Eoman inns. Indeed, he has only 
 depicted one side of the tavern life, and spoken merely of the 
 cauponce and popince in Eome itself ; whereas, in order to become 
 acquainted with the use the Eomans made of the inns, we ought 
 not so much to consider those in Eome, as those to be met with on 
 a journey. It is easily conceivable that the Eoman of distinction 
 did not spend his evening at places of public entertainment as we 
 do ; that there were no clubs or concerts, &c. , and that he would 
 never dream of lounging about in cook-shops and wine-taverns, 
 places in as little estimation at Eome as at Athens, where Socrates 
 used to boast of himself: quod nunquam in tabernam conspexerat. 
 Petr. 140. And yet as public life fell into decay, and people be- 
 came less and less interested in state matters, and rather avoided 
 than sought the Forum, the more polite classes had also places 
 where they could pass their idle hours, though certainly these were 
 quite different from, popinse. "We must, however, first consider
 
 352 THE INNS. [EXCURSUS II. 
 
 those inns which presented themselves to the traveller on the high 
 road. 
 
 Of course even those most extensively connected could not 
 meet with the houses of acquaintances on every high road to stop 
 at, and therefore were sometimes obliged to go to houses of public 
 entertainment. We need not adduce in particular the well-rknown 
 passage relating to Greece, in Cicero, Div. i. 27 : Cum duo quidam 
 Arcades familiares iter una facerent et Megarem venissent, alterum 
 ad cauponem devertisse, ad hospitem alterum; or the very interesting 
 account of a murder at an inn, in Cic. Inv. ii. 4, for we are not 
 acquainted with the rank of the persons alluded to, nor do we re- 
 quire, in the consideration of Eoman life, to draw analogies from 
 Greece. Let us only follow the route of Horace, in the train of 
 Maecenas, to Brundusium, which he so humorously describes (Sat. i. 
 5), and we shall find him putting up at inns more than once. The 
 lines of the commencement, 
 
 Egressum magna me excepit Aricia Roma 
 Hospitio modico, 
 
 may be thus understood, for he who stopped at the house of a caupo 
 was also called by this word hospes, and neither a state-entertainer 
 nor a private friend is meant, for Horace would have mentioned 
 these more particularly; and, besides, hospitio modico would have 
 been no great compliment. See Plaut. Posn. iii. 3, 60, and v. 75, 
 80. It was doubtless a caupona also in Forum Appii at which Horace 
 could eat nothing, on account of the badness of the water, although 
 his companions were less particular. When he says of the next 
 morning after the night- voyage, Millia turn pransi trio, repimus, a 
 breakfast in a tdberna is probably alluded to, which might have 
 been either in the vicinity of the temple of Feronia, or further 
 on. Matters doubtless assumed a different aspect after he joined 
 Maecenas, who, with his suite, was entertained everywhere by the 
 authorities, although they passed the night at a place which cannot 
 well mean anything else than a caupona, v. 77 : 
 Incipit ex illo montes Appulia notos 
 Ostentare mihi, quos torret Atabulus, et quos 
 Nunquam erepsemus, nisi nos vicinia Trivici 
 Villa recepisset, lacrimoso non sine fumo. 
 
 for the delicate anecdote in the context shows that this could not 
 have been the villa of a friend, but a house of public resort. 
 [Duentzer understands by villa, a small farm, erected by the state, 
 where state-officers were entertained by the Parochus. Comp. Non. 
 i. 239, and line 45. 
 
 Proxima Campano ponti quce villula, tectum 
 Praebuit, et parochi, quse debent, ligna salemque.]
 
 SCENE IV.] THE INNS. 353 
 
 Possibly the road was too heavy to allow of the travellers reaching 
 any other place that day, and they therefore stopped at the villa 
 which had a caupona. 
 
 But we need not advance such suppositions, as we have clearer 
 proofs. As, for instance, the suggestion to Ballatius, that if we 
 meet with much that is disagreeable anywhere, we must not 
 immediately condemn the whole place, but seek out some other 
 quarters', just as the traveller who was forced to stop at a caupona 
 of the Via Appia, as a refuge from the weather, would not wish to 
 spend his whole life in an inn, in order not to venture on the road 
 again. Epist. i. 11, 11 : 
 
 Sed neque qui Capua Romam petit, imbre lutoque 
 
 Conspersus, volet in caupona vivere. 
 
 And Propert. iv. 8, 19, when Cynthia, travelling with a favoured 
 lover in an elegant equipage to Lanuvium, puts up in a taberna : 
 
 Appia, die quaeso, quantum te teste triumphum 
 Egerit effusis per tua saxa rotis. 
 
 Turpis in arcana sonuit quum rixa taberna ; 
 
 Si sine me, famse non sine labe meae. 
 
 Again, Cicero, pro Cluent. 59 : Atque etiam, ut nobis renuntiatur, no- 
 minem multorum hospitum, A. Sinnium quendam, coponem de Via 
 Latino, subornatis, qui sibi a Cluentio servisque ejus in taberna sua 
 manus allatas esse dicat. [Appul. Met. i. p. 110.] The instance of 
 Antony need not be advanced. Cic. Phil. ii. 31 : Cum hora diei de- 
 cima fere ad Saxa Rubra venisset, delituit in quadam cauponula ; nor 
 that of Petronius, the scene of whose narration is chiefly laid in 
 inns. See cap. xv. 19, 80. One passage shall suffice (124) : tan- 
 dem Crotona intravimus, ubi quidem parvo deversorio refecti postero 
 die amplioris fortunes domum qucvrentes incidimus in turbam, etc. 
 Comp. Hor. Epist. i. 17, 8 : Si te pulvis strepitusque rotarum, si 
 Icedet caupona. 
 
 Such inns, then, were not only to be found in the towns, but 
 also standing isolated along the roads, as on the Via Appia not far 
 from the Pontine Marshes, the Tres tabernce, mentioned Hpa%. r. 
 'ATTOVT. xxviii. 15 : KaKtWiv ol dStXtyoi axovaavTCQ TO. TTipi t'l/jiwv 
 i%rj\0ov fig cnravnjaiv rjfilv XP'C 'ATTTTIOU <j>6pov Kai Tpiwv Ta(3tpviiJv. 
 Other houses were naturally built about them, and thus arose a 
 hamlet, which obtained the name of the inn. [Schwarz de foro 
 Appii et tribus tabernis.~] 
 
 These taverns were probably attached to the various villas along 
 the road, for the profit of the owners, as they thus disposed of the 
 wine produced on their estate. Hence Vitruv. vi. 8 : Qui autem 
 fructibus rusticis serviunt, in eorum vestibulis stabula, tabernce sunt 
 
 A A
 
 354 THE INNS. [EXCITES II. 
 
 facienda. Varr. R. E. i. 2, 23 : Si ager secundum viam et opportunus 
 viatoribus locus, cedificandce tabernce diversorice. Suet. Claud. 38 : 
 (Senatorem relegavit) quod in cedilitate inquilinos prcediorum suorum 
 contra vetitum cocta vendentes multasset, villicumque intervenientem 
 flagdlasset. The popince were restricted to the sale of drink only, 
 under Tiberius (Suet. 34) ; the interdiction, however, did not con- 
 tinue long in force, but was removed under Claudius (Dio. Cass. Ix. 
 6) : revived again under Nero (Suet. Ner. 16), Interdictum, ne quid 
 in popinis cocti prceter legumina aut olera veniret, cum antea nullum 
 non obsonii genus proponeretur ; (Dio. Cass. Ixii. 14, says, ir\r)v \axa- 
 viav Kal trvovc) ; and again by Vespasian (Dio. Cass. Ixvi. 10). To 
 this is also to be referred, Mart. iii. 58 : 
 
 Non segnis albo pallet otio copo. 
 
 The name of such inns is caupona, taberna, taberna diver soria 
 Plaut. Mencechm. ii. 3, 81, where Mensechmeus, who has just arrived 
 from the ship, on making use of the opportunity offered to him, 
 from his being confounded with his brother, says to Messenio, as he 
 goes to breakfast with the Hetaera Erotium : 
 
 Abduc istos in tabernam actutum diversoriam : 
 
 also similarly, diversorium, or perhaps more correctly, deversorium. 
 See Drakenb. ad Liv, xliv. 43. Val. Max. i. 7, ext. 10, in the story 
 above quoted from Cicero, names it taberna meritoria, and in Mar- 
 tial, vi. 94, the same is expressed by stabulum. And often thus in 
 the Dig. and in Appul. 
 
 Similar houses of entertainment doubtless existed in Eome, but 
 were only used by persons of the lower orders, who chanced to be 
 there ; for strangers of importance readily found an hospitium in a 
 private house. [Thus the ambassadors of the Ehodians complained 
 that they were forced to lodge at Rome, sordido diversorio, vix 
 mercede recepti. Liv. xlv. 22.] For the population of the city itself, 
 there were numerous places where refreshments were sold. The 
 general name for these establishments was taberna and caupona ; 
 the first denotes generally every booth, not only for the sale of 
 wares, but those of the tonsores, the medici, and argentarii also. 
 Caupona, on the contrary, is only used for such places where wine 
 particularly, and other necessaries, were sold ; it still remains to be 
 proved that caupo denotes every sort of retailer. Whenever the 
 caupo is mentioned, he is the seller of the necessaries of life, especi- 
 ally wine ; hence the joke of Martial, about the rain in the vintage, 
 
 i. 57: 
 
 Continuis vexata madet vindemia nimbis. 
 
 Non potes, ut cupias, vendere, caupo, merum : 
 and hence the modest poet wishes to have for life, besides the
 
 SCENE IV.] THE INNS. 355 
 
 lanius, a caupo, in order to be insured a supply of meat and drink, 
 ii. 48. The popince, cookshops, were a particular class, in -which 
 cooked meat chiefly, but drinks also, were sold ; whilst the caupo 
 mostly sold his refreshments to be taken out of the shop, the popa 
 (the occupier of the popina) sold his viands for consumption in the 
 taberna, and drew wine which was drunk, on the premises. Cic. 
 Mil. 24 : Quin etiam audiendus sit popa Licinius nescio quis de Circo 
 maximo : servos Milonis apud se ebrios factos sibi confessos esse, etc. ; 
 then, sed mirabar tamen credi popce. [Hor. Ep. i. 14, 21, uncta 
 popina. 1 Originally, only persons of the lowest class and slaves 
 were to be found taking their seats on the chairs of the taberna, 
 and to do so was considered unseemly. [Juv. viii. 172 mentions 
 nautoe, fures fugitivi.~\ The neat epigram of Martial (v. 70) 
 alludes to this : 
 
 Infusum sibi nuper a patrono 
 
 Plenum, Maxime, centies Syriscus 
 
 In sellariolis vagus popinis 
 
 Circa balnea quatuor peregit. 
 
 Even if we were disposed to assign to the passage another meaning, 
 and compare the sellariolce popince with the lecticariola (xii. 58), 
 the following verses clear up all doubt as to the meaning : 
 
 quanta est gula, centies comesse ! 
 
 Quanto major adhuc, nee accubare ! 
 
 In later times such eating-houses were the lounge of idle and 
 disorderly-living persons of the better classes ; [as Gabinius in Cic. 
 in Pis. 6 ; and Thrasyllus in Appul. Met. viii. init. See Juv. viii. 
 158; Suet. Gramm. 15; Vit. 13;] and it is clear that good enter- 
 tainment was to be met with in them, from Syriscus having 
 squandered away in a short time centies sesterces ; for which no 
 doubt pleasures of all sorts were to be had. 
 
 Ganeum, or ganea, is so far different, that every popina may 
 certainly be called a ganeum, though not vice versa. The ganeum 
 means generally only a place for secret debauchery, whence Livy 
 twice (xxvi. 2, and Epit. 1. c.) joins it with lustrum. [Cic. Sext. 9, 
 ganeis adulteriisque confectus. Suet. Col. 11.] 
 
 What Plautus (Cure. ii. 13, 10; End. ii. 6, 45; Trin. iv. 3, 6) 
 calls thermopolium, is nothing more than the popina, as we see from 
 the imperial interdicts which are cited. 
 
 Salmasius ad Spart. Hadr. 22, says that tabernse in Home were 
 never opened before the ninth hour. Although we have not the 
 authority of any old author, to quote in opposition to this assertion, 
 it appears scarcely credible in itself, as doubtless many took their 
 prandium there, and several passages occur which cannot at all 
 be reconciled with it. In the case of the baths and lupanaria (see 
 
 AA2
 
 356 THE INNS. [EXCURSUS II. 
 
 the Excursus Sc. VI. and Exc. 1 Sc. VII.), it is very natural that 
 a fixed hour was appointed, before which they could not be opened ; 
 but as regards the eating-houses, no proof has been adduced, nor 
 does such a restriction appear admissible. Passages in opposition 
 to it are Plaut. Most. iv. 2, 52 : 
 
 Vide sis, ne forte ad merendam quopiam devorteris, 
 
 Atque ibi meliuscule, quam satis fuerit biberis. 
 Mencechm. v. 1 , 3 : 
 
 Immersit aliquo sese credo in ganeum : 
 
 but it is about mid-day, and Mensechmeus is himself just coming 
 from prandium. Pseud, ii. 2, 63, Harpax says : 
 
 Ego devortor extra portam hue in tabernam tertiam. 
 
 and v. 69, ubi prandero dabo operam somno. The most decisive 
 proof is to be found in Plaut. Pcen. Prol. 40 : 
 
 Et hoc quoque etiam, quod paene oblitus fui, 
 
 Dum ludi fiunt, in popinam pedisequi 
 
 Irruptionem facite : nunc dum oocasio est, 
 
 Kunc dum scribilitse aestuant, occurrite. 
 
 and if we are not inclined to attach much weight to -this passage, as 
 being a joke, let us add thereto an actual fact. Cic. Pis. 6 : Memi- 
 nistine, ccenum, cum ad te quinta fere hora cum C, Pisone venissem, 
 ncscio quo e gurgustio te prodire, involute capite, soleatum ? et cum 
 isto ore fostido teterrimam nobis popinam inhalasses, excusatione te uti 
 valetudinis, quod diceres, vinolentis te quibusdam medicaminibus solere 
 curari ? 
 
 The whole class of innkeepers was despised in Borne, and it is 
 very easy to perceive why. When Hor. Sat. i. 1, 29, calls them 
 perfidi and maligni (5, 4), [Mart. iii. 57, callidos~] it is ' because 
 people of this kind were infamous in. Greece and Borne, for 
 cheating, adulteration of wares, and fraud of every description ; 
 so that in Greek, KairtjXtvtiv means also to adulterate.' Heind. ad 
 I. i. 29. The popina also exhibited generally, if not always, the 
 union of all kinds of debauchery. [The interdicted game of hazard 
 was most likely played in the popinse. Mart. v. 84 : 
 
 Arcana modo raptus e popin 
 
 .5Milem rogat udus aleator. 
 
 So that the surveillance of the aediles was very necessary. Suet. 
 Tib. 34 ; Claud. 38.] . There were perhaps among the rest exceed- 
 ingly dirty holes, as may fairly be expected from the character of 
 the company. Comp. Stockmann, De popinis Horn. L. 1805. 
 [Wunderlich, De Vett. popinis ; Scheid, De cauponum origine.~\ 
 Bespectable people therefore did not, at least till a later period,
 
 SCENE IV.J 
 
 THE INNS. 
 
 357 
 
 enter such houses or booths ; but they were not without places of 
 social entertainment, for not unfrequently many assembled in the 
 medicines, tonstrince, and such like places, for their recreation. See 
 Salmas. ad Plant. Epid. ii. 2, 14; and Heindorf on Hor. Sat. i. 7, 
 3. At a later period it was customary to congregate in the taberncK 
 librarian, and in the gymnasia, to converse on all manner of subjects. 
 Gell. xiii. 30 : Laudabat venditabatque se nuper quispiam in libraria 
 sedens. But the public baths were the chief places of assembling. 
 [In the so-called lupanar, at Pompeii, there is a fresco represent- 
 ing several persons sitting and drinking in a tavern. The utensils 
 of such an establishment are enumerated. Paull. Dig. xxxiii. 7, 13, 
 dolia, vasa, ancones, calices, trullce, urnce, congiaria, etc. The wood- 
 cut below is from a shield carved in stone, in a tavern at Pompeii."]
 
 EXCURSUS. SCENE Y. 
 
 THE GARDENS. 
 
 rpH hi description given in the Fifth Scene of the gardens belong- 
 * ing to the villa, may appear but little in accordance with the 
 habits and tastes of antiquity, and many may be inclined to imagine 
 that some garden in the old French mode of the seventeenth or 
 eighteenth century had served as a model. But the old proverb, 
 that there is nothing new under the sun, holds good in this case. 
 Gardens laid out in this style, in which vegetation was forced into 
 stiff geometrical figures, and the knife and shears of the gardener 
 annihilated every vestige of nature's free dominion, were in fashion 
 at Rome, and not reserved for the invention of a later age. [This 
 is further evident from the frescos at Pompeii, representing gar- 
 dens.] Indeed the ancients were more deserving of excuse for 
 such absurdities, for the means afforded by nature in those days 
 were but small in comparison with the abundant resources of our 
 time. Foreign countries had not as yet unfolded their rich treasures 
 of luxuriant and splendid vegetation, nor their thousand shrubs and 
 flowers; and restricted to a barren flora, but little improved by 
 culture, the Romans sought to create, by artificial means, a striking 
 contrast to the free forms of Nature ; and their trees and shrubs, 
 such as the laurel, the cypress, the taxus, the buxus, the myrtle, 
 and the rosemary, [which in Italy reaches to the height of six or 
 seven ells,] being in some measure naturally stiff in form, were quite 
 adapted for their purposes. Were we to take from our parks the 
 ornament of the seringas, bignonias, spiraea, the cytisus, the ribes, 
 and pyrus were we to banish from our flower-beds the magnificent 
 tulips and hyacinths, the numerous varieties of roses and dahlias, 
 the rich fund of perennials and annuals, we should soon begin to 
 think how we could, by means of artificial designs, distinguish the 
 garden from the woods and fields. [Wiistemann more correctly 
 thinks that this odd taste was an imitation of Oriental gardening ; 
 for the Greeks knew nothing of these unnatural forms.] 
 
 It may certainly be doubted whether there were at that period 
 entire gardens laid out in this formal fashion. On the contrary, we 
 may conclude, from the descriptions extant, that a mixture was re- 
 sorted to, and that artificially trained hedges and alleys alternated 
 with thickets and clear green spaces, and in most cases vines, fruit, 
 and even vegetables, were not excluded.
 
 SCENE V.] THE GARDENS. 359 
 
 It is strange that the Eomans had no fixed name for the 
 gardener, hortulanus being a term of later date. He is designated 
 either by the more general term villicus, [who, as such, took care of 
 the gardens situated at villas. So in Sen. Ep, 12, the villicus has 
 to attend to the platani,'] cultor hortorum, or in respect of indi- 
 vidual portions of the garden, vinitor, olitor, [arborator.~] But the 
 proper fancy-gardener was called topiarius ; and it is best to connect 
 with this name whatever is to be said concerning the period and 
 nature of such gardens. 
 
 Topiarii are mentioned by Cicero, and indeed as in general use, 
 though this would not justify us in transferring their art to the 
 vagaries of a later period. [Also in inscriptions ; Orell. 2966. See 
 Salmas. ad Spart. Hadr. 10.] He names them among the more 
 respected slaves, Parad. v. 2 : Ut in magna stultorum familia sunt 
 alii lautiores, ut sibi videntur, sed tamen servi, atrienses, topiarii, and 
 expresses himself satisfied with his own topiarius, ad Quint, jr. iii. 
 1,2: topiarium laudavi : ita omnia convestit hedera, qua basim villce, 
 qua intercolumnia ambulationis, ut denique illi palliati topiariam 
 facere videantur et hederam vendere. This covering of the walls, 
 the trees, and the terraces with ivy, evergreen, and acanthus, was 
 entirely the business of the topiarius; hence Pliny (xxi. 11, 39) 
 says, Vinca pervinca semper viret, in modum linece foliis geniculatim 
 circumdata, topiaria herba ; and xxii. 22, 34, Acanthos est topiaria et 
 urbana herba. In the same manner the trees round the Hippodrome 
 in the Tuscan villa of the younger Pliny, were clad with ivy. Ep. 
 V. 6, 32 : Platanis circuitur, illce hedera vestiuntur, utque summce suis, 
 ita imce alienis frondibus virent. Hedera truncum et ramos pererrat, 
 vicinasque platanos transitu suo copulat. In addition to this they 
 found sufficient occupation in the disposition and care of numerous 
 arbours and covered paths, constructed especially of vines. But 
 these simple ornaments of the garden were not enough ; trees and 
 shrubs received, by means of tying up and pruning, artificial shapes; 
 walls, figures of beasts, ships, letters, and so forth, were made oat 
 of them. The elder Pliny testifies how far people used to go in 
 these absurdities. Speaking of the cypress, he says (xvi. 33, 60) : 
 Metce demum aspectu non repudiata, distinguendis tantum pinorum 
 ordinibus, nunc vero tonsilis facia in densitate parietum coercitaque 
 gracilitate perpetuo tenera. Trahitur etiam in picturas operis topiarii, 
 venatus classesve et imagines rerum tenui folio brevique et virenti 
 semper vestiens. The buxus, which played such a prominent part 
 in the garden of the Tuscan villa, was used in a similar manner. 
 [So also laurel and myrtle : Plin. H. N. xv. 39.] The description 
 of it given by Pliny (Ep. v. 6) is the main source of our knowledge
 
 360 THE GARDENS. [EXCURSUS. 
 
 about the ancient art of gardening. Among other things he says 
 (sect. 16) : Ante porticum xystus concisus in plurimas species, distinc- 
 tusque buxo ; demissus inde pronusque pulvinus, cui bestiarum effigies 
 invicem adversas- buxus inscripsit. Acanthus in piano mollis et pcene 
 dixerim liquidus. Ambit hunc ambulatio pressis varieque tonsis viri- 
 dibus inclusa; ab his gestatio in modum circi, quce buxum multi- 
 formem humilesque et retentas manu arbusculas circumit. Omnia 
 maceria muniuntur. Hanc gradata buxus operit et subtrahit. [Finnic. 
 Math. viii. 10 : Suxeas arbores tondentes in belluas fingunt aut virides 
 porticus in circulum flexis vitibus faciunt."] The treacherous bear 
 that conceals a snake in his jaws decidedly belongs to these bestia- 
 rum effigies. Mart. iii. 19 : 
 
 Proxima centenis ostenditur ursa columnis, 
 
 Exornant fictse qua platanona ferae. 
 Hujus dum patulos alludens tentat hiatus 
 
 Pulcher Hylas, teneram mersit in ora manum. 
 Vipera sed caaco scelerata latebat in ore, 
 
 Vivebatque aniraa deteriore fera. 
 
 Such bears are to be found amidst similar company in gardens, 
 even in the present times. The description given in another part 
 of Pliny (sect. 35) corresponds still more with the cones, pyramids, 
 and letters of modern gardens. Alibi pratulum, alibi ipsa buxus 
 intervenit in formas mille descripta, literas interdum, quce modo nomen 
 domini dicunt, modo artificis. Alternis metulce surgunt, alterm's 
 inserta sunt poma, et in opere urbanissimo subita velut illati ruris 
 imitatio. Medium spatium brevioribus utrimque platanis adornatur. 
 Post has acanthus liinc inde lubricus et flexuosus ; deinde plures figures 
 pluraque nomina. [Plane-trees and cypresses were also cut un- 
 naturally short. Plin. H, N. xii. 6 : Chamceplatani vocantur coactce 
 brevitatis, quoniam arborum etiam abortus invenimus. Hoc quoque 
 ergo in genere pumiliorum infelicitas dicta erit. Fit autem et serendC 
 genere et recidendi. Primus C. Matius ex equestri or dine Augusti 
 amicus, invenit nemora tonsilia. xvi. 60. Wiistemann, Kunstgdrt- 
 ncrei der Earner.'] 
 
 The vacant spaces set with flowers and borders were possibly in 
 accordance with the taste of the whole garden, and subdivided into 
 various forms by enclosures of box, as in the French gardens of the 
 present day. At least we may gather as much from what the same 
 Pliny says about the xystus before the porticus of his villa (sect. 
 16) : Ante porticum xystus concisus in plurimas species, distinctusque 
 buxo : for these plurimce species cannot well pass for anything else 
 than the small beds (areolce) of divers forms. Frequently, too, such 
 borders may have been elevated terrace-fashion (pulvini surgentes :
 
 SCENE V.] THE GARDENS. 361 
 
 Plin. xxii. 22, 34; Gierig, ad Plin. Ep.}, in which case, the margin 
 rising in the form of an arch, (torus, Plin.), was covered with ever- 
 green or bears-foot. 
 
 The gestatio and hippodromus were essential parts of such 
 gardens. The former was a broad regular pathway, perhaps to bo 
 compared with an alley, although not always in a straight line, in 
 which they used to be carried about in the lectica, when they did 
 not wish for any violent exercise. It is true that Celsus (ii. 15) says, 
 Genera gestationis plura aunt : lenissima est navi, vel in portu, vel in 
 flumine ; vel in lectica aut scamno ; acrior vehiculo ; from which Wb 
 might suppose that the gestatio was also designed for being driven 
 in. But where there was a regular hippodrome, such a use of it 
 would seem to be superfluous, and Celsus uses the word in its most 
 extended meaning. 
 
 Gierig (ad Plin. sect. 32) has rightly explained the hippodrome, 
 and defended the word against the other reading hypodromus. We 
 cannot conceive that Pliny means a covered pathway. It was evi- 
 dently a course similar to a circus, with several ways, separated by 
 box-trees. Not only does the passage adduced by Gierig from 
 Martial (xii. 50) prove that there were such hippodromes in gardens, 
 Pulvereumque fugax bippodromon ungula carpit, 
 
 Et pereuntis aquae fluctus ubique sonat : 
 
 but also Epigr. 57, 20, where the poet, in answer to the question of 
 Sparsus, why he so often visited his badly situated Nomentan villa, 
 says, he can certainly very easily do without the country, when in 
 Eome itself he has as good as a villa : 
 
 Cui plana sumraos despicit domus monies, 
 
 Et rus in Urbe est vinitorque Komanus ; 
 
 Nee in Falerno colle major auctumnus, 
 
 Intraque limen latus essedo cursus. 
 
 These parts of the garden were possibly less artificial, and here it ia 
 that we must look for the so often mentioned woods of laurel and 
 plane-trees (platanones, daphnones), and myrtle thickets (myrteta). 
 Mart. iii. 58, x. 79, xii. 50. It was then the business of the topia- 
 rius to maintain all these various parts of the garden in proper 
 order. It is doubtful whether the viridarii, whose name often 
 occurs in inscriptions, differed from them. We may perhaps under- 
 stand the latter word of those who took care of the viridaria in the 
 houses, the cavcedium and peristylium, as well as the gardens on the 
 rool ; but there is no sufficient ground for making such a distinc- 
 tion. On the contrary, Ulpian (Dig. -gram. 7, 8) says: dolia, etiamsi 
 defossa non sint, et cupce guibusdam in regionibus accedunt instru- 
 mento: si villa cultior est, etiam atrienses, scoparii: si etiam viridaria,
 
 362 THE GARDENS. [EXCURSUS. 
 
 topiarii. [Ulpian says nothing against making a distinction between 
 topiarius and viridarius. In the above passage he speaks only of a 
 villa, where a topiarius had charge of all the gardens, consequently 
 of the small viridaria also; whilst the viridarius, who probably 
 ranked lower, was especially designed for the small house-gardens 
 in the city.] 
 
 Besides him, however, we must suppose the existence of a par- 
 ticular aquarius [vfyayoiyoe], under which term is neither to be 
 understood one of the collegium fontanorum, nor a water-carrier, 
 nor a minister aquee at table, but a slave who constructed and kept 
 in order all the aqueducts, as well as very ingenious fountains (of 
 course also in the city residence). Such a one appears to be meant 
 in Paull. iii. 7 : Domo cum omni jure suo, sicut instructa est, legata, 
 urbana familia item artifices et vestiarii et dicetarii et aquarii eidem 
 domui servientes legato cedunt. 
 
 Much might be said concerning the flowers known to the 
 Eomans: for though the Flora of those days was but poor in 
 comparison with ours, still Beckmann is wrong in supposing (Beitr. 
 z. GescTi. d. Erfind. iii. 296) that the Romans contented themselves 
 solely with the wild plants, and laid out neither flower-gardens, nor 
 cultivated any exotics. But it would be useless to set down a mere 
 catalogue of .the important names of flowers given by Virgil, Pliny 
 [xxi. 38], Columella, and others, and to enter into a more accurate 
 investigation would require a special work : for after all that Yoss, 
 Schneider, Billerbeck (Flora Classica], Sprengel (Historia rei Her- 
 larice), and others, have said on the subject, we still are in want of 
 a detailed critical elaboration of the classical Flora. 
 
 We may take for granted in general that the violaria and rosaria 
 were the main ornaments of the gardens. Next came the bulbous 
 plants, the crocus, narcissus, lilies, of more than one sort, gladiolus, 
 irides, also hyacinths, in our sense of the word (hyacinthus oriental-is, 
 probably meant by Col. x. 100, 149, is understood by Schneider to 
 mean iris), poppies, amaranthi, and so on. The rose was much 
 grown, as it was the flower chiefly used for garlands ; and the pro- 
 verb sub rosa bears testimony to the fact. It also serves to mark 
 the regular comissatio. Mart. x. 19, 19. Cum fur it Lyceus, cumreg- 
 nat rosa, cum madent capilli ; and iii. 68, 5, deposito post vina rosasque 
 pudore. Myrtle and roses were a common intermixture. See Mits- 
 cherlich ad Hor. Od. i. 38. The heavy centifolia was less adapted 
 for garlands. Pliny, xxi. 4. The Milesian (Pliny, ardentissimo colore 
 non excedena duodena folia] is, according to Billerbeck (Flora 
 Classica, p. 133), the damask rose, under which name is probably 
 not to be understood that so called by our gardeners, but a variety
 
 SCENE V.] THE GAKDENS. 363 
 
 of the rosa lutea, with a bright red flower ; but as this has not 
 duodena folia, we must rather suppose a holoserica to be meant. 
 Perhaps after all, amid the endless present varieties, the true Mile- 
 sian rose is no longer distinguishable. More will be said on the 
 coronce in the Excursus on the Chaplets and Games. 
 
 Green-houses, for the protection of the more tender kinds of 
 exotics against cold, and for the production of flowers and fruits at 
 other seasons than nature assigned to them, do not appear to be 
 mentioned before the first century. Martial alludes to them fre- 
 quently, as viii. 14 : 
 
 Pallida ne Cilicum timeant pomaria brumam, 
 
 Mordeat et tenerum fortior aura nemus, 
 Hybernis objecta Notis specularia puros 
 
 Admittunt soles et sine faece diem, 
 and viii. 68 : 
 
 Invida purpureos urat ne bruma racemes, 
 Et gelidum Bacchi munera frigus edat, 
 Condita perspicua vivit vindemia gemma, 
 Et tegitur felix, nee tamen uva latet. 
 Quid non ingenio voluit natura licere ? 
 Auctumnum sterilis ferre jubetur hiems. 
 
 This was a regular hot-house, where winter-grapes were grown. 
 Columella (xi. 3, 52) teaches how to have early melons, and Pliny 
 (xix. 5, 23) relates of the portable gherkin and melon-beds of 
 Tiberius : Nullo quippe non die contigit ei pensiles eorum hortos pro- 
 moventibus in solem rotis olitoribus, rursusqut hibernis diebus intra 
 specularium munimenta revocantibus. [Sabnas. ad Script. Hist. Aug, 
 i. p. 419.] We see from Martial (iv. 21, 5) that flowers also were 
 forced in green-houses : 
 
 Condita sic puro numerantur lilia vitro ; 
 Sic prohibet tenuis gemma latere rosas. 
 
 "When therefore Bottiger says (Sab. i. 253), 'Among the fruits 
 which Martial in his Apophoreta has ennobled with his distichs, 
 there were no doubt several made only of wax, and the garlands of 
 roses, in the middle of December, which he calls (xiii. 12T)festivas 
 coronas brumce, were probably made of coloured wax ; ' this is a 
 perfectly untenable conjecture, and an incorrect account, for the 
 reading is not festivas rosas, which would not suit the metre, but 
 the epigram runs thus : 
 
 Dat festinatas, Caesar, tibi bruma coronas : 
 
 Quondam veris erat, nunc tua facta rosa est. 
 
 But in festinatas lies the most convincing proof that they were 
 forced roses. Compare vi. 80 :
 
 364 THE GARDENS. [EXCURSUS. 
 
 Ut nova dona tibi, Caesar, Nilotica tellus 
 
 Miserat hibernas ambitiosa rosas : 
 Navita derisit Pharios Memphiticus hortos, 
 
 Urbis ut intravit limina prima tua3. 
 Tantus veris honos, et odorse gratia Florae, 
 
 Tantaque Paestani gloria ruris erat. 
 
 [It appears also from this epigram, that, as the supply of native 
 roses did not equal the excessive demand for them at Borne, roses 
 were imported from Egypt ; and this in winter. Of course means 
 were used for keeping them as fresh as possible on the road.] 
 Comp. iv. 28. But it is not necessary to suppose that in every case 
 where rosce hibernce are mentioned, we must understand roses arti- 
 ficially forced in hot-houses. The roses of Psestum bloomed for a 
 second time in the autumn, biferi rosaria Pcesti, Virg. Georg. iv. 119 ; 
 Mart. xii. 31 ; and when in mild winters the rosa pallida is seen to 
 bloom, in Germany in the open air at Christmas, and even in 
 January, why should not the same thing have been possible in a 
 milder climate ? Roses and garlands of wax are not in any case to 
 be thought of. [That they had artificial flowers, is beyond all doubt. 
 See the Excursus on the Chaplets and Games. 
 
 Fruit-trees were, partly, to be found in the midst of large gar- 
 dens, among other sorts of trees (Plin. Ep. v. 6, 35), although Becker 
 interprets this passage differently ; partly in the fields, or in orchards 
 (pomaria), where they stood in a quincunx. Col. deArb. 19. Their 
 cultivation was very common ; hence Varro says, S. R. i. 2 : non 
 arboribus consita Italia est, ut tota pomarium videatur. See also Cato, 
 Varro, Columella, and others passim. But it afterwards degenerated 
 into luxury. Plin, H. N. xix. 19 : Ferendum sane fuerit exquisitct 
 nasci poma, alia sapore, alia magnitudine, alia monstro pauperisms 
 inter dicta, xi. 1. The chief kinds of fruits among the Romans are 
 as follows.] 
 
 Honey-apples, melimela, a sapore melleo. Plin. xv. 10, 14, 15. 
 These were one of the earliest species of apples ; but did not last 
 long ; while, on the other hand, the Amerina kept longest. Plin. 16. 
 On the melimela, which are often mentioned by Martial, see Schnei- 
 der ad Varr. i. 59. [Besides these, there were the orbiculata, cotonea, 
 Sestiana, Matiana, Amerina. Colum. xii. 45 ; v. 10 ; Macrob. ii. 15.] 
 Among the sorts of pears (of which Pliny enumerates thirty), the 
 most valued were the Crustumian. Plin. xv. 16; Voss ad Virg. 
 Georg. ii. 88, the Falernian, and the Syrian. Mart. v. 78, 18. Comp. 
 Colum. v. 10, 17. The volema, fist-pear, was chiefly celebrated on 
 account of its size. Virg. gravis, Col. ib. Cat. 7, 3 ; perhaps the 
 same that Pliny calls libralis. Macrob. ii. 15.
 
 SCENE V.] THE GAKDENS. 365 
 
 There were numerous varieties of plums, ingens turbo, prunorum, 
 says Pliny, xv. 12. Among these were the Armeniaca, cereola or 
 cerima, J)amascena. [Col. x. 404.] The latter were imported dry 
 from that country. Mart. xiii. 29. [The drying of fruits was also 
 very common in Italy. Pall. iii. 25, xii. 7; Col. xii. 14. They had 
 also cherries, quinces, peaches, pomegranates (malum Punicum, 
 Colum. v. 10; deArb. 23; Plin. xv. 11); several sorts of figs (Macrob. 
 ii. 16; 'Plin. xv. 19; Col. v. 10); nuts (Macrob. ii. 14; Col. v. 10; 
 Plin. xv. 24 ; Cat. 8) ; chestnuts (Pallad. xii. 7 ; Col. iv. 33 ; Plin. 
 xv. 25, xvii. 34) ; almonds, medlars, and mulberries. (Plin. xv.) The 
 cultivation of wine and olives was of great importance. The oil 
 (Col. v. 8) was used for food as well as for burning and anointing. 
 The Venafran and Tarentine were celebrated. Varro, R. R. i. 2. 
 On the different sorts of olive-trees (olece), see Plin. H. N. xv. 1, xvii. 
 29 ; Macrob. Sat. ii. 16; Col. v. 8; Cat. 6. The vine was either grown 
 in vineyards (vinea) attached to poles ; or to trees (such gardens 
 were called arbustum) ; or it grew against houses, or the arcades of 
 the interior. Plin. ii. 165. Vine-arbours were called pergulce. In 
 this branch, which was considered by the Eomans quite the climax 
 of horticulture, they displayed much cleverness ; upon which they 
 prided themselves not a little. Plin. xiv. 2. There were more than 
 thirty sorts of grapes, partly for the table, partly for wine : the 
 Aminea, Nomentana, euganea, Allobrogica, Apicia, gemella, were 
 among the best. Col. iii. 5 ; Pallad. ii. 10 ; Cato, 6 ; Macrob. ii. 16 ; 
 Plin. xiv. xvii. 35. See more in Excurs. 4, Sc. IX. 
 
 On the vegetables, see Excurs. 1, Scene IX. Comp. Cic. de Sen. 
 16.] 
 
 In conclusion, we may remark, that in Rome there were also 
 window-gardens (flower-pots in the windows) : we cannot other- 
 wise understand what Martial says, xi. 18 : 
 
 Donasti, Lupe, rus sub urbe nobis ; 
 Sed rus est mihi majus in fenestra. 
 
 [Above all, Plin. H. N. xix. 19 : Jam in fenestris suisplebs urbana 
 in imagine hortorum quotidiana oculis rura prcebebant, antequam 
 prcefigi prospectus omnes coegit multitudinis innumeratce sceva latro- 
 cinatio. Respecting the solaria, see above.]
 
 EXCURSUS I. SCENE VII. 
 
 THE BATHS. 
 
 rpHE bath was a most important event in the every- day life of 
 -*- the Romans of that period which is here principally described, 
 and one of their most essential requirements. Bodily health and 
 cleanliness, although its original object, had long ceased being the 
 only one ; for the baths, decorated with prodigal magnificence, and 
 supplied with all the comforts and conveniences that a voluptuary 
 could desire, had become places of amusement, whither people 
 repaired for pastime and enjoyment. In earlier times, bathing was 
 much less frequent, as Seneca tells us, citing the authority of more 
 ancient authors. Epist. 86 : Nam, ut aiunt, qui priscos mores urbis 
 tradiderunt (perhaps Varro) brachia et crura quotidie abluebant, quce 
 scilicet sordes opere cottegerant : cceterum toti nundinis lavabantur. 
 Cato, de lib. educ. in Non. iii. 5, v. ephippium : Mihi puero modica 
 una fuit tunica et toga, sine fasciis calceamenta, equus sine ephip- 
 pio, balneum non quotidianum, alveus rarus. And Columella does 
 not approve of the slaves bathing daily or frequently (i. 6, 20) : 
 nam eas quoque (balneas) refert esse, in quibus familia, sed tan- 
 turn feriis lavetur, neque enim corporis robori convenit frequens iisus 
 earum. 
 
 Hence the ancient baths, both public and private, being, in the 
 words of Seneca, in usum, non oblectamentum reperta, were of very 
 simple construction. In the villa of Scipio Africanus, where Seneca 
 found so much cause for instituting a comparison between the 
 ancient and modern times, there was a balneolum angustum, tenebri- 
 cosum ex consuetudine antiqua. Then he says : non videbatur majo- 
 ribus nostris caldum, nisi obscurum ; and further on : In hoc balneo 
 Scipionis minimce sunt rimce magis quam fenestrce, ut sine injuria 
 munimenti lumen admitterent. So also he designates the public 
 baths as obscura et gregali tectorio inducta. The ancients seem to 
 have confined themselves merely to a cold and a warm bath, the 
 temperature of which was under the superintendence of the eediles, 
 as Seneca relates in the letter mentioned. Eventually, sweating 
 and hot- water baths were added. [The sediles superintended not 
 merely the temperature and cleanliness of the baths, but also pre- 
 served public decorum ; particularly in refelfence to the two sexes ; 
 who were not allowed to bathe together.]
 
 SCENE VII.] THE BATHS. 307 
 
 "We are rich, in means to enable us to form a clear idea of the 
 arrangement of the Roman baths, as we not only possess the works 
 of several ancient writers who have either given plans for con- 
 structing baths, or descriptions of them, but also considerable 
 remains, which agree with the accounts that have been handed 
 down to us. Of the authors we must mention first Vitruvius (v. 
 10), and Palladium (i. 40), who treat of the plan of the baths. In 
 addition to whom, Lucian ('linriae f) paXavuov] ; Pliny, in both the 
 letters about his villas (ii. 17) ; Statius (Balneum Etrusci) ; Silv. 
 i. 5 ; Martial (vi. 42) ; and Sidon. Apoll. (Epist. ii. 2), have left 
 interesting accounts ; and we obtain from the epigrams of Martial, 
 and from Seneca (Epist. 51, 56, and 86), numerous notices on the 
 nature of the baths, and life in the same. 
 
 But the remains, at present in existence, of ancient baths them- 
 selves, are much more instructive than all these written accounts ; 
 among which are the ruins of the baths of Titus, Caracalla, and 
 Diocletian, in Rome. It would be difficult to explain, with any 
 degree of certainty, the proper connection of the various parts of 
 these extensive establishments, and to do so would require not only 
 a good architect, but also a learned antiquarian and philologist ; 
 and it is on this account that there is so much diversity in the 
 plans that have been given of them. We shall here, however, refer 
 only to the general customs and manners which can be with cer- 
 tainty determined, rejecting all hypotheses about these baths, and 
 simply giving a description of other smaller ones, which, being in a 
 better state of preservation, will afford us a clearer idea of the 
 essential parts of a Roman bath. A specimen of this kind is to be 
 found in the ruins discovered in 1784 at Baden weiler, though they 
 are only just enough preserved to enable us to distinguish the indi- 
 vidual divisions from each other. Far more important than these, 
 are the thermce, discovered some years since at Pompeii, which were 
 in such a condition when excavated, as to allow of our assigning 
 with certainty to most of the parts their particular destination. 
 
 Of more modern writings on this subject, besides several pas- 
 sages in the works of Winckelmann, the following are particularly 
 worthy of consideration : Cameron, The Bath of the Romans ; Le 
 terme dei Romani disegnate da A. Palladia, con alcune osservazioni 
 da 0. B. Scamozzi ; Description des Bains de Titus (a work, however, 
 which is occupied far more with the paintings found there, than 
 with the baths themselves) ; Stieglitz, Archdol. der Bank, ii. 267 ; 
 Hirt, Gesch. der Bank, iii. 233 ; Weinbrenner, Entwiirfe und Er- 
 gdnzungen antiker Oebdude, which contains the bath of Hippias, 
 after Lucian, and the ruins of Badenweiler. Besides which, we
 
 368 THE BATHS. [Excimsus I. 
 
 have the remarks of the editors of Vitruvius, particularly Schneider, 
 ii. 375 391. Stratico is more superficial, and Marini has done 
 little more than repeat the old erroneous opinions. Concerning 
 the baths of Pompeii, we have detailed accounts from Gugl. Bechi, 
 in the Mus. Sorb. ii. t. 49 52, and in GelFs Pompeiana : the topo- 
 graphy, edifices, and ornaments of Pompeii. The result of excavations 
 since 1819. Lond. 1835. i. 83, ii. 80. 
 
 The baths of Pompeii, which were discovered complete not only 
 in their essential parts, but also in their ornaments, inscriptions, 
 and even utensils, are adapted above all others for making us 
 generally acquainted with the internal arrangements of Eoman 
 baths. Moreover, we may assume that other baths were laid down 
 after the same plan, as those at Stabise, and (as far as regards the 
 caldarium at least) that found in the villa of Diomedes (see Voyage 
 pittor. de Naples, liv. 10 et 11, pi. 79), agree almost entirely with 
 that of Pompeii ; and the arrangement of baths in private houses 
 and villas was no doubt similar, though they were of course not on 
 so large a scale as the great public thermae. A description of the 
 baths of Pompeii would on this account be appropriate here, and 
 we therefore extract the principal parts of Sir W. Gell's account, 
 which seems preferable, because it is not only more general, but 
 also dwells on interesting peculiarities, and thus presents a most 
 comprehensive view of the plan and internal arrangements. In 
 other respects, we cannot deny that Bechi, with far more extensive 
 antiquarian research, often gives more correct explanations, as we 
 shall have occasion to observe in our parenthetical remarks. 
 
 The plates we here give represent : I. The bath we are about to 
 describe; II. The baths of Stabise (according to Gell, i. 131); and 
 III. The well-known and instructive painting, representing the 
 section of a Eoman bath, found in the baths of Titus. 
 
 The grand entrance (such are the words of Gell, i. 88) seems 
 to have been that in the street of Fortune, so called, at present, 
 from the temple of that goddess. [Bechi, on the contrary, con- 
 siders that marked 21, on the opposite side, to have been the 
 grand entrance. B.]' All or many of the rooms opening into the 
 street, on each side this entrance, seem to have been vaulted, thus 
 contributing to the support of the arches thrown over the larger 
 chambers in the interior. 
 
 This entry or passage, marked 21" on the plan, opened into a 
 
 court, 20, about sixty feet long, bounded on two sides by a Doric 
 
 portico, and on the third by a crypt. Over the crypt was a second 
 
 story, where the doubtful indications of a chimney may be observed. 
 
 1 The passages in brackets marked B. are inserted by Becker. Transl.
 
 SCENE VII.] 
 
 THE BATHS. 
 
 369 
 
 At the ojfposite angle of the court was another exit, marked 
 21% leading into an alley which runs from the forum to the house 
 
 PLAX OF THE BATHS AT POMPEII. 
 
 of Pansa. At this exit was the latrina, 22, the uses of which are 
 unequivocally visible. The spot marked 19, which is singular on 
 account of a sort of pronaos with seats, is vaulted, and was lighted 
 at night by a lamp, so placed that its rays fell into the chamber 15 
 on one side, and enlightened 19 on the other. The same con- 
 trivance existed in the recess 14, where a lamp gave light also to 
 the portico. Both these lamps were protected by circular convex
 
 370 
 
 THE BATHS. 
 
 [EXCUBSUS I. 
 
 glasses, the fragments of which, were found in the inner chambers 
 at their excavation. 
 
 As the baths of Pompeii were not of sufficient consequence to 
 be furnished with every sort of apartment, like those of the capital, 
 we are to look for the vestibulum and the exedra, or a place which 
 might serve instead of them, near the entrance of the thermce. 
 ' In vestibulo deberet esse portions ad deambulationes his qui essent 
 ingressuri.' That portico is undoubtedly the one t in the court; 
 and the exedra, so called from the 'idpat, or seats, where those 
 who did not choose to walk in the portico might repose, is repre- 
 sented by the benches which run along the wall. [These are not 
 given by Gell, but copied here from the M us. Sorb., and marked 
 with o. Bechi considers them meant for the use of slaves who 
 accompanied their masters to the bath, and calls the room 19 an 
 cecus or exedra. B.] Vitruvius mentions that, while v some were 
 bathing, others were generally waiting to succeed them. 
 
 In this court, or vestibule, was found a sword with a leather 
 sheath (?) and the box for the quadrans, or money, which was paid 
 for each visitor. The quadrans was the fourth part of the assis, 
 
 H. 
 
 PLAN OF THE BATHS OF STABLE, AFTER GELL. 
 
 A. Prcefurnium. 
 
 B. Laconicum. 
 
 C. Tepidarium. 
 
 D. Natatorium. 
 
 E. Frigidarium.
 
 SCENE VII.] THE BATHS. 371 
 
 and the fourteenth part of a denarius. [Fourteenth is put by 
 mistake for fortieth. It is natural, that after the denarius was 
 computed equal to sixteen asses, the quadrans also underwent a re- 
 duction, and sixty-four went to a denarius. B.] A sum so moderate, 
 that the heating of the baths could not have been defrayed without 
 a crowd of bathers. The poet remarks upon the trifling sum with 
 which a man made himself as happy as a king : Dum tu quadrante 
 lavatum rex ibis. Hor. Sat. iii. [The meaning of this ironical 
 passage has been clearly misunderstood by the author. B.] 
 
 Juvenal says that youths under the age of fourteen paid 
 nothing. Sat. ii. [The words are (v. 152) : Nee pueri credunt, 
 nisi qui nondum cere lavantur f but the sense seems rather to be, 
 children who do not as yet visit the public baths. B.] The smallness 
 of the sum, however, was a great encouragement to bathers, who, 
 according to Pliny, sometimes bathed seven times in one day. 
 [The author is much mistaken if he fancies this was usual. The 
 passage in Pliny does not occur to me; but .321. Lamprid. (11) 
 says of Commodus : Lavabat per diem septies atque octies. However, 
 this was a monstrous way of living. B.] 
 
 It is exceedingly probable (P) that the sword was that of the 
 keeper of the thermos, or balneator, whose station, with his box 
 of money, must have been the ala of the portico, 19. This room 
 was not painted, and the roof seems to have been blackened by 
 the smoke of the lamps. Those who had paid here might have 
 entered with some sort of ticket. Tickets for the theatre have 
 been found at Pompeii, and have been engraved. One for the 
 show of gladiators is in the possession of Mr Dodwell at Home. 
 
 In this Doric portico persons waited for admission to the thermos, 
 which were not of sufficient size to admit conveniently more than 
 twenty or thirty at once. Here, therefore, notices of shows, 
 games, exhibitions, or sales, might conveniently be exposed to the 
 public. Accordingly, on the south wall was painted in large 
 letters, Dedicatione, &c. [Here follows the inscription, and then 
 an explanation of the sparsiones, which I have omitted, as being of 
 very little importance. We must however remark that he adduces 
 another inscription, in which spassiones occurs. The author holds 
 this to be a provincialism (?), and suspects that the first inscription 
 had the word also thus written, though it was no longer fresh 
 enough to ascertain this. Bechi says nothing about it. Relaz. d. 
 &c. Mus, Borb. ii. B.] 
 
 From the court, those who intended to bathe passed by a small 
 corridor, into the chamber 17, which must be supposed to have 
 corresponded with the first room of the Turkish bath, where a 
 
 B B 2
 
 372 THE BATHS. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 stranger is undressed. [The author describes (p. 86) the arrange- 
 ments of the Turkish baths, from which he proceeds to a description 
 of those at Pompeii, which he considers analogous to them. B.] 
 In this corridor was found a great number of lamps, perhaps more 
 than five hundred, but above one thousand were discovered in the 
 whole circuit of the baths, of which it is said the workmen were 
 ordered to make a general destruction, after the best had been 
 selected. 
 
 These lamps were generally of common terra cotta, and some of 
 them had the impression of the figures of the Graces, and others of 
 Harpocrates, of moderate execution. Athenseus (b. xv.) says that 
 the lamps in baths were of brass, [He probably alludes to the 
 words : 6 Sk Et5/3oog woXXd fitv tiprjKiv iv TO!Q troir^iaai ^aplevra' iri^i 
 fifv TTJQ T&V fla\avtiwv ftax 7 ??' BaXXov a\\r)\ovQ ^aXKripiaiv ty%iiyaii>. 
 But what right there is to assume from thence that the lamps were 
 of brass, we cannot conceive. B.] and distinguished by names ex- 
 pressive of the number of burners, such as monomyxi, dimyxi, 
 trimyxi, and polymyxi ; but the aiithors who have written on the 
 subject, seem to speak always of buildings and customs on a scale 
 of magnificence too extravagant to guide us in the explanation of 
 the Pompeian thermse. Some attention has been paid to the 
 decoration of this passage, the ceiling being covered with stars. 
 
 In the room 17, all who frequented the thermae for the purpose 
 of bathing met, whether they entered by the portico, or from 
 either of the doors from the street on the north; and here was 
 certainly the frigidarium, in which many persons took off their 
 garments, but more especially those who intended to make use 
 only of the natatio, or cold bath. To them, at least, this chamber 
 served as the spoliatorium, apodyterium, or apolyterium, so called 
 from the ' ATroSvrrjpiov of the Greeks, signifying the place where 
 the clothes were left ; [The apodyterium, as Bechi also observes, 
 was never called spoliatorium, and even spoliarium is very doubtful 
 as far as regards baths. Apolyterium is perfectly erroneous. B.] 
 and accordingly we may observe on entering, certain holes in the 
 wall, in which had either been inserted rafters or pegs for sup- 
 porting shelves, or for hanging garments. Pliny mentions that 
 people first entered into the apodyterium, or tepidarium, with a 
 temperate air, and consigned their garments to caprarii, which 
 were probably pegs, so called from their likeness to horns. [Where 
 Pliny says this, we know not ; for the author is not used to give 
 references to the passages he alludes to. Bechi, too, says : ' There 
 are apertures in the wall made to receive the wooden props or hooks 
 on which were hung the garments of those who undrest here,
 
 SCENE VII.] THE BATHS. 873 
 
 before taking the bath in the adjoining rooms.' But it seems 
 almost indubitable, that a sad confusion has been made here 
 between caprarii and capsarii, persons who took charge of the 
 clothes at the bath. Shelves are visible in the painting from the 
 baths of Titus, in the tepidarium, on which a man is just placing 
 garments. B.] 
 
 The chamber itself, which is spacious, is vaulted, and the arch 
 springs from a projecting cornice, covered with a richly-coloured 
 painting of griffins and lyres. The ceiling appears to have con- 
 sisted of panels of white within red borders, and the pavement of 
 the common sort of white mosaic. The walls were painted yellow. 
 Stone benches occupy the greater part of the walls, with a step 
 running below them slightly raised from the floor. A little apart- 
 ment at the north end may have been either a latrina, or, if it had 
 sufficient light, a tonstrina for shaving, or it might possibly have 
 served for keeping the unguents, strigils, towels, and other articles 
 necessary for the accommodation of the visitors. 
 
 It is probable that a window once existed at the north, like that 
 now remaining at the south end ; but in no case could this, or any 
 other room in the Pompeian thermae, answer to the description of 
 the wide windows of the frigidarium of the author, who says, 
 Frigidarium locus ventis perflatus fenestris amplis. The yet re- 
 maining window admitted light from the south, and is placed 
 close under the vault of the roof, and rather intrenching upon it. 
 It opens upon the roof of the chamber 18, and was not only formed 
 of glass, but of good plate-glass, slightly ground on one side so as 
 to prevent the curiosity of any person upon the roof. Of this glass 
 all the fragments remained at the excavation ; a circumstance which 
 appeared not a little curious to those who imagined that its use 
 was either unknown, or very rare among the ancients, and did not 
 know that a window of the same kind had been found in the baths 
 of the villa of Diomedes. 
 
 Glass seems to have at first been brought from Egypt (?), and to 
 have, in fact, received its name of va\bg from the Coptic. Crystal, 
 KpvoraXXog, or the permanent ice of the ancients, originally desig- 
 nated the natural stone itself. It is said to have been little known 
 in Home before 536 A. TJ. c., but this would give ample time for its 
 use at Pompeii long before its destruction. 
 
 There are few subjects on which the learned seem to have been 
 so generally mistaken as that of the art of glass-making among the 
 ancients, who seem to have been far more skilful than was at first 
 imagined. Not to mention the description of a burning-glass in 
 the Nules of Aristophanes, v. 764, the collection which Mr Dodwell
 
 374 THE BATHS. 
 
 [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 first formed and brought into notice at Rome by repolishing the 
 fragments, is sufficient to prove that specimens of every known 
 marble, and of many not now existing in cabinets, as well as every 
 sort of precious stone, were commonly and most successfully 
 imitated by the ancients, who used these imitations in cups and 
 vases of every size and shape. 
 
 In the time of Martial, about a century after Christ, glass cups 
 were common, except the calices allassontes, which displayed change- 
 able or prismatic colours, and, as Vossius says, were procured in 
 Egypt, and were so rare that Adrian, sending some to Servianus, 
 ordered that they should only be used on great occasions. 
 
 The vast collection of bottles, glasses, and other utensils 
 discovered at Pompeii, is sufficient to show that the ancients were 
 well acquainted with the art of glass-blowing in all its branches ; 
 but it is not the less true that they sometimes used, much as we do, 
 horn for lanterns, which Plautus terms Yulcan in a prison of horn ; 
 [Amphitr. i. 1, 185 : Volcanum in cornu conclusum geris. So also 
 mention is made in Athenseus, xv. p. 699, of Kcpanvov Qwofopov 
 \{>xvov a'tXag, and in Martial, xiv. 61 and 62, laterna ex vesica and 
 cornea. So too is explained laterna Punica in Plautus, Aul. iii. 6, 
 30. B.], and that windows and, Cicero says, lanterns [ad Attic, iv. 3, 
 linea laterna. B.] were sometimes made of linen instead of glass, as 
 we see oiled paper in modern times. The common expression for 
 these objects in Latin appears to be Fenestrce volubiles vel lineis 
 velis, vel specularia vitratis clauses. [The vela, at all events, are 
 something quite different. B.] 
 
 In process of time, glass became so much the fashion, that 
 whole chambers were lined with it. The remains of such a room 
 were discovered in the year 1826, near Ficulnea, in the Roman 
 territory; and these are hinted at in a passage of the Roman 
 naturalist : Non dubie vitreas facturus cameras, si prius id inventum 
 fuisset. [Plin. xxxvi. 25, 64. B.] In the time of Seneca the 
 chambers in thermae had walls covered with glass and Thasian 
 marble, the water issued from silver tubes, and the decorations 
 were mirrors. [This is incorrect. Seneca says, Epist. 86 : Nisi 
 parietis magnis et pretiosis orbibus refulserunt; and even if he had 
 written speculis, still we must rather have understood thereby the 
 marble medallions, which, like the abaci, served to adorn the 
 walls. B.] 
 
 In the semicircular compartment containing the window was a 
 large basso-relievo in stucco, of which the subject appeared to be 
 the destruction of the Titans (giants) by Jupiter, or perhaps by 
 Saturn (!), whose colossal head appeared in the centre. Bacchus
 
 SCBNB VII.] THE BATHS. 375 
 
 was one of the great assistants of Jupiter in that combat ; and the 
 cup of Bacchus, or one of the same shape, appears on the right, as 
 if thrown at the Titan. The subject is at present scarcely intelli- 
 gible, having suffered much in the reparation of the roof. [And 
 this fact may have led the author astray in his conjectures. Bechi 
 says : ' Underneath this window is wrought in stucco a huge and 
 bearded mask, from the pendent locks of which flow streams of 
 water. Two tritons, with vases on their shoulders, are struggling 
 to reach the centre of the fountain, and a shoal of dolphins, har- 
 nessed by cupids, are represented as sporting impatient at their 
 chains.' These would certainly be more befitting ornaments for a 
 bath than a gigantomachia. B.] On the frescos in his frigidarium, 
 Sidon. says (Ep. ii. 2), Non hie per nudam, pictorum corporum 
 pulchritudinem turpis prostat historia absunt ridiculi vestitu et 
 vultibus histriones absunt lubrici tortuosique pugillatu et nexibus 
 palcestritce : which marks the usual decorations. 
 
 From the frigidarium a short passage opened into the street on 
 the north, and a little recess is observable in it, where possibly 
 another person sat to receive the money of the bathers. The 
 third passage communicated with the hypocaust, or stoves, and 
 these again with the street. 
 
 A door, uniform with that leading from the court, opened into 
 apartment 18, in which was the natatio, or natatorium, piscina, or 
 cold bath. Some may be inclined to apply the term baptisterion 
 to the vase into which the bathers plunged. The word piscina is 
 applied to the bath by the younger Pliny. It appears that \ovrpov 
 was the Greek appellation. That this was called baptisterium in 
 the time of Pliny appears from this passage, considering its con- 
 nection with the frigidarium: Inde apodyterium balinei laxum et 
 hilare excipit cella frigidaria in qua baptisterium amplum atque 
 opacum. [Hereupon vid. inf. B.] 
 
 This is perfectly preserved, and nothing is wanting but the 
 water, which anciently gushed from a copper pipe opposite the 
 entrance, about four feet from the floor, and fell into a cistern, 
 being supplied by pipes, yet to be traced, from the great reservoir 
 near the prcefurnium. This apartment is a circle enclosed by 
 a square, in the angles of which are four alcoves, called by the 
 ancients scholce, a word derived from the Hebrew, and signifying 
 repose. 
 
