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 THE LIBRARY 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
(^7 r 
 
 REPORT 
 
 MEETING TO PROTEST AGAINST 
 
 THE 
 
 CHINESE OUTRAGES, 
 
 STEINWAY HALL, 
 
 Monday, April $th, 18X6. 
 
 PRESS OF 
 
 RUFUS ADAMS, 
 N. Y. 
 
ROBERT MARQUIS STRONGER. 
 
REPORT 
 
 # meeting held at Steinway Hall, New York City, 
 April tfh, 1886, at 8 d clock, P. M., under the 
 auspices of the Chinese Sunday-school Union, 
 to memorialize Congress protesting against the 
 outrages recently perpetrated upon the Chinese in 
 the North-west. 
 
 The meeting was called to order by Mr. Richard T. Haines, 
 Vice-President of the Union, who requested Rev. Dr. R. 
 W. Kidd to offer Prayer, which he did as follows: 
 
 Our Father, who art in Heaven, hallowed be thy name. 
 Thy kingdom come; thy will be done upon earth as it is done in 
 Heaven. 
 
 We thank thee that thou didst so love the world as to give 
 thine only begotten Son, that whosoever believeth on him should 
 not perish, but have everlasting life. 
 
 We thank thee that to us has the word of this salvation been 
 sent, and, O Lord, we pray now for thy blessing to rest upon us 
 in the capacity in which we have assembled in this hall to-night. 
 O Lord, we thank thee for Jesus Christ, and that he did die for 
 all the nations of the world. We thank thee for the promise that 
 all nations, and kindreds, and peoples, and tongues shall know 
 him, and shall praise his name. And, O Lord, we pray for that 
 nation in whose interest we have especially met to-night. O 
 Lord, we pray that thou wouldst arise and plead their cause in 
 this land, and in their own land. We thank thee for what thou 
 hast done for them. We praise thee, O Lord, that so many of 
 them are learning the way of life and of salvation, and we pray 
 for those that are in this city, and we pray, O Lord, that thou 
 wouldst sanctify the instruction they receive, and, O Lord, we 
 pray that they all may learn to know Jesus, and to trust in him 
 as their Saviour and as their Redeemer 
 
 b isq 
 
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And, O Lord, we pray that thou wouldst place our nation in 
 the relation which we should sustain to this race, and wilt thou 
 help us, we pray thee, to do justly and to love mercy, and to 
 remember that the God of justice is the one who rulest. And we 
 pray, O Lord, that thou wouldst help us as a nation, to do that 
 which is right, and we pray that thou wouldst arise for the suf 
 fering and the needy. And, O Lord, we pray that thou wouldst 
 remove everything from this nation that does retard the progress 
 of the Gospel, and hasten the time when this shall indeed be the 
 " land of the free/' and when all nations shall have the privilege 
 of serving thee as they should; and then, we pray, O Lord, that 
 the time may soon come when thy Son shall have the heathen for 
 his inheritance, and the uttermost parts of the earth for his pos 
 session, and wilt thou make this nation a power and a blessing to 
 all nations. 
 
 We now leave ourselves with thee. Be with us this evening. 
 Bless us in all that shall come before us, and accept us, through 
 Christ. Amen. 
 
 Mr. Haines: I have been requested by the Chinese 
 Sunday-school Union to say that they have invited Mr. George 
 F. Seward to take charge of the meeting, and that the follow 
 ing persons have agreed to act as Vice-Presidents : 
 
 Hon. HAMILTON FISH, Hon. GEO. WILLIAM CURTIS, Hon. 
 C. P. DALY, Rev. Dr. JOHN HALL, Bishop H. C. POTTER, Rev. 
 Dr. S. H. VIRGIN, Rev. Dr. HOWARD CROSBY, Rev. Dr. WILLIAM 
 M. TAYLOR, Rev. Dr. F. F. ELLENWOOD, Rev. Dr. THEO. L. 
 
 CUYLER, J. V. H. COCKROFT, Esq., WlLLIAM E. DODGE, Esq. 
 
 Mr. Seward took the chair and said : 
 
 The Union has named as Secretary, their own secretary, Mr. 
 Bassett. The object of this meeting is to consider and to approve 
 a Memorial to Congress in regard to the abuse of the Chinese. 
 The Memorial has been prepared in such a way as to exclude 
 any political discussion. It does not deal with the question 
 whether the presence of the Chinese in this country is desirable. 
 It simply sets forth the allegations which have been made fre 
 quently of late that the Chinese are being subjected to gross out 
 rage, and that it is the duty of the Government to afford 
 
protection, and where this protection fails to give promptly and 
 freely the indemnity which the circumstances call for. 
 
 The Memorial will be submitted to you, with a resolution, 
 later on. Now it will be read by the Secretary : 
 
 CHINESE SUNDAY SCHOOL UNION, 
 161 East 32d Street, N. Y. 
 
 To the Honorable the Congress of the United States : 
 
 Your memorialists are Citizens of the United States, resident in the City 
 of New York and its vicinage. 
 
 Your memorialists, as such Citizens and as members of various religious 
 bodies, have been brought into contact with subjects of the Emperor of China, 
 also resident in this City and neighborhood, and they have sought, and are still 
 seeking, to extend to them acts of Christian friendliness. 
 
 In pursuing this purpose, your memorialists have become able to testify, 
 and do now testify, to the peaceful disposition of these people, and to their 
 eagerness to place themselves in harmony with their surroundings. 
 
 Your memorialists, while thus drawn into an attitude of respect and of 
 affection for the Chinese resident here, have heard that in various quarters of 
 the land they are the objects of hostile feeling, and of acts of oppression and 
 outrage. 
 
 It is alleged that whole communities of the Chinese have been forcibly ex 
 pelled from their homes and places of business, and obliged to look elsewhere 
 for shelter and support. 
 
 It is alleged that, in some cases, extreme violence has been used, the Chi 
 nese being shot down in the streets, and burned in their houses. 
 
 It is alleged that these hostile courses have been engendered by no fault of 
 the Chinese; race hatred and competition in the avenues of peaceful employ 
 ment being the moving causes. 
 
 It is alleged that, in some cases, the outrages perpetrated upon the Chinese 
 have been planned in public, and that no adequate efforts, if any, have been 
 made by officers charged with the administration of the law for their protection. 
 
 It is alleged that offenders against the law have frequently escaped punish 
 ment, and that other redress for injuries suffered has often failed. 
 
 It is alleged that the laws of the land in regard to the admission of the 
 Chinese have been given an extreme and strained application; Chinese not di>- 
 favored by treaties and the laws being unnecessarily interfered with, and women 
 and children prevented from landing. 
 
 Your memorialists submit that these are grave allegations, and that they 
 reflect upon our character as a Christian people. 
 
 Your memorialists therefore ask that these matters may be taken into con 
 sideration and inquired about, in order that measures may be devised to put an 
 end to such wrongful courses, and that the Chinese may be protected in all 
 respects as our own people. 
 
And your memorialists ask, as an immediate and special petition, that in 
 demnity for the grievous disturbances at Rock Springs be at once granted. 
 The dead cannot be raised from their graves, neither can the national discredit, 
 because of unprovoked and unredressed outrages, be removed; but an indem 
 nity, freely and promptly accorded, will indicate that the nation is alive to con 
 siderations affecting its honor, and will not take halting steps when the rights of 
 humanity are involved. 
 
 And your memorialists will ever pray. 
 
 Mr. Bassett then read extracts from letters received from 
 gentlemen who had been invited to attend this meeting : 
 
 From Bishop H. C. POTTER. 
 
 MARCH 30, 1886. 
 
 Engagements entered into some time ago will, I find, prevent my attend 
 ance upon the meeting in behalf of our Chinese residents on the 5th prox. 
 
 I am sincerely sorry, for I should be glad of the opportunity of expressing 
 my sympathy with any effort to purge the country of what^ is rapidly assuming 
 the proportions of a national disgrace. It is the first time in our history where, 
 in our intercourse with other nations, the Christian virtues would, from first to 
 last, seem to be found on the side of a pagan people. And the shame is the 
 greater because we are, some of us, engaged at this moment, both here and in 
 their own land, in efforts to convert the Chinese to a purer faith. They may 
 well think that if our treatment of them, when they come as strangers to our 
 shores, is a specimen of the fruits of our religion, they have already had enough 
 of it. 
 
 Indifference to such things as have happened and are happening in our 
 dealings with our Chinese residents, is a revelation as to the state of the na 
 tional conscience which is somewhat startling. I cannot but hope that it is 
 more apparent than true, and I trust that the action of your meeting will make 
 this plain. 
 
 From Senator GEORGE F. HOAR. 
 
 SENATE CHAMBER, WASHINGTON, March 27, 1886. 
 
 The purpose of your meeting has my fullest sympathy, but I cannot come 
 to New York to take part in it without neglecting important duties here. 
 
 From Rev. Dr. WM. M. TA YLOR, Pastor of the Broadway Tabernacle 
 Church, New York. 
 
 5 WEST 35TH STREET, April 2, 1886. 
 
 I have withheld a note declining to be with you on Monday evening at 
 your Chinese meeting, in order that, if possible, I might see my way to be 
 present. I regret, however, that, after looking round and round the matter, I 
 am obliged to deny myself the pleasure of being with you. I am heartily in 
 favor of your movement, but my engagements are so numerous at present that 
 I cannot safely add another to the number. I am greatly in need of rest, and 
 must stay quiet a little. 
 
