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 MONOGRAPHS DEVOTED TO THE COMPARATIVE 
 STUDY OF THE 
 
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 MARION DEXTER LEARNED 
 
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NATIONAL UNITY 
 
 ROY H. PERRING, PH.D. 
 
 Professor of German at Grinnell College 
 
 Amrrtrana (Srrmatrira 
 No. 14 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA 
 
 D. APPLETON & Co., AGENTS, NEW YORK 
 
 1911 
 
COPYRIGHT 1911 
 
 BY 
 
 ROY H. PERRING 
 
NiPiv 
 
 National Unity in the German Novel 
 Before 1870. 
 
 Since the days of Tacitus the German people have shown 
 a traditional incapacity for united action. Political unity was 
 for them a "blue flower" which for centuries deceived them 
 with its "delusive presence" and its "intoxicating fragrance." The 
 humiliation brought upon the nation by the destruction of the 
 last remnants of the Holy Roman Empire through Napoleon at 
 the beginning of the nineteenth century was the inevitable result 
 of centuries of disunion. The outburst of patriotic feeling which 
 came with the War for Liberation aroused anew the desire for 
 unity. Yet for almost seven decades the nation dreamed and 
 fought and bled for it, until under the skilled hand of the Iron 
 Chancellor the dream of centuries was realized, and to-day the 
 Germans, a united nation, hail a German Emperor. 
 
 The slow process by which this unity was finally evolved has 
 already received adequate treatment in our historical literature. 
 The documentary evidences have received their best treatment 
 in Sybel s The Founding of the German Empire, in Treitschke s 
 Deutsche Geschichte im 19. Jahrhundert, in Jastrow s Ge- 
 schichte des deutschen Einheitstraumes und seine Erfiillung, and 
 partial treatment in the uncompleted work of Grotte Geschichte 
 der deutschen Einheitsbewegung im 19. Jahrhundert. These books 
 touch in a very superficial way only the growth of the idea 
 of German unity among the people at large, in their literature 
 and philosophy. Of especial value in this respect is L Allemagne 
 depuis Leibnitz. Essai sur le developpement de la conscience na- 
 tionale en Allemagne, by L. Levy-Bruhl. The treatment is of a 
 general character but the author has outlined in a clear and 
 scholarly manner the elements in the life, philosophy and literature 
 of the German people that prepared the way for German patriot 
 ism and eventually German unity in 1871. 
 
 The following paper is an attempt to notice in a somewhat 
 more detailed way the treatment given German unity in the 
 novel of the century up to 1870, after which date the question 
 
 247523 
 
2 National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 
 
 ceased to interest the poet s imagination. The treatment is not 
 intended to be exhaustive as only those novels are treated which 
 were within the writer s reach. A vast amount of valuable ma 
 terial is contained in those novels of the century which have long 
 since been forgotten, are not on the book market, and are not 
 in our American libraries. Such material can be available only 
 after a careful search among the larger and older circulating 
 libraries of Germany. The task of collecting such material will 
 be a long and tiresome one, but the results ought to form an 
 interesting chapter in the history of the German people during 
 the nineteenth century. 
 
 To the lack of national political unity is due in large measure 
 the absence for centuries of the patriotic element in German 
 literature. Not until Frederick the Great began his struggle 
 against the Austrian paternal government, thus taking the first 
 step against the old order of things, does the literature begin to 
 reflect an interest in the affairs of state. This newly aroused 
 interest revealed itself in a certain enthusiasm for a vague idea 
 of native country, in dreams rather than concrete pictures, in 
 indistinct desires rather than definitely planned actions. This so- 
 called "Deutschtumelei" found literary expression in the Gottin- 
 gen circle and in the works of Klopstock and his followers. 
 
 This patriotic literature however lacked an adequate founda 
 tion. The nation had lost touch with its past, and it was but 
 natural that the awakened feeling should assume a crude and 
 fantastic form, or else grow into a vague cosmopolitanism which 
 caused the Germans to lose sight of the rightful position of their 
 nation in the future history of Europe. This condition of affairs 
 lasted, with a few exceptions, until the later Romanticists had 
 delved deep into the German past, had caught a glimpse of the 
 ancient glory of the nation, an appreciation of the sublime great 
 ness of the national heroes and so laid the foundation for all 
 patriotic literature. The disgrace of 1806 put an end in great 
 measure to cosmopolitanism and caused the people to centre then 
 thoughts upon their own national life and duties, while the ancient 
 splendor and apparent unity of the race became an ideal for 
 which thev could strive. 
 