 The diameter of the circle is eighteen feet six inches. Round 
 the whole runs a walk, or ambulatory, two feet four inches and a 
 half wide. The piscina, or vase itself, is twelve feet ten inches in 
 diameter, and has a seat eleven inches wide, surrounding it at the
 
 376 THE BATHS. [Excunsus I. 
 
 depth of ten inches below the lip, and two feet four inches from the 
 bottom, allowing a depth of water equal to about three feet. The 
 alcoves, or scholse, are five feet two inches wide, by two feet half- 
 an-inch deep. Their arches, which rise to the height of one foot 
 eight inches, spring from a point five feet six inches above the 
 floor. 
 
 The whole of the piscina, or natatio, with its seat or step, the 
 pavement of the scholse, or the ambulatorium, is of white marble, 
 and in perfect preservation. The roof is a dome, or rather a cone, 
 of which a small part of the summit is destroyed. It appears to 
 have been painted blue, and had an opening or window near the 
 top, toward the south-west, possibly not glazed, as, being a cold 
 bath, the increase of temperature was not required. The walls 
 have been painted yellow, with certain branches here and there of 
 green. The walls of the alcoves were blue or red, and the arches 
 have a pretty relieved border in stucco. 
 
 About eight feet from the floor, a cornice runs round the whole, 
 nearly eighteen inches high, coloured red, and adorned with stucco 
 figures representing, in all appearance, the course on foot, on 
 horseback, and in chariots. The spina, or perhaps the goal, is also 
 visible ; and, though much ruined, the chariot-race and the run- 
 ning horses with their riders have an air of life and verity, which 
 seems to evince th,at they were at least copied from sculptures of 
 the most brilliant period of the arts. 
 
 The natatorium of the baths of Diocletian was 200 feet long, by 
 half that width, the Aqua Martia < supplying copious streams of 
 water, which spouted forth in grottos artificially contrived. With 
 the magnificence of the capital, the piscina of Pompeii cannot 
 pretend to vie ; but nothing can be more elegant, or more aptly 
 calculated for the purpose of bathing, than the chamber in question. 
 
 A doorway, the jambs of which are somewhat inclined, and 
 prove that the folding- doors, which turned upon umbilici, or pivots, 
 were calculated to shut by their own weight, conducted the visitor 
 to the chamber 15, which was called either tepidarium, aXtiirTrjpiov, 
 apodyterium, elceothesium, or unctuarium ; for, in thermce of small 
 dimensions, one chamber must have served for many of those pur- 
 poses to which, in the imperial city, separate apartments were 
 allotted. 
 
 It is therefore probable, that though the frigidarium served as 
 an apodyterium to the cold bathers, those who took the warm 
 bath undressed in the second chamber, 15, which was warmed not 
 only by a portable fire-place, or foculare, called by the Italians 
 bracciere, but by means of a suspended pavement, heated by the
 
 SCENE VII.] THE BATHS. 377 
 
 distant fires of the stove of the caldarium, or laconicum. [This 
 seems quite a mistake, and is entirely at variance with the section 
 of the baths given by Gell himself. The caldarium alone had 
 suspensurce, according to Bechi. The tepidarium was warmed only 
 by the large fire-place. In the picture from the baths of Titus, 
 the matter is doubtful ; for according to the copies we have of it, 
 a part of the tepidarium seems to have suspensurse. B.] The 
 temperature did not, probably, much exceed that necessary to 
 impart an agreeable warmth, and supply the want of the more 
 cumbrous articles of dress. 
 
 In the tepidarium are three seats of bronze, about six feet long, 
 and one broad. (They were placed along the side walls, while the 
 foculare stood across the bottom of the apartment.) The seats are 
 inscribed with the name of the donor, M . Nigidius Vaccula, whose 
 heraldic cognizance, if that expression were admissible, was a piin 
 upon his name, the legs of the seats being those of a cow, whose 
 head forms their upper ornament, and whose entire figure is the 
 decoration of the foculare. The inscription runs thus : M. Nigidius 
 Vaccula, P. S. (pecunia SUM}. 
 
 The hearth, 16, is about seven feet long, and two feet six broad. 
 It is of bronze, and is ornamented by thirteen battlemented summits 
 and a lotus at the angles. "Within there is an iron lining, calculated 
 to resist the heat of the embers, and the bottom is formed by bars 
 of brass, on which are laid bricks supporting the pumice-stones for 
 the reception of the charcoal. 
 
 This apartment was decorated in a manner suitable to its appear- 
 ance. The pavement of white mosaic, with two small borders of 
 black, the ceilings elegantly painted, the walls covered with crim- 
 son, and the cornice supported by statues, all assisted in rendering 
 this a beautiful and splendid place of relaxation for the inhabit- 
 ants of Pompeii. The cornice begins at four feet three inches 
 above the pavement, and is one foot two inches and a half high, 
 the abacus, which is five inches and a half, included. Above this, 
 the figures (Telamones) with the entablature rise to the height of 
 three feet five inches more, and above these is the flowery Corinth- 
 ian tracery. These figures are about two feet in height, stand 
 upon little square plinths or dies of three inches high, and hold 
 their arms in a posture fitted for assisting the head to bear the 
 superimposed weight. They are of terra cotta, and stand with their 
 backs placed against square pilasters, projecting one foot from 
 the wall, and with an interval of one foot three inches and a half 
 between each. The use of these figures in the baths of Pompeii, 
 by whatever name they may have been called, was evidently to
 
 378 THE BATHS. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 ornament the separations between a number of niches or recesses, 
 in which the garments of those who went into the sudatorium, or 
 inner apartment, to perspire, were laid up till their return. 
 
 The heat in this chamber was a dry warmth, produced by the 
 hypocaustum and the foculare, and consequently an agreeable 
 place for perfuming, anointing, and all other operations after the 
 sudatorium. The ancients had an astonishing number of oils, 
 soaps, and perfumes, and their wash-balls seem to have had the 
 general name of smegmata [soaps, no doubt; still it ought to be 
 mentioned, that regular soap, sapo, is not mentioned by any author 
 before Pliny (xviii. 12, 51), who calls it a Gallic invention, but 
 which was also very well known to the Germans. Moreover, Pliny 
 says : Galliarum inventum rutilandis capillis, and the piles Mattiacce, 
 or German soap-balls (Mart. xiv. 27), as also the spuma Batava 
 (Id. viii. 23, 20), or caustica (Id. xiv. 26), are everywhere mentioned 
 as means for dyeing the hair, and not for purifying it. They were 
 therefore rather pomades than soaps. See Beckmann, B&itr. z. 
 Gesch. d. Erfind, iv. 1, seqq. It is also very possible that when Ovid 
 says (Ars Am. iii. 163), Femina canitiem Germanis inficit herbis, and 
 (Amor. i. 14) Ipsa dabas capiti mista venena tuo, nothing else is 
 meant by him than such a pomade, whence its use might be ex- 
 tended backward up to the time of Augustus. Comp. Boettig. 
 Sab. i. p. 121, 142. B.] Among the oils are named the mendesium, 
 megalium, metopium, amaracinum, cyprinum, susinum, nardinum, 
 spicatum, and jasminum; and Heliogabalus never bathed without 
 oil of saffron or crocus, which was thought most precious. [We 
 might add to these many others from Pliny (xiii. 1), and among 
 others rosaceum. See Oudend. on Appul. Met. x. p. 717. B. The 
 nardinum (both an oil and a pomade), made from the blossoms of 
 the Indian and Arabian nard-grass, was much prized. B.] [Plin. 
 H. N. xii. 12, 26, principalis in unguentis. Pallad. iv. 9, nardinum 
 oleum. Ath. ii. p. 46, v. 195, x. 439, xv. 689. It was used for 
 anointing the hair previous to crowning it with the garland, at 
 festive symposiums. Hor. Od. ii. 11, 16: Assyriaque nardo potamus 
 uncti. Petron. 78 : nardi ampulla. Salinas. Exercitt. ad Sol. p. 750. 
 Pompon. Dig. xxxiv. 2, 21, distinguishes between those unguents 
 quibis unguimur voluptatis causa and valetudinis causa. Isidor. iv. 
 12, mentions, anetinum, cerotum, and other sorts. The ceroma, as 
 it was called, was only used at gymnastic exercises. Mart. vii. 32, 
 v. 65. Plin. H. N. xxviii. 4, 13.] We hear also of nitre and 
 aphronitum in the baths. To these were added all kinds of odo- 
 riferous powders, called diapasmata. The cyprium was not only a 
 perfume, but was supposed to put a stop to further perspiration,
 
 SCENE VIL] THE BATHS. V 379 
 
 and its name has been retained to the present day. [Unguenturii 
 and ungucntarice, dealers in perfume, are often mentioned. Orell. 
 2988, 4300. Cic. de Off. x. 42, myropola.'] 
 
 Persons of lower condition sometimes used, instead of soap, 
 meal of lupins, called lomentum, which, with common meal, is still 
 used in the north of England, while the rich carried their own most 
 precious unguents to the thermae in phials of alabaster, gold, and 
 glass, [a\dj3a<wpo, onyches, conchce. Salinas. Exercitt. p. 316,] which 
 were of such common use, both in ordinary life and at funerals, 
 that they have very frequently been found in modern times, when 
 they acquired the name of lachrymatories, from a mistaken notion 
 concerning their original destination. 
 
 Pliny mentions that in the apodyterium, or tepidarium, was the 
 elceothesia, or place for anointing, called also in Latin unctorium, 
 where persons, called from their office, were employed. It is to be 
 supposed that in the great thermae of the capital this aXfnrrrjptov, 
 or unctorium, was a separate chamber. A verse of Lucilius, quoted 
 by Green in his work De Musticatione Romanorum, describes the 
 operations which took place in this apartment : 
 
 Scabor, supplier, desquamor, pumicor, ornor, 
 Expilor, pingor. 
 
 The third apartment, 12, for the use of those who frequented 
 the hot baths, is entered by a door opening from the tepidarium, 
 which closed by its own weight, and it is probable was generally 
 shut, to prevent the admission of cold or less heated air. Vitruvius 
 says that the laconicum and sudatorium ought to join the tepida- 
 rium ; and that, when these were separate rooms, they were entered 
 by two doors from the apodyterium. 
 
 This chamber, though not decorated with all the art displayed 
 in the tepidarium, possibly because the constant ascent of steam 
 would have destroyed the colours of the ceiling or vault, was, never- 
 theless, delicately ornamented with mouldings of stucco, which have 
 an elegant and beautiful effect. [Comp. Zahn, Ornamente und Gen. 
 t. 94. B.] Not only is the pavement suspended in the manner 
 recommended by Vitruvius, but the walls are so constructed, that 
 a column of heated air encloses the apartment on all sides. 
 
 This is not effected by flues, but by one universal flue, formed 
 by a lining of bricks or tiles, strongly connected with the outer 
 wall by cramps of iron, yet distant about four inches from it, so 
 as to leave a space by which the hot air might ascend from the 
 furnace, and increase, almost equally, the temperature of the whole 
 room. 
 Some parts of the casing having fallen, the whole of this
 
 380 THE BATHS. [Excrmsus I. 
 
 admirable contrivance is now apparent, and the pavement having, in 
 some places, been forced in by the fall of some part of the vault, 
 the method of suspending it was, at the period of the excavation, 
 sufficiently visible. [Proc. Dig. viii. 2, 13: Hiberus balnearia fecit 
 secundum parietem communem. Non licet autem tubulos habere ad- 
 motos ad parietem communem, sicuti nee parietem quidem super pari- 
 etem communem. De tubulis eo amplim hoc juris est, quod per eos 
 flamma torretur paries. Sen. Ep. 90. Qucedam nostra demum 
 memoria scimus ut suspensura# balneorum et impresses parietibus 
 tubos, per quos circumfunderetur color, qui ima simul et summafove- 
 ret cequaliter.~] 
 
 It will be observed that scarcely anything was placed in sym- 
 metry with the centre ; the circular window in the alcove, with its 
 ornamental dolphins in stucco, being to the left, and the two side- 
 windows in the vault being neither equal in size nor situation. 
 
 The most striking object in the apartment is the labrum, 14, 
 placed in the centre of the alcove, which forms one extremity of 
 the caldarium, as the hot- water bath, alveus, does the other. This 
 consists in a vase or tazza of white marble, not less than eight feet in 
 diameter, and internally, not more than eight inches in depth. In 
 the centre is a projection, or umbo, rising from the bottom, in the 
 middle of which a brass tube threw up the water, which, judging 
 from the customary process in an oriental bath, was probably cold, 
 or as nearly so as was judged expedient for pouring upon the head 
 of the bather before he quitted this heated atmosphere. 
 
 The labrum was presented to the thermse of Pompeii by a 
 private individual, whose name, together with the value, is inr 
 scribed in letters of bronze, yet remaining on the lip of the basiu. 
 CN . MELISS^O . CN . F . APEO . M . STAIO . M . F . 
 EYFO . H . TIE . ITEE . ID . LAEEUM . EX . D . D . EX . 
 P . I . F . C . CONSTAT . HSP . (sic !) C . . L . [The au- 
 thor is here quite mistaken. The inscription contains nothing 
 at all about a gift, and it is not even copied correctly. Bechi, 
 who copied it from the rim of the labrum, gives it as follows, 
 (comp. Orelli, Inter., n. 3277) : CN . MELISS^O . CN . F . 
 APEO . M . STAIO . M . F . EVFO . II . VIE . ITEE . ID . 
 LABEVM .EX.D.D.EX.P.P.F.C. CONSTAT . H . 
 S . IQ . C . C . L. Still Bechi's explanation Cn. Melissceo, Cn. 
 filio, Apro, M. Staio, M. filio, Rufo duumviris iterum jure dicundo 
 labrum ex, decurionum decreto ex pecunia publico faciendum curarunt. 
 Constat. H.S. TO COL., though correct in the sense, is not gram- 
 matical. B.] The position of this labrum 'seems in some respects to 
 accord with the instructions given by Vitruvius for the construction
 
 SCBNB VII.] THE BATHS. 381 
 
 of such a vase : Scholaa autem labrorum ita fieri oportet spatiosas, 
 ut, cum priores occupaverint loca, circumspectantes reliqui rede stare 
 possint. Vitr. v. 10. He says also: Labrum sub lumine faciendum 
 videtur ne stantes circum suis umbris obscurent lucem. Even this, as 
 applied to our labrum, is not very intelligible. [On the contrary, 
 everything agrees with Vitruvius, for above the labrum is a wide 
 opening, through which the light fell in, and this is the lumen. B.] 
 
 Andreas Baccius, who has written and collected much of what 
 the ancients have left us on the subject of baths, says that some 
 labra existed made of glass ; and he very sensibly concludes, that 
 all the great tazze of Eome, like that at present on the Quirinal, 
 were originally labra of the public or private baths of. the city. 
 Ficoroni mentions labra in Eome of basalt, granite, porphyry, and 
 alabaster, and observes that many of these had a lion's head in the 
 centre. Mention is also made of the labrum in a private bath by 
 Cicero, in a letter to his wife Terentia : Labrum si non est in balnea, 
 fac ut sit. [Bechi too mentions many antique labra, and so also 
 Stratico. B.] \_Mus. Sorb. iv. 28, contains a beautiful marble 
 labrum.] 
 
 The opening for the lamp, which has been formerly noticed as 
 giving light, on one side to the Doric portico, and on the other to 
 the caldarium, is visible above the labrum, and had, anciently, a 
 convex glass to prevent the entrance of cold air from without. [In 
 the apodyterium also there was a similar opening in the wall under 
 the large window, which had probably a like destination. Bechi 
 speaks of it as if the glass were still in existence. B.] 
 
 From the pavement of the caldarium, which was of white tes- 
 terce, with two small borders of black, bathers ascended by two 
 steps, so as to sit down conveniently upon the third or marble wall, 
 one foot four inches broad, which formed the brink of the vase or 
 vat of hot water. Thence one step dividing the whole depth of the 
 cistern, not exceeding two feet and half an inch, permitted them to 
 immerse themselves by degrees in the heated fluid. The whole 
 length of the cistern is fifteen feet, and the breadth four. About 
 ten persons might have sat upon the marble pavement without in- 
 convenience at the same moment, immersed in the hot water. It is 
 evident from the shallowness of this cistern, that persons must have 
 sat on the pavement in order to have been sufficiently immersed ; 
 and, accordingly, the side next the north wall is constructed with 
 marble, sloping like the back of a chair, in an angle well adapted 
 to the support of the body in that position. Hot water entered 
 this bath, 13, at one of the angles, immediately from the caldron, 9, 
 which boiled on the other side of the wall. There appears to have
 
 THE BATHS. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 been a moveable stone in the pavement, near this cistern, possibly 
 for permitting the entrance of a column of hot air on certain 
 occasions (?). 
 
 This chamber, from the water which must have fallen on the 
 pavement, and the distillation caused by the vapour from so great 
 a quantity of heated liquid, must have always been wet, and must 
 have had an outlet called fusorium, to which the floor inclined. 
 \ [Not on this account ; for the suspensurce were generally so laid. 
 Yitr. v. 10, 2. Suspensurce caldariorum ita sunt faciendce, utiprimum, 
 sesquipedalibus tegulis solum sternatur inclinatum ad hypocausim, uti 
 piia cum mittatur non possit intro resistere. It was intended that 
 the fire should have, by this means, a better draught. B.] Perhaps 
 the opening near the hot bath served in part for this purpose. The 
 floor was found much damaged, and broken in by the fall of a part 
 of the arch, on its first discovery. 
 
 The seats in this chamber were probably of wood, as the whole 
 must constantly have been in a state of humid heat, which would 
 have corroded furniture of bronze, like those of Vaccula in the 
 tepidarium. In that portion of the vaulted roof still remaining, are 
 no fewer than four openings for the admission of light, and the 
 transmission of hot air and vapour. These must have been glazed 
 or closed with linen windows called vela, for it was probably pre- 
 vious to that common use of glass, which evidently prevailed at 
 Pompeii, that the brazen shields or circular shutters, mentioned by 
 Vitruvius as hanging by chains, for the purpose of opening and 
 shutting the windows of the laconicum or sudatorium, were neces- 
 sary. It appears from that author, that these shields were lowered 
 to open, or raised to close, the circular apertures in the roof of the 
 laconicum. Over the labrum is seen one of these circular windows. 
 None of these apartments could have had a cheerful light; and 
 when the brazen shields were in use, the darkness must have in- 
 creased with the increase of temperature. [In consequence of the 
 author's false conception of the laconicum, which he shares with 
 many others, he could not have formed any other judgment. Un- 
 questionably these windows were glazed, and the baths were really 
 dark only in ancient times, when the use of glass was either not at 
 all, or but very little, known, and rimse were constantly used. B.] 
 It may be supposed that in an establishment so small as this of 
 Pompeii, the inner room, or caldarium, might unite in itself more 
 than one of the numerous appellations in use in the Roman capital. 
 
 From the frigidarium, 17, a very narrow passage ran to the 
 furnace, 9, upon which were placed caldrons, to the number of 
 three, one above another, and, possibly, as may be gathered from an
 
 SCENE VII.] THE BATHS. 383 
 
 inspection of the ruins, placed in three columns, of three caldrons 
 each (?), so that the water in the uppermost or ninth vase, nearest 
 the cisterns 10 and 11, would be very nearly cold. 
 
 The caldron immediately above the flames was of course boiling, 
 and on the water being withdrawn for use, it was contrived that an 
 equal portion should replace it from the tepidarium, into which at 
 the same time the frigidarium was discharged. It does not seem 
 improbable, from the appearance of the place, that there were 
 three columns of these caldrons at Pompeii, dependent on a single 
 fire, and if so, the upper caldron of the column nearest the cistern, 
 10, contained water nearly cold, and hence that was probably de- 
 rived which rose in the centre of the labrum, and must have had a 
 higher level. 
 
 From one of these, or the cisterns adjoining, the" circular bath, 
 or natatorium, was also supplied, through tubes yet to be traced in 
 the wall. 
 
 This is the most essential part of Gell's description. Next to 
 this bath, though not in any way communicating with it, was a 
 second, almost the same in its arrangements, though on a smaller 
 scale, and generally considered to have been the women's bath 
 (which also agrees with Varro, L. L. ix. 41, Sp.}, so that 3 is the 
 apodyterium, 2 the frigidarium, 4 the tepidarium, 5 the caldarium, 
 6 the hot-water bath, and 7 the labrum. The rooms lying round 
 the regular bath, which have no exits but towards the streets, and 
 are not marked with figures in the sketch, were probably tabernse, 
 in no way connected with the building composing the bath. 
 
 Small as this plan may appear in comparison with the great 
 thermae of Eome, still the discovery of it is of far more moment 
 than all the other ruins existing, as here we have at least the 
 necessary parts tolerably complete, and agreeing with the accounts 
 given by authors. The ruins of Badenweiler, which Hirt (251) 
 looked on as the main source of our knowledge about the ancient 
 baths, appear very insignificant when compared with these. Next 
 to the baths of Pompeii, the painting from the baths of Titus is 
 perhaps of the most importance, principally because the names be- 
 ing written leave no doubt about the destination of the particular 
 cellra and other parts. 
 
 Let us now compare the remains of ancient baths with each 
 other, and with the accounts of Yitruvius, Pliny, Palladius, and 
 others, and we shall find the most essential parts of a Eoman bath 
 to be these. 
 
 I. An apodyterium connected perhaps with the elseothesium and 
 unctorium.
 
 384 
 
 THE BATHS. 
 
 m.
 
 SCEXB VII.] THE BATHS. 385 
 
 II. A frigidarium, or cella frigidaria, by which, we must not 
 understand, with Gell, a mere unwarmed room, but the cold bath 
 itself. Pliny says in his description of the Laurentian villa (ii. 17, 
 11): Inde balinei cella frigidaria spatiosa et effusa, cujus in con- 
 trariis parietibus duo baptisteria velut ejecta sinuantur, abunde 
 capacia, si innare in proximo cogites ; and of his Tuscan villa (v. 6, 
 25) : Inde apodyterium balinei laxum et hilare excipit cella frigi- 
 daria, in quce baptisterium amplum et opacwn. While then in 
 Pompeii the cella frigidaria had the basin in the middle, and the 
 proper cool-room, which also served as apodyterium, lay before it, 
 in the former villa at least, the baptisteria were at the alcove- 
 shaped ends of the frigidarium, so that what was there separated, 
 17 and 18, seems here to have formed one room. But baptisterium 
 may be taken to mean the same as piscina, according to Sidon. 
 Ep. ii. 2 : Huic basilicce appendix piscina forinsecus, sen, si grcecari 
 mavis, baptisterium ab oriente connectitur. 
 
 The frigidarium in the baths of Pompeii and those of Stabise 
 has just the same form : and probably the rooms which appear 
 similar, in the sketch in the baths of Titus, and which Palladio 
 pronounces to be temples, and Hirt laconica, are also frigidaria. 
 In the baths of Constantine (Palladio, le terme de Rom. t. xiv.) 
 there are six such saloons, which are declared to be baths of all 
 three temperatures. 
 
 III. The tepidarium : of this division we know least, and it 
 may even be doubted whether the usual assumption that the tepid 
 bath was there, be a correct one. In Pompeii, at least, in the room 
 which is rightly taken to be it (n. 15), there is no apparatus for 
 bathing. Pliny says (v. 6, 26) : Frigidarice cellce connectitur media, 
 cui sol benignissime prcesto est ; caldarice magis ; prominet enim. 
 In hoc tres descensiones, etc. The media can only be the tepidaria ; 
 but whilst the baptisterium of the frigidarium, and the tres de- 
 scensiones of the caldarium are mentioned, no labrum, nor piscina 
 of the tepidarium, is named. Such a receptacle, with lukewarm 
 water, was probably in the middle of the frigidarium itself: Si 
 nature latius aut tepidius velis, in area piscina est; in proximo 
 puteus, ex quo possis rursus adstringi, si pceniteat teporis. Thus 
 also in the ruins of Badenweiler, a double water-bath only seems 
 to be admissible ; and if in the baths of Hippias, one of the rooms, 
 perhaps the ripe^a x\iaiv6/ii>oc, is to pass for a tepidarium, still 
 there were piscinae or descensiones only in the cold and warm bath. 
 In the often-mentioned picture, it is true that there is a tepidarium 
 next to the sudatio, but it cannot be seen whether there was a 
 labrum in it or not. 
 
 c c
 
 356 THE BATHS. [EXCURSUS J. 
 
 But there are two passages in Celsus, i. 3, which, are most cal- 
 culated to raise doubts about that acceptation. Communict deinde 
 omnibus sunt post fatigationem cibum sumpturis, ubi paullum am- 
 bulaverunt, si balneum non est, calido loco, vel in sole, vel ad ignem 
 ungi atque sudare : si est, ante omnia in tepidario residere ; deinde 
 ubi paullum conquieverunt, intrare et descendere in solium. The 
 second passage from c. 4, which contains the whole economy of 
 the bath, is still plainer: Si in balneum venit t sub veste primnm 
 paullum in tepidario insudare, ibi ungi, turn transire in calidarium : 
 ubi sudarit in solium non descendere, etc. There the tepidarium 
 is a warm room, where a person sits down as in the sudatio, which 
 has only a higher temperature. Those who wished to bathe must 
 go into another room, the caldarium, intrare et descendere in solium. 
 We may therefore assume that there was not, at least in all cases, 
 a tepid bath. 
 
 IV. The caldarium ; which was, at least in later times, the 
 most important part of all. We must here, after Yitruvius and 
 the Pompeian baths, make four distinct divisions; (1) the room 
 itself, sudatio; (2) the laconicum; (3) the labrum; and (4) the 
 basin for the hot water, or the highest degree of the warm bath. 
 
 The whole room had suspensurse, that is, the floor rested on 
 small pillars, so that underneath it the heat and even the flame 
 from the fire-places might be disseminated. See Winckelm. W. ii. 
 tab. iv. ; Hirt, tab. xxiv. Fig. III., and in the picture from the 
 baths of Titus (p. 384). The walls were hollow, and usually the 
 warmth was conveyed in pipes from the hypocausta between them, 
 as we see in the baths described by Fernow. In Pompeii the 
 whole space between the regular wall and the interior one was 
 hollow, and without pipes, which is represented in the sketch by 
 the white line running round : the same arrangement appears in 
 the caldarium and tepidarium of the women's bath. 
 
 At one end of the caldarium was the laconicum, the part most 
 difficult to be explained. Schneider (385} has collected with great 
 diligence the passages relating thereto, but his explanation is not 
 perfectly clear, and must at least remain uncertain, as he has not 
 taken into consideration any ancient monument, not even the 
 painting from the baths of Titus, which is here of special moment, 
 and which had already put Galiani on the right way. What 
 Vitruvius says (c. 11), proxime autem introrsus e regione frigidarii 
 collocetur concamerata sudatio, longitudine duplex quam latitudine, 
 quce habeat in versuris ex una parte Laconicum ad eundem modum, 
 uti supra scriptum est, compositum : ex adverso Laconici caldam 
 lavationem, entirely agrees with the arrangement of the caldarium
 
 SCENE VII.] THE BATHS. 387 
 
 at Pompeii, though we judge fit to assume that there -was no regular 
 laconicum there, but merely a common sudatio. In the painting, 
 the cella, which is designated as concamerata sudatio, appears as a 
 small cupola-shaped building, into which the flame streams above 
 the floor, through a broad pipe. Underneath is to be found the 
 name laconicum, and under the arch, on which two chains are 
 visible,- the name clipeus. Comparing with this the passage of 
 Vitruvius about the clipeus (10) : mediumque lumen in hemisplicerio 
 relinquatur ex eoque clypeum ceneum catenis pendeat, per cujus re- 
 ductions et demissiones perficietur sudationis temperatura, we should 
 imagine a valve, which hung at the orifice in the middle of the 
 arch, in order to allow the excess of warm air to escape ; but this 
 idea does not at all agree with the painting. On the contrary, it 
 seems that we must assume from this, that the laconicum was by 
 no means the semicircular-shaped recess where those desirous of 
 perspiring sat, but the cupola-like hypocaustum, which rose in this 
 alcove above the floor, and that it was closed by the clipeus. When 
 this was drawn up by the chains, or let down within, the heat and 
 the flame itself streamed out more vehemently, and heightened the 
 temperature of the alcove; and perhaps we must so understand 
 what Suet. Aug. 84, calls ad flammam sudare, although Celsus (i. 3) 
 mentions, outside of the bath too, the ungi et sudare ad ignem. 
 We are further decided in assuming the laconicum to be something 
 different from the alcove, where the sweaters sat, from the con- 
 sideration that it seems inconceivable how this alcove could possibly 
 have another temperature than the whole sweating bath, as it was 
 only a part of the same, and was separated from it by no partition 
 wall. But if the laconicum were placed there in the manner above 
 given, then the heat must have been greatest next to it. With 
 this idea of the laconicum, best agrees also what Yitruvius (vii. 10) 
 says about the oven for the preparation of atramentum, which was 
 also to be arranged uti laconicum. Galiani, too, has taken this 
 view of the subject ; probably Schneider likewise ; while Hirt, Gell, 
 and Bechi, are perfectly at fault, and Stratico also as well as Marini 
 misunderstand Vitruvius. The error appears to arise from the 
 word hemisphserium, which suggested to them the alcove, in which 
 at Pompeii the labrum is. But Vitruvius means the cupola above 
 the laconicum, as it is in the picture, and this is a hemisphserium. 
 By this means everything is clear, and we see that the clipeus did 
 not hang on the opening in the arch of the alcove, in order by 
 opening it to moderate the temperature, but, on the contrary, 
 served to let the heat confined in the laconicum stream out, and 
 increase the temperature of the sudatio. 
 
 c c 2
 
 388 THE BATHS. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 At Pompeii no such, arrangement is to be found. In the alcove 
 is the labrum already described, and on the use of which opinions 
 are likewise divided. The explanation of Bechi, that it was de- 
 signed for those who wished to take only a partial bath, does not 
 seem very probable ; for the proper warm -bath, which was in the 
 same apartment, was so arranged with steps, that the bather could 
 sit at any depth he chose. Gell's supposition seems correct, that it 
 contained cold water, into which a person plunged after the sweat- 
 ing-bath, or with which he was sprinkled. 
 
 Lastly; at the opposite end of this room was the hot- water 
 bath already described. The name we should like to assign to it, 
 at least in the baths of Pompeii, is alveus, and the proportions 
 agree with the plans given by Vitruvius. [Dio. Cass. Iv. 7, calls it 
 Ko\vfi(3r)9pav Geppov vdaroc.'] And then what Yitruvius says becomes 
 explicable : quanta longitudo fuerit, tertia demta latitude sit prceter 
 scholam labri et alvei ; and in the like manner it reaches, in agree- 
 ment with the same, as far as the wall. [Others falsely suppose 
 labrum and alveus to be identical, and others that alveus is the 
 name of warming-pipes in the walls; or of the space round the 
 labrum,. Wiistemann himself understands by labrum a detached 
 kettle, while alveus he takes to have been a tank or canal on the 
 ground for many bathers. Labrum certainly would seem to be 
 something standing high; alveus, something low. See Auct. ad 
 Her. iv. 10, in alveum descender et.~\ 
 
 The scholce were the free spaces between the receptacles of water 
 and the wall, where those who intended to bathe, or only visited 
 the bath for the sake of amusement, stood or sat. 
 
 The water was warmed, according to Vitruvius, by erecting 
 three kettles : ^Enea supra hypocaustum trio, sunt com,ponenda, 
 unum caldarium, alterum tepidarium, tertium frigidarium, et ita 
 collocanda, uti ex tepidario in caldarium, quantum aquae caldce 
 exierit, influat. De frigidario in tepidarium ad eundem modum. 
 This might be effected in more ways than one. The simplest was 
 to place the kettles one over the other, and join them by means of 
 pipes, and we thus find them in the bath discovered at the coun- 
 try-house of Diomedes at Pompeii. See Voyage pitt. de Naples, 
 livr. 10 et 11, pi. 79; Fernow on "Winck. ii. tab. iv. 0. n. 2; 
 although there are only two kettles there ; but we find it different 
 in the painting from the bath of Titus. 
 
 There are two expressions still requiring explanation. Firstly, 
 the solium is often mentioned, and by some understood to mean an 
 apparatus in the caldarium, by which single persons might sit and 
 take a shallow bath. Festus, 298 : Alvei quoque lavandi gratia
 
 SCENE VII.] THE BATHS. 389 
 
 institute, quo singuli descendunt, (solla) solid dicuntur. See Martial, 
 ii. 42. Hence also Celsus says, ii. 17, and elsewhere, in solio desi- 
 dendum est. [The magnificence of these solia is shown by Pliuy, 
 H. N. xxxiii. 12, 54 : femince laventur et nisiargentea solia fasti diant. 
 The sella balnearis, in Paull. in. 6, 83, is doubtless the same thing.] 
 See Burmann, ad Petron. 73. 
 
 Martial's Epig. ix. 76, has also caused offence : 
 
 Non silice duro structilive caemento, 
 
 Nee latere cocto, quo Semiramis longam 
 
 Babylona cinxit, Tucca balneum fecit ; 
 
 Sed strage nemorum pineaque compage, 
 
 Ut navigare Tucca balneo possit. 
 
 Idem beatas lautus exstruit thermas 
 
 De marmore ornni, quod Carystos invenit, 
 
 Quod Phrygia Synnas, Afra quod Nomas mittit, 
 
 Et quod virenti fonte lavit Eurotas. 
 
 Sed ligna desunt; subjice balneum thermis. 
 
 [In Orell. 7ns. 4326, balnea and thermae are again opposed.] 
 
 To the question, how is the balneum distinguished from the 
 thermce ? people are accustomed to answer, that balneum means 
 the cold bath, or the cella frigidaria, and thermce, the heated rooms. 
 Still this seems quite inadmissible ; for balneum is especially used 
 of the warm bath in opposition to the cold. Gels. i. 1: Prodest 
 etiam interdum balneo, interdum aquis frigidis uti ; modo ungi, modo 
 id ipsum ncgligere. iii. 24 : Per omne tempus utendum est exercitatione, 
 fricatione, et, si hyems est, balneo ; si cestas, frigidis natationibus. In 
 the painting there is a particular cella by the side of the sudatio, 
 with the inscription balneum; unquestionably a warm bath, for the 
 cella frigidaria is given in addition behind the tepidarium. "We 
 may therefore suppose that common warm baths are to be under- 
 stood. Such a bath, into which warm water only was conducted, 
 might very suitably have been of wood ; not so thermae, which 
 presupposed a tepidarium and caldarium, and must have had 
 hypocausta. \_Balneum, or lavatrina, was originally the proper 
 term for bath, which it always continued to be, in a general sense ; 
 Charis. i. 12, p. 76 : Balneum veteres dixerunt sive balineum, nihil 
 enim differt publicum a privatis in publicis autem femin. gen. et 
 quidem nume.ro semper plurali frequenter balneas et balineas, nee 
 immerito, nam parsimonice causa uno igne duplex balineum calfacie- 
 bant. Yarro, L. L. ix. 68. Later, when those grand institutions, 
 resembling the Greek gymnasiums, sprung up, they were always 
 provided with baths, and were thence called thermce; whilst the 
 name balneum and balnea denoted, in a narrower sense, the regular 
 bathing establishments, whether public (publicce balneee, Varro),
 
 390 
 
 THE BATHS. [Exccissrs I. 
 
 as at Pompeii, or small domestic bath-rooms. Yarro, L. L. ix. 68 ; 
 domi stice quisque ubi lavatur balneum dixerunt. There were num- 
 bers of public balnea in every region of Home, whilst there were 
 but few thermce. See Charides, translated by Metcalf, p. 123, re- 
 specting the latter. In Dio. Cass. liii. 27 ; Ixviii. 15, the thermce are 
 also called gymnasia ; gymnastic exercises being often practised in 
 them, particularly in winter. Orell. 2591 : pila lusi thermis Trajani, 
 thermis Agrippce,~] 
 
 The remaining arrangements and decorations of the baths are, 
 even in Pompeii, elegant ; yet there the ornaments appear exceed- 
 ingly mean, compared with the splendour lavished on establish- 
 ments of this sort at Eome, as may be best conceived from the 
 eighty-sixth letter of Seneca, who after describing the simplicity 
 in the bath of the great Scipio, says : At nunc quis est, qui sic lavari 
 sustineat ? pauper sibi videtur ac sordidus, nisi parietes magnis et 
 pretiosis orbibus refulserunt ; nisi Alexandrina marmora Numidicis 
 crustis distincta sunt ; nisi illis undique operosa et in picturce modum 
 variata camera ; nisi Thasius lapis, quondam rarum in aliquo specta- 
 culum templo, piscinas nostras circumdedit, in quas multa sudatione 
 corpora exinanita demittimus ; nisi aquam argentea epistomia fude- 
 runt. Et adhuc plebeias fistulas loquor : quid cum ad balnea liberti- 
 norum pervenero ? Quantum statuarum ! quantum columnarum 
 nihil sustinentium, sed in ornamentum positarum, impensce causa ! 
 quantum aquarum per gradus cum fragore labentium ! Eo delicia- 
 rum pervenimus, ut nisi gemmas calcare noUmus. In order that the 
 temperature of the water might always continue the same, warm 
 water constantly flowed in : recens semper velut ex calido fonte 
 currebat. Not less magnificent is the balneum Etrusci described by 
 Stat. Silv. i. 5, of which he says (v. 47) : 
 
 Nil ibi plebeium : nusquam Temesea notabis 
 JEra, sed argento felix propellitur unda, 
 Argentoque cadit, labrisque nitentibus intrat. 
 
 What Seneca says of the camera is more clearly expressed by 
 Statius ; vario fastigia vitro in species animosque nitent. It was 
 mosaic in glass ; also mentioned by Pliny, xxxvi. 25, 64. Compare 
 the description of the same bath in Mart. vi. 42, and Lucian's bath 
 of Hippias. 
 
 In addition to other things, the great public thermae were well sup- 
 plied with amusements of all sorts. Even libraries were introduced 
 into them ; and there is no great bath, from the time of Agrippa to 
 Constantino, in which a place was not assigned to them in the plan. 
 Nevertheless, corroborations from ancient writers are still wanting ; 
 for, with the exception of a passage of Yopiscus, in the life of
 
 SCENE VII.] THE BATHS. 391 
 
 Probus (2), Usus autem sum -prcecipue libris ex bibHotheca Ulpia, 
 estate meet in thermis Diodetianis, we do not remember any other 
 mention, of it. Hirt explains the words of Seneca, De Tranq. 
 An. 9 : Jam enim inter balnearia et thermae bibliotheca quoque ut 
 necessarium domus ornamentum expolitur, thus : ' It was considered 
 as a necessary ornament to have libraries between the bathing 
 saloons and thermae ; ' but this is only a new proof of great 
 carelessness ; for it evidently means that libraries served no longer 
 for literary wants only, but it was the fashion to have them in the 
 house, and they were considered quite as necessary appendages as 
 the bath. 
 
 Little is known of the public baths of Eome in the tuno of 
 Gallus ; it was not till some years afterwards that Agrippa built his 
 thermae, together with the Pantheon, and these were followed by 
 several grand buildings. Till that time, the baths most likely be- 
 longed to private speculators, and the bathers had to pay ; hence 
 they who wished to curry favour with the people, would sometimes, 
 in addition to other amusements, offer a free use of the baths. So 
 Dio. Cass. relates of Paustus (xxxvii. 51) : TO. re \ovrpa eai tXaiov 
 irpolica avroig Traptaxtv : of Agrippa, who as eedile granted baths gratis 
 all the year through to men and women (xlix. 43) ; and of Augustus, 
 who returning from Germany, r<$ 5j)/*y Trpoiica TO. rt \ovrpa cat 
 rote Kovpiaf rffv t'lfikpav tKtivr\v Trapta^fv. Soon after, Agrippa left 
 his thermae to the people, ware Trpoiica avroiig XovaOai. Dio. Cass. 
 liv. 29. [Speaking of what Agrippa did for the baths at Eome, 
 Pliny says (xxxvi. 15, 24), adjicit ipse in cedilitatis suce commemora- 
 tione gratuita prcebita balineas centum septuaginta, quce nunc JRomce 
 ad infinitum auxere numerum. The number of these balnea publica. 
 (Orell. 643 ; Cic. p. Cod. 26 ; Suet. Oct. 94) was greatly increased 
 by the emperors. Thus Alex. Severus, according to Lamprid. 38, 
 balnea omnibus regionibus addidit, nam hodieque multa dicuntur 
 Alexandri.~\ But even after the Neroniance and Titince were added 
 to these, the private establishments for bathing still remained to 
 satisfy the wants in this respect. Martial mentions four of these, 
 balnea quatuor (v. 70,4). They are probably those named (ii. 14, 11): 
 
 Nee Fortunati spernit, nee balnea Fausti, 
 Nee Grylli tenebras, ,35oliamque Lupi. 
 
 Nam thermis iterumque, iterumque, iterumque lavatur ; 
 
 consequently four times. See above. Besides these, there is the 
 bath of Etruscus, and the impudici balnea Tigellini, iii. 20, 16. But 
 triplices thermae (x. 51, 12) probably mean the three above-men- 
 tioned establishments , for although the thermce Agrippce were burnt 
 down under Titus (Dio. Cass. Ixvi. 24) ; yet it is scarcely credible
 
 392 
 
 THE BATHS. [Exccusus I. 
 
 that Hadrian was the first to undertake to restore them (Spart. 
 Hadr. 29) ; and Martial expressly mentions them, iii. 20, 15 : Titiue 
 thermis an lavatur Agrippce ? Whether the -n-polica \ovta9at con- 
 tinued in these public baths, cannot be determined ; only it must 
 appear strange, that everywhere the quadrans is mentioned, though 
 nowhere the gratis lavare. [Yet in Orelli, 3326, we read lavationem 
 ex sua pecimia gratuitam in perpetuum dedit ; also 3325, a legacy is 
 left for a similar purpose : comp. 3772.] Hor. Sat, i. 3, 137 ; Mart, 
 iii. 30, 4 ; viii. 42 ; Juven. vi. 447 ; ii. 152 ; Sen. Epist. 86, balneum 
 res quadrantaria. Are we always to refer this to the balnea meri- 
 toria, or was it only the lowest price of admission for the commoner 
 class, or was this trifle paid in the public baths also, in order to 
 cover the necessary expenses ? It is erroneously concluded from 
 Juvenal (vi. 47), that the women paid nothing; but the above-cited 
 passage from Dio. Cassius sufficiently contradicts this notion. Most 
 probably Roman matrons did not visit such public baths where the 
 quadrans was paid, and Juvenal wishes to describe the customs of 
 the men. How general such balnea meritoria were, not only in 
 Rome, but elsewhere in Italy also, is seen from Plin. Epist. ii. 
 17, 26. 
 
 As far as regards bathing, it is probable that in more ancient 
 times the use of the cold-water bath was the prevailing one. Hence 
 also Philematium, in Plaut. Mostel. i. 3, 1, says : 
 
 Jam pridem, ecastor, frigida nou lavi magis lubenter, 
 Nee quom me melius, mea Scapha, rear esse defaecatam : 
 
 and persons of simple habits of life, such as the elder Pliny, adhered 
 to this (Pliny, Epist. iii. 5, 11): Post solum plerumque frigida lava- 
 batur. Comp. vi. 16, 5. Nevertheless, they had caldaria then also, 
 as Seneca mentions in the case of Scipio himself, but had not yet 
 begun to think about a temperature, concerning which Seneca says ; 
 Similis incendio, adeo quidem, ut convictum in aliquo scelere servuni 
 vivum lavari oporteat. Nihil mihi videtur jam interesse, ardeat bal- 
 neum, an caleat. This seems to be a little oratorical exaggeration, 
 though Oelsus (i. 3) mentions a fervens balneum, and Trimalchio 
 says, in Petron. 72, Conjiciamus nos in balneum. Sic calet, tanquam 
 furnus. Perspiration and appetite, which earlier generations ob- 
 tained by corporeal exertion and agricultural labour, were attained 
 by a later race, that lived for the most part in idle inactivity, by 
 means of sudatoria and hot baths. Thus Columella judged of his 
 time ; and after mentioning a Cincinnatus, Fabricius, and Curius 
 Dentatus, complains : Omnes enim patresfamilice falce et aratro re- 
 lictis intra murum correpsimus, et in circis potius ac theatres, quam in 
 segetibus et vinetia manua movemus. Mox deinde, ut apte veniamus ad
 
 SCENE VII.] THE BATHS. 393 
 
 ganeas, quotidianam cruditatem laconicis excoquimus, et exsucto sudore 
 sitim qucerimus, noctesque libidinibus et ebrietatibus, dies ludo vel 
 somno consumimus, ac nosmetipsos ducimiis fortunatos, quod nee orien~ 
 tern solem vidimus, nee occidentem. Comp. Juven. i. 143 ; Sen. Epist. 
 51. They who desired to use the bath through all degrees of tem- 
 perature, sought first to give their body the preparation "which was 
 considered necessary, by some sort of lighter gymnastics, ball-play, 
 halteres, and the like; and the baths were always provided with 
 rooms suitable for this purpose. On the arrival of the hour for 
 opening the thermae, a signal was given with a bell, as we see 
 from Mart. xiv. 163, where, under the Lemma tintinnabulum, he 
 says: 
 
 Redde pilam : sonat as thermarum : ludere pergis ? 
 
 Virgin e vis sola lotus abire domura. 
 
 Such a person betook himself, most probably, into the tepidarium, 
 in order not to be exposed suddenly to the heat of the caldariuin, 
 where they were anointed with oil, as Oelsus expressly says ; and it 
 is probable that this was the place generally assigned to that opera- 
 tion, although we read also of special unctoria. It is strange that 
 in the Tuscum of Pliny, where there was a cella media or tepidaria, 
 no unctorium is mentioned, as is the case in the Laurens, where, on 
 the other hand, there seems to have been no tepidarium. The 
 anointing with oil took place both before and after the bath, and 
 even after they had already stepped into the bath, they sometimes 
 left it again, to be anointed a second time, after which they again 
 betook themselves to the bath. Celsus, i. 3. 
 
 They took the oil with them to the bath (or rather, the slave 
 carried it), as well as the strigiles and lintea to dry themselves. 
 Hence Varro says (B. H. i. 55, 4) : (Olea) dominum in balnea sequi- 
 tur. Though the simplicity of earlier times was content with the 
 pure oil only, this at a later period was changed for costly salves, of 
 which we have already spoken. No doubt people anointed them- 
 selves at other times besides at the bath, in order to reek of per- 
 fume the whole day through. Sen. Epist. 86 : Parum est sumerc 
 unguentum, ni bis die terque renovetur, ne evanescat in corpore. Quid 
 quod odore, tanquam suo, gloriantur. See Boettig. Sab. i. 146 ; and 
 concerning the alabastra, his Die Aldobrand Hochz. 47. [Even the 
 clothes were anointed with aromatic oils, Juv. iii. 263 : Jam lavat 
 et plena componit lintea gutto. Mart. viii. 3, 10 ; Clem. Alex. Pcedag. 
 ii. 8, p. 207.] 
 
 The strigiles, or scrapers, are known to us from the gymnasia. 
 In the baths they were used for scraping away oil and impurities 
 from the skin [defricare]. In the Mas. Sorb, we have a whole
 
 394 
 
 THE BATHS. 
 
 [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 bathing apparatus, consisting of four strigiles, an unguentarium, for 
 the form of which the name ampulla olearia (ampullae cosmiance, 
 Mart. iii. 82, 26; xiv. 110) seems to be very suitable, and a patera, 
 with handle, or by whatever name this pan-like utensil is to be 
 called, an engraving of which follows. All these utensils hung on a 
 
 ring, which could be opened, to let them be taken off, and bring to 
 mind the passage of Appuleius, Florid, ii. 9, 34, where we read of 
 Hippias : Qui magno in ccetu prcedicavit fabricatam sibimet ampullam 
 quoque oleariam, quam gestabat, lenticulari forma, tereti ambitu, pres- 
 sula rotunditate ; juxtaque honestam strigileculam, recta fastigatiort 
 clausulce, flexa tubulatione ligulce, ut et ipsa in manu capulo motaretur 
 et sudor ex ea rivulo laberetur. Thus also, just after, he connects 
 both : strigilem et ampullam, cceteraqne balnei utensilia nundinis mer- 
 cari. [Comp. Suet. Oct. 80; Juv. iii. 262.] The description of the 
 strigiles quite agrees with the form of those at Pompeii, and that 
 in the painting from the baths of Titus ; for they all have a hollow, 
 in which, when scraped over the body, sweat, oil, or water collected, 
 and ran off as it were by a gutter. Boettiger supposes that the
 
 SCEN-E YIL] THE BATHS. 
 
 395 
 
 strigiles of tlie athletce were different from those used at the bath, 
 which, however, cannot easily be shown to have been the case from 
 the existing monuments. 
 
 The third utensil is explained to be a vas potorium, because it 
 was customary after the bath os calida, or frigida fovere (Celsus, i. 
 3), and frequently. If we compare what the parasite (in Plaut. 
 Pers. i. 3, 43) says: 
 
 Cynica esse e gente oportet parasitum probe : 
 
 Ampullam, strigiles, scaphium, soccos, pallium, 
 
 Marsupium habeat ; 
 
 we might perhaps apply the name scaphium thereto, though we 
 gather nothing from thence respecting its use. 
 
 To the bath-utensils belong, lastly, the lintea, the linen cloths 
 for drying with. That linen ones only were used for this purpose 
 has been shown by Becker (Nachtrdge zum Augmteum, 45), and the 
 use by Trimalchio (in Petron. 28) of woollen cloths for that purpose 
 is an eccentricity. So also in Appul. Met. i. 17, 72 : Ac simul ex 
 promtuario oleum unctui et lintea tersui et ccetera huic eidem usui 
 prefer ociter, et hospitem meum produc ad proximas lalneas ; Plaut. 
 Cure. iv. 4, 22, linteumque extersui. These, and not cloths, are meant 
 oy Martial, xiv. 51 : 
 
 Pergamus bas misit, curve destringere ferro : 
 
 Non tarn sajpe teret lintea fullo tibi. 
 
 
 
 After this process was over, they passed into the caldarium, and 
 took their place on the seats that ran up towards the wall in the 
 manner of steps, probably by degrees higher and nearer to the laco- 
 nicum, then again farther off, according to the degree of heat 
 desired. After having succeeded in causing perspiration, they 
 stepped either into the hot-water bath, or got themselves sprinkled 
 with water, generally perhaps cold, or retired immediately into the 
 frigidarium, in order to brace the relaxed skin by the cold bath. 
 Petron. 28 : Itaque intravimus balneum, et sudore calefacti momenta 
 temporis ad frigidam eximus, where Erhard cites Sidon. Carm. 19: 
 Intrate algentes post balnea torrida fluctus, 
 Ut solidet calidam frigore lympba cutem. 
 So Martial, vi. 42, 16 : 
 
 Ritus si placeant tibi Laconum 
 
 Contentus potes arido vapore 
 
 Cruda Virgine Martiave mergi. 
 
 This manner of bathing was of course not always pursued 
 throughout, many contenting themselves with the cold, others with 
 the warm-bath. The women, even the noblest of them, visited the 
 public baths as well as the men. [No doubt they had separate
 
 THE BATHS. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 rooms. Yarro, L. L. ix. 68; Orell, 3324, bal. virilia and bal. muliebre. 
 See above.] This we see from the narrative of Atia, the mother of 
 Octavian, who, after the fabulous rencontre in the temple of Apollo, 
 had borne on her person ever after the indelible mark of a serpent : 
 adeo ut mox publicis balneis perpetuo abstinuerit. This led afterwards 
 to the gross immorality of men and women bathing together, often 
 alluded to by Juvenal and Martial ; but we must not believe that 
 this impropriety was general. On the contrary, they were no doubt 
 impudicce mulieres who did so, the number of whom at Eome was 
 very great. Hence Quinctilian says, Tnst. v. 9 : Signum est adulterce, 
 lavari cum viris ; but still he could not have been living at the 
 time when this licentiousness was interdicted ; for Hadrian was the 
 first to put an end to the disorder, though only for a brief period. 
 Dio. Cass. Ixix. 8. Spartian. Hadr. 18 : Lavacra pro sexibus sepa- 
 ravit. The renewal afterwards of these interdicts shows that the 
 evil could not be eradicated. [Capit. M. Ant. Phil. 23; Lamprid. Sev. 
 Alex. 24. Heliogabalus actually allowed it; Lamprid. Hdiog. 31.] 
 The hour for bathing was, as is well known, that preceding din- 
 ner-time, but, like that, it varied partly on account of the different 
 length of the hours of the day, partly because persons much engaged 
 in business could not spare time for repose so easily as those who 
 were idle. Pliny says of Spurinna, Ep. iii. 1, 8 : Ubi liora balinei 
 nuntiata est est autem hieme nona, (estate octavo, in sole, si caret 
 vento, ambulat nudus. On the contrary, we have in Mart. iii. 36 : 
 Lassus ut in thermas decima, vel serius, hora 
 Te sequar Agrippoe, cum laver ipse Titi ; 
 
 and x. 70, 13, Balnea post decimam lasso petuntur. We have there- 
 fore only to consider which hour was the most usual. This point 
 has been treated of at length by Salmas. ad Spartian. Hadr. 22 ; 
 Lamprid. Alex. Sev. 25 ; Vopisc. Florian. 6 ; but the result he arrives 
 at on the passage of Lampridius, Thermae apud veteres non ante 
 nunam aperiebantur, cannot possibly be considered correct. It is 
 frue that the most usual hour for bathing was the eighth, as is cor- 
 roborated by many passages, which need not be repeated ; but it is 
 also evident that persons bathed earlier too, and this was not only 
 the case with the private baths, but the thermae also were open. 
 Mart. x. 48 : 
 
 Nunciat octavam Phariae sua turba juvencae, 
 Et pilata redit jaraque subitque cohors. 
 
 Temperat haec thermas ; nimios prior hora vapores 
 Halat, et immodico sexta Nerone calet. 
 
 From which we certainly see that persons might bathe in the public 
 baths at the seventh and even at the sixth hour. Moreover, Juvenal,
 
 SCENE VII.] THE BATHS. 397 
 
 xi. 205, caimot be otherwise understood : Jam nunc in balnea salva 
 Fronte licet vadas, quamquam solida hora superset Ad aextam ; and 
 just as unequivocal are the words of Vitruvius, v. 10 : maxime tempus 
 lavandi a meridiano ad vesperum est constitutum. "When therefore 
 Spartian says of Hadrian (c. 22) : Ante horam octavam in pullico 
 neminem nisi cegrum lavari passus est, this was nothing but a new 
 arrangement, and shows that the matter was differently arranged 
 before. At a later period the time of bathing was extended to night- 
 time also. Lamprid. Alex. Sev. 24: Addidit et oleum luminibus ther- 
 marum, qu,um antea non ante auroram pater -ent, et ante solis occasum 
 dauderentur. A remarkable passage, if the reading non ante auro- 
 ram were to be relied on ; but it appears strange that before the 
 time of Alexander the thermse in Rome were shut after sunset, 
 whilst the lamps discovered in Pompeii, and the traces of smoke in 
 the hollows made for them, establish the fact that people bathed 
 by lamp-light. Tacitus again restricted the time to the length of 
 the day. Yopisc. Tac. 10 : Thermas omnes ante lucernam claudi 
 jussit, ne quid per noctem seditionis oriretur. But probably this did 
 not continue long in force, and later we find a certain sum allotted 
 to defray the cost of lighting. Cod. Justin, viii. 12, 19: Quia plu- 
 rimce dmmis cum, officinis suis inporticibus Zeuxippi esse memorantur, 
 reditus memoratorum locorum pro quantitate quce placuit adprcebenda 
 luminaria et cedificia ac tecta reparanda regies hujus urbis lavacro 
 sine aliqua jtibemus excusatione conferri. In the relief first commu- 
 nicated by Mercurialis, the bathing is evidently represented as 
 going on at night-time, for above the labrum, a lucerna trimyxos 
 burns on the wall. [Liban. Orat. xxii. t. ii. p. 3.] 
 
 The baths became by degrees places of the most foolish de- 
 bauchery ; and although what is related by Suetonius of Caligula, 
 c. 37, Commentus novum balnearum usum, portentosissima genera cibo- 
 rum atque ccenarum, ut calidis frigidisque unguentis lavaretur, etc., 
 and by Lampridius of Heliogabalus, c. 19, Hie non nisi unguento 
 nobili aut croco piscinis infectis natavit, may be reckoned among the 
 particular follies of these foolish persons, still this much is certain, 
 that even without these, there was a most inordinate display of 
 luxury at these places. [Orell. Inscr. 4816 : 
 
 Balnea, vina, Venus, corrumpunt corpora nostra.] 
 
 Especially was this the case with the ladies, as, for instance, the 
 women of Nero used to bathe in asses' milk. See Boettig. Sab. 
 i. 48.
 
 EXCURSUS II. SCENE VII. 
 
 THE GAME OF BALL AND OTHER GYMNASTIC 
 EXERCISES. 
 
 HTHE daily bath, and previous to it strong exercise, for the pur- 
 -*- pose of causing perspiration, were inseparable, in the minds of 
 the Eomans, from the idea of a regular and healthy mode of life. 
 They had a multitude of exercises, more or less severe, which were 
 regularly gone through every day before the bath, thus rendering 
 the body strong and active, and exciting a greater appetite for the 
 meal that was to follow. [The exercitatio preceded the bath. Mart, 
 xiv. 163 ; Hor. Sat. L 6, 125 : 
 
 Ast ubi me fessum sol acrior ire layatum 
 Admonuit, fugio campum lusumque trigonem. 
 
 Lamprid. Sev. Alex. 30. See below.] 
 
 Of course these exercises were confined to the male sex, 'as 
 gymnastics were considered unbecoming and indecent for women 
 (Mart. vii. 67, 4; Juven. vi. 246, 419), and in Greece the Spartan 
 unfeminineness (libidinosce Lacedcemonis palaestrae, Mart. iv. 55, 6) 
 afforded great cause for ridicule. See Aristoph. Lysistr. 81 [Plato, 
 de Leg. vii. 12, p. 806] ; although Propert. iii. 14, and Ovid. Her. xvi. 
 149, for reasons easily understood, dwell with pleasure on this vir- 
 ginea palcestra. 
 
 These antique gymnastics, or rather those of the Eomans, which 
 will alone form the subject of our present inquiry, differed in many 
 respects from those of modern times, in which they are confined to 
 the period of youth. In Rome, on the contrary, there was not the 
 slightest idea of impropriety when the consul or triumphator , the 
 world-ruling Csesar himself, sought in the game of ball, or other 
 kinds of gymnastics, an exertion wholesome for both body and mind ; 
 and they who omitted such exercises were accused of indolence. 
 Suetonius thus characterizes Augustus' increasing attachment to 
 ease : Exercitationes campestres equorum et armorum statim post civilia 
 bella omisit, et ad pilam primo folliculumque transiit : mox nihil aliud 
 quam vectabatur et deambulabat. Aug. 83. [Val. Max. viii. 8, 2, says 
 of the famous Q,. Mucius Scsevola, Augur : optime pila lusisse tra- 
 ditur. Lamprid. Sev. Alex. 30.] No other passages need be adduced, 
 for of all the men of consequence at Eome, few only (as Cicero, pro 
 Arch. 6) formed exceptions to the general rule.
 
 SCENE VII.] THE GAME OF BALL, &c. 399 
 
 One of the most favourite exercises for young and old, the 
 advantages of which had been extolled by Galen in a treatise irtpi 
 piKpas aQatpas, was the game of ball, which, from its frequent men- 
 tion, and the various ways of playing it, deserves a particular expo- 
 sition. The passages referring to it will not, however, admit of our 
 arriving at a distinct idea of the method of play, as is the case in 
 most descriptions of such matters, which must have been supposed 
 to have been known to contemporaries. [See Sidon. Apoll. Ep. v. 
 17, ii. 9. Adults in Italy frequently play at ball now.] 
 
 Roman authors mention numerous varieties of the game of ball, 
 as pila simply, follis or folliculus, trigan, paganica, harpastum, spar- 
 siva, in addition to which we have the expressions, datatim, expulsim, 
 raptim ludere ; geminare, revocare, reddere pilam. [Comp. Poll. ix. 
 104.] But it seems that we can only admit of three different kinds 
 of ball ; pila, in the more confined sense, the small regular ball, 
 which however might be harder, or more elastic, for different kinds 
 of play ; follis, the great ballon, as the name indicates, merely filled 
 with air (like our foot-ball), and paganica. Concerning the use of 
 the last we have the least information ; Martial mentions it only in 
 two passages, vii. 32 : 
 
 Non pila, non follis, non te paganica thermis 
 
 Prseparat, aut nudi stipitis ictus hebes. 
 and xiv. 45 : 
 
 Hcec quae difficili turget paganica plum a, 
 Folle minus laxa est, et minus arta pila. 
 
