r h 184 Cs Cs m IP BANCROFT LIBRARY < THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA (^7 r REPORT MEETING TO PROTEST AGAINST THE CHINESE OUTRAGES, STEINWAY HALL, Monday, April $th, 18X6. PRESS OF RUFUS ADAMS, N. Y. ROBERT MARQUIS STRONGER. REPORT # meeting held at Steinway Hall, New York City, April tfh, 1886, at 8 d clock, P. M., under the auspices of the Chinese Sunday-school Union, to memorialize Congress protesting against the outrages recently perpetrated upon the Chinese in the North-west. The meeting was called to order by Mr. Richard T. Haines, Vice-President of the Union, who requested Rev. Dr. R. W. Kidd to offer Prayer, which he did as follows: Our Father, who art in Heaven, hallowed be thy name. Thy kingdom come; thy will be done upon earth as it is done in Heaven. We thank thee that thou didst so love the world as to give thine only begotten Son, that whosoever believeth on him should not perish, but have everlasting life. We thank thee that to us has the word of this salvation been sent, and, O Lord, we pray now for thy blessing to rest upon us in the capacity in which we have assembled in this hall to-night. O Lord, we thank thee for Jesus Christ, and that he did die for all the nations of the world. We thank thee for the promise that all nations, and kindreds, and peoples, and tongues shall know him, and shall praise his name. And, O Lord, we pray for that nation in whose interest we have especially met to-night. O Lord, we pray that thou wouldst arise and plead their cause in this land, and in their own land. We thank thee for what thou hast done for them. We praise thee, O Lord, that so many of them are learning the way of life and of salvation, and we pray for those that are in this city, and we pray, O Lord, that thou wouldst sanctify the instruction they receive, and, O Lord, we pray that they all may learn to know Jesus, and to trust in him as their Saviour and as their Redeemer b isq C5-C5- And, O Lord, we pray that thou wouldst place our nation in the relation which we should sustain to this race, and wilt thou help us, we pray thee, to do justly and to love mercy, and to remember that the God of justice is the one who rulest. And we pray, O Lord, that thou wouldst help us as a nation, to do that which is right, and we pray that thou wouldst arise for the suf fering and the needy. And, O Lord, we pray that thou wouldst remove everything from this nation that does retard the progress of the Gospel, and hasten the time when this shall indeed be the " land of the free/' and when all nations shall have the privilege of serving thee as they should; and then, we pray, O Lord, that the time may soon come when thy Son shall have the heathen for his inheritance, and the uttermost parts of the earth for his pos session, and wilt thou make this nation a power and a blessing to all nations. We now leave ourselves with thee. Be with us this evening. Bless us in all that shall come before us, and accept us, through Christ. Amen. Mr. Haines: I have been requested by the Chinese Sunday-school Union to say that they have invited Mr. George F. Seward to take charge of the meeting, and that the follow ing persons have agreed to act as Vice-Presidents : Hon. HAMILTON FISH, Hon. GEO. WILLIAM CURTIS, Hon. C. P. DALY, Rev. Dr. JOHN HALL, Bishop H. C. POTTER, Rev. Dr. S. H. VIRGIN, Rev. Dr. HOWARD CROSBY, Rev. Dr. WILLIAM M. TAYLOR, Rev. Dr. F. F. ELLENWOOD, Rev. Dr. THEO. L. CUYLER, J. V. H. COCKROFT, Esq., WlLLIAM E. DODGE, Esq. Mr. Seward took the chair and said : The Union has named as Secretary, their own secretary, Mr. Bassett. The object of this meeting is to consider and to approve a Memorial to Congress in regard to the abuse of the Chinese. The Memorial has been prepared in such a way as to exclude any political discussion. It does not deal with the question whether the presence of the Chinese in this country is desirable. It simply sets forth the allegations which have been made fre quently of late that the Chinese are being subjected to gross out rage, and that it is the duty of the Government to afford protection, and where this protection fails to give promptly and freely the indemnity which the circumstances call for. The Memorial will be submitted to you, with a resolution, later on. Now it will be read by the Secretary : CHINESE SUNDAY SCHOOL UNION, 161 East 32d Street, N. Y. To the Honorable the Congress of the United States : Your memorialists are Citizens of the United States, resident in the City of New York and its vicinage. Your memorialists, as such Citizens and as members of various religious bodies, have been brought into contact with subjects of the Emperor of China, also resident in this City and neighborhood, and they have sought, and are still seeking, to extend to them acts of Christian friendliness. In pursuing this purpose, your memorialists have become able to testify, and do now testify, to the peaceful disposition of these people, and to their eagerness to place themselves in harmony with their surroundings. Your memorialists, while thus drawn into an attitude of respect and of affection for the Chinese resident here, have heard that in various quarters of the land they are the objects of hostile feeling, and of acts of oppression and outrage. It is alleged that whole communities of the Chinese have been forcibly ex pelled from their homes and places of business, and obliged to look elsewhere for shelter and support. It is alleged that, in some cases, extreme violence has been used, the Chi nese being shot down in the streets, and burned in their houses. It is alleged that these hostile courses have been engendered by no fault of the Chinese; race hatred and competition in the avenues of peaceful employ ment being the moving causes. It is alleged that, in some cases, the outrages perpetrated upon the Chinese have been planned in public, and that no adequate efforts, if any, have been made by officers charged with the administration of the law for their protection. It is alleged that offenders against the law have frequently escaped punish ment, and that other redress for injuries suffered has often failed. It is alleged that the laws of the land in regard to the admission of the Chinese have been given an extreme and strained application; Chinese not di>- favored by treaties and the laws being unnecessarily interfered with, and women and children prevented from landing. Your memorialists submit that these are grave allegations, and that they reflect upon our character as a Christian people. Your memorialists therefore ask that these matters may be taken into con sideration and inquired about, in order that measures may be devised to put an end to such wrongful courses, and that the Chinese may be protected in all respects as our own people. And your memorialists ask, as an immediate and special petition, that in demnity for the grievous disturbances at Rock Springs be at once granted. The dead cannot be raised from their graves, neither can the national discredit, because of unprovoked and unredressed outrages, be removed; but an indem nity, freely and promptly accorded, will indicate that the nation is alive to con siderations affecting its honor, and will not take halting steps when the rights of humanity are involved. And your memorialists will ever pray. Mr. Bassett then read extracts from letters received from gentlemen who had been invited to attend this meeting : From Bishop H. C. POTTER. MARCH 30, 1886. Engagements entered into some time ago will, I find, prevent my attend ance upon the meeting in behalf of our Chinese residents on the 5th prox. I am sincerely sorry, for I should be glad of the opportunity of expressing my sympathy with any effort to purge the country of what^ is rapidly assuming the proportions of a national disgrace. It is the first time in our history where, in our intercourse with other nations, the Christian virtues would, from first to last, seem to be found on the side of a pagan people. And the shame is the greater because we are, some of us, engaged at this moment, both here and in their own land, in efforts to convert the Chinese to a purer faith. They may well think that if our treatment of them, when they come as strangers to our shores, is a specimen of the fruits of our religion, they have already had enough of it. Indifference to such things as have happened and are happening in our dealings with our Chinese residents, is a revelation as to the state of the na tional conscience which is somewhat startling. I cannot but hope that it is more apparent than true, and I trust that the action of your meeting will make this plain. From Senator GEORGE F. HOAR. SENATE CHAMBER, WASHINGTON, March 27, 1886. The purpose of your meeting has my fullest sympathy, but I cannot come to New York to take part in it without neglecting important duties here. From Rev. Dr. WM. M. TA YLOR, Pastor of the Broadway Tabernacle Church, New York. 5 WEST 35TH STREET, April 2, 1886. I have withheld a note declining to be with you on Monday evening at your Chinese meeting, in order that, if possible, I might see my way to be present. I regret, however, that, after looking round and round the matter, I am obliged to deny myself the pleasure of being with you. I am heartily in favor of your movement, but my engagements are so numerous at present that I cannot safely add another to the number. I am greatly in need of rest, and must stay quiet a little. From Rev. EDWARD JUDSON, Pastor of the Berean Baptist Church, New York. 406 WEST 7QTH STREET, March 27. 1886. Your communication of March 25th is just received. lam deeply interested in the cause you represent, but as a previous engagement takes me out of town on the 5th of April, I shall not be able to be present at your meeting. From Rev. Dr. GREGG, Reformed Presbyterian Church. 