From Rev. EDWARD JUDSON, Pastor of the Berean Baptist Church, New 
 York. 
 
 406 WEST 7QTH STREET, March 27. 1886. 
 
 Your communication of March 25th is just received. lam deeply interested 
 in the cause you represent, but as a previous engagement takes me out of town 
 on the 5th of April, I shall not be able to be present at your meeting. 
 
 From Rev. Dr. GREGG, Reformed Presbyterian Church. 
 
 244 WEST 4&TH ST., NEW YORK, April 2, 1886. 
 
 I am a co-worker with you in securing justice for all men who walk our 
 territory, and in obliterating the color line from the sphere of morals. I am 
 only sorry that I cannot be with you at your public meeting. I hope it will be 
 a grand success, and will tell in the formation of a right public sentiment. We 
 must raise the cry and repeat it until it is crystalized in the common law of the 
 land, viz.: America for the world! While I am compelled, by previous prom 
 ise, to be present at another meeting, which is on a parallel line with your 
 meeting, I shall allow my prayers to go Heavenward for the success of your 
 efforts Monday night. 
 
 From Rev. Dr. GEORGE ALEXANDER, Pastor of the University Place 
 Presbyterian Church. 
 
 UNIVERSITY PLACE CHURCH, COR. TENTH ST., March 31, 1886. 
 Yours of yesterday inviting me to speak at a meeting called to protest 
 against outrages upon the Chinese is received. I am in deepest sympathy with 
 the proposed movement, and regret that unavoidable engagements will forbid 
 my attendance. 
 
 From Rev. Dr. THEODORE L. CUYLER, of Brooklyn. 
 
 HYGEIA HOTEL, OLD POINT COMFORT, March 29, 1886. 
 I am here for a few days of recruiting, and your invitation to address the 
 meeting at Steinway Hall, next Monday evening, has just been sent me. I would 
 rejoice to take part in that meeting if it were possible, but I have an important 
 engagement in my own congregation for that evening. " Cry aloud, and spare 
 not" against the barbarities practiced in a " Christian " land towards the unof 
 fending Chinese. It is time that China sent some Missioners in this direction 
 to teach America the " golden rule." 
 
 From Rev. Dr. T. W. CHAMBERS, Pastor of the Collegiate Reformed Dutch 
 Church. 
 
 MARCH 29, 1886. 
 
 Yours of the 2$th inst., inviting me to attend and speak at a meeting on 
 the 5th of April, to memorialize Congress in the matter of the wrongs done to 
 the Chinese, has been received. I am in hearty sympathy with such a move 
 ment, but the state of my health is such, and has been for some weeks, that I 
 can make no engagements for public speaking, however pressing the induce 
 ment. Still, if prudence permits, I will gladly attend. With best wishes for 
 the success of the movement. 
 
From the Rev, Dr. WM. C. ROBER TS, Secretary of the Board of Home Mis 
 sions of the Presbyterian Church. 
 
 280 BROADWAY, NEW YORK, April i, 1886. 
 
 Please tender to the Committee my sincerest thanks for their kind invita 
 tion to speak at Steinway Hall, on Monday night. I have an important en 
 gagement for that night which will render it impossible for me to be present. 
 I am clearly of the opinion that our government should protect the citizens of 
 China living among us, and that an indemnity should be promptly accorded to 
 the relatives and friends of those who suffered outrages. 
 
 From Hon. HAMILTON FISH, Secretary of State during the Administration 
 of General Grant. 
 
 251 EAST SEVENTEENTH STREET, March 26, 1866. 
 
 It will not be in my power to attend the meeting on April 5th, but sympa 
 thizing in its objects, I cordially consent to the use of my name as one of the 
 Vice-Presidents. 
 
 From Rev. Dr. CHAS. F. DEEMS, Church of the Strangers. 
 
 4 WINTHROP PLACE, N. Y., March 31, 1886. 
 
 It disappoints me not to be able to accept the invitation for April 5th, be 
 cause another was accepted before yours was received. I am in hearty sympa 
 thy with the movement. American treatment of the Chinese is a disgrace to 
 our civilization. 
 
 From Rev. Dr. A. F. SCHA UFFLER, Pastor of Olivet Church. 
 
 260 FOURTH AVENUE, April 2, 1886. 
 
 The movement you represent has my heartiest sympathy. The anti-Chi 
 nese movement, as at present conducted, is an outrage on humanity. I would 
 be present on Monday, but have a previous engagement to speak in Harlem. 
 
 From Rev. Dr. HOWARD CROSBY, Pastor of the Fourth Avenue Presby 
 terian Church. 
 
 116 EAST IQTH STREET, March 27, 1886. 
 
 I am in most full and hearty sympathy with every word of the Chinese 
 memorial, a copy of which was sent me, and am very sorry that another engage 
 ment for Monday evening, April 5th, will prevent my attending the meeting 
 and addressing it. 
 
 Mr. Seward : Dr. Baldwin, of Boston, will now address you. 
 Dr. Baldwin was engaged in religious work in China for twenty 
 years. He has been at home some five or six years, and during 
 that time has given a great deal of attention to the treatment of 
 the Chinese. I am sure that we shall be greatly instructed by 
 what he has to say. 
 
Rev. Dr. S. L. Baldwin : Mr. President: I do not intend 
 to read all these documents to the audience to night, but I have 
 them here in case they should be wanted, and some of them may 
 be very much needed before long. 
 
 On the 2d of September a horrible massacre occurred. It 
 was not in China, or India, or Turkey, or among some of the 
 savage inhabitants of the islands of the sea, but in the United 
 States of America. I suppose one would be charged with making 
 misstatements if he should give just a simple account of that 
 transaction as it occurred, and I want you to listen for a few 
 moments to an account, which is given of that massacre from a 
 decidedly anti-Chinese source. It is the account given by "The 
 Rock Springs Independent," a paper published on the ground, 
 and in the entire sympathy with the anti-Chinese movement. 
 After relating a difficulty that occurred in the morning between 
 Chinamen and white men in one of the mines, it goes on to say: 
 
 " After dinner all the saloons were closed, and a majority of 
 the men from all the mines gathered in the streets. Most of them 
 had fire-arms, although knives, hatchets, and clubs were in the 
 hands of some. It was finally decided that John must go, then 
 and there; and the small army of sixty or seventy armed men, 
 with as many more stragglers, went down the track towards 
 Chinatown. On the way they routed out a number of Chinese 
 section-men, who fled from Chinatown, followed by a few stray 
 shots. When the crowd got as far as No. 3 switch, they sent 
 forward a committee of three to warn the Chinamen to leave in 
 an hour. Word was sent back that they would go, and very soon 
 there was a running to and fro, and gathering of bundles, that 
 showed that John was preparing to move out. But the men 
 grew impatient. They thought that John was too slow in getting 
 out, and might be preparing to defend his position. In about 
 half an hour an advance was made on the enemy's works, with 
 much shooting and shouting. The hint was sufficient. Without 
 offering any resistance, the Chinamen snatched up^whatever they 
 could lay their hands on, and started east on the run. Some 
 were bare-headed and barefooted, others carried a small bundle 
 in a handkerchief, while a number had rolls of bedding. They fled 
 like a flock of frightened sheep, .scrambling and tumbling down 
 the steep banks of Bitter Creek, then through the sage brush, and 
 
8 
 
 over the railroad, and up into the hills east of Burning Mountain. 
 Some of the men were engaged in searching the houses, and 
 driving out the stray Chinamen who were in hiding, while others 
 followed up the the retreating Chinamen, encouraging their 
 flight with showers of bullets fired over their heads. 
 
 " All the stores in town were closed, and men, women, and 
 children were out watching the hurried exit of John Chinamen, 
 and every one seemed glad to see them on the wing. Soon a 
 black smoke was seen issuing from the peak of a house in u Hong 
 Kong," then from another, and very soon eight or ten of the 
 largest of the houses were in flames. Half choked with fire and 
 smoke, numbers of Chinamen came rushing from the burning 
 buildings, and, with blankets and bed quilts over their heads to 
 protect themselves from stray rifle-shots, they followed their re 
 treating brothers into the hills at the top of their speed. After 
 completing their work here, the crowd came across to Ar Lee's 
 laundry. There was no sign of a Chinamen here at first, but a 
 vigorous search revealed one hidden away in a corner. But he 
 would not dare to come out. Then the roof was broken in, and 
 shots fired to scare him out, but a shot in return showed that the 
 Chinaman was armed. A rush through the door followed, then 
 came a scuffle and a number of shots; and looking through an 
 opening, a dead Chinaman was seen on the floor with blood and 
 brains oozing from a terrible wound in the back of his head. 
 
 " Joe Young, the sheriff, came down from Green River in 
 the evening, and guards were out all night to protect the property 
 of the citizens in case of a disturbance. But everything was 
 quiet in town. Over in Chinatown, however, the rest of the 
 houses were burned; the whole of them, numbering about forty, 
 being consumed to the ground. The Chinese section-house, and 
 also the houses at No. 6 were burned, and Chinamen were chased 
 out of nearly all the burning buildings. All the night long the 
 sound of rifle and revolver was heard, and the surrounding hills 
 were lit by the glare of the burning houses." 
 