 As the paganica is opposed in both places to the follis and the pila, 
 and no fourth kind is mentioned in addition to them, we must sup- 
 pose that one or other of these three balls was used in all varieties 
 of the game. The words paganica, folle minus laxa, minus arta 
 pila, are incorrectly explained by Eader and Mercurialis, as applying 
 to the contents of the ball. The use of both adjectives leaves no 
 doubt that the size of the ball is spoken of, and in this respect it 
 stood between the follis and pila. Xo doubt it also so far differed 
 from the former, that it was stuffed with feathers, and was conse- 
 quently somewhat heavier ; this is all that we know about it. The 
 poet gives no hint concerning the origin of the name, nor about the 
 game for which it was used. On an intaglio in Beger (Thes. Brand. 
 139) a naked male figure sits holding in each hand a ball, supposed 
 to be the paganica, because apparently too small for the follis, and 
 too large for the pila, for they are not clasped within the hand. 
 But this is evidently a very insecure argument, and, as regards the 
 game, nothing would follow from it. 
 The follis, the great but light ball or ballon, was struck by the
 
 THE GAME OF BALL, [Excunsrs II. 
 
 fist or arm. It is uncertain whether the words of Trachalio, in 
 Plaut. Bud. iii. 4, 16, Extemplo, hercle, ego te follem pugillatorium 
 faciam, et pendentem incursabo pugnis, refer to this ; for a distended 
 skin may also be understood, by which the pugiles practised them- 
 selves, as the gladiatores did with a post. If we may trust the copy 
 given by Mercurialis (de Arte Gymnast.] of a coin of Gordian III., 
 the right arm was sometimes equipped with a kind of glove, to 
 assist in striking. The game did not require any very severe exer- 
 tion, on which account Martial (xiv. 47) says : 
 
 Ite procul juvenes ; mitis mihi conyenit setas : 
 Folle decet pueros ludere, folle senes. 
 
 The diminutive folliculw is sometimes used, but there is not 
 sufficient ground for supposing it to have been the paganica ; pila 
 and follis, however, denote in general the whole science of sphse- 
 ristic, and therefore included the paganica, as being intermediate 
 between them. 
 
 The other games were all played with the pila, and whenever 
 follis and paganica are not expressly designated, we must always 
 understand the small ball. Hence Martial, in the Apophoretce, has 
 no particular epigram upon it ; for it is already meant under the 
 trigon and harpastum. The special mention of both these appears 
 to be grounded on the difference of the games, of which we shall 
 hereafter speak. 
 
 Before we proceed to discuss the regular games, the expressions 
 datatim and expulsim ludere must be explained. By the first seems 
 to be meant the most simple use of the pila, in which two persons 
 opposite each other, either threw a ball alternately to one another, 
 or perhaps each threw a ball simultaneously, and caught the other 
 thrown to him. [Non. ii. 213, datatim, i. e. invicem dandoJ] This 
 took place even in the streets, as we see from Plaut. (Curcul. 
 ii. 3, 17), where the parasite says threateningly to all who meet 
 
 Turn isti qui ludunt datatim servi scurrarum in via, 
 Et datores, et factores, omnes subdam sub solum. 
 
 Comp. Nov. op. Non. ii. 268 [in molts non ludunt raptim pila, data- 
 tim morso. Enn. in Isidor. i. 25] ; the commentators Burm. ad Petr. 
 27 ; and especially Gronovius' note to the passage in Plautus. We 
 find this simple kind of sphferistic, though in conjunction with 
 orchestic, in the case of Homer's Phseacians. Odyss. viii. 374 : 
 ryv fTepo<; piirratrKf irorl vi<t>fa CKiotvra 
 iSvwOtic bir'\.Gd>' 6 ' cnro xdovbs vi^oa" atpBeig, 
 prfiSiwc [iiQtXtOKt Trapog iroalv ovSag 'iKtaQai. 
 
 And the words in the fragment of Damoxenos, in Athen. i. 26,
 
 SCENE VII.] AND OTHER GYMNASTIC EXERCISES. 40] 
 
 v T-^V oQalpav r; SiSoiic, appear to mean the same thing, 
 But Seneca (de Benef. ii. 17) certainly alludes to such throwing 
 and catching : (Pilam) cadere non est dubium, aut mittentis vitio, aut 
 accipientis. Tune cursum suum servat ubi inter manus utriusque apte 
 ab utroque et jactata et excepta versatur. This will be made still 
 more clear by the passages to be quoted below. 
 
 But although this expression can be explained without difficulty, 
 the second, expulsim ludere, is obscure, if we are to understand it 
 as a special variety of the game. Varro says, Non. ii. 281 : Videbis 
 inforo ante lanienas pueros pila expulsim ludere ; and similarly in 
 Petron. 27, we have lusu expellente. From neither of these passages 
 is it clear what kind of game can be meant ; it is certain only that 
 the notion of striking or striking back, without catching it, is not 
 necessarily contained in expellere. This is apparent from its being 
 also used of trigon. Mart. xiv. 46 : 
 
 Si me mobilibus scis expulsare sinistris, 
 Sum tua : si nescis, rustice, redde pilam. 
 
 But it is certain that the trigon was meant to be caught. Still more 
 erroneous is the opinion of "Wustemann (Pal. d. Scaur. 192), that 
 the ball was struck with a racquet. It rests on a misunderstood 
 passage of Ovid's Art. Am. iii. 361 : 
 
 Reticuloque piloe levcs fundantur aperto ; 
 Nee, nisi quarn tolles, ulla tnovenda pila est. 
 
 A glance at these words is sufficient to show that they contain no 
 allusion to sphseristic, and that reticulum means an open net or 
 purse into which a number of balls were shaken, in order to be 
 taken out again one by one, during which process, no other b*all, 
 but that which was to be taken out, might be moved. 
 
 Apart from the passage in Varro, from which we are not able to 
 gather the meaning of the word expellere, expulsare seems (at 
 least in trigon) only to signify generally the throwing of the ball. 
 So also Seneca uses the stronger expression, repercutere (see the 
 passage quoted above). Pila utcunque venerit, manus illam expedita 
 ft agilis repercutiet. Si cum tirone negotium est, non tarn rigide, nee 
 tarn excusse, sed languidius et in ipsam ejus dirigentes manum, remisse 
 occurramus. Here he speaks of the datatim ludere, as indeed is 
 requisite from the nature of the comparison ; for dare et accipere 
 beneficium and mittere et excipere pilam, are opposed to each other. 
 It is quite clear from the following passage, that repercutere does 
 not, as might be supposed, signify to strike back, and that, on the 
 contrary, a game between two only, in which the ball was thrown 
 back and caught, is mentioned (32) : Sicut in lusu est aliquid, pilam 
 
 D D
 
 402 THE GAME OF BALL, [Excmssus II. 
 
 scite ac diligenter excipere, sed non dicitur "bonus lusor, nisi qui apte et 
 expedite remisit, quam exceperat ; and immediately after, nee tamen 
 ideo non bonum lusorem dicam, qui pilam, ut oportelat, excepit si per 
 ipsum mora, quominus remitteret, non fuit. [The word expulsim 
 must mean something more than remittere; not to mention that 
 otherwise there would be no difference between the two sorts of 
 playing, datatim and expulsim, Remittere, as Seneca says (c. 32), 
 denotes the throwing back the ball which has been actually caught 
 (excipere}, and is the characteristic of the datatim; on the other 
 hand, expulsare and repercutere must mean the striking back the 
 ball thrown to one, either towards the thrower, or further on, to a 
 third player ; and this is the expulsim ludere, whereof Seneca speaks 
 in the first passage. In the trigon, both the datatim and the expul- 
 sim may be used (see Martial) ; since all that is required is three 
 active players, who first agree as to the method of throwing to be 
 used. Thus Herzberg explains Prop. iii. 12, 5 : 
 Cum pila veloci fallit per brachia jactu, 
 
 of the ball, which is thrown or struck on rapidly from arm to arm.] 
 Amongst the more intricate kinds of play, the trigon, pila trigo- 
 nalis, appears to have been by far the most popular and common, 
 although it is not till a later period that we obtain intelligence of 
 its existence. The name itself seems to explain the nature of the 
 game, in which three players were required, who stood in a triangle, 
 ev rpcywvy. [Isid. xviii. 69.] We know simply that the expert 
 players threw and caught only with the left hand, as Martial says 
 in more than one epigram ; for instance, in the above-mentioned 
 Apophoretum : 
 
 Si me mobilibus scis expulsare sinistris, 
 
 Sum tua : si nescis, rustice, redde pilam. 
 Also (vii. 72, 9) : 
 
 Sic palmam tibi de trigone nudo 
 Unctae det favor arbiter coronae, 
 Nee laudet Polybi magis sinistras. 
 
 The passage xii. 83, where the parasite Menogenes is laughed at by 
 the poet, because he caught the ball with the right, as well as with 
 the left hand, might almost lead us to the supposition that each 
 person numbered the balls caught, for it runs thus : 
 Captabit tepidum dextra laevaque trigonem, 
 
 Imputet exceptas ut tibi ssepe pilas. 
 
 He hoped by this means to obtain a claim on the table of the per- 
 son playing with him. [Herzberg explains this also of expulsim 
 ludere, but exceptas would seem rather to refer to the datatim.'] 
 The word tepidum, applied to the trigon here (and iv. 19, 5),
 
 SCENE VII.] AND OTHER GYMNASTIC EXERCISES. 403 
 
 doubtless refers to the heating nature of the game ; but we must 
 not suppose that it means the ball "warmed in the hand, but by a 
 usual metonymy of the effect produced. No artistic representations 
 of such sphseristic have come down to us. That which Mercurialis 
 copies from coins of Marcus Aurelius, and a perfect resemblance of 
 which is to be found in a painting on a ceiling (see Descr. d. Bains 
 de Titus, pi. 17), is another game with several balls. 
 
 The harpastum was unquestionably a more severe exercise, the 
 chief passage respecting which is to be found in Athenaeus (i. 25, 26), 
 with the fragment of Antiphanes. Though there may be some 
 obscurity respecting it, it is certain that a ball was thrown amongst 
 the players, of which each one tried to obtain possession ; for he 
 Bays, Trtpi /iicpag er^a/pae (c. ii. 902): orav yap (rvviffrafjuvoi VQOQ 
 a\\t]\ovQ (cat UTroKtit\vovTf i>0ap7ra<Tat TUV [jitTaKv tiiairovtaai, (ityt- 
 ffrov avrb Kal aQoSporarov KaQlararai, TroXAoTe (uv rpa%?;Xicr/io?e iro\- 
 Xale S" avn\ri^iai TraKaiariKalf dvafiifiiyfiivov. Hence in Martial 
 (iv. 19), harpasta pulverulenta. It is worthy of remark that not 
 only there, but also xiv. 48, Harpasta, 
 
 Haec rapit Antaei velox de pulvere draucus, 
 
 Grandia qui vano colla labore facit. 
 
 the plural is used, whilst follis, paganica, trigonalis, are in the sin- 
 gular. We may almost believe therefore that sometimes, if not 
 always, the contest was for several balls. It is moreover very pro- 
 bable that the proverb in Plaut. True, iv. 1, 8, mea pila est, may 
 refer to such a game. That this game was boisterous enough, is 
 evident from Athenseus ; hence Martial, too, mentions participation 
 in it as one of the improprieties of Philsenis, vii. 67 : Harpasto quo- 
 que subligata ludit. 
 
 The verses of Saleius Bassus, Paneg. in Pis. 173, 
 
 Nee tibi mobilitas minor est, si forte volantem 
 Aut geminate pilam juvat, aut revocare cadentem, 
 Et non sperato fugientem reddere gestu ; 
 
 cannot be referred either to the harpastum or the trigon. Here, 
 in point of fact, a striking of the ball backwards and forwards seems 
 to be spoken of, but whether the paganica be alluded to or not, we 
 shall not attempt to determine. In no case is the follis meant ; for 
 it was not caught ; and yet the words revocare cadentem (in manus) 
 signify this. But geminare pilam and reddere fugientem appear to 
 be understood of striking, as Manil. v. 165 : 
 
 Ille pilam celeri fugientem reddere planta, 
 Et pedibus pensare manus, et ludere saltu. 
 
 With just as little probability can we venture to explain the pila 
 sparsiva in Petron. 27, as even the reading is doubtful. Thus much 
 
 DD 2
 
 THE GAME OF BALL, [Exct-Rsus II. 
 
 only is apparent, that the game was played by many persons, and 
 with many balls. Besides these most usual, and therefore to us 
 better known games, it is very natural to suppose that there were 
 many other varieties. 
 
 Another species of gymnastics was the swinging of the halteres, 
 weights, which, in practising to leap, were held in the hands. Repre- 
 sentations of this exercise are to be found on gems and in paintings. 
 See Tassie, Catal. pi. 46, 7978 ; Descr. d. Bains de Tit. pi. 17. Paus. 
 i. 25, 26, ii. 3, adduces statues with halteres; and on the base of a 
 restored statue of a boxer, in the Dresden collection (Aug. t. 109), 
 hang the halteres as well as the cestus. [Pausan. v. 27, 8.] In the 
 Roman gymnastics, these masses of lead served not only as spring- 
 ing-weights, but were held in the hand and swung in various direc- 
 tions with the arms. This bodily exercise is mentioned by Seneca, 
 Ep. 15: Sunt exercitationes etfaciles et breves. Cursus et cum aliquo 
 pondere manus motce ; and (Ep. 56) where he is describing the noise 
 in the sphceristerium of the baths of Baise : Cum fortiores exercentur 
 et manus plumbo graves jactant, cum aut laborant, aut laborantem imi- 
 tantur, gemitus audio. Mart. xiv. 19, also mentions them: 
 Quid pereunt stulto fortes haltere lacerti ? 
 
 Exercet melius vinea fossa viros. 
 
 and Philponis says (vii. 67, 6) : gravesque draucis halteras facili rotat 
 lacerto. Comp. Juven. vi. 420. Mercuiialis, in explanation, has given 
 several copies of halteristce, taken from gems, and says : ut possit 
 certior formce hujusce exercitationis notitia haberi, adponendas ctira- 
 vimus halteristarum imagines, quas ex gemmis antiquis sculptis accep- 
 tas ad nos misit Pyrrlius Ligorius ; which words are expressly quoted 
 that the whole copy may not be considered a mere fancy, as unfor- 
 tunately is often the case with similar representations. Resting 
 upon this, in Becker's Nachtr. ad Aug. 429, the Dresden sphceristce, 
 as they are called, are surmised to have been rather halteristee. 
 
 A third sort of exercise was the sham fight with the palus, a post 
 fixed in the ground, and against which they fought with a wicker- 
 work shield and wooden sword, as against a living adversary. 
 This game served originally as practice for the tirones, in order that 
 they might acquire a knowledge of the use of their weapons. Veget. 
 i. 11, gives us a full explanation of it: Antiqui, sicut invenitur in 
 libris, hoc genere exercuere tirones. Scuta de vimine in modum cra- 
 tium corrotundata texebant, ita ut duplum pondus cratis haberet, 
 quam scutum publicum habere consuevit, iidemque clavas ligneas dupli 
 crque ponderis pro gladiis tironibus dabant, eoque modo non tantum 
 mane, sed etiam post meridiem exercebantur ad polos. Palorum autem 
 usus non solum militibus, sed etiam gladiatoribus plurimum prodest.
 
 SCESE VIL] AND OTHER GYMNASTIC EXERCISES. 405 
 
 A singulis tironibus singuli pali defigebantur in terram, ita ut nutarc 
 noil possent, et sex pedibus eminerent. Contra ilium palum, tanquar.i 
 contra adversarium, tiro cum crate ilia et clava velut cum gladio se 
 fxercebat et scuto, ut nunc quasi caput autfaciem peteret, nunc lateri- 
 bii8 minaretur, inter -dum contenderet poplites et crura succidere, acce- 
 deret, recederet, assultaret, insiliret, et, quasi prcesentem adversarium, 
 sic palum omni impetu, omni bellandi arte tentaret. In qua medita- 
 tione servabatnr ilia cautela, ut ita tiro ad inferendum vulnus insur- 
 geret, ne qua parte ipse pateret ad plagam. This kind of fight was 
 however practised not only as a study, but also for exercise pre- 
 vious to the bath. This is what Martial means (vii. 32, 7), 
 
 Non pila, non follis, non te paganica tbermis 
 Prseparat, aut nudi stipitis ictus hcbes : 
 
 where stipes means simply the post, and ictus hebes, the wooden 
 sword. So also Juven. vi. 247, in reprobation of the vicious habit 
 of women practising such gymnastics : 
 
 Endromidas Tyrias et femineum ceroma 
 Quis nescit ? vel quis non vidit vulnera pali ? 
 Quern cavat adsiduis sudibus scutoque lacessit. 
 
 Oomp. v. 267, where Lipsius, Mil. Horn. v. 14 ; Saturn, i. 15, would 
 read rudibus instead of sudibus. 
 
 Besides these, especially in the public baths, the more severe 
 exercises of the palaestra, as the lucta (whence frequent mention of 
 the ceroma, and flavescere haphe), the discus, &c. were practised. 
 
 Running and leaping were very common exercises. Augustus 
 himself, after reducing his gymnastics to ambulatio alone, used to 
 do this. Suet. Aug. 83, deambulabat, ita ut in extremis spatiis sub- 
 sultim decurreret. Seneca, Ep. 15, divides leaping into three kinds, 
 saltus, vel ille qui corpus in altum levat, vel ille qui in longum mittit, 
 vel ille, ut ita dicam, saliaris, aut ut contumeliosius dicam, fullonius. 
 The latter was not so much to be called leaping, as a species of 
 dancing after the fashion of the Salii. [Plautus, Baccli. iii. 3, 24, 
 mentions all the exercises together, though he is referring chiefly 
 to Greek customs : 
 
 Ibi cursu, luctando, hasta, disco, pugilatu, pila, 
 Saliendo, sese exercebant. 
 
 So Ovid. Trist. iii. 12, 19 ; Art. Am. iii. 383.] 
 
 Old or indolent people, who wanted either the power or the in- 
 clination for more severe exercises, restricted themselves to the 
 ambulatio or gestatio only, partly on horseback, partly in a car- 
 riage or on the lectica. Still there are many instances in which 
 men of advanced age did not renounce the game of ball. Pliny
 
 406 
 
 THE GAME OF BALL, [EXCURSUS II. 
 
 relates of Spurinna, Ep. iii. 1 : Ubi hora balinei nuntiata eat, in 
 sole, si caret vento, ambulat nudus. Deinde movetur pila vehementer 
 et diu ; nam hoc quoque exercitationis genere pugnat cum senectute. 
 
 For tlie purpose of practising these gymnastics, they had in 
 their own residence a sphceristerium, which derived its name from 
 the game of ball, as being the most favourite and general exercise, 
 although it was fitted up for other games also. [Stat. Silv. iv. 
 prsef. Sed et sphceromachias spectamus et pilaris lusio admittitur. 
 Comp. Suet. Vesp. 20; Orell. Inscr. 57.] So Pliny, Ep. v. 6, 27, 
 says : Apodyterio superpositum est sphoeristerium, quod plura genera 
 exercitationis pluresque circulos capit. There then the sphseristerium 
 was situated on the first floor, for Hirt's conjecture, apodyterio sup- 
 positum est sph., which is as much as to say, ' under the windows of 
 the apodyterium lies the sphseristerium,' is neither necessary, nor in 
 conformity with the usages of language, as we may say subjacet, but 
 not supponitur. Probably a stair led from the apodyterium into 
 the sphseristerium, which might nevertheless be a much larger room 
 than the other. The circuit are not divisions of the sphseristerium, 
 for the different games, or parties of players, but the latter them- 
 selves. The expression could best be explained from Petronius, 
 where we read (27) : Nos interim vestiti errare ccepimus (in balneo), 
 imo jocari magis et circuUs ludentum accedere. The word is the more 
 suitable, as most probably, at the public baths, a circle of specta- 
 tors used to collect round the players. Hence Mart. vii. 72, 10, 
 says: 
 
 Sic palmam tibi de trigone nndo 
 
 Unctse det favor arbiter corona. 
 
 Celsus, i. 2, prescribes : Exercitationis pier umque finis esse debet sudor, 
 aut certe lassitudo, quce citra fatigationem sit. And for this reason 
 the place of exercise was erected in sunny spots in the open air, 
 and if inside the house, was so made as to admit of being warmed. 
 So Statius says of the Balneum Etrusci, v. 57, seqq. : 
 Quid mine strata solo referam tabulata, crepantes 
 Auditura pilas, ubi languidus ignis inerrat 
 ^dibus, et tenuem volvunt hypocausta vaporem. 
 
 Comp. Gevart. Lect. Papin. c. 38. From this passage we might 
 conclude that the sphseristeria were sometimes boarded, strata solo 
 tabulata, but after considering the words immediately succeeding, 
 ubi languidus ignis inerrat, etc., we can only arrive at the conviction 
 that we must not read tabulata but tubulata, as has been shown 
 above. Pliny, Ep. ii. 17, 9 : Adhceret dormitorium membrum, transitu 
 interjacente, qui suspensus et tubulatus conceptum vaporem, salubri 
 temperamento hue illucque digerit et ministrat. The matter becomes
 
 SCENE VII.] AND OTHER GYMNASTIC EXERCISES. 407 
 
 still plainer through Seneca, Ep. 90 : Qucedam nostra demum pro- 
 disse memoria scimus ut suspensuras balneorum et impresses parieti- 
 T)us tubas, per quos circvmfunderetur color, qui ima simul et summa 
 foveret cequaliter. In Statius, then, we must suppose the floor to have 
 been warmed, which is not extraordinary, for they used to exercise 
 perfectly naked, and the solece were naturally taken off. Petr. 27, 
 adduces it as something particular that Trimalchio soleatus pila exer- 
 cebatur. Also in Martial, xii. 85, 3, we have, 
 
 Colliget et referet lapsum de pulvere follem, 
 Et si jam lotus, jam soleatus erit. 
 
 As the exercitatio always preceded the bath, it is natural to suppose 
 that the sphseristeria, both at the public balnea, and in private 
 houses, were immediately adjoining the bath. So they are placed 
 by Pliny in both the villas. Ep. ii. 17, 12 ; v. 6, 27.
 
 EXCURSUS I. SCENE VIII. 
 
 THE DRESS OF THE MEN. 
 
 A S the costume of the Roman, ladies remained till a late period 
 -'-*- essentially tlie same, so the men -wore one distinguishing dress 
 which first began to grow obsolete after the downfall of the Re- 
 public, when the indifference respecting the cultivation of national 
 habits equalled that about the public affairs of the country. It is 
 true that other articles of dress were worn as well as the simple 
 robe of early days, and even this was folded with greater nicety 
 and amplitude than before ; but we must look on those habits as 
 genuine Roman which were in vogue at the most blooming period 
 of the Republic. 
 
 Among the writings on this subject, the laborious compilation of 
 Ferrarius (De re Vestiaria, ii. vii.) will always stand chief. Differing 
 from him, are Rubeni, De re Vest, prcecipue de lato davo, and on the 
 other side, Ferrarii, Analecta de re Vest. ; Dandre Bardon, du 
 Costume, etc. des anciens peuples ; Martini, Das Kostilm der meisten 
 Volker des Alterth. ; Malliot and Martin, EechercJies sur le Costume, 
 etc. des anc. peuples, t. i. iii. ; Seckendorf, Die Grundform der Toga; 
 Thorn. Baxter, Description of the Egyptian, Greek, and Roman 
 Costumes; Bartholini, de pcenula. Compare also Ottfr. Miiller, 
 EtrusJcer, i. 260. See Becker's Charicles, translated by Metcalfe. 
 The chief sources of information are Quinctil. Inst. xi. 3 ; the 
 grammarians, especially Nonius, De genere vestim. ; Grellius, vii. 12 ; 
 Tertull. De pallio, v. ; and the numerous statues in Roman costume. 
 
 In speaking of the dress of every-day life, we shall exclude the 
 costume belonging to particular offices, or to public positions 
 generally, as well as the un-roman habiliments which came into 
 use after the second century ; nor shall we describe the tunica 
 palmata and toga picta of the Triumphatores, or the paludamentum 
 "of the general, or the caracalla, the bracca, &c. The regular dress 
 of the Romans, both male and female, consisted of only two or 
 three articles, the tunica interior and exterior, and the toga, to which 
 were added certain others, as the pcenula, and later the fascice, for 
 travelling, or defence against the inclemency of the weather. 
 
 THE TOGA. 
 
 WHETHER the word toga, TTifitwof, be rightly derived by Varro, 
 V. 23, and Nonius i. 2, from, tegere corpus, is immaterial, though
 
 SCENE VIII.] THE DRESS OF THE MEN. 409 
 
 this derivation is a pretty obvious one. It must be mentioned 
 first, as it is said by Gellius (vii. 12) to nave been the oldest, and 
 indeed at one time the only garment. Though this can only 
 apply to appearing in public, for mention is made of the tunica 
 from, the very earliest times. The toga was worn in the house ; 
 and at work, perhaps only a subligaculum. Dionys. x. 17, of Cin- 
 cinnatus, d^lruv, inpi wftartoj> t%utv. Liv. iii. 26. Even later the toga 
 was worn without the tunica ; so of Cato ; Plut. Cat. min. 6. d^irmv 
 is TO Srjpomov irpoyu. Asc. ad Cic. p. Scaur, p. 30. So also the can- 
 didati were avtv xir&voc, according to Plut. Cor. 14. Qu. Rom. 49. 
 Whether its origin is to be sought for in Lydia, or whether the custom 
 passed from Etruria to Lydia, and thence to Rome (see Miiller, Etr. 
 i. 262), is a disputed point, and not capable of proof; but there is 
 no doubt that it was used by the Etruscans earlier than by the Ro- 
 mans, and it is among the former nation that we find it worn on the 
 bare body on statues. Besides which, the toga prcetexta is distinctly 
 mentioned as derived from the Etrurians. Liv. i. 8. Plin. viii. 48, 74 : 
 Prcetextce apud Etruscos originem invenere. It was peculiarly the vestis 
 forensis. Thus Cincinnatus puts it on, before receiving the embassy 
 of the senate. Consequently it was laid aside when one returned to 
 his house, or left Rome. Cic. p. Mil. 10. Milo cum in senatu fuisset 
 domum venit calceos et vestimenta mutat. Hence it is called 
 aariKfi iaQfa, Dio. Cass. fr. 145. Ivi. 81 ; and the dress of peace, in 
 opposition to the sagum, xli. 17, T^V iaQtJTa TTJV eipjjvucjjv. 
 
 It was then the distinguishing garment of the Roman, and only 
 worn by those who had the right of civitas ; hence exiles, at least 
 under the emperors, were not permitted to wear it. Pliny relates of 
 Valerius Licinianus, who lived in banishment in Sicily, as a teacher 
 of rhetoric (Epist. iv. 11) : Idem, cum Grceco pallio amictus intrasset 
 (carent enim togce jure, quibus aqua et igni interdictum est], postquam 
 se composuit circumspexitque habitum suum : Latine, inquit, declama- 
 turus sum. Strangers did not presume to wear the toga, as we 
 learn from the laughable decision of Claudius. Suet. Claud. 15 : 
 Peregrinitatis reum, orta inter advocates levi contentione, togatumne 
 an palliatum dicere causam oporteret, mutare habitum scepius, et 
 prout accusaretur defendereturve, jussit. The Roman was not only 
 entitled to wear the toga, but he was even liable to a penalty if 
 he appeared abroad in foreign costume; as minuens mafestatem 
 P. R. Hence the charge against Rabirius, Cic. p. Rab. 9, palliatum 
 fuisse, aliqua habuisse -non Romani hominis insignia. On the other 
 hand, Verr. v. 33, stetit soleatus prcetor P. R. cum pallio purpureo 
 tunicaque talari. 52. comp. iv. 24, 25 ; v. 13, 16. But in the civil 
 wars, the pallium, or some similar garment which was more conve-
 
 410 THE DRESS OF THE MEN. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 nient, got into use ; so that Augustas issued a decree forbidding this 
 innovation ; but only in regard to appearing in the forum and 
 circus. Suet. Aug. 40, Visa quondam pro condone palliatorum 
 turba, indignabundus at clamitans : En, ait, 
 
 Romanes rerum dominos gentemque togatam. 
 
 Negotium asdilibus dedit, ne quern posthac paterentur in foro cir- 
 cove nisi positis lacernis togatum consistere. (The lacerna having 
 been worn over the toga: see below.) Hence the Eomans were 
 denominated simply togati, or, as in Virg. ^En. i. 282, gens togata. 
 [Mart. xiii. 124.] In later times it fell into disuse, and con- 
 tinued to be worn only by the higher orders, at judicial proceed- 
 ings, or by clients receiving the sportula, at the salutatio, and 
 at the anteambulatio, and, lastly, at the theatre and public games, 
 in deference to the presence of the emperors. Hence what Lani- 
 prid. (16) relates of Commodus is an exception : contra consue- 
 tudinem pcenulatos jussit spectatores, non togatos ad munus con- 
 venire. At a later period those invited to the imperial table, at 
 least, were compelled to appear in it. Spart. Sever, i. Quum ro- 
 gatus ad ccenam imperatoriam palliatus venisset, qui togatus venire 
 debuerat, togam prcesidiariam ipsius imperatoris accepit. But it may 
 be doubted whether such a custom prevailed in the time of 
 Augustus, and the author therefore may probably escape censure 
 for allowing Gallus, in the first scene, to wear the synthesis. [But 
 after the above-mentioned interdict of Augustus, the toga only 
 could have been worn at court.] 
 
 There are three points to which we must direct our attention ; 
 the form of the toga, the manner of wearing it, and the material of 
 which it was composed. There has been much discussion concern- 
 ing the form, though it is placed beyond all doubt by the clearest 
 testimonies. Dion. Hal., iii. 61, says: irfptf36\aiov ftftneuK\iov. TO. dl 
 TOiavra T&V afiipiiffpaTutv 'Pwpaioi plv royac, "E\\t]i>fg Sk Ti)j3tvvov 
 naXovaiv ; Quinct. Inst. xi. 3 : Ipsam togam rotundam esse et apte 
 cassam velim ; Isid. Orig. xix. 24 : Toga dicta, quod velamento sui 
 corpus tegat atque operiat. Est autem pallium purum forma rotunda 
 ejfusiore et quasi inundante sinu, et sub dextro veniens supra humerum 
 sinistrum ponitur ; and Athenseus (v. 213), in mentioning the cruelty 
 with which Mithridates treated the Romans, says: T&V F d\\u>v 
 'PwfJiaiwv ol ptv Otuv ayaXfiaai irpoffirtTrTtiticaoiv, oi Sk XOITTOI [itraptpi- 
 ladfutvot Ttrpayiiiva Ifidrut Tdf t% apx^c TarpiSat; ira\iv ovoftd^ovaiv. 
 They denied the community with Romans by assuming an un- 
 roman square garment ; and the same is the meaning of pallium 
 teres, Tertull. de Pall. i. in contradistinction to the proper square 
 pallium. Many have, however, supposed that it was square ; and
 
 SCENE VIII.] THE DRESS OF THE MEN. 
 
 411 
 
 Von Seckendorf has endeavoured to prove that the adjustment of 
 the robe, visible in statues, can be effected by means of a square 
 toga. But this seems to require a most distinct contradiction, and 
 will be best confuted by the following explanation of the mode of 
 adjusting the toga, by which tying was out of the question. It is 
 supposed that this ^niKi>K\tor was the segment of a large circle 
 (Mull. Etr. 263, and Spalding on Quinct. 443); but it appears 
 doubtful whether in that case the width, which the dress evidently 
 possessed, could be attained. Horace (Epod, iv. 8) designates a 
 toga of six ells, as a very wide one; and if we take the semicircular 
 segment, with a chord of six ells, the greatest breadth would be 
 three ells, with which the breadth of fold that we find under 
 Augustus never could have been attained ; and Quinctilian, in that 
 case, would not have needed to direct that it should be apte ccesa. 
 It was, on the contrary, round, but possessing a greater width than 
 would have been possible with the segment of a circle ; and in this 
 manner only can we explain the adjustment of the toga in statues; 
 e. g. in the Mus. orb. vii. 43, and in the Augusteum, iii. 119 
 and 124. 
 
 Concerning the manner of adjusting it, the chief passage is in 
 Quinctil. xi. 3, 137 : Est aliquid in amictu ; quod ipsum aliquatemts 
 temporum conditione mutatum est. Nam veteribus nulli sinus ; per- 
 quam breves post illos fuerunt. Itaque etiam gestu necesse est usos 
 esse in principiis eos alio, quorum brachium, sicut Qrcecorum, veote 
 continebatur. Sed nos de prcesentibus loquimur. Ipsam togam ro- 
 tundam esse et apte ccesam velim. Aliter enim multis modis fief 
 enormis. Pars ejus prior mediis cruribus optime terminatur, posterior 
 eadem portione altius, qua cinctura. Sinus deccntissimus, si aliquanto 
 supra imam togam fuerit, nunquam certe sit inferior. Hie qui sub 
 humero dextro ad sinistrum oblique ducitur, velut balteus, nee stran- 
 gulet, nee fluat. Pars togce, quce postea imponitur, sit inferior ; nam 
 ita et sedet melius et continetur. Subducenda etiam pars aliqua tuniccp 
 ne ad lacertum in actu redeat: turn sinus injiciendus humero, cuju* 
 extremam oram rejecisse non dedecet. Operiri autem humerum cum 
 toto jugulo non oportet ; alioqui amictus fiet angustus et dignitatem, 
 quce est in latitudine pectoris, perdet. Sinistrum brachium eo usque 
 allevandum est, ut quasi normalem ilium angulum faciat. Super 
 quod or a ex toga duplex cequaliter sedeat. Spalding' s commentary 
 has done away with most of the difficulties of the text, but still it 
 is not clear how the whole was adjusted, and how the balteus and 
 the sinus arose, and yet these are the two points which require 
 most explanation. The description of the tedious minuteness in 
 the adjustment of the toga, as compared with that of the pallium, is
 
 412 
 
 THE DRESS OF THE MEX. 
 
 [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 perhaps not less instructive. Tertull. de Pallio, 5 : Priiis etiam ad 
 simplicem captatelam ejus nullo tcedio constat (pallium) ; adeo nee 
 artificem necesse est, qui pridie rugas ab exordia formet et inde 
 deducat in tilias totumque contracti umbonis figmentum custodibus 
 forcipibus assignet, dehinc diluculo tunica prius cingulo correpta, 
 quam prcestabat moderatiorem texuisse, recognito rursus umbone, et, si 
 quid exorbitavit, reformato partem quidem de Icevo promittat, ambitum 
 vero ejus, ex quo sinus nascitur jam deficientibus tabulis retrahat a 
 scapulis et exclusa dextera in Icevam adhuc congerat cum alio pari 
 tabulate in terga devoto, atque ita hominem sarcina vestiat. 
 
 figure tlioicing t/ie simple method of ammgmg the Toga.
 
 SCENE VIII.] THE DRESS OF THE MEN. 413 
 
 We must especially distinguish, between two different ways of 
 adjusting the toga ; the older and more simple, and the later, when 
 it was broader, and the folds more ample. We see an instance of 
 the first in the above engraving, copied from a statue in the 
 Dresden collection, Augusteum, 117. The robing of four other 
 statues in the same collection is precisely the same, and in a sixth, 
 the toga is far more voluminously folded, but the way of putting it 
 on the same. In this figure, the adjustment is very simple ; the one 
 end is thrown over the left shoulder to the front, so that the round 
 side falls outwards ; the robe is then conducted behind the body, 
 and over the right shoulder, so that the arm rests in it, as in a sling, 
 whilst the whole remaining portion being drawn across the front of 
 the person, is thrown over the left shoulder. The second end hangs 
 down the back, and the left arm. is concealed by the robe falling 
 over it. We here see plainly what Quinctilian means by brachium 
 veste continebatur ; for the hand only is free, and if we take the 
 folds, in which the arm reposes, for a sinus, it is at all events a 
 perquam brevis one. 
 
 A description of the second mode of adjustment is far more 
 difficult. It is, however, here represented after a statue of Lucius 
 Mammius Maximus, found in Herculaneum, and copied in the Mus. 
 Borl>. vi. 41, and with which the similarly draped statues in the 
 August. 119 and 124, and Mus. Borl). vii. 43 and 49, may be com- 
 pared. The parts named by Quinctilian are clearly visible, and it 
 is easy to point out the velut balteus, the sinus, and the ora duplex, 
 although it is very difficult to unravel the robe in one's mind, or to 
 produce a similar adjustment. After manifold experiments with 
 square and round cloths, the author became convinced that it re- 
 quires a half-round and very long robe, but broader or wider, in 
 proportion to its length, than the segment of a circle would be. 
 This garment was also first thrown across the left shoulder, but the 
 portion with the point depending in front was brought down much 
 lower (in our statue as low as the feet ; in those in the August. 124, 
 and in the Mus. Sorb. vii. 49, it even falls on the ground), and this 
 of itself covered the left arm entirely. The toga was then drawn 
 behind the back, and so on to the front of the body, and then 
 doubled together in a fold at about the middle of its breadth, so 
 that the upper part fell down as a sinus, and the lower part covered 
 the body and the legs ; thus arose the bundle of folds crossing ob- 
 liquely from under the right arm, athwart the breast, 1 and which is 
 
 1 Probably the following remarks by I the magnificent statue of Tiberius in 
 II. Le Cte. de Clarac, in connection with I the Louvre, may serve to iUui-trate
 
 THE DRESS OF THE HEX. [Excunsos I. 
 
 generally understood by the term umbo ; the remaining part was 
 
 Figure showing the second and more elaborate mode of adjustment of the Toga. 
 
 then thrown over the left shoulder and arm, which was thus doubly 
 covered. On the extremities we find tassels, or buttons, which 
 
 this difficult subject : ' D'apres des 
 recherches sur les statues vetues de la 
 toge et les essais qu'en ont faits des 
 peintres, des sculpteurs et des acteurs, 
 
 il paratt positif que, dans sa longueur, 
 sa forme 6tait une ligne droite qui sous- 
 tendait une courbe qui n'etait pas tout 
 & fait circulaire, mais un peu elliptique.
 
 SCENE VIII.] 
 
 THE DRESS OF THE MEN. 
 
 415 
 
 served either for ornament, or to keep down the garment by their 
 weight ; lastly, one part of the robe depending in front was drawn, 
 forward, or some of the width of the sinus was drawn over to the left, 
 and this, in connection with the bunch of folds, was probably called 
 umbo. In several statues the toga reaches almost to the media 
 crura, and the sinus nearly as far ; but a little more, and it would 
 fall lower than the undermost border of the robe. 
 
 It is hoped that this explanation may prove intelligible. The 
 principal point to be understood is, that the garment which was 
 drawn behind the back towards the right into the front, when it 
 depended in its width, was caught up in the middle, and thus 
 divided into two halves, one of which formed the sinus, whilst the 
 other fell down over the body and legs. This will be made more 
 clear by comparing such statues as the Concordia (in Visconti, Mom,. 
 Gab. 34), where the palla is caught in the same manner, and a 
 similar oblique bunch of folds is caused, and the upper half of the 
 garment, as the sinus in the case of the toga, hung over. We 
 shall find everything in Tertullian in agreement with what we 
 have said. 
 
 They who valued this intricate method of adjusting the robe, 
 used, before putting it on, to have it ingeniously folded, and this 
 operation took place every evening. Thin little boards were laid 
 between the folds (tabulce and tabulata), to keep them in their 
 places, qui pridie rugas ab exordio formet et inde deducat ^n tilias 
 (not talias as Salmas. reads) ; and the umbo was kept together by 
 a pair of forceps, which merely prevented the folds getting out of 
 their order, but did not produce the umbo ; they were only custodes. 
 We see from Macrobius (Sat. ii. 2) what great care was lavished 
 upon the adjustment of the toga. 
 
 The colour of the toga was white, and hence it is called para, 
 vestimentum purum, and only boys carried, till the tirocinium fori, 
 
 La longueur de la togo tait de trois 
 fois la hauteur de 1'homme, prise des 
 epaules jusqu'a terre. La largeur, a 
 1'endroit le plus saillant de la courbe, 
 n'avait qu'une hauteur. Pour se vetir 
 de la toge, on placait la partie droite 
 sur 1'epaule gauche, de maniere qu'il 
 tombat un tiers de la longueur en avant 
 entre les jambcs. La ligne droite se 
 tournait vers le cou. La toge passait 
 ensuite obliquement sur le dos par-des- 
 BOUS le bras droit, et le dernier tiers de 
 la longueur, ou un peu moms, se rejet- 
 
 tait par-dessus 1'epaule gauche et retorn- 
 bait en arriere. Celui qui etait sur le 
 devant et interieurement cut gen6 par 
 sa longueur ; on le relevait par le haut, 
 et en se rabattant il fasait sur la poi- 
 trine des plis doiit la masse se nommait 
 umbo. Ceux qu'ils recouvraient et qui 
 traversaient obliquement sur la poi- 
 trine, formaient des baltei (baudriers), 
 et on donnait le nom de sinus a ceux 
 qui couvraient le milieu des corps, &c.' 
 Transl.
 
 416 THE DKESS OF THE MEN. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 those bordered with purple, toga prcetexta. The prcetexta, used by 
 magistrates, and the Candida, or splendens, the toga picta, and the 
 tunica palmata, do not enter into our present discussion. Of the 
 sordida, and pulla, more hereafter. In later times, a toga purpurea 
 was a distinction of the emperors, and Caesar was probably the first 
 who wore it. Cic. Phil. ii. 34. 
 
 THE TUNICA 
 
 was worn under the toga, and was a sort of shirt, originally, perhaps, 
 without sleeves, like the Doric chiton, colobium. Usually, how- 
 ever, it had short sleeves, covering the upper half of the arm, as is 
 seen in most statues. Later, these sleeves reached to the hand, 
 tunicce manicatce, xitpiSwroi, but they are seldom met with, not even 
 in the case of women. In the paintings and relievos at Pompeii 
 and Herculaneum, representing comic scenes, all the actors have 
 tunicas xt/pj&urovc (Gell. Pompeiana, new ed. ii. t. 76 ; Mus. Sorb. 
 iv. t. 18, 33), but they are not Eoman costume. Cicero inveighs 
 against this effeminacy, Catil. ii. 10; in Clod, et Cur. 5; and 
 Csesar wore the tunica laticlavia ad manus fimbriata. Suet. GOES. 45. 
 Gell. vii. 12 : Tunicis uti virum prolixis ultra brachia et usque in 
 primores manus ac prope digitos Romce atque omni in Latio inde- 
 corum fuit. Eos tunicas Grceco vocabulo nostri ^tipi^wrove appella- 
 verunt ; feminisque solis vestem longe lateque diffusam decorum existi- 
 maverunt, ad ulnas cruraque adversus oculos protegenda. 
 
 Although, according to Gellius, the toga only was worn in 
 former times, and that next the skin, yet they afterwards were not 
 content with one tunica only, but the men, like the women, wore a 
 tunica interior. With the women it was called intusium, with the 
 men, subucula, says Boettiger (Sab. ii. 113); but this nevertheless 
 appears erroneous. The fragment of Yarro (De Vita Pop. Rom.} 
 is well known : Postquam binas tunicas habere cceperunt, instituerunt 
 vocare subuculam et intusium. It is this passage that has given rise 
 to the blunder borrowed by Ferrari from Manutius, and by Boetti- 
 ger from Ferrari. Varro, on the contrary, wishes to say that the 
 under tunica was called subucula, the upper intusium, as is clear 
 from his treatise De Ling. Lot. v. 30 : Prius dein indutui, turn amictui 
 quce sunt, tangam. Capitium ab eo, quod capit pectus, id est, ut 
 antiqui dicebant, comprehendit. Indutui alterum quod subtus, a quo 
 subucula; alterum, quod supra, a quo supparus, nisi id quod item 
 dicunt Osce. Alterius generis item duo: unum quod foris ac
 
 SCENE VI II.] THE DRESS OF THE MEN. 417 
 
 palam, pallU ; alter um quod intus, a quo intusium, id quod Plautue 
 dicit : 
 
 Intusiatam, patagiatam, caltulam, crocotulam. 
 
 The plirases explained by Varro were obsolete. Gell. xvi. 7, 
 censures Laberius for using the expression capitium. Supparus 
 in such a sense is also inadmissible. We gather, however, from 
 Varro, that he understands capitium as a general term for over and 
 tinder tunic ; the over being further called supparus, the under 
 subucula. Of the supparus he then mentions two sorts, the in- 
 dusium and the palla. This agrees but ill with Nonius ; but Varro 
 evidently wishes to define indusium as a particular kind of the 
 over-coat supparus. Moreover, he speaks, apparently, of the 
 female dress-, having already discussed the toga and tunica of the 
 men ; and subucula would therefore also denote the under- tunic of 
 the women. Perhaps, later, the word subucula was restricted in its 
 sense to the men's dress only ; but Varro says not a word about the 
 indusium being the inner tunic of the women. 
 
 Persons susceptible of cold wore several tunics over one another. 
 So Augustus, Suet. 82 : Hieme quaternis cum pingui toga tunicis ef 
 suluculce thorace laneo muniebatur. From whence it would seem 
 that the subucula fitted tight to the body. 
 
 The clavis latus, or angustus, was a particular distinction for the 
 senatorial or equestrian order ; hence tunica laticlavia, or angusti- 
 clavia. There is no longer any doubt that the latus clavus was- a 
 strip of purple in the middle of the tunic in front, running down 
 from the neck to the lower border, while the angustus consisted of 
 two such smaller strips. See Ruben. De re Vest., and Spalding on 
 Quinctilian, 441. These strips were woven into the cloth, as we see 
 from Plin. viii. 48 : Nam tunica lati davi in modum gausapce texi 
 nunc primum incipit. The phrase mutare vestem was no doubt 
 restricted to the act of laying aside these insignia ; [which always 
 happened in public mourning.] The expression sordidatus is never 
 used of soiled clothing. Dio. Cass. xxxviii. 14, xl. 46 ; Cic. p. 
 Plane. 41 ; Liv- Ep. cv. [But when the whole people is said 
 mutare vestem, as Cic. in Pis. 8 ; Liv. vi. 16 : Conjecto in carcerem 
 ManUo satis constat magnam partem plebis vestem mutasse; this must 
 signify that they laid aside the toga, as the characteristic dress of 
 the Roman citizen. This is further clear from Sen. Ep. 18, where 
 he speaks of the Saturnalia, when, as is well known, the toga was 
 laid aside : quod fieri nisi in tumultu et tristi tempore civitatis non 
 solebat, voluptatis causa acfcstorum dierum vestem mutavimus ; where 
 the last words mean the same as togam exuere just before. In
 
 418 THE DRESS OF THE MEX. [EXCTTRSUS I. 
 
 domestic mourning, on the contrary, vestem mutare is to put on 
 mourning habiliments. See Excursus, Sc. XTT.] 
 
 The tunica, was girded under the breast (cinctura) ; those however 
 who wore the latus clavus, girded only the under one ; but to 
 this rule Csesar was an exception. Suet. Cces. 45. The disputed 
 passage, Macrob. Sat. ii. 3, contains a mistake, and the emendation 
 tunica prcecingebatur will not at all accord with laciniam trahere. 
 Quinctilian directs with respect to the length of the garment : Cui 
 lati clavi jus non erit, ita cingatur, ut tunicce prioribus oris infra 
 genua paullum, posterioribus ad medios poplites usque perveniant. 
 Nam infra mulierum est, supra centurionum. Ut purpurai rede 
 descendant, levis cura est. Notatur interim negligentia. Latum 
 habentium clavum modus est, ut sit paullum cinctis summissior. 
 There is no doubt that cinctis is in the ablative in the last words, 
 but it is not necessary that it should be referred to the cinctura of 
 the angusticlavia, as it can also mean, that the latidavia must hang 
 down somewhat lower than the tunicas interiores, which were always 
 girded. We might inquire the purpose of this, as the toga which 
 was thrown over it quite concealed the under portion of the tunica ; 
 but we must not forget that the toga was only worn in public, and 
 that on arriving at home it was immediately put off. Men who 
 wore low falling tunicai, talares, were always censured. The upper 
 tunica had not long sleeves, but the subucula had. 
 
 The toga was the Eoman robe of state, and the tunica was the 
 household garment ; but in bad weather and out of Home, on a 
 journey for instance, some other article of dress was necessary as a 
 defence against the dust and rain. 
 
 This deficiency was supplied by 
 
 THE P^ENULA, 
 
 a kind of mantle worn by all classes, and even by women. Ulp. 
 Dig. xx:xiv. 2, 23 ; Lips. Elect, i. 13, 25 ; Salm. ad Spart. Hadr. 3, 
 p. 25 ; Lamprid. Comm. 16, p. 517 ; Diadum. 2, p. 774 ; Alex. Sev. 
 27, p. 926 ; and Barthol. De Pcenula. 
 
 This garment has been so much discussed, that it will be 
 sufficient to mention here the chief points about its use and sup- 
 posed nature. It seems to have been a long simple mantle without 
 sleeves, and having probably only a hole for the neck. It was 
 drawn on over the head, and so covered the whole body, from the 
 neck downwards, including the shoulders and arms. If the statues 
 made known by Bartholini, of one of which the following is a copy, 
 can be referred to this kind of dress, it would appear to have been
 
 SCENE VIII.] 
 
 THE DRESS OF THE MEN. 
 
 419 
 
 sewed together in front down the breast. This seam, however, 
 sometimes goes lower, and at others stops on the breast, and then 
 the mantle falls down beneath it in two halves, which might be 
 thrown back, and so leave the arms free, as in the figure given 
 above. The most striking monument, perhaps, is a libertus on a 
 tomb in the Lapidarium of the Vatican. The pcenula was made of 
 
 frigure of a man supposed to be dressed in the Paenula. 
 
 a thick strong cloth, especially if intended for winter use, and after 
 the introduction of woollen gausapa, they were probably used for 
 the purpose. Mart. xiv. 145, Pcenula gausapina : 
 
 Is mihi candor inest, villorum gratia tanta, 
 Ut me vel media sumere messe veils. 
 
 Comp. vi. 59. Such gausapince came into use only a short time 
 before Pliny, who says (viii. 48) : Gausapa (lanea) patris mei 
 memoria ccepere. Gausapa was originally a linen cloth, rendered 
 rough by a particular process. See Becker's Nachtrage zum August, 
 p. 46. The pcenulce were also made of leather, scortece. Mart. xiv. 
 130, Pcenula scortea : 
 
 Ingrediare viam coelo licet usque sereno ; 
 Ad subitas nunquam scortea desit aquas. 
 EE 2
 
 420 THE DRESS OF THE MEN. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 The use of the paenula is at least as old as the most ancient 
 Koman literature known to us; for in Plautus it is frequently 
 alluded to as something quite usual. When Pliny (xxxiv. 5), among 
 the effigies habitu novitias, reckons those quce nuper prodiere pcenulis, 
 it only applies to the artistic representations, for which the paenula 
 was but little adapted. It existed along with the toga, the place 
 of which it never usurped, although the lacerna doubtless did. It 
 was worn next to the tunica, and chiefly on journeys ; Cicero p. 
 Mil. 20, cum hie cum uxore veheretur in rheda pcenulatus. Ad Attic. 
 xiii. 33. Hence it was the dress of the mulio. Cic. p. Sest. 38, 
 mulionica pcenula. It was also used in the city in rainy weather. 
 Lamprid. Alex. Sev. 27, pcenulis intra urbem frigoris causa uterentur 
 permisit, on which Salm. quotes Seneca, Qucest. Nat. iv. 6. The 
 toga was then worn underneath it. It was likewise worn at games. 
 Dio. Cass. Ix-srii, 21. 
 
 A similar mantle, likewise worn over the toga, was 
 
 THE LACEBNA, 
 
 or lacernce, and often confounded by later writers with the paenula. 
 It differed from the latter, however, in not being a vestimentum 
 clausum, through which the head was inserted, but, like the Greek 
 pallium, an open mantle, usually fastened together over the right 
 shoulder by a fibula. The lacerna is unquestionably of later origin 
 than the paenula, and Cicero thus complained of Antony (Phil. ii. 30) : 
 Nam quod qucerebas, quomodo redissem : primum luce, non tenebris ; 
 deinde cum calceis et toga, nullis nee Gallicia nee lacerna ; and then : 
 cum Gallicis et lacerna cucurristi. As early as the first emperors it 
 was in common use in winter at the public games, as we learn from 
 Suetonius' description of the honours paid to Claudius by the ordo 
 equester. Claud. 6, Quin et spectaculis advenienti assurgere et lacernas 
 deponere solebat (ordo equester). It was not designed solely for 
 protection against the weather, and was therefore worn of more 
 elegant form than the psenula. White lacernae only were proper 
 costume for the theatre, when the emperor was expected to be pre- 
 sent, as we see from Mart. iv. 2, 
 
 Spcctabat mode solus inter omnes 
 Nigris munus Horatius lacernis, 
 Cum plebs et minor ordo maximusque 
 Cum sancto duce candidus sederet. 
 and x!v. 137, Lacernce albce : 
 
 Amphitheatrales nos commendamur in usus, 
 Cum tegit algentes alba lacerua to^as.
 
 SCENE VIII.] THE DRESS OF THE MEX. 421 
 
 The lacernse of the poorer classes were sufficiently unbecoming, as 
 we may naturally suppose. Juven. ix. 27, 
 
 Pingues aliquando lacernas 
 
 Munimenta togas, duri crassique coloris, 
 
 Et male percussas textoris pectine Galli 
 
 Accipimus. 
 
 Mart. i. .93. The higher ranks, however, displayed considerable 
 luxury in this article, and as the rest of the dress was obliged to be 
 white, took care not to have any lack of colours in the lacerna. 
 Hence lacernce coccinece, Mart. xiv. 131, amethystince, etc. A purple 
 lacerna sometimes cost ten thousand sesterces. Mart. viii. 10. 
 Darker colours were also used. 
 
 THE SYNTHESIS. 
 
 THE toga, on account of the exuberance of its folds, and the 
 manner of adjusting it, was too uncomfortable a garment to wear 
 in common household avocations, or at meals [Spart. Hadr. 22 ; Sen. 
 Ep. 18], at which, however, it would have been improper to appear 
 in the bare tunic. Hence there were regular meal-dresses, vestes 
 ccenatorice, or coenatoria, Mart. x. 87, 12, xiv. 135. [Cap. Maxim, jun.; 
 Dio. Cass. Ixix. 18; Pompon. Dig. xxxiv. 2, 33, muliebria coenatoria.'] 
 Petr. 21, accubitorfa; ib. 30, also called syntheses. It would be 
 difficult to say with certainty what the form of this synthesis was. 
 It is usually assumed to have been a mantle, similar to the pallium. 
 Ferrar. de re Vest. [Stuck. Antiq. Conviv. ii. 26.] Malliot and Mar- 
 tin, RecliercTies sur les Costumes, say, ' ' They generally came from the 
 bath to the ccena, and then put on the synthesis, an exceedingly 
 comfortable, short, and coloured garment." What Dio. Cassius, xiii. 
 13, says of Nero, appears at variance with this assertion. Toic St 
 (3ov\tvTaQ ^iTiaviov ri ivBfSvKtjjQ dvBivov teal aivSovtov irepi rbv ai)\kva 
 tX<v rjaTraaaTo, if we compare it with Suet. Nero 51 : circa cultum 
 habitumque adeo pudendus, ut plerumque synthesinam indutus ligato 
 circum collum sudario prodierit in puolicum sine cinctu et discalceatus ; 
 for there can be no doubt that the -^nuviov avBivov answers to the 
 synthesis, as the aivSoviov does to the sudarium. In which case the 
 synthesis would not be any kind of amictus, but an indumentum. 
 Nothing of certainty can be gathered from the reliefs and pictures 
 representing Triclinia, and Siclinia; for in these, at one time a 
 bare ungirded tunic is visible ; at another, the upper part of the 
 body is quite uncovered ; but whatever its form, it was an elegant, 
 and, at least in later times, a coloured garment. Martial ii. 46 : 
 Florida per varies ut pingitur Hybla colores 
 Cum breve Sicanise ver populantur apes .
 
 422 THE DRESS OF THE MEN. [EXCURSUS 1. 
 
 Sic tua suppositis pellucent prsela lacernis, 
 Si micat innumeris arcula synthesibus. 
 
 So x. 29, etc. The colours most frequently named are coccinus, 
 prasinus, amethystinus, ianthinus. Pliny, xxi. 8. The name came 
 probably from their being carefully folded up and placed in a press. 
 Martial, and Senec. de Tranq. An. c. i. Men who were particular 
 about their appearance changed them in the middle of a meal. 
 Mart. v. 79 : 
 
 Undecies una surrexti, Zoile, ccena, 
 Et mutata tibi est synthesis undecies. 
 
 The Synthesis was never worn in public, except during the Satur- 
 nalia, when its use was universal, even by the highest classes, 
 Mart. xiv. 1, 141 ; it was reckoned absurd to put on the toga at 
 that time. Mart. vi. 24 : 
 
 Nil lascivius est Charisiano ; 
 
 Saturnalibus ambulat togatus. 
 
 Synthesis is also used in a totally different sense, namely, as an 
 entire wardrobe, or complete suit of apparel. Salmasius, ad Vopisc. 
 Bonos. 15, p. 772. [Stat. Silv. iv. 9, 44; Mart. iv. 46.] 
 
 THE L^NA, ABOLLA, ENDEOMIS. 
 
 THE names that are mentioned of usual articles of dress, as 
 Icena and abolla, can hardly be determined on with certainty. It 
 seems almost as if they were nearly similar to the lacerna. Of the 
 former indeed Martial says (xiv. 136), Lama, 
 
 Tempore brumali non multum leevia prosunt : 
 Calfaciunt villi pallia vestra mei ; 
 
 from which it would appear to have been a particularly -warm 
 garment thrown on over the lacerna (pallia). [Varro, L. L. v. 133 : 
 Lcena quod de lana multa, duarum etiam togarum instar. Paull. 
 p. 117.] Nonius calls it a vestimentum militare, quod supra omnia 
 vestimenta sumitur ; and in Cicero, Brut. 14, we find it mentioned 
 as a priestly robe, but in Persius, i. 32, it again appears at the 
 dinner-table. It was hyacinthina and coccina (Juv. iii. 283), not 
 less than the lacerna, and just so is the alolla Tyria or saturata 
 murice. Mart. viii. 48. [Suet. Calig. 35,purpurece abollce."] Perhaps 
 at that period they all belonged to the ccenatoria. See above. 
 
 The endromis, which is mentioned in a few passages ( Juven. vi. 
 246 ; Mart. vi. 19, xiv. 126), was not a garment, but a thick piece 
 of cloth, forming a coverlet, which was thrown round the body 
 after gymnastic exercises, to prevent cold being taken ; in the same
 
 SCENE VIII.] THE DRESS OF THE MEN. 423 
 
 manner Trimalchio, in Petron. 28, after the bath, covers himself 
 with a coccina gausapa. 
 
 THE COVEEINGS FOE THE HEAD. 
 
 IN the every-day life of cities, men never wore anything on the 
 head. In particular cases they drew the toga over the head. But 
 for protection in bad weather, they had the cucullus, also cucullio, 
 a kind of cape, which on a journey, or when they wished to be 
 unknown (obvoluto capite, Lamprid. Heliog. 33. Juv. vi. 118, noctur- 
 nos cucullos], they used to fasten to the lacerna and paenula. 
 Martial calls them liburnicos or bardaicus, iv. 4, 5 : also bardocu- 
 cullos, xiv. 128. See Salinas, ad Jul. Cap. Pertin. 8, p. 551. We 
 see from Mart. xiv. 139, Cuculli liburnici, 
 
 Jungere nescisti nobis, o stulte, lacemas : 
 
 Indueras albas, exue callainas, 
 
 that they were of dark colour, and that the cucullus had stained 
 the white lacema. We also learn from Epig. xiv. 132, that it 
 belonged to the lacerna : 
 
 Si possem, totas cuperem misisse lacernas ; 
 
 Nunc tantum capiti munera mitto tuo. 
 
 It is true he sends not a cucullus, but a pileus ; but had he been 
 able to send totas lacernas (i. e. with the cucullus), the hat would 
 have been unnecessary. [See Mart. xi. 98, v. 14, x. 76. The 
 cuculli were often worn by slaves and common people as a protec- 
 tion against the weather; Colum. i. 8. Lamprid. Hd. 33, tectus 
 cucullione mulionico.] 
 
 They wore hats on a journey ; [hence given to fishermen and 
 sailors generally, Plaut. Mil. iv. 4, 41 : 
 
 Facito, ut venias hue ornatus ornatu nauclerico 
 Causiara habens ferrugineam. 
 
 Mus. Borb. iv. 55], and even in the theatre, as a shelter against 
 the sun. Dio. Cass. lix. 7. [Mart. xiv. 29, Causia : 
 In Pompeiano tectus spectabo theatre : 
 
 Nam ventus populo vela negare solet.] 
 