244 WEST 4&TH ST., NEW YORK, April 2, 1886. I am a co-worker with you in securing justice for all men who walk our territory, and in obliterating the color line from the sphere of morals. I am only sorry that I cannot be with you at your public meeting. I hope it will be a grand success, and will tell in the formation of a right public sentiment. We must raise the cry and repeat it until it is crystalized in the common law of the land, viz.: America for the world! While I am compelled, by previous prom ise, to be present at another meeting, which is on a parallel line with your meeting, I shall allow my prayers to go Heavenward for the success of your efforts Monday night. From Rev. Dr. GEORGE ALEXANDER, Pastor of the University Place Presbyterian Church. UNIVERSITY PLACE CHURCH, COR. TENTH ST., March 31, 1886. Yours of yesterday inviting me to speak at a meeting called to protest against outrages upon the Chinese is received. I am in deepest sympathy with the proposed movement, and regret that unavoidable engagements will forbid my attendance. From Rev. Dr. THEODORE L. CUYLER, of Brooklyn. HYGEIA HOTEL, OLD POINT COMFORT, March 29, 1886. I am here for a few days of recruiting, and your invitation to address the meeting at Steinway Hall, next Monday evening, has just been sent me. I would rejoice to take part in that meeting if it were possible, but I have an important engagement in my own congregation for that evening. " Cry aloud, and spare not" against the barbarities practiced in a " Christian " land towards the unof fending Chinese. It is time that China sent some Missioners in this direction to teach America the " golden rule." From Rev. Dr. T. W. CHAMBERS, Pastor of the Collegiate Reformed Dutch Church. MARCH 29, 1886. Yours of the 2$th inst., inviting me to attend and speak at a meeting on the 5th of April, to memorialize Congress in the matter of the wrongs done to the Chinese, has been received. I am in hearty sympathy with such a move ment, but the state of my health is such, and has been for some weeks, that I can make no engagements for public speaking, however pressing the induce ment. Still, if prudence permits, I will gladly attend. With best wishes for the success of the movement. From the Rev, Dr. WM. C. ROBER TS, Secretary of the Board of Home Mis sions of the Presbyterian Church. 280 BROADWAY, NEW YORK, April i, 1886. Please tender to the Committee my sincerest thanks for their kind invita tion to speak at Steinway Hall, on Monday night. I have an important en gagement for that night which will render it impossible for me to be present. I am clearly of the opinion that our government should protect the citizens of China living among us, and that an indemnity should be promptly accorded to the relatives and friends of those who suffered outrages. From Hon. HAMILTON FISH, Secretary of State during the Administration of General Grant. 251 EAST SEVENTEENTH STREET, March 26, 1866. It will not be in my power to attend the meeting on April 5th, but sympa thizing in its objects, I cordially consent to the use of my name as one of the Vice-Presidents. From Rev. Dr. CHAS. F. DEEMS, Church of the Strangers. 4 WINTHROP PLACE, N. Y., March 31, 1886. It disappoints me not to be able to accept the invitation for April 5th, be cause another was accepted before yours was received. I am in hearty sympa thy with the movement. American treatment of the Chinese is a disgrace to our civilization. From Rev. Dr. A. F. SCHA UFFLER, Pastor of Olivet Church. 260 FOURTH AVENUE, April 2, 1886. The movement you represent has my heartiest sympathy. The anti-Chi nese movement, as at present conducted, is an outrage on humanity. I would be present on Monday, but have a previous engagement to speak in Harlem. From Rev. Dr. HOWARD CROSBY, Pastor of the Fourth Avenue Presby terian Church. 116 EAST IQTH STREET, March 27, 1886. I am in most full and hearty sympathy with every word of the Chinese memorial, a copy of which was sent me, and am very sorry that another engage ment for Monday evening, April 5th, will prevent my attending the meeting and addressing it. Mr. Seward : Dr. Baldwin, of Boston, will now address you. Dr. Baldwin was engaged in religious work in China for twenty years. He has been at home some five or six years, and during that time has given a great deal of attention to the treatment of the Chinese. I am sure that we shall be greatly instructed by what he has to say. Rev. Dr. S. L. Baldwin : Mr. President: I do not intend to read all these documents to the audience to night, but I have them here in case they should be wanted, and some of them may be very much needed before long. On the 2d of September a horrible massacre occurred. It was not in China, or India, or Turkey, or among some of the savage inhabitants of the islands of the sea, but in the United States of America. I suppose one would be charged with making misstatements if he should give just a simple account of that transaction as it occurred, and I want you to listen for a few moments to an account, which is given of that massacre from a decidedly anti-Chinese source. It is the account given by "The Rock Springs Independent," a paper published on the ground, and in the entire sympathy with the anti-Chinese movement. After relating a difficulty that occurred in the morning between Chinamen and white men in one of the mines, it goes on to say: " After dinner all the saloons were closed, and a majority of the men from all the mines gathered in the streets. Most of them had fire-arms, although knives, hatchets, and clubs were in the hands of some. It was finally decided that John must go, then and there; and the small army of sixty or seventy armed men, with as many more stragglers, went down the track towards Chinatown. On the way they routed out a number of Chinese section-men, who fled from Chinatown, followed by a few stray shots. When the crowd got as far as No. 3 switch, they sent forward a committee of three to warn the Chinamen to leave in an hour. Word was sent back that they would go, and very soon there was a running to and fro, and gathering of bundles, that showed that John was preparing to move out. But the men grew impatient. They thought that John was too slow in getting out, and might be preparing to defend his position. In about half an hour an advance was made on the enemy's works, with much shooting and shouting. The hint was sufficient. Without offering any resistance, the Chinamen snatched up^whatever they could lay their hands on, and started east on the run. Some were bare-headed and barefooted, others carried a small bundle in a handkerchief, while a number had rolls of bedding. They fled like a flock of frightened sheep, .scrambling and tumbling down the steep banks of Bitter Creek, then through the sage brush, and 8 over the railroad, and up into the hills east of Burning Mountain. Some of the men were engaged in searching the houses, and driving out the stray Chinamen who were in hiding, while others followed up the the retreating Chinamen, encouraging their flight with showers of bullets fired over their heads. " All the stores in town were closed, and men, women, and children were out watching the hurried exit of John Chinamen, and every one seemed glad to see them on the wing. Soon a black smoke was seen issuing from the peak of a house in u Hong Kong," then from another, and very soon eight or ten of the largest of the houses were in flames. Half choked with fire and smoke, numbers of Chinamen came rushing from the burning buildings, and, with blankets and bed quilts over their heads to protect themselves from stray rifle-shots, they followed their re treating brothers into the hills at the top of their speed. After completing their work here, the crowd came across to Ar Lee's laundry. There was no sign of a Chinamen here at first, but a vigorous search revealed one hidden away in a corner. But he would not dare to come out. Then the roof was broken in, and shots fired to scare him out, but a shot in return showed that the Chinaman was armed. A rush through the door followed, then came a scuffle and a number of shots; and looking through an opening, a dead Chinaman was seen on the floor with blood and brains oozing from a terrible wound in the back of his head. " Joe Young, the sheriff, came down from Green River in the evening, and guards were out all night to protect the property of the citizens in case of a disturbance. But everything was quiet in town. Over in Chinatown, however, the rest of the houses were burned; the whole of them, numbering about forty, being consumed to the ground. The Chinese section-house, and also the houses at No. 6 were burned, and Chinamen were chased out of nearly all the burning buildings. All the night long the sound of rifle and revolver was heard, and the surrounding hills were lit by the glare of the burning houses." In regard to the next day, this same authority says: "A look around the scenes of the previous day's work, re vealed some terrible sights Thursday morning. In the smoking cellar of one Chinese house, the.blackened bodies of three China men were seen. Three others were in the cellar of another, and four bodies were found near by. From the position of some of the bodies, it would seem as if they had begun to dig a hole in the cellar to hide themselves; but the fire overtook them when about half way in the hole, burning their lower extremities to crisp, and leaving the upper portions of their bodies untouched. At the east end of Chinatown another body was found, charred by the flames, and mutilated by hogs. The smell that arose from the smoking ruins was horribly suggestive of burning flesh. Fur ther east were the bodies of four more Chinamen, shot down in their flight; one of them had tumbled over the bank, and lay in the creek with face upturned and distorted. Still further, another Chinaman was found, shot through the hips, but still alive. He had been shot just as he had came to the bank, and had fallen over, and lay close to the edge of the bank. He was taken up town and cared for by Dr. Woodruff; besides this, two others were seriously wounded, and many who got away were more slightly hurt. The trains to-day have picked up a large number of Chinamen on the track, and taken them West. "Judge Ludvigsen summoned a coroner's jury, who, with Dr. Woodruff, examined the bodies of the dead Chinamen, and returned a verdict that eleven had been burned to death, and four shot, by parties unknown to the jury. The bodies were put in rough coffins, and buried in the Chinese burying ground." That is the account given by an anti-Chinese Newspaper published on the ground. There is, therefore, no exaggeration about it, and everything that can be said in favor of those who were concerned is said in that paper. And it is mentioned as a thing specially to be gratified about that all the saloons were closed, and there was not