 In regard to the next day, this same authority says: 
 
 "A look around the scenes of the previous day's work, re 
 vealed some terrible sights Thursday morning. In the smoking 
 cellar of one Chinese house, the.blackened bodies of three China 
 men were seen. Three others were in the cellar of another, and 
 
four bodies were found near by. From the position of some of 
 the bodies, it would seem as if they had begun to dig a hole in 
 the cellar to hide themselves; but the fire overtook them when 
 about half way in the hole, burning their lower extremities to 
 crisp, and leaving the upper portions of their bodies untouched. 
 At the east end of Chinatown another body was found, charred by 
 the flames, and mutilated by hogs. The smell that arose from 
 the smoking ruins was horribly suggestive of burning flesh. Fur 
 ther east were the bodies of four more Chinamen, shot down in 
 their flight; one of them had tumbled over the bank, and lay in 
 the creek with face upturned and distorted. Still further, another 
 Chinaman was found, shot through the hips, but still alive. He 
 had been shot just as he had came to the bank, and had fallen 
 over, and lay close to the edge of the bank. He was taken up 
 town and cared for by Dr. Woodruff; besides this, two others 
 were seriously wounded, and many who got away were more 
 slightly hurt. The trains to-day have picked up a large number 
 of Chinamen on the track, and taken them West. 
 
 "Judge Ludvigsen summoned a coroner's jury, who, with 
 Dr. Woodruff, examined the bodies of the dead Chinamen, and 
 returned a verdict that eleven had been burned to death, and 
 four shot, by parties unknown to the jury. The bodies were put 
 in rough coffins, and buried in the Chinese burying ground." 
 
 That is the account given by an anti-Chinese Newspaper 
 published on the ground. There is, therefore, no exaggeration 
 about it, and everything that can be said in favor of those who 
 were concerned is said in that paper. And it is mentioned as a 
 thing specially to be gratified about that all the saloons were 
 closed, and there was not a drunken man on the scene, and all 
 this was done by sober men! Within a month from that time, 
 four laborers were raided in Washington Territory in their beds 
 in a camping ground. Their camping outfit, amounting to 
 thousands of dollars was burned, and the inmates driven off 
 naked into the woods. Within three months, white laborers 
 arose and drove two hundred Chinese residents in Tacoma from 
 their homes, through the rain, to a station nine miles distant. 
 They herded them there on the open prairie, where all night long 
 the rain storm was pelting upon them, and in the morning, all 
 but two, who had died during the night from exposure to the 
 
10 
 
 weather, were sent off in an outgoing train. A little later, in 
 Seattle, a mob arose against the Chinese, and drove them to the 
 steamer landing, with the purpose of sending them off immedi 
 ately, and but for the prompt interposition on that occasion of 
 Governor Squier and Judge Green, would have them sent off at 
 that time. But Judge Green brought all the Chinamen before 
 him on a writ of habeas corpus, and told every one that he could 
 stay, and that he would be protected, or that he could go just as 
 he pleased. They would all have been expelled at that time 
 from Seattle but for that prompt action. About the same time, 
 in Oregon City, a mob was created which drove out the Chinese 
 residents from that place, and some of the leading men con 
 cerned in that mob went the next day to Portland and openly 
 declared in that city their purpose to drive out entirely from the 
 city all Chinese residents. 
 
 Many other things might be mentioned, but these are suffi 
 cient to show what kind of treatment the Chinese have been re 
 ceiving of late in our Western States and Territories. 
 
 Now, it is in point to ask: How did these people come to 
 this country ? and the answer to that is, first: They came just as 
 all other immigrants come here; they came very early in the his 
 tory of California not in large numbers but those came who 
 were attracted by the reports of California which had reached 
 their own country; they got along well enough for a few years, 
 and when California was received into the Union, the great pro 
 cession which marched through the streets celebrating as a jubi 
 lee that event, had in its line the Chinese residents, with their 
 flags and banners, heartily welcome to participate in the jubila 
 tions over the admission of California as a State. The large in 
 crease in the Chinese population which followed some time after 
 that was owing to the urgency of our own people, not to any 
 wonderful desire on the part of the Chinese to come to Califor 
 nia, but because they were needed for the construction of the 
 Pacific Railroad. They came in response to urgent calls that 
 were sent to China for this labor. .When they came they gave 
 that labor to the completing of this great transcontinental rail 
 way, which was completed years before it would otherwise have 
 been had it not been done by Chinese labor. Not only that, but 
 they went to work reclaiming the swamp lands of California, and 
 
1 1 
 
 did immense service to the State in that work which white men 
 would not engage in, but which has been of untold benefit to the 
 State of California. They came in large numbers because we 
 wanted and asked for them. Why did China recede from her 
 old position of isolation, and consent to come in comity with the 
 other nations of the world ? Was it from any desire originating 
 on the Chinese soil? Not at all, as you all know; but from the 
 urgency of Western nations, America among the rest. We sent 
 Caleb Gushing in 1844 to urge them to make a treaty with us. 
 We renewed the invitation through Mr. Reid in 1858, and made 
 a treaty which granted to them all the rights which we gave to 
 any other people in the United States, and they granted us in 
 China the rights given to the most favored nation there. In 1868 
 we wanted to go a little further. We urged Mr. Burlingame, then 
 representing China, to make a treaty of perfect reciprocity and 
 insist upon it there should be the right of expatriation; that China 
 should acknowledge it; that her citizens as well as others might go 
 and come as they pleased. And this was agreed to by this old con 
 servative nation at the instance of the United States of America. 
 We were so fond of that idea in 1868 that we put it into our stat 
 ute laws, and recognize in the most positive terms the right of 
 people of all nations to expatriate themselves from their native 
 land, and adopt any other land they should choose. But in 1880 
 we wanted to modify our treaties with China. We sent over a 
 commission to get the Chinese government to agree that we 
 might have the privilege of limiting immigration to this country. 
 I will not stop just now to rehearse the reasons for that action. 
 Suffice it to say that our government thought proper to take that 
 action, and a treaty was made agreeing to our desire that we 
 might limit the number of Chinese laborers to be received into 
 our country if we chose, but into that treaty we put the following 
 article : 
 
 " ART. III. If the Chinese laborers, or Chinese of any other 
 " class, now either permanently or temporarily residing in the 
 " territory of the United States, meet with ill treatment at the 
 " hands of any other persons, the government of the United 
 " States will exert all its power to devise measures for their pro- 
 " tection, and to secure to them the same rights, privileges, im- 
 " munities and exemptions as may be enjoyed by the citizens or 
 
12 
 
 " subjects of the most favored nation, and to which they are en- 
 " titled by treaty." 
 
 And they are here to-day with the solemn promise of our 
 government to exert all its powers to secure for them our pro 
 tection. 
 
 How have those treaties been kept ? Let us look over and 
 see how they have been kept by China. The treaties worked 
 very disadvantageously to a large number of Chinese laborers. 
 American and English steamers soon possessed themselves of 
 the coasting trade on the coast of China. I was personal witness 
 to the fact that thousands of Chinese laborers were driven out of 
 employment by our American and English steamers, that almost 
 entirely absorbed the coast trade, and these men, who had never 
 learned any other trade, went about seeking employment, look 
 ing for other work. But there was no complaint made to our 
 government, no asking on the part of China to limit American 
 immigration because it was interfering with Chinese laborers. 
 Why not ? A Mandarin, Quong Ching Ling, gives the reason as 
 he views it, and in these words: " Because our government has 
 too much respect for the treaty obligations she has entered into 
 to permit you to be annoyed with any expressions of regret con 
 cerning the working of its compacts with you." And that was 
 the reason why China made no complaint to us. (Applause.) 
 But mobs arose in different parts of China, and foreign property 
 was destroyed English property and American property. Some 
 times lives were imperiled, and what then? Prompt apology on 
 the part of China for the wrong committed by her subjects; pun 
 ishment of the ringleaders in these mobs; full indemnity to every 
 one receiving any injury indemnity amounting in the year 1858 
 to $735,000. We appointed our own commissioners to adminis 
 ter that indemnity. The Chinese had nothing to do with it. 
 They were appointed by our own government and they adminis 
 tered it. The Chinese government admitted every just claim 
 that was presented to them, and allowed interest at 12 per cent., 
 and then, after every just- claim, with that interest, had been 
 paid, those commissioners handed over a balance of over one- 
 third of the whole amount to our government as unexpended! 
 And when it was in the hands of the Secretary of State, Congress 
 took up the matter, reconsidered some claims which our own 
 
13 
 
 commissioners had rejected as utterly worthless, and admitted 
 $150,000 worth of them and paid them. And then, more recently, 
 they paid over $100,000 more as indemnity to a man who had 
 suffered the loss of a steamer that did not cost a cent over 
 $15,000. And after all these claims, just and unjust, had been 
 paid, in 1884, we had a large balance on hand which, with a very 
 tardy conscience, we returned to the Chinese government, keep 
 ing the interest ourselves. (Laughter.) 
 
 Now, how have we kept our treaties with China? You 
 all know the history. It is a history of persecution, all the 
 time, in California, in Oregon, in New York, in Brooklyn, 
 and in Boston. It has been a series of petty persecutions 
 by many of our citizens upon this unoffending people. It 
 has been a history, on the Pacific coast, of hostile laws against 
 these people; and California, when she last adopted a State con 
 stitution, put into that organic law of the State a section which 
 forever prohibits the naturalization in California of any native of 
 China. A most singular document it is, taken literally, which ex 
 cludes my son, and the son of any American whose children were 
 born in China, from ever becoming citizens of California becom 
 ing voters in California. But it does not exclude a Chinaman born 
 in Hong Kong under the British flag from becoming a citizen. 
 It was an attempt to exclude all Chinamen, but, literally con 
 strued, it must exclude all American children born in China, and 
 cannot exclude any Chinaman born in Hong Kong under the 
 British flag. But it shows the animus which prevailed there. 
 Then there were municipal regulations directed against the Chi 
 nese solely, not mentioning Chinese, but so worded that they 
 applied to nobody but Chinese, intending to oppress them in 
 the business in which they had engaged in San Francisco. And 
 all these petty persecutions culminated finally in wholesale ex 
 pulsions from various places, and', as you know, in brutal mas 
 sacres. 
 