 Augnstus generally wore a petasus, Suet. 82 : Solis rero ne hiberni 
 quidem patiens domi quoque non nisi petasatus sub divo spatiabatur. 
 [The pileus and petasus were made of felt. Yates, textrinum 
 ant!quum.~] 
 
 THE COYEEINGS OF THE LEGS. 
 
 TROWSERS, braces, were quite unknown to the Eomans, until the 
 time of the later emperors. They belonged to the Barbarians, who
 
 424 THE DRESS OF THE MEN. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 wore them mostly in the shape of -wide pantaloons, which were tied 
 just above the foot ; so we see them on the Columna Trajana, and 
 in the figures of the prisoners belonging to it. See the great work 
 of Piranesi, and the pillar itself. Comp. Cas. ad Suet. Aug. 82; 
 Salm. ad Lamprid. Alex. Sev. 40, p. 977 ; Bottiger, Vaseng. iii. p. 
 184. The Barbarians were ridiculed for wearing them, Cic. in Pis. 
 23 ; p. Font. 11 ; ad Fam. ix. 15. [Ovid. Trist. v. 10, 33.] It was 
 not till the time of the un-roman emperors, or those who had 
 grown up among the Barbarians, that trowsers came into fashion, 
 coccinece braccce, instead of which Alexander chose white ones. 
 Men who had served long in war against the Northern nations, 
 assumed their dress, and likewise trowsers. Tac. Hist. ii. 20, of 
 Csecina, versicolore sagulo, braccas, tegmen barbarum, indutus togatos 
 alloquebatur. But this was not allowed publicly at Rome, and 
 Honorius forbade their being worn in the metropolis : see Sal- 
 masius. [Lyd. de Mag. 1. 12.] 
 
 Instead of these coverings for the legs, the Romans had, how- 
 ever partially, so early as the Republic, strips of cloth, fascias 
 (Varro De Lib. Educ. in Non. ii. 312 ; Cic. in Clod, et Cur. 5, Or. de 
 har. resp. 21 ; Hor. Sat. ii. 3, 255), with which they protected the 
 thighs and shin-bones, and thence called feminalia and cruralia, 
 and also tibialia. Ulp. Dig. xxxiv. 2, 25 ; Suet. Aug. 82, feminali- 
 bus et tibialibus muniebatur. Quinct. xi. 3, 144. Many persons wore, 
 in addition to these, sashes, villosa ventralia (Plin. viii. 48), and 
 wrappers round the neck and ears, focalia. See Heind. on Hor. 
 Sat. ii. 3, 255. All these were, however, considered marks of 
 effeminacy. [The word cubital, Hor. ib. (fasciolas, cubital, focalia) 
 is explained by some to be a cushion, by others a covering of the 
 lower arm corresponding to fasciae and focalia. But then it would 
 hardly be in the singular number.] 
 
 THE COVERINGS OF THE FEET. 
 
 THESE were very numerous, but may be classed in two sorts, 
 the calceus and the solece, which certainly both occur in very dif- 
 ferent forms. It is almost doubtful whether the multifarious 
 names which are used to designate these articles of dress can with 
 certainty be applied to the forms which occur on statues ; for what 
 Rubens [_de Calce Senatorio] and Balduin (Calceus Antiq. et Myst.) 
 have said upon the subject, does not clear up all the points, 
 [although Balduin was the son of a shoemaker, and understood 
 the matter.] Bittner's Diss. de Calceis is still less important. 
 [Bassius de Gen. Calceorum. See Fabric. Bibliog. Antiq. p. 861, and
 
 SCRNE VIII.] THE DRESS OF THE MEN. 425 
 
 Charities, trans, by Metcalfe, p. 326.] It will therefore be sufficient 
 to enumerate the chief varieties. 
 
 o 6 Solece of the ordinary lorm. 
 
 c Half-shoes, after a painting found at PorticL 
 
 d The common shoe. 
 
 e A man's shoe, perhaps the calceus senatorius. 
 
 The solecp, sandals, were a covering for the foot, which was worn 
 by men only in the house, or more correctly, in domestic life. [In 
 the oldest times they probably wore nothing.] In GeHius xiii. 21, 
 T. Castricius reproaches his former scholars, who were already 
 senators, for appearing soleati in public. Still this restriction can- 
 not be so far extended, as to say that no use at all of the solea 
 was made in the streets ; for when they supped out and did not 
 bathe in the house of their host, the solese were the usual covering 
 for the feet, and were taken off as soon as they reclined for the 
 meal, and not put on again till they went away. Mart. iii. 50. 
 Hence they were sometimes lost in the interim ; Mart. xii. 88 : 
 Bis Gotta soleas perdidisse se questus, 
 Dum negligentem ducit ad pcdes vernam. 
 
 Hence the common expression deme soleas, of the person who takes 
 his place at the table, and poscere soleas, when he rises to go. 
 Heindorf ad Hor. Sat. ii. 8, 77. From PHny Ep. ix. 17, it would 
 appear that calceus is sometimes a general term for any covering 
 of the foot. 
 
 The form of the solese and the manner of fastening them, are 
 gathered from Gellius, and may also be seen in many antique 
 statues, particularly of females, whose proper foot-covering they 
 were. Generally a thong passes between the great and second toe, 
 and is there fastened to another by means of a ligula, which passes 
 longitudinally over the upper surface of the foot, and with the
 
 426 THE DRESS OF THE MEN. [Excrasus I. 
 
 ankle-thong keeps the whole secure. Sometimes this thong is 
 divided just at the toe into two parts, which run along the instep, 
 and are fastened by ligulse to the ankle-thong. 
 
 As they were used in-doors, and in private life, so in later times, 
 out of doors also, when a person was without the toga, wearing 
 over the tunica the lacerna only, in conjunction with which the 
 solese always occur. To the toga belonged the calceus, a real shoe, 
 which covered the foot entirely, or in a great measure ; it was the 
 only foot-covering in general use in public life, and hence is often 
 mentioned as belonging to the toga. Thus Cicero, Cum toga et 
 calceis. Pliny (Epist. vii. 3), charging Praesens with his long absence 
 from Rome, says : Quousque calcei nusquam, toga feriata ? Tertull. 
 (De pallio, 5) : Calceos nihil dicimus, proprium togce tormentum. But 
 at home the calceus was laid aside with the toga. Cic. p. Mil. 20, 
 domum venit, calceos et vestimenta mutat. It is true that Suet, says 
 of Augustus (Oct. 78), post cibum ita ut vestitus calceatusque erat 
 conquiescebat ; but here, calceatus is used in a more general sense. 
 He says (73), forensia autem et calceos nunquam non intra cubiculum 
 habuit ad subitos repentinosque casus parata. So Plin. Ep. ix. 17, 
 calceos poscunt, instead of soleas. Comp. Cic. de Rep. i. 12. The 
 form of this shoe used by the lower classes [called pero by Cato, in 
 Pest. p. 142, and Virg. ^En. vii. 690] is not known. In a beautiful 
 but mutilated picture from Pompeii (Mus. JBorb. vii. 20), a female 
 slave is divesting a sitting man of his shoes, which have quite the 
 form of the high shoes usual among us, and tied in front with a 
 string ; see the engraving above. But that this was no common 
 shoe, as might be supposed from its shape, is evident from the per- 
 son wearing it, and from the circumstance that most of the charm- 
 ing female dancers (Mus. Sorb. 33 40) have the same covering for 
 the feet. These shoes are sometimes white, sometimes green, but 
 mostly yellow (cerince), tied with red strings or narrow thongs, and 
 must therefore be rather taken as women's shoes. On the other 
 hand, we know that the shoes of the senators differed in more than 
 one respect from those of others ; and Cicero alludes to this, Phil. 
 xiii. 13. The chief difference was, that the senator's shoe was 
 fastened with four thongs (corrigice), which reached up to the calf, 
 and were then turned round the leg \Lora patricia, Sen. de Tranq. 
 An. 11.] See Heind. on Hor. Sat. i. 6, 27. The second distinction 
 was the lunula, a half-moon, which was attached to some part of it. 
 Plutarch (Qucest. JR. 76) gives the derivation from the original 
 number of the senators, C. Comp. Mart. i. 50, 31 ; Juven. vii. 192. 
 [Zon. vii. 9.] In Philostr. (Vit. Herod. Ait. ii. 8) this lunula is 
 called tiria<t>i<ptov i\i(pa.vTivov fitjvotiSfSt aa d then he says, ai> TTJV
 
 SCENE VIII.] THE DRESS OF THE MEN. 427 
 
 Iv role aorpayaXoic t\ lt f' ^ n ^ e other hand, Martial says, 
 
 ii. 29: 
 
 Non hesterna sedet lunata lingula planta. 
 
 We are not aware whether this mark occurs in any statue, and yet 
 we might take such foot-coverings as occur in the statue in Mus. 
 Sorb. vii. 49, for the calceus senatorius (see the engraving above). 
 According to Cicero, we must believe that only senators wore it ; 
 and according to Cato in Festus, those qui magistratum curulem 
 cepissent. On the contrary, Plutarch and Philostratus speak only 
 of the (vyiveia ; and the person designated by Martial was anything 
 but a senator. Comp. Isid. Orig. xix. 34, 4. [Probably there were 
 three sorts of these shoes, though they differed but slightly from 
 each other: (1) Mulleus, or the curule shoe. Lyd. de Mag. i. 32. 
 (2) The senatorial shoe. Cic. and Acron. ad Hor. (3) The patri- 
 cian shoe. Plut. ib. ; Zon. ib. ; Orell. 543, calceis patriciis. Lyd. i. 17.] 
 From, the words of Horace, ut nigris medium impediit crus pelli- 
 bus, and of Juvenal, nigrce lunam subtexit alutce, it has been inferred 
 that the shoe was black ; but Martial expressly adds, Coccina non 
 Icesum cingit aluta pedem ; and if this very shoe be rightly supposed 
 to have been the mulleus, which had passed among so many other 
 things from the Etrurians to the Romans, there is no doubt that it 
 was red, and that the above passage can only be understood of the 
 four corrigise. See Salm. ad Vopisc. Aurel. 49, 588 ; Miiller, Etrusk. 
 i. 269. The mulleus was red, whatever the etymology of the word 
 may be. See Isid. Orig. xix. 34, 10. [Plin. H.N.is.. 17 : comp. Dio. 
 Cass. xliii. 43. The mulleus differed perhaps in colour from the two 
 other kinds. Lyd. i. 17, 32, says the shoes of the consuls were white, 
 those of the patricians, black.] Otherwise the men wore only black 
 and white shoes, and the latter only in later times, when variously 
 coloured ones were also used. They were borrowed from the 
 women's apparel, and hence Aurelian forbade men from wearing 
 them. Vopisc. 49. [The crepidce were accounted un-roman (Pers. 1 i. 
 127, in crepidis Graiorum. Tertull. de Pall. 4 ; Plin. xxxiii. 3, 14), 
 and are always mentioned along with the Chlamys and Pallium. 
 Cic. p. Eab. 10; Liv. xxix. 19; Suet. Tib. 13, deposito patrio habitu 
 redegit se ad pallium ef crepidas. Gell. (xiii. 21) makes them the 
 same as the soleae (so Heindorf ad Hor. Sat. i. 3, 127), but they 
 certainly differed ; so that his assertion is no more to be relied on 
 than that of Servius, ad Virg. ^En. viii. 458, who calls the calceus 
 senatorius a crepida. Isidor. xix. 34. The caligse of a later age were 
 chiefly used by the military (Brisson, Antiq. Sel. ii. 6), but were also 
 used in common life. Edict. Dioclet. p. 24. On Compagus, see Salmas. 
 ad Treb. Poll. Gallien. 16; Lyd. deMag. i. 17.]
 
 428 THE DRESS OF THE MEN. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 The poorer classes generally were clothed in the same manner, 
 only that there was naturally a difference in the colour and texture 
 of the materials used, and the elegance of the garments of the 
 higher ranks was altogether wanting. So Juvenal describes the 
 
 pauperes, iii. 148 : 
 
 si fceda et scissa lacerna, 
 Si toga sordidula est et rupta calceus alter 
 Pelle patet ; vel si consuto vulnere crassum 
 Atque recens linum ostendit non una cicatrix. 
 
 Many men in good circumstances also did not go better clad, either 
 from negligence, as the Schol. Cruq. on Hor. Sat. i. 3, 31, relates 
 of Virgil, or from avarice, as Scsevola, who had suddenly become 
 wealthy. Mart. i. 104 : 
 
 Sordidior post hoc multo toga, psenula pejor ; 
 
 Calceus est sarta terque quaterque cute. 
 
 The labouring classes could not, of course, make much use of the 
 toga. 
 
 The slaves wore only a tunica. 
 
 THE BEAKD AND HAIR 
 
 IN ancient times the Eomans wore beards, Liv. v. 41. Cic. p. 
 Ccel. 14. The first tonsor is said to have come to Borne from 
 Sicily, A. TT. c. 454. Varro, . B. ii. 11. Plin. H. N. vii. 59 ; and 
 from that time they shaved ; Grell. iii. 4. Hence most of the male 
 statues, down to the second century, are beardless. The poorer 
 classes did not shave generally. Mart. vii. 95 : 
 
 Dependet glacies rigetque barba 
 
 Qualem forficibus raetit supinis 
 
 Tonsor Cinyphio Cilix marito. 
 
 xii. 59. Young fops only shaved partially [Sen. Ep. 114], and 
 sported a neat little beard (bene barbati, Cic. Cat. ii. 10, p. Ccel. 
 14; or barbatuli, ad Att. i. 14, 16, p. Ccel. 14). The day of shaving 
 the beard for the first time was observed as a festival, T)io. Cass. 
 xlviii. 34; Ixi. 19. Salm. ad Lamprid. Heliog. 31. From Hadrian's 
 time, beards again came into fashion, as is evident from the im- 
 perial portraits. Dio. Cass. Ixviii. 15; Spart. Hadr. 26. The hair 
 was worn cut short ; in case of mourning only, it, as well as the 
 beard, was allowed to grow. See Excursus, Sc. XII. 
 
 In the tonstrince, the hair was cut, the beard shorn, and the 
 nails cleaned. The shearing of the beard took place either per 
 pectinem, over the comb, when it was only shortened, tondebatur, or 
 it was shaved clean from the skin, radebatur, with the razor, nova- 
 cula, which the tonsor kept in a theca. Petr. 94. The passage in
 
 SCENE VIII.] THE DRESS OF THE MEN. 429 
 
 Plaut. Capt. ii. 2, 16, is amusing on account of the play upon the 
 
 word tondere. 
 
 Nunc senex est in tonstrina : nunc jam cultros attinet 
 Ne id quidem involucre injicere voluit, vestem ne inquinet. 
 Sed ul nun, strictinme attonsurum dicam esse, an per pectinem 
 Nescio ; verum si frugi est, usque admutilabit probe. 
 
 Many persons plucked out the stray hairs from the face with fine 
 pincers, volsellce, or destroyed them by means of salves, psilothrum, 
 and dropax, as well as those on other parts of the body. Mart, 
 iii. 74: 
 
 Psilothro faciem levas et dropace calvam. 
 Num quid tonsorem, Gargiliane, times ? 
 Quid facient ungues ? nam certe non potes illos 
 Eesina, Veneto nee resecare luto. 
 
 comp. vi. 90, 9. The ingredients of such salves are given by Plin. 
 xxxii. 10, 47. The volsellse for plucking out the beard are men- 
 tioned by Martial (ix. 28), who jokes at a man who shaved his 
 beard in three ways, viii. 47. Almost all the implements of the 
 tonsor are enumerated by Plaut. Curcul. iv. 4, 21 : 
 
 At ita me volsellae, pecten, speculum, calamistrum meum 
 Bene me amassint, meaque axicia, liuteuraque extersui. 
 
 Persons of wealth and distinction had their own barber among the 
 slave-family, who, if skilful, was much prized. Hence we read in 
 Martial an epitaphium on such a slave, Pantagathus by name, who 
 is called domini cur a dolorque sui, vi. 52. Still the majority repaired 
 to the tonstrince, which became places of resort, visited by idlers for 
 the sake of gossiping, and where they used to stop long after the 
 tonsor had fulfilled his duty upon them. 
 
 THE KINGS. 
 
 WE will now say a few words about the rings. The Romans 
 wore one signet-ring, at least, and to judge by the statues, generally 
 on the fourth finger of the left hand, or the gold-finger, as it is 
 called. Ateius Capito in Macrob. Sat. vii. 13, gives another 
 account as regards the more ancient period. It is known that 
 these rings were in the beginning of iron, and that the golden 
 ones were among the distinctions of the higher classes, as we find 
 in Forcell. Thes.; and Eup. on Juv. xi. 43. Afterwards, however, 
 vain persons, desirous of displaying their wealth, had their hands 
 literally covered with rings, so that Quinctilian (xi. 3) gives t^ia
 
 430 THE DEESS OF THE MEN. [Excuusus I. 
 
 special direction for the speaker, Manus non impleatur annulis 
 yyrwcipue medios articulos non transeuntibus. Mart. xi. 59 : 
 
 Senos Charinus omnibus digitis gerit, 
 
 Nee nocte ponit, annulos, 
 Nee cum lavatur. Causa quoe sit quseritis? 
 
 Dactyliothecam non habet. 
 
 Some persons had particular cases (dactyliothecce) for their numer- 
 ous rings, which were stuck there in a row. Comp. xiv. 123. 
 [Ulp. Dig. xxxii. 1, 52 ; Plin. H. N. xxxvii. 1. A bronze dactylio- 
 tkeca has been preserved.] Rings of immoderate size were also 
 worn, as the same poet says, with bitter satire, of Zoilus, who, from 
 a slave, had become an eques (xi. 37) : 
 
 Zoile, quid tota gemmam prsecingere libra 
 Te juvat, et miserum perdere sardonycba ? 
 
 Annulus iste tuis fuerat modo cruribus aptus ; 
 Non eadem digitis pondera conveniunt; 
 
 and the effeminate Orispinus had lighter rings for the summer than 
 for the winter ; one of the absurdities that made Juvenal exclaim 
 
 Difficile est satiram non scribere.
 
 EXCURSUS II. SCENE VIII. 
 
 THE DRESS OF THE WOMEN. 
 
 A N antiquarian would be sadly at fault, had he to write a 
 ^ history of the fashions in female dress at Rome, or even to 
 explain the terms which occur in connection with the subject. 
 The meaning of such names generally vanishes with the fashion 
 that gave rise to them, and less than a century afterwards there 
 is no tradition that can give any satisfactory intelligence about 
 the peculiarity of a stuff or a particular form of dress. Comment- 
 ators must fail, for the most part, in their attempts to explain 
 the various articles of fashion mentioned in Plaut. AuL iii. 5, and 
 Epid. ii. 2 ; and the old grammarians, who are much too ready 
 to explain the nature of such things by the first suitable etymology 
 they can meet with, can be but little trusted, since the fashions 
 of earlier times were probably quite as incomprehensible to them 
 as they are to us. 
 
 Whoever therefore intends to treat concerning the dress of 
 the Roman ladies, will do well to confine himself to generalities, 
 and this is the more satisfactory, as the several articles of dress 
 always remained the same in the main, and the modes appear 
 to have extended mostly only to the stuff or quality, or to the other 
 accessories, which are of no importance. If we go through the 
 catalogue in Plaut. Epid. v. 39, 
 
 Quid erat induta ? an regillam induculam, an mendiculam 
 Impluviatam ? ut istoe faciunt vestimentis nomina. 
 Quid istse, quse vesti quotannis nomina. inveniunt nova : 
 Tunicam rallam, tunicam spissam, linteolum caesitium, 
 Indusiatam, patagiatam, caltulam, aut.crocotulara, 
 Supparum, aut subminiam, ricam, basilicum aut exoticum, 
 Cumatile, aut plumatile, carinum, aut gerrinum ; 
 
 we may easily see that, in spite of all the obscurity of the names, 
 they refer almost throughout to a difference in the stuff. But a 
 stronger evidence of the unaltered condition of the national dress 
 down to a very late period, is to be found in the numerous 
 monuments of art, which only differ from each other in the 
 selection by the artist in each case of the most favourable drapery, 
 but always exhibit the same leading articles of dress. 
 
 The complete costume of a Eoman lady consisted of three 
 chief portions, the tunica interior, the stola, and the palla.
 
 432 THE DRESS OF THE WOMEN. [EXCURSUS II. 
 
 The tunica interior, it is erroneously supposed, is also called, in 
 the case of the women, indusium, or intusium, according as the word 
 is derived from induere, or with Varro, L. L. v. 30, from intus. In- 
 terula appears to be a word of the latest period, and is used of the 
 tunica both of men and women. Appul. Flor. ii. 32 ; Metam. viii. 533, 
 and frequently in Vopiscus; it therefore seems to mean nothing 
 more than tunica intima in Q-ell. x. 15. Appuleius also mentions 
 indusiati pueri, but only in cases where a deviation from custom 
 takes place. The tunica interior was a simple shift, which, at least in 
 earlier times, had not sleeves, any more than originally the Greek 
 XiTu>v. According to Non. xiv. 18, it sat closely to the body 
 (though this must hardly be taken in a strict sense), and was not 
 girded whenever the second tunica was put on. Supposing it was only 
 worn within-doors, this might have been the case, but the assumption 
 that the semicinctium was particularly destined for this purpose, is 
 entirely arbitrary. For in Martial (xiv. 153, Semicinctium') : 
 Det tunicam dives ; ego te prsecingere possum. 
 
 Essem si locuples, munus utrumque darem. 
 
 it is to be taken as the girdle of the tunica virorum, and so in Petr. 94. 
 Stays for compressing the form into an unnatural appearance of 
 slimness were not known to the ancients, and would have been an 
 abomination in their eyes. In Terent. Eun. ii. 3, 21 : 
 
 Haud similis virgo est virginum nostrarum, quas matres student 
 
 Demissis humeris esse, vincto pectore, ut gracilse sient. 
 
 Si qua est habitior paullo, pugilem esse aiunt; deducunt cibum. 
 
 Tametsi bona'st natura, reddunt curatura junceas. 
 
 a severe censure is conveyed of so unnatural a taste, which is 
 
 confirmed by all the monuments of art. Still we should be in 
 
 error if we supposed that a girl in those days, even though vincto 
 
 pectore, was provided with stays. All they had was a bosom-band, 
 
 strophium, mamillare, for the purpose of elevating the bosom, and 
 
 also perhaps to confine somewhat the nimius tumor. We must not 
 
 confound with this what Martial calls the fascia pectoralis, xiv. 134 : 
 
 Fascia crescentes dominse compesce papillas, 
 
 Ut sit quod capiat nostra tegatque manus. 
 
 Such fascice, as is evident from his own words, were worn to confine 
 the breast in its growth, and were consequently not a part of the 
 usual dress. This is also meant by Terence ; on which see Stall- 
 baum's note, and Seal, ad Varr. L. L. iv. 59. 
 
 But the strophium was placed over the inner tunica, as we see 
 from the fragment of Turpilius in Non. xiv. 8 : 
 
 Me nriseram ! Quid agam ? Inter vias epistola cecidit mihi, 
 Infelix inter tuniculam ac strophium quam collocaveram.
 
 SCENE VIII.] THE DRESS OF THE WOMEN. 433 
 
 It appears to have been usually of leather, at least Martial, xiv. 66, 
 gUud.es to this, Mamillare : 
 
 Taurino poteras pectus constringere tergo ; 
 Nam pellis mammas non capit ista tuas. 
 
 and for this reason is called by Catull. 64, 65, tereti strophio luctan- 
 tes vincta papillas. Bottiger's statement, that strophium was not 
 called mamillare, except when designed to gird in the too much 
 developed bosom, is perfectly groundless, and contradicted by the 
 same Epigram of Martial, who says that the mamillare of which he 
 speaks is not sufficient for so large a breast. 
 
 Over the tunica interior was drawn the stola, also a tunica but 
 with sleeves, which, however, in general, only covered the upper 
 part of the arm. These were not sewn together, but the opening 
 on the outer side was fastened by clasps, as was frequently the case 
 with the tunica without sleeves, the parts of which covering the 
 breast and back were only fastened over the shoulders by means of 
 a fibula. [Isidor. xix. 3l,fibulce sunt quibus pectus feminarum ornatur 
 vel pallium tenetur. See Mas. Sorb. vii. 48.] The matter is rendered 
 clearest by monuments, such as the bronze statue in the Mus. Sorb. 
 ii. t. 4, although the dress be not Eoman. The girl there repre- 
 sented is just about to fasten the two parts over the shoulders, and 
 these, as well as a part of the breast, are still uncovered. Although 
 the stola generally had sleeves, it is sometimes found without them, 
 as in the statue of Livia represented in the following engraving 
 from the Mus. Sorb. iii. t. 37, in which the under tunica had sleeves, 
 but the upper none : it is fastened high up, above the shoulder, by 
 means of a riband-like clasp, so that the front and back part have 
 no other fastening. The statue given by Visconti, Monum. Gabini. 
 34, seems to be clad in the same manner. In the half-bronze figure 
 in the Mus. Sorb. viii. t. 59, the under tunica only has sleeves, 
 while the upper is provided with arm-holes, without clasps. What 
 distinguished this upper tunica from the lower one, and rendered it 
 a stola, or, at all events, was never absent, was the instiia; according 
 to Bottiger a broad flounce, sewn on to the lower skirt. This is 
 what in Poll. vii. 54, is called oroXiSuiroQ ^rwv. But this does not 
 agree with the remarks of the Scholiast of Cruquius on the chief 
 passage concerning this article of dress. Hor. Sat. i. 2, 29 : 
 
 Sunt qui nolunt tetigisse nisi illas 
 Quarum subsuta falos tegit instita veste. 
 
 He says : quia matronce stola utuntur ad imos usque pedes demissa, 
 cujus imam partem ambit instita subsuta, id est, conjuncta. Instita 
 autem Greece dicitur iripnridtXov, quod stolce subsuebatur, qua matronce 
 utebantur : erat enim tenuissima fasciola, qitce prcetextce adjiciebatur. 
 
 F F
 
 434 
 
 THE DKESS OF THE WOMEN. [EXCURPCS II 
 
 If the Scholiast be right, we must consider it to have been a nar- 
 row flounce, sewn on under the strip of purple. Ovid, Art. Am. i. 
 32, does not disagree with this : 
 
 Qusque tegis medios instita longa pedes ; 
 
 for longa could in no case be understood of the breadth of the 
 flounce, but only of its reaching far down. This, however, would 
 not exclude the possibility of its having been also worn broader. 
 
 While the under tunica did not reach much beyond the knee, 
 the stola was longer than the whole figure, and was consequently 
 girded in such a manner that it made a quantity of broad folds 
 under the breast, and the instita reached down to the feet, which it 
 half covered. Hence Non. xiv. 6: omnem (vestem) quce corpus 
 tegeret; and Ennius in Non. iv. 49 : Et quis illcec est, qtice lugubri
 
 SCENE VIII.] THE DRESS OF THE WOMEN. 435 
 
 wccincta est stola ? In the case of ladies of distinction, the stola 
 also was ornamented on the neck with a coloured stripe, but whether 
 it was of purple, as Bottiger asserts, there seems to be considerable 
 doubt. Ferrarius (de re Vest. iii. 20) has shown (from Nonius, xiv. 
 19, Patagium aureus clavus, qui pretiosis vestibus immitti solet; and 
 Tertull. de Pall. 3, pavo est pluma omni patagio inauratior, qua terga 
 fulgent) that it was a strip of gold, and he defends this opinion also 
 in the Analecta, 2. It was then a similar decoration to the clavua 
 among the men : see Excursus on the Male Dress. See also Varro, 
 L. L. viii. 28 : quum dissimillima sit virilis toga tunicce, muliebris 
 stola pallio; ix. 48, x. 27. The account of Isidor. xix. 25, Stola 
 matronale operimentum, quod cooperto capite et scapula a dextro 
 latere in Icevum humerum mittitur, is wrong. 
 
 The stola was the characteristic dress of the Roman matrons, as 
 the toga was for the Roman citizens. The libertines and meretrices 
 differed thus much from them, that they wore a shorter tunica 
 without instita, and the latter a dark-coloured toga. Hence in 
 Horace (Sat. i. 2, 63), the togata is opposed to the matrona, and 
 the same opposition occurs in Tib. iv. 10, 3, 
 
 Si tibi cura toga est potior, pressumque quasillo 
 
 Scortum, quam Servi filia Sulpicia. 
 and in this sense, Martial says in defence of his frivolous Epigrams 
 
 (i. 36, 8) : 
 
 Quis Floralia vestit, et stolatum 
 
 Permittit meretricibus pudorem ? 
 
 Indeed the matrona found guilty of incontinence lost the right of 
 wearing the stola, and had to exchange it for the toga. So the 
 scholiast of Cruquius relates on the above passage of Horace : 
 Matronce quce a maritis repudiabantur propter adulterium, togam 
 accipiebant, sublata stola alba propter ignominiam, meretrices autem 
 prostare solebant cum togis pullis, ut discernerentur a matronis adulterii 
 convictis et damnatis, quce togis albis utebantur. To this refer the 
 passages adduced by Heindorf, in Martial, ii. 39, and vi. 64, 4. 
 
 Next to this came the palla, which, however, was only worn out 
 of doors, and was to the women what the toga was to the men. 
 The fashion of wearing it was similar to that of the toga, and will 
 therefore be better explained along with the latter. It is reason- 
 able to suppose, that as the men were extremely particular in the 
 adjustment of the toga, the women would be still more so about 
 the most ornamental and advantageous way of arranging the palla. 
 It fell more or less low, sometimes down to the feet, according to 
 the pleasure of the wearer, but was not allowed to drag along the 
 ground. It has been already shown from Ovid (Amor. iii. 13, 24), 
 
 F F 2
 
 436 THE DRESS OF THE WOMEN. [ExcuascB II. 
 
 that Bottiger goes too far when he adds : ' For at the theatre alone 
 were trains allowed to the Heroes and Citharoedse of Antiquity.' 
 Ottfr. Miiller, Etrusk. ii. 46, has also explained the passage in the 
 old and untenable manner, and we therefore proceed to a further 
 justification of the explanation given. He says, in speaking of the 
 worship of Juno at Falerii (this is the moenia Camilla victa of Ovid, 
 for at this period the ruins only of Veii existed, Prop. iv. 10, 27), 
 ' A pompa was joined with the annual great sacrifices, the festive 
 path was laid with carpets.' For the latter assertion, Ovid, v. 12 
 and 24, and Dionys. i. 21, are referred to. But in Dionysius 
 nothing at all is to be found about such a covering for the way, and 
 Ovid's words cannot be so explained. For when he says (v. 13), 
 
 It per velatas annua pompa vias, 
 
 the velatce vice mean streets adorned with foliage and festoons of 
 flowers, as in Virg. ^En. ii. 249, and Ovid, Trist. iv. 2, 3. But the 
 second passage (v. 23, seq.), 
 
 Qua ventura dea est, juvenes timidaeque puellae 
 Praeverrunt latas veste jacente vias. 
 
 which is the most important one, admits only of the explanation 
 here given. It is the trailing garments ( vestis jacens) of those pre- 
 ceding, which sweep the way, as it were. So says Statius (Achill. 
 i. 262) : Si decet aurata Bacchum vestigia palla Verrere. That 
 vestis jacens may, in the case even of a person walking, signify the 
 garment which touches the ground, is clear from a passage in Ovid 
 (Amor. iii. 1, 9) : 
 
 Venit et ingenti violenta Tragcedia passu ; 
 Fronte comae torva ; palla jacebat hurni. 
 
 There were therefore cases besides at the theatre, in which the palla, 
 contrary to the usual habit, was allowed to trail along the ground. 
 Though there may be no doubts about the essential nature of 
 these different portions of female attire, still the names stola and 
 palla have received an entirely different interpretation from others. 
 Eubens, for instance, does this, and the same explanation, in the 
 main, is to be found in Ottfried Miiller's Handbuch d. Archdol., 475, 
 where the stola is taken to mean the under tunica, the palla to be a 
 sort of upper tunica, while in place of the palla, as explained above, 
 the amiculum is substituted. Probably this explanation is based on 
 the obscure passage of Varro, v. 131, where the palla is mentioned 
 among those articles of dress, quae indutui sunt. But this account 
 of Varro' s is at variance with all that is said elsewhere, and with 
 Yarro himself, de Vita Pop. Rom. in Non. xvi. 13 : ut, dum supra 
 terram essent, ricinis lugerent; funere ipso ut pullis pallis amicice. 
 Without laying too much stress on the word amiciri, since amictus
 
 SCENE VIII.] THE DRESS OF THE WOMEN. 437 
 
 and indutua are often interchanged by the poets, thus much is clear, 
 that the palla took the place of the ricinus, and belonged to the 
 amictua. It is hard to reconcile this contradiction ; but it has been 
 shown above, that the palla in the best Roman period, and even 
 later, was a garment thrown round the person. This is further 
 clear from Appul. Metam. xi. 758 : palla splendescens afro nitore, 
 quce circumcirca remeans, et sub dextrum latus ad humerum Icevum 
 recurrens umbonis vicem dejecta parte lacimce multiplier contabulatione 
 dependula ad ultimas oras nodulis fimbriarum decoriter confluctuabat. 
 It was adjusted, therefore, like the toga. Sometimes the extremity, 
 which hangs in front over the left shoulder, was drawn under the 
 right arm behind, as in the statue of Livia. It need only be 
 further remarked, that it is the upper tunica which in all monu- 
 ments reaches to the feet, and that consequently there would be 
 nothing visible of the stola (taken as an under-gannent) with its 
 instita, which is nevertheless the distinguishing garment of the 
 Eoman matron ; that the words of Hor. Sat, i. 2, 99, 
 
 Ad talos stola demissa et circumdata palla, 
 
 do not at all allow of the latter being explained as an indumentum; 
 that amiculum is a general expression, which is equally used of the 
 men and of the women, Petr. 11; that we cannot refer to Plaut. 
 Cist. i. 1, 117, and Pcen. i. 2, 136, as these passages do not even 
 allude to the Eoman dress, and the word there used is merely a 
 translation of the Greek i/idnov ; that Ovid, Met. xiv. 263, affords 
 just as little proof (comp. Odyss. v. 230) ; and that we cannot draw 
 any inference as to what the palla was from Livy, xxvii. 4, regince 
 pallam pictam cum amiculo purpureo. It will therefore be necessary 
 to adduce some new and authentic arguments, before we can con- 
 sent to give up the explanation defended by Ferrarius, and recog- 
 nised by Bottiger and Heindorf as a correct one. 
 
 We cannot assent to the latter, when on Sat. i. 8, 23, Vidi egomet 
 nigra succinctam vadere palla Canidiam, he supposes that palla is 
 poetically used for tunica. Canidia comes, palla succincta legendis 
 in sinum ossibus herbisque nocentibus. [Herzberg supposes that the 
 palla was the upper tunica of the women, but that it denoted like- 
 wise, in a special sense, the short over-cloak which the matrons 
 threw over the stola, when they appeared in public. At all events, 
 Becker's explanation does not accord with all the passages of the 
 classics ; and the palla must therefore be taken in a wider sense. 
 In the following places palla is most probably a kind of mantle. 
 Hor. Sat. i. 2, 99 ; Varro in Non. ; Sidon. Apoll. xv. 13. See above. 
 Likewise Isidor. xix. 25, est quadrum pallium muliebris vestis deduc- 
 tum usque ad vestigia. But elsewhere it only signifies a tunica. So
 
 438 THE DRESS OF THE WOMEN. [ExcuRsrs II. 
 
 in the difficult passage of Yarro, L. L. v. 103. A ud. ad Her. iv. 47. 
 Ut citJiarcedus palla inaurata indutus, cum chlamyde purpurea (where 
 palla signifies the tunic, and chlamys the mantle). So in Liv. 
 xxvii. 4, palla and amiculum must be so explained; and Ovid. 
 Met. xiv. 262 : 
 
 Sublimis solio pallamqne induta nitentem 
 
 Insuper aurato, circumvelatur amictu. 
 and vi. 481 : 
 
 Indnitnr pallam tortoque incingitur angue. 
 
 where palla is a tunic, as Tisiphone was girded with a snake, which 
 would have been impossible had it been a mantle. In the next 
 place, the palla is sometimes described as a long, at others as a 
 short garment. Ovid. Amor. iii. 13, 26 : 
 
 Et tegit auratos palla superba pedes. 
 But in Mart. i. 93 : 
 
 Dimidiasque nates Gallica palla tegit. 
 
 Prom this twofold shape, the palla was thought by some gram- 
 marians to be something between the mantle and tunic. So Non. 
 xiv. 7, tunicce pallium; Sen. ad Virg. JEn. i. 6; Schol. CITUJ. ad 
 Hor. Sat. i. 2, 99, tunicopallium. And this is most probable. So 
 that the palla would be a broad upper tunic of greater or less 
 length, which, when ungirded, resembled a pallium; but when 
 girded did not in the least differ from the stola. (Sen. Troad. i. 91, 
 cingat palla tunicas solutas.) In the latter case, a mantle might 
 be also worn over it ; in the first it served as a mantle itself. This 
 garment was the dress of Citharcedce, and actors, as is plain from 
 the above passage ad Her. and Ovid. Amor. ii. 18, 15, iii. 1, 12 ; 
 Suet. Cal. 54. Courtesans and adulterii damnatce were not entitled 
 to wear the palla or the stola.] 
 
 The ricinium was a kind of veil. Fest. p. 277 : Ricce et riculas 
 vocantur parva ricinia ut palliola ad usum capitis. Varro, L. L. 
 V. 132 : ab rejiciendo ricinium dictum, quod dimidiam partem retror- 
 sum jaciebant. Non. xiv. S3 : Ricinium quod nunc Mavortium dicitur. 
 [Isidor. xix. 25, calls it ricinium, and Mavors, and even stola, 
 which is a mistake.] These expressions [as well asflammeum] be- 
 longed to an earlier period, and continued to be used only in respect 
 to the flaminica. But the fact, that they covered the head with a 
 veil, always remained. 
 
 [Females used the same sort of coverings for the feet as men ; 
 only that their solese and calcei were more ornamented, and in 
 brighter colours. 
 
 Lastly, must be mentioned the fans and parasols. The former, 
 flalella, were used both to keep off troublesome insects (for which
 
 SCBNE VIII.] THE DRESS OF THE WOMEN. 439 
 
 purpose the muscarium was also used, Mart. xiv. 71) ; and also to 
 cool, as our fans. Ter. Eun. iii. 5, 47 : 
 
 Cape hoc flabellura et ventulum, huic sic facito dum lavamus. 
 
 Ov. Amor. iii. 2, 27 : 
 
 Vis tamen interea faciles arcessere ventos, 
 
 Quos faciat nostra mota tabella manu. 
 
 Al. faciant flabella, comp. Art. Am, i. 161. They were generally of 
 peacocks' feathers, and other light materials, as thin plates of wood. 
 Prop. ii. 18, 59 : 
 
 Et modo pavonis caudse flabella superbi. 
 Claudian. in Eutrop. i. 108 : 
 
 Patricius roseis pavonum ventilat alls. 
 
 Parasols, umbellce, often occur. Mart. xiv. 28, Umbella : 
 Accipe quse nimios vincant umbracula soles, 
 Sit licet et ventus, te tua vela tegent. 
 
 xi. 73 ; Juv. ix. 50. See Casaub. ad Suet. Oct. 80 ; Burmann, ad 
 Anthol. Lot. ii. p. 370 ; and Paciaudi, o-cea5o06pj/<a s. de umbellce 
 gestat. 
 
 OENAMENTS OF THE HAIE. 
 
 THE Roman ladies were very proud of fine long hair, and its 
 ornaments. Appul. Met. ii. p. 118: Quamvis auro, veste, gemmis 
 exornata mulier incedat, tamen nisi capillum distinxerit, ornata non 
 possit videri. Isid. xix. 23. Bottiger has spoken of the way in 
 which they dyed the hair (with soap-like pomade, spuma Satava 
 and caustica ; Cato in Charis. 1 : mulieres nostrce cinere capillwm 
 ungitabant, ut rutilus esset crinis. Val. Max. ii. 1, 5; Fesb. p. 262 ; 
 Serv. ad Virg. JEn. iv. 698) ; and also on the false hair, and blond 
 wigs, Mart. v. 68, xii. 23 : Juv. vi. 120 : 
 
 Sed nigrum flavo crinem abscondente galero. 
 Ov. Art. Am. iii. 163 : 
 
 Femina canitiem Germanis inficit herbis, 
 Et melior vero quaeritur arte color ; 
 
 Femina proeedit densissima crinibus emtis, 
 
 Proque suis alios efficit sere suos. 
 
 The various methods of dressing the hair are seen in the ancient 
 statues. Sometimes the marble perukes of these were replaced by 
 others to suit the fashion. See Ov. Art. Am. iii. 135 ; Appul. Met. 
 ib. ; Tertull. de Cultu Fern. 6. The simplest method of wearing 
 their hair was in smooth braids, and a knot (nodus} behind, in the 
 modern fashion ; Mus. Sorb. ix. 34 ; or the ends were brought 
 round again in front of the head. The other extreme was the
 
 440 THE DRESS OF THE WOMEN 1 . [EXCURSUS II. 
 
 tutulus, a storied edifice of hair over the forehead. Pest. p. 355 ; 
 Varro, L. L. vii. 44 ; Mm. Sorb. xiii. 25. To keep the hair in 
 shape, bands were used, tcenia, fascia, fasciola, called capital. Varro, 
 L. L. v. 130 ; but especially pins (acus discriminalis ; Isid. xix. 31) ; 
 many of which are preserved, and such as are still used in parts of 
 Italy to wind the hair round. 
 
 A similar pin, though it does not seem of particularly good 
 workmanship, has been found in Pompeii, and a copy of it is given 
 in the Mus. Sorb. ii. tab. xiv. Bechi considers that it was designed 
 to fasten the garments ; but Bottiger has, and as it appears rightly, 
 explained the use of these pins as bodkins or crisping-pins. [Other 
 costly head-dresses were used. Isid. xix. 31, Diadema, est ornamen- 
 tum capitis matronarum ex auro et gemmis contextum. So also nim- 
 bus, ib. ; Ov. Amor. iii. 13, 25 : 
 
 Virginei crines auro gemraaque premuntnr. 
 
 The hair was dressed by ciniflones or cinerarii, with their curling- 
 irons (calamistrum, Yarro, L. L. v. 129), combs, and pomades, and 
 by the ornatrices. Macrob. ii. 5, p. 347. Julia mature habere ccepe- 
 rat canos, quos legere secrete solebat. Subitus interventus patris op- 
 pressit ornatrices. Orell. 2878, 2933. These persons were regularly 
 apprenticed to the art; Marcian. Dig. xxxii. 1, 65.] Not only by 
 night, but also for convenience by day, and especially when busied 
 in household affairs, the women drew a net over the head, encircling 
 the hair, reticulum [Varro, L. L. v. 130, quod capillum contineret. 
 Non. xiv. 32 ; Isid. xix. 31], pti0aAoe. Juven. ii. 96, reprimands 
 the men for indulging in this effeminate habit. These hair-nets 
 were frequently made of gold-thread, as we see from engravings in 
 the Mus. Sorb. iv. t. 49, viii. t. 4, 5, vi. t. 18. Hence in Juvenal, 
 reticulum auratum. [They also used caps of thicker material, which 
 hung down like a sack at the back of the head, mitra, calantica, or 
 calvatica. Varro, ib. Non. xiv. 2; Ulp. Dig. xxxiv. 2, 23. Sometimes 
 they were made of bladder, Mart. viii. 33, 19 ; and in various shapes. 
 They occur in vase-paintings. See Becker's Gharicles, translated 
 by Metcalfe, p. 336. 
 
 OENAMENTS. 
 
 THESE were very rich and manifold, generally of gold, set off 
 with pearls and precious stones. Plin. H. N. ix. 15, 58 : Paulinam 
 vidi smaragdis margaritisque opertam, alterno textu fulgentibus, toto 
 capite, crinibus, spira, auribus, collo, monilibus, digitisque, quce sum/ma 
 quadringenties H. S. colligebat. Lucian. de Domo, 7. The necklaces 
 (monilia) and neck-chains (catellce), which often reached to the
 
 SCENE VIII.] THE DRESS OF THE WOMEN. 441 
 
 breast, were very magnificent. Isidor. xix. 13; Plin. H.N. xxxiii. 
 2, 12 ; Sen. Med. iii. 572, auro texlili monile fu/gens. Paull. Dig. 
 xxxiv. 2, 32, Ornamentum mamillarum ex cylindris triginta quatuor 
 et tympaniia margaritis triginta quatuor. The pearls were of im- 
 mense value; Suet. Cces. 50, sexagies sestertio margaritam mercatus est.~\ 
 A necklace was found at Pompeii consisting of one band of fine 
 interlaced gold, on which are suspended seventy-one pendants, 
 like small ear-drops : at the ends of the chain there is a kind of 
 clasp, on both parts of which there is a frog : at the terminal points 
 where it was clasped there were rubies in settings, one of which is 
 still in existence, and is copied in the Mas. Borb. ii. 14. [See also 
 xii. 44. The arm-bands were called armillce (Paul. Diac. p. 25), 
 brachialia, spinther. Fest. p. 333 ; Plaut. Men. iii. 3, 4.] Arm-bands 
 in the form of serpents appear to have been very common, and 
 Hesychius says, o<f>t(; TO xpvaovv iripiftpa\6viov. In Pompeii too, 
 several of the kind have been found. See Mus. Borb. supra, and 
 vii. tab. xlvi. xii. 44. The latter have actually rubies in the place 
 of eyes. [Ladies wore in their ears a single great pearl, or other 
 ornament. Isidor. xix. 31, Inaures ab aurium foraminibus nuncu- 
 patce, quibus pretiosa genera lapidum dependuntur. Sen. de Ben. vii. 
 9, video uniones non singula singulis auribus comparatos, jam enim 
 exercitatos aures oneri ferendo sunt, junguntur inter se et insuper alii 
 binis superponuntur. Non satis muliebris insania viros subjecerat, 
 nisi bina ac terna patrimonia auribus singulis pependissent. Plaut. 
 Men. iii. 3, 17 ; Hor. Sat. ii. 3, 239 ; Paull. Dig. xxxiv. 2, 32. The 
 rings have already been discussed elsewhere. All these ornaments 
 were called ornamenta muliebria, Ulp. Dig. xxxiv. 2, 5. In contra- 
 distinction to which is the mundus muliebris, quo muUer mundior fit, 
 viz. specula (looking-glasses; see above, and Isid. xix. 31), matulce, 
 unguenta, vasa unguentaria, and other articles belonging to the toilet, 
 as combs (pectines, Varro, L. L. v. 129), of box-wood or ivory ; in- 
 struments for the nails (Bottiger, Sabina], and rouge-boxes. (They 
 were rich in cosmetics. Lucian. Amor. 39; Plin. xxxiii. 12, 50; 
 Cic. Orat. 23, fucati medicamen. candoris et ruboris ; Ov. Med. Fac. 
 73, Art. Am. iii. 197 ; Juv. vi. 477.) Ointments and oils have been 
 discussed above. Some ladies spent great sums in these essences. 
 Mart. iii. 55: 
 
 Quod quacumque venis Cosmum migrare putamus, 
 Et fluere excusso cinnama fusa vitro. 
 
 In Mus. Borl. xi. 16, there is a round ointment-box, with a pointed 
 lid, just like a tobacco-box. The larger chests, with mirrors and 
 other articles, called cistos myaticce, and which mostly came from
 
 442 
 
 THE DRESS OF THE WOMEN. [Excesses IT. 
 
 Prseneste, are described by Miiller, Archaeologie V. Many toilet 
 scenes in vase and fresco-painting, and on sarcophagi, have been 
 preserved. 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 THE MATERIAL, COLOUR, METHOD OF MANUFACTURING, AND OF 
 CLEANING THE GARMENTS. 
 
 THE garments were manufactured of wool, silk, linen, and cotton. 
 TJlp, Dig. xxxiv. 2, 23, lanea, linea, serica, bombycina. But the mate- 
 rial most used was wool ; and the toga could not be made of any- 
 thing else. 
 
 In Italy, the best was obtained in Apulia, round Tarentum. 
 Plin. viii. 48 [Colum. vii. 2, 4] ; Mart. xiv. 155 : 
 
 Velleribus primis Apulia, Parma secundis 
 Nobilis ; Altinum tertia laudat ovis. 
 
 Of the foreign sorts, the Milesian [Samian] and Laconian, as well 
 as several others mentioned in Pliny, were celebrated. [Yates, 
 Textrinum Antiquarum ; An Account of the Art of Weaving among 
 the Ancients. A lanarius negotians, importer of wool, is mentioned, 
 Orell. Inscr. 4063.] The cloth was sometimes thick and heavy; at 
 others, thinner and lighter. On account of the first-mentioned qua- 
 lity, the toga is called den-sa, pinguis (Suet. Aug. 82) ; hirta (Quinct. 
 Inst. xii. 10). The latter must not be confounded with the pexa, 
 which signifies only the new garment, or one that was more woolly, 
 and not so closely shorn ; whence sometimes the trita (see Obbar. 
 on Hor. Epist. i. 1, 95), sometimes the rasa, is opposed to it. The 
 lighter sort served for summer-wear. Mart. ii. 85. According to 
 Pliny (viii. 48, 74), it first came into use under Augustus. Silk 
 stuffs were not worn till late, and even then, serica signifies generally 
 only half-silk cloth, the warp being linen thread, and the woof of 
 silk. When greater accuracy of expression is used, the distinction 
 is made between subserica and holoserica. [Isidor. xix. 22, holoserica 
 tota serica tramoserica stamine lineo, trama ex serico.J Lamprid. 
 Sev. Alex. 40. But what he says of Heliogabalus (26), Primus 
 Romanorum holoserica veste usus fertur, quum jam subserica in usu 
 essent, this can only hold good of the men, for the holoserica stota 
 mulierum is mentioned by Varro in Nonius. As such garments cost 
 enormous sums, they were always considered an article of extrava- 
 gance. We see from Quinct. xii. 10, that silken stuffs (subserica) 
 were used for the toga also. [At first, however, silk garments were 
 worn only by women, Dio. Cass. xliii. 24 : men being in fact for^ 
 bidden to use them. Tac. Ann. ii. 33, ne vestis serica viros fcedaret.
 
 SCENE VIII.] THE DRESS OF THE WOMEN. 443 
 
 Vop. Tac. 10 ; Dio. Cass. lii. 15. But the law was often transgressed, 
 e. g. by Caligula, Suet. Cal. 52 ; and, later, it became obsolete. Solin. 
 50.] On account of their high price [Vop. Aurel. 45, one pound of 
 silk cost a pound of gold], these stuffs were woven so thin that the 
 famous Coa (which were, however, also composed of byssus) were 
 often censured by moralists. See Bottig. Sab. ii. 115, and Hein- 
 dorf on Hpr. Sat. i. 2, 161. The garment worn by Venus, in a paint- 
 ing from Pompeii (Mus. Sorb. iii. 36), and that worn by Phryne, 
 as she is called (viii. 5), must be considered robes of this sort. In 
 vii. 20, it is not much thicker ; and of them we may say with Horace, 
 pcene videre est ut nudam. [Sen. de Ben. vii. 9, video sericas vestes, si 
 vestes vocandce sunt, in quibus nihil est, quo defendi out corpus aut 
 denique pudor possit."] The silk dresses did not come to Europe in 
 the web, but the raw silk had usually to be manufactured here. 
 The chief passages on this point are Aristotle, //. A. v. 17. (19.) 
 [Isid. xix. 27.] Plin. vi. 17, 20, Seres lanicio silvarum nobiles, per- 
 fusam aqua depectentes frondium canitiem : unde geminus feminia 
 nostris labor, reordiendi fila rursumque texendi. The obscurity of 
 the expression has induced many to believe that the robes already 
 manufactured were taken to pieces, and then put together again. 
 In Rome, at least in the time of Martial (xi. 27, 11), the most cele- 
 brated weavers appear to have lived in the Vicus Tuscus. [Silk- 
 merchants, sericarii negotiator es, occur in inscriptions. Orell. 1368, 
 4252. The sericaria (2955) is a female slave, who probably had 
 charge of the silk dresses of her mistress. On the origin of silk, 
 and its manufacture and different names, see Becker's Charicles, 
 Eng. trans, p. 316, and Yates, Textrin. Antiq. i. 160 250. Though 
 linen was indispensable in a household (Non. xiv. 5, mentions the 
 linen covers, plagce ; xiv. 17, linteolum ccesicium; and frequently the 
 mappce and mantelia, or napkins. See the Excursus on the Table 
 Utensils. Oausape also was originally of linen, though afterwards 
 of wool), yet it was little used for dress. Hence it is seldom 
 mentioned, except in speaking of the women (never in the case 
 of the toga). Plin. H. N. xix. 1 ; whence we may infer that 
 women sometimes wore linen garments. See Fest. and Paul. p. 310, 
 who explain supparus as vestimentum puellare lineum. Non. xiv. 20 ; 
 Appul. Met. ii. p. 117 ; Isid. xix. 25, mentions the amiculum asmere- 
 tricium pallium lineum, and the anaboladium as amictorium lineum 
 feminarum. 
 
 It is not till later that linen garments for the men are met with 
 (for the legio linteata did not derive its name from its dress ; Paul. 
 Diac. p. 115; Liv. x. 38; and there was a special cause for the 
 priests of Isis wearing linen robes, linigera turba. Ovid. Art. Am. i.
 
 444 THE DEESS OF THE WOMEN. [EXCURSUS II. 
 
 77 ; Suet. Oct. 12), when fine linen stuffs became an article of special 
 luxury. Lamprid. Sev. Alex. 40. The young slaves in attendance 
 wore robes of this fine linen. Suet. Cal. lincteo succinctos ; Sen. de 
 rev. Vit. 12 ; Heind. ad Hor. Sat. ii. 8, 10. In later times, linen 
 was valuable from its fine quality, and the ornaments worked into 
 it. The finest came from Egypt and Spain (Carbasus, Plin. xix. 2 ; 
 Non. xiv. 28 ; Lucan. iii. 239. 
 
 Fluxa coloratis adstringunt carbasa gemmis. 
 
 Virg. dUn. viii. 34.) Often, however, linum appears to mean cotton, 
 byssus, and vice versa ; as both stuffs were very similar, e. g. Isid. 
 xix. 22, Sunt qui genus quoddam lini byssum existiment, 27, 25 ; Auson. 
 Eph. Pared). 2 ; lintearn da sindonem ; though, elsewhere, sindon 
 denotes cotton stuffs. See Plin. xix. 1 ; Poll. vii. 76 ; Becker's Cha- 
 ricles, Eng. trans, p. 316. The weavers of linen stuffs were called 
 linteones. Plaut. Aul. iii. 5, 38 ; Forcell. Thes. ; and the sellers of it 
 lintearii. Orell. Inscr. 8, 4215 ; Ulp. Dig. xiv. 3, 5 ; comp. Cic. Verr. 
 v. 6. They also manufactured stuffs of wool and linen mixed, lino- 
 sterna. Isid. xix. 22. 
 
 Here the question arises as to what were the colours of these 
 stuffs. Originally, the customary colour was white, which con- 
 tinued to be the only permitted one for the toga. The poor slaves 
 and freedmen wore dark-coloured clothes, it is true, but this 
 was for economy's sake, as they were less liable to soil. These 
 dark stuffs, fusei colores, Mart. i. 97 ; xiv. 127 ; canusince fuscce ; 
 comp. 129; were, partly, dark naturally (the wool of the Bcetic 
 sheep was dark-coloured; Mart. i. 97; xiv. 133, me mea tinxitovis; 
 Non. xvi. 13; Ulp. Dig. xxxii. 1, 70, naturaliter nigrum); partly 
 dyed so (color anthracinus, Non. xvi. 14). From the former, the 
 poor were called pullata turba. Quinct. vi. 4, 6, ii. 12, 10 ; Plin. 
 Ep. vii. 17 ; Suet. Oct. 40, 44. But the higher classes also, when 
 in mourning, or under prosecution, wore dark clothes (hence toga 
 pulla, sordida). See the Excursus on The Burial of the Dead. It 
 was not till after the extinction of the old republican manners that 
 men wore coloured garments, viz. lacernce and synthesis.'] The fac- 
 tions of the Circus also influenced the choice of colour. 
 
 Women, at least in the first century, frequently wore coloured 
 robes ; and it seems doubtful whether this should be applied, with 
 Bottiger (Sab. ii. 91, 109), only to girls and women of a lighter 
 cast. [Sen. Nat. Qu. vii. 31, and Lucian, de Domo, 7, prove only 
 that immodest women usually wore glaring colours. See Becker's 
 Charicles, translated by Metcalfe, p. 320.] In the paintings from 
 Herculaneum and Pompeii, even of the grandest subjects, we see a 
 far less number of white than of coloured robes, as sky-blue and
 
 SCEXE VIII.] THE DRESS OP THE WOMEN. 445 
 
 violet. See Zahn, Ornam. t. 19 ; Mus. Borb. iii. t. 5, 6, and in the 
 noble figures (vii. t. 34), the tunica and palla are azure, covered 
 with golden stars. These are, it is true, not portraits of particular 
 Eoman matrons, but still they exhibit the taste of the period ; and 
 in Petron. 67, Fortunata, the wife of Trimalchio, wears a tunica 
 cerasina. Comp. Dig. xxxiv. 2, 32, and 7 : pallce purpureae are often 
 mentioned in the case of the first matrons. Many matrons may have 
 retained the white garment, and on certain occasions coloured ones 
 would probably not have been becoming, but this cannot be assumed 
 to have been generally the case. [See Ov. Art. Am. iii. 169, 185 : 
 
 Quot nova terra parit flores, cum vere tepenti, 
 
 Yitis agit gemmas pigraque cedit hyems, 
 Lana tot aut plures succos bibit, elige certos. ] 
 
 These robes were made not only of one distinct colour, as pur- 
 purece, coccinece, amethystince, ianthince, prasince, [or after names of 
 flowers, as violet, mallow (molocJiinus] caltha, crocus (also luteus, 
 Ov. Art. Am. iii. 179 ; Plin. xxi. 8), and hyacinth. Non. xvi. 12, 2, 
 11; Isid. xix. ; or iron-coloured, ferrugineus, Non. xvi. 7 ; Isid.j'6. ; 
 Plaut. Mil. iv. 4, 43 ; sea-coloured, cumatilis, Non. xvi. 1 ; greenish, 
 galbinus, Juv. ii. 97; Mart. iii. 85, i. 97 ; Forcell. v. galbanum;] 
 but there were also, at least in the time of PEny, coloured prints, 
 so to speak,, which appear to have been produced much in the same 
 way as with us, and by means of a corrosive preparation laid on 
 previously, the impressed parts were prevented from assuming the 
 same colour as the rest of the piece. Pliny himself is full of 
 admiration at the process. [The vestis impluviata, Plaut. Epid. ii. 
 2, 40, was doubtless a figured robe. Non. xvi. 3 : color quasi 
 fumato stillicidio impletus. But the vestis undulata, Plin. H. N. viii. 
 48, 74; Yarro in Non. ii. 926, was equivalent to 'watered' with us 
 (Changeant or Moire). (Becker's Charides, Engl. transl. p. 321.) 
 Ovid. Art. Am. iii. 177 : 
 
 Hie undas imitatur, habet quoque nomen ab undis ; 
 Crediderim Xymphas hac quoque veste tegi.] 
 
 Although this could not, of course, have been regular printing, 
 yet these garments would seem to have been something like calicos ; 
 they were at all events versicoloria. [These versicoloria were also 
 made so by weaving and embroidery. Juv. ii. 97 : Ccerulea indutus 
 scvtula; where scutulce are the figures woven into or embroidered 
 on the cloth. Isid. xix. 22; Lucan. x. 141 : 
 
 Candida Sidonio perlucent pectora filo, 
 Quod Nilotis acus compressum pectine Serum 
 Solvit ct extenso laxavit stamina velo.
 
 446 THE DRESS OF THE WOMEN. [EXCURSUS II. 
 
 Stripes or borders, "woven in or sewn on the garments, were called 
 parayaudce. Cod. xi. 8, 2. The whole garment was also so named, 
 Lyd. De Mag. ii. 13; Treb. Claud. 17; Yop. Aurel. 15, linece para- 
 gaudce, 46; Vop. Prob. 4. The gold-embroidered vestes plumatce 
 have been already discussed. Comp. Stat. Theb. i. 262, aurata 
 palla. Heyne ad Virg. JEn. i. 648. 
 