a drunken man on the scene, and all this was done by sober men! Within a month from that time, four laborers were raided in Washington Territory in their beds in a camping ground. Their camping outfit, amounting to thousands of dollars was burned, and the inmates driven off naked into the woods. Within three months, white laborers arose and drove two hundred Chinese residents in Tacoma from their homes, through the rain, to a station nine miles distant. They herded them there on the open prairie, where all night long the rain storm was pelting upon them, and in the morning, all but two, who had died during the night from exposure to the 10 weather, were sent off in an outgoing train. A little later, in Seattle, a mob arose against the Chinese, and drove them to the steamer landing, with the purpose of sending them off immedi ately, and but for the prompt interposition on that occasion of Governor Squier and Judge Green, would have them sent off at that time. But Judge Green brought all the Chinamen before him on a writ of habeas corpus, and told every one that he could stay, and that he would be protected, or that he could go just as he pleased. They would all have been expelled at that time from Seattle but for that prompt action. About the same time, in Oregon City, a mob was created which drove out the Chinese residents from that place, and some of the leading men con cerned in that mob went the next day to Portland and openly declared in that city their purpose to drive out entirely from the city all Chinese residents. Many other things might be mentioned, but these are suffi cient to show what kind of treatment the Chinese have been re ceiving of late in our Western States and Territories. Now, it is in point to ask: How did these people come to this country ? and the answer to that is, first: They came just as all other immigrants come here; they came very early in the his tory of California not in large numbers but those came who were attracted by the reports of California which had reached their own country; they got along well enough for a few years, and when California was received into the Union, the great pro cession which marched through the streets celebrating as a jubi lee that event, had in its line the Chinese residents, with their flags and banners, heartily welcome to participate in the jubila tions over the admission of California as a State. The large in crease in the Chinese population which followed some time after that was owing to the urgency of our own people, not to any wonderful desire on the part of the Chinese to come to Califor nia, but because they were needed for the construction of the Pacific Railroad. They came in response to urgent calls that were sent to China for this labor. .When they came they gave that labor to the completing of this great transcontinental rail way, which was completed years before it would otherwise have been had it not been done by Chinese labor. Not only that, but they went to work reclaiming the swamp lands of California, and 1 1 did immense service to the State in that work which white men would not engage in, but which has been of untold benefit to the State of California. They came in large numbers because we wanted and asked for them. Why did China recede from her old position of isolation, and consent to come in comity with the other nations of the world ? Was it from any desire originating on the Chinese soil? Not at all, as you all know; but from the urgency of Western nations, America among the rest. We sent Caleb Gushing in 1844 to urge them to make a treaty with us. We renewed the invitation through Mr. Reid in 1858, and made a treaty which granted to them all the rights which we gave to any other people in the United States, and they granted us in China the rights given to the most favored nation there. In 1868 we wanted to go a little further. We urged Mr. Burlingame, then representing China, to make a treaty of perfect reciprocity and insist upon it there should be the right of expatriation; that China should acknowledge it; that her citizens as well as others might go and come as they pleased. And this was agreed to by this old con servative nation at the instance of the United States of America. We were so fond of that idea in 1868 that we put it into our stat ute laws, and recognize in the most positive terms the right of people of all nations to expatriate themselves from their native land, and adopt any other land they should choose. But in 1880 we wanted to modify our treaties with China. We sent over a commission to get the Chinese government to agree that we might have the privilege of limiting immigration to this country. I will not stop just now to rehearse the reasons for that action. Suffice it to say that our government thought proper to take that action, and a treaty was made agreeing to our desire that we might limit the number of Chinese laborers to be received into our country if we chose, but into that treaty we put the following article : " ART. III. If the Chinese laborers, or Chinese of any other " class, now either permanently or temporarily residing in the " territory of the United States, meet with ill treatment at the " hands of any other persons, the government of the United " States will exert all its power to devise measures for their pro- " tection, and to secure to them the same rights, privileges, im- " munities and exemptions as may be enjoyed by the citizens or 12 " subjects of the most favored nation, and to which they are en- " titled by treaty." And they are here to-day with the solemn promise of our government to exert all its powers to secure for them our pro tection. How have those treaties been kept ? Let us look over and see how they have been kept by China. The treaties worked very disadvantageously to a large number of Chinese laborers. American and English steamers soon possessed themselves of the coasting trade on the coast of China. I was personal witness to the fact that thousands of Chinese laborers were driven out of employment by our American and English steamers, that almost entirely absorbed the coast trade, and these men, who had never learned any other trade, went about seeking employment, look ing for other work. But there was no complaint made to our government, no asking on the part of China to limit American immigration because it was interfering with Chinese laborers. Why not ? A Mandarin, Quong Ching Ling, gives the reason as he views it, and in these words: " Because our government has too much respect for the treaty obligations she has entered into to permit you to be annoyed with any expressions of regret con cerning the working of its compacts with you." And that was the reason why China made no complaint to us. (Applause.) But mobs arose in different parts of China, and foreign property was destroyed English property and American property. Some times lives were imperiled, and what then? Prompt apology on the part of China for the wrong committed by her subjects; pun ishment of the ringleaders in these mobs; full indemnity to every one receiving any injury indemnity amounting in the year 1858 to $735,000. We appointed our own commissioners to adminis ter that indemnity. The Chinese had nothing to do with it. They were appointed by our own government and they adminis tered it. The Chinese government admitted every just claim that was presented to them, and allowed interest at 12 per cent., and then, after every just- claim, with that interest, had been paid, those commissioners handed over a balance of over one- third of the whole amount to our government as unexpended! And when it was in the hands of the Secretary of State, Congress took up the matter, reconsidered some claims which our own 13 commissioners had rejected as utterly worthless, and admitted $150,000 worth of them and paid them. And then, more recently, they paid over $100,000 more as indemnity to a man who had suffered the loss of a steamer that did not cost a cent over $15,000. And after all these claims, just and unjust, had been paid, in 1884, we had a large balance on hand which, with a very tardy conscience, we returned to the Chinese government, keep ing the interest ourselves. (Laughter.) Now, how have we kept our treaties with China? You all know the history. It is a history of persecution, all the time, in California, in Oregon, in New York, in Brooklyn, and in Boston. It has been a series of petty persecutions by many of our citizens upon this unoffending people. It has been a history, on the Pacific coast, of hostile laws against these people; and California, when she last adopted a State con stitution, put into that organic law of the State a section which forever prohibits the naturalization in California of any native of China. A most singular document it is, taken literally, which ex cludes my son, and the son of any American whose children were born in China, from ever becoming citizens of California becom ing voters in California. But it does not exclude a Chinaman born in Hong Kong under the British flag from becoming a citizen. It was an attempt to exclude all Chinamen, but, literally con strued, it must exclude all American children born in China, and cannot exclude any Chinaman born in Hong Kong under the British flag. But it shows the animus which prevailed there. Then there were municipal regulations directed against the Chi nese solely, not mentioning Chinese, but so worded that they applied to nobody but Chinese, intending to oppress them in the business in which they had engaged in San Francisco. And all these petty persecutions culminated finally in wholesale ex pulsions from various places, and', as you know, in brutal mas sacres. And now we have before our Government a claim, a very modest claim for indemnity, for this recent massacre, of $147,000, giving all the details of the losses sustained by those poor people in Rock Springs, and summing up this amount. And how is this cfaim for indemnity treated? Our Secretary of State says to the Chinese Minister, whose letter is one of the most courteous 14 and Christian-like letters that ever was addressed by any ambas sador to the court of any people; in fact, if you will com pare these letters, the letter of the Chinese Minister and that of Mr. Bayard, and will ask yourself the question, which was writ ten by a Christian, and which was