 And now we have before our Government a claim, a very 
 modest claim for indemnity, for this recent massacre, of $147,000, 
 giving all the details of the losses sustained by those poor people 
 in Rock Springs, and summing up this amount. And how is 
 this cfaim for indemnity treated? Our Secretary of State says 
 to the Chinese Minister, whose letter is one of the most courteous 
 
14 
 
 and Christian-like letters that ever was addressed by any ambas 
 sador to the court of any people; in fact, if you will com 
 pare these letters, the letter of the Chinese Minister and that of 
 Mr. Bayard, and will ask yourself the question, which was writ 
 ten by a Christian, and which was written by a heathen, you must 
 acknowledge the Chinese ambassador to be the Christian, and 
 Mr. Bayard unquestionably to be the heathen. (Applause). What 
 does our Secretary of State say ? He says solemnly to the 
 Chinese Minister that " there was no official representative of 
 America, connected with that massacre, and there was no official 
 representative of China massacred. " And therefore, no official 
 wrong has been done. (Laughter). He says the assailants were 
 foreigners, and therefore we are not to be held accountable, and 
 that in the face of that large bill of indemnity, asking the Chinese 
 to pay for damages done by British troops in Canton, which was 
 paid by the Chinese Government. Mr. Cass said in response to 
 a letter from our Minister in China, (the Minister said it did not 
 seem quite right to ask China to pay for these losses) and Mr. 
 Cass said: " We must get the indemnity somewhere; we won't 
 be likely to get it from England, so we must get it from China." 
 Mr. Bayard says, " the preservation of the public peace in the 
 Territories is committed to the legal authorities, and the general 
 Government can not be responsible. The Chinese have the 
 same access to the courts of the Territory that all others have." 
 Yes, they have access to the courts of the Territory. You know 
 what the coroner's jury said: " We find that these persons came 
 to their death at the hands of persons unknown ": and in regard 
 to the charred bodies of the dead Chinamen that lay there before 
 them, they say, on their solemn oaths, " these men evidently 
 came to their deaths by fire, but we are unable to say to what 
 nationality they belong, as the bodies are too charred for us to 
 tell." That is having access to the legal authorities. And then, 
 the Grand Jury in Sweet Water County says: " We have been 
 entirely unable to ascertain by whom these outrages were com 
 mitted." That is the access to the legal authorities which the 
 Chinese have. Mr. Bayard goes on to say, that "violent assaults 
 are frequent in all newly settled countries." This is virtually 
 saying, that the United States Government cannot be expected 
 to take care of people in these newly settled regions. Then, 
 
"that they have no right to claim indemnity; that they have the 
 same remedies that all others have who suffer damages, and that 
 while the Chinese Government did promise to indemnify Ameri 
 cans who suffer from mobs in China, the American Government 
 did not promise to indemnify Chinese." So there is no claim of 
 right, but he would recommend as a gratuity that this indemnity 
 be granted. And so the President follows it up with the recom 
 mendation to Congress, that as a matter of generosity, which 
 must not at all be taken for a precedent, for any acknowledg 
 ment of any claim of right, as a matter of generosity to people in 
 distress, that Congress should appropriate such indemnity. That 
 idea of generosity had better pass into "innocuous desuetude." 
 (Applause.) 
 
 Now, after waiting seven months after the massacre occurred, 
 and four months after the claim was presented by the Chinese 
 Minister, the Senate is discussing whether it has a right to get 
 out of the President in some way the reasons for his removal of 
 a postmaster ; and the House is very busy in trying to ascertain 
 what duties it can take off from the present tariff, in order not to 
 offend anybody who has votes enough to prevent the passage of 
 this new tariff bill ; and when this matter of indemnity to China 
 will be considered, it is impossible to determine. Meanwhile, 
 the Chinese Minister sits in the rooms of Embassy, in Washing 
 ton, pondering on the Golden Rule, and wondering why on earth 
 Americans introduced that, into the treaty with China, while the 
 Americans themselves have so little use for it at home. (Laughter.) 
 
 These Chinamen have been expelled from their homes. 
 They have been shot down, they have been mobbed, they have 
 been burned to death, and what has been done about it? Has 
 anybody ever been punished for the great outrages at Denver or 
 Rock Springs? On the 3d of September, Governor; Warren 
 asked for troops by telegraph. On the night of the 4th, after two 
 days had passed by, he telegraphed to General Howard, at 
 Omaha, to know what was the result, and General Howard tele 
 graphed back, " I have no orders from Washington." He tele 
 graphed again more urgently on the 5th, and then eighty soldiers 
 were sent to Rock Springs, and eighty to Evanston. And what 
 for? To protect the United States mail. They were in very 
 great danger in those territories and those 160 soldiers were sent 
 
i6 
 
 
 
 to protect our letters and papers. On the yth of September, at 
 2 o'clock in the afternoon, Govenor Warren had not heard from 
 Washington. The miners were saying that the Chinese must go, 
 and preparing to drive them out from other places. Meantime, 
 the Governor telegraphed more urgently, and on the 8th tardy orders 
 came to protect the Chinese, the property of the Pacific Railroad 
 Company and Rock Springs, and our great Railway Company is 
 indebted to the urgency of the Chinese Minister at our Cabinet 
 in Washington for getting protection on the 8th of September. 
 What was the occasion of the delay? Why the Governor did 
 not say in his first telegrams that the Legislature in Wyoming 
 Territory was not in session. The President knew it was not. 
 The Cabinet knew it was not in session. All the country knew 
 it; but because the Governor did not state it in his telegram, it 
 was held that the President was powerless to send out troops. 
 Yet the President had a right to order troops, from Omaha to 
 Rock Springs, any day or any hour he chose, without giving any 
 reason to anybody. As Commander-in-Chief of the army of the 
 United States, he could have sent all the troops to Rock Springs 
 if he chose, and when he got them there he could have ordered 
 them to preserve order. 
 
 Let me give you another scene. There was a riot at Tiens- 
 tin, in the year 1870, in which sixteen French subjects, and three 
 Russians were killed; not one-half the number killed at Rock 
 Springs. But immediately all the foreign ministers at Pekin in 
 sisted upon it, that the Government should take prompt action, 
 and our minister, Mr. Lowe, joined with the others in saying to 
 Prince Kung : "it is indispensable that this country shall send to 
 other countries, along with tidings that must go of this crime, the 
 word, that justice is being done." Prince Kung gave assurance 
 that the severest penalties of the law would be executed upon the 
 rioters, but our minister joined with the others in a second note, 
 saying, " we conceive it to be our duty, to say we regard the de 
 cision arrived at, after three months' delay as entirely unsatisfac 
 tory." After three months' delay ! Soon after, nineteen men 
 were executed, and twenty-six others sentenced to rigorous 
 army service. Indemnity was made in full and an apology was 
 given to the French and Russian Governments. A little Ameri 
 can property that was destroyed during the riot was entirely 
 
restored to the full satisfaction of those damaged. Now, in seven 
 months after this riot and massacre in our own territory, the Cor 
 oner's Jury says that these people " came to their death from 
 wounds, the cause of the same being unknown to us ; " and the 
 Grand Jury is unable to find the perpetrators of this fearful tragedy. 
 In regard to these riots, too, another sad thing is to be noticed. 
 That is, that no one seemed to be ready to give any shelter, or 
 help to these poor men thus hounded. There was the testimony 
 of a congregational minister, before the Grand Jury of Still Water 
 County, who related the circumstance, that a Chinaman came to 
 his house and asked for shelter, and he told him that it was not 
 safe for him to take him in; that he and his fellows had better 
 pass on. At Tacoma, the President of the Young Men's Chris 
 tian Association was one of the chief rioters in driving out the 
 Chinese. I thought, when I read of it, of another scene. I re 
 membered a fearful night in the City of Foochow, when a terri 
 ble mob aroused by scandalous representations concerning the 
 missionaries, was rioting in that city, destroying the Christian 
 Chapel and other property, when my theological schoolmate and 
 fellow-missionary was occupying a house just inside the city walls. 
 He had notice sent him, that the mob was coming up the hill and 
 would soon be at his doors bent on destroying everything in the 
 house, and upon taking his life and the lives of his family. When 
 that word came to him he went to the wall which separated be 
 tween him and the Taouist Temple adjoining, and dug a hole 
 through it, and waited with his family until he heard the mob at 
 his doors, a raging mob thirsting for blood and bent on de 
 struction. Then he stepped down into the Temple, and asked 
 his wife to pass down the little children; and when they had been 
 received, he helped her down, and during that fearful night in 
 which that mob was raging, and everything in his house was de 
 stroyed, that Christian missionary and his family were taken care 
 of by Taouist Priests, with a humanity creditable to them, and 
 with a spirit which was the spirit of the religion of Christ himself. 
 (Applause.) Where was the priests of our religion? Where were 
 the people professing adherence to the Golden Rule, to take 
 these men and give them shelter in their hour of direst reed ? It 
 is coming to be the question, which of these countries is the 
 Christian country, and which is the heathen. 
 