 The purple robes, as a chief object of ancient luxury, have been 
 thoroughly discussed by W. Schmidt, Forschungen auf dem Gebiet 
 des Alterthums, pp. 96 212. The bright scarlet colour, coccum, 
 from an insect resembling the cochineal (not a vegetable produc- 
 tion; see Plin. H. N. ix. 41, xvi. 8, as Isidorus says, vermiculus ex 
 silvestribus frondibus], must not be confounded with purple, from 
 which it was carefully distinguished by the ancients. Suet. Ner. 
 33 ; Mart. v. 23 : 
 
 Non nisi vel cocco madida vel murice tincta 
 Veste nites. 
 
 Quinct. xi. 1, 31 ; Ulp. Dig. xxxii. 1, 70; Mart. xiv. 131. Of the 
 purples (conchilium in a wider sense, and ostrum, Isid. xix. 28), 
 we must take care to distinguish the juice of the regular purple 
 snail (purpura, pelagia, also posnicum. Yarro, L. L. v. 113, quod a 
 Poems primum dicitur allata vopfyvpa) from that of the trumpet- 
 snail (buccinum, murex, KqpvK} ; although purpura in a wider sense 
 includes the second also, just as murex and buccinum, in a wider 
 sense, often stands for purple. Plin. ix. 36, 61. These two con- 
 chylia are carefully distinguished by Paul. v. trachali, p. 367, al- 
 though in a mercantile point of view they are often confounded. 
 Plin. ix. 36, 62 ; Non. xvi. 9 ; Mart. xiii. 87. The two ground 
 colours of purple, red, and blackish (Plin. ix. 36, 62), were mixed so 
 ingeniously, that thirteen different tints were obtained. In the 
 proper purple, in its stricter sense, Schmidt distinguishes the pure 
 from the diluted. The former was, in later times, called blatta 
 (Salmas. ad Vopisc. Aurel. 46 ; Sidon. Apoll. Carm. ii. 48 ; Lyd. 
 De Mem. i. 19), and was divided into two sorts, the Tyrian and 
 amethystine, Plin. ix. 38, 62 ; Suet. Ner. 32 ; of which the Tyrian, 
 which was the dearest (the pound of wool costing one thousand 
 denarii. Plin. ix. 38, 63), was twice dyed to give it the magnificent 
 dark brilliancy, di(3a<poG and bis tinctus. Pliny. Mart. iv. 4, quod bis 
 murice vellus inquinatum. Hor. Epod. 12, 21, ileratce lance. Comp. 
 2, 16 ; Ov. Art. Am. iii. 170, quce bis Tyrio murice lana rubes. Stat. 
 Silv. iii. 2, 139; Lyd. De Mag.ii. 13; also murex biscoctus, repetitus. 
 The violet amethystine purple (also called ianthinum, violaceum, 
 Mart. i. 97) was second in value ; the pound of wool costing only
 
 SCENE VIII.] THE DRESS OF THE WOMEN. 447 
 
 one hundred denarii, Plin. ix. 38, 63. The diluted or pale purple, 
 on the other hand (jus temperatur aqua), was called conchylia; 
 hence Plin. ix. 39, Conchyliata vestia. Suet. Goes. 43 : Cic. Phil. 
 ii. 27, conchyliata peristromata. Pliny (ib. and xxi. 8, 22) discusses 
 the manifold mixtures and dilutions. The smell of the purple gar- 
 ments, the SlpaQa for instance, was far from agreeable ; Mart. i. 50, 
 32, olidce vestes murice; iv. 4, ix. 63. Wool and silk wore the chief 
 materials.; they were always dyed raw, never in the web ; cotton was 
 never dyed purple, linen very seldom. Plin. H. N. xix. 1, 5. Dyers 
 in purple (the most renowned were those of Egypt and Phoenicia) 
 and dealers in it were called purpurarii, Orell. Inscr. 4271, 4250. 
 It was spun and woven by common spinners and weavers. 
 
 The use of purple in the toga of the magistrates, and tunica of 
 the senators and knights, has been already mentioned. Such 
 borders were also worn by private persons, but, at first, only of a 
 common, spurious purple. Cic. p. Sest. 8. (Piso) vestitur aspere 
 nostra hoc purpura plebeia ac pcene fusca ; where fusca is wrongly 
 explained as violacea by Ferratius ; whereas that belonged to the 
 genuine purple blatta. This fusca and pltbeia corresponds to the 
 n'tXmva of Cato, in Plut. Cat. Min. 6, which is the garb of a com- 
 mon man, and not fit for a consul. Only magistrates might with 
 propriety wear the ornament of Tyrian purple, and violaceum. In 
 other persons it was considered improper ; and hence Cselius was 
 censured for wearing the genuine purples, Cic. p. Cad. 30. But as 
 luxury increased apace, this distinction was no longer observed, and 
 not only were borders worn of the best purple, but even whole 
 garments of it. The women do not seem ever to have made any 
 difference between the various purples. Val. Max. ii. 1, 5. But 
 Ceesar issued a prohibitive edict, Suet. Cces. 43. against conchyliatce 
 vestes, nisi certis personis et cvtatibus perque certos dies ; which was 
 repeated by Augustus. Dio. Cass. xlix. 16 : T>IV rt ioQjjra TTJV 
 aXoupyj; fiTjCtva dXXov tu> rwv fiov\tVTCjv ivSvtaOat. As aXowpyi'c IS 
 the same as holoverus, all purple, or genuine purple, Isid. xix. 22, we 
 see that the use of the garments with a purple border was not for- 
 bidden. Nero modified this interdict, forbidding only garments of 
 the genuine purple (blatta) ; Suet. Ner. 32. "Women also were liable 
 to a severe penalty for infringing the rule, and merchants were 
 forbidden to sell the article. But this distinction soon ceased 
 again; Lamprid. Sev. Alex. 40; Vop. Aurel. 46, ut blatteaa tunicas 
 matronce haberent, 29. The purple toga and robe were now alone 
 forbidden; these being the exclusive insignia of the Emperor. 
 Lactant. iv. 7 : indumentum purpurce insigne region dignitatis. The 
 later interdicts only applied to the best sorts (blatta), named murex
 
 448 THE DRESS OF THE WOMEK [EXCURSUS II. 
 
 sacer, or adorandus, which were produced by the imperial manu- 
 factories ; the commoner sorts continued to be allowed, and were 
 sold in the shops. Cod. xi. 8, 3; Cod. Theod. x. 21, 3, x. 20, 18.] 
 
 As regards the manufacture of these garments, it is generally 
 supposed that they came almost ready from the loom, and therefore 
 were without sutura. See Schneid. Ind. ad Scr. R. E. s. v. tela; 
 Beckmann, Seitr. iv. 39 ; Bottig. Furie.ne.rn. 36, and Sab. ii. 106. 
 This assumption, however, seems to require some restrictions, 
 "With respect to the toga, it is contradicted by Quinctilian, and it 
 seems even less possible in the case of the paenula ; and if we look 
 at a tunica, the upper part of which consists of two panni, which 
 must have been fastened together, before the breast and back could 
 be covered, we shall not easily be persuaded that it could at once 
 have been woven in that form. The mistake, perhaps, consists in 
 taking what sometimes occurred for a general rule. The pieces 
 might have been woven on purpose for each separate dress, and 
 first become perfect garments under the hands of the vestiarii, ves- 
 tifici, pcenularii, whose names frequently occur in the lists of slaves. 
 [Spinning and weaving were performed by female slaves, who, 
 originally, did this in the atrium, under the eye and with the 
 assistance of their mistress. See above. Later, the mistress seldom 
 assisted, Oolum. xii. prsef. 9 ; when she did, it was thought worthy 
 of special commendation. Orell. 4639, lanifica, pia, pudica, 4860. 
 Auson. Parent, ii. 3, xvi. 3. In the houses of the great there was 
 a special room, textrinum, or textrina, where the female slaves 
 worked, under the surveillance of the lanipendia, also lanipens servo, 
 and lanipendus. Pompon. Dig. xxiv. 1, 31 ; Alfen. Dig. xxxii. 1, 61 ; 
 Cai. xv. 1, 27. See the instructive passage in Sen. Ep. 90: Dum 
 vult describere primum, quemadmodum alia torqueantur fila, alia, ex 
 molli solutoque ducantur, deinde quemadmodum tela suspensis pon- 
 dcribus rectum stamen extendat, quemadmodum subtemen insertum, 
 quod duritiam utrimque comprimentis tramce remolliat, spatha coire 
 cogantur et jungi, textricum quoque artem a sapientibus dixi inventam, 
 oblitus postea repertum hoc subtilius genus, in quo 
 
 Tela jugo juncta est, stamen secernit arundo. 
 Inseritur medium radiis subtemen acutis, 
 Quod lato feriunt insecti pectine dentis. 
 
 Juv. ix. 28 ; Isid. xix. 29 ; Yates, Textrin. Antiquorum.~\ 
 
 The Romans knew nothing about washing their clothes at their 
 own houses, and the ladies were far better off than the king's 
 daughter Nausicaa. The whole dress, when dirty, was handed over 
 to the fullo, whose business consisted, besides getting up cloths
 
 SCENE VIII.] THE DRESS OF THE WOMEN. 440 
 
 fresh from the loom, in attending to the scouring of those which 
 had been worn, lavare, interpolare ; hence they formed an important 
 collegium. Fabretti, Inter. 278. [Oroll. 4056, 3291, 4091.] Schoett- 
 gen, Antiquitates Fullonice ; Beckmann, Beitr. iv. 35. The remains 
 of a fullonia excavated at Pompeii, the walls of which are covered 
 with paintings relating to the business of the fullones, are more 
 instructive than all the passages in which they are mentioned. 
 They are' given in the Mus. Sorb. iv. t. 49, 50, and partly in Cell's 
 Pompeiana, ii. 51. 
 
 In the lower part of one of these pictures we see in a line, in 
 four niches, such as are to be found for a like purpose in the build- 
 ing, three boys and an adult standing in tubs, for the purpose of 
 purifying, by treading with their feet, alternis pedibus, the clothes 
 placed in them. As the ancients were not acquainted with the use 
 of regular soap, they employed in place of the lixivium another 
 alkali, with which the greasy dirt contained in the clothes com- 
 bined, and by this means became dissolved. Of this kind was the 
 nitrum, which was often used, and of which Pliny treats, xxxi. 10. 
 But the cheapest means was urine, which was therefore, as is well 
 known, chiefly used. The clothes were put in this mixed with 
 water, and then stamped upon with the feet ; this process was per- 
 formed by older persons, whilst boys lifted the clothes out of the 
 tubs. Above these, in a second compartment, we see the next part 
 of the process. On a pole, hanging on strings, a white tunica is 
 stretched, and one of the fullones is manipulating it with a card or 
 brush, very like a horse-brush, for the purpose of rubbing it up 
 again, and giving it a nap. To the right, a second is bringing a 
 round frame, with wide bars like a hen-coop, which hangs over him 
 and through which his head is stuck, whilst in his left hand he 
 carries a vessel with handles ; and there can be no doubt about the 
 purpose for which this apparatus was designed. The white gar- 
 ments, after being washed, were vapoured with brimstone, and they 
 were stretched on the frame whilst exposed to the fumes of the 
 sulphur beneath. Whether the sulphur was so evolved in the 
 vessel which the workmen carried, or whether it contained water, 
 with which the clothes were sprinkled before being subjected to the 
 brimstone, we shall not attempt to determine. To the left sits an 
 oldish well-dressed woman, who seems to be examining a piece of 
 cloth, which a young workwoman has brought to her. The golden 
 hair-net which she wears, the necklace and the armlets with two 
 green stones, show that she is one of the more important personages 
 in the fullonia. It is remarkable that the young man carrying the 
 
 u G
 
 450 THE DRESS OF THE WOMEN. [EXCURSUS II. 
 
 frame -wears an olive-garland, and above him on the frame sits an 
 owl. This must relate to Minerva. 
 
 On a second wall we see, in the lower part, a young man in a 
 green tunica, giving a dress or piece of cloth to a woman wearing a 
 green under-garment, and over it a yellow one with red serpentine 
 stripes. To her right sits a second female figure in a white tunica, 
 who appears to be cleaning a card, or other similar instrument. 
 Above them several pieces of cloth are suspended on two poles. 
 
 Lastly, in the compartment above is a great press with two 
 screws, to give the dresses the finishing touch. In this manner all 
 the dresses were prepared, but the coloured ones had, of course, in 
 many respects to undergo a different treatment (comp. Pliny, xxxv. 
 17) ; and thus they were returned to their possessors with a new 
 gloss. A garment when once washed did not, of course, possess the 
 same value. Hence the dispensator of Trimalchio, in Petron. 30, 
 says : Vestimenta mea accubitoria perdidit, quce mihi natali meo cliens 
 quidem donaverat, Tyria sine dubio sed jam semel lota : on which 
 Burmann quotes Lamprid. Heliog. 26 : Linteamen lotum nunquam 
 attigit, mendicos dicens qui Unteis lotis uterentur. So also Martial, x. 
 II, lota terque quaterque toga, is considered a poor present.
 
 EXCURSUS I. SCENE IX. 
 
 THE MEALS. 
 
 rpHE contrast between, the simplicity of earlier times, and the 
 *- very refined luxury of a later period, appeared most strikingly 
 perhaps at the table. The prodigality of its equipments were ulti- 
 mately made not only with the view of indulging the palate by the 
 choicest dainties, but also from a desire of obtaining the rarest 
 articles, at whatever price. These were heaped up in dishes, with- 
 out any regard to their being agreeable to the taste, but simply 
 because they imparted an additional splendour to the banquet, on 
 account of the immense sums they had cost. Besides which, the 
 grand object of the Roman gourmands was not merely to eat 
 daintily, but as much as possible ; and they sought to increase their 
 capacity for so doing by the most unnatural means. The golden 
 saying, 11 faut manger pour vivre, et non pas vivre pour manger, was 
 precisely inverted at Eome. As such importance was attached to 
 everything relating to the table, there is naturally no lack of mate- 
 rials for a description of the habits connected with it ; and several 
 writers not only take pleasure in reverting frequently to the sub- 
 ject, but have also left us detailed accounts of grand banquets. 
 Stuckii, Atitiquitates Convivales ; Ciacconius and Ursinus, De Tri- 
 clinio ; Bulengerus, De Conviviis ; are the most complete writings 
 thereon ; but we shall pay little regard to them, as they are rather 
 confused masses of collected passages, than lucid expositions, and 
 also abound with errors. In addition to these, are Meierotto, Ueber 
 Bitten und Lebensart der Romer ; "Wustemann, Pal, des Scaurus ; 
 but the best compilation is that of Professor Bahr, in Creuzer's 
 Abriss, 407. "We shall here treat chiefly of the meals at different 
 times of the day, and make the arrangement of the triclinium, the 
 discussion of the utensils, and wines, the subjects of particular 
 articles. 
 
 It is especially necessary to make a clear distinction between 
 the later and the earlier periods, in which, according to the testi- 
 monies of writers, the principal article of food was a gruel, puls, 
 far, ador. Yarro, de L. L. v. 22, De victu antiquissima puls; Plin. 
 xviii. 8, 19, Pulte non pane vixisse longo tempore Romanes manifestum; 
 comp. Val. Max. ii. 5, 5. Juvenal (xiv. 170) also says : 
 
 sed magnis fratribus horum 
 A scrobe vel sulco redeuntibus altera coena 
 Amplior et grandes f umabant pultibus ollifl. 
 G G 2
 
 452 THE MEALS. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 And it appears also to have been in a later period a common dish 
 at the frugal board. Mart. v. 78, 9, pultem niveam premens lotellus, 
 and the principal sustenance of the lower classes, to which Mart, 
 xiii. 8, alludes. 
 
 Imbue plebeias Clusinis pultibus ollas. 
 
 But it does not follow from this passage that the puls was the 
 national food of Etruria (Ott. Miiller, Etrusk. i. 234), and it was 
 only called clusina, because the far dusinum, which was the best 
 and whitest grain, was especially used for this purpose. It is very 
 probable, however, that this dish was commonly eaten through the 
 greater part of Italy. [See Hauthal ad Pers. p. 183.] In addition 
 to puls, green vegetables (olera), and legumes (legumina], were fre- 
 quently used, and flesh but sparingly. 
 
 But sacrifices themselves, and the public banquets, coence popu- 
 lares (Plaut. Trin. ii. 4, 69), by degrees led to the introduction of 
 better meals, and the acquaintance with the habits of foreigners no 
 doubt also exercised an influence. This became manifest chiefly 
 after the wars in Asia, A. tr. c. 563. In earlier times no private 
 cooks were kept, there being no occupation for them. Plin. xviii. 
 11, 28: Nee coquos vero habebant in servitiis eosque ex macello con,- 
 ducebant. And such we find to be the case almost universally in 
 Plautus. On the contrary, Livy, in the passage already often men- 
 tioned (xxxix. 6), concerning the luxury which was introduced from 
 Asia, says : epuloe quoque ipsas et cura et sumtu majors apparari coeptce : 
 turn coquus, vilissimum antiquis mancipium et cestimatione et usu, in 
 pretio esse, et quod ministerium fuerat, ars haberi ccepta. Until the 
 years 580, no private baker also was kept, nor did any follow the 
 trade of bakers. Plin. supra : Pistores Romas non fuere ad Persicum 
 usque bellum, annis ab urbe condita super DLXXX. Ipsi panern 
 faciebant Quirites, mulierumque id opus erat, sicut etiam nunc in 
 plurimis gentium. [In the country, even at a later period, women 
 and slaves had to do the baking. Ulp. Dig. xxxiii. 7, 12 ; comp. Sen. 
 Ep. 90.] And a verse in Plautus, Aul. ii. 9, 4, where the artoptes is 
 mentioned, might have been considered spurious, had not Ateius 
 Capito informed us : coquos turn panem lautioribus coqui solitos, pisto- 
 resque tantum eos, qui far pinsebant nominatos. Varro, De Vit. Pop. 
 Rom. in Non. ii. 643. Nee pistoris nomen erat, nisi ejus qui rurifar 
 pinsebat. But in Varro's time, skilful pistores fetched immense 
 prices, as we see from the fragment of his satire irtpi ISftrfiaruv, in 
 Gell. xv. 19. 
 
 Notwithstanding all this, the art of cookery, and taste for deli- 
 cacies, seem to have made considerable advances in Rome, as early 
 as the time of Plautus, as we see from Aul. ii. 9 ; Capt. iv. 2 ; Mil.
 
 SCENE IX.] THE MEALS. 453 
 
 iii. 1 ; Cure. ii. 3 ; Mencechm. i. 1 ; Poen. i. 3. These passages were 
 doubtless written in allusion to Eoman habits, and the longing of 
 the parasites would otherwise have been devoid of meaning. 
 
 In considering a later period we must distinguish between the 
 various meals which were taken at different times of the day, and 
 thence the expressions, jentaculum, prandium, merenda, ccena, ves- 
 perna, will require explanation. [Dio. Cass. Ixv. 4, aiepariaaaOai 
 apKrrijffcii Stlirvov fUTaSopirta. Plut. Symp. viii. 6; Suet. Vit. 13, 
 jentacula, prandia, ccence, comissationes."] 
 
 Jentaculum, also jantaculum, was the name of the first meal, 
 eaten early in the morning, [in ancient times silatum, quia jejuni 
 vinum sili conditum ante meridiem absorbebant.~] Isidor. Orig. xx. 2, 
 10: Jentaculum est primus cibus, quo jejunium solvitur, unde et nun- 
 cupatum Nigidius : Nos ipsi jejunia jantaculis levibus solvimus. The 
 questions, at what hour this meal took place, what it consisted of, 
 and whether it was generally adopted by persons of all ages, are 
 difficult of answer, since the matter is seldom mentioned, and then 
 in a chance manner. Salmas. ad Vopisc. Tacit. 11, 615, assumes 
 the usual time to have been the third or fourth hour, but yet it is 
 scarcely probable that any fixed time was general, it probably 
 having been regulated according to each person's wants, and the 
 hour at which he rose. Hence it was not always taken before 
 going out of the house, but when they felt the want of it, and even 
 in going along, as Saumaise has shown, and from him we may 
 gather of what it consisted. Generally it was bread, seasoned with 
 salt, or some other condiment, and eaten with dried grapes, olives, 
 cheese, and so forth. Vopiscus says of Tacitus (c. 11): Panem 
 nisi siccum nunquam comedit eundemque sale atque aliis rebus condi- 
 tum, which is rightly referred by Saumaise to the jentaculum. So 
 speaks Seneca too of his frugality (Epist. 82) : Panis deinde siccus, 
 et sine mensa prandium, post quod non sunt lavandce manus ; where 
 panis is by no means to be understood of prandium. Others took 
 milk and eggs besides, and mulsum. Lamprid. Alex. Sev. 30. This 
 passage seems to show that the use of the jentaculum was not con- 
 fined to children and weakly persons, and there is no necessity to 
 draw inferences for the Eoman custom from Plutarch, Eustathius, 
 and Didymus. The passages commonly quoted, Mart. xiv. 223, 
 Jentacula : 
 
 Surgite ; jam yendit pueris jentacula pistor, 
 Cristatseque sonant undique lucis aves ; 
 
 and Plaut. (True. ii. 7, 46), hujus pater pueri illic est; usque ad 
 jentaculum jussit ali, do not justify any such conclusion ; for in 
 Martial, it is evident from the Lemma, jentaculum, that a particular
 
 454 THE MEALS. [EXCUESUS I. 
 
 kind of pastry which served for the boys' breakfast, is meant. Still 
 less proof lies in the words of Plautus ; for alere ad jentaculum 
 means, to bring up to that time when the child is no longer fed 
 with puls, but can partake with others of the ordinary jentaculum. 
 On the other hand, Vitellius (Suet. 7) asks of the soldiers who 
 meet him, jamne jentassent ? and Martial says to Csecilianus, who 
 came as early as the fifth hour to the prandium (viii. 67) : 
 
 Mane veni potius ; nam cur te quinta moretur ? 
 Ut jentes, sero, Casciliane, venis. 
 
 Comp. also Appul. Met. i. 60. We may therefore assume that 
 such a breakfast was generally adopted solvendo jejunio, though 
 many might have omitted it in the same way as others abstained 
 from the prandium. 
 
 The prandium was not so much a breakfast as the proper mid- 
 day meal, though it, too, was only looked upon as a preliminary 
 repast, while the more bounteous ccena appeared in the back- 
 ground. [The early meal of soldiers before the battle was so 
 called, Isid. xx. 2 ; Liv. xxviii. 14.] There can be no doubt about 
 the time at which it took place ; it was the sixth hour, whence in 
 Martial (iv. 8), sexta quies lassis ; consequently about mid-day ; but 
 this does not necessarily imply that it did not commence till the 
 beginning of the seventh hour ; for we read in Suet. Claud. 34 : 
 Bestiariis meridianisque adeo delectabatur, ut etiam prima luce ad 
 spectaculum descenderet, et meridie, dimisso ad prandium populo, 
 persederet. So that the expression meridie, is not to be taken so 
 literally, and mid-day might doubtless arrive during the games. 
 Many persons might, however, begin earlier, as Saturio (in Plaut. 
 Pers. i. 3, 33) answers Toxilus : Nimis pcene mane est. Cicero says 
 of Antony (Phil. ii. 41): db hora tertia bibebatur; and people 
 generally regulated the meal according to circumstances, as Horace 
 on the journey (Sat. i. 5, 25), who would scarcely wait for the 
 sixth hour. The saying of Paull. p.: 223: prandium ex Greece 
 jrposvSiov est dictum ; nam meridianum cibum coenam vocabant, agrees 
 very well with his account of the ccena. He meant to say he^ 
 that the name (prandium} was, at a later period, used for it (the 
 mid-day meal), and that formerly the cibus meridiamts was called 
 ccena. [So also Plut. Sympos. viii. 6, 5 ; Suet. Oct. 78, post cibum 
 meridianum; Tac. Ann. xiv. 2, medio die.~\ 
 
 The less common term, merenda, appears to denote the same 
 thing as prandium. Non. i. 118; Fest. Exc. xi. 92; Isid. Orig 
 xx. 2, 12. Merenda est cibus qui declinante die sumitur, quasi post 
 meridiem edenda et proximo, ccence. Unde et anteccenia a quibusdam 
 vocantur. What time Isidorus meant is not so easily told, for
 
 SCEXB IX.] THE MEALS. 455 
 
 between prandium and ccena there is no place for merenda. But 
 the promulsis belonged to the ccena itself. [Perhaps he meant an 
 evening meal, which might be taken by way of exception.") In 
 Calpurn. Sic. Ed. v. 60, we certainly have 
 
 Venim ubi declivi jam nona tepescere sole 
 Incipiet, seraeque videbitur bora merenda). 
 Rursus pasce greges. 
 
 But this is of sheep, and merenda denotes meal-time generally. 
 But we gather that the word denotes the prandium, without the 
 explanations of the grammarians, from a letter of Marc. Aur. in 
 Fronto, iv. 6 : Deinde ad merendam Hum. Quid me censes pran- 
 disse ? Panis tantulum. A b hora sexto, domum redimus, where me- 
 renda and prandium are used as synonymes, and the time is before 
 mid-day. Further, in Plaut. Most. iv. 3, 27, Theuropides says to 
 Phaniscus : 
 
 Vide, sis, ne forte ad merendam quopiam devorteris, 
 Atque ibi meliuscule, quam satis fuerit, biberis. 
 
 Simo had shortly before come from the prandium. As regards the 
 etymology, Isidor. cites a second passage : Merum hinc et merenda, 
 quod antiquitus id temporis pueris operariis, quibus (?) panis merits 
 dabatur, etc. How little value is to be attached to such attempts 
 at guessing the derivation of a word, is at once apparent. 
 
 "We learn from Plautus (Mencechm. i. 3, 25) of what the pran- 
 dium consisted. Phsedromus (Cure. ii. 344) mentions : Pernam y 
 abdomen, sumen, sitis glandium. It consisted of warm as well as 
 cold dishes ; frequently of the remains of the ccena of the previous 
 day, reliquiae. Cure, supra; Pers. i. 3, 25. Calefieri jussi reliquias; 
 and to- which the parasite adds : Pernam quidemjus est apponi fri- 
 gidam postridie. In later times they were not satisfied with these 
 dishes, but olera, fish, eggs, &c., were added, and mulsum, [Cic. p. 
 Clu. joins prandere and mulsum,] wine, and especially the seduct- 
 ive calda were drunk with it. Many frugal people took, however, 
 a very simple prandium, as the elder Pliny. Plin. Epist. iii. 5, 10. 
 Seneca called this a prandium sine mensa post quod non sunt lavandce 
 man us. 
 
 The principal meal was the last in the day, ccena [Stiirvov, Plut. 
 tfe.] ; but whether this applies to the most ancient times, may seem 
 doubtful, according to Festus, Exc. iii. 41 : Ccena apud antiquos 
 dicebatur, quod nunc est prandium ; vesperna, quam nunc ccenam ap- 
 pellamus, xvii. 149, and xix. 157. If the derivation given by Isid. 
 Orig. xx. 11, 24, ccena vocatur a communione vescentium ; KOIVOV 
 quippe Orceci commune dicunt, be correct (and it is more probable
 
 456 THE MEALS. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 than from ftu'vij), this meal, whether later or earlier, must always 
 be considered a principal one. If the name scensce be correct, it had 
 not a Greek derivation at all. 
 
 Apart, however, from this account, which refers to a period 
 reaching far beyond all written memorials, the proper time of the 
 coena was about half-way between mid-day and sun-set, i. e. the 
 ninth hour ; but as this, in winter, began at half-past one, the time 
 for business would have been too much broken in upon thereby, 
 and the coena was then deferred till an hour later, by which means 
 it was brought to about the same time ; for in summer the ninth 
 began at 2 hrs. 31 min., and the tenth, in winter, 2 hrs. 13 min. 
 Pliny (Epist. iii. 1, 8) says of Spurinna: Ubi hora balinei nuntiata 
 est est autem hieme nona, cestate octava in sole, si caret vento, ambu- 
 lat nudus. Lotus accubat. The ninth is generally named as the 
 hour of the coena. Cic. Fam. ix. 26 ; Martial in his division of the 
 day, iv. 8, t> : 
 
 Imperat exstructos frangere nona toros. 
 
 Of course the time is only reckoned approximately, and no doubt, 
 when busy, they dined later. Mart. vii. 51, 11. Many, on the 
 contrary, began the meal earlier than the ninth hour, ccenare de 
 die; Mitsch. ad Hor. Od. i. 1, 19 ; Rupert, ad Juv. i. 49 ; when pro- 
 tracted till late in the night, or till morning, they were said, ccenare 
 in lucem. [Mart. i. 29, in lucem bibit.~\ Such con vivia were called, 
 in both cases, tempestiva. [Cic. p. Mur. 6, tempestivi convivii.'] 
 Even with the more frugal people, the coena was of pretty long 
 duration. Pliny (Epist. iii. 5, 13), admiring his uncle's extraordinary 
 parsimonia temporis, says : Surgebat cestate a coena luce ; hieme intra 
 primam noctis. This left about three hours for the meal, and yet 
 even such instances were rare. As business was quite over, and all 
 the rest of the day belonged to recreation, there was no necessity 
 for curtailing the meal. 
 
 The coena consisted of three parts: 1. Gustus (gustatio], or pro- 
 mulsis; 2. fercula, different courses; 3. menses secundce. Thegustus, 
 says Petronius (21, 31), contained dishes designed more to excite 
 than to satisfy hunger ; all sorts of vegetables to help digestion, as 
 lactuca, Mart. xiii. 14 : 
 
 Claudere quae coenas lactuca solebat avorum, 
 Die mini, cur nostras inchoat ilia dapes ? 
 
 See Heindorf, on Hor. Sat. ii. 4, 59. Also, shell and other fish, 
 easy of digestion, with piquant sauces, and so forth. The sup- 
 position that the meal began with eggs, whence Acron, on Hor. Sat. 
 i. 36, explains the proverb, ab avo ad mala, agrees very well with
 
 SCENE IX.] THE MEALS. 457 
 
 Cic. Fam. ix. 20, Integram famem ad ovum affero ; who means that 
 
 his hunger lasts from the beginning to the end. In Petron. 33, the 
 
 ova pavonina also belong to the gustatio ; and Mart. xii. 19, says : 
 
 In thermis sumit lactucas, ova, lacertum. 
 
 This was a gustus, which many took immediately after bathing. 
 Appul. Met. ix. p. 656. [Plin. Ep. i. 15: Puratce erant lactucce 
 singiilce, 'cochleae ternce, ova bina. Varro, R. R. i. 2.] 
 
 They also generally took mulsum (see the Excursus on 77*e 
 Drinks), as wine was thought too heating for the empty stomach. 
 Hor. Sat. ii. 4, 24 : 
 
 Aufidius forti miscebat mella Falerno, 
 
 Mendose, quoniam vacuis committere venis 
 
 Nil nisi lene decet ; leni proecordia mulso 
 
 Prolueris melius. 
 
 The gustus was called promulsis ; but not because the viands were 
 taken before the mulsum, but because they, with it, formed the 
 whet. In the same sense Martial says, irpovivtiv, instead of gustare. 
 
 The ccena, in a stricter sense, consisted of several removes ; fer- 
 cula, [also called missus,'] named prima, altera, tertia ccena, followed. 
 Mart. xi. 31. In earlier times people were satisfied with two re- 
 moves (Cato, in Serv. on Virg. JEn, i. 637) ; afterwards there were 
 generally three, the chief dish, caput ccence (Mart. x. 31), being 
 placed in the centre ; but they did not stop there ; and Juvenal's 
 words (i. 94) are well known : Quis fercula septem secreto ccenavit 
 avus ? [Suet. Oct. 74 : Ccenam ternis ferculis aut quurn abundantis- 
 sime senis prcebebat.~\ There was never a lack of the dessert, menace 
 secundce, which consisted of pastry, bellaria (Q-ell. xiii. 11), fresh 
 and dried fruit, [Lamprid. Alex. Sev. 37,] and of dishes made only 
 to be looked at, and called by the Grecian name epideipnides. 
 Mart. xi. 31; Petron. 69, [or impomenta; Paul. p. 108, quasi im- 
 ponimenta, quce post ccenam mensis imponebant.~\ 
 
 By the expression ccena recta, is meant a full meal of this sort, 
 ab ovo usque ad mala, but it is obscure, and opposed to the sportula. 
 [See above, and Suet. Oct. 74; Vesp. 19.] Other expressions, as 
 dubia, pura, belong only to particular cases. [Before entering 
 into a brief survey of the chief dishes,] we will give some pas- 
 sages on the subject. Firstly, a simple meal is described, in Mart. 
 
 x. 48' 
 
 Exoneraturas ventrem mini villica malvas 
 
 Attulit et varias, quas habet hortus, opes, 
 In quibus est lactuca sedens et sectile porrum : 
 
 Nee deest ructatrix raentha, nee herba salax. 
 Secta coronabunt rutatos ova lacertos, 
 
 Et madidum thynni de sale sumen erit.
 
 458 
 
 THE MEALS. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 Gustus in his. Una ponetur coenula mensa, 
 
 Hcedus inhuman! raptus ab ore lupi, 
 Et quse non egeant ferro structoris ofellse, 
 
 Et faba fabrorum, prototomique rudes. 
 Pullus ad haec coenisque tribus jam perna superstes 
 
 Addetur ; saturis mitia poma dabo. 
 And one still more simple in v. 78 : 
 
 Non deerunt tibi, si voles Trpoirivfiv, 
 
 Viles Cappadocaj gravesque porri. 
 Divisis cybium latebit ovis. 
 
 Ponetur digitis tenendus unctis 
 Nigra cauliculus virens patella, 
 
 Algentem modo qui reliquit hortum, 
 Et pultem niveam premens botellus, 
 
 Et pallens faba cum rubente lardo. 
 Mensje munera si voles secundae, 
 
 Marcentes tibi porrigentur uvse. 
 
 The first three lines contain the gustus ; ponere is said of the fer- 
 culum. Comp. xi. 52. [Lucian, Lexiph. 6.] An account of a 
 grand coena pontifical is, about the middle of the period of the 
 Eepublic, will be found in Macrobius, ii. 9: Ccena hcecfuit: Ante 
 ecenam echinos, ostreas crudas, quantum vellent, peloridas, sphondilos, 
 turdum, asparagos. Subttis gallinam altilem, patinam ostrearum, 
 peloridum, balanos nigros, balanos albos ; iterum sphondilos, glyco- 
 maridas, utricas, ficedulas, lumbos caprugineos, aprugnos, altilia ex 
 farina involuta, ficedulas, murices et purpuras. In ccena sumina, 
 sinciput aprugnum, patinam piscium, patinam suminis, anates, quer- 
 cedulas elixas, lepores, altilia assa, amylum, panes Picentes. The 
 guests amounted to fifteen or sixteen persons in all. 
 
 Much about the usual dishes is to be found in Heindorf's notes 
 on Horace, and "Wustemann's Pal. d. Scaur. [Nonne, de re cibaria.'] 
 We shall here follow Horace, Martial, Juvenal, Macrobius, and 
 Pliny, [Plautus likewise mentions several dishes,] without referring 
 to the receipt-book of Apicius, [or to the unnatural gormandizing 
 of a later age (portenta luxurice. Sen. Ep. 110, luxus menace. Tacit. 
 Ann. iii. 55), when innumerable delicacies were procured from 
 distant lands at an enormous cost ; a state of debauchery which 
 was but little curtailed by the numerous sumptuary laws. Comp. 
 Sen. Cons, ad Alb. 10. ep. 78, 95, 114; Cons, ad Helv. 9; Suet. Vit. 
 13; Lamprid. Heliog. 19, 23; Eutrop. vii. 18; Dio. Cass. Ixv. 3; 
 Colum. prcef. de hort. cultu ; Pacati, Paneg. Theod. 14.
 
 SCENE IX.] THE MEALS. 459 
 
 FISH 
 
 were a chief object of Eoman epicurism, though several sorts also 
 served as the poor man's staple of subsistence ; e. g.] Lacertus, a 
 very common and not particularly esteemed sea fish, which on this 
 account is often introduced in mentioning a simple meal, as Juven. 
 xiv. 134; Mart. vii. 78. It was eaten with eggs, chopped small, 
 and rue, ' which were placed either round or upon it (Mart. x. 
 48, 11). 
 
 Secta coronabunt rutatos ova lacertos, 
 
 as the cybium, salted slices of a fish of the pelamides species (Mart, 
 v. 78, 5), also a cheap dish, whence they are mentioned together. 
 Mart. xi. 27. 
 
 [The mcena or mena, Cic. de Fin. ii. 28, was little valued; as 
 also the sepiola and lepas. Plaut. Cas. ii. 8, 57. At Venice the little 
 gobius was a favourite dish. Mart. xii. 88, Col. viii. 17. Of the 
 mugilis we know little. Plin. ix. 17, 26. Col. viii. 16 ; Mart. x. 30. 
 Sergius was called after the aurata, or orata (Goldbrasse), from his 
 fondness for this fish. Macrob. ii. 11 ; Col. viii. 16 ; Varro, Ii. R. iii. 
 3 ; Plin. ix. 16, 25. But see Festus, v. orata, p. 182. Those from 
 the Lucrine lake were the best. Mart. xiii. 90.] The mullus [sea- 
 barbel, hence called barbatus, Cic. ad Att. ii. 1 ; Parad. v. 2] was 
 one of the most favourite and expensive fishes, and increased in 
 value according to its size, and to an almost incredible amount, one 
 of six pounds having been sold for eight thousand sesterces. See 
 Heind. on Hor. Sat. ii. 2, 33; [Juv. iv. 15, v. 92; Mart. x. 37, 31; 
 Sen. Ep. 95 ; Macrob. Sat. ii. 12.] The smaller ones were not 
 much esteemed. Mart. xiv. 97 : 
 
 Grandia ne viola parvo chrysendeta mullo ; 
 Ut minimum, libras debet habere duas. 
 
 [See Plin. ix. 17, 18.] The rhombus, turbot, a most favourite fish 
 with the Eomans, especially when large, was procured best from 
 Eavenna. Plin. xix. 54, 79; Heindorf on Hor. Sat. i. 2, 116, ii. 8, 
 30; Mart. xiii. 81, iii. 60. The passer, flounder, much resembled 
 it. Hor. Sat. ii. 8, 29 ; Plin. ix. 20, 36 ; Col. viii. 16, The murcena 
 was a kind of sea-eel, Heind. on Hor. Sat. ii. 8, 42. The best came 
 from the coast of Sicily, and Tartessus. Macrob. Sat. ii. 11 ; Juv. 
 v. 99 ; Col. viii. 16 ; Mart. xiii. 80 ; Gell. vii. 16 ; Plin. ix. 54. The 
 conger and anguilla were of the same species. Plin. ix. 20, 37 ; 
 Plaut. Mil. iii. 1, 165. The asellus, supposed to be the haddock, 
 was celebrated (Varro, L. L. v. 77 ; Petron. 24 : Post asellum 
 diarianon sumo, i. e. " after delicacies I will not eat common food." 
 The best came from Pessinus, Gell. vii. 16), and the lupus, sea-wolf.
 
 4 CO THE MEALS. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 Plin. Ix. 17, 28, Mart. xiii. 89. Those caught bet-ween two bridges 
 in the Tiber were esteemed most, Heind. on Hor. Sat. ii. 2, 31 : 
 Unde datum sentis, lupus hie Tiberinus an alto 
 Oaptus hiet ? pontesne inter jactatus an aranis 
 Ostia sub Tusci : [i. e. the Tiber.] 
 
 But generally, the river-lupus was considered bad eating. Colum. 
 viii. 16; Macrob. ii. 12; Mart. xiii. 17, 22. The scarus, which is 
 unknown to us, was highly prized ; scaro datus principatus, Heind. 
 ad Hor. Sat. ii. 2, 22 ; Epod. 2, 50 ; Macrob. ii. 12 ; Col. viii. 16. 
 Pliny relates that the emperor Claudius brought it from the coast 
 of Asia Minor to the sea between Ostia and Campania. Gell. vii. 16. 
 Its entrails were a chief delicacy, Mart. xiii. 84 : 
 
 Visceribus bonus est, cetera vile sapit. 
 
 The acipenser (or elops, perhaps our sturgeon, Col. viii. 16), best 
 from Ehodes, Gell. vii. 16 ; Yarro, R. R. ii. 6, was in ancient times 
 thought a great ornament to the banquet (Plin. ix. 17, 27 : Apud 
 antiques piscium nobilissimus} ; but afterwards fell much in repute 
 and value. Heind. ad Hor. Sat. ii. 2, 46 : 
 
 Haud ita pridem 
 
 Galloni preeconis erat acipensere mensa 
 Infamis : quid ? turn rhombos minus sequora alebant ? 
 
 See Schol. Cruq. ib. on the prceco Grallonius, who first SUCK mensce 
 opposuit this fish. Lucilius censured this luxury, Cic. de Fin. ii. 8 ; 
 f. Quinct. 30; Tusc. iii. 18; Macrob. ii. 12; Mart. xiii. 91. Paull. 
 says that its name was properly aquipenser. Salmasius (Exercit. 
 Plin. p. 941) derives it from acus and pesna or perna. Ath. vii. 
 p. 294. The rich Eomans had at their villas magnificent piscince or 
 vivaria piscium, stews, filled with fresh or salt-water fish, Plin. 
 H. N. ix. 54, 79 ; Mart. x. 30 : 
 
 Piscina rhombum pascit et lupos vernas, 
 
 Natat ad magistrum delicata mursena. 
 
 Nomenculator mugilem citat notum, 
 
 Et adesse jussi prodeunt senes mulli. 
 
 Shell-fish were also a delicacy, Gels. ii. 29, cochlece, ostrea, pelorides, 
 echini, musculi et omnes fere conchulce. Varro, L. L. v. 77 ; Sen. Ep. 
 95 ; Hor. Sat. ii. 4, 30 : 
 
 Lubrica nascentes implent conchylia lunse, 
 
 Sed non omne mare est generosse fertile testae. 
 
 Murice Baiano melior Lucrina peloris, 
 
 Ostrea Circeiis, Miseno oriuntur echini ; 
 
 Pectinibus patulis jactat se molle Tarentum. 
 
 Heind. ad loc. The murex was an edible purple muscle, Mart. xiii. 
 87, best from Baise. Macrob. supra. Peloris (gienmuschel), Ath. iii.
 
 SCENE IX.] THE MEALS. 461 
 
 p. 90. Fatua, Mart. x. 37, best from the Lucrine lake, Mart. vi. 
 1 1 . Echinus, sea-urchin, Mart. xiii. 86 : 
 
 Iste licet digitos testudiue pungat acuta, 
 
 Cortice deposito mollis echinus erit. 
 
 Plin. ix. 31, 51. Pectcn, cockle, Ath. iii. 88; Plin. ix. 32, 51, 
 xxxii. 53; Gell. vii. 16. Sphondilus and lalanus, see Macrob. supra. 
 The oysters and snails are of much more importance. The former 
 was an article of great luxury (palma mensarum divitum, Plin. 
 xxxii. 6, 21). Those from Circeii were the best. Plin. his neque 
 dulciora neque teneriora esse ulla compertum est. The next best were 
 the Lucrine ; at least they were thought so by Sergius Grata, no 
 mean connoisseur in these matters ; who was the first to form ostre- 
 arum vivaria at Baise. Plin. ix. 54, 79 ; Hor. Epod. ii. 49 ; Mart, 
 xiii. 82, Ostrea : 
 
 Ebria Baiano veni modo concha Lucrino. 
 
 As luxury increased, they were obtained from Brundusium, Ta- 
 rentum, and even from Cyzicum and Britain ; and then fattened 
 in beds in the Lucrine lake; Plin. ix. 54, 79; xxxii. 6, 21; Gell. 
 
 vii. 16 ; Juv. iv. 140 : 
 
 Circcis nata forent an 
 
 Lucrinum ad saxum Eutupinove edita fundo 
 Ostrea, callebat primo deprendere morsu. 
 
 In Macrob. ii. 9, an express distinction is made between ostrece crudce, 
 which were handed to the guests, quantum vellent, and patina ostre- 
 arum, which was a warm dish prepared from oysters ; for patina 
 does not signify the dish only in which the meats were served, but 
 a covered bowl, in which they were cooked (Plautus, ubi omnes 
 patince fervent, omnes aperio"), as well as placed upon the table. 
 [A particular sort of bread was eaten to oysters, panis ostrearius ; 
 Plin. xviii. 11, 27. 
 
 Snails, cochleae,, Plin. ix. 32, 51, were fed in ponds for the pur- 
 pose. Plin. ix. 56, 82 : Cochlearum vivaria instituit Fulvius Hir- 
 pinus in Tarquiniensi, paulo ante civile bellum, distinctis quidem 
 generibus earum, separatim ut essent albae,, quce in Reatino agro nas- 
 cuntur, separatim Illyricce, quibus magnitude prcecipua, Africance, 
 quibus faicunditas, Solitance quibus nobilitas. Varro, JR. JR. iii. 14, 
 discusses the rearing of them at length.] 
 
 The garum was a sauce made from the entrails and blood of 
 certain fishes, and probably was to the ancients what caviare is to 
 us. See Heind. ad Hor. Sat. ii. 8, 46, \_garo de succis piscis Tberi, 
 viz. the scomber, Plin. xxxi. 7, 43. On the scomber, see ix. 15, 19 ; 
 Mart. iii. 50 ; Strab. iii. 4 ; Mart. xiii. 102, Garum sociorum : 
 Exspirantis adhuc scombri de sanguine primo 
 Accipe fastosum munera cara garum. ]
 
 462 
 
 THE MEALS. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 There were good and bad qualities of it, and hence -we find it 
 at one time called a delicious expensive food, at another, "worthless 
 and common. The Silenus, from whose skin it is here made to 
 drop, is not to be found in the passage of Petronius, although in 
 c. 36, he has something similar: Circa angulos repositorii notavimus 
 Marsyas quatuor, ex quorum utriculis garum piperatum currebat 
 super pieces, qui in euripo natalant. The garum was used in various 
 ways, both in the kitchen and at the table, and oysters even were 
 smeared with it. Mart. xiii. 82. 
 
 Similar to it was alec or alex, Hor. Sat ii. 4, 73. Heindorf, 
 after Plin. xxxi. 8, 44, explains it to be a sort of garum not yet 
 refined. Kohler thinks it was a combination of all sorts of deli- 
 cacies, as oysters, the liver of the mullus, and other shell-fish. The 
 muria was a sauce of a like nature. Heind. ad Hor. Sat. ii. 4, 65 : 
 
 Quod pingui miscere rnero muviaque decebit 
 Non alia quam qua Byzantia putuit orca. 
 
 The best muria was made from Byzantine thunnies (thynni). 
 Plin. ix. 15, 20; Mart. xiii. 103, Muria: 
 
 Antipolitani, fateor, sum filia thynni ; 
 Essem si scombri, non tibi missa forem. 
 
 Pliny, xxvi. 4, 11, mentions muria made from other fish. Muria 
 (dura cruda, matura) was also the name for brine. Col. xii. 6, 25, 
 30; Oato, R.R. 105. 
 
 POULTRY. 
 
 THE peacocks and fowls have been already discussed. See fur- 
 ther, Lamprid. Sev. Alex. 37 ; Mart. xiii. 62, Gallina altilis : 
 
 Pascitur et dulci facilis gallina farina, 
 Pascitur et tenebris, ingeniosa gula est. 
 
 Lb. 63, 64. On the capo, see Yarro, iii. 9, who also mentions the 
 fattening of chickens in the dark. Sen. Ep. 122. The altilia ex 
 farina involuta, in Macrob. denote a chicken-pie. On the pheasants 
 see above, and Mart. xiii. 72. Pigeons, above, and Mart. xiii. 66, 
 67. Turtur, Plin. x. 34, 52. On the duck, see Macrob. above. 
 Mart. xiii. 52 : 
 
 Tola quidem ponatur anas, sed pectore tantum 
 Et cervice sapit : cetera redde coco. 
 
 Jecur anseris was a very favourite dish, and to make its taste 
 finer, the geese were fed with figs and dates. See Eader on Mart, 
 xiii. 56. [Hor. Sat. ii. 8, 88 ; Juv. v. 114 ; Plin. x. 22, 27. White 
 geese were considered best. Yarro, E. JR. iii. 10; Hor. supra.
 
 SCENE IX.] THE MEALS. 463 
 
 Partridges and heath-cocks, perdix and attagen. Mart. xiii. 65. 
 Perdix : 
 
 Ponitur Ausoniis avis haec rarissima mensis 
 
 Hanc ia lautorum mandere saepe soles. 
 76 and 68 : 
 
 Inter sapores fertur aliturn primus 
 lonicarum gustus attagenarum. 
 
 Plin. x. 48, 68 ; GeU. vii. 16.] 
 
 The field-fare, turdus, was considered a great luxury, and was 
 not only eaten when in season, but also fed all the year round in 
 ornitliones for the purpose. Even in Varro's time they were sold 
 when fattened for three denarii (about sixteen pence) a piece, and 
 one villa yielded in a year 5000 head, consequently a revenue of 
 60,000 HS. (iii. 2, 15). Columella says (viii. 10), nunc cetatis nostroe 
 luxuries quotidiana fecit hcec pretia. [A circle of roast turdi were 
 placed round the dish. Mart. xiii. 51, turdorum corona. 92, Lepus : 
 Inter aves turdus, si quis me judice certet, 
 
 Inter quadrupedcs mattea prima lepus. 
 
 Hor. Sat. i. 5, 72, ii. 5, 10 ; Pers. vi. 24. Blackbirds, merulce, were 
 also eaten. Hor. Sat. ii. 8, 91. Snipes, fideculce. Mart. xiii. 49; 
 Gell. xv. 8 ; Macrob. supra : sometimes the crane, grus, and stork, 
 ciconia. Plin. x. 23, 30 : C. Nepos cum scriberet turdos paulo ante 
 cceptos saginari, addidit, ciconias magis placere quam grues. Hor. 
 Sat. ii. 8, 87 : 
 
 Membra gruis sparsi sale multo non sine farre. 
 ii. 2, 49 ; Gell. vii. 16, grues Melicae.~] 
 
 There is no proof that the Phoenicopterus, which is explained to 
 be the flamingo, and named in the modern system Phoenicopterus 
 antiquorum, was in the time of Gallus one of the delicacies at the 
 tables of the great, but it was introduced soon after, for Vitellius 
 and Apicius had dishes made of the tongues of these birds. Suet. 
 Vitell. 13 ; Plin. x. 48, 68. Martial names them among the turba 
 cortis, iii. 58, 14 : 
 
 Argutus anser, gemmeique pavones, 
 Xomenque debet quse rubentibus pennis. 
 
 Comp. xiii. 71. [Juv. xi. 139; Sen. Ep. 110.] Elagabalus had 
 dishes prepared of the brains of these birds. Lamprid. c. 20. 
 
 [Sometimes, though rarely, they committed the absurdity of 
 eating singing-birds. Plin. x. 51, 72; Hor. Sat. ii. 3, 245. Among 
 the 
 
 QUADKUPEDS 
 
 the greatest favourite was the tame or wild boar.] It was gener- 
 ally the chief dish of a grand ccena, and camo whole to table ; [a
 
 464 THE MEALS. [Excuasus I. 
 
 custom introduced by P. Servilius Eullus. Plin. viii. 51, 78 ; D"uv. 
 i. 140 : 
 
 Quanta est gula, quse sibi totos 
 Ponit apros, animal propter convivia natum. 
 
 V. 115. Tiberius had only naif a one. Suet. Tib. 34.] 
 
 The practised gourmand pretended to distinguish by the taste 
 from what part of Italy it came. Hor. Sat. ii. 4, 40, says : Umber 
 curvet aper lances ; nam Laurens mains est ; at other times the Lu- 
 canian, and later, the Tuscan, was celebrated. See Hor. Sat. ii. 3, 
 234; 8, 6; Stat. SUv. iv. 6, 10; Mart. vii. 27. [Catull. 39, 11. The 
 Laurentine were frequent. Mart. ix. 49, x. 45; Ovid. Fast. ii. 231 ; 
 Virg. ^En. x. 708. The rich Eomans kept them in vivaria. Plin. 
 viii. 51, 78.] The cooking of the boar also cost a considerable 
 sum. Martial, who had received a present of a Tuscce glandis aper, 
 
 Sed coquus ingentem piperis consumet acervum, 
 
 Addet et arcane mista Falerna garo ; 
 Ad dominum redeas ; noster te non capit ignis, 
 
 Conturbator aper. Yilius esurio. 
 
 On the carving, see Petr. 40. [The flesh of the tame swine was 
 cooked in manifold ways. Plin. viii. 51, 77. On the manner of 
 dishing it up, see above. The sucking-pig was also thus served. 
 Mart. xiii. 41, Porcellus lactens."] 
 
 Among the most favourite dishes of the ancients were the womb, 
 vulva, and the breast, sumen, of a porca, before it had been sucked; 
 hence there is no dish so frequently mentioned from Plautus down- 
 wards. [Gierig. on Plin. Ep. i. 15 ; Mart. ii. 30, xiii. 44, 56; Plin. 
 xi. 37, 83. They also liked the head, sinciput verrinum, the liver, 
 the stomach, abdomen, Plin. viii. 51, 77, and the hams, perncK, espe- 
 cially those of Spain and Gaul. Mart. xiii. 54 ; Hor. Sat. ii. 4, 60.] 
 These were often kept and eaten a second day, Plaut. Mil. iii. 1, 
 164. Mart. x. 48, 17, tribus coenisjam perna superstes. [Plaut. Pseud. 
 i. 2, 33 ; Capt. iv. 3 ; Curcul. ii. 3, 87 ; Menceclim. i. 3, 27 ; Yarro, 
 L. L. v. 109.] 
 
 Sausages were a favourite dish and used by all classes of society, 
 and the fortunate rival of Cleon, in the Knights of Aristophanes, 
 has lent no small renown to the trade in them. The Roman names 
 for them are botulus and tomaculum, but these signify different 
 things, as we gather from Petron. 49. They were prepared as 
 among us, with the blood of the animal, as we learn from Aristoph. 
 Eq. 208, and the botuli were of this description, as Tertull. Apol. 9, 
 says: botulos cruore distentos admovetis. Tomacula, on the contrary, 
 were brain, liver, a^d other sausages, and were eaten warm, being
 
 SCENE IX.] THE MEALS. 465 
 
 roasted on the gridiron. Petr. 31 ; Mart. xiv. 221. Hence they 
 were carried about in small tin ovens for sale. Mart. i. 42, 9, 
 . . . fumantia qui tomacla raucus 
 Circumfert tepidis coquus popinis. 
 
 where tep, pop. means focos tepidos. So the botularius also cried out 
 his wares. Sen. Epist. 56. In Yarro, R. R. ii. 4, 10, lomacinoi are 
 probably the same as tomacula. As we import hams from West- 
 phalia, and brain-sausages from Brunswick, so the Eomans obtained 
 both best from Gaul. Comp. Ruperti ad Juven. x. 355. [The 
 smoked sausages were called hillce. Schol. Cruq. ad Hor. Sat. ii. 4, 
 60, explains fartum saltitium. Varro, L. L. v. 111. He mentions 
 several sorts of farcimina, e. g. Lucana (Mart. xiii. 35), fundolum, 
 etc. Non. ii. 410. 
 
 Of meats for roasting, the hare, lepus, was much esteemed.] 
 Petron., leporem in medio pennis subornatum, ut Pegasus videretur. 
 [The epicure's bit was the shoulder-blade. Ilor. Sat. ii. 4, 44 : 
 
 Fecundse leporis sapiens sectabitur armos. 
 
 8, 89. Comp. Mart. xiii. 92 ; Lamprid. Sev. Alex. 37.] On the 
 method of fattening them, see Macrob. Sat. ii. 9, and Plin. viii. 
 55. The little goat, hcedus, Mart. x. 48, was obtained best from 
 Ambracia. Gell. vii. 16 ; Juv. xi. 65 : they also ate the roe, Hor. 
 Sat. ii. 4, 43 ; the rabbit, cuniculus, Mart. xiii. 60 ; and even dor- 
 mice, glires (although this was restricted by a Censor's edict. Plin. 
 xxxvi. 1), Mart. xiii. 59. 
 
 Tota mihi dormitur hiems, et pinguior illo 
 Tempore sum quo me nil nisi somnus alit. 
 
 They were fattened with chestnuts. Plin. viii. 57, 82; Varro, 
 R. R. iii. 15. 
 
 VEGETABLES. 
 
 THE lactuca [Yarro, L. L. v. 104] was one of the most general 
 vegetables, about the use of which at meals, see above. For its 
 varieties, see Billerbeck, Flora Class. Here the capitata, headed- 
 lettuce, comes especially under our consideration, also called laconi- 
 r-a (Plin. xix. 8, 38), and sessilis (Mart. iii. 47, 8), and also sedens, 
 Mart. x. 48, 9. Five sorts of this are mentioned by Colum. x. 
 181, and xi. 3, 26 : two named cceciliana, after Csecilius Metellus. 
 the one green, the other brownish red, the yellowish green, cappa- 
 doca (Mart. v. 78, 4), the whitish, Icetica, and the cypria, also red 
 outside. 
 
 Brassica (oleracea], green or brown cabbage, was likewise a 
 very fa/ourite vegetable. Plin. xix. 8, 41. [Yarro, L. L. v. 104.] 
 
 H u
 
 466 THE MEALS. [ExccBSus I. 
 
 Both the larger stalks, caules, cauliculus, and the young spring 
 shoots, cymata, cymce, were eaten. Col. x. 127, seqq. The stalks 
 were served up whole. Mart. v. 78, 5. In order that in boiling 
 it might retain its green colour, saltpetre was mixed with it. Mart, 
 xiii. 17: 
 
 Ne tibi pallentes moveant fastidia caules, 
 Nitrata viridis brassica fiat aqua. 
 
 Plin. yxxi. 10, 46. Columella enumerates several sorts; Pliny 
 mentions above others, the Cuman, Arician, and Pompeian. [Com- 
 mon cabbage, olus, was the frequent food of the poor. Hor. Epist. 
 i. 17, 13; i. 5, 2, and Obbar. ad loc. ; Sat. ii. 1, 74; 7, 30, securum 
 olus. Turnips, likewise, Mart. xiii. 16, rapa, 20; napi were very 
 common; also asparagus, 21, asparagi, Yarro, L. L. v. 104; Non. 
 xviii. 1. Mushrooms, fungi, were a very favourite dish, particularly 
 the boleti. Juv. v. 146 ; Hor. Sat. ii. 4, 20; Mart. xii. 48, xiii. 48; 
 Plin. Epist. i. 7. The emperor Claudius was very fond of them. 
 Mart. i. 21. Truffles were called tubera. Plin. xix. 2, 11; Mart, 
 xiii. 50; bulbi, Mart. xii. 34.] 
 
 The eruca, brassica, eruca, garden-rocket, served not only as a 
 spice, but was also eaten like lettuce. Spreng. Hist. B. Herb. i. p. 
 97. It was well known as veneris concitatrix. Plin. xix. 8, 44, xx. 
 13, 49 ; Virg. Moret. 85 ; and is hence often called herba salax. 
 Mart. x. 48, 10, iii. 75. 
 
 Porrum, poree, a favourite dish of two kinds, porrum sectile 
 (Schnittlauch), and capitatum ; hence utrumquc porrum. Mart. iii. 
 47, 8. The capitatum (graves porri, ibid. v. 78, 4) of very good 
 quality, came to Borne from Alicia, Colum. x. 139 ; mater Aricia 
 porri, Mart. xiii. 19 ; as the sectile from Tarentum, ibid. 18. 
 Horace's condemnation of it (Epod. iii.) is well known. 
 
 Cicer fervens, or tepidum, boiled chick-peas, a very usual and 
 cheap aliment, was hawked about for sale. Mart. i. 42, 5, otiosce 
 vendit qui madidum cicer coronas. A dish of them could be obtained 
 for an as (about three half-pence). Mart. ii. 104. 10. Hence it is 
 especially the food of the poorest class, and always a mark of a 
 very frugal table. Hor. Sat. i. 6, 115, [ii. 3, 182 ;] Mart. v. 78, 21. 
 [So also beans, Mart. x. 48 ; v. 78 (lupini], and lentiles were a dish 
 of the poor. Heind. ad Hor. Sat. ii. 6, 63 ; Mart. xiii. 7, Conchis 
 /aba; lastly, barley, groats, polenta, Col. vi. 17; Sen. Ep. 18, 22; 
 Plin. xviii. 7, 18, alica; Plin. xviii. 11, 29; xxii, 25, 61; Mart. xiii. 6. 
 
 Of the various fruits notice has been already taken. 
 
 Further may be added] Syrian dates, caryotce, [Mart. xiii. 27,] 
 and Egyptian, Thebaicce. Salmasius treats of them at length, 
 Exerc. ad Sol. ii. 927 ; [Plin. xv. 28, 34.] The dates in Petron. 
 are said to be an allusion to the sustenance of the boar, glandes.
 
 SCENE IX.] THE MEALS. 
 