written by a heathen, you must acknowledge the Chinese ambassador to be the Christian, and Mr. Bayard unquestionably to be the heathen. (Applause). What does our Secretary of State say ? He says solemnly to the Chinese Minister that " there was no official representative of America, connected with that massacre, and there was no official representative of China massacred. " And therefore, no official wrong has been done. (Laughter). He says the assailants were foreigners, and therefore we are not to be held accountable, and that in the face of that large bill of indemnity, asking the Chinese to pay for damages done by British troops in Canton, which was paid by the Chinese Government. Mr. Cass said in response to a letter from our Minister in China, (the Minister said it did not seem quite right to ask China to pay for these losses) and Mr. Cass said: " We must get the indemnity somewhere; we won't be likely to get it from England, so we must get it from China." Mr. Bayard says, " the preservation of the public peace in the Territories is committed to the legal authorities, and the general Government can not be responsible. The Chinese have the same access to the courts of the Territory that all others have." Yes, they have access to the courts of the Territory. You know what the coroner's jury said: " We find that these persons came to their death at the hands of persons unknown ": and in regard to the charred bodies of the dead Chinamen that lay there before them, they say, on their solemn oaths, " these men evidently came to their deaths by fire, but we are unable to say to what nationality they belong, as the bodies are too charred for us to tell." That is having access to the legal authorities. And then, the Grand Jury in Sweet Water County says: " We have been entirely unable to ascertain by whom these outrages were com mitted." That is the access to the legal authorities which the Chinese have. Mr. Bayard goes on to say, that "violent assaults are frequent in all newly settled countries." This is virtually saying, that the United States Government cannot be expected to take care of people in these newly settled regions. Then, "that they have no right to claim indemnity; that they have the same remedies that all others have who suffer damages, and that while the Chinese Government did promise to indemnify Ameri cans who suffer from mobs in China, the American Government did not promise to indemnify Chinese." So there is no claim of right, but he would recommend as a gratuity that this indemnity be granted. And so the President follows it up with the recom mendation to Congress, that as a matter of generosity, which must not at all be taken for a precedent, for any acknowledg ment of any claim of right, as a matter of generosity to people in distress, that Congress should appropriate such indemnity. That idea of generosity had better pass into "innocuous desuetude." (Applause.) Now, after waiting seven months after the massacre occurred, and four months after the claim was presented by the Chinese Minister, the Senate is discussing whether it has a right to get out of the President in some way the reasons for his removal of a postmaster ; and the House is very busy in trying to ascertain what duties it can take off from the present tariff, in order not to offend anybody who has votes enough to prevent the passage of this new tariff bill ; and when this matter of indemnity to China will be considered, it is impossible to determine. Meanwhile, the Chinese Minister sits in the rooms of Embassy, in Washing ton, pondering on the Golden Rule, and wondering why on earth Americans introduced that, into the treaty with China, while the Americans themselves have so little use for it at home. (Laughter.) These Chinamen have been expelled from their homes. They have been shot down, they have been mobbed, they have been burned to death, and what has been done about it? Has anybody ever been punished for the great outrages at Denver or Rock Springs? On the 3d of September, Governor; Warren asked for troops by telegraph. On the night of the 4th, after two days had passed by, he telegraphed to General Howard, at Omaha, to know what was the result, and General Howard tele graphed back, " I have no orders from Washington." He tele graphed again more urgently on the 5th, and then eighty soldiers were sent to Rock Springs, and eighty to Evanston. And what for? To protect the United States mail. They were in very great danger in those territories and those 160 soldiers were sent i6 to protect our letters and papers. On the yth of September, at 2 o'clock in the afternoon, Govenor Warren had not heard from Washington. The miners were saying that the Chinese must go, and preparing to drive them out from other places. Meantime, the Governor telegraphed more urgently, and on the 8th tardy orders came to protect the Chinese, the property of the Pacific Railroad Company and Rock Springs, and our great Railway Company is indebted to the urgency of the Chinese Minister at our Cabinet in Washington for getting protection on the 8th of September. What was the occasion of the delay? Why the Governor did not say in his first telegrams that the Legislature in Wyoming Territory was not in session. The President knew it was not. The Cabinet knew it was not in session. All the country knew it; but because the Governor did not state it in his telegram, it was held that the President was powerless to send out troops. Yet the President had a right to order troops, from Omaha to Rock Springs, any day or any hour he chose, without giving any reason to anybody. As Commander-in-Chief of the army of the United States, he could have sent all the troops to Rock Springs if he chose, and when he got them there he could have ordered them to preserve order. Let me give you another scene. There was a riot at Tiens- tin, in the year 1870, in which sixteen French subjects, and three Russians were killed; not one-half the number killed at Rock Springs. But immediately all the foreign ministers at Pekin in sisted upon it, that the Government should take prompt action, and our minister, Mr. Lowe, joined with the others in saying to Prince Kung : "it is indispensable that this country shall send to other countries, along with tidings that must go of this crime, the word, that justice is being done." Prince Kung gave assurance that the severest penalties of the law would be executed upon the rioters, but our minister joined with the others in a second note, saying, " we conceive it to be our duty, to say we regard the de cision arrived at, after three months' delay as entirely unsatisfac tory." After three months' delay ! Soon after, nineteen men were executed, and twenty-six others sentenced to rigorous army service. Indemnity was made in full and an apology was given to the French and Russian Governments. A little Ameri can property that was destroyed during the riot was entirely restored to the full satisfaction of those damaged. Now, in seven months after this riot and massacre in our own territory, the Cor oner's Jury says that these people " came to their death from wounds, the cause of the same being unknown to us ; " and the Grand Jury is unable to find the perpetrators of this fearful tragedy. In regard to these riots, too, another sad thing is to be noticed. That is, that no one seemed to be ready to give any shelter, or help to these poor men thus hounded. There was the testimony of a congregational minister, before the Grand Jury of Still Water County, who related the circumstance, that a Chinaman came to his house and asked for shelter, and he told him that it was not safe for him to take him in; that he and his fellows had better pass on. At Tacoma, the President of the Young Men's Chris tian Association was one of the chief rioters in driving out the Chinese. I thought, when I read of it, of another scene. I re membered a fearful night in the City of Foochow, when a terri ble mob aroused by scandalous representations concerning the missionaries, was rioting in that city, destroying the Christian Chapel and other property, when my theological schoolmate and fellow-missionary was occupying a house just inside the city walls. He had notice sent him, that the mob was coming up the hill and would soon be at his doors bent on destroying everything in the house, and upon taking his life and the lives of his family. When that word came to him he went to the wall which separated be tween him and the Taouist Temple adjoining, and dug a hole through it, and waited with his family until he heard the mob at his doors, a raging mob thirsting for blood and bent on de struction. Then he stepped down into the Temple, and asked his wife to pass down the little children; and when they had been received, he helped her down, and during that fearful night in which that mob was raging, and everything in his house was de stroyed, that Christian missionary and his family were taken care of by Taouist Priests, with a humanity creditable to them, and with a spirit which was the spirit of the religion of Christ himself. (Applause.) Where was the priests of our religion? Where were the people professing adherence to the Golden Rule, to take these men and give them shelter in their hour of direst reed ? It is coming to be the question, which of these countries is the Christian country, and which is the heathen. i8 Now I have only a few minutes to ask for the reasons of this great change which has come over so many of our people, our people who wanted the Chinese to come, and begged them to do away with their ancient rules, and to receive our people, and to allow their people to come here. What is the reason for the change ? We have two or three reasons asserted. First, that the Chiner/e are slaves, and that we do not want a slave population. It is amusing, that this oft-repeated charge is still reiterated, a charge utterly impossible of truth. For, to begin with, there are no male slaves in China, and that being a fact, there can be no slaves exported from China to America. And then the immigra tion is all from the Canton Province and comes to the British port of Hong Kong, and a British official goes through every ship and asks every Chinaman whether he goes of his own free will and consent, and if he does not go of his own free will he is not allowed to sail. When they get here, they