i8 
 
 Now I have only a few minutes to ask for the reasons of 
 this great change which has come over so many of our people, 
 our people who wanted the Chinese to come, and begged them to 
 do away with their ancient rules, and to receive our people, and 
 to allow their people to come here. What is the reason for the 
 change ? We have two or three reasons asserted. First, that the 
 Chiner/e are slaves, and that we do not want a slave population. 
 It is amusing, that this oft-repeated charge is still reiterated, a 
 charge utterly impossible of truth. For, to begin with, there are 
 no male slaves in China, and that being a fact, there can be no 
 slaves exported from China to America. And then the immigra 
 tion is all from the Canton Province and comes to the British 
 port of Hong Kong, and a British official goes through every ship 
 and asks every Chinaman whether he goes of his own free will 
 and consent, and if he does not go of his own free will he is not 
 allowed to sail. When they get here, they go where they please, 
 and do what they please and make their own contracts; they 
 leave places and get new ones; they come as free men and are 
 their own masters. Queer sort of slaves these ! It is asserted 
 still in many of our papers that the Chinese who corne to this 
 country are owned by the "six companies." These companies are 
 only companies of mutual aid; they own no one at all. When 
 large numbers of Chinese have been wanted, one of these com 
 panies has sent over to China and advanced to laborers the pas 
 sage money, promising to take back the money from the laborers 
 so advanced as soon as they get to earning wages. This whole 
 matter was discussed years ago by the Reverend Dr. Speer, in his 
 book on " China and the United States," so long associated with 
 work on the Pacific Coast, as well in later years by Mr. Seward's 
 work on "Chinese Immigration." We are still told that they are 
 ruining American laborers by cheap labor. Why do not the me n 
 who raise this cry give the facts and figures? There is no such 
 thing, and never has been as cheap labor on the Pacific Coast. 
 It is a well known fact that green Chinese boys, twelve to sixteen 
 years old, who can hardly speak a word of English, get three to 
 four dollars a week and found, that boys from sixteen to twenty 
 years of age get five dollars a week and found, that the average 
 price paid to Chinese cooks in San Francisco to-day is $27.50 a 
 month, and that house servants and washermen are paid $22.50 
 
and found. There are about 2,500 Chinese domestic servants in 
 San Francisco, and perhaps if 2,500 Roman Catholic Irish girls 
 could be put in their places, at twice their wages, and to do half 
 the work and be twice as saucy, somebody would be better satis 
 fied with them. (Applause.) The men who have their eyes open 
 and their consciences wide awake, are able to tell us the truth on 
 the subject. 
 
 The Reverend Lewis Banks gives us the whole genesis of 
 that entire work in the territory of Washington. It arose from 
 an Irish agitator, who came from California, when nobody knew 
 that Chinese cheap labor was doing any harm, and he organized 
 lodges to stir them up and drive out the Chinese. He shows us 
 that there are not as many Chinamen to-day, in proportion to the 
 white men, as there were fifteen years ago; that while there was 
 then one Chinaman to twenty-five Americans, to-day, there is 
 only one to forty-five, and he thinks, if twenty-five Americans 
 could get along with one Chinaman then, certainly, forty-five 
 Americans ought to be able to manage one Chinaman now. That 
 this whole out-cry is wholly without foundation, and that the 
 Chinese in the City of San Francisco paid more taxes into the 
 treasury of the city than the combined membership of the lodges 
 bent on driving them out at all hazards; and that the city gov 
 ernment of San Francisco is indebted to Chinese merchants for 
 $30,000, borrowed money. (Applause.) Do not suppose that all 
 people on the Pacific Coast have this idea about driving out the 
 Chinese. Let me tell you what the Methodist Ministers of the 
 Seattle District think about these outrages, as shown by a unani 
 mous resolution adopted on the i2th of November. " Resolved, 
 that we regard the recent outrages upon the Chinese to be cruel 
 and brutal, inhuman and unchristian. We call upon all our peo 
 ple to do everything in their power to save them from similar 
 persecution, and to lose no opportunity of manifesting to these 
 heathen strangers a true Christian spirit. We greatly desire in 
 this time of trouble, to find the Church and Christians free from 
 this disgrace." (Applause.) 
 
 Then we are told, that we will be overwhelmed with Chinese 
 hordes. Why, the number that has come to this country within 
 the last twenty-five years has been but a little over 100,000. 
 They all come from the Canton Province, and mostly from twelve 
 
20 
 
 districts out of the seventy-eight in that province, but the people 
 in the rest of China are not disposed to immigrate, and there has 
 been an increase of only about 12,000 in the ten years preceding 
 the passage of the anti-immigration law. That charge cannot be 
 true. Then there is the charge, that they send all their money 
 back to China, and add nothing to this country. Well, even if 
 so, they cannot take away the products of their labor; they can 
 not carry off the Pacific Railroad to China; they cannot pick up 
 and take away the swamp lands they have reclaimed. Mr. Sew- 
 ard shows in his work on " Chinese Immigration," that making 
 estimates as favorable to this theory as possible, that out of 
 $13,500,000 earned by the Chinese, not more than $2,700,000 
 have been sent to China, leaving $10,800,000 to this country. 
 They paid $50,000 in taxes in San Francisco in a year, and 
 $4,000 to the State of California, and a similar sum to the Insur 
 ance Companies, and in duties they paid about $9,000,000, and 
 the stamp tax paid by Chinese subjects in San Francisco has 
 amounted to $300,000. Talk about their taking all their money 
 back to China! They bring far more into this country than they 
 take away, and if they took the whole of their earnings, the work 
 that they have done would far more than pay us for their presence 
 here. (Applause.) Then we are told that there is a great deal 
 of danger on account of the morality of the Chinese; and who are 
 the men that complain of it ? Who were the men that appeared 
 before the Congressional Commission and sat and talked about 
 that danger ? The very men, who, a few months later, when 
 the heads of these six companies were determined to send 
 back a number of Chinese prostitutes, who were about to land 
 from the steamer, and who got orders from the court to detain 
 them and send them back to China, when Chinamen were try 
 ing to do this, these very white men who gave this testimony 
 before the Congressional Committee, sued out a writ of habeas 
 corpus, and by some quibbles of the law overthrew the orders of 
 the court, and secured the presence of these delectable beings in 
 San Francisco. It would not be well for residents of San Fran 
 cisco to utter this complaint in the hearing of those who know 
 the whole history of these matters. 
 
 I say there are many saci things in Chinatown. I saw some 
 unblushing performances on the part of some bad characters 
 
21 
 
 there, but only a few streets away from it, in a quarter which 
 was not Chinese, but which was occupied by European residents 
 and patronized by Americans, I saw far more unblushing immor 
 ality there than in all Chinatown; and I must say, that those who 
 gave themselves up to bad habits of living in Chinatown, were at 
 least dressed decently, and did not offend taste in their solicita 
 tion, while in the other quarter the thing was most unblushing. 
 I have no patience with this talk about the danger to morality, 
 and especially to San Francisco morality, from the presence of 
 the Chinese. (Applause). You know they took Dewitt Tal- 
 mage, when he was in San Francisco, to see the terrible sights in 
 Chinatown, the filth and the bad sewage and so forth, and they 
 talked to him of all the terrible things there were there. Now, 
 Mr. Talmage is a man who goes about with his eyes open, 
 and is not easily deceived. He is one of the "non-humbugable" 
 kind of men. And, said he, " this is very bad indeed, and a 
 great disgrace to the municipality of San Francisco, but if you 
 will come with me to New York, or Chicago, or Boston, I will 
 show you in places not Chinese, many worse sights than you see 
 in Chinatown." (Applause). 
 
 Now, where did all this agitation come from? It came from 
 a certain class of laborers in California, of the Dennis Kearney 
 stripe; working men who never worked when they could help it; 
 working men who had votes, and the political parties were 
 very evenly balanced in the State of California, and both parties 
 wanted their votes. It soon became a thing of national impor 
 tance. The same thing occurred in the Republican and Demo 
 cratic parties. They wanted the votes of California and Oregon, 
 and all but a few of them bowed dtfwn to this hoodlum Baal, and 
 passed this iniquitous law regarding the Chinese, for which there 
 has never been a shadow of apology. We undertook to build up 
 a great wall across the Golden Gate, and we have been subjected 
 to humiliation. An Englishman came to California, to cross our 
 country to his home, because his physician said he must not go 
 through the tropics, as such a journey would doubtless prove fatal 
 to him. He brought with him his faithful Chinese nurse. If any 
 of you have ever had a Chinese nurse in your house, you won't 
 wonder that he wanted him to help him to get home to England. 
 He attempted to land in San Francisco with this nurse, but the 
 
22 
 
 latter was told that he would not be allowed to leave the Steamer, 
 and must go back. So this Englishman had to cross this " land 
 of the free and home of the brave " without the aid of this nurse, 
 whom he so greatly needed. Two teachers, who were sent by the 
 Presbyterian Church to teach in the Mission Schools in San 
 Francisco were informed by our Custom House officials there 
 that they must go back to China, as they were construed to be 
 laborers. Laborers from the West Indies, deciding to go home, 
 must wait until our House of Representatives could say whether 
 they might go home or not. One of the Chinese sailors on board 
 a steamer, lying in the harbor of Boston, was walking along Tre- 
 mont Street one day, as any other sailor might do, when he was 
 arrested " because he was a laborer, and had no right to set foot 
 on American soil ! " And yet Bunker Hill monument stood 
 there and did not fall. 
 