 467 
 
 Olives belonged both to the gustus and to the menace securities. 
 Mart.' xiii. 36 : 
 
 Inchoat atque eadem finit oliva dapes. 
 
 On the albce and nigrce and their conditura, see Colum. xii. 48. On 
 other sorts, Billerbeck, Flor. Class, p. 6. [Plin. Ep. i. 1.5, olivce 
 Bceticce. 
 
 Lastly come certain articles, used in cookery, per quce esse 
 solemus. Ulp. Dig. xxxiii. 9, 3.] e. g. honey. 
 
 The best was the Attic (Hymettian), and the Sicilian from the 
 floriferous Hybla. Mart. xiii. 104, 105. Third in rank was that 
 from Caly.dna, an island on the coast of Caria. Plin. xi. 13. On 
 the other hand, the worst (asperrimum, Plin. xxx. 4, 10) came 
 from Corsica. Therefore Ovid says of the letter (cera) of his love, 
 who refuses the rendezvous he entreats for, Amor. i. 12, 9 : 
 Quam, puto, de longae collectam flore cicutae 
 
 Melle sub infami Corsica misit apis ; 
 
 and Martial replies to Caecilianus, who had requested epigrams of 
 him upon absurd subjects, xi. 42 : 
 
 Mella jubes Hybloea tibi, vel Hymettia nasci, 
 Et thyma Cecropiee Corsica ponis api ? 
 
 Comp. ix. 27. [Here also must be mentioned the various condi- 
 ments, condimenta, kitchen-herbs and spices, piper, macis, laser, 
 ligusticum, dllium, coriandrum, careum, portulaca, lapathium, beta. 
 Paull. Dig. xxxiii. 9, 5; Plaut. Pseud, iii. 2, 21 ; Non. xvii.; Mart, 
 xiii. 5, 13 ; Plin. xix. 4, 7, 8. Also cheese (caseus, a coacto lacte), 
 Varro, L. L. v. 108 ; Plin. xxviii. 9, xi. 42 ; Mart. xiii. 30 33 ; 
 where the Lunensis (a very large sort), Vestinus, Velabrensis, Tre- 
 bulanus, are mentioned. The best came from Gaul and Bithynia. 
 
 PASTRY AND BEEAD. 
 
 THE loaves were very flat, about two inches thick, of a square 
 shape (hence called quadra; Mart. ix. 91 ; Hor. Ep. i. 17, 49 ; Juv. 
 v. 2), with six or eight notches cut in them ; as is seen from 
 paintings, and loaves, that have been discovered. The best bread 
 was of wheat-flour, siligineus. Sen. Ep. 123, 119 ; Plin. xviii. 9, 20, 
 e siligine lautissimus panis, ii. 27 ; Yop. Aurel. 48. It was called 
 tener, niveus, candidus, mundus. The commonest (panis sordidus, 
 durus, Sen. Ep. 18, plebeius ; Sen. 119, cibarius. Cic. Tusc. v. 34; 
 Isid. xx. 2) was of barley, pollards (hordaceus, furfurosus, fur- 
 furibus conspersus, acerosus. Plin. xviii. 11, 26). Between these 
 there was a middling quality, panis secundus, or secundarius, besides 
 several others. Plin. xix. 9, 20 ; Suet. Oct. 76 ; Hor. Ep. ii. 1, 123. 
 
 HH 2
 
 468 THE MEALS. [EXCURSUS I. 
 
 There was the panis speusticus, furnaceus, artopticius, subcinericiut, 
 dibanitius, rubidus, &c., names which refer to the method of 
 making the hread. Isid. ib. ; Plin. ib. ; Lampr. Sev. Alex. 37 ; 
 Juv. v. 67. It is doubtful whether panes Picentes are biscuits or 
 rolls. Mart. xiii. 47 : 
 
 Picentina Ceres niveo sic nectare crescit, 
 Ut levis accepta spongia turget aqua. 
 
 Small round rolls, or liba, were called pastilli. Plin. xviii. 11, 26; 
 Fest. p. 250 ; scent-balls, however, are likewise so called. Hor. 
 Sat. i. 2, 27, Pastillos Rufillus olet. Mart. i. 88. Cakes and pastry 
 were made in all shapes and sizes.] First come the porcelli, Petron. 
 40, which were distributed amongst the guests to be taken away 
 by them (apophoreta] ; they were made of copta, or copto-placenta, 
 a kind of pastry, not unlike the rye-bread of Westphalia; it was 
 very hard, and was often sent away to a distance. Hence Martial's 
 joke, xiv. 68, copta fihodia : 
 
 Peccantis famuli pugno ne percute denies ; 
 
 Clara Rhodes coptam quam tibi misit, edat. 
 
 See Petron. 60 : Priapus a pistore factus gremio satis amplo omnis 
 generis poma et uvas sustinebat more vulgato. Such plastic displays 
 of pastry were not perhaps confined to Trimalchio's house. Mart, 
 xiv. 69. Athenseus, xiv. details the numerous names of such 
 pastry. Hase merely gives a few general remarks on the subject. 
 The pastry was filled within with all sorts of ingredients. Petr. 
 69 : Epidipnis adlata turdis siligineis uvis passis nucibusque f arsis. 
 [On laganum and artolaganus, see Hor. Sat. i. 6, 115, and Cic. ad 
 Fam. ix. 20.] The making of these opera pistoria was the business 
 both of the dulciarius and the ladarius, 
 
 [THE ATTENDANTS 
 
 who waited at the table of the rich Romans, and cooked the meals, 
 were very numerous. Of the coquus mention has already been 
 made, Juv. ix. 109, archimagirus.'] 
 
 Pistor was the name both of the slave who baked the bread for 
 th'e usual household supply, and of him who made dulcia, cakes and 
 pastry of all kinds : the latter was also called dulciarius, because 
 the two functions were not always discharged by the same person. 
 Hence Appul. Met. x. says pistor dulciarius, qui panes et mellita 
 concinnabat edulia, where panes is not to be taken for common 
 bread. Mart. xiv. 222 : 
 
 Mille tibi dulces operum manus ista figuras 
 Exstruit ; huic uni parca laborat apis.
 
 SCENE IX.] THE MEALS. 469 
 
 The lactarius purveyed the regular pastry, in which meal and 
 milk were the chief ingredients. Lamprid. Heliog. 27. The lacta- 
 rius copied figures as well as the dulciarim, and the Priapi sili- 
 ginei were of his making, ibid. 32. In most cases the same 
 person discharged both offices, and the name pistor was the general 
 term. 
 
 [The white bread baker was called pistor siliginarius, or candi- 
 darius. Orell. 4263, 1810. The technical process of baking is seen 
 on the bas-reliefs on the tomb of the baker M. Vergilius Eurysaces. 
 The obsonator was the person who catered for the kitchen. Sen. 
 Ep. 47 ; Mart. xiv. 212.] 
 
 It does not seem warrantable to assume the presence of a special 
 fartor in a family for the purpose of making pasties, sausages, and 
 so forth : the fartor appears to have been no more than the omvrije, 
 who fattened the poultry. In Hor. Sat. ii. 3, 229, there is no ground 
 for supposing a botularius to be meant, as the fartores were not 
 confined to the villas in the country, but many followed the occu- 
 pation in Borne. When Donat. on Ter. Eun. ii. 2, 25, 
 
 . . . cupediarii omnes, 
 Cetarii, lanii, coqui, fartores, piscatores. 
 
 explains the word, qui farcimina faciunt, it might bear that signi- 
 fication, but the poulterer would be much more befitting in the 
 company mentioned ; and even in Plaut. True. i. 2, 11, it is not 
 necessary to suppose it to mean aXXovroTrwXijf. 
 
 [The person in charge of the triclinium was the tricliniarcha, 
 Orell. 794, 2952, or architriclinus, Sen. Ep. 47 ; Petr. 22, with his 
 assistants, the servi tridiniares, also named lectisterniator. Plaut. 
 Pseud, i. 2, 29. As regards the table itself, the structores were 
 important functionaries.] 
 
 The word structor has several significations, as he had several 
 duties. The word denotes, in the first place, that he was the 
 person who arranged the food, set the different dishes of separ- 
 ate fercula in order upon the repositoria, and took care that the 
 dishes were served in a pleasing and ingenious manner. See Petron. 
 35. In the next place, by structor is understood the scissor, also 
 carptor, [and diribitor, Appul. Met. p. 123,] he who carved the food. 
 His art consisted not only in carving in a skilful manner, but also 
 in dancing, and keeping regular time in his movements. See 
 Eupert. on Juv. v. 120. 
 
 He was also the person who constructed artificial figures, of 
 fruit and flesh, for the dessert, as, for instance, the cydonia mala, 
 spinis confixa, ut echinos efficerent, and again, the omnium genera 
 avium, pisces, anser altilis (Petron. 69), which were all made de uno
 
 470 THE MEALS. [Excrnisrs I. 
 
 corpore, de porco. See Mart. xi. 31, who says of Caecilius, the 
 Atreus cucurMtarum, or melon and gourd-chopper : 
 
 Hinc pistor fatuas facit placentas, 
 
 Hinc et multiplices struit tabellas, 
 
 Et notas caryotidas theatris. 
 
 And this seems to be his office in the passage of Lamprid. 
 (Heliog. 27) mentioned above. In most cases the latter was the 
 duty of the cook, and the former of the scissor. 
 
 It is uncertain whether the taking off the sandals, and handing 
 the water for washing, were done by the guests' own slaves, or by 
 the domestic slaves of the host. In Petron. 31, the slaves of Tri- 
 malchio certainly performed similar services for his guests. The 
 custom of each guest having his own slave, whom he had brought 
 with him, standing behind him, is corroborated by examples. Pe- 
 tron. 58 and 68 ; by which it appears that Habinnas brought several 
 slaves with him. Mart. ii. 37 ; Anthol. Pal. xi. 207. [On the use 
 of the nomendator, see above. For the purpose of serving the wine 
 there were pocillatores, and a cyatho, later, prcegustatores. Suet. 
 Claud. 44 ; Orell. 2993. On the attendance in general, see the de- 
 scriptions in Juv. xi. 145, and v. 66 : 
 
 Maxima quaeque doraus servis est plena superbis, 
 
 and Sen. Ep. 47 and 95 : Transeo pistorum turbam, transeo minis- 
 tratorum, per quos signo dato ad inferendam ccenam discurritur. Dii 
 boni, quantum hominum unus venter exercet. Appul. Met. ii. p. 123.] 
 The recitations, aepoa/mra, usual during the coena and comissatio, 
 and the applauding cry of ao<pGiQ (Mart. iii. 44, 50), raised in com- 
 pliment to the reciter ; [Mart. v. 78 ; Juv. xi. 177 ; Plin. Ep. vi. 31 ; 
 Sidon. Apoll. i. 2 ; Plut. Luc. 40 ;] the music of the Symphoniaci, 
 fMacrob. ii. 4 ; Petr. 31 ;] the displays of the dancers, [Macrob. 
 Sat. ii. 10 ; comp. Cic. p. Mur. 6 ;] mimes, rope-dancers, and 
 jugglers ; the scurrce and moriones with their jokes, [Hor. Sat. i. 
 5, 52,] must have sadly interfered with the conversation of the 
 guests. Hence Martial says, ix. 78 : 
 
 Quod optimum, sit quseritis convivium ? 
 In quod choraules non venit. 
 
 Pliny, however (Ep. ix. 17), numbers the lector, lyristes, and comcedu*. 
 among the becoming pleasures of the table, and worthy of a refined 
 taste ; but the many took no interest in such things, and preferred 
 low ribaldry, Corn. Att. 14. [Suet. Oct. 74 : triviales ex circo ludios 
 interponebat ac frequentius aretalogos, i. e. scurras. Liv. xxxix. 6 : 
 Tune psaltrice sambucistriceque et convivalia ludionum oblectamenta 
 addita epulis. See August, de Civ. Dei, iii. 21 ; Stuck, Antiq. 
 Conviv. iii. 20 ; Ciaccon. de Trid. p. 75.]
 
 EXCURSUS II. SCENE IX. 
 
 THE TEICLINIUM. 
 
 do not seem to have been any special eating-rooms, or 
 * triclinia, in the old Eoman house, but large apartments for 
 general use answered the purpose ; in the city, the atrium, and in 
 the country, the cors. Yarro, in Serv. ad Virgil JEn. i. 637, in 
 atrio epulabantur antiqui. Yarro (De Vit. Pop. Horn.} is not so 
 clear ; but at the period with the manners of which we are better 
 acquainted, the houses had more than one triclinium, and also large 
 halls (oeci) for the same purpose ; for an account of which, see the 
 Excursus on The Eoman House. 
 
 The word triclinium did not originally signify the room itself, 
 but the couch on which they took their seats at the table. (Bicli- 
 nium, Plaut. Sacch. iv. 4, 69, 102, refers to the particular case when 
 two paria amantum were together, and for two or three persons of 
 course only one lectus was required.) These couches were not 
 known in the earlier ages, in which they used to eat sitting, a 
 custom to which the women [and children] adhered after the men 
 had adopted that of lying. Isid. Orig. xx. 11, 9. We find this 
 exemplified in many monuments. August. 151; Pitt, d' Er col. i. 14; 
 Zahn, Ornament. 90. [The children sat ad fulcra lectorum. Taci- 
 tus (Ann. xiii. 16) mentions a special table for them. Mos habe- 
 batur principium liberos cum ceteris idem cetatis nobilibus sedentes 
 vesci in aspectu propinquorum propria et parciore mensa.~\ 
 
 The word signifies not the single lectus tricliniaris, but a con- 
 junction of three such, with three persons on each, so that the tri- 
 clinium comprehended nine persons. On the fourth side, an access 
 to the table was left for the placing of the dishes. Wustemann 
 understands by it a single lectus, and supposes the whole company 
 sat upon three lecti ; but this is untenable, as Macrob. (Sat. ii. 9, 
 Triclinia lectis eburneis strata fuerunt : duobus tricliniis pontifices 
 cubuerunt, in tertio triclinio Popilia) can only be understood as 
 referring to different triclinia, consisting of several lecti ; it was in 
 order that more than one table with its couches might stand in the 
 same room, that the regular eating apartments were twice as long 
 as they were broad, and they had cecos quadrates tarn ampla magni- 
 tudine, uti faciliter in eis tricliniis quatuor stratis, ministrationum 
 ludorumque operis locus possit esse spatiosus. Yitr. vi. 10. It may 
 be difficult to say how the nine men distributed themselves among
 
 472 
 
 THE TRICLINIUM. [Excunsvs II. 
 
 two triclinia, but for fifteen persons, and among them four vestal 
 virgins, to have sat at one triclinium, would have been an unheard- 
 of circumstance. The number, too, was not complete ; for in the 
 list, Lentulus, in honour of whom the banquet was given, and 
 Metellus, were absent; so that there would have been at least 
 eleven or twelve persons. 
 
 The three lecti, forming the triclinium, differed much in point of 
 rank, as did also the particular places on each. They were called 
 summus, medius, and imus, but the medius alone explains itself. 
 Salmas. ad Solin. p. 886. The manner of arrangement can be ex- 
 plained in two ways ; first, from Seneca (Nat. Qucest. v. 16), where 
 in giving the points of the wind he says, A septentrionaU later e sum- 
 mus est Aquilo, medius septentrio, imus Thracias ; but in the wind- 
 dial of Yarro, which Seneca followed, the Aquilo takes the place to 
 the left, and the Thracias that to the right of the septentrio ; and it 
 is therefore clear that the lectus summus stood to the left of the 
 medius, and the imus to the right of it. On the second proof more 
 hereafter. Of these couches, the most honourable was the medius, 
 then the summus, and the imus the last in rank. 
 
 The lectus had a railing along at one end, where lay a cushion ; 
 the rest of the places were separated by pillows. On this railing 
 the person rested with his left arm, so that the imus would have 
 had the railing next to the medius, whilst that of the summus would 
 have been at the extreme end opposite. The most honourable 
 place was that next to the railing, then the centre, and lastly the 
 lowest one; hence superius and inferius accumberc. But to this 
 rule the medius was an exception ; for on that, the lowest place 
 was first in rank, and also the seat of honour of the whole tricli- 
 nium, and always left for the most important person ; hence called 
 consularis. The chief passage on the subject is in Plutarch (Sym- 
 j)os. i. 3), but it seems to contain a contradiction which has escaped 
 the notice of commentators. After quoting the customs of other 
 nations with regard to the rank of the seats, he says, 'Puifiaiote k 
 6 TTJG ntffrjg eXivjjc rtXivrdlog, ov vTrarucbv irpoaayopfvovrnv, and ad- 
 duces three reasons why this should have been the place of honour. 
 Firstly, he thinks that the kings formerly took the middle place on 
 the middle lectus, and that, on the transition into a republic, the 
 consuls ceded this place, with a view of obtaining popularity. Ac- 
 cording to his second reason, the lowest place on the middle lectus 
 was the most honourable (Heindorf erroneously says the summus), 
 and next to the lectus imus, on which the host took the uppermost 
 seat, in order to be as near as possible to the most distinguished 
 guest. The third ground given was, that the consul or general
 
 SCENE IX.] 
 
 THE TRICLINIUM. 
 
 473 
 
 could in that place best settle any matters of business, if, for in- 
 stance, intelligence or papers requiring bis signature happened to 
 be brought to him. Plutarch's meaning is apparent. The three 
 
 AJedi us. 
 
 lecti were so placed, that their inner lines formed three sides of a 
 square, but where the sumnius and imus joined the medius, an 
 angle occurred outside, which could however be rounded, if the 
 lecti were made sloping. If the consul lay on the lowermost seat of 
 the lectus medius, the messenger waiting for orders could put him- 
 self in this corner. There was, it is true, at the end another such 
 corner, but the person lying there must have looked backwards in 
 order to converse with any one occupying it. The difficulty con- 
 sists only in Plutarch designating the place iv $ rijc Stvripas /c\i'v/c 
 ry Trpoirj/ ffvvaTTTOVffriG, >/ ywvia iaXa/i/*a Troiowa. By Sivnpa is to 
 be understood medius, but this abuts at the point where the locus 
 consularis is, not on the summus, but on the imus, where the host 
 lies next to the consularis. The words therefore contain an im- 
 possibility, and contradict what Plutarch himself had previously 
 said ; so that we must make the necessary alteration of rife Stvnpac 
 K\ivr]g nj Tpiry (jwainovariQ. 
 
 Were a proof still wanting that the lectus imus was at the right 
 of the medius, it would be deducible from the position of the 
 places of the host and consul, which adjoined each other; the 
 former being summus in imo, the latter imus in media. This arrange- 
 ment is made clear by the fragment of Sallust, Hist. i. 3, in Serv. 
 ad Virg. jEn. 698 : Igitur discubuere. Sertorius inferior in medio ; 
 super eum L. Fabius *** in summo Antonius, et infra scriba Sertorii, 
 et alter scriba, Maecenas, in imo inter Tarquitium et dominum Perper-
 
 474 THE TRICLINIUM. [EXCURSUS II. 
 
 nam ; where mention is made of the banquet at "which Sertorius 
 was killed by the treachery of Perperna. Only two persons lay on 
 the lectus medius and the summus ; as, when the number of the 
 company was not complete, the smaller number was always allotted 
 to those couches, they being the appropriate seats for guests. Ser- 
 torius naturally took the most distinguished seat ; he lay inferior in 
 medio, not imus, because there was only one other person on the 
 same lectus. Next to him on the right lay Perperna, as host, on 
 the imus. The outermost place on the summus was occupied by 
 Antonius. It is quite as easy to assign each guest his place at the 
 coena Nasidieni. Hor. Sat. ii. 8. The only deviation here was, that 
 the host had resigned his place to Nomentanus, who in some degree 
 did the honours for Tn'm ; and, for the same reason, he himself lay 
 medius in imo. At other times, the mistress of the house and the 
 children occupied the imus, or places were left on it for uninvited 
 visitors (umbrae], introduced by invited guests. 
 
 When the use of round tables became common, the proper tri- 
 clinia no longer answered, and were changed for semicircular sofas, 
 called sigma from their form. The round-tables (the costly orbes 
 citrei] were of no very great size, and hence the sigmata, or stibadia, 
 were arranged for less than nine persons. Such was the hexadinon 
 in Mart. ii. 60, 9, and the heptadinon, x. 48 : 
 
 Stella, Nepos, Cani, Cerealis, Flacce, renitis ? 
 Septem sigma capit ; sex sumus : adde Lupum. 
 
 also one for eight persons, xiv. 87, Stibadia : 
 
 Accipe lunata scriptum testudine sigma. 
 Octo capit, veniat, quisquis amicus erit. 
 
 [Heliogabalus placed this number on a sofa. Lamprid. Eel. 29.] 
 On such a sigma, the order of places ran straight on, beginning 
 where, in the triclinium, the locus summus in summo was. [In the 
 frescos in a tavern at Pompeii there are such semicircular lecti 
 with round tables. In a vault there is a picture of a long narrow 
 sickle-shaped table with lectus, and eleven persons assembled at a 
 funeral meal.] 
 
 The lecti tridiniares were low ; all the tables that have been dis- 
 covered are considerably lower than ours. This may be accounted 
 for by the fact that a tall tray was frequently placed upon them. 
 See Bechi, Mm. Borb. iii. xxx. They were probably of the same 
 kind as the cubiculares : i. e. they had girths and mattresses, over 
 which the gorgeous coverlet, generally purple, was spread ; but in 
 them was more opportunity of display, and hence not only cerati,
 
 SCENE IX.] THE TRICLINIUM. 475 
 
 but argentei, aurati, etc., are also mentioned. Eespecting the 
 stragula and toralia, see the following Excursus. 
 
 In the middle of the triclinium, or sigma, stood the table on 
 which the meats were served \_ponere opposed to tollere] ; but it is 
 interesting to learn from Martial, that even then the custom of 
 slaves handing the dishes round had been introduced, vii. 48 : 
 
 Cum mensas habeat fere ducentas, 
 Pro mensis habet Annius ministros. 
 Transcurrunt gabatse volantque lances. 
 Has vobis epulas habete, lauti : 
 Nos oifendimur ambulante ccena. 
 
 The bread was always handed round. Petron. 35 : Circumferebat 
 jEgyptim puer clibano argenteo panem. The dibanus was probably 
 one of the absurdities of the house. 
 
 The usual expressions to denote taking the place at the table, 
 are, when alluding to the whole company, discumbere; when of one 
 in particular, decumbere, or more generally, accumbere; where mensas, 
 or something else, must be supplied : acculare ought properly to 
 apply to a person already reclining, but it is also interchanged with 
 accumbere, as Plin. Ep. i. 3, 8 : Lotus accubat. Recubare, cubare, 
 jacere, are, if used, to be taken as more general expressions, having 
 no particular reference to the table.
 
 EXCUKSUS III. SCENE IX. 
 
 THE TABLE UTENSILS. 
 
 A S the triclinium, with, the company reclining, presented a very 
 -^*- different appearance from our tables, surrounded by chairs, so 
 the equipment of the table very little resembled ours. Table-cloths 
 do not appear to have been introduced till very late, the best proof 
 <6f which is, that the language had no word to express them. Man- 
 tele, mantelibus sternere, mantelia mittere, which were used for this 
 purpose, had originally a totally different signification. Lamprid. 
 Heliog. 27 ; Ib. Alex. Sev. 31 ; Isid. Orig. xix. 26, 6. Originally 
 mantels, or mantelium, was equivalent to ^tipo/iaicrpoi/. [Fest. p. 133, 
 frequens enim antiquis ad manus tergendas. usus fait manttlorum.~\ 
 Yarro, L. L. vi. 8, Mantelium, ubi.manus tergentur. At the period, 
 then, treated of by the Scriptores histories Augustas, the habit pre- 
 vailed ; and as early as the time of Hadrian, too, if what Lamprid. 
 says be correct : Quum hcec Heliogabalus jam recepisset, et ante, ut 
 quidam prcedicant, Adrianus habuisset. Even Mart. (xiv. 138), 
 Oausapa villosa sive mantele : 
 
 Nobilius villosa tegant tibi lintea citrum: 
 Orbibus in nostris circulus esse potest. 
 
 may be referred to this, although it must not necessarily be under- 
 stood of the ccena ; the same applies to xii. 29. But this custom 
 did not prevail at the time of Augustus, as we learn from Hor. 
 
 Bat. ii. 8, 10, 
 
 His ubi sublatis puer alte cinctus acernam 
 
 Gausape purpureo mensam pertersit, etc. 
 
 Had the table been covered, it would neither have been perceived 
 that it was of maple, nor could it have been rubbed with gausape, 
 which operation appears to have been generally performed between 
 the divisions of the meal. See Petron. (34), and to this Plautus 
 (Mencechm. i. 1), 
 
 Juventus nomen fecit Peniculo mihi, 
 
 Ideo, quia mensam, quando edo, detergeo. 
 
 also alludes. At that period, then, the mantele at table was merely 
 a napkin, the same as mappa, a linen cloth usually fastened over 
 the breast. At least this may be inferred from Petron. (32), and 
 Pliny, vii. 2. [Yarro, L. L. ix. 47.] 
 We are not acquainted with any passage that states whether
 
 SCENE IX.] THE TABLE UTEXSILS. 477 
 
 these mappce were handed to each guest by the master of the house, 
 except perhaps the rather indistinct one of Hor. Sat. ii. 4, 81 : 
 
 Vilibus in scopis, in tnappis, in scobe quantus 
 
 Consistit suratus ? neglectis flagitium ingens. 
 
 But by comparing it with the verses following, it almost seems as iT 
 mappa had some further signification ; and that as scopce and lutu- 
 lenta palma mean the same thing, so also do mappce and toralia. 
 [Horace certainly made the same difference here between mappa 
 and toral, as in Ep. i. 5, 21 : 
 
 Haec ego procurare et idoneus imperor et non 
 
 Invitus, ne turpe toral, ne sordida mappa 
 
 Corruget nares, ne non et cantharus et lanx, etc. 
 
 The host therefore provided the mappse.] On the other hand, it is 
 clear beyond doubt that each guest brought his own mappa with 
 him. Martial's epigram in ridicule of Hermogenes, who on every 
 opportunity stole the mappa, is well known (xii. 29) : 
 
 Attulerat mappam nemo, dura f urta timentur ; 
 
 Mantele e mensa surpuit Hermogenes. 
 
 Just so of Csecilianus, who stowed away all the meats (ii. 37, 7), and 
 in a similar case (vii. 19, 13), Mappa jam mille rumpitur furtis. 
 But it could only be his own mappa, in which he packed up all this 
 store. They who were entitled to the latus clavus would, if vain 
 men, have their mappse and mantelia ornamented in like manner. 
 We discover this, apart from the passages in the Scriptores histories 
 Augustce, which treat of the imperial tables, from Petronius and 
 Martial, iv. 46, 17 : Lato variata mappo clavo. 
 
 They appear to have made use of very few instruments to con- 
 vey the food to the mouth ; and, however strange it may seem, we 
 cannot refute what Baruffaldus, De Armis Convivalibus, says, that 
 the bare finger was in a great measure used. See Ovid. Art. Am. 
 iii. 736 : 
 
 Carpe cibos digitis ; est quiddam gestus edendi ; 
 
 Ora nee immunda tota perunge manu. 
 Mart. v. 78, 6 : 
 
 Ponetur digitis tenendus unctis 
 
 Nigra cauliculus virens patella. 
 and iii. 17. 
 
 The only implements mentioned (for the knife belongs to the 
 structor only, and forks are never spoken of,) are cochlear and ligula. 
 The first evidently takes its name from cochlea, but it is ridiculous 
 to refer this to its shape, thus confounding cochlea and concha. 
 Martial (xiv. 121) says that a double use was made of it : 
 
 Sum cocbJois habilis, nee sum minus utilis ovis : 
 Numquid scis, potius cur cochleare vocer '
 
 478 THE TABLE UTENSILS. [EXCURSUS III. 
 
 but the very part used to eat the cochlea has least resemblance to 
 it. It was probably a spoon with a point at one end, for the pur- 
 pose of extracting the interior of the muscle. Hence Pliny (xxviii. 
 2, 4) says, Perforare ovorum calyces cochlearibus, L e. from supersti- 
 tion, to perforate the already emptied shells ; and therefore Martial 
 (viii. 71) names an acu levins cochlear. This point was also used 
 for the purpose of opening eggs, and probably the spoon at 
 the other end for emptying them. Petron. 33. [Three ancient 
 silver spoons, about the size of a dessert-spoon, are copied in 
 Mus. Sorb. x. 46. Two of them are oval, with no points, one 
 round and terminating in a point. The first two are probably 
 ligulse, regular spoons without pointed ends ; the last, a cochlear 
 with point.] 
 
 The meaning of ligula is not so clear. Baruffaldus erroneously 
 considers it to mean the same as cochlear. That such was not the 
 case, is sufficiently demonstrated by Martial (viii. 71), 
 Octavus [annus] ligulam misit sextante minorem ; 
 Nonus acu levius vix cochleare tulit. 
 
 where he relates how the gifts of Postumianus became year by 
 year more insignificant, and (viii. 33) when he had received a very 
 light phiala. We see by all these passages, that the ligula was 
 larger than the cochlear (although it, too, is called gracilis, Mart. v. 
 18, 2) ; but that something similar is to be understood, we learn 
 partly from the etymology, in conformity with which the gram- 
 marians demanded (Mart. xiv. 120) that it should be written lingula, 
 and partly from the glossaries, which translate it by /iiWpioi/, a 
 spoon. 
 
 The food was not served in single dishes, but each course was 
 brought in by the slaves, standing on a frame, and thus placed on 
 the table. These table-trays were called repositories ; in the cce.no, 
 Trimalchionis, this was the case not only with the gustus, but with 
 the different fercula and ihemensce secundce. Petron. 33, 40, &c. The 
 apparatus used for serving up the promulsis, was called promulsidare 
 and gustatorium. Petron. 31. It is not easy to conceive how pro- 
 mulsidare can have been taken for promulsis itself. Prom Ulpian 
 (Dig. xxxiv. 2, 20) we find that the promulsidaria were distinguished 
 from the repositoria, and the expression scutellce adds another par- 
 ticular kind, [i. e. saucers, flat dishes.] But how the reading, in 
 Pliny, xxxii. 11, 49, jam vero et mensas repositories imponimus-, can be 
 defended, is not clear, as several stories set one upon another would, 
 in that case, be meant. These trays were at first simply of wood, 
 but at a later period were more in unison with the splendour in 
 other things, and quite covered the table, or even reached over
 
 SCENE IX.] THE TABLE UTENSILS. 
 
 479 
 
 the sides of it, as must naturally have been the case when a boar 
 was served up entire. Plin. i. 1, 52. 
 
 The utensils on which the food was served appear to have been 
 as numerous as with us. Patince [Varro, L. L. v. 120. The patina 
 was more deep than flat, Hor. Sat. ii. 8, 43 ; Plin. xxxv. 12, 46 ; 
 Isid. xx. 4 ; Non. xv. 6] ; catini [or catilli, Varro, v. 120, a capiendo. 
 Hor. Sat. i. 3, 90; 6, 115, ii. 2, 39 ; 4, 77; Juv. vi. 343; Non. xv. 26] ; 
 lances [quite flat, and differing much in shape, Hor. Sat. ii. 4, 40 ; 
 Juv. v. 80; Plin. xxxiii. 11, 52; Paull. Dig. vi. 1, 6; quadrata, 
 rotunda, pura, ccelata. Ulp. Dig. xxxiv. 2, 19] ; scutulce [Mart. viii. 
 71]; gabatce [Mart, above] ; paropsides, [square, Isid. xx. 4 ; Charis. 
 i. 82 ; Mart. xi. 27 ; Juv. iii. 142 ; also called parapsis, Suet. Galb. 
 12 ; Ulp. Dig. xxxiv. 2, 19,] are named, all probably varying in form; 
 some flat, others hollow, round, angular, and oval, with and without 
 covers [or handles]. Nonius mentions sixteen, and the catinus only 
 without explanation. As regards material, see above. [Some more 
 names occur. Magida and langula, Varro, L. L. v. 120; mazonomum, 
 a large dish, Hor. Sat. ii. 8, 86 ; Pollux, vi. 87 ; boletar, a small dish 
 for boleti; but also for other viands, Mart. xiv. 101, Boletaria: 
 
 Cum mihi boleti dederint tarn nobile nomen, 
 Prototomis, pudet, heu, servio coliculis. 
 
 the indispensable salt-cellar, salinum, Isid. xx. 4 ; Liv. xxvi. 36 ; 
 Plaut. Pers. ii. 3, 15 ; Hor. Sat. i. 3, 14 ; concha salis, Od. ii. 16, 14 ; 
 Pers. iii. 25 ; Becker's Charicles, Eng. trans, p. 252 ; and the 
 vinegar cruet, acetabulum, Isid. xx. 4 ; Ulp. Dig. xxxiv. 2, 20. See 
 Mus. Sorb, vii. 56, ix. 44, v. 15.] 
 
 It would be vain to attempt an accurate explanation of all 
 the different drinking- vessels mentioned in Nonius, Isidorus, Pollux, 
 and elsewhere, and still less a commentary on Athenseus. Besides, 
 to some of them, as the pocula, scyphus, there is no fixed shape ; 
 but many names do refer to a certain form, and will therefore 
 admit of explanation. 
 
 The customary larger-sized measure, according to which they 
 usually reckoned, was the amphora, which is identical with the 
 guadrantal. Fest. Exc. 133. The smaller measures into which 
 the amphora was divided were the congius and sextarius. Festus, 
 8. v. publica pondera, 246, quotes from the Plebiscitum Silianum, 
 according to which eight congii were equal to an amphora, and six 
 textarii to a conghis. In addition to these we have the urna, 
 which contained four congii, and the cyathus, or twelfth part of the 
 sextarius. The cadus was not only a Eoman, but a Grecian, 
 measure, the amphora Attica. Bhemn. Fann. De pond, et mens. 84.
 
 480 THE TABLE UTENSILS. [EXCURSUS III. 
 
 It held three urnce, or twelve congii. By means of the Eoman 
 standard measuring vessels, that are still extant, we are able to 
 determine with certainty the relation of their measures to those in 
 use at the present day. The Farnese congius, preserved in the 
 Dresden Gallery, is of particular importance. It is of bronze, 
 gauged in 828 A. u. c., and bears the inscription, Imp. Ccesare Vesp. 
 VI. T. Cces. Aug. F. III. Cos. mensurce exactce in capitolio P. X. 
 This vessel was measured by Beigel with great exactness, and the 
 result, with a history of it by Hase, were communicated in the 
 Palceologus, or Kleine Aufsdtze. Leips. 1837. 
 
 In the same collection is a sextarius, concerning which the 
 treatise also gives information. 
 
 By the division of the sextarius into twelve cyathi, eleven 
 different measures arose, having the same names as the parts of the 
 as, only that the single part, instead of uncia, was called cyathus. 
 They are, I. cyathus ; II. sextans ; HI. quadrans ; IV. triens ; V. 
 quincunx; YI. semis; VII. septunx; VTU. bes; IX. dodrans; X. dex- 
 tans ; XI. deunx ; XII. sextarius. Of these, however, only the 
 cyathus and triens can be considered real vessels. The trientes, 
 which are often named, were regular drinking-vessels, goblets. 
 Mart. (x. 49) says, potare amethystinos trientes ; but mention is no- 
 where made of quincunces aurei, or amethystini, although we have 
 quincuncem bibere. The trientes were classed, it seems, among the 
 goblets of middling size ; for they held four cyathi. The cyathus, 
 however, was not a goblet, but only a measure or ladle, to allot to 
 each person the fixed number. See Heind. on Hor. Sat. i. 6, 117. 
 They had regular pueros a cyatho (Mitsch. on Hor. Od. i. 29, 8), 
 and hence we do not find cyatho bibere, although we have sex, 
 septem cyathis bibere. [Mart. i. 72.] In the Mus. Sorb. (iv. t. 12) 
 are four small ladle glasses, with longer or shorter handles, which 
 are declared to be simpula, or simpuvia. They would at once 
 appear to be cyathi, were they not of different sizes, and were any 
 account given of their measure ; nevertheless, we may refer them to 
 the cyathus, as it is probable that in the ladles the measure of the 
 cyathus was not always adhered to. The engraving opposite 
 represents two of them. [The proper Eoman names for these 
 small ladles were guttus and simpuvium, instead of which the Greek 
 terms epichysis and cyathus got into vogue. Varro, L. L. v. 124. 
 Paul, p. 337. The urceoli were different; frigida or calda was 
 brought in them to the guests, hence called ministratorii, Mart. xiv. 
 105: Frigida non desit, non deerit calda petenti. Pomp. Dig. xxxiv. 
 2, 21. The armillum was similar. Varro in Non. xv. 33.]
 
 SCENE IX. 7 
 
 THE TABLE UTENSILS. 
 
 481 
 
 As regards the shape of the goblets generally, we must especially 
 distinguish, I. between flat saucers [paterae phialce, Varro, L. L. 
 v. 122; Mart. viii. 33, iii. 41 ; Poll. vi. 4, 6; Isid. xx. 5.] 
 
 II. Cups with handles (Yirg. Ed. vi. 17 : 
 
 Et gravis attrita pendebat cantharus ansa. 
 
 Cic. Verr. iv. 27, [Cantharus was a great goblet used by Bacchus 
 and his train ; Macr. Sat. v. 21 ; Plin. Torx-in, 11, 53 ; from pictures 
 it would seem to have had two handles. Often in Plautus. Poll, 
 vi. 96 ; Ath. xi. p. 473. The trulla was smaller, originally a scoop). 
 Hor. Sat. ii. 3, 143 ; where Acron explains it calix rusticanus. 
 Cato, R. R. 10, 11, 13. But it was sometimes of costly materials. 
 Juv. iii. 108 ; Orell. 3838 ; Plin. xxxvii. 2, 7 ; Mart. ix. 97 ; Scsev. 
 Dig. xxxiv. 2, 36. The capis and capula had handles, Yarro, v. 121 : 
 a capiendo, quod ansatce ut prehendi possent. Non. xv. 33. Also 
 scyphus ; for Paull. says, Dig. vi. 1, 23 : si quis scypho ansam vel 
 fundum (adjecerit) ; in Ath. xi. p. 500, several are mentioned. Its 
 size is known from the fact that it was sacred to Hercules, Petr. 
 52, urnales scyphi ; Macrob. v. 21 ; Serv. ad Virg. ^En. viii. 278. 
 Beautifully worked scyphi are mentioned by Suet. Ner. 47 ; Plin, 
 xxxvii. 2, 7, xxxiii. 12. Thericleum was a cup originally earthen, 
 with two handles ; it took its name from the Corinthian potter 
 Therikles, Luc. Lexiph. 7; Ath. xi. 470; Cic. Verr. iv. 11; Plin.
 
 482 
 
 THE TABLE UTEXSILS. 
 
 [EXCURSUS III. 
 
 xvi. 14, 76; Salinas. Exerc. Plin. p. 734. Bentleii Op. Pliilol. pp. 11, 
 216.] 
 
 III. Those in the form of chalices (calices}, which must not be 
 fancied as having stood on a high foot : the glass vessels repre- 
 sented in the following engravings taken from the Mus. Borb. 
 
 (t. 18) are of this kind ; [ a l so the silver cup Mus. Borl. xi. 45. Ot 
 the calix Yarro says, L. L. v. 127 : caldum eo libebant, and that it 
 was named from the calda ; the better derivation is KuAt. Macrob. 
 v. 21 ; Ath. xi. p. 480 ;] they were sometimes of earthen ware, 
 Mart. xiv. 102, Calices Surrentini : 
 
 Accipe non vili calicos de pulvere natos, 
 Sed Surrentinse leve toreuma rotae. 
 
 ib. 108, Calices Saguntini : 
 
 Sume Saguntino pocula ficta luto. 
 
 [of glass, ib. 115, 94 : of precious stones, 109. There were several 
 sorts, e. g. calices Vatiniani, Mart. xiv. 96, x. 3 ; Juv. v. 46 : calicem 
 nasorum quatuor ; the calices pteroti, i. e. with handles, Plin. xxxvi. 
 26, 66. It is wrong to suppose that all calices had handles ; this was 
 the case only with a few of very peculiar shape. Plin. xxxiii. 23 ; 
 Juv. viii. 168; Mart. xii. 70. T her mar um calices ; see Forcellinus. 
 The following are quite unknown to us : obba, generally of wood 
 or wicker, Non. xv. 14, ii. 597 ; poculi genus, Pers. v. 148, called 
 sessilis; modwlus, Scsev. Dig. xxxiv. 2, 36; cyrnea, Non. xv. 29; or 
 hirnea (?), Plaut. Amph. i. 1, 273, 276; Cato, R. R. 81; culigna, 
 vas potorium, Paull. p. 51 ; Cato, R. R. 132.]
 
 SCENE IX.] THE TABLE UTENSILS. 483 
 
 Of the rest, there were, of course, many varieties, some also in 
 fantastic shapes, as shoes, legs, [boats, hence called cymbrium, 
 Paul. p. 51 ; Non. xv. 21 ; Isid. xx. 5 ; Mart. viii. 6 ; Plin. xxxvii. 
 34, 113; Macrob. v. 21; Poll. vi. 16; Ath. xi. p. 481,] heads of 
 beasts, &c. ; these latter were used as drinking-horns, from the 
 lower end of which the wine escaped through an orifice, and was 
 caught in the mouth. Such a horn, in the shape of a stag's head, 
 is to be found in the Mm. Borb. (viii. 14), also three others, a 
 horse's, a dog's, and a swine's head (v. 20). Such drinking-horns 
 were termed pvrd. Athen. xi. 496. Perhaps rhytium (Mart. ii. 35) 
 means the same thing. They occur most frequently on vases, 
 [also in frescoes]. See Boettig. Kunstymth. ii. 352. The act of 
 drinking is seen in a painting in Zahn, Ornam. etc. t. 29 ; Pitt. 
 d'Ercol. v. t. 46. [See Becker's Charicles, Engl. transl. p. 259.] 
 Obscene shapes were selected, and indecent things engraved upon 
 the goblets. Juv. ii. 95 ; Plin. xxyiii. Prsef. and xiv. 22. 
 
 We have already spoken of the extraordinary luxury which pre- 
 vailed in respect to these utensils. But besides those there de- 
 scribed, there were others of a more simple kind, and of common 
 glass (vitrea], in opposition to the crystallina; of wood, fagus, 
 buxus, terebinthus, hedera (Tib. i. 10 ; Ovid. Fast. v. 522) ; also of 
 ware ; see above. [Among the table utensils we may reckon, in a 
 wider sense, those larger vessels which were set on the table, and 
 either contained neat wine or served for mixing it in ; hence called 
 mistarius or mistarium, Lucil. in Non. xv. 30, longa geminus mista- 
 rius ansa. Out of these the drink was then poured into the cups 
 of the guests, after the Greek custom. The crater or cratera, was 
 high, broad, goblet-shaped, with two handles. Isid. xx. 5 ; Ovid. 
 Fast. v. 523 : 
 
 Terra rubens crater, pocula fagus erant. 
 
 Juv. xii. 44, urnce cratera capacem. Mas. Sorb. ii. 32 ; vi. 63. 
 See Becker's Charicles, Engl. transl. p. 257. 
 
 The sinus, lepesta, galeola, were more paunchy, and like our tu- 
 reens or bowls. Varro, L. L. v. 123 ; Varro in Prise, vi. p. 714 ; 
 Serv. ad Virg. Eclog. vi. 33 ; Non. xv. 34, 35. Among the Greeks, 
 the \tiraari) was also used as a drinking-cup. Ath. xi. p. 484 
 Poll. x. 75. See Mus. Sorb. x. 14, ix. 44, xii. 45, vii. 29 ; the last 
 of terra cotta with the inscription : Sibe amice de meo. 
 
 There were also cups and jugs, inscribed, some with small 
 mottos (as reple, sitio, bibe, valeamus, hide, etc.) ; some with the 
 name of the owner; urnaliterata. LYucian. Lexiph. 7, Trorrjpia ypo/j- 
 nariKa. Ath. xi. p. 466. Whole lines were rarely inscribed on 
 them. Ath. ib. Becker refers to this the scyphi Homerici of Nero. 
 
 n2
 
 484 THE TABLE UTENSILS. [Exccssus III. 
 
 Lastly come the stands and platters on which the amphorae and 
 other vessels were set at a meal. Paul. p. 107, Incitega machinula, 
 in qua constituebatur in convivio vini amphora, de qua subinde defer- 
 rentur vina. Ath. v. p. 209, eyyvOfjKT). Javol. Dig. xxxii. 1. 100, 
 jSafffic vasorum collocandorum. In Mus. orb. v. 15, there is a 
 stand for two vessels with a handle in the middle.] 
 
 The echinus (at least by Voss and Heindorf on Hor. Sat. i. 6, 
 117, adstat echinus vilis) is explained to be a bowl for washing the 
 goblets in. On vessels for warm drinks, see the next Excursus. 
 [The observations made above upon lamps and vessels generally 
 apply also here ; viz. that all the vessels that have been discovered 
 betray much fine taste and sense of the beautiful. They will 
 always be a standing testimony that the whole life of the ancients 
 was thoroughly penetrated with grace and art.]
 
 EXCURSUS IV. SCENE IX. 
 
 THE DRINKS. 
 
 A LTHOUGH Eoman authors name several drinks, prepared 
 ** both, from grain, as zythum; from wheat and barley, camum 
 and cerevisia (ceria, celia); from fruits, as the quince, cydoneum; 
 and from honey and water, as hydromeli, consequently a sort of 
 mead ; yet the Eomans knew (besides the apiorov vtiwp) wine only 
 as a drink ; and those potations resembling beer, cider, and mead, 
 belonged only to different provinces, governed by Eoman laws, 
 and are therefore taken cognizance of among other things, under 
 the head de vino legato. Ulp. Dig. xxxiii. 6, 9 ; Pliny, xxii. 25 ; 
 Ex iisdem (frugibus) fiunt et potus, zythum in ^Egypto, celia et ceria 
 in Hispania, cerevisia et plura genera in Gallia aliisque provinciis. 
 
 Wine was, however, no doubt mixed with other things, to 
 produce certain drinks, the way of preparing and taking which 
 was, in general, quite different from ours. 
 
 The following are the most important of the numerous works 
 on this subject, Pliny, xiv. 8, seqq. ; Colum. xii., with Schneider's 
 remarks, ii. ; Virg. Georg. ii., with Yoss' notes; Athen. i. ; Poll. vi. 
 4 ; Galen, De Antidotis, i. 9 ; Dig. xxx. 6 : and of modern authors, 
 Bacci, de vinis cerevis. ac conviv. ; Beckmann, Beitr., &c., i. 183 ; 
 Boettiger, Ueber die Pflege d. Weins. b. d. alt. Rom. 
 
 Pliny's remark, Ac si quis diligenter cogitet, in nulla parte 
 operosior vita est, ceu non saluberrimum potum aquce liquorem natura 
 dederit, can be applied to our own times, but the process among 
 the ancients was much more tedious. The grapes hung upon the 
 trees till they became ripe (vinum pendens, Plaut. Trin. ii. 4, 125 ; 
 Cato, E. R. 147), and were collected in baskets, corbulce, fiscellce, 
 and also in skins : legere and cogere are the terms for this operation. 
 Cat. R. R. 65, 66 ; Col. i. 2, 70. 
 
 The bas-relief of a marble basin in the Mus. Borb. ii. t. 11, 
 representing a vintage of the satyrs, is very amusing : some of tnem 
 are carrying the grapes in skins of animals sewn together, others 
 press them with a piece of rock: in all the figures there is an 
 expression of life and merriment suitable to a vintage. [In another 
 relief, two figures carry the grapes in baskets, three others tread on 
 them, and two fill the vessels with new wine. Passer. Luc. Fict. 
 
 48. Comp. Varro, L. L. vi. 16, vinalia.~\
 
 486 THE DRINKS. [EXCURSUS IV. 
 
 The collected grapes were next trodden upon with the naked feet, 
 calcare. Geopon. vi. 1 1 ; Virg. Georg. ii. 7 : 
 
 Hue, pater o Lensee, veni nudataque musto 
 Tingue novo mecum dereptis crura cothurni^. 
 
 After treading them out twice, the husks were placed under the 
 press, and hence the distinction between the vinum or mustum 
 calcatum, and pressum. According to Pliny ix., the first sort (pro- 
 tropum) was the spontaneous exudation of the grape. The second 
 sort was the first flowing off during the process of treading, ante- 
 quam nimium calcetur uva, and it was used above all others for 
 making mulsum (Col. xii. 41) ; and, lastly, the later draining off, 
 which partook more of the roughness of the husk. [The wine 
 obtained by pressing the husks a second time, with the addition 
 of water, was called lora ; which they sweetened and improved by 
 various compounds. It would only keep a year at furthest, and 
 was drunk by the slaves, and poor, also by the women. Yarro, 
 . R. i. 54; Col. xii. 41 ; Cat. 57 ; Plin. xiv. 10, 12.] 
 
 In order to allow the watery particles to escape, the grapes were 
 also spread on trellis-work, and left there for seven days. This 
 was called vinum diachytum. Pliny, ita fieri optimi odoris sa- 
 porisque. If sweeter and stronger wine were desired, the grapes 
 were allowed to wither entirely, uva passa, vinum passum. Finally, 
 it was boiled. [In a fresco, Cupids are seen pressing grapes and 
 boiling the must ; a small oven being near the wine-press for this 
 purpose.] Pliny, ibid. Nam sirceum, quod alii hepsema, nostri sapam 
 appellant, ingenii, non natures opus est, musto usque ad tertiam partem 
 mensurce decocto; quod ubi factum ad dimidium est, defrutum vocamus. 
 Commoner wines were doctored with this boiled wine ; and even 
 in those days the art of improving cheaper wines, by mixing them 
 with the dregs of those of finer quality, had been discovered. Hor. 
 Sat. ii. 4, 55 ; Colum. xii. 30. 
 
 The must was immediately drawn off from the lacus torcularius, 
 into large earthen vessels, dolia (Non. xv. 6), for the purpose of 
 undergoing fermentation, condere. Yarro, i. 65. Wooden wine- 
 vessels were not in use in Pliny's time, either in Greece or Borne, 
 as he expressly states, c. 21. When Pallad. x. 11, says, dolium 
 ducentorum congiorum xii libris picetur, it appears scarcely possible 
 that earthen vessels, capable of containing twenty-five amphorse, 
 could have been made ; but we may suppose that these dolia were 
 of considerable dimensions from the comparison in Plaut. Pseud, ii. 
 2, 64, anus doliaris. There is also a striking passage in Petron. 64 : 
 Ecce autem deductus lacunaribus subito circulus ingens, de cupa 
 videlicet grandi excussus, demittitur. When Boettiger said, ' it was
 
 SCEXE IX.] THE DEINKS. 487 
 
 always considered preferable not to use dolia of any very great 
 size, to keep the better wines in,' he misunderstood Pliny, v. 21, 
 according to whom, not large, but too round, vessels were rejected, 
 and longer ones of less diameter, recommended instead. [The 
 pictures of dolia show that they were, on the contrary, round and 
 broad. See Pass. Luc. Fict. ii. 40. But the vessels into which 
 the wine was put for present use were of a long narrow form ; 
 whence these have, necessarily, handles, which is not always the 
 case with the former.] The serice, in Col. xii. 18, distinguished 
 from the dolia, answered the same purpose. 
 
 The dolia were smeared with pitch before being used : new ones 
 were so treated at once, after coming from the oven. Geop. vi. 4. 
 Boettiger's remark, ' that the young wine was immediately poured 
 into these earthen vessels, which had been previously smeared with 
 wax, imbuere,' 1 seems hasty; for what Columella says of ceratura 
 (xii. 52, 16) applies only to the dolia olearia, with which Cato (69) 
 agrees, only that he recommends the second process with the 
 amurca. After this operation, for which the best pitch, tempered 
 with a little wax (one twelfth, Pallad.), as well as with aromatics, 
 was used, the subsequent process is described by Pliny, c. 21 : 
 Picari oportere protinus a cam's ortu, postea perfundi marina aqua 
 aut salsa, dein drier e sarmenti aspergi vel argilla, abstersa myrrha 
 suffiri ipsasque scepim cellas. Geopon. vi. 9. [Whence vinum 
 picatum. Mart. xiii. 107 ; Plut. Sympos. v. 3.] 
 
 They were then filled, but never to the brim. Pliny ; comp. 
 Geop. vi. 12. The vessels remained unclosed as long as the fer- 
 mentation was going on, [Sen. Ep. 83,] and even then were not 
 fastened either by a cork, pitch, or gypsum. The cella vinaria, in 
 which the dolia were kept, was a cool chamber [towards the north], 
 entirely, or at least so far above the ground, that it could have 
 windows. But the dolia were at times either partially or altogether 
 let into the ground. Pliny. These are dola demersa (Colum. xii. 
 17, 5), or depressa (Dig. xxxiii. -6, 3), also defossa (ib. 7, 8). 
 
 Much wine was drunk direct from the dolium, or cupa ; vinum 
 doliare, or de cupa. Boettiger is quite wrong in explaining the 
 words of Cicero, vinum a propola et de cupa, as follows: 'to take 
 the wine from the landlady.' Even if the form cupa for copa be 
 allowed (see Bentley on Hor. Sat. ii. 2, 123, and Hgen, de Copa 
 Virg.), yet the different prepositions prove that cupa signifies a 
 larger wine vessel, for the same use as the dolium [but more easy of 
 transport, and not so immobilia as the dolia. Ulp. Dig. ib.~\ 
 
 It was, however, the common wine only which would not bear 
 keeping (cetatem ferre] ; the better kind, when perfectly settled, was
 
 488 THE DRINKS. [EXCURSUS IV. 
 
 distributed into amphorae, or lagense (dijfundebatur). Pliny could 
 not tell whether this took place in more ancient times, c. 14. 
 [Orcos and cadi were, like the amphorae and lagence, long and thin 
 with a narrow neck, and often ending in a point below ; whence 
 they had either to be stuck in the ground, or in a stand, incitega. 
 The difference between these and the dolia is clear from Proc. Dig. 
 xxxiii. 6, 15 : Vinum in amphoras et cados hac mente diffundimus, ut 
 in his sit, donee usus causa probetur et scilicet id vendimus cum his 
 amphoris et cadis ; in dolia autem alia mente conjicimus, scilicet ut ex 
 his postea vel in amphoras et cados diffundamus, vel sine ipsis doliis 
 veneat. Persius says of the orca (iii. 50), angustce collo non fattier 
 orcce. Yarro in Non. xv. 24 ; Isid. xx. 6 ; Nonius, xiv. 9, explains 
 cadi to be vasa quibus vina conduntur. Pomp. Dig. xxxiii. 6, 14. 
 They are often mentioned by Horace and Pliny. Tinas or tinia 
 were antique wine- vessels, the form of which is unknown. Paul, 
 p. 365 ; Non. xv. 7. The same is the case with the diota. Hor. Od. 
 i. 9, 8, and the cenophorus or cenophorum. Hor. Sat. i. 6, 109 ; 
 Pers. v. 140 ; Lucil. in Non. ii. 800. The amphorse differed much 
 in form, as is plain from the grave-lamp. Passer. Luc. iii. 51. 
 The skins, utres, Petron. 34, cannot be discussed here. Other arti- 
 cles besides wine were stored in these amphorse, cadi, lagense, e. g. 
 honey, muria, and other salsamenta, oil, olives, dried figs, etc. Hor. 
 Sat. ii. 4, 66 ; Plin. xv. 21 ; Martial, xiv. 116, i. 44. On the sealing 
 of the vessels, see above.] The size of the amphora and cadus has 
 been already discussed. These vessels resembling the amphora were 
 generally made of clay, [hence rubens ruber, Mart. i. 56 ; iv. 66 ; 
 fragilis, Ovid. Met. xii. 243 ; seldom of stone, Plin. xxxvi. 12, 43,] 
 and fastened up by a bung (cortex, suber), and then covered with 
 gypsum, or pitch, to prevent any effects from the air. [Col. xii. 23 ; 
 Plin. xiv. 27, xxiii. 24.] Petron. 34. On the amphora of earthen- 
 ware the name of the wine and consul was written on the vessel 
 itself, to mark the date ; but labels (notce, titicli, tesserae, pittacia), 
 with the name, were hung on those of glass. Comp. Beckman, 
 Beitr. ii. 482 ; [Juv. v. 33 : 
 
 Cras bibet Albanis aliquid de montibus, aut de 
 Setinis, cujus patriatn titulumque senectus 
 Delevit multa veteris fuligine testae. 
 
 See Hor. Sat. i. 10, 24, nota Falerni ; Colum. xii. 19; Plaut. Pcen. 
 iv. 2, 14, literatas fictiles epistolas. Several such labels have been 
 found, one with the inscription, EVBE. YET. V. P. OIL, i. e. ru- 
 brum vetus vinum picatum, No. 102.] It is interesting to learn by 
 pictures from Pompeii (Mus. Sorb. iv. ; Relaz. de Scav. t. A. and 
 Y. t. 48), [Gell. Pomp. 81,] the manner of conveying wine which had
 
 SCENE IX.] THE DRINKS. 489 
 
 been purchased. Both the pictures are alike ; they represent two 
 carriages, consisting of a light rack-shaped body, and the whole 
 interior of which is filled by a single large skin. This skin has in 
 front a wide opening, which is tied up, and through which the wine 
 was evidently poured, whilst behind, it is produced into a narrow 
 bag, from which the wine was suffered to run out. Two men are 
 busily letting off the contents into long two-handed vessels, am- 
 phorae. It was therefore not must, but wine. 
 
 The amphora was next placed in the apotheca, which was quite 
 different from the cello, vinaria, and in the upper story : the best 
 position for it was above the bath, so that the smoke might be 
 conducted thither, and so forward the wine. Colum. i. 6, 20 ; 
 comp. Heind. on Hor. Sat. ii. 5, 7 ; and Hor. Od. iii. 8, 9 ; from 
 which we may learn the whole process : 
 
 Hie dies anno redeunte festus 
 Corticem adstrictum pice demovebit 
 Amphorce, fumum bibere institutae 
 Consuls Tullo. 
 
 Hence such expressions as Descende testa (iii. 21, 7), and Parcis 
 deripere horreo amphoram (28, 7), may be explained. 
 
 After this process the wine still retained a good deal of lees, 
 and, if wanted for use, had to be cleared. This was effected in 
 various ways. The gourmand, who (Hor. Sat. ii. 4, 51) : 
 
 Massica si ccelo supponas vina sereno, 
 Nocturna, si quid crassi est, tenuabitur aura, 
 Et decedet odor nervis inimicus ; at ilia 
 Integrum perdunt lino vitiata saporem. 
 
 communicates the result of his experience about the kitchen and 
 cellar, states the best means. The method of purifying wine by 
 eggs was known. Ibid. 55 : 
 
 Surrentina vafer qui miscet faece Falerna 
 Vina, columbino limum bene colligit ovo ; 
 Quatenus ima petit volvens aliena vitellus. 
 
 It was in general, however, strained through the saccus vinarius 
 and the colum, a kind of metal sieve, with small holes in it. Num- 
 bers of such cola have been discovered at Pompeii. In the Mus. 
 Borl. iii. t. 31, are five smaller ones, all of which had handles, and 
 were consequently held in the hand during the straining. In ii. 
 t. 60, is a larger one with two handles, by which it was probably 
 hung over a vessel, into which wine was running. A copy of it is 
 given here. A silver bowl with beautiful ccelatura, and also a 
 silver colum, may have served a like purpose. Ibid. viii. t. 14.
 
 490 
 
 THE DRIXKS. 
 
 [EXCURSUS IV. 
 
 [Plin. xxiii. 24.] The saccus, on the contrary, was a filter-bag of 
 linen, and the worst means, as by being strained through it the 
 wine became wretched (vappd). Hence in Horace : 
 
 Integrum perdunt lino vitiata saporem. 
 The relative position to each other of colum and saccus is
 
 SCENE IX.] THE DRINKS. 
 
 491 
 
 shown by comparing two epigrams of Martial, xiv. 103, Colum 
 nivarium : 
 
 Setinos moneo nostra nive frange trientes ; 
 Pauperiore mero tingere lina potes. 
 
 and xix. 104, Saccus nivarius : 
 
 Attenuare nives norunt et lintea nostra, 
 Frigidior colo non salit unda tuo. 
 
 But the saccus was used also for good wine. Mart. viii. 43. It was 
 customary to fill the colum and saccus with snow, upon which the 
 wine was poured for the purpose of being cooled. With this view, 
 the snow was carefully preserved till summer-time, just as is now 
 the case in Naples, cestivce nives. Mart. v. 64, ix. 23, 8, 91, 5; Pliny, 
 xix. 4, 19. This, however, was not enough, for by a still greater 
 refinement a difference was discovered between snow and water 
 boiled, but afterwards reduced to freezing point by being mixed 
 with snow. Plin. xxxi. 3, 23 ; Neronis principis inventum est, 
 decoquere aquam vitroque demissam in nives refrigerare. Mart. xiv. 
 107, and 106, Lagena nivaria : 
 
 Spoletina bibis, vel Marsis condita cellis : 
 Quo tibi decoctae nobile frigus aquae. 
 