go where they please, and do what they please and make their own contracts; they leave places and get new ones; they come as free men and are their own masters. Queer sort of slaves these ! It is asserted still in many of our papers that the Chinese who corne to this country are owned by the "six companies." These companies are only companies of mutual aid; they own no one at all. When large numbers of Chinese have been wanted, one of these com panies has sent over to China and advanced to laborers the pas sage money, promising to take back the money from the laborers so advanced as soon as they get to earning wages. This whole matter was discussed years ago by the Reverend Dr. Speer, in his book on " China and the United States," so long associated with work on the Pacific Coast, as well in later years by Mr. Seward's work on "Chinese Immigration." We are still told that they are ruining American laborers by cheap labor. Why do not the me n who raise this cry give the facts and figures? There is no such thing, and never has been as cheap labor on the Pacific Coast. It is a well known fact that green Chinese boys, twelve to sixteen years old, who can hardly speak a word of English, get three to four dollars a week and found, that boys from sixteen to twenty years of age get five dollars a week and found, that the average price paid to Chinese cooks in San Francisco to-day is $27.50 a month, and that house servants and washermen are paid $22.50 and found. There are about 2,500 Chinese domestic servants in San Francisco, and perhaps if 2,500 Roman Catholic Irish girls could be put in their places, at twice their wages, and to do half the work and be twice as saucy, somebody would be better satis fied with them. (Applause.) The men who have their eyes open and their consciences wide awake, are able to tell us the truth on the subject. The Reverend Lewis Banks gives us the whole genesis of that entire work in the territory of Washington. It arose from an Irish agitator, who came from California, when nobody knew that Chinese cheap labor was doing any harm, and he organized lodges to stir them up and drive out the Chinese. He shows us that there are not as many Chinamen to-day, in proportion to the white men, as there were fifteen years ago; that while there was then one Chinaman to twenty-five Americans, to-day, there is only one to forty-five, and he thinks, if twenty-five Americans could get along with one Chinaman then, certainly, forty-five Americans ought to be able to manage one Chinaman now. That this whole out-cry is wholly without foundation, and that the Chinese in the City of San Francisco paid more taxes into the treasury of the city than the combined membership of the lodges bent on driving them out at all hazards; and that the city gov ernment of San Francisco is indebted to Chinese merchants for $30,000, borrowed money. (Applause.) Do not suppose that all people on the Pacific Coast have this idea about driving out the Chinese. Let me tell you what the Methodist Ministers of the Seattle District think about these outrages, as shown by a unani mous resolution adopted on the i2th of November. " Resolved, that we regard the recent outrages upon the Chinese to be cruel and brutal, inhuman and unchristian. We call upon all our peo ple to do everything in their power to save them from similar persecution, and to lose no opportunity of manifesting to these heathen strangers a true Christian spirit. We greatly desire in this time of trouble, to find the Church and Christians free from this disgrace." (Applause.) Then we are told, that we will be overwhelmed with Chinese hordes. Why, the number that has come to this country within the last twenty-five years has been but a little over 100,000. They all come from the Canton Province, and mostly from twelve 20 districts out of the seventy-eight in that province, but the people in the rest of China are not disposed to immigrate, and there has been an increase of only about 12,000 in the ten years preceding the passage of the anti-immigration law. That charge cannot be true. Then there is the charge, that they send all their money back to China, and add nothing to this country. Well, even if so, they cannot take away the products of their labor; they can not carry off the Pacific Railroad to China; they cannot pick up and take away the swamp lands they have reclaimed. Mr. Sew- ard shows in his work on " Chinese Immigration," that making estimates as favorable to this theory as possible, that out of $13,500,000 earned by the Chinese, not more than $2,700,000 have been sent to China, leaving $10,800,000 to this country. They paid $50,000 in taxes in San Francisco in a year, and $4,000 to the State of California, and a similar sum to the Insur ance Companies, and in duties they paid about $9,000,000, and the stamp tax paid by Chinese subjects in San Francisco has amounted to $300,000. Talk about their taking all their money back to China! They bring far more into this country than they take away, and if they took the whole of their earnings, the work that they have done would far more than pay us for their presence here. (Applause.) Then we are told that there is a great deal of danger on account of the morality of the Chinese; and who are the men that complain of it ? Who were the men that appeared before the Congressional Commission and sat and talked about that danger ? The very men, who, a few months later, when the heads of these six companies were determined to send back a number of Chinese prostitutes, who were about to land from the steamer, and who got orders from the court to detain them and send them back to China, when Chinamen were try ing to do this, these very white men who gave this testimony before the Congressional Committee, sued out a writ of habeas corpus, and by some quibbles of the law overthrew the orders of the court, and secured the presence of these delectable beings in San Francisco. It would not be well for residents of San Fran cisco to utter this complaint in the hearing of those who know the whole history of these matters. I say there are many saci things in Chinatown. I saw some unblushing performances on the part of some bad characters 21 there, but only a few streets away from it, in a quarter which was not Chinese, but which was occupied by European residents and patronized by Americans, I saw far more unblushing immor ality there than in all Chinatown; and I must say, that those who gave themselves up to bad habits of living in Chinatown, were at least dressed decently, and did not offend taste in their solicita tion, while in the other quarter the thing was most unblushing. I have no patience with this talk about the danger to morality, and especially to San Francisco morality, from the presence of the Chinese. (Applause). You know they took Dewitt Tal- mage, when he was in San Francisco, to see the terrible sights in Chinatown, the filth and the bad sewage and so forth, and they talked to him of all the terrible things there were there. Now, Mr. Talmage is a man who goes about with his eyes open, and is not easily deceived. He is one of the "non-humbugable" kind of men. And, said he, " this is very bad indeed, and a great disgrace to the municipality of San Francisco, but if you will come with me to New York, or Chicago, or Boston, I will show you in places not Chinese, many worse sights than you see in Chinatown." (Applause). Now, where did all this agitation come from? It came from a certain class of laborers in California, of the Dennis Kearney stripe; working men who never worked when they could help it; working men who had votes, and the political parties were very evenly balanced in the State of California, and both parties wanted their votes. It soon became a thing of national impor tance. The same thing occurred in the Republican and Demo cratic parties. They wanted the votes of California and Oregon, and all but a few of them bowed dtfwn to this hoodlum Baal, and passed this iniquitous law regarding the Chinese, for which there has never been a shadow of apology. We undertook to build up a great wall across the Golden Gate, and we have been subjected to humiliation. An Englishman came to California, to cross our country to his home, because his physician said he must not go through the tropics, as such a journey would doubtless prove fatal to him. He brought with him his faithful Chinese nurse. If any of you have ever had a Chinese nurse in your house, you won't wonder that he wanted him to help him to get home to England. He attempted to land in San Francisco with this nurse, but the 22 latter was told that he would not be allowed to leave the Steamer, and must go back. So this Englishman had to cross this " land of the free and home of the brave " without the aid of this nurse, whom he so greatly needed. Two teachers, who were sent by the Presbyterian Church to teach in the Mission Schools in San Francisco were informed by our Custom House officials there that they must go back to China, as they were construed to be laborers. Laborers from the West Indies, deciding to go home, must wait until our House of Representatives could say whether they might go home or not. One of the Chinese sailors on board a steamer, lying in the harbor of Boston, was walking along Tre- mont Street one day, as any other sailor might do, when he was arrested " because he was a laborer, and had no right to set foot on American soil ! " And yet Bunker Hill monument stood there and did not fall. Now, if you like this state of things, you and I differ, that is all. I feel humiliated. I feel utterly disgusted by the present state of things in this country, and I pray that some speedy relief may come, that our people may be aroused to a sense of the dis grace that is upon us in the eyes of all civilized nations, and take such steps as shall secure immediate redress for the wrongs com mitted, and adequate protection to the Chinese among us in all the future. Mr. Seward then introduced Professor McCracken, who spoke as follows: Professor R. M. McCracken'. Mr. President, Ladies and Gen tlemen : I have a single word to say, and I regard myself now as only preparing the way for others who may follow this most appro priate and eloquent address of Dr. Baldwin. And still, as he was sitting down, there came to my mind an explanation of a question, at least