 Now, if you like this state of things, you and I differ, that is 
 all. I feel humiliated. I feel utterly disgusted by the present 
 state of things in this country, and I pray that some speedy relief 
 may come, that our people may be aroused to a sense of the dis 
 grace that is upon us in the eyes of all civilized nations, and take 
 such steps as shall secure immediate redress for the wrongs com 
 mitted, and adequate protection to the Chinese among us in all 
 the future. 
 
 Mr. Seward then introduced Professor McCracken, who 
 spoke as follows: 
 
 Professor R. M. McCracken'. Mr. President, Ladies and Gen 
 tlemen : I have a single word to say, and I regard myself now as 
 only preparing the way for others who may follow this most appro 
 priate and eloquent address of Dr. Baldwin. And still, as he was 
 sitting down, there came to my mind an explanation of a question, 
 at least what seemed at the moment an explanation, that I have 
 never been able to answer, namely, why it is that Christ came first to 
 our Aryan people, and to the Semitic rather than to the Mongolian 
 race. It seemed to me then it was because we must have needed 
 a Christ and a salvation more than they; for as I look at this 
 people, at the ethics which they have developed without the aid 
 of Christ, without the aid of Christianity, it seems to me that 
 their natural religion far exceeds that of any of our own Aryan 
 people. (Applause). If you look in Webster's Unabridged 
 
Dictionary under the word "cardinal," you will see there an ex 
 planation of that common phrase "cardinal virtues," and you will 
 find that among Roman people, Cicero I believe was one of the 
 leaders in defining them, and among Grecian people, that those 
 were laid down as just four. And if you look into any account 
 of the Chinese people, look into the able work that has already 
 been referred to, by Mr. Seward on " Chinese Immigration," you 
 will see that the Chinese from the very days of Confucius have 
 had also their cardinal virtues, although I am not sure but they 
 make them other than four, perhaps five. And yet they may, like 
 ours, be reduced to four. Well, now, it is an interesting thing that 
 these cardinal virtues of these two great divisions of the world 
 coincide precisely in reference to three. Each of these great di 
 visions of the world names " Justice," as a cardinal virtue. And 
 I ask whether that has not been violated by the outrages of which 
 we have heard this hour ? They agree, also, that " Wisdom " is 
 a virtue, which even nature reveals to our consciences and minds, 
 and as I ask whether it may be wise for us as Americans to bear 
 what we have hearol of without remonstrance and without objec 
 tion, it seems to me that the very instinct of self-preservation 
 says, No! I received only a few days since a letter from a young 
 man who is well known to my friend Dr. Ellinwood. This letter 
 I received from him in the City of Nanking, and he told in that 
 letter how he and another American had been put almost in 
 danger of their lives, at least in danger somewhat of their per 
 sonal safety, by the fact that they had happened to violate some 
 of the laws of what we would call the Trades Unions in China. 
 They got laborers to do work for them from another district, 
 from which it was not allowed that they should bring laborers, 
 and he said that he could hardly say very much about the vio 
 lence threatened them there because the news had come to them 
 there of this violence and outrage that had been committed upon 
 the Chinese upon the Pacific coast. And he said, " I fear that if 
 these go on in the United States we will be the sufferers from 
 reprisals." And so it is that wisdom dictates to us that we 
 should make every effort possible to change this state of things. 
 
 Then there is that cardinal virtue upon which both of us 
 agree, namely, "Moderation," "Self-control." These lower 
 prejudices of which we have heard to-night were, after all, at the 
 
24 
 
 root of all these outrages of which we have heard, and I blush 
 when I am told that the president of a so-called Christian Asso 
 ciation should be so carried away by these prejudices as to per 
 sonally engage in the riots ; and I blush, too, to say that I have 
 acquaintances of my own upon the Pacific coast, even acquaint 
 ances in the Christian ministry, who, while they would justify no 
 outrages against the Chinese there, are yet carried away by these 
 prejudices, arising, perhaps, from some little disagreement in the 
 matter of labor and employment, so that they justify this, which 
 seems to me, most iniquitous law against the immigration of the 
 Chinese to our coasts. Now, one significant thing, and the point 
 which has been in my mind as I have referred to this matter of 
 the cardinal virtues, is that, while our ancestors evolved as the 
 fourth cardinal virtue the virtue of "Courage," our Chinese 
 writers evolved a very different virtue as their fourth. But, even 
 supposing that the fourth cardinal virtue be courage, I would 
 like to ask this American people, if I could ask them here before 
 me, whether courage dictates that we should allow ourselves to tol 
 erate these outrages upon a people who are so much fewer, who are 
 much weaker upon our coast than we are, and who came here, as 
 we have seen, throwing themselves upon our forbearance and 
 hospitality? But courage is not the fourth Chinese virtue. If it 
 were, we would have heard a different story, perhaps, from that 
 we have been listening to from that town by which there runs 
 that stream that bears the appropriate name of " Bitter Creek." 
 But the fourth virtue among the Chinese is not courage, but it is 
 " Benevolence;" it is "Generosity." I wrote it down here upon 
 this paper this evening as it is given in the work of Mr. Seward, 
 and I find that there it is benevolence, while in another author it 
 is " Piety." And it seems to me that, from what we have heard 
 here to-night, we see that, throughout that Chinese people, there 
 is a benevolence, there is a reverence for man and for govern 
 ment, that have evolved themselves without the light of the Bible, 
 without the law of Revelation; while upon this coast of ours, 
 there are those who have not had Christian teaching, those who 
 have not learned at the feet of Christ; and, for my own part, I 
 must disown any who have taken part in these outrages. I have 
 heard that they are Christians. I refuse to call them my brethren. 
 (Applause.) They have not learned this natural virtue, this 
 
2$ 
 
 ethical principle, that the Chinese, with the aid of their leader, 
 Confucius, have worked out, namely: that one of the cardinal 
 virtues, one of the highest duties of man here upon this earth, is 
 generosity and benevolence to his fellow-men. God grant that 
 these citizens of ours may yet learn at the feet of our great Mas 
 ter, the Lord Jesus Christ, how they should do unto others as 
 they would have others do tfnto them. 
 
 Mr. Seward then introduced the Rev. Dr. Hulburd, who 
 spoke as follows: 
 
 Rev. D. M. Hulburd : Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: 
 If it were not raining outside, I should make an apology for say 
 ing much of anything at this hour of the night, but you are better 
 off in here than you would be on the street, and you might just as 
 well let me have a little time as for you to expose yourselves to 
 the elements. If I did not perfectly believe in a Providence that 
 manages the weather, I should call this " anti-Chinese " weather. 
 (Laughter.) I suppose I owe the distinguished honor of appear 
 ing among these gentlemen to the fact that it was my privilege 
 to be the first clergyman, I think, in this city, to speak from his 
 pulpit in denunciation of the un-American, not to say un-Chris- 
 tian, outrages which have been perpetrated upon the Chinese. 
 (Applause,) And it is scarcely necessary, at this stage of the 
 meeting, that I should undertake to do more than simply to ex 
 press my own personal conviction in the matter, and put that as 
 strongly as I possibly can. And I want to say that, from the 
 bottom of my heart, every instinct of my nature, every convic 
 tion which has been engendered by some acquaintance with the 
 spirit of Christianity, is utterly opposed, from beginning to end, 
 to this manifestation, this barbarous manifestation, of "man's in 
 humanity to man." (Applause.) And I am the more strength 
 ened in my position, too, in view of the fact that, for all of those 
 outrages, there is even so little pretended reason. I ask men what 
 means this great wrath? this persecution of certain classes of peo 
 ple? and I want to say, in addition to what Professor McCracken 
 has just said, that I think we can go a little further. He said he 
 disclaimed, on the part of these outrages, once for all, that they 
 had any place in Christianity, or that Christianity lent any im 
 pulse, or added any comfort to them. I want to say that I be 
 lieve there is very little Americanism in it. (Applause.) I 
 
26 
 
 believe, sirs, that when you get at the genesis of this matter, as was 
 more than intimated by Dr. Baldwin in his address this evening, 
 you will find that it does not start, nor does it receive encourage 
 ment very largely from American citizens. The postmaster of 
 Rock Springs declares, in his testimony upon this point, that he 
 believes that there was not one single naturalized citizen in the 
 mob which perpetrated these outrages. (Applause.) He declares 
 concerning it that the order in which they appeared in proportion 
 to their numbers was Cornishmen, Welshmen and Irishmen, and 
 that, from the first to the last, there was not one who was even 
 eligible to citizenship, because they were not long enough in the 
 country or near enough to New York to be ground out through 
 a naturalization mill as quick as they got there. (Applause.) 
 And the conviction forced upon my mind concerning these out 
 rages is that they are masking under false pretences; that they 
 are, as has been hinted in the speech of Dr. Baldwin, pressed on 
 by men ostensibly in the interests of labor, but whose only inter 
 est in labor is in appropriating or giving to themselves the occu 
 pation of 4t walking delegate." That is the nearest they come 
 to being laborers. I saw a picture in Puck the other day, 
 a very striking representation of labor. One big fat fellow 
 was upon a platform, with his thumbs in his vest, carried upon 
 the shoulders of half-starved men. On either side were lean, 
 lank women surrounded by ragged, wretched-looking children, 
 while this big fat fellow is saying, " I have been discharged, and 
 you shall not work until I am reinstated." And he rides, while 
 the suffering, half-starved men carry him, and the miserable, 
 bow-legged fellow who walks in front as a chief leader in the 
 crowd, is a walking delegate. (Applause.) These are the sort 
 of laboring men who, posing as laboring men, are taking this 
 splendid name of " Knights of Labor," and who are opposing 
 those disposed to be industrious. If these Chinese would patron 
 ize the saloons, they could have the saloons back of them instead 
 of in front of them. (Applause.) It is a fact that if those Chi 
 nese were here in any considerable numbers, and had a vote, 
 they could have back of them some of the brilliant statesmen, 
 who, unless they take care, may find that that slang phrase, " The 
 Chinese must go," is just as fatal to political aspiration as the 
 now famous three R's. (Applause.) It seems to me, too, that 
 