 In this way the water sometimes cost more than the wine, as 
 Martial says, Ep. 108. They had, besides, another object in this 
 straining to moderate the intoxicating power of the old heavy 
 wine. Pliny, xiv. 22; comp. xxiii. 1, 24. This was termed coa- 
 trare vinum (Pliny, xix. 4, 19), but the general expressions were, 
 defcecare, liquare, colare, saccare. 
 
 The colour of most wines was probably dark, as is now the case 
 with all the southern wines. There were, however, also wines of 
 a lighter tint ; and as we distinguish between white and red, so did 
 they between album and atrum. Plaut. Mencech. v. 5, 17. Pliny 
 names four colours (xiv. 9), albus,fulvus, sanguineus, niger. Nigrum 
 and atrum denote the darkest red, and album the bright yellow, 
 which we also call white. The celebrated Falernian was evidently 
 of this colour, from the finest amber having been named after it. 
 Plin. xxxvii. 3, 12. 
 
 From what we know concerning the treatment of wines, it is 
 clear that old wines were considered preferable, and even a com- 
 mon wine, if of some age, was more grateful than young Falernian. 
 Mart. xiii. 120 : 
 
 De Spoletinis quae sunt cariosa lagenis, 
 Malueris, quam si musta Falerna bibas. 
 
 [Plaut. Gas. Prol. 5 ; Cic. Ccel. 19 ; Ath. i. p. 26.] Perhaps as
 
 492 THE DEINKS. [ExcrjRsus IV. 
 
 much, deception was practised then as in the present times about 
 the age of wines. Mart. iii. 62 : 
 
 Sub rege Numa condita vina bibis. 
 and xiii. 111. 
 
 The amphorae on the table of Trimalchio bore the label, Faler- 
 num Opimianum annorum centum, in which there is a double 
 absurdity : first, in assigning a fixed age to wine, which every year 
 became older, and then in calling the Opimianum a century old, as 
 that period, the most illustrious in the annals of Italy, belonged to 
 A.TT.C. 633, and the wine must therefore at that time have been at 
 least 160 or 170 years old, and we may easily conceive that at a 
 still later period it was supposed to be drunk, long after it had, in 
 fact, ceased to exist. 
 
 The different growths are detailed by Pliny, xiv. 6. Comp. 
 Schneid. Ind. Script. 411 ; Mart. xiii. 106122. [Vitruv. viii. 3, 12; 
 Ath. i. p. 26.] According to Pliny, the Ccecubum, Hor. Od. i. 20 ; 
 Strab. v. p. 161, had from ancient times held the first rank among 
 western wines. Like all the best wines, it grew in Campania, in 
 the Sinus Caietanus, near Amyclae. In the time of Pliny, the vine- 
 yards had been ruined principally by the canal of Nero, but at an 
 earlier period Augustus had assigned the palm to the Setinian, which, 
 also maintained its superiority after the Caecubum was lost. The 
 F alernian was second in rank, and the best description of it, the 
 Faustianum, grew between Sinuessa and Cedia, and is supposed to 
 have received its name from Sylla (Faustus). [Hor. Epist. i. 5, 5, 
 at Sinuessa. A capital wine grew on Vesuvius. Flor. i. 16, amicti 
 vitibus montes, Gaurus, Falernus, Massicus, Vesuvius.'] The third 
 place was contended for by the Albanum, Surrentinum, and Massi 
 cum, as well as by the Calemim and Fundanum. After the timft 
 of Julius Caesar, the fourth place was held by the Mamertinum 
 from the neighbourhood of Messana, and Taurominitanum was fre- 
 quently sold for it. The middling kinds were the Trifolinum, from 
 the bill Trifolium, in Campania (in Mart. xiii. 14, septima vitis) ; 
 Signinum, Sabinum, [Hor. Od. i. 20,] Nomentanum, and others. The 
 commonest were Vaticanum (frequently mentioned by Mart. e. g. vi, 
 92, Vaticana bibis ? bibis venenum. x. 45). To render it more 
 drinkable, good old wine was sometimes intermixed ; Mart. i. 19 : 
 Quid te, Tucca, juvat vetulo miscere Falemo 
 In Vaticanis condita vina cadis. 
 
 Veientanum, from the vicinity of Veii, which gained the epithet 
 rubettum, from its colour having a reddish tint. Mart. i. 104. Be- 
 sides these, there were the Pelignum, Mart. i. 27, xiii. 121 ; (Caere- 
 tanum, xiii. 124;) the Laletanum (from Spain), i. 27, vii. 53; and
 
 SCENE IX.] THE DRINKS. 493 
 
 the Massilitanum, x. 36, xiii. 123. Much adulteration was prac- 
 tised, not only in mixing different wines [Hor. Sat. i. 10, 24], and 
 adding sapa and defrutum, and foreign wines, especially from 
 Trnolus, but also deleterious substances. See Beckmann, Beitr. i. 181. 
 
 Next to these western wines came the transmarina, or Greek, 
 which Pliny esteemed. The best were the Thasium, Chium, 
 Lesbium, Sicyonium, Cyprium, and, in the time of Pliny, the Clazo- 
 menium especially. [Hor. Sat. ii. 8, 15. Chium marts expers."] Not 
 only the vessels were sprinkled with sea-water, but it was put 
 into several wines. [See Becker's Charides, Engl. transl. p. 256. 
 Plin. xiv. 9, 23, 24, xxiii. 21 ; Ath. i. p. 32. Vappa was any sort 
 of wine spoilt. Plin. xiv. 20, 25 ; Acron ad Hor. Sat. i. 1, 104, 
 ii. 3, 144.] 
 
 Still they were not content with this variety, but the wines from 
 a very early period (Plin. 13, 15) were doctored with all kinds of 
 aromatics and bitters, as myrrha, aloes, and the like. Pallad. xi. 14. 
 Even costly essential oils were .mixed with the wines, which also 
 were drunk out of vessels that had held them. Plin. xiii. 1, 5. 
 Martial calls ihisfoliata sitis, because the nardinumwas also called 
 simply foliatum. Comp. Juv. vi. 303. 
 
 Next to wine, the mulsum was a very favourite drink ; different 
 accounts are given of the manner of preparing it. According to 
 Colum. (xiii. 41), the best must was taken direct from the locus, 
 ten pounds of honey were then mixed with an urna of it, and it 
 Was a~t once poured into lagence, and covered up with gypsum. 
 After thirty-two days these vessels were to be opened ; and the 
 drink poured into others. This way of making it, however, was 
 not general, as is proved by Hor. Sat. ii. 4, 24 : 
 Aufidius forti miscebat mella Falerno, 
 Mendose, etc. 
 
 by Macrob. Sat. vii. 12, [Plin. xxii. 24, 53. Mulsum ex vetere 
 vino utilissimum,~] and other passages. In Qeop,on. (viii. 25, 26), 
 the two plans of making, viz. from four-fifths of wine and one of 
 honey, and also from ten-elevenths of must and one of honey, are 
 taught. Pallad. xi. 17. The Greek name for it was olvoptXt', 
 which word, however, has another meaning also, among the 
 Romans, as we see from Ulp. Dig. xxxiii. 6, 9. The different 
 kinds of honey are mentioned in note 30, p. 61. The mulsum. 
 was principally drunk at the prandium and the gustus. Sack 
 sometimes supplied its place. Mart. xiii. 106. 
 
 The calda, the only warm drink among the ancients, consisted 
 of warm water and wine, perhaps with the addition of spice. 
 Calda was drunk most in winter, but likewise at other seasons,
 
 494 
 
 THE DRINKS. 
 
 [EXCTRSUS IV. 
 
 Mart. viii. 67. See Rup. on Juv. v. 63. Boettiger Bays (Sal. ii. 
 35), ' It is quite credible that the ancients had something to match 
 our tea and coffee services ; ' and in corroboration of this we call 
 the attention of the reader to an ancient vessel, which evidently 
 
 served for preparing, or keeping warm the calda. It is of very 
 elegant form, resembling a tureen, and is made of bronze. The 
 engraving of it, given here, is copied from the Mus. Sorb. iii. 63. 
 
 In the centre is a cylinder reaching to the bottom, which held 
 the coals for warming the liquids around it, and underneath this 
 cylinder is an orifice for the ashes to fall through. The conical 
 cover cannot be taken off, but there is underneath a second flat 
 cover, which is movable, and only covers the parts containing the 
 fluids, leaving the remainder open. On the upper rim is a sort of 
 cup, united by a pipe with the interior of the vessel, so that it 
 might be filled without the lid being removed. On the opposite 
 side a tap is fixed, for the purpose of letting the liquid run out. 
 
 The use of this vessel is undoubted, but a Roman name can 
 hardly be assigned to it, and from among those named by Poll. x. 
 66, [dippavn'ip, not] tVvo\s/3flc, after Lucian (Lexiph. 828), seems the
 
 SCENE IX.] THE DRINKS. 495 
 
 only probable one. The most natural name would certainly be 
 caldarium, but for that we have no authority. We must not -sup- 
 pose that such a vessel was always used for the calda, as in general 
 the water was brought in jugs or cans, named by Martial, xiv. 105, 
 urceoli ministratorii. [A much more simple vessel for calda is now 
 in the possession of the king of Denmark. It is like an amphora, 
 with two handles and a double bottom. The outer partition most 
 likely held the warm water, which kept the calda warm, in the 
 middle.]
 
 EXCURSUS I. SCENE X. 
 
 THE CHAPLETS. 
 
 IT is not our intention to discuss in its fullest extent and several 
 relations the use made by the ancients of chaplets, a subject 
 entering deeply into civil and religious life, as the simple ornament 
 of leaves became a symbol of martial renown and civil virtue. 
 There is no lack of works upon the subject. Paschalius, in his 
 Coronee, gives a tolerable collection of badly elaborated materials; 
 the work of Lanzoni, de Coronis et Unguentis in ant. Conv., confines 
 itself to the banquets ; and still less important is that of Schmeisel, 
 De Coronis. The notices, however, given directly by ancient 
 authors are of more consequence. As the work upon chaplets by 
 .ffilius Asclepiades, and the writings of the physicians Mnesitheus 
 and Callimachus, are lost, our information is mainly derived from 
 Athenseus (xv.), Pliny xxi. 1, 4, and other scattered passages. 
 See Salmas. Exercitt. ad Solin. 
 
 It would be difficult to assign any year or period when the use 
 of chaplets at meals, or rather at the carousal, was first introduced 
 at Rome; but we learn from Pliny, that as early as the second 
 Punic war chaplets of roses were worn. The walls of the triclinium 
 only were, however, privy to this decoration, which, although so 
 harmless in itself, was considered incompatible with sobriety of 
 sharacter, and he who appeared in public so adorned was liable to 
 punishment. Two examples of such punishment are related by 
 Pliny (56, L. Fulvius argentarius bello Punico secundo cum corona 
 rosacea interdiu e pergula sua in forum prospexisse dictus, ex aucto- 
 ritate senatus in carcerem abductus, non ante finem belli emissus est. 
 P. Munatius, cum demtam Marsyce coronam e floribus capiti suo im- 
 posuisset atque ob id duci eum in vincula triumviri jussissent, appel- 
 lavit tribunos plebis. Nee intercessere illi) ; but it was perhaps only 
 the flowers that drew down this condemnation, because at that 
 period of misfortune such an open display of luxury seemed to 
 have a dangerous tendency. On the other hand, it would appear 
 that fillets were worn round the head even before this time, to 
 counteract the effects of the wine. Hence arose by degrees the 
 chaplets of leaves and flowers, to which however the name cor once 
 was not given till later, as in earlier times it was reserved for reli- 
 gious usages and warlike distinctions. Pliny agrees with Athenseus 
 (xv. 674), who follows the old writers concerning the early Grecian 
 customs. The chaplets which superseded the simple fillets were 
 not, however, considered as mere ornaments, but it was believed, or
 
 SCENE X.] THE CHAPLETS. 
 
 407 
 
 at least pretended, that certain leaves and flowers exercised a bene- 
 ficial influence against the intoxicating power of wine. Thus, in 
 Plutarch (Symp. iii. 1), the physician Tryphon defends the use of 
 chaplets at wine against the imputations of Ammonius. He praises 
 the impiXtta and iroXvirtipia of former times, which had discovered 
 in the chaplets an antidote to the influence of wine ; and Athenseus 
 (675) mentions the same thing. 
 
 A simple branch of green served for a chaplet at the games, 
 and probably for the corona convivalis also in the first instance, 
 flowers being a later intrusion. "When, however, Pliny says that 
 Pausias and Glycera were the first to weave chaplets of flowers, it 
 is only an instance of persons celebrated in a manufacture being 
 set up as the inventors of it, as we can cite statues with chaplets 
 of flowers of a date far earlier than Pausias. The Greeks wove 
 numerous kinds of flowers into chaplets; but with the Eomans 
 it was different. Besides the green leaves of the ivy, myrtle, and 
 apium, they used but few garden-flowers for chaplets, and of these 
 chiefly the violet and rose. Plin. s. 10. But they did not stop 
 with these natural materials, especially as chaplets were required 
 in winter also, when roses could be obtained only at a very great 
 expense ; hence imitations were made of various materials. What 
 Pliny says (s. 3) of the gold and silver garlands, applies only to 
 the public games, but the words coronis quce vocantur ^gyptice as 
 deinde hibernce, refer to the coronce convivales. No further intelli- 
 gence is given about the Egyptian ones (see Boettig. Sab. i. 231); 
 but as they are distinguished from the hibernce, they would seem 
 not to have been artificial. The hibernae were made of thin leaves 
 of horn dyed ; and such might be understood in Martial (vi. 80). 
 did not the Nova dona, and the antithesis, rus Pcestanum, and horti 
 Memphitici, point to natural flowers. 
 
 Pliny (s. 8) relates that the luxury in them went still further. 
 Chaplets were made of single rose-leaves by fastening them to a 
 strip of bast, but we must not think that coronce sutiles are always 
 to be taken in this sense, as the chaplets of nardus are also called 
 sutiles, and the sericce versicolores Likewise, although they were 
 probably only imitations of flowers. See Lucan, Phars. x. 164 : 
 
 Accipiunt sertas nardo florente coronas 
 
 Et nunquam fugiente rosa. 
 
 where the rosa mimquam fugiens refers probably to the sericce. 
 Mart. xiii. 51, Texta rosis vel divite nardo corona. The chaplets in 
 those passages denominated sertce and textce are simply sutiles, just 
 as in Horace (Od. i. 38, 2), the nexce philyra coronce, but there is 
 no reason to suppose chaplets e mero folio rosce. Chaplets were 
 
 K E.
 
 498 THE CHAPLETS. [Excuasus I. 
 
 frequently found on monuments, with leaf lying over leaf, and rose 
 on rose ; and it is possible that, in such cases, the roses were fastened 
 on a strip of bast, philyra; they would then be rightly termed 
 sutiles. These are meant in Ovid. Fast. v. 335 : 
 Tempora sutilibus cinguntur tota coronis 
 Et latet injecta splendida mensa rosa. 
 Ebrius incinctis philyra conviva capillis 
 
 Saltat. 
 
 and Martial x. 94, Sutilis aptetur decies rosa crinibus, which seems 
 to mean a chaplet of ten roses. The sutiles are again mentioned in 
 Mart. v. 65, ix. 91 ; and pairrol ar'ttpavoi, in Hesychius and Salm. on 
 Jul. Cap. Anton. 4. Salm. Exerc. ad Sol. 703, appears rightly to ex- 
 plain the coronce tonsce, or tonsiles, to be chaplets made of single leaves. 
 
 Eespecting the nature of the chaplets called pactiles by Pliny, 
 we can presume nothing certain, not even whether they are to be 
 distinguished from the coronal plectiles of Plautus (Bacchid. i. 1. 37) ; 
 and what he says (s. i.) is also obscure. We may in general assume 
 three main distinctions ; they were either woven of longer twigs, 
 as of ivy, or of shorter sprigs, as of the apium, or were fastened to 
 a band. 
 
 At the ccena itself chaplets were not generally used ; they be- 
 longed, like the unguenta, to the regular comissatio, or to the 
 compotatio, succeeding the main course. They were distributed when 
 the mensa secunda was served, or perhaps later. See Plut. Syrnp. 
 iii. 1 ; Athen. xv. 685 and 669 ; Mart. x. 19, 18 ; Petron. 60, coronce 
 aurece cum alabastris unguenti. It appears to have been usual for 
 the host to give chaplets, and sometimes to have them handed 
 round repeatedly ; and we cannot infer from Ovid (Fasti, i. 403) : 
 
 Vina dabat Liber, tulerat sibi quisque coronam. 
 
 that the ancient custom, according to which each guest took his 
 own garland, was adhered to. 
 
 They also hung festoons of flowers over their neck and breast, 
 called by the Greeks viroGvuiSte. Plut. Symp. iii. 1, 3 ; Athen. 678 
 and 688. This does not seem to have been usual amongst the 
 Romans, but the custom is mentioned in Cic. Verr. v. iii. Ipse autem 
 coronam habebat unam in capite, alter am in collo. Catull. vii. 51 : 
 
 Et capite et collo mollia serta gerat. 
 
 and Ovid, Fasti, ii. 739. In Petronius there are further instances of 
 various ways of garlanding (65 and 70). Comp. Boettig. Sab. i. 240. 
 At Rome the dietetic signification of the chaplet was lost sight of, 
 and it was only regarded as a cheerful ornament and symbol of fes- 
 tivity, giving occasion to many a joke and game, such as the liber e 
 coronas. Plin. 9.
 
 EXCTJBSUS II. SCENE X. 
 
 THE SOCIAL GAMES. 
 
 TI7E must not omit to mention those games which were pursued, 
 
 ' not only as a recreation, but also with the hope of gain. 
 The game of hazard had become a most pernicious mania at Eome; 
 and severe legal prohibitions could not prevent the ruin of the 
 happiness and fortunes of many by private gambling with dice. 
 They had also other and more innocent games, success in which 
 depended wholly on the skill of the players, like the game of chess 
 at the present day, and other table-games. We shall mention all 
 these games, but the matter is so intricate, and the inquiry so inti- 
 mately connected with that into the Grecian games, that we cannot 
 treat upon it fully ; but for a more detailed account the reader is 
 referred to Becker's Antiquitates Plautince. 
 
 The older writings upon the subject by Bulenger, Meursius 
 Souter, Senftleben, Calcagnino, are to be found in Gronovii, Thes. 
 Antt. Grcec. viii. Next come Salmas. on Vopisc. Procul. 13,736; 
 and Exercitt. ad Sol. p. 795; Rader on Mart, passim; Wernsdorf 
 on Saleius Bass. ; Wiistem. Pal des Scaur. 
 
 In the game of dice, alea, two kinds of dice were used, tali or 
 aarpdyaXoi, and tesserce or Kvfioi. Herodotus (i. 94) ascribes the 
 invention of the game to the Lydians; but Athenseus (i. 19) cites 
 anterier instances of it. Nitzsch, Anm. zu Horn. Odyss. i. p. 27. 
 The tali (the chief passages about which are Eustath. on Odyss. i. 
 p. 397 ; Poll. ix. 99) were originally made of the knuckles of animals; 
 afterwards of different materials : they had only four flat surfaces ; 
 on the other two sides they were uneven or rounded, so that the 
 die could not easily rest upon either of them. One and six were 
 marked on two opposite sides, and three and four on the other. 
 The numbers two and five were wanting. Eustath. p. 1397 ; Poll, 
 as above. The manner of playing is described in Cic. De Divin. i. 
 13 : Quatuor tali jacti casu Venereum efficiunt. Num etiam centum 
 Venereos, si quadringentos talos jeceris, casu futuros putas ? 
 
 The four dice were thrown out of a cup of horn, box- wood, or 
 ivory, which had graduated intervals inside, that the dice might be 
 better mixed. This cup was narrower at the top than below, and 
 from its shape was called pyrgus or turricula, also phimus, and most 
 commonly fritillus. Sidon. Epist. viii. 12; Mart. xiv. 16. Phimus 
 
 K K. 2
 
 500 THE SOCIAL GAMES. [Excunsus II. 
 
 is used, Hor. Sat, ii. 7, 17. Etym. Magn. $I/H' KvfStvTiicu upyava. 
 Poll. vii. 203 ; x. 150. Orca, Pers. iii. ; and in a fragment of Pom- 
 ponius, it is also so explained. [Salmasius, Bottiger, and Orelli 
 rightly assume a difference of form between the fritillus (as cup) 
 and phimus (as tower) ; the latter had graduated intervals inside. 
 So Cedren., i. p. 125, names TO ^i;06/3oAov (fritillus}, and distin- 
 guishes from it TOV Tri'-pyov. See Vales, ad Harpocr. v. 0i/*oi.] 
 
 The dice were thrown on a table made for the purpose, alveus, 
 alveolus, abacus, with a slightly elevated rim to prevent them from 
 falling. The best throw was called Venus or Venereus ((36\os, 
 jactus), the worst cants. Prop. iv. 8, 45 : 
 
 Me quoque per talos Venerem quserente secundos, 
 Semper damnosi subsiluere canes. 
 
 These names, and a passage in Pollux, have led to the idea that 
 the dice were not numbered, but had figures which stood for 
 certain numbers. But it is doubtful whether Pollux, by the ex- 
 pression ffxvpa T0 *> Trw/iarop, meant a mark on the dice, or the 
 casual combination produced by the throw, as when three, four, four, 
 six, or one, three, six, six, were turned up. Eustathius names the 
 four sides povdSa ical i%d$a, rpidSa Kal rfrpada, and indeed there 
 were separate names for each turn up. Some throws appear to 
 have counted more than were actually turned up. So says Eust. on 
 Iliad, xxiii. 87, and also Pollux. Four dice only could have been 
 played with, because with five the Venus would never have been 
 thrown, and these four, even though seniones, could only count 
 twenty-four. 
 
 The most fortunate throw was when all four dice presented 
 different numbers; as is clear from Lucian, Amor. 884 ; Mart. xiv. 
 14, Tali eborei : 
 
 Cum steterit nullus rultu tibi talus eodem 
 Munera me dices magna dedisse tibi ; 
 
 it was called the Venus or Venereus. Whether K<j7o had the same 
 signification, or meant seniones, is doubtful. 
 
 The worst throw is supposed to have been when all four dice 
 presented the same number, but this is not quite correct. It was 
 not the same thing whether four fiovdlis, or four rtrpddsc, and so 
 on, were turned up ; and there was no canis except all four pre- 
 sented an ace. [Isid. xviii. 16, unumenim significat sc. canis.] This 
 is shown by Suet. Aug. 71, where the word canis is applied to the 
 ace, as senio to the six (here the rule of the game was, that any 
 one who turned up a single ace or a single six out of the four dice 
 thrown, had to put an additional denarius into the pool, in singuios 
 talos singuios denarios conferebaf) ; and so saya Pollux, KOI ru ptv
 
 SCENE X.] THE SOCIAL GAMES. 501 
 
 dr)\ovv KVWV Ka\tlrai. In Plaut. Cure. ii. 3, 75, it is impro- 
 bable that volturii quatuor denote canis, or that the basilicus is 
 equivalent to Venereus. The game was not always played so that 
 the winning or losing depended on the Venereus or canis, but on 
 the number of pips or novdltf. The Greeks called this ir\uiTo- 
 poXivla iraiZuv. Poll. ix. 95. Perhaps this was played more fre- 
 quently .with the regular six-sided dice, tesserae or Kvfiot, but the tali 
 were also used for it. Poll. ix. 117. Comp. Athen. x. 444. The 
 tesserae were just like our dice, the sides were numbered 1 to 6, and 
 the two opposite sides always counted together, seven. [Isid. xviii. 
 63, 64, 65.] Though four dice were required in the game of d<rrpa- 
 ya\o, only three, and later two, tesserae were used. Hesych. : i) 
 rpif '<' q rptlf Kiifioi, irapoi^tia inl TUIV tirirvyxavovrtuv. [But Hesych. 
 has misunderstood the proverb, for nvj3oi here denotes the pips and 
 not dice, as he goes on to say. It means, therefore, either three 
 sixes or three aces, i. e. all or nothing.] Mart. xiv. 15, Tessera: 
 Non sim talorura numero par tessera, dum sit 
 Major, quain tails, alea saepe mibi. 
 
 We do not learn whether this game always depended upon turning 
 up the most pips, or whether doublets counted extra, but the 
 simple. irXuoTof3o\ivSa iraiiiv was at any rate most common. The 
 game with the tesserae was always played for money or something 
 representing it, whilst the tali were used in other ways also. The 
 manner of playing it is related in Suet. Aug. 71, and Poll. ix. 95. 
 That enormous sums were lost at play is seen from Juvenal, i. 89 : 
 
 Neque enim loculis comitantibus itur 
 Ad casum tabu! SB ; posita sed luditur area. 
 Prselia quanta illuc dispensatore videbis 
 Armigero ! simplexne furor, sestertia centum 
 Perdere et borrenti tunicam non reddere servo ? 
 
 And hence all play for money was from an early period interdicted, 
 with the single exception, ubi pro virtute certamen fit. Plaut. Mil. 
 ii. 2, 9, mentions this law. No attention was paid to the complaints 
 of persons who allowed gaming in their houses, not even in cases of 
 robbery and actual violence. Paul. Dig. xi. 5, 2. See an instance 
 of condemnati de alea in Cic. Phil. ii. 23. This law, as may be 
 easily imagined, was not only transgressed in private more than 
 any other, but became null and void under some of the emperors, 
 who were passionately devoted to play, as Claudius, who wrote a 
 book upon gaming. By others, again, it was vigorously enforced ; 
 this seems to have been the case with Domitian ; and to this cir- 
 cumstance Martial often alludes. The game was only allowed as a 
 pastime during meals, as we see from Paul. Dig. xi. 5, 4 ; [Sidoii.
 
 502 THE SOCIAL GAMES. [EXCURSUS IT. 
 
 Ap. Ep. i. 2.] and during the Saturnalia alone -were all restrictions 
 removed. Mart. xi. 6 : 
 
 Unctis falciferi senis diebus 
 
 Eegnator quibus imperat fritillus. 
 
 v. 84. In the concealment of the popina it was doubtless fre- 
 quently indulged in. Mart. iv. 14 : 
 
 Dum blanda vagus alea December 
 
 Incertis sonat hitic et hinc fritillis, 
 
 Et ludit popa nequiore tala. 
 
 Where perhaps by nequior talus loaded dice are meant : in Aristot. 
 Problem, xvi. 12, we have ^(fio\v/3Smfiivovs aarpayaXovs. How much 
 these games became the fashion at a later period is shown by Jus- 
 tinian's interdict, by which he allowed lost money to be demanded 
 back. Cod. iii. 43. [De Pauw de alea veterum.'] Similar decrees 
 were in force against betting, which, however, we must not suppose 
 to have been such a mania as is described by Bulwer, in his Last 
 Days of Pompeii. No bets were allowed upon games which were 
 entirely of chance. Marcian. Dig. xi. 5, 3. 
 
 Other games in which success did not depend on luck, but in a 
 great measure on skill, were not illegal. Foremost among these 
 stand the board-games, two of which are known to have been iu 
 vogue at Borne, ludus latrunculorum, and duodecim scriptorum. 
 Martial seems to have alluded to them (xiv. 17, Tabula lusoria] : 
 Hie mihi bis seno numeratur tessera puncto ; 
 Calculus hie gemino discolor hoste perit. 
 
 The first line alludes to the duodecim scripta, the second to the 
 latrunculi. The tabula lusoria appears to have been a table on either 
 side of which one of these games could be played. 
 
 The chief passage describing the first of these games is in Sal. 
 Bassus, Paneg. in Pis. 180 : 
 
 Callidiore modo tabula variatur aperta 
 
 Calculus et vitreo peraguntur milite bella, 
 
 Et niveus nigros, nunc et niger alliget albos. 
 
 Sed tibi quis non terga dedit ? quis te duce cessit 
 
 Calculus ? aut quis non periturus perdidit hostem ? 
 
 Mille modis acies tua dimicat : ille petentem 
 
 Dum fugit, ipse rapit ; longo venit ille recessu 
 
 Qui stetit in speculis : hie se committere rixae 
 
 Audet et in prsedam venientem decipit hostem. 
 
 Ancipites subit ille moras similisque ligato 
 
 Obligat ipse duos : hie ad majora movetur, 
 
 Ut citus et fracta prorumpat in agmina mandra. 
 
 Clausaque dejecto populetur mcenia vallo. 
 
 Interea sectis quamvis acerrima surgant
 
 SCENE X.] THE SOCIAL GAMES. 503 
 
 Proelia militibus, plena tamen ipse phalange, 
 
 Aut etiatn pauco spoliata milite vincis, 
 
 Et tibi captiva resonat manus utraque turba. 
 
 See also Ovid. Art. Am. iii. 35, and Trist. ii. 477 : 
 Discolor ut recto grassetur limite miles, 
 Cum medius gemino calculus hoste pent. 
 Comp. Art. Am. ii. 207. Pol. ix. 7 ; Eitstath. p. 1397. 
 
 We learn from the above-named authors that the game was like 
 our chess, or perhaps more of a besieging game ; for the mandrce, 
 mentioned by Bassus, and of which Martial speaks (vii. 72), can 
 only be stones which served as a kind of intrenchment. The calculi 
 were probably of different values, longo venit ille recessu, qui stetit in 
 speculis ; and perhaps a piece of this kind may be compared to a 
 bishop in chess. Such is the opinion of Isidor. Orig. xviii. 67, 
 calculi partim ordine moventur, partim vage. Ideo altos ordinaries, 
 olios vagos appellant. At vero, qui moveri omnino non possunt, 
 incites dwunt. But we have no proof that they were of different 
 shape. The mandrce perhaps differed from the latrones, as the 
 calculi were also called latrunculi, militcs, bellatores. They were 
 generally made of glass, vitreo peraguntur milite bella, and vitreo 
 latrone clausus. Also, Mart. xiv. 20. They were also made of more 
 costly materials. 
 
 The art of the player consisted either in taking his adversary's 
 pieces, or rendering them unable to move. ( The first took place 
 when he brought some of his adversary's pieces between two of his 
 own, medius gemino calculus hoste perit ; they also sacrificed a piece 
 occasionally for the purpose of gaining some greater advantage. 
 The second was called ligare, alligare, obligare, and such pieces 
 were said to be inciti, ciere being the proper expression for ' to 
 move.' Plaut. Pcen. iv. 286. Ad incitas redactus meant one who 
 could make no other move. The fewer number of pieces lost the 
 greater was the victory ; and we see from Senec. De Trcrnq. 14, 
 what importance was attached to this. Ludebat (Canius) latrun- 
 culis, cum centurio agmen periturorum trahens et ilium quoque citari 
 jubet. Vocatus numeravit calculos et sodali suo, Vide, inquit, ne post 
 mortem meam mentiaris te vicisse. Turn annuens centurioni ; Testis, 
 inquit, eris, uno me antecedere. 
 
 The ludus duodedm scriptorum appears to have somewhat re- 
 sembled our backgammon ; see Salmas. and Boulenger, cap. 61 ; at 
 least so far as the dice decide the move. Petron. 33. The board 
 was marked with twelve lines on which the pieces moved. Ovid. 
 Art. Am. iii. 363. Moving the pieces was called dare. Cic. in Non. 
 ii. p. 170: Itaque tibi concedo, quod in duodedm scriptis olim, ut
 
 504 
 
 THE SOCIAL GAMES., [ExcoBSus II. 
 
 calculum reducas, si te alicujus dati pcenitet. Ovid. Art. Am. ii. 203. 
 Comp. Trist. ii. 475. Quinct. Inst. xi. 2. [Cic. de Or. ii. 50. Ter. 
 Ad. iv. 7, 21.] This game does not appear to have borne any 
 affinity to the trtrrtia Ivt -jrivrt ypafifiUjv of the Greeks, which per- 
 haps was more like that mentioned by Ovid, Trist. ii. 481. 
 
 The apriaopoQ, apridt^uv, apna jj Trtptrra irainv or tiwfiv, ludere 
 par impar, seems not to have been uncommon at Home. Poll. ix. 7, 
 101. Aristotle frequently mentions it, as Bhet. iii. 5, 4; De Diyin. 
 per somn. ; compare Meurs. p. 948, and Schneid. on Xenoph. de 
 Off. mag. 5, 10. Among Eoman authors, it is mentioned by Hor. 
 Sat. ii. 3, 248 ; Num. Eleg. 79 : 
 
 Est etiam, par sit numerus, qui dicat, an impar, 
 Ut divinatas auferat augur opes. 
 
 Suet. Aug. 71. The game consisted in one person guessing whether 
 the pieces of money, or whatever it was that his adversary held in 
 his hand, were odd or even ; it is represented in works of art, as, 
 for instance, where a boy is pressing the hand containing his gains 
 to his breast. See Boettig. Amalth. i. 175. The astragalizontes 
 of Polycletus may, however, have been real dice-players. August. 
 t. 106. The game mentioned by Ovid (Art. Am. iii. 361, piles 
 reticulo fusee) has been already noticed. 
 
 Some speak of the Eomans having adopted the Korra/3oc, of 
 which the Greeks were so passionately fond, and which is fully 
 described by Athenseus, xv. See Jacob's Ait. Mus. iii. 473. Not- 
 withstanding the numerous modifications of this game, we can only 
 assume two sorts of it. The first, when a person had to pour wine 
 into a vessel without spilling any of it. The second was this : a 
 balance was suspended, and under one of the scales a basin with 
 water, and the enigmatical Manes, were placed in it : the wine was 
 to be poured into the scale, so that it sank down into the basin, 
 and touched the Manes. Still there is an entire absence of proof 
 that this game got into vogue among the Eomans. The passage in 
 Plautus, Trin. iv. 3, 4, is unquestionably a joke borrowed from Phi- 
 lemon. See Becker's Charides, Eng. trans, p. 265.
 
 EXCURSUS. SCENE XII. 
 
 THE INTERMENT OF THE DEAD. 
 
 I MONG the most ceremonious observances of the Romans 
 
 the' solemnities in honour of the dead. Instead of simply con- 
 signing the corpse to the earth, such pomp and ceremonial had 
 gradually got into vogue, that, though full of deep import in its 
 promptings, yet in outward appearance, at least, it looked mere 
 vain show ; nay more, nonsensical and ridiculous. 
 
 The custom has been already illustrated very satisfactorily by 
 Alex, ab Alex. Gen. dd. iii. 7 ; [by Meursius, Guther, Laurentius, 
 Q,uensted in Grcev. Thes. and Gronov. Thes. ;] more largely by 
 Kirchmann, De funeribus Eomanorum ; also by Nieupoort, Ant. 
 Rom. de ritu funerum. See also Baehr's chapter on the subject, in 
 Kreuzer's Abriss., which is more useful still. 
 
 The topic has been so often discussed, that the chief points only 
 will be mentioned here. 
 
 The following passages from ancient authors are important. 
 Virg. ^En. vi. 212, sqq. Tib. iii. 2. Prop. i. 17; ii. 3; iv. 7. Ovid. 
 Trist. iii. 3. Petr. 71. Appul. Flor. iv. 19. Also particularly, 
 Cic. de Legg. ii. 21. Polyb. vi. 53, 54; and Herodian, iv. 2. 
 
 The scrupulous conscientiousness observed in discharging the 
 funeral rites was intimately connected with the religious notion 
 concerning the future state ; but it is very probable that this belief 
 was originated and fostered by prudential motives, to counteract, in 
 less civilized times, the evil effects which would have resulted from 
 the neglect of sepulture. At a very early period the belief was 
 rooted in people's minds, that the shades of the unburied wandered 
 restlessly about, without gaining admittance into Hades; so that 
 non-burial came to be considered the most deplorable calamity that 
 could befall one, and the discharge of this last service a most holy 
 duty. This obligation was not restricted to relatives merely, and 
 near connections ; it was performed towards strangers also ; and if 
 one happened to meet with an unburied corpse, he at any rate ob- 
 served the form of throwing earth thrice upon it. Hor. Od. i. 28, 22 . 
 
 At tu, nauta, vagae ne parce malignus arenas 
 
 Ossibus et capiti inhumato 
 Particulam dare : 
 and then, 
 
 licetrit 
 Injecto ter pulvere curras.
 
 506 INTERMENT OF THE DEAD. [EXCURSUS. 
 
 [Varro, L. L. v. 23;] Petr. 114. And this was considered suffi- 
 cient, as we see from Propert. iii. 7, 25 : 
 
 Reddite corpus humo, positaque in gurgite vita, 
 Paetum sponte tua vilis arena tegas. 
 
 Comp. Claud, in Rufin. i. 371. 
 
 The usage was rendered still more binding by a regulation that 
 the heir, or family generally, a member of which had remained 
 unburied, should yearly offer the propitiatory sacrifice of a porca 
 prcecidanea, and not till then was the familia pura. Varro in Non. 
 ii. p. 163 ; and for the explanation of the word, Paul. p. 223. 
 The annual repetition is expressly mentioned by Marius Victor, 
 p. 2470, Putsch. Comp. Cic. Leg. ii. 22. And hence, in cases 
 where the corpse was not obtainable, they held the exequice not- 
 withstanding, and built an empty monument (cenotaphium), which 
 was also done by the Greeks, as we know from Plato's Menexenus. 
 
 As a duty binding upon everybody, the burial with its usages 
 was called by the Eomans, justa, justa facere, or ferre, also debita 
 (Hor. Od. ii. 6, 23), as among the Greeks rd Sitcaia, vo/w/ua, vop6- 
 fuva, and in Plato's Menexenus, rd irpoariKovTa. 
 
 If not an universal, still it was not an uncommon habit, appa- 
 rently, to give the dying a last kiss, in order to catch the parting 
 breath. The passages from which this is inferred are Cic. Verr. 
 V. 45, Matres . . . ab extreme complexu liberum exdusce : quce niMl 
 aliud orabant, nisi ut filiorum extremum spiritum ore excipere sibi li- 
 ceret ; Virg. JEn. iv. 684, extremus si quis super halitus errat, ore legam. 
 
 The same person, perhaps, closed the eyes of the departed, con- 
 dere oculos (Ovid. Trist. iii. 3, 44), or premere, Ovid. Am. iii. 9, 49. 
 The assertion that the signet-ring was also immediately pulled 
 off the finger, and put on it again at the funeral pile, seems totally 
 groundless. The passage quoted in support of this notion (Plin. 
 yxxi, 1, 6) alludes to the dishonesty of the slaves, who stole the 
 rings from the finger. A second passage (Suet. Tib. 93) is also 
 misunderstood. Spart. Eadr. 26, proves nothing ; neither can we 
 deduce from Propert. iv. 7, 9, 
 
 Et solitam digito beryllon adederat ignis, 
 
 anything more than that the ring was burnt with the corpse, not 
 that it was then first replaced on the finger. 
 
 After this, those present called on the deceased by name, or set 
 up a loud clamour and bewailing, for the purpose of recalling the 
 person to life, if he should be only in a trance, condamdbatur. The 
 chief passages thereon are Quinct. Ded. viii. 10 ; and Amm. Marc. 
 xxx. 10 : Post condamata imperatoris suprema corpusgue curatum
 
 SCBNE XII.] INTERMENT OF THE DEAD. 507 
 
 ad sepulturam. From which we learn that this took place pre- 
 vious to the curatura ; and hence also Ovid. Trist. iii. 3, 43 : 
 Nee mandata dabo, nee cum clamore supremo 
 
 Labentes oculos condet arnica maims. 
 
 They then said conclamatum est, a formula also applied to other 
 occurrences in life, when no more hope remained. See Terent. 
 Eun. iii. 56. The corpse was thereupon taken down from the bed, 
 deponebatur. See Ovid, supra, v. 40 : 
 
 Depositum nee me qui fleat ullus erit, 
 
 and washed with hot water, perhaps to try to restore it to life. 
 The funeral was next ordered of the libitinarius. These people, 
 who were named from Venus Libitina, in whose temple their ware- 
 houses were situated, undertook to provide everything requisite for 
 the interment. Plut. Qucest. Bom. 23, Aid ri ra irpbg rdc ra^dc 
 irnrpaaicovmv iv r<f AifiirivTjg, vofii^ovrig ' AQpodirriv ilvai rr)v Aij3tTtvr)v. 
 The law required that they should have due notice of a death, and 
 receive a certain impost, just as when births were reported in the 
 temple of Juno Lucina. Dion. Halic. iv. 15. Suet. Ner. 39. Hence 
 
 in Liv. xl. 19, Pestilentia in urbe tanta erat, ut Libitina tune 
 
 vix suffi,ceret. The libitinarii furnished the pollinctores, vespillones, 
 prceficee, and so forth indeed, all that was necessary for either 
 the humblest or grandest interment, at a certain rate of payment. 
 
 The pollinctor, a slave of the libitinarius, next cared for the corpse. 
 Ulp. Dig. xiv. iii. 5 ; Plaut. Asin. v. 2, 60. Ecquis currit, pollinc- 
 torem arcessere ? Mortuu' st Demcenetus, and Poen. Prol. 63. Their 
 business was chiefly to anoint the dead, and to remove anything that 
 might be calculated to create unpleasant impressions. Fulgentius, 
 de Serm. ant. 3 : Dicti autem pollinctores quasi pollutorum unctores. 
 Servius, on the contrary (Virg. ^En. ix. 483), derives the word a 
 polline, quo mortuis os oblinebant, ne livor appareret exstincti. This 
 being done, the corpse was clad in the garment suitable to his rank, 
 but a free person always in the toga, even out of Rome, in the pro- 
 vincial towns, where it was not generally worn in life. Juv. iii. 171 : 
 
 Pars magna Italiae est, si verum admittimus, in qua 
 
 Nemo togam sumit, nisi mortuus. 
 
 But of course its description was regulated by the position and pro- 
 perty of the deceased. Magisterial persons, who wore the toga prce- 
 texta, were always buried in it. Liv. xxxiv. 7. It is very uncertain 
 whether viri triumphales were dressed in the tunica palmata, or toga 
 picta. The passage from Suet. Ner. 50 : funeratus est stragulis albis 
 auro intextis, quibus usua fuerat Kalendis Januariis, refers just as 
 little to the dress, as do the purpurece vestes velamina nota, in Virg. 
 JEn. vi. 221. It is the torus Attalicus of Prop. ii. 13, 22. Still
 
 508 INTERMENT OF THE DEAD. [EXCURSUS. 
 
 the waxen image lying on the eoffin of Augustus, and representing 
 his corpse, is thus attired. Dio. Cass. Ivi. 34 : ttewv & dr) ns aiirov 
 Ktjpivij iv tmrniciip aro\y it(j>alveTO. 
 
 The custom, so prevalent in Greece, of putting a chaplet on the 
 corpse, was not followed at Koine, at least not generally. The case 
 was somewhat different, when the deceased had, while alive, gained 
 a crown as the reward of merit. To this refer the words Cic. de 
 Legg. ii. 24, coronam virtute partam .... lex impositam jubet. The 
 same applies to Plin. xxi. 3, and Cic. p. Flacco, 31. Nevertheless, 
 the lectus and rogus were adorned with leaves and flowers, as is seen 
 from Dion. xi. 39 ; and Pliny mentions that flowers were strewed 
 before the bier of Scipio Serapio, a thing which often happened. 
 The business of the pollinctor being finished, the corpse was laid 
 on a kind of bed-of-state, lectus funebris, [unquestionably in the 
 atrium.'] Eorchmann (i. 12) says the vestibulum, but he appears to 
 misunderstand that term. Sueton., it is true, writes (c. 100), 
 equester ordo intulit atque in vestibulo domus collocavit ; but the 
 phrases ex cedibus efferri, efferri foras, show that the corpse did not 
 lie before the janua ; besides, in that case, what need would there 
 have been of the cypress outside, to show that it was a domus funesta ? 
 On the situation of the corpse, see Plin. vii. 8 : Ritu naturae capite 
 hominem gigni mos est pedibus ejferri. The usual opinion is, that a 
 piece of coin was put in his hand, as a vav\ov, on the shore of the 
 Styx. But it may be doubted whether this was a regular Roman 
 custom. The few passages where it is mentioned, as Juv. iii. 267 : 
 Jam sedet in ripa tetrumque novicius horret 
 Porthmea, nee sperat ccenosi gurgitis alnum 
 Infelix, nee habet, quern porrigat ore trientem ; 
 
 and Prop. iv. 11, 7 : 
 
 Vota movent superos ; ubi portitor sera recepit, 
 Obserat herbosos lurida porta rogos ; 
 
 give no sufficient proof ; for both the poets might very easily ac- 
 commodate themselves to the foreign way of describing the thing, 
 so often used by other poets. Virgil, in his description of the scene 
 at the Stygian lake, mentions the inops inhumataque turba (dEn. vi. 
 325), yet not a word about the passage-money, though he had such 
 ample opportunity for so doing. Lastly, the coins discovered in 
 urns at Pompeii are not a cogent proof of it. [Seyffert, de Numis 
 in ore defunct, repertis.'] 
 
 By the side of the lectus a censer was placed, acerra (turibulum), 
 Fest. Exc. p. 16 ; and near the house a pine or cypress was planted ; 
 partly as a symbol of the gloomy power who had irrevocably de- 
 manded his victim ; partly as a warning sign to those who were
 
 SCEXE XII.] INTERMENT OF THE DEAD. 509 
 
 forbidden by religious grounds to enter such a house. Plin. xvi. 
 10, 18, ibid. 33, (cupressus] : Diti sacra et ideofunebri signo ad domes 
 posita, Paul. p. 63. Serv. ad Virg. ^n. iii. 64 : Romani moris 
 erat, ut potissimum cupressus, quce excisa renasci non solet, in vestibulo 
 mortui poneretur, ne quis imprudens rem divinam facturus introeat et 
 quasi attaminatus suscepta peragere non possit. [iv. 507, vi. 216.] 
 This warning was particularly for the priests, as Servius goes on to 
 say : ne quisquam pontifex per ignorantiam pollueretur ingressus. 
 Scaliger concludes from Lucan (iii. 442), et non plebeios lectos testata 
 cupressus, that the cypress, in earlier times a rare tree, was used 
 only by the rich, or at grand funerals. The picea was, doubtless, 
 substituted for it in other cases. 
 
 According to Servius (ad ^En. v. 64), the corpse remained lying 
 in state for seven days, and was then brought to the place of inter- 
 ment, efferebatur. The accuracy of this statement has been already 
 impugned by Kirchmann, at least, as regards the custom being a 
 universal one. Indeed it is evident that, among the lower orders, 
 such ceremoniousness could not have prevailed, and that they 
 buried their dead with more simplicity and less delay, not being 
 able to procure the preservative unguenta, 
 
 A herald, prceco, used to invite the people to be present at the 
 celebration of any grand burial, where, for instance, public games 
 formed part of the spectacle. This was a funus indictivum. Pest. 
 E.tc. p. 79 ; Cic. de Legg. ii. 24. The formula used by the prceco 
 ran in full : Ollus Quiris teto datus est, exsequias (L. Titio, L. filio) 
 ire cui commodum est, jam tempus est; ottus ex cedibus ejfertur. Varr. 
 L. L. v. p. 160 ; comp. Pest. p. 217 ; Terent. Phorm. v. 9, 37 ; and 
 Ovid. Amor. iii. 6, 1 : 
 
 Psittacus Eois imitatrix ales ab Indis 
 Occidit : exsequias ite frequenter aves. 
 
 The funus publicum may be considered of like import with the 
 funus indictivum, especially with reference to Tacit, iii. 4 ; but the 
 distinction drawn by Festus : Simpludiarea funera sunt, quibus 
 adhibentur ludi corbitoresque ; indictiva sunt, quibus adhibentur non 
 ludi modo, sed etiam desultores, is uncertain. 
 
 There are no fully decisive testimonies as to the time of day 
 when the burial took place. We must suppose it to have varied at 
 different periods, and according to circumstances. Servius (ad 
 sfin. xi. 143) says, that in more ancient times the funeral was at 
 night, and he derives the word/w?uts from funalia or faces, as ves- 
 pillones from vesper a. At a later period, however, this was only the 
 case with the poor, who could not afford the expense of a solemn 
 interment. Pestus under Vespce, p. 158. But his remark does not
 
 510 INTERMENT OF THE DEAD. [ExcuBsus. 
 
 prove so much as the epigram on the fat Gallus, who had fallen 
 down in the street at night, and could not be raised to his feet 
 again by the single slave that accompanied hvm. Mart. viii. 75 : 
 Quatuor inscripti portabant vile cadaver, 
 
 Accipit infelix qualia mille rogus. 
 Hos comes invalidus submissa voce precatur, 
 Ut quocunque velint, corpus inane ferant. 
 Permutatur onus, stipataque tollitur alte 
 Grandis in angusta sarcina sandapila. 
 See Dionys. iv. 20. 
 
 But in the case of a solemn pompa, and of course an indictivum, 
 the ceremony took place by day : not before dawn, as some suppose, 
 though therein they are contradicted by express testimonies (Cic. 
 de Legg. ii. 26, 66, proves that the Roman and Attic customs were 
 quite opposed to each other. Plutarch's words on the funeral of 
 Sylla prove nothing) ; but just at that time of the day when there 
 was most stir in the streets, as Horace, in his picture of the bustle 
 and excitement of the city, says, 
 
 Tristia robustis luctantur funera plaustris. 
 
 This occurred in the forenoon, as is confirmed by the inscription 
 cited by Kirchmann, p. 83 : Mortuus est iii. K. Julias, hora x. elat us 
 est Jwra iii. frequentia maxima. 
 
 The funera indictiva were not all celebrated with equal magni- 
 ficence. The most splendid kind was the funus censorium, not the 
 interment of a censor, but graced with the distinctions proper to 
 this person. Tacit. Ann. iv. 15, of Lucilius Longus, who had never 
 been a censor, and (xiii. 2), Claudio censorium /wnws (decretum est). 
 Jul. Cap. Pertin. 15. The author does not remember any account 
 of wherein consisted this distinction. The words of Polyb. vi. 53, , 
 only refer to imagines. Age too made a difference. In the case 
 of children, and of boys, till they assumed the toga virilis, fewer 
 ceremonies took place. Such funerals were called acerba funera, 
 i. e. immatura. Tib. 2, 6, 29 ; Hor. Sat. ii. 8, 59. Nero in Tacit. 
 Ann. xiii. 17, respecting the burial of Germanicus. They were 
 buried ad faces et cereos, and therefore, probably, in the evening. 
 Senec. de Tranquil. 11 ; Epist. 122. No decisive proof has been 
 discovered by the author of torches, which belonged to the ancient 
 practice of night-interment, having been kept up in the case of 
 adult funerals. Passages like Propert. iv. 11, 46 : Viximus insignea 
 inter utramque facem, refer to the torches with which the funeral 
 pile was kindled. He had said before (v. 10) : 
 
 Sic mcestoe cecinere tubse, cum subdita nostrum 
 Detraheret lecto fax inimica caput.
 
 SCENE XII.] INTERMENT OF THE DEAD. 511 
 
 And thus are to be understood all similar passages, where the fax 
 nuptialis is opposed to the feralis. We may here remark, that very 
 young children were never burnt, but always inhumed. Juven. xv. 
 139 ff. : 
 
 Naturae imperio gemimus, cum funus adultaa 
 Virginis occurrit, vel terra clauditur infans 
 Et minor igne rogi. 
 
 Plin. vii. 16, 15. At a grand interment the procession was arranged 
 by a designator, who was supported by a lictor and an accensus. 
 or several lictors, for the purpose of maintaining order. Cic. de 
 Legy. ii. 24 ; Hor. Epist. i. 7, 5 : 
 
 dum ficus prima calorque 
 Dcsignatorem decorat lictoribus atris. 
 
 Donat. ad Ter. Ad. i. 2, 7. 
 
 In front went the tibicines, the number of whom was limited by 
 the twelve tables to ten ; or also more powerful music, cornua and 
 tubce. Hor. Sat. i. 6, 43, and Heindorf's remark. Something, 
 perhaps, of the construction of these tubes may be gained from Ovid. 
 Amor. ii. 6, 6 : 
 
 Horrida pro moestis lanietur pluma capillis, 
 Pro longa resonent carmina vestra tubse ; 
 
 unless it be only a general epithet. 
 
 Then followed the prceficce, female mourners, also furnished by 
 the libitinarius. Hor. Art. 431 : 
 
 Uti qui conduct! mcerent in funere, dicunt 
 
 Et faciunt prope plura dolentibus ex animo : sic 
 
 Derisor vero plus laudatore movetur. 
 
 It seems of no consequence whether we read quce conductor in this 
 passage or not, as the gender can be taken generally. See Paul, 
 p. 223. [Varro, L. L. vii. 70.] They sang the ncenia, properly a 
 wailing panegyric on the deceased. Plaut. True. ii. 6, 14 : 
 
 Sine virtute argutum ciyem mihi habeam pro praefica 
 Quae alios collaudat, eapse se vero non potest. 
 
 Just so Non. ii. p. 145 : Ncenia ineptum et inconditum carmen, quod 
 adducta pretio mulier, quce prcefica diceretur, mortuis exhiberet. These 
 ncenice were also named mortualia, and were accounted nugce. Plaut. 
 Asin. iv. 1, 63: Hce sunt non nugce, non enim mortualia. The 
 further signification of the word, by which it frequently comes to 
 denote the end, does not belong here. 
 
 Still stranger was the custom for mimi to join in the procession, 
 perhaps next to the prceficce, who not only indulged in sober reflec- 
 tions, and applied passages from the tragedians to the present case
 
 512 INTERMENT OF THE DEAD. [EXCURSUS. 
 
 but actually formed, sometimes, an odd contrast to the rest of the 
 pageantry of woe, by acting the part of regular merry-andrews, 
 whilst one of the number, probably always the archimimus, imitated 
 the person of the defunct. The chief passages illustrative of this 
 custom are in Dion. Hal. viii. 72 ; and Suet. Fesp. 19 : In funere 
 Favo archimimus personam ejus ferens imitansque, ut est mos, facta 
 et dicta vim interrogatis palam procuratoribus, quanti funus et pompa 
 constaret, ut audiit H. S. centies, exclamavit: centum sibi sestertia 
 darent, ac se vel in Tiberim proficerent. The artifices scenici at the 
 funeral procession of Julius Caesar were of a soberer character, 
 everything here being calculated for tragic effect and excitement. 
 Another passage, which is quoted in support of the custom (Suet. 
 Tib. 57), has nothing to do with it ; for the scurra evidently does 
 not belong to the pompa, but is among the crowd of bystanders. 
 
 These dancers and mimes were most likely followed by the 
 imagines majorum. After many extraordinary notions having been 
 started on this subject, Eichstadt's Dissertt. de Imagg. Rom. has at 
 length established beyond a doubt, that men resembling in size and 
 figure the persons to be represented, placed these waxen masks 
 before their faces, and marched along in front of the lectus, clad in 
 the dress appropriate to each, with all the insignia appertaining ; 
 whence also Hor. Epod. viii. 2, Esto beata, funus atque imagines 
 ducant triumphales tuum. Polybius, too, speaks of it in terms im- 
 possible to be mistaken, vi. 53. Thus the whole row of ancestors 
 swept along, represented by living individuals in proper costume, 
 in front of the corpse ; and this was not confined to those in direct 
 ascent, but the collateral branches also sent their imagines to the 
 cavalcade ; as is seen from Polybius. This is what Pliny, xxxv. 2, 
 calls gentilitia funera. The spectacle was carried to greater length 
 at the burial of Augustus. Dio. Cass. Ivi. 34. Whether the ima- 
 gines, as Polybius relates, were always driven in carriages may be 
 doubted. Propert. says, ii. 13, 19 : 
 
 Nee mea tune longa spatietur imagine pompa : 
 
 which word spatiari the author never met with used of a person 
 riding in a carriage. 
 
 If the deceased had earned warlike renown, gained victories, 
 conquered lands and towns, then doubtless, as in the case of a 
 triumph, tabulce were carried before him inscribed with his deeds. 
 So Dion. Hal. (viii. 59) relates of Coriolanus, irpb TTJG icXii/ijc avrov 
 <t>tpta9ai KeXfVffavTfG Xa^vpa rt cai aKv\a, Kal ari<pdvov, KOI fjtvi]fiaf wv 
 il\t iroXcwv. Tacit. Ann. i. 8, of Augustus, ut . . . tituli, victarum ab 
 co gentium vocabula anteferrentur . . . censuere. These were most likely
 
 SCENE XII.] INTERMENT OF THE DEAD. 513 
 
 carried in advance of the imagines, and the latter did not come after, 
 but preceded the corpse, as indeed was most natural, for they had 
 preceded the deceased in death, and he completed their train. It 
 is, moreover, expressly stated in Tacit, iii. 76, Viginti darissimarum 
 familiarum imagines antelatce aunt. Propert. (ii. 13, 23) also men- 
 tions pans of incense. Immediately after these came the funus 
 itself, lying a little raised upon a lectica or lectus funebris, in the 
 case of persons of distinction made of ivory, or at least with ivory 
 feet. Over it purple or gold-embroidered coverlets were expanded, 
 Attalicce vestes, on which lay the corpse. Dio. Cass. Ivi. 34, of 
 Augustus. 
 
 According to Servius (ad Virg. j?En. vi. 222), the lectus was 
 borne by the nearest relations, or by the slaves who had been made 
 free by the will. Pers. iii. 106, At ilium hesterni capite induto subiere 
 Quirites ; and in the case of men of particular merit and renown, 
 even by knights, senators, and magistrates. Now the latter cer- 
 tainly did take place in some individual cases (see Kirchm. ii. 8), 
 but it is doubtful whether the former was an universal custom. 
 Yelleius, it is true, relates it of Metellus (Macedonians), i. 11, 7, 
 Mortui ejus lectu'm pro rostris sustulerunt quatuor filii, etc. ; and the 
 same account is given by Pliny, Cicero, and Valerius Maximus, but 
 they always adduce it as something particular. Plut. (Qucest. Rom. 
 14) says, TOVQ yovtic tKKOfj.iovcriv 01 ptv viol ovyKdcaXvuftsvaig, ai 1 
 GvyartpeQ yvfivuiQ rale K60a\a7f, but tKKOfii^tiv, like ejferre, is used of 
 the interment generally. 
 
 The lower classes, at least, made use of regular bearers, hired 
 by the libitinarius, vesperones or vespillones. Of course, at such a 
 funus plebeium or taciturn, the pomp we have been describing was 
 entirely omitted. Those who were poorer still, and slaves, were 
 carried by the vespillones, to the place of interment, in a covered 
 bier or coffin, sandapila. Fulgent, de Serm. Ant. 1. It is often 
 mentioned by Martial, who also calls it (x. 5) orciniana sponda. 
 This is also meant by Hor. Sat. i. 8, 9, cadavera vili portanda 
 locabat in area. [Poor persons often belonged to burial-clubs 
 (collegia tenuiorum], which on the death of any sodalis advanced a 
 certain sum towards the expenses of his funeral, fitncraticium. 
 (Orell. 4107.) Such were the Collegium sEsculapii et Hygice. 
 Orell. 2417, the Coll. Jovis Cerneni; and the Coll. cult. Dian<s et 
 Antinoi ; the statutes of which were discovered on a stone-tablet at 
 Lanuvium, in 1816. Monimsen, de Colleg. et Sodal. Rom.~] 
 
 As the images of his ancestry came before the lectus, so, after it, 
 followed the heirs and relations of the deceased, also the freedmen, 
 viz. those who had just been manumissi by the will, with their 
 
 L L,
 
 514 INTERMEXT OF THE DEAD. [EXCURSUS. 
 
 hats on, to mark their acquired freedom, pileati, unless, as some 
 suppose, the latter preceded the lectus. See Kirchm. ii. 7. Besides 
 these, friends also and persons from the crowd attached themselves 
 to the procession. Terent. Andr. i. 1, 88. But many only accom- 
 panied the procession as far as the city-gate, where they left it. 
 The shade of Cynthia charges Propertius with this, iv. 7, 29 : 
 
 Si piguit portas ultra procedere ; at illud 
 Jussisses, lectum lentius ire meum. 
 
 Not only the family were dressed in mourning, but also the 
 whole convoy, and even the lictors. Death itself being supposed 
 to be muffled in black, fii\dfnrtTr\og (Eurip. Alcest. 860), black was 
 the colour of mourning from the earliest times. Iliad, xxiv. 94. 
 So also of the Greeks generally. Eurip. Phoen. 295, aimr^oc <papkuv 
 \tVKwv, and 339. [Becker's Charides, English translation, p. 295], 
 and the custom was general among the Romans. Hence, Tacit. Ann. 
 iii. 2, atrata plebes, and Juv. iii. 213, pullati proceres. x. 245. It 
 is mentioned most definitely with respect to the women. See Varro, 
 de Vit. p. B. [Dionys. viii. 62.] Tibull. i. 3, 6, mcesti sinus, and iii. 
 