what seemed at the moment an explanation, that I have never been able to answer, namely, why it is that Christ came first to our Aryan people, and to the Semitic rather than to the Mongolian race. It seemed to me then it was because we must have needed a Christ and a salvation more than they; for as I look at this people, at the ethics which they have developed without the aid of Christ, without the aid of Christianity, it seems to me that their natural religion far exceeds that of any of our own Aryan people. (Applause). If you look in Webster's Unabridged Dictionary under the word "cardinal," you will see there an ex planation of that common phrase "cardinal virtues," and you will find that among Roman people, Cicero I believe was one of the leaders in defining them, and among Grecian people, that those were laid down as just four. And if you look into any account of the Chinese people, look into the able work that has already been referred to, by Mr. Seward on " Chinese Immigration," you will see that the Chinese from the very days of Confucius have had also their cardinal virtues, although I am not sure but they make them other than four, perhaps five. And yet they may, like ours, be reduced to four. Well, now, it is an interesting thing that these cardinal virtues of these two great divisions of the world coincide precisely in reference to three. Each of these great di visions of the world names " Justice," as a cardinal virtue. And I ask whether that has not been violated by the outrages of which we have heard this hour ? They agree, also, that " Wisdom " is a virtue, which even nature reveals to our consciences and minds, and as I ask whether it may be wise for us as Americans to bear what we have hearol of without remonstrance and without objec tion, it seems to me that the very instinct of self-preservation says, No! I received only a few days since a letter from a young man who is well known to my friend Dr. Ellinwood. This letter I received from him in the City of Nanking, and he told in that letter how he and another American had been put almost in danger of their lives, at least in danger somewhat of their per sonal safety, by the fact that they had happened to violate some of the laws of what we would call the Trades Unions in China. They got laborers to do work for them from another district, from which it was not allowed that they should bring laborers, and he said that he could hardly say very much about the vio lence threatened them there because the news had come to them there of this violence and outrage that had been committed upon the Chinese upon the Pacific coast. And he said, " I fear that if these go on in the United States we will be the sufferers from reprisals." And so it is that wisdom dictates to us that we should make every effort possible to change this state of things. Then there is that cardinal virtue upon which both of us agree, namely, "Moderation," "Self-control." These lower prejudices of which we have heard to-night were, after all, at the 24 root of all these outrages of which we have heard, and I blush when I am told that the president of a so-called Christian Asso ciation should be so carried away by these prejudices as to per sonally engage in the riots ; and I blush, too, to say that I have acquaintances of my own upon the Pacific coast, even acquaint ances in the Christian ministry, who, while they would justify no outrages against the Chinese there, are yet carried away by these prejudices, arising, perhaps, from some little disagreement in the matter of labor and employment, so that they justify this, which seems to me, most iniquitous law against the immigration of the Chinese to our coasts. Now, one significant thing, and the point which has been in my mind as I have referred to this matter of the cardinal virtues, is that, while our ancestors evolved as the fourth cardinal virtue the virtue of "Courage," our Chinese writers evolved a very different virtue as their fourth. But, even supposing that the fourth cardinal virtue be courage, I would like to ask this American people, if I could ask them here before me, whether courage dictates that we should allow ourselves to tol erate these outrages upon a people who are so much fewer, who are much weaker upon our coast than we are, and who came here, as we have seen, throwing themselves upon our forbearance and hospitality? But courage is not the fourth Chinese virtue. If it were, we would have heard a different story, perhaps, from that we have been listening to from that town by which there runs that stream that bears the appropriate name of " Bitter Creek." But the fourth virtue among the Chinese is not courage, but it is " Benevolence;" it is "Generosity." I wrote it down here upon this paper this evening as it is given in the work of Mr. Seward, and I find that there it is benevolence, while in another author it is " Piety." And it seems to me that, from what we have heard here to-night, we see that, throughout that Chinese people, there is a benevolence, there is a reverence for man and for govern ment, that have evolved themselves without the light of the Bible, without the law of Revelation; while upon this coast of ours, there are those who have not had Christian teaching, those who have not learned at the feet of Christ; and, for my own part, I must disown any who have taken part in these outrages. I have heard that they are Christians. I refuse to call them my brethren. (Applause.) They have not learned this natural virtue, this 2$ ethical principle, that the Chinese, with the aid of their leader, Confucius, have worked out, namely: that one of the cardinal virtues, one of the highest duties of man here upon this earth, is generosity and benevolence to his fellow-men. God grant that these citizens of ours may yet learn at the feet of our great Mas ter, the Lord Jesus Christ, how they should do unto others as they would have others do tfnto them. Mr. Seward then introduced the Rev. Dr. Hulburd, who spoke as follows: Rev. D. M. Hulburd : Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: If it were not raining outside, I should make an apology for say ing much of anything at this hour of the night, but you are better off in here than you would be on the street, and you might just as well let me have a little time as for you to expose yourselves to the elements. If I did not perfectly believe in a Providence that manages the weather, I should call this " anti-Chinese " weather. (Laughter.) I suppose I owe the distinguished honor of appear ing among these gentlemen to the fact that it was my privilege to be the first clergyman, I think, in this city, to speak from his pulpit in denunciation of the un-American, not to say un-Chris- tian, outrages which have been perpetrated upon the Chinese. (Applause,) And it is scarcely necessary, at this stage of the meeting, that I should undertake to do more than simply to ex press my own personal conviction in the matter, and put that as strongly as I possibly can. And I want to say that, from the bottom of my heart, every instinct of my nature, every convic tion which has been engendered by some acquaintance with the spirit of Christianity, is utterly opposed, from beginning to end, to this manifestation, this barbarous manifestation, of "man's in humanity to man." (Applause.) And I am the more strength ened in my position, too, in view of the fact that, for all of those outrages, there is even so little pretended reason. I ask men what means this great wrath? this persecution of certain classes of peo ple? and I want to say, in addition to what Professor McCracken has just said, that I think we can go a little further. He said he disclaimed, on the part of these outrages, once for all, that they had any place in Christianity, or that Christianity lent any im pulse, or added any comfort to them. I want to say that I be lieve there is very little Americanism in it. (Applause.) I 26 believe, sirs, that when you get at the genesis of this matter, as was more than intimated by Dr. Baldwin in his address this evening, you will find that it does not start, nor does it receive encourage ment very largely from American citizens. The postmaster of Rock Springs declares, in his testimony upon this point, that he believes that there was not one single naturalized citizen in the mob which perpetrated these outrages. (Applause.) He declares concerning it that the order in which they appeared in proportion to their numbers was Cornishmen, Welshmen and Irishmen, and that, from the first to the last, there was not one who was even eligible to citizenship, because they were not long enough in the country or near enough to New York to be ground out through a naturalization mill as quick as they got there. (Applause.) And the conviction forced upon my mind concerning these out rages is that they are masking under false pretences; that they are, as has been hinted in the speech of Dr. Baldwin, pressed on by men ostensibly in the interests of labor, but whose only inter est in labor is in appropriating or giving to themselves the occu pation of 4t walking delegate." That is the nearest they come to being laborers. I saw a picture in Puck the other day, a very striking representation of labor. One big fat fellow was upon a platform, with his thumbs in his vest, carried upon the shoulders of half-starved men. On either side were lean, lank women surrounded by ragged, wretched-looking children, while this big fat fellow is saying, " I have been discharged, and you shall not work until I am reinstated." And he rides, while the suffering, half-starved men carry him, and the miserable, bow-legged fellow who walks in front as a chief leader in the crowd, is a walking delegate. (Applause.) These are the sort of laboring men who, posing as laboring men, are taking this splendid name of " Knights of Labor," and who are opposing those disposed to be industrious. If these Chinese would patron ize the saloons, they could have the saloons back of them instead of in front of them. (Applause.) It is a fact that if those Chi nese were here in any considerable numbers, and had a vote, they could have back of them some of the brilliant statesmen, who, unless they take care, may find that that slang phrase, " The Chinese must go," is just as fatal to political aspiration as the now famous three R's. (Applause.) It