27 
 
 the attempt to set up, as against the Chinese in this country, their 
 immorality, and to hold up one's hands with holy fcorror a t 
 the habit of opium smoking on the part of the Chinese, is 
 one of the most farcical professions of a half-drunken nation. 
 They smoke opium, do they? Then let us pray God that they 
 may never be induced to exchange opium for American whiskey 
 and even German beer. We know now that whatever they do, they 
 do not perpetrate outrages on any one else, and your observation 
 and mine in regard to the use of American whiskey and German 
 beer are not such as to encourage us in the desire to have them 
 exchanged. (Applause.) But I stand appalled in the presence 
 of that tremendous charge made against them that they are 
 heathen and pagan. Well, sirs, I tell you that so far as anything 
 which we have seen in this country goes to indicate the spirit 
 engendered by their paganism is concerned, that if we could get 
 a little Chinese paganism into our Board of Aldermen, the popu 
 lation of Lakewood would not be as big as it is. (Applause). That 
 it strikes me if paganism produces docile, quiet men, such as 
 these, who are not found in any considerable numbers in our 
 jails, and never in our poorhouses, then either we need to increase 
 the power of influence of our Christianity, so that it can turn out a 
 similar mildness and fashion a like docility, or else we had better 
 exchange religions. (Applause.) I am convinced, sirs, however, 
 that we have little to fear in this respect; that the worst has 
 come, enough to stir the heart and conscience of the American 
 people. I remember once to have heard that magnificent repre 
 sentative of this republic, General Grant, say, (applause), and it 
 was on the eve of a Presidential election, when he was being 
 congratulated upon the influence of his presence and work in a 
 certain State in turning the results of that election favorably to 
 the party which he represented, congratulating him and the party 
 which he represented, I recollect hearing him say, when it was 
 remarked how he had stimulated the work and, how much was 
 due to him; "No, gentlemen, you are mistaken; given a great 
 issue, and it fairly stated before the American people, and the 
 people will go right." And I believe, sirs, that you have but to 
 fairly state your issue, grounding it all upon the principles which 
 are dear to every American heart, you have but to stir the public 
 sympathies as meetings like this are designed to do, you have but 
 
28 
 
 to awaken our people to the co.nviction of the right of this ques 
 tion, and these Cornishmen, and Welshmen, and Irishmen, and 
 every other kind of men who undertake to lay an embargo upon 
 honest industry in this country must learn that they must either 
 abide under the principles by which this country is governed, of 
 right, justice and equality, or "go." (Applause.) And there 
 may be a change of venue, and this case go into the court of the 
 American conscience, and when it does, it will be settled in ac 
 cordance with the principles of that golden rule, and God shall 
 be honored and the people saved. May He hasten the day. 
 
 Mr. Seward then introduced the Reverend Dr. Sabine, who 
 spoke as follows : 
 
 Rev. Dr. W. T. Sabine : Friends: At this late hour, and after 
 the eloquent and touching addresses to which we have listened, it 
 will only be needful for me to express a very deep and earnest sym 
 pathy with the cause for which we are gathered here to-night. 
 While Dr. Baldwin was making his very striking and deeply in 
 teresting address, I felt almost like rubbing my eyes and asking 
 if I were actually living in the nineteenth century, and if 
 I were actually living under the flag of the United States. 
 Why, sir, I hung my head for very shame while you were making 
 those remarks, and telling us this sad and touching story of suf 
 fering and sorrow, and distress on the Pacific coast. And it can 
 not but be, sir, that the propositions which have been laid before 
 us, and which are presented in this resolution to be sent to our 
 Government and Houses of Congress, should pass without say 
 ing, and does it need any argument, does it require any demon 
 stration to show that, these things are a shame, and outrage, and a 
 disgrace ? I feel we must all feel that. Every man with a con 
 science or with a sense of right, every man with a heart that feels 
 for man, that has within him a grain of sympathy,, will realize and 
 endorse that proposition. That must go without saying. What 
 do we need to-day ? Only three things, and Dr. Hulburd has 
 excellently touched upon just the point that has been lying in my 
 mind. We need to-day these three things: We need, first of all, 
 to inform the national judgment. We need to appeal to men 
 round about us and to make them acquainted with these facts. 
 When we have appealed to the national judgment we need 
 to stir, after that wt need to stir the national sympathy, 
 
2 9 
 
 and we need to arouse the national conscience, we need to 
 catch the ear of the public and of the people. I am persuaded 
 that a vast majority of our people do not know of the state of 
 facts mentioned here to-night. They are in total ignorance of 
 them. How many are the objects around us on every side, clam 
 oring and appealing for interest and help, and appeals come to 
 us the validity and the force and the necessity of which each one 
 recognizes. Those of us who stand in any sort of public position 
 find them thronging about us all the while, and we are largely in 
 ignorance of those which claim our best 'consideration and 
 thought. I suppose a very large multitude of people are in total 
 darkness as to these statements. We need to catch the national 
 ear and bring these facts to the notice of the people. And when 
 such statements are brought to their notice, there will be, must 
 be, a feeling and sentiment which will vindicate the stigma which 
 is now resting upon the national escutcheon in connection with 
 this matter. (Applause.) 
 
 We need, dear friends, in the next place, to awaken the na 
 tional conscience. If there is one thing'of which I am proud it is 
 that to which Dr. Hulburd has alluded, our American people. 
 Our American people have got a conscience and that conscience 
 when you once get at it is true to the right. Look back all along 
 the track of our history from the days when the Pilgrim fathers 
 landed, all through the history of the last thirty years, and how 
 manifestly and evidently our people have shown that they had a 
 conscience. We may be proud of our magnificent rivers, of our 
 lordly forests, of our wide domain, but I think we have more rea 
 son to be proud of the conscience that lies deep in the breast of 
 our people. (Applause.) Thank God for that! And all we want 
 to do when a great question like this comes before us, is to get at 
 that national conscience, and to come with an appeal to the public 
 ear. And I do trust that the people across the sea, in that Flowery 
 Empire, will understand that these things are not done by the 
 American people, and that when the question comes to the final 
 tribunal of the nation's conscience, for settlement, it will be settled 
 according to the right. 
 
 And then we need to stir the feeling of heart sympathy. 
 Our people have a heart, a warm and earnest one. As we look 
 back to the days of the late war, we can recall the times when we 
 
30 
 
 have seen large audiences moved to tears, when we have felt the 
 thrill passing through great assemblies; and when the story of 
 suffering and outrage, and wrong is brought to the attention of 
 the people of this city and its neighborhood, there will be ten 
 thousand hearts that will bound with sympathy. We stand here 
 on a magnificent vantage ground to-day. The people of thirty 
 years ago did not stand where we stand to-day; thirty years ago 
 when a large part of our land was suffering under the blight of 
 slavery, how little we imagined what would come from the mag 
 nificent popular uprising, which took its rise in every habitation of 
 the land. (Applause. ) We may say with one of our own statesmen, 
 " I tremble for our country when I remember that God is just in 
 the view of all these things." The English historian tells us that 
 no individual or nation, any more than an individual, ever finds 
 any outlet from the ways of sin except through the ways of suffer 
 ing. The partition of Poland opened the countries of Europe to 
 the armies of France, and was the first to sink beneath the con 
 quering cry of Napoleon's ambition. If you and I value our 
 country and our liberties, if we want to preserve these privileges 
 to our posterity, it can only be as our land does right, and our 
 nation and rulers fear and serve the God above. For the sake of 
 the homes we want to preserve and perpetuate, and for the child 
 ren whom we love, in the name of the just Lord of heaven, let us 
 do what we can to push on and propagate this cause. This is 
 only a little meeting, but if our hearts are fired, if your consciences 
 are touched, and each one will go out to do what he can, we can 
 do a great deal to rid the land of this terribly sad evil. 
 
 Mr. Seward: Although the hour is late I am sure you will 
 listen with pleasure to a few words from the Reverend Dr. 
 Ellinwood: 
 
 Dr. F.F. Ellinwood: Mr. President: After I had listened for 
 perhaps fifteen minutes to the eloquent facts presented by Dr. 
 Baldwin, it seemed to me that I might make the nearest approach 
 that I had ever or should ever make to an eloquent speech; but 
 after I had listened to fact after fact all new to me, I began to 
 feel benumbed and dumb. I thought it was impossible for 
 me to express the feelings of shame and also of foreboding 
 for the very existence of the nation, realizing that nations 
 are amenable to the Justice that rules in the heavens. And I 
 
said to myself at last, when Dr Baldwin was done, what need 
 after all, is there that anything more should be said? I see in 
 your faces and in your responses that every man and every 
 woman in the house is just as eloquent as the speakers to whom 
 we have listened to with such delight. Every eye has beamed 
 with the feeling of indignation and shame, and with a seeming 
 expression of incredulity, as if these things could not be true. 
 