 2, 16: 
 
 Ossa incincta nigra Candida veste legant. 
 
 It was not till under the Emperors that white garments were 
 substituted for black ones, with the women. Plut. Qucest. Rom. 
 26; Stat. Silv. iii. 3, 3: 
 
 Hue vittata coraam, niveoque insignis amictu, 
 Mitibus exsequiis ades (Pietas). 
 
 The reason may have been, as Kirchmaim remarks, that white 
 robes were, in common life, replaced more and more by coloured 
 ones, so that to dress in white at that time was quite as much an 
 abstinence from the usual garb, as formerly it was to appear in 
 black or sombre habiliments. [Other exterior signs of mourning 
 were, tearing the garments, especially among the women ; it is also 
 mentioned of the men. Suet. Goes. 33; Ner. 42, veste discissa; comp. 
 Stat. Theb. iii. 125, ix. 354 ; also laying aside their ornaments. 
 Liv. xxxiv. 7, Quid aliud in luctu, quam purpuram atque aurum 
 deponunt ? quid, quum>eluxerunt, sumunt (mulieres) ? Dionys. v. 48, 
 viii. 62. Men let the hair of their head and beard grow; Suet. Oct. 
 23, barba capilloque summisso ; Cses. 67 ; Liv. xxvii. 34 (but par- 
 ticularly in luctus publicus], and abstained from dinner-parties, the 
 baths, and the theatre. Tac. Ann. iii. 3 : Tiberius atque Augusta 
 publico abstinuer'e. Cic. ad Att. xii. 13.] 
 
 The procession went first to the forum, in front of the rostra, 
 where the lectus was set down. Dion. Hal. iv. 40. [xi. 39.] Hence
 
 SCENE XII.] INTERMENT OF THE DEAD. 515 
 
 also in Hor. Sat. i. 6, 43, concrtrrantque foro tria funera. Here the 
 bearers of the imagines took their seats cellia curulibus. Polyb. vi. 
 53, 9. Usually one of the relations mounted the tribune, and pro- 
 nounced the laudatio funebris, \6yoc t^tra^ioc, over the dead. The 
 first person of whom this is related is Poplicola, who pronounced 
 the laudatio on Brutus. Plut. 9. The custom, a genuine Koman 
 one, was however perhaps of older date. Dion. Hal. v. 17. [ix. 54.] 
 After the panegyric on the deceased was ended, the speaker went, 
 in a similar manner, over all the forefathers, whose imagines were 
 present, and recounted their individual merits. See Polyb. above. 
 The author dwells on the political importance of these public recog- 
 nitions of the merits, not of one individual only, but of a whole 
 family. Still it is easy to conceive, that these laudationes did not 
 always contain the truth, and that the speaker would pass over the 
 dark side of his friend's character, whilst he described the brighter 
 one in too glowing colours. Hence Cic. Brut. 16, His laudationibus 
 historia rerum nostrarum est facto, mendosior ; and Liv. viii. 40, 
 Vitiatam memoriam funebribus laudibus reor. 
 
 The same honour might be paid to women also, but only as a 
 particular distinction. It took place first after the Gallic war. Liv. 
 V. 50 : Matronis gratioe actce, honosque additus, ut earum, sicut viro- 
 rum, post mortem solemnis laudatio esset. Plutarch, Camill. 8. Lat- 
 terly it must have ceased entirely, or occurred very rarely. Cic. de 
 Orat. ii. 11. The knowledge even of the previous instances had 
 been lost. 
 
 After this solemnity, the lectus was again raised, the train got in 
 motion in the same order as before, and directed its course to the 
 place of interment. 
 
 The custom of burying is said to have been older than that of 
 burning (Cic. de Legg. ii. 22), and there were certain families 
 which adhered to it down to a late period ; e. g. the patrician gens 
 Cornelia. Sylla is said to have been the first of it, who caused 
 himself to be consumed by fire. Plin. vii. 54 : veritus talionem, 
 eruto C. Marii cadavere. But in reality, inhumation always took 
 place, even in the case of burning the body, for then, instead of 
 the grave, the funeral- vault was substituted, in which was placed 
 the cinerary. 
 
 Both methods are distinguished in the Twelve Tables (Cic. 23) : 
 Homincm mortuum in Urbe ne sepelito, neve urito. The two kinds 
 of burial are placed in juxtaposition, and the crematio is expressly 
 opposed to the sepultura, if Cicero's explanation be correct. Pliny, 
 on the contrary, in the passage cited above, understands the matter 
 differently, and perhaps more correctly, which is important, as he 
 
 LL2
 
 516 INTERMENT OF THE DEAD. [EXCURSUS. 
 
 probably had Cicero's passage before his eyes. He says : sepultus 
 vero intelligatur quoquo modo conditus, humatus vero humo contettus. 
 The meaning of the law would therefore be, that no sort of burial 
 might take place in the city, any more than burning might ; for 
 this latter could happen, and still the corpse be consigned to a sepul- 
 chrum outside the city. At an earlier period, it seems that the de- 
 ceased was frequently buried in his own house. [Comp. Virg. dEn. 
 iv. 494 : Tu secreta pyram tecto interiore sub auras Erige. 504. Serv. 
 ad Virg. ^En. vi. 152, xi. 205.] Isid. Orig. xv. 11 : prius quisque 
 in demo sua sepeliebatur, postea vetitum est legibus : a statement 
 which must not be taken very generally ; as they were most fre- 
 quently buried in agro. Liv. vi. 36. 
 
 Still, there were individual exceptions to this prohibition : e. g. 
 when a triumphator died. Plut. Qucest. Rom. 79. [Dio. Cass. xliv. 
 7.] So also many families retained the right of burial in the city, 
 on the strength of being descended from illustrious men. Cic. above. 
 The vestal virgins also were an exception, and, afterwards, the 
 Emperors. Indeed, the law seems to have often been transgressed, 
 and hence the interdict required renewal. 
 
 A sepultura, therefore, always took place, even when the body 
 had been burnt, and hence the word is used, in a general sense, for 
 crematio also. See Drakenb. Liv. viii. 24. Thus also the Greeks 
 distinguish between, and connect, maiuv and Qa-irrtiv. Dion. Hal. v. 
 48, concerning Poplicola ; Fest. JExc. 26 ; [Serv. ad Virg. ^En. xi. 
 201, iii. 22;] Stallb. ad Terent. Andr. i. 1, 101; Bottig. Vasengem, 
 i. 42. 
 
 At no time were there universal burial-places for all classes. 
 Whoever could afford it, selected or acquired a spot outside the city, 
 in the most frequented situation, as on high- ways, and here a family- 
 sepulchre was erected. The very lowest class only, viz. slaves and 
 condemned criminals, had a common burial-ground on the Esqui- 
 linus, up to the time of Augustus. Hor. Sat. i. 8, 10 : 
 Hoc miserae plebi stabat commune sepulcrura, 
 Pantolabo scurrse, Nomentanoque nepoti. 
 Mille pedes in fronte, trecentos cippus in agrum 
 Hie dabat : heredes monumentum ne sequeretur. 
 
 See the verses following, and Heindorf's note. [But on the Esquili- 
 nus families of note were also buried. Cic. Phil. ix. 7. Near it lay 
 the larger piece of ground for the corpses of the poor and of the 
 slaves, and this only was called] Puticulce (Puticoli, Putiluculi). 
 The chief passage is in Varro, L. L. v. 5 ; Test. Exc. p. 118. What 
 Festus really wrote can, in consequence of the mutilated state of 
 the fragment, only be guessed at. There the corpses were either
 
 SCENE XII.] INTERMENT OF THE DEAD. 517 
 
 burnt, without any further interment, or inhumed, or thrown down 
 uuburied. Of course it was not an universal burial-place for slaves, 
 but only for the vilia mancipia. [In the municipia there wore 
 similar spots inopum funeribus destinato8.~\ 
 
 As burning the corpse came very early into use, the further 
 ceremonies at the humatio are little known. The corpses were 
 either consigned to the earth in coffins, or placed in tombs built for 
 the purpose. The more general names for the coffin are area, 
 [Orell. 4396 ; solium, Suet. Ner. 50 ; Plin. xxxv. 12, 46 ;] and in 
 Fulgent, loculus ; the particular one, capulus. That this word does 
 not mean a bier, feretrum, has been sufficiently proved by Ouden- 
 dorp ad Appul. Met. viii. p. 544, capulos carie et vetustate semitectos ; 
 and x. p. 690, cooperculo capuli remote. These coffins were mostly 
 of wood, but also at times of more costly materials ; still the sarco- 
 phagi, as they are called, so named from the remarkable properties 
 of the lapis sarcophagus (Plin. ii. 96, xxxvi. 17), though also con- 
 structed of marble and other stone, must be considered only as the 
 outer receptacle of the coffin. [Orell. 194, 4478 : corpus integrum 
 conditum sarcophago. The coffins of the Scipios were of stone 
 (peperind).'] 
 
 Latterly, burning the corpse gradually fell into disuse, and hence 
 the frequent mention of the coffins, even as early as in Appuleius. 
 See Macrobius, Sat. vii. 7. 
 
 The pile on which the corpse was laid varied in height, and in 
 decoration also, according to the pecuniary circumstances and con- 
 dition of the defunct. The distinction which Serv. ad Virg. JEn. 
 ix. 188, makes between pyra and rogus, -pyra est lignorum congeries, 
 rogus cum jam ardere cueperit, is decidedly false, as is learnt from the 
 ordinance of the Twelve Tables. Cic. de Legg. ii. 23 : rogum ascia ne 
 polito. It is pure chance that Virgil first has constituere pyras, and 
 then circum accensos decurrere rogos : the poet merely interchanges 
 the words. 
 
 On the other hand, when burnt down, the pile was called 
 bustum, and the place of burning ustrina. The body was not always 
 burnt where the monument stood, but sometimes it was. Orell. 
 4383. [Dionys. viii. 59, tQatyav iv r$ ain-< ^wp/y.] Around the 
 pile cypress-trees were planted. Virg. ^En. vi. 216 : 
 
 Ingentem struxere pyram : cui frondibus atris 
 Intexunt latera, et ferales ante cupressos 
 Constituunt, deeorantque super fulgentibus armis : 
 
 and thereon Servius. The corpse being placed on it, odores, i. e. 
 tus, unguenta, liquores, were scattered, and garlands and locks of
 
 518 INTERMENT OF THE DEAD. [EXCURSUS. 
 
 hair thrown upon it. Stat. Silv. ii. 1, 162, and more in detail, v. 
 
 1, 210, ff. 
 
 Quis carmine digno 
 
 Exsequias et dona malae feralia pompa3 
 Perlegat ? omne illic stipatum examine longo 
 Ver Arabum Cilicumque fluit floresque Sabeei, 
 Indorumque arsura seges, praceptaque templis 
 Tura, Paltestini simul Hebreeique liquores, 
 Coryciaeque coma?, Cinyreaque germina. 
 
 [Also comestibles, Catull. lix. Vidistis ipso rapere de rogo coenam. 
 Compare Ter. Eun. iii. 2, 28.] This was done, however, not only 
 by the family, but also by others, who had joined in the procession. 
 See Kirchm. iii. 5. Previously to this, the dead person received 
 another last kiss, if such passages as the following can be accounted 
 a proof of it. Prop. ii. 13, 29 : 
 
 Osculaque in gelidis ponas suprema labellis 
 Cum dabitur Syrio munere plenus onyx. 
 And Ovid. Amor. iii. 9, 53. 
 
 After this, a loud lament was again set up, led by the prcefica 
 (see Serv. above) ; Terent. Andr. i. 1, 102, In ignem imposita est, 
 fletur, where we can hardly suppose that a Greek custom only is 
 alluded to. While these lamentations were going on, the nearest 
 relations, or one of them, averting his face, lighted the pile. It 
 probably consisted not merely of large logs, but also of combustible 
 materials, as pitch, and perhaps dried rushes. This seems meant 
 by Martial (x. 97) : 
 
 Dum levis arsura struitur Libitina papyro, 
 
 Dura myrrham, et casiam flebilis uxor emit : 
 
 unless, perhaps, a tomentum is to be understood. Pitch, however, 
 is expressly named in an inscription adduced by Kirchmann. 
 
 Concerning the gladiatorial exhibitions that sometimes took 
 place during the burning, see Creuz. Abr. p. 263, ff., where the 
 following usages are also amply explained, and will not therefore 
 be enlarged upon. 
 
 After the pile was burnt to the ground, the glowing ashes were 
 quenched. Yirg. JEn. vi. 226, 
 
 Postquam collapsi cineres et flamma quievit ; 
 Eeliquias vino, et bibulam lavere favillam, 
 
 is cited to show that this was done with wine, and Stat. Silv. ii. 6, 
 90, quod tibi Setia canos restinxit cineres. Both passages, however, 
 might be referred to the besprinkling after the ossilegium. Tibull. 
 iii. 2, 19. The words of Pliny (xiv. 12) contain a more forcible 
 proof: Vino rogum ne respergito. It had, therefore, occurred, and
 
 SCENE XII.] INTERMENT OF THE DEAD. 519 
 
 that during Pliny's time. Add to this Prop. iv. 7, 34 : fracto lusta 
 piare cado. Perhaps Tibullus, too, means nothing else ; and it was 
 only in cases of great extravagance that not merely the collected 
 bones, but also the whole rogus, was besprinkled with wine. 
 
 The other succeeding rites are nowhere better recounted than in 
 the very passage of Tibullus cited above. 
 
 Prsefatae ante meos manes animamque precatse, 
 
 Perfusaeque pias ante liquore manus, 
 Pars qua? sola mei restabit corporis, ossa 
 Incincta? nigra Candida veste legant ; 
 Et primum annoso spargant collecta Lyaeo 
 
 Mox etiam niveo fundere lacte parent. 
 
 Post hsec carbaseis humorem tollere velis 
 
 Atque in marmorea ponere sicca domo. 
 
 Illuc, quas mittit dives Panchaia merces 
 
 Eoique Arabes, pinguis et Assyria, 
 Et nostri memores lacrymne fundantur eodem ; 
 
 Sic ego componi versus in ossa velim. 
 
 The poet describes how he wished to be buried, after having been 
 changed into ashes, by Neeera and her brother (v. 15, ff.). He 
 also dictates the inscription for his monument. 
 
 The exact order of things, as given by him, then, is this : First, 
 the Manes of the defunct were to be invoked: then, they washed 
 their hands, and gathered the bones into the lap of the mourning- 
 robe. These were next sprinkled with wine, and, again, with milk, 
 and then dried on a linen cloth. All sorts of perfumes were then 
 mingled with the ashes. Ovid. Trist. iii. 3, 69 : 
 
 Atque ea cum foliis et amomi pulvere misce, 
 
 where by foliis, perhaps nardum is meant. Huschke ad Tibull. i. 
 3, 7, has denied that perfumed liquids, unguenta, liquores, were 
 poured upon them. But there is no mistaking Ovid. Fast. iii. 561 : 
 
 Mista bibunt molles lacrymis unguenta favilloe. 
 [and Pers. vi. 34, urnce ossa inodora dabit.~\ 
 
 Bottles, filled with perfumes, were placed inside the tomb, which 
 was besprinkled odoribus. These are the tear-flasks, or lacryma- 
 tories, so often mentioned formerly, [Orell. 4832, teretes onyches foci 
 gracilesque alabastri.~] (See Bottig. Vaseng. i. p. 66.) The expres- 
 sion for this consigning to the tomb were condere and componere. 
 TibulL supra ; Prop. ii. 2, 35, Tu mea compones ossa. Condere, 
 however, is said properly of collecting into the urna, and componere 
 of consigning to the monument. Ovid. Trist. iii. 3, 70 : 
 
 Inque suburbnno condita pone solo. 
 Hence the buried were called conditi, compositi, siti. Cic. de
 
 520 INTERMENT OF THE DEAD. [EXCURSUS. 
 
 Legg. ii. 22. [Sometimes one urn or coffin contained the remains 
 of two persons, to indicate their affection, as in the case of hus- 
 band and wife, or children. Consol. ad Liv. 162 : 
 
 Quod licet hoc certe tumulo ponemur in uno. 
 Miscebor cinerique cinis atque ossibus ossa. 
 
 Orell. 2863, 4370, 4624.] The burial being now completed, the last 
 farewell was bid to the deceased, in the well-known formulae : ave 
 ammo, Candida; terra tibi levis sit ; molliter cubent ossa, and so forth; 
 and after those assembled had been purified by sprinkling with 
 consecrated water (lustratio), and the Ilicet had been pronounced, 
 they separated. Who performed these two rites is doubtful. See 
 Servius ad Virg. j?En. vi. 216. 
 
 For some questions of minor importance, as cutting off the 
 finger of the corpse before burning, and the words of the Twelve 
 Tables, Homini mortuo ne ossa legito, see Kirchm. iii. 7. 
 
 [On the ninth day after the burial came the novemdialia or ferice 
 novemdiales, a sacrifice and funeral repast. Schol. ad Hor. Epod. 
 17, 48 ; Serv. ad Virg. jiEn. v. 64 ; Paul, and Fest. v. vinum resper- 
 eum, p. 262. It consisted of simple dishes (pultes, panem, merum"), 
 August. Confess, vi. 2 ; ovum, Juv. v. 84 ; salt and so forth, Ov. 
 Fast . ii. 628 : although he speaks of the Parentalia ; and was placed 
 upon the grave. Jul. Obs. 112, cccna Dece posita a cane adesa ante- 
 quam delibaretur. Plut. Crass. 36 ; Dio. Cass. Ixvii. 9. It was called 
 coena feralis, Juv. v. 84 : 
 
 Ponitur exigua feralis ccena patella. 
 
 App. Florid. 4 ; Plin. x. 10, 28, ex funerum ferculis. See Tertull. 
 de Test. an. 4 ; de Resurr. I ; August, de Civ. Dei, viii. 27 ; Lips, ad 
 Tac. Ann. vi. 5. The proper Roman name for this meal was not 
 silicernium, as is usually supposed ; for notwithstanding Donat. ad 
 Ter. Ad. iv. 2, 48, coenaque infertur diis manibus, yet Varro's author- 
 ity is decidedly against it. Non. i. 235 : Silicernium est proprium 
 convivium funebre quod senibus exhibetur. Varro Meleagr. funus 
 exsequiati laute ad sepulcrum antiquo more silicernium confecimus, 
 i. e. irepiSenrvov quo pransi discedentes dicimus alius alii vale. It 
 appears then from Varro that silicernium was the old-fashioned 
 meal, taken near the grave (hence Servius ad Virg. ^En. v. 92, 
 derives it from silicwnium, i. e. a meal near the grave-stone), for 
 which purpose triclinia and halls were sometimes built in the 
 vicinity of the monument, as in that of Nsevoleia Tyche at Pompeii. 
 It differed from the coena funeris, Pers. v. 33, which took place in 
 the house of the deceased. In rich families a great number of 
 guests were invited; sometimes the whole people (Cic. p. Mur.
 
 SCENE XII.] INTERMENT OF THE DEAD. 521 
 
 36), or they received a visceratio, or distribution of meat. Liv. viii. 
 22, xxxix. 46 ; Suet. Cces. ; Sen. Ep. 73. Later, money was given 
 instead, though the name visceratio remained. Orell. 134, 3858. 
 Games and shows of gladiators often attended this feast. Liv. xli. 
 28 ; Hor. Sat. ii. 2, 85 ; Dionys. v. 17 ; Dio. Cass. xxxviii. 8, xxxix. 
 7, xliii. 22. 
 
 Long after the funeral they testified pious affection for the 
 deceased in various ways. The Feralia held in February was a 
 general festival in memory of the dead ; also called Parentalia, 
 in reference to the relations of the deceased. Varro, L. L. ii. 13: 
 Feralia ab inferis et ferendo, quod ferunt turn epulas ad sepulcrum 
 guibus jus ibi parentare. Paul. p. 85 ; Macrob. Sat. i. 9 ; Ovid. 
 Amor. i. 13, 3 : 
 
 Annua solenni caxle parentat ovis. 
 
 Comp. Cic. de Legg. ii. 21 : hostia maxima (i. e. the sheep. Paul, 
 p. 126) ; parentare, Phil. i. 6 ; Ter. de Resur. c. 2 ; Testim. an, 4 ; 
 Ov. Fast. ii. 533 ; Auson. Parent, prcef. Victims were likewise 
 sacrificed, and food placed on the grave ; which was adorned with 
 garlands, and sprinkled with essences (profmiones), also with milk, 
 oil, honey. Orell. 642, 4415. Lamps (see p. 310) and other vessels 
 were put on it. Prop. iv. 5, 72 : curto vetus amphora collo. Cic. de 
 Legg. 26. These are the solennia dona or munera. Ov. Fast. ii. 
 545 ; Catull. c. : 
 
 Tradita sunt tristes munera ad inferias. 
 
 But all this might be done at any other time as well as at the 
 Feralia ; hence parentare is used generally for inferias mittere. 
 Orell. 642. Mention is often made of commemorative banquets, 
 in most extravagant style. Cic. p. Flacc. 38 ; Hor. Sat. ii. 3, 86, 
 243 ; Orell. 3999, 4417. On the chaplets, see OreU. 707 : rosas ad 
 monumentum deferre. 3927, 4084, 4420. BOSCB and escce, i. e. those 
 set on the grave, are often mentioned together. Beans were a 
 standing dish. Plin. xviii. 12, 30, parentando utique assumitur (faba). 
 Funds were often bequeathed by the deceased for providing escce 
 and rosce on the other days, besides at the Parentalia. Orell. 
 3927, 4084, 4107; for instance, on the anniversary of his birth-day. 
 Some beautiful sepulchre-garlands of gold have been found at 
 Egaatia.] 
 
 The urnce [or dice, Orell. 4507, 4538 ; dice ossuarice, 4544 ; olla- 
 ria, 4544 ; schola ollarum, 4542 ; hydria, 4546 ; vascellum, 4555], in 
 which the bones were preserved, were of various shapes and 
 materials, mostly testce. Propert. says (ii. 13, 32) : accipiat manes 
 parvula testa meos : [but they were also of stone and metal ; so of
 
 522 
 
 INTERMEXT OF THE DEAD. [EXCURSUS. 
 
 porphyry, Dio. Cass. Ixxvi. 15 ; rarely of gold and silver. Eutrop. 
 viii. 5 ; Amm. Marc. xix. 2.] Glass ones have been also found at 
 Pompeii, inclosed in others of lead. The nature of the tomhs, both 
 as regards external form and interior arrangements, is known from 
 numerous monuments still extant. See Goro von Agyagf. Wand, 
 d. Pompeii : the plan and view of the street of tombs, the ground- 
 plan and section of the tomb of Nsevoleia Tyche, and other monu- 
 ments. 1 
 
 One of the most instructive passages, respecting the environs, 
 and means of protecting the monument, apart from its absurdities, 
 is to be found in Petron. 71, 16 : Ut sint in fronte pedes centum, in 
 agrum pedes ducenti. Omne genus etiam pomorum volo sint circa 
 cineres meos et vinearum largiter. Valde enim falsum est, vivo quidem 
 domos cultas esse, non curari eas, ubi diutius habitandum est, et ideo 
 ante omnia adjici volo : Hoc monumentum heredem non sequatur. 
 Ceterum erit mihi curce, ut testamento caveam, ne mortuus infuriam 
 accipiam; prceponam enim unum ex libertis sepulcro meo custodies 
 causes. [Orell. 4781.] Among the ornaments which Trimalchio 
 orders from the lapidarius, are also naves plenis velis euntes, and 
 such allegorical reliefs have actually been found on cippi. See 
 Goro, t. 6. The tombs were generally protected by a ring- wall, 
 [maceria,'] as that of Naevoleia Tyche. [Orell. 4373, 4498, 4509.] 
 In the interior, i. e. the proper cinerarium or ossuarium, stood the 
 urns in niches, [loculi, loculamenta, lecti, solia. Orelli, 4428. But 
 these terms also denote larger niches to contain the whole corpse,] 
 whence also the whole receptacle obtained the name of columba- 
 rium. [Orell. 4544, 4358, 4513.] Beside them were placed lamps, 
 lucernce sepulchrales, and the above-mentioned lacrymatories. On 
 the cippus was always the inscription, titulus. Ovid, iii. 3, 77. 
 [Orell. 4409, 4424. An immense number of Eoman sepulchral 
 monuments have been preserved. On many of them there are 
 interesting inscriptions, and bas-reliefs, indicating the name, rank, 
 and family of the deceased. So the monument of the baker, M. 
 Verg. Eurys. ; or of Cornel. Successus, who was soldier and butcher. 
 The most interesting inscriptions have been collected by Orelli, 
 cap. xx. 4351-4871.] 
 
 The proper name for such a funeral-monument is monumentum, 
 only that it can also be erected, for form's sake only, as a cenota- 
 phium. Cic. pro Sexto, 67 : L. Opimius . . . cujus monumentum cele- 
 berrimum in foro, sepulcrum desertissimum in litore Dyrrhachino 
 
 These are given in Gell's Pompeiana.
 
 SCENE XII.] INTERMENT OF THE DEAD. 523 
 
 relictum est. [By the word monumentum he does not mean cenota- 
 phium, but the basilica opimia, or the Temple of Concord. Halm. 
 ad Ciceron. ib. 310.] Thus the beautiful monument of Calventius 
 at Pompeii is. a cenotaphium, without ossuarium. [Lamprid. Sev. 
 Alex. 63; Cenotaphium in Oallia, Homos sepulcrum. But cenota- 
 phium was also the name of the monument erected by a person 
 during his life. Orell. 4519, 4526, domum ceternam sibi vivus 
 curavit. Ulp. Dig. xi. 7, 6.] On other occasions, the names 
 sepulchrum, bustum, and even tumulus, are frequently used as 
 synonymes. 
 
 These observations must suffice, respecting this very voluminous 
 subject. 
 
 [Hitherto no work has been written, thoroughly examining this 
 topic in a religious and civil point of view ; though much on that 
 head is to be found in Kirchmann's work; Gothofred. on Cod. 
 Theod. ix. 17 ; and Dirksen, Hist. Script. Aug. 169.]
 
 INDEX. 
 
 ABACI, 111, . 4; 190, 295 
 
 Abolla, 422 
 
 Acerra, 508 
 
 Acetabulum, 479 
 
 Acipcnser, 460 
 
 'AKpoafiara, 470 
 
 Acta diurna, 134, . 1 ; 185 
 
 Actor in the family, 204 
 
 Ad versi tores, 214 
 
 Ager Falernus, 57, . 1 
 
 Ahenum, 298 
 
 Alabastrum, 305 
 
 Alae (in the House), 253 
 
 Alea, 499 
 
 Alec, 462 
 
 Alveus, 388 
 
 Alveus, a dice-table, 500 
 
 Ambulatio, 405 
 
 Arnica, 169 
 
 Amiculum, 437 
 
 Amphorae, 479, 488 
 
 Ampulla, 305 
 
 Anagnostae, 208 
 
 Annulus pronubus, 170 
 
 Antae, 240 
 
 Anteambulones, 213 
 
 Antepagmenta, 240 
 
 Antiquarii, 324 
 
 A pedibus pueri, 215 
 
 Apodyterium, 383 
 
 Apophoreta, 468 
 
 Apotheca, 489 
 
 Apotheca triclinii, 265 
 
 Aquarii, 362 
 
 Aquiminarium, 306 
 
 Arabia, 144, n. 5 
 
 Area, 106, n. 8 ; 297 
 
 Area (coffins), 517 
 
 Arcarii, 298 
 
 Arcbetypn, 17, . 6 
 
 Argentum purum et caelatutn, 301 
 
 Armarium, 106, w. 8 ; 297, 323 
 
 Arm-bands, 441 
 
 Armillae, 441 
 
 Aricia, 50 
 
 Arra, 170 
 
 Asellus, 459 
 
 Ashes of the dead mixed with scents, 
 519 
 
 Asseres, 343 
 
 Athens, the place of education of 
 young Romans, 197 
 
 Atramentum librarium, 326 
 
 Atriensis, 205 
 
 Atriolum, 253 
 
 Atrium, 242 
 
 Aurata, 459 
 
 Aureus, 74, . 9 
 
 Auspices at the celebration of mar- 
 riage, 163 
 
 Authepsa, 298 
 
 Baiae, 85 ; its springs, 86, n. 4 ; luxury 
 
 indulged in there, 88 
 BdXavoc, 282 
 Ballon, 399 
 
 Ball-play, 398 ; different kinds of, 399 
 Balneum distinct from Thermae, 389 
 Baptisterium, 375, 385 
 Basterna, 349 
 Bathing utensils, 393 
 Baths, 366 
 
 of Campania and Etruri;i, 90 
 
 at Baiae, 92, n. 12 
 
 at Pompeii, plan of, 369 
 
 at Stabiae, plan of, 370 
 
 for women, 395 
 
 public baths at Rome, 391 
 
 libraries in the baths, 390 
 
 time of bathing, 396 
 
 lodgings over the baths, 92, 
 
 . 12
 
 526 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Baths of Jfero, painting of a section 
 
 of, 384 
 Beards, 428 
 Beggars, 50, n. 20 
 Bellaria, 457 
 Bellas homo, 24 
 Bene tibi, 132, n. 11 
 Betrothing in marriage, 170 
 Bibere in lucem, 2, n. 2 
 Bibere nomen, 131, n. 10 
 Bibliopole, 209, 334 
 Bibliothecffi, 323 
 Bifores, 281 
 
 Birthday, celebration of, 78, n. 15 
 Boar, ccenae caput, 463 
 Books, 324 
 Booksellers, 334 
 Botularii, 465 
 Botuli, 464 
 Bovillse, 50 
 Braccse, 423 
 Branding of slaves, 222 
 Brassica, 465 
 Bread, 467 
 Bulla aurea, 183 
 Burning the corpse, 515 
 Burial-places, 516 
 Bustum, 517 
 Byssus, 444 
 
 Cacabus, 298 
 
 Cadus, 479, 488 
 
 Caelatura, 301 
 
 Cselibes, 176 
 
 Calamistrum, 440 
 
 Calamus, 332 
 
 Calceare, 375 
 
 Calceus, 424 
 
 Calculator, 191 
 
 Calculi, 190 
 
 Calda, 493 
 
 Caldarium in the baths, 386 ; a vessel 
 
 used in preparing the calda, 494 
 Calices, 482 
 Caliga, 427. 
 Camera, 275 
 Camillus et Camilla, 166 
 Camcenae, grove of the, 41 
 Campania, the springs of, 90, n. 8 
 
 Candelabra, 309' 
 
 of what materials they 
 
 were made, 312 
 
 from .ZEgina and Taren- 
 
 tum, 313 
 in the form of trees, &c., 
 
 314 
 
 Candelae, 308 
 Canis, at dice, 500 
 Cantharus, 481 
 Capis, 481 
 Capitium, 417 
 Capo, 462 
 Capsae, 332 
 Capsarii, their different employments, 
 
 214, 333; in the baths, 93, . 14; 
 
 373 
 
 Capsus, 349 
 Capulus, 517 
 Carbasus, 444 
 Carinae, 71, n. 3 
 Carpentum, 346 
 Carptor, 469 
 Carriages, 341 
 Carruca, 348 
 Cartibulum, 289 
 Caryotse, 466 
 Castra lecticariorum, 344 
 Castrare vinum, 491 
 Catellae, 440 
 
 Catenata taberna, 46, n. 9 
 Cathedra, 292 
 Catiui, 479 
 Caupo, 352 
 Caupona, 355 
 Causia, 423 
 Cave canem, 242 
 Cavum redium, 242, 257 
 Cedrus, 328 
 Ceilings, 275 
 Celibacy, 176 
 Cellse penarue, 265 
 Cellaa servorum, 59, n. 4 ; 65, . 18 ; 
 
 264 
 
 Cellar vinariae, 58, n. 4 ; 487 
 Cella frigidaria, in the baths, 385 
 Cellarius, 205 
 Cenotaphium, 506, 522 
 Ccrevisia, 485
 
 INDEX. 
 
 527 
 
 Ceroma, 378 
 
 Chapel, 263 
 
 Chaplets, 496 
 
 Charistia, 226 
 
 Chnrtse epistolares, 339 
 
 Chests, 297 
 
 Children, 178 
 
 Chirurgi, 208 
 
 Chrysendeta, 302 
 
 Cicer, 466 
 
 Cinerarium, 522 
 
 Ciniflones, 217, 440 
 
 Cippi, 522 
 
 Circuli, 406 
 
 Cisium, 346 
 
 Cistelhe, 298 
 
 Citrese, 295 
 
 Citrus, 294 
 
 Clatliri, 277 
 
 Clavis, 292 
 
 Clavis Laconica, 283 
 
 Clavus latus, or angustus, 417 
 
 Cleaning, implements for, 307 
 
 Clepsydra, 318 
 
 Clients, 227 
 
 Clipeus, 387 
 
 Clocks, 315 
 
 Coccuin, 446 
 
 Cochlea?, 461 
 
 Cochlear, 477 
 
 Cocula, 298 
 
 Codidlli, 338 
 
 Coemtio, 167 
 
 C'cena, 455 
 
 nuptialis, 165 
 
 pontificalia, 458 
 
 recta, 457 
 
 Trimalchionis, 110, . 1 
 
 - feralis, 520 
 
 Co?ii!iculum, 5, n. 8 ; 267 
 Ccunure de die, 456 
 Cccnare in ducem, 2, . 2 ; 45b 
 Colum, 299, 489 
 Columbarium, 522 
 Comissatio, 124, n. 1 
 Compagus, 427 
 Compedes, 221 
 Compluvium, 257 
 Conclamatio. 506 
 
 Concubinatus, 109 
 
 Condere oculos, 506 
 
 Confarreatio, 167 
 
 Congius, 479 
 
 Conopium, 306 
 
 Conserva, 220 
 
 Constructio (of books), 329 
 
 Contubernium of the slaves, 220 
 
 Convenire in manum, 156, 167, 168 
 
 Convivia tempestiva, 456 
 
 Cooking utensils, 298 
 
 Copta, Copta placenta, 468 
 
 Coquina, 264 
 
 Corinthian brass, 18, w. 9 
 
 Cornua, 511 
 
 Cornua of the books, 328 
 
 Coronae, 496 
 
 Corona convivialis, 497 
 
 Cors of a villa, 60, M. 5 
 
 Cortina, 298 
 
 Cosmetae, male slaves, 217 
 
 Covinus, 347 
 
 Crater, 483 
 
 Craticula, 299 
 
 Crematio, 516 
 
 Crepidse, 427 
 
 Crepundia, 183 
 
 Cribrum, 299 
 
 Crucifixion of slaves, 223 
 
 Crusta, 302 
 
 Crusta?, 302 
 
 Crystallina, 302 
 
 Cuba, 184 
 
 Cubicularii, 212 
 
 Cubicula, 260 
 
 Cubital, 424 
 
 Cucullus, 423 
 
 Cucuma, 298 
 
 Culcita, 286 
 
 Culina, 264 
 
 Cameras, 160 
 
 Cunina, 183 
 
 Cupa, 487 
 
 Cupboards, 297 
 
 Cursores, 213 
 
 Curtains, 252, 276, 306 
 
 Cyathus, 479 
 
 Cybium, 459 
 
 Cymbium, 483
 
 528 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Cypress before the domus funesta, 
 608 ; round the funeral pile, 517 
 
 Dactyliothecae, 430 
 
 Datatim ludere, 400 
 
 Day, divisions of the, 314 
 
 Dead, interment of, 505 
 
 Decuriae of slaves, 203 
 
 Decuiio, 206 
 
 Deductio of the bride, 160 
 
 Defrutum, 486 
 
 Deliciae of the ladies, 25, n. 16 
 
 Delphica? (marble tables), 111, n. 4 
 
 Demensum of the slaves, 218 
 
 Designator funeris, 511 
 
 Diaeta, 262 
 
 Diapasmata, 378 
 
 Diatreta (diatreti calices), 304 
 
 Diffareatio, 175 
 
 Diffundere vinum, 487 
 
 Discidium, 175 
 
 Dispensator, 204 
 
 Diversorium, or deversorium, 353 
 
 Divortium, 175 
 
 Dolabra, 1, . 1 
 
 Dolia, 486 
 
 Dominium, 178 
 
 Domo interdicere, 101, . 3 
 
 Domus, as opposed to insula, 231 
 
 Doors, manner of fastening the, 281 
 
 Dormitoria, 260 
 
 Dress of the men, 409 
 
 women, 431 
 
 Drinks, 485 
 Dulciarius, 468 
 
 Ear-rings, 441 
 Echinus, 461, 484 
 Education, 183 
 Edusa, 183 
 Elaeothesia, 379 
 Emancipatio, 181 
 Emblemata, 302 
 Eudromis, 422 
 Epichysis, 305, 480 
 Epideipnides, 457 
 Epistolae, 338 
 
 Ergastulum, 221 ; under ground, 59, 
 . 4 
 
 Eruca, 466 
 
 Essedum, 346 
 
 Etruria, the springs of, 90, n. 8 
 
 Exedrae, 262 
 
 Expulsim ludere, 400 
 
 Faces nuptiales, 160, 163 
 
 Familia, its meaning, 151, 154, 198 ; 
 
 rustica and urbana, 202 
 Famuli, 199 
 Farreum (libum), at the confarreatio, 
 
 163 
 
 Fartor, aiTevn'is, 469 
 Fasciae, 286, 424, 432 
 Fatua, 460 
 Fatui, moriones, 210 
 Fauces, in the house, 256 
 Feet, coverings of, 424, 438 
 Fenestrae, 276 
 Feralia, 521 
 
 Fercula of the coena, 4-56 
 Feria; novemdiales, 520 
 Feronia, temple of, 55 
 Fibula, 433 
 Fire and water, ceremony of, at the 
 
 marriage, 162 
 Fires in Rome, 1, n. I 
 Fish, 459 
 Flabella, 438 
 Flamingo, 468 
 Flammeum of the bride, 165 
 Floors, 270 
 Focalia, 424 
 Follis, 399 
 Fores, 240 
 Formise, 56 
 Foruli, 323 
 Forum Appii, 52 
 Frigidarium in the baths, 3 3 
 Fritillus, 498 
 Frontes of the books, 329 
 Fulcra, 290 
 Fullones, 448 
 Funak-s, 349 
 Funalia, 309 
 Funambuli, 210 
 Fundi, 56 
 Fungi, 466 
 Funiculus, 308
 
 INDEX. 
 
 520 
 
 Funus, publicum, 509 ; indictivum, 
 510; censorium, 510; acerbum, 510 
 
 Furca, carrying the, punishment of 
 slaves, 223 
 
 Galeola, 483 
 
 Gallus, biographical notice of, 6, . 8 
 
 Games, social, 499 
 
 Ganeum, 355 
 
 Gardens, 358 
 
 Garum, 461 
 
 Gausapa, 295, 419, 443 
 
 Ceminse frontes of the books, 329 
 
 Gestatio, 361 
 
 Glass, 303, 373 
 
 Glutinatores, 329 
 
 Gnomon, 318 
 
 Gobius, 459 
 
 Grabatus, 291 
 
 Graeco more bibere, 128, n. 6 ; 130, 
 
 n. 9 
 
 Grassatores, 54, w. 28 
 Green-houses, 363 
 Gustus, gustatio, gustatoriun], 456 
 Gutturnium, 306 
 Guttus, 305, 480 
 Gymnastic exercises, 399 
 
 Hair, 428, 439 
 
 Halteres, 404 
 
 Harpastum, 403 
 
 Hats, 423 
 
 Head, coverings for the, 423 
 
 Heredipetae, 74, w. 8 
 
 Hexaclinon, 108, n. 11; 474 
 
 llexaphoron, 344 
 
 IJippodromus, 361 
 
 Holoserica, 442 
 
 Honey, the best and worst kinds of, 
 
 467 
 
 Ilorarium, 320 
 Horolo^ia solaria, 318 
 llorologium, 320 
 Hortulanus, 359 
 Hospites, 226 
 Household utensils, 285 
 House, the Roman, 230 
 Humatio, 517 
 Hydromeli, 484 
 
 Hypocaustum, 278 
 Hypogaja, 267 
 
 latraliptae, 208 
 
 Illumination of towns, 81, n. 19 
 Imagines majorum, 15, 511 
 clypeata, 16, n. 4 
 
 Imbrices, 269 
 Imitatio ruris, 67, n. 21 
 Impluvium, 64, . 13 ; 257 
 Incitega, 484 
 Indumentum, 437 
 Indusium or intusium, 416 
 Infidibula, 299 
 Inns, 351 
 Instita, 433 
 Instrumentum, 285 
 Insulae, 5, n. 8; 232 
 Interjungere, 51, n. 22 
 Interula, 432 
 
 , 382 
 
 Janitor, 211 
 
 Janitrix, 211 
 
 Janua, 240 
 
 JVcur anseris, 462 
 
 Jcntaculum, 452 
 
 Jngtim, 164 
 
 Jus lati clavi, 105, . 5 
 
 Jus osculi, 226 
 
 Justa facere, 506 
 
 Jus trium liberorum, 177 
 
 Kitchen, 264 
 Korra/3oc, 504 
 
 Labrum, 306, 388 
 
 L.'icerna, 420, 444 
 
 Lacertus, 459 
 
 Laconieum, 386 
 
 Lacrymatories, 519 
 
 Lactarius, 469 
 
 Lactuca, 466, 465 
 
 Lacunaria, 275 
 
 Laena, 422 
 
 Lampadaria, 313 
 
 Lamps, lucernae, 309 ; triclinares and 
 cubiculares, 310; polymixi, 310; se- 
 pulcrales, 310, 521; in the baths, 372
 
 530 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Lances, 479 
 
 Lanipendia, 448 
 
 Lapis specularis, 277, 342 
 
 Laquearii, 275 
 
 Lararium, 263 
 
 Lar vialis, 49 
 
 Lasanum, 298 
 
 Laternse, 314 
 
 Laternarii, lampadarii, 215 
 
 Latrina, 265 
 
 Laudatio funebris, 515 
 
 Lavatrina, 389 
 
 Lebes, 298, 306 
 
 Lectica, 34 ; aperta, 342 ; with win- 
 dows and shutters, 342 ; when it 
 first came into fashion, 345 ; fune- 
 
 .bris, 513 
 
 Lecticarii, 213 
 
 Lecti triclinares, summus, medius, 
 imus, rank of the places upon them, 
 470 
 
 Lectores, 208 
 Lectus, 285 
 
 Lectus, genialis or adversus, 247 ; 
 cubicularis, 290 ; lucubratorius, 
 291 ; funebris, 508 
 Legs, coverings of the, 423 
 Legumina, 452 
 Lentiscus, 122, n. 20 
 Lepesta, 483 
 Lepus, 465 
 Letter, 338 
 Levana, 183 
 Lex Oppia, 345 
 Libation, 132, n. 12 
 Liberalia, 197 
 Libitinarius, 507 
 
 Librarii, 209 ; for the library, 324 ; 
 a studiis, 32, n. 4 ; ad manum or ab 
 epistolis, 339 ; as bookbinders, 331; 
 as booksellers, 335 
 Library, 322 
 Libri, 325 
 Libripens, 71, n. 4 
 Licinus, 71, n. 2 
 Licita consuetudo, 169 
 Lighting, manner of, 308 
 Ligula, 478 
 Limen, 240 
 
 Linen, 443 
 Linosterna, 444 
 Lintea, 395 
 Linum, 444 
 Literati, 208 
 Lixivium, 449 
 Loculi, 298 
 Lomentum, 379 
 Lora, 486 
 Lucernae, 309 
 
 Lucrine lake, pleasure parties there- 
 on, 95 ; oysters therefrom, 461 
 Lucus Camcenarum, 41, n. 2 
 Ludere par impar, 504 
 Ludi magistri, 191 
 Ludiones, 210 
 Ludus duodecim scriptorum, 502 
 
 latrunculorum, 502 
 
 Lunula, 426 
 Lupanaria, 91 
 Lupus, 459 
 Lustratio, 183 
 
 of the corpse, 520 
 
 Lychnuchi, 309 
 
 pensiles, 314 
 
 Lycoris, 83, . 24 
 
 Mseniana, 268 
 
 Magister convivii, 126, n. 2 
 
 Malluvium, 306 
 
 Mamillare, 432 
 
 Manalis, 306 
 
 Mancipia viliora, 201 
 
 Mandrae, 303 
 
 Mango, 200 
 
 Manni, small horses, 350 
 
 Mantelia, 476 
 
 Manus, in manum esse, 156 
 
 Mappae, 476 
 
 Marble, the different kinds of, 16, 
 
 n. 5 
 
 Marriage among the Romans, 155 
 Matella, 300 
 Materfamilias, 168 
 Matrimonium justum et non justum, 
 
 155 
 
 Matrona, 168 
 Meals, 451 
 Vlediastini, 215
 
 IXDEX. 
 
 531 
 
 Medici, 207; their estimation among 
 the Romans, 207; ah oculis, etc., 
 208 
 
 Melimela, 364 
 
 Memhrana, 326, 329 
 
 Men, dress of the, 409 
 
 Mena, 469 
 
 Mensae citrese, 294 
 
 laniaria;, 296 
 
 secundae, 456 
 
 Meracius hihere, 129, . 7 
 
 Merenda, 454 
 
 Merum bibere, 129, . 7 
 
 Miliarium, 298 
 
 Mimi, 210; at funerals, 511 
 
 Minerval, 195 
 
 Minium, 15, n. 2 ; 327 
 
 Minturnse, 56 
 
 Mirrors, 296 
 
 Alidto) fiva.fj.ova ffvpnorav, 4, n. 4 
 
 Mistarium, 483 
 
 Mitra, 440 
 
 Mixing of the wine, 28, . 7 
 
 Molse, 265 
 
 Monilia, 440 
 
 Monopodia, 294 
 
 Monumentum, 522 
 
 Moriones, 210, 470 
 
 Mosaic work, 271 
 
 Moss in the impluvium, 64, w. 13 
 
 Mugilis, 459 
 
 Mullens, 427 
 
 Mullus, 459 
 
 Mulsum, 457, 493 
 
 Muraena, 459 
 
 Murex, 460 
 
 Muria, 461 
 
 Murrhina vases, 304 
 
 Musivum, 271 
 
 Mustum calcatum, 486 
 
 Nnenia, 511 
 Nani, 210 
 Nanus, 300 
 Nardinum, 378 
 Nassiterna, 306 
 Necklaces, 441 
 Negotiatores, 206 
 Night, its divisions, 314 
 
 Nitrum, 449 
 
 Nodus, 439 
 
 Nomenclator, 212 
 
 Nomina bibere, 131, . 10 
 
 Notarii, 33, n. 4 
 
 Novemdialia, 620 
 
 Numidtc, 213 
 
 Xnmidian hens, 60, w. 6 
 
 Nuncii, 215 
 
 Xundina, a Goddess, 183 
 
 Xundinaa, days of the lustratio and 
 
 oi'0/j.aOiaia, 183 
 Xuptiae, 159 
 Nutrices, 189 
 
 Olnces pessuli, 282 
 Obsonator, 469 
 Octophoron, 344 
 Ocularii, 208 
 (lores on the corpse, 617 
 (Ed, 261 
 (Enophorus, 488 
 Olera, 452 
 Olives, 365, 467 
 Olla, 298 
 Olus, 466 
 'OvopaOfffia, 183 
 Opisthographa, 328 
 Opus sectile, 271 
 Orbes citrei, 474 
 Orcoe, 488 
 Ordinarii, 204 
 Ornatrices, 216 
 Ossilegium, 518 
 Ostiarius, 2, 211 
 Ostium, 240 
 Ostreae, 460 
 
 Pacta, 171 
 Pffidagogi, 188 
 Paenula, 418 
 Paganica, 399 
 Palaestra, 405 
 Palimpsestus, 328 
 Palla, 434 
 Palumbi, 62, w. 10 
 Palus, 404 
 Papyrus, 325 
 Paragaudae, 446
 
 532 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Parasitse, 211 
 
 Parchment, 326 
 
 Parentalia, 521 
 
 Par impar ludere, 504 
 
 Paropsides, 479 
 
 Passer, 459 
 
 Pastilli, 468 
 
 Patagium, 435 
 
 Paterae, 481 
 
 Paterfamilias, 153 
 
 Patibulum, 223, 281 
 
 Patina, 299, 461, 479 
 
 Patria potestas, 178 
 
 Pavimentum sectile, 270 
 
 Pecten, 461 
 
 Pectinata, 268 
 
 Peculium of the slaves, 219 
 
 Pedisequi, 212 
 
 Pellex, 169 
 
 Pellis, 342 
 
 Pelorides, 460 
 
 Pelvis, 306 
 
 Peniculi, 307 
 
 Pergulse, 268, 365 
 
 Peristylium, 259 
 
 Pero, 426 
 
 Pessulus, 282 
 
 Petasus, 423 
 
 Petauristae, 210 
 
 Petorritum, 348 
 
 Pheasants, 61, n. 8 ; 462 
 
 Phimus, 498 
 
 Phialae, 481 
 
 Phoenicopterus, 463 
 
 Pica salutatrix, 240 
 
 Pigeons, 61, . 9; 462 
 
 Pila, 299, 390 
 
 Pila trigonalis, 402 
 
 Pileatus, 122, n. 16 ; 201 
 
 Pilentum, 347 
 
 Pileus, 423 
 
 Pinacotheca, 263 
 
 Piscina in the Baths, 375 
 
 Piscinae, or vivaria piscium, 460 
 
 Pisticum, 242 
 
 Pistores, 452, 468 
 
 Pistrinum, 265 
 
 Plagffl, 342 
 
 Plumarius. 288 
 
 Plumatae vestes, 288 
 
 Pluteus, 291 
 
 Pocillatores, 470 
 
 Pocula grammatica, 483 
 
 Podia, 267 
 
 Pollinctor, 507 
 
 Polubrum, 306 
 
 Pompa, 510 
 
 Pompeii, description of the haths of 
 369 
 
 Popina, 354 
 
 Porca praecidanea, 506 
 
 Porcelli, 468 
 
 Porcus Trojanus, 121, . 15 
 
 Porrum sectile et capitatum, 466 
 
 Porta Capena, 47, 55 
 
 Porta Metia, 223 
 
 Posca, a drink of the lower classes, 
 77, . 14 
 
 Post, between Rome and the pro- 
 vinces, 99, n. 2 
 
 Postes, 240 
 
 Posticum, 242 
 
 Potina, 183 
 
 Franco, 201, 509 
 
 Praefectus vigilum, 1, . 1 
 
 Prsefericulurn, 306 
 
 Praefica, 311 
 
 Praeficae, 511 
 
 Praegustatores, 470 
 
 Prandium, 454 
 
 Priapus, 468 
 
 Procurator, 204 
 
 Procus, 170 
 
 Professio of children, 484 
 
 Programmata, 44, n. 8 
 
 Promulsidare, 478 
 
 Promulsis, 456 
 
 Promus, 205 
 
 Pronuboe, 160, 166 
 
 Psilothrum, 429 
 
 Pueri patrimi et matrirai, 160 
 
 Pugillares, 338 
 
 Puls, 452 
 
 Pulvini, 111, n. 3; garden -borders, 
 360 
 
 Pumiliones, 210 
 
 Purple garments, 447 
 
 Pyrgus, 498
 
 INDEX. 
 
 533 
 
 Quadrantal, 479 
 Quales-quales, 216 
 
 Relatives of a Roman familia, 227 
 
 Relics, 18, n. 8 
 
 Remancipatio, 176 
 
 Repagula, 283 
 
 Repositoria, 478 
 
 Repotia, 166 
 
 Repudium, 171, 175 
 
 Restes, 286 
 
 Reticulum, 440 
 
 Rheda, 348 
 
 Rhodian hens, 60, n. 7 
 
 Rhombus, 459 
 
 Rhytium, 483 
 
 Ricinium, 438 
 
 Rings, 429 ; not taken off the corpse, 
 
 506 
 
 Rogus, 517 
 Rosaria, 362 
 Roses for chaplets, 497 
 'Pvrov (drinking-horn), 483 
 
 Saccus vinarius, 490 
 Sacrarium, 263 
 Salinum, 479 
 Salutatio matutina, 227 
 Salutigeruli pueri, 215 
 Salve on the threshold, 240 
 Sandapila, 513 
 Bapa, 486 
 Sarcophagi, 517 
 Sartago, 299 
 Savo, 56 
 Scabella, 294 
 Scamna, 294 
 Scaphium, 395 
 Scapi cardinales, 241 
 Scarus, 460 
 
 Scholse, in the baths, 388 
 Schools, 186 
 Scimpodium, 291 
 Scirpus, 308 
 Scobis, 122, w. 18 
 Scopre, 122, . 18; 307 
 Scissor, 469 
 Scribae, 209, 324 
 
 Scrinium, 323, 332 
 
 Scyphus, 481 
 
 Sedile, 292 
 
 Sella, 292 ; gestatoria, 343 
 
 Semicinctium, 432 
 
 Sepultura, 616 
 
 Sera, 281 
 
 Sense, 487 
 
 Serica, 442 
 
 Sericaria, 443 
 
 Sesterces, their value, 295 
 
 Sextarius, 479 
 
 Shell-fish, 460 
 
 Sigilla, 302 
 
 Sigma, 474 
 
 Silentiarii in the familia, 206 
 
 Silicernium, 520 
 
 Siligneus, 467 
 
 Silk, for dresses, 442 
 
 Simpulum, 305, 480 
 
 Simpuvium, 306, 480 
 
 Sindon, 444 
 
 Sinuessa, 56 
 
 Sinus (of the toga), 413 
 
 Siphones, 1, n. 1 
 
 Situlus, 300 
 
 Slave-family, 198 
 slave-dealers, venalitii, 200 
 price of slaves, 201 
 number of slaves, 203 
 names and classes, 204-17 
 position and treatment, 217 
 punishment, 220 
 their apartments, 264 
 
 Smegmata, 378 
 
 Social Games, 499 
 
 Solaria, 267 
 
 Solarium, 318 
 
 Solese, 424 
 
 Solium, 293, 388 
 
 Solum, 270 
 
 Sordidati, 105, n. 4 
 
 Sparsiones in the theatre, 45, n. 
 
 Specularia, 277, 342 
 
 Sphaeristerium, 406 
 
 Spina, 160 
 
 Spoils on the doors, 8, w. 9 
 
 Spoliatorium, 372 
 
 Sponda orciniana, 513
 
 534 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Sponda and pluteus on the lectus, 291 
 
 Spongine, 307 
 
 Sponsalia, 170 
 
 Sportellse, 230 
 
 Sportula, 228 
 
 Stemmata, 15, n. 3 
 
 Stibadium, 474 
 
 Stola, 433 
 
 Stork, 463 
 
 Stragula vestis, 287 
 
 Street-lighting at Eome, 80, n. 19 
 
 Strigiles, 393 
 
 Strophium, 432 
 
 Structor, 469 
 
 Subsellia, 294 
 
 Subserica, 442 
 
 Subucula, 416 
 
 Sudatio, 386 
 
 Suggrunda, 269 
 
 Sulphurates institor mercis, 44, w. 1 
 
 Sumen, 464 
 
 Supellex, 285 
 
 Superstitions of the ancients, 118, . 
 
 12 
 
 Supparus, 417 
 Suppromus, 206 
 Suspensurae, 386 
 Symphoniaci, 210, 470 
 Synthesis, vestis coenatoria, 420, 444 
 
 Tabellae, 332, 339 
 
 Tabellarii, 339 
 
 Tabernae, 46, . 9 ; 266 
 of the librarii, 335 
 of the tonsores, 429 
 diversorise or meritorise, 354 
 
 Tables, 294 
 
 Table-utensils, 476 
 
 Tablinum, 254 
 
 Tabula, 190 
 
 Tabula lusoria, 602 
 
 Tabula nuptiales, 164 
 
 Tfeda;, 308 
 
 Tali, 499 
 
 Tecta, 269 
 
 Tegulae, 269 
 
 Templum Fcronite, 55, . 31 
 
 Tcpidarium, 385 
 
 Terracina, 06 
 
 Tessarse, 227, 499 
 Testum, 299 
 Textrinae, 289 
 Textrinum, 448 
 Thalassio, 161 
 Thericuleum, 481 
 Thermae, 389 
 Thermopolium, 355 
 Tibicines, 511 
 Tinse, 488 
 Tintinnabula, 241 
 Tirocinium fori, 193 
 Titulus, of the books, 329 
 
 of the slaves when sold, 200 
 
 of the imagines, 16, . 4 
 
 of the tomb, 522 
 
 on the amphora of wine, 488 
 Toga, 408 
 
 introduced by the Etruscans, 409 
 
 its form, 410 
 
 modes of adjusting it, 411 
 Toga meretricum, 435 
 Toga virilis, when adopted, 196 
 
 why libera, 197 
 Toga pretexta, 183, 409 
 picta, 288 
 
 Togam mortui sumunt, 507 
 
 Tollere liberos, 183 
 
 Tomacula, 464 
 
 Tomentum, 286, 517 
 
 Tomus, 330 
 
 Tonsor, 428 
 
 Tonstrinse, 75, 428 
 
 Tooth-picks, 128 
 
 Torus, 286 
 
 Topiarii, 359 
 
 Toralia, 290, 477 
 
 Toreuma, 304 
 
 Toreutse, 19 
 
 Transenna, 278 
 
 Trapezophorae, 296 
 
 Trichorum, 269 
 
 Triclinares servi, 469 
 
 Triclinia, 261, 469 
 the lecti, 471 
 
 rank of the different places, 472 
 position of the host, 473 
 
 Tricliniarcha, 469 
 
 Trientes, 480
 
 INDEX. 
 
 535 
 
 Trigon, 402 
 
 Tripods, 297 
 
 Triumphator, 8, n. 9 ; 184, 516 
 
 Triumviri capitales et nocturni, 1, 
 
 n. 1 
 
 Trullic, 299 
 Trulleum, 306 
 Tubse, 511 
 Tubera, 466 
 Tunica recta or regilla, 164 
 
 of the women, 432 
 
 of the men, 416 
 Turdus, 463 
 
 Turres, 61, n. 9; 66, . 1 
 Turturcs, 62, . 10 
 Tutulus, 440 
 
 Ulva, 286 
 
 Umbellce, 438 
 
 Umber, 463 
 
 Umbilicus of the books, 328 
 
 Umbo of the toga, 414 
 
 Umbra?, 112, n. 6; 474 
 
 Unctorium, 379 
 
 Unguentarium, 394 
 
 Urceoli ministratorii, 488, 495 
 
 Urceus, 300 
 
 Urna, 299, 479 
 
 Urnse, 521 
 
 Ustrina, 517 
 
 Usurpatio trinoctii, 169 
 
 Usus, 168 
 
 Uxor, 168 
 
 Yagitanus, 184 
 
 Valvre, 278, 281 
 
 Varronis inventum, 29, n. 3 
 
 Vasa, 300 
 
 Yas potorium, 395 
 
 Vegetables, 465 
 
 Yela in the theatres, 45, n. 8 
 
 house, 252, 277, 306 
 
 on the carriages, 342 
 Velarii, 276 
 Yentralia, 424 
 Venus, or Yenereus, at dice, 498 
 
 Yernae, 202 
 Versipelles, 120 
 Veru, 299 
 Vespillones, 507 
 Vessels for holding liquids, 300 
 Vestem inutare, 417 
 Vestes stragulee, 287 
 Vestiarii, 448 
 Vestibulum, 237 
 Via Appia, 39 ; 62, . 35 
 Viator, 55, n. 30 
 Vicarius, 204 
 Vigiles, 1, M. 1 
 
 Villa rustica, plan of, 58, n. 4 
 rustica et pseudo-urbana, dis- 
 tinction between, 58, n. 3 
 Villicus, 359 
 Violaria, 362 
 Viridarii, 362 
 Visceratio, 521 
 Vitelliani, 338 
 Vivaria piscium, 460 
 Volema, 364 
 Volsella?, 429 
 Vulgares, 211 
 Vulnerarii, 208 
 Vulva, 464 
 
 Walls, 272 
 
 Warming, method of, 278 
 
 Window-gardens, 365 
 
 Windows, 276 
 
 Wine, 485 
 
 process of making it, 486 
 
 doliare, or de cupa, 487 
 
 process of clearing it, 489 
 
 colour, 491 
 
 the different sorts, 492 
 
 how mixed, 493 
 Women, their position, 152 
 
 dress of the, 431 
 
 Words of abuse, 76, . 13 
 
 Xystus, 360 
 Zythum, 485
 
 CLAY AND TAYLOR, PRINTERS.
 
 TTVTVERSITY OF 
 
 University of California 
 
 SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY 
 
 405 Hilgard Avenue, Los Angeles, CA 90024-1388 
 
 Return this material to the library 
 
 from which it was borrowed. 
 
 REC'D C.L m 14- '96
 
 College 
 Library 
 
 60 
 
 90 
 
 B38gE 
 
 1882 
 
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