seems to me, too, that 27 the attempt to set up, as against the Chinese in this country, their immorality, and to hold up one's hands with holy fcorror a t the habit of opium smoking on the part of the Chinese, is one of the most farcical professions of a half-drunken nation. They smoke opium, do they? Then let us pray God that they may never be induced to exchange opium for American whiskey and even German beer. We know now that whatever they do, they do not perpetrate outrages on any one else, and your observation and mine in regard to the use of American whiskey and German beer are not such as to encourage us in the desire to have them exchanged. (Applause.) But I stand appalled in the presence of that tremendous charge made against them that they are heathen and pagan. Well, sirs, I tell you that so far as anything which we have seen in this country goes to indicate the spirit engendered by their paganism is concerned, that if we could get a little Chinese paganism into our Board of Aldermen, the popu lation of Lakewood would not be as big as it is. (Applause). That it strikes me if paganism produces docile, quiet men, such as these, who are not found in any considerable numbers in our jails, and never in our poorhouses, then either we need to increase the power of influence of our Christianity, so that it can turn out a similar mildness and fashion a like docility, or else we had better exchange religions. (Applause.) I am convinced, sirs, however, that we have little to fear in this respect; that the worst has come, enough to stir the heart and conscience of the American people. I remember once to have heard that magnificent repre sentative of this republic, General Grant, say, (applause), and it was on the eve of a Presidential election, when he was being congratulated upon the influence of his presence and work in a certain State in turning the results of that election favorably to the party which he represented, congratulating him and the party which he represented, I recollect hearing him say, when it was remarked how he had stimulated the work and, how much was due to him; "No, gentlemen, you are mistaken; given a great issue, and it fairly stated before the American people, and the people will go right." And I believe, sirs, that you have but to fairly state your issue, grounding it all upon the principles which are dear to every American heart, you have but to stir the public sympathies as meetings like this are designed to do, you have but 28 to awaken our people to the co.nviction of the right of this ques tion, and these Cornishmen, and Welshmen, and Irishmen, and every other kind of men who undertake to lay an embargo upon honest industry in this country must learn that they must either abide under the principles by which this country is governed, of right, justice and equality, or "go." (Applause.) And there may be a change of venue, and this case go into the court of the American conscience, and when it does, it will be settled in ac cordance with the principles of that golden rule, and God shall be honored and the people saved. May He hasten the day. Mr. Seward then introduced the Reverend Dr. Sabine, who spoke as follows : Rev. Dr. W. T. Sabine : Friends: At this late hour, and after the eloquent and touching addresses to which we have listened, it will only be needful for me to express a very deep and earnest sym pathy with the cause for which we are gathered here to-night. While Dr. Baldwin was making his very striking and deeply in teresting address, I felt almost like rubbing my eyes and asking if I were actually living in the nineteenth century, and if I were actually living under the flag of the United States. Why, sir, I hung my head for very shame while you were making those remarks, and telling us this sad and touching story of suf fering and sorrow, and distress on the Pacific coast. And it can not but be, sir, that the propositions which have been laid before us, and which are presented in this resolution to be sent to our Government and Houses of Congress, should pass without say ing, and does it need any argument, does it require any demon stration to show that, these things are a shame, and outrage, and a disgrace ? I feel we must all feel that. Every man with a con science or with a sense of right, every man with a heart that feels for man, that has within him a grain of sympathy,, will realize and endorse that proposition. That must go without saying. What do we need to-day ? Only three things, and Dr. Hulburd has excellently touched upon just the point that has been lying in my mind. We need to-day these three things: We need, first of all, to inform the national judgment. We need to appeal to men round about us and to make them acquainted with these facts. When we have appealed to the national judgment we need to stir, after that wt need to stir the national sympathy, 2 9 and we need to arouse the national conscience, we need to catch the ear of the public and of the people. I am persuaded that a vast majority of our people do not know of the state of facts mentioned here to-night. They are in total ignorance of them. How many are the objects around us on every side, clam oring and appealing for interest and help, and appeals come to us the validity and the force and the necessity of which each one recognizes. Those of us who stand in any sort of public position find them thronging about us all the while, and we are largely in ignorance of those which claim our best 'consideration and thought. I suppose a very large multitude of people are in total darkness as to these statements. We need to catch the national ear and bring these facts to the notice of the people. And when such statements are brought to their notice, there will be, must be, a feeling and sentiment which will vindicate the stigma which is now resting upon the national escutcheon in connection with this matter. (Applause.) We need, dear friends, in the next place, to awaken the na tional conscience. If there is one thing'of which I am proud it is that to which Dr. Hulburd has alluded, our American people. Our American people have got a conscience and that conscience when you once get at it is true to the right. Look back all along the track of our history from the days when the Pilgrim fathers landed, all through the history of the last thirty years, and how manifestly and evidently our people have shown that they had a conscience. We may be proud of our magnificent rivers, of our lordly forests, of our wide domain, but I think we have more rea son to be proud of the conscience that lies deep in the breast of our people. (Applause.) Thank God for that! And all we want to do when a great question like this comes before us, is to get at that national conscience, and to come with an appeal to the public ear. And I do trust that the people across the sea, in that Flowery Empire, will understand that these things are not done by the American people, and that when the question comes to the final tribunal of the nation's conscience, for settlement, it will be settled according to the right. And then we need to stir the feeling of heart sympathy. Our people have a heart, a warm and earnest one. As we look back to the days of the late war, we can recall the times when we 30 have seen large audiences moved to tears, when we have felt the thrill passing through great assemblies; and when the story of suffering and outrage, and wrong is brought to the attention of the people of this city and its neighborhood, there will be ten thousand hearts that will bound with sympathy. We stand here on a magnificent vantage ground to-day. The people of thirty years ago did not stand where we stand to-day; thirty years ago when a large part of our land was suffering under the blight of slavery, how little we imagined what would come from the mag nificent popular uprising, which took its rise in every habitation of the land. (Applause. ) We may say with one of our own statesmen, " I tremble for our country when I remember that God is just in the view of all these things." The English historian tells us that no individual or nation, any more than an individual, ever finds any outlet from the ways of sin except through the ways of suffer ing. The partition of Poland opened the countries of Europe to the armies of France, and was the first to sink beneath the con quering cry of Napoleon's ambition. If you and I value our country and our liberties, if we want to preserve these privileges to our posterity, it can only be as our land does right, and our nation and rulers fear and serve the God above. For the sake of the homes we want to preserve and perpetuate, and for the child ren whom we love, in the name of the just Lord of heaven, let us do what we can to push on and propagate this cause. This is only a little meeting, but if our hearts are fired, if your consciences are touched, and each one will go out to do what he can, we can do a great deal to rid the land of this terribly sad evil. Mr. Seward: Although the hour is late I am sure you will listen with pleasure to a few words from the Reverend Dr. Ellinwood: Dr. F.F. Ellinwood: Mr. President: After I had listened for perhaps fifteen minutes to the eloquent facts presented by Dr. Baldwin, it seemed to me that I might make the nearest approach that I had ever or should ever make to an eloquent speech; but after I had listened to fact after fact all new to me, I began to feel benumbed and dumb. I thought it was impossible for me to express the feelings of shame and also of foreboding for the very existence of the nation, realizing that nations are amenable to the Justice that rules in the heavens. And I said to myself at last, when Dr Baldwin was done, what need after all, is there that anything more should be said? I see in your faces and in your responses that every man and every woman in the house is just as eloquent as the speakers to whom we have listened to with such delight. Every eye has beamed with the feeling of indignation and shame, and with a seeming expression of incredulity, as if these things could not be true. I have, sir, the honor to present a resolution as an expression of the sentiment of this meeting, mainly our approval of the ob jects set forth in the resolutions of the Chinese Sunday School Union, to be sent to the President and to Congress, and I wish also, in