 I have, sir, the honor to present a resolution as an expression 
 of the sentiment of this meeting, mainly our approval of the ob 
 jects set forth in the resolutions of the Chinese Sunday School 
 Union, to be sent to the President and to Congress, and I wish 
 also, in presenting the resolution to make a suggestion directly 
 in the line of the eloquent remarks of Dr. Sabine, namely this, 
 that the great need is to get the facts before the people, for, as he 
 says there is certainly in the American element in this land a 
 conscience, and I believe that you can go through this land from 
 State to State, and from city to city, from ocean to ocean, and 
 gather the people, and let them listen, as we have listened to 
 night, to these facts, and they would rise up to a man and to a 
 woman I mean the American population and say, " Let these 
 things be set right; let this blot and foul stain be removed from 
 the escutcheon of our beloved land." But the question is, how 
 to get them before the people, and I do not attempt to reiterate 
 the eloquent speech of Dr. Sabine as to the necessity. You feel 
 it as much as I and we. I asked Dr. Baldwin, as he sat on my 
 right, if these facts as he presented them, so presented as to show 
 in the very strongest light their relations and the inconsistencies 
 of our government, if they could not be presented to the public 
 in some permanent form, and he said they were being very fully 
 taken by a stenographer, and they would undoubtedly be put in 
 pamphlet form for distribution. But the suggestion I make is 
 that every one be a committee of one to see that these get the 
 widest circulation, to send them to any newspaper which they 
 may influence, in order that they may be published and published 
 again. (Applause.) And realizing that our Congress and Presi 
 dent will be influenced more by the facts than by our resolutions 
 or exhortations, I should wish that a copy of them might accom 
 pany these resolutions that are sent, because, as has been sug 
 gested, we cannot adequately know all about all the interests 
 
32 
 
 that crowd upon us from time to time. It is not two days since 
 we were roused up with a feeling of indignation on behalf of the 
 American Indians as a result of that review of the case brought 
 before the public in a recent meeting in this city. If some one 
 could write, not "A Century of Dishonor," but " Two Decades 
 of Dishonor," in relation to the Chinese, we should get just as 
 strong a meeting for them as for the Indians; and, if necessary, 
 all over this land, as in the case of the Indian, there would be 
 Chinese Associations or Chinese Rights Associations, until, when 
 the people had expressed their feeling and their sentiment, Con 
 gress should feel it, because that while, as has been said, these 
 Congressional representatives have an eye on the votes of the 
 masses the worst masses, the hoodlum masses it is to be re 
 membered that they have an eye on the votes of the people and 
 the better classes of the people, and those whose influence is 
 widest and strongest and deepest. The thing is to get these great 
 interests before the right-minded element in our society, in our 
 social fabric, and to hold them there; and not only that, but to 
 energize, to mobilize them, to organize them, and set them mov 
 ing as great forces that shall not die out in a day. If we can 
 get this subject before the citizens of this city they say that one- 
 twentieth of the population of the United States is within a radius 
 of some twenty miles of this spot if we could get the right sen 
 timent in motion and active exercise in this city, we could move 
 the nation. We could not only procure justice for the Chinese, 
 not only wipe this stain from our nation as it is now presented 
 by the very communication of our President to Congress in his 
 two messages, I say it with emphasis, of feeling, we could do 
 much to save the nation itself. (Applause.) What is it that has 
 been taking force into its own hands out there in the West ? 
 What was it at Seattle? at Tacoma ? at Rock Springs? Not 
 law in any form; it was pure mob movement. A return to 
 barbarism. And when our Cohgress, and when our newspa 
 per press say it is impossible to execute law without the will of 
 the people, it is simply a virtual acknowledgment that we are 
 powerless, that our government is not up to the strain of meeting 
 a fierce mob. (Applause.) It is acknowledging virtually that if 
 a certain class of foreigners or natives shall ,say, "The Chinese 
 must go, the Chinese must stop laboring here," then they may 
 
33 
 
 say a railroad must stop, as they have been stopping a railroad in 
 the far West, where I have been. There is not a power in the 
 community that may not, precisely upon the same principles, be 
 arrested. Whenever you can get a mob big enough, and wild 
 enough, and sufficiently determined to demand it, they are going 
 to issue their fiat. I believe, however, that our free institutions 
 are in danger, and that if there were no rights of the Chinese to 
 be considered, simply out of preservation we ought, as citizens 
 of this republic, to make our voices heard and our influence 
 felt. (Applause.) 
 
 I will present now the resolution to which I referred: 
 
 "Resolved: That this meeting approves and endorses the 
 memorial of the Chinese Sunday-School Union, in regard to the 
 abuse of the Chinese, and requests the Chairman and Secretary to 
 transmit the same to the President and the two Houses of Con 
 gress as the sense of this meeting." (Applause). 
 
 Mr. Seward : Dr. Me Arthur will now second this resolu 
 tion. 
 
 Rev. Dr. R. S. Me Arthur : Mr. Chairman and good friends: 
 I am very sorry that I did not have the pleasure of hearing the re 
 marks already made. When I tell you that this is the third meet 
 ing that I have attended to-night, you can understand that I have 
 been somewhat busy, and therefore excuse me if I come rolling 
 in with my ulster on. I rise with great pleasure to second the 
 resolutions which have just been read. In common with you all 
 I have been humiliated because of the outrages which have been 
 committed under the American flag. I am glad, however, to 
 believe that these outrages do not at all represent the best think 
 ing of the American people. The sober second thought of the 
 American people is almost invariably right. (Applause). This 
 is not the sober thought, it is not the second thought, it is not 
 the thought of the American people in any good sense of that 
 term. (Applause). I am a kind of foreigner myself, you know, 
 and I ought to have a good deal of sympathy with foreigners on 
 the one side, and I ought to have some measure of justice toward 
 those who oppose foreigners, who are themselves foreigners. I 
 thing it would be well for a man to get a little of the foreign 
 brogue out of his own mouth before he tries to drive other foreign 
 ers out of the free American Republic; (Applause), at least, to 
 
34 
 
 become an American citizen himself before he undertakes to op 
 pose those who are perhaps more worthy to be American citizens 
 than himself. (Applause). There are some very grave faults to be 
 alleged against the Chinamen. I doubt whether a single China 
 man could rise to that great dignity which would fit him to be a 
 New York Alderman. (Laughter). A very serious objection to 
 him is that he is an industrious boy. That's a very serious ob 
 jection to many. He does not spend his money in drink. He 
 goes to his work; he begins early and continues late. These are 
 all serious objections, and it is barely possible he may outgrow 
 some of them; but -some are just old-fashioned enough to hope he 
 won't. I will not detain you at this late hour. I want simply to 
 say this: That we are here as good American citizens; that we 
 have* presented this resolution as citizens interested in the honor 
 of our country, the welfare of our country and in the honor and 
 welfare of the Church of our common Lord and Master. I am 
 here to affirm that no Government can afford to do wrong toward 
 any class of men. (Applause). I am here to repeat Daniel 
 O'Connell's marvelous words; " Nothing is politically right which 
 is morally wrong." (Applause). The time is coming when we 
 shall see it, when we shall blush for the legislation we have put 
 on the books of the nation. The time has come when we already 
 blush for the men on American soil who have acted as these men, 
 almost unworthy of the name of men, have acted. I tell you, that 
 those of us who know these boys have learned to love them, 
 (Applause), and in the name of my adopted country, in the name 
 of my Lord and theirs, I denounce these outrages and plead, not 
 for pity, not for pity, but for justice. (Applause). 
 
 Mr. Seward: Dr. McArthur's reference to legislation in 
 duces me to say one word, and that is simply this, that it is not 
 altogether well to consider that these outrages have been perpe 
 trated by foreigners, and that they alone are responsible. When 
 the Government of the United States has taken formally by legis 
 lation the attitude which it has taken in regard to the Chinese, 
 what can we expect of the people? (Applause). If the Government 
 of the United States discriminates against Chinamen why should 
 not the individual citizen discriminate? If the Government of 
 the United States " boycotts " the whole Chinese empire, why 
 
35 
 
 should not a few individuals in our midst do their best to "boy 
 cott " the small fragment of the Chinese Empire that they can 
 get at? (Applause). If the great arm of the Government is to be 
 extended to seize in the streets of Boston a sailor who happens 
 to land from an American ship or any other ship, and is brought 
 into force to return that man and to send him away, why should 
 not a community over on the Pacific Coast follow that example 
 by intimidation by gunpowder or by dynamite? That is the ex 
 ample now that the Government of the United States sets in this 
 business, and we get the logical results. If a great Government 
 can present such an example as this, we must expect that the 
 ignorant, the vicious, the reckless and unthinking will better the 
 example in one direction and another. I did not intend to say 
 anything at all to-night, but I feel very strongly on this subject, 
 and the reference to the wrongs done as being attributable to 
 the foreigners, has led me to say so much. 
 
 I shall put the resolution now. Those in favor will say " aye." 
 
 The vote is unanimous. 
 
 I want you now to give a vote of thanks to Dr. Baldwin and 
 to the other gentlemen that have been so kind as to come here 
 and address us to-night. Those so disposed will say "aye." 
 
 The vote is unanimous. 
 
 In the absence of any intimation of further business, I shall 
 pronounce the meeting adjourned. . 
 
 The meeting is adjourned. 
 
 GEO. F. SEWARD,. 
 
 Chairman. 
 R. BASSETT, 
 
 Secretary. 
 

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