presenting the resolution to make a suggestion directly in the line of the eloquent remarks of Dr. Sabine, namely this, that the great need is to get the facts before the people, for, as he says there is certainly in the American element in this land a conscience, and I believe that you can go through this land from State to State, and from city to city, from ocean to ocean, and gather the people, and let them listen, as we have listened to night, to these facts, and they would rise up to a man and to a woman I mean the American population and say, " Let these things be set right; let this blot and foul stain be removed from the escutcheon of our beloved land." But the question is, how to get them before the people, and I do not attempt to reiterate the eloquent speech of Dr. Sabine as to the necessity. You feel it as much as I and we. I asked Dr. Baldwin, as he sat on my right, if these facts as he presented them, so presented as to show in the very strongest light their relations and the inconsistencies of our government, if they could not be presented to the public in some permanent form, and he said they were being very fully taken by a stenographer, and they would undoubtedly be put in pamphlet form for distribution. But the suggestion I make is that every one be a committee of one to see that these get the widest circulation, to send them to any newspaper which they may influence, in order that they may be published and published again. (Applause.) And realizing that our Congress and Presi dent will be influenced more by the facts than by our resolutions or exhortations, I should wish that a copy of them might accom pany these resolutions that are sent, because, as has been sug gested, we cannot adequately know all about all the interests 32 that crowd upon us from time to time. It is not two days since we were roused up with a feeling of indignation on behalf of the American Indians as a result of that review of the case brought before the public in a recent meeting in this city. If some one could write, not "A Century of Dishonor," but " Two Decades of Dishonor," in relation to the Chinese, we should get just as strong a meeting for them as for the Indians; and, if necessary, all over this land, as in the case of the Indian, there would be Chinese Associations or Chinese Rights Associations, until, when the people had expressed their feeling and their sentiment, Con gress should feel it, because that while, as has been said, these Congressional representatives have an eye on the votes of the masses the worst masses, the hoodlum masses it is to be re membered that they have an eye on the votes of the people and the better classes of the people, and those whose influence is widest and strongest and deepest. The thing is to get these great interests before the right-minded element in our society, in our social fabric, and to hold them there; and not only that, but to energize, to mobilize them, to organize them, and set them mov ing as great forces that shall not die out in a day. If we can get this subject before the citizens of this city they say that one- twentieth of the population of the United States is within a radius of some twenty miles of this spot if we could get the right sen timent in motion and active exercise in this city, we could move the nation. We could not only procure justice for the Chinese, not only wipe this stain from our nation as it is now presented by the very communication of our President to Congress in his two messages, I say it with emphasis, of feeling, we could do much to save the nation itself. (Applause.) What is it that has been taking force into its own hands out there in the West ? What was it at Seattle? at Tacoma ? at Rock Springs? Not law in any form; it was pure mob movement. A return to barbarism. And when our Cohgress, and when our newspa per press say it is impossible to execute law without the will of the people, it is simply a virtual acknowledgment that we are powerless, that our government is not up to the strain of meeting a fierce mob. (Applause.) It is acknowledging virtually that if a certain class of foreigners or natives shall ,say, "The Chinese must go, the Chinese must stop laboring here," then they may 33 say a railroad must stop, as they have been stopping a railroad in the far West, where I have been. There is not a power in the community that may not, precisely upon the same principles, be arrested. Whenever you can get a mob big enough, and wild enough, and sufficiently determined to demand it, they are going to issue their fiat. I believe, however, that our free institutions are in danger, and that if there were no rights of the Chinese to be considered, simply out of preservation we ought, as citizens of this republic, to make our voices heard and our influence felt. (Applause.) I will present now the resolution to which I referred: "Resolved: That this meeting approves and endorses the memorial of the Chinese Sunday-School Union, in regard to the abuse of the Chinese, and requests the Chairman and Secretary to transmit the same to the President and the two Houses of Con gress as the sense of this meeting." (Applause). Mr. Seward : Dr. Me Arthur will now second this resolu tion. Rev. Dr. R. S. Me Arthur : Mr. Chairman and good friends: I am very sorry that I did not have the pleasure of hearing the re marks already made. When I tell you that this is the third meet ing that I have attended to-night, you can understand that I have been somewhat busy, and therefore excuse me if I come rolling in with my ulster on. I rise with great pleasure to second the resolutions which have just been read. In common with you all I have been humiliated because of the outrages which have been committed under the American flag. I am glad, however, to believe that these outrages do not at all represent the best think ing of the American people. The sober second thought of the American people is almost invariably right. (Applause). This is not the sober thought, it is not the second thought, it is not the thought of the American people in any good sense of that term. (Applause). I am a kind of foreigner myself, you know, and I ought to have a good deal of sympathy with foreigners on the one side, and I ought to have some measure of justice toward those who oppose foreigners, who are themselves foreigners. I thing it would be well for a man to get a little of the foreign brogue out of his own mouth before he tries to drive other foreign ers out of the free American Republic; (Applause), at least, to 34 become an American citizen himself before he undertakes to op pose those who are perhaps more worthy to be American citizens than himself. (Applause). There are some very grave faults to be alleged against the Chinamen. I doubt whether a single China man could rise to that great dignity which would fit him to be a New York Alderman. (Laughter). A very serious objection to him is that he is an industrious boy. That's a very serious ob jection to many. He does not spend his money in drink. He goes to his work; he begins early and continues late. These are all serious objections, and it is barely possible he may outgrow some of them; but -some are just old-fashioned enough to hope he won't. I will not detain you at this late hour. I want simply to say this: That we are here as good American citizens; that we have* presented this resolution as citizens interested in the honor of our country, the welfare of our country and in the honor and welfare of the Church of our common Lord and Master. I am here to affirm that no Government can afford to do wrong toward any class of men. (Applause). I am here to repeat Daniel O'Connell's marvelous words; " Nothing is politically right which is morally wrong." (Applause). The time is coming when we shall see it, when we shall blush for the legislation we have put on the books of the nation. The time has come when we already blush for the men on American soil who have acted as these men, almost unworthy of the name of men, have acted. I tell you, that those of us who know these boys have learned to love them, (Applause), and in the name of my adopted country, in the name of my Lord and theirs, I denounce these outrages and plead, not for pity, not for pity, but for justice. (Applause). Mr. Seward: Dr. McArthur's reference to legislation in duces me to say one word, and that is simply this, that it is not altogether well to consider that these outrages have been perpe trated by foreigners, and that they alone are responsible. When the Government of the United States has taken formally by legis lation the attitude which it has taken in regard to the Chinese, what can we expect of the people? (Applause). If the Government of the United States discriminates against Chinamen why should not the individual citizen discriminate? If the Government of the United States " boycotts " the whole Chinese empire, why 35 should not a few individuals in our midst do their best to "boy cott " the small fragment of the Chinese Empire that they can get at? (Applause). If the great arm of the Government is to be extended to seize in the streets of Boston a sailor who happens to land from an American ship or any other ship, and is brought into force to return that man and to send him away, why should not a community over on the Pacific Coast follow that example by intimidation by gunpowder or by dynamite? That is the ex ample now that the Government of the United States sets in this business, and we get the logical results. If a great Government can present such an example as this, we must expect that the ignorant, the vicious, the reckless and unthinking will better the example in one direction and another. I did not intend to say anything at all to-night, but I feel very strongly on this subject, and the reference to the wrongs done as being attributable to the foreigners, has led me to say so much. I shall put the resolution now. Those in favor will say " aye." The vote is unanimous. I want you now to give a vote of thanks to Dr. Baldwin and to the other gentlemen that have been so kind as to come here and address us to-night. Those so disposed will say "aye." The vote is unanimous. In the absence of any intimation of further business, I shall pronounce the meeting adjourned. . The meeting is adjourned. GEO. F. SEWARD,. Chairman. R. BASSETT, Secretary. ;