National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 3 
 
 But before this rude awakening there were a few poets 
 who, with a vision more keen than the others, had seen the 
 drift of affairs, had lifted their warning voices and pleaded for 
 political unity. Herder, for example, who had not hesitated to 
 ridicule Klopstock s vague sentimental ideas of native country, 
 sounded a warning note and a plea for unity in his odes "To the 
 Emperor," "To Ambition," and "To Germania." The early- ex 
 periences of Schiller had not been such as to engender in him a 
 deep love of country, yet he too gradually freed himself from his 
 cosmopolitan tendencies, so that to-day the Germans, with a few 
 exceptions, accept his later works as coming from a truly 
 patriotic heart. His ardent plea for unity through the dying 
 Attinghausen, 
 
 "Seid einig einig einig" 
 
 stamped him in the popular mind of the nineteenth century as a 
 patriot who saw the need of political unity. 
 
 The novel had not responded to any sort of patriotic senti 
 ment. The "Staatsroman" had found writers and readers ever 
 since Opitz had set the fashion by translating Barclay s Argenis 
 (1621). Political and social conditions were reflected to some 
 extent in the works of Grimmelshausen, Christian Weise, the 
 Robinsonaden, and the various Utopian novels, but a true German 
 patriotic tendency was entirely lacking. During the second half 
 of the eighteenth century the writers of romance chose as a rule 
 themes in which patriotism and political questions had no place. 
 The novels of Goethe, Jean Paul, and the radical Romanticists, 
 with the exception of Tieck in his later works, treated with full 
 ness of detail the inner life of the individual and occasionally the 
 relation of the individual to the social body, but they did not 
 trouble themselves about the life of the individual in its relation 
 to the state or public affairs. And so it was that the novel at 
 the beginning of the century was of such a nature that it was 
 not and could not be the bearer of any serious patriotic message. 
 The character of the novel changed but little during the first 
 fifteen years of the new century. During this time there was not 
 produced a single patriotic novel worthy of the name, and very 
 few that in any way touched on political questions. The new 
 
4 National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 
 
 questions of civic duty which had been forced upon the attention 
 of the people by the victories of Napoleon were too new for any 
 such treatment as would be required in the novel. It was rather 
 a period devoted to the agitators, who, like Fichte, Arndt, Jahn 
 and others sought to put new ideals and new hopes into the 
 downcast German spirit, or to the dramaticists, who, like Kleist, 
 put their ideal patriot on the stage, or finally to the singers who 
 like Arndt, Korner, Schenkendorf and others tried to express 
 their vague ideas of patriotism and political unity in lyric verse in 
 an effort to fire the sluggish spirits into some semblance of life. 
 
 The second decade saw German arms triumph over French 
 tyranny and part of the German soil freed from the hated 
 enemy. The call to arms against the common enemy had filled 
 the people with a renewed sense of their unity and, after the 
 glorious conclusion of the war, everyone looked forward to a 
 speedy realization of the dream. As early as 1812 Stein had 
 sketched a plan for the reunion of the scattered parts of the 
 former German empire, and both Arndt and Gorres had given 
 public expression to the same idea. But all remained without 
 result. Then followed at once the period of gloomy reaction, 
 replete with deceived hopes for the patriots who had risked their 
 lifeblood on the battle field, and marked by almost unexampled 
 political procrastination on the part of the leaders. In the hands 
 of great and unselfish statesmen it seems that the dream of na 
 tional unity might have been realized in fact. However the 
 Congress of Vienna left only a federation of states as disjointed 
 and weak as the old empire, bound together by no firm tie and 
 regarded with contempt by their more powerful neighbors. Royal 
 promises were forgotten and the few bold spirits who ventured to 
 demand their fulfillment were suppressed. 
 
 Deceived in their hopes and excluded from participation in 
 the life of the state, a large part of the people dropped back into 
 indifference or squandered their thoughts on a fanciful cosmo 
 politanism. Others inspired by an interest in political liberty 
 rather than in German unity, an interest caused by the growing 
 hatred of the two absolutist powers, Austria and Prussia, trans- 
 
National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 5 
 
 ferred their enthusiasm and sympathy to the nations that were 
 defending their liberty, such as Greece, Poland or even France. 
 The truly patriotic German spirit however found a refuge and 
 expression in the affiliated student unions or "Burschenschaften" 
 which were made up for the most part of the young men who 
 had fought in the war for independence. In their enthusiasm 
 they were prone to excesses, and in their ideal dreams they were 
 fanciful, but to them Germany owes a debt of gratitude for pre 
 serving in those gloomy decades the spirit which in the end was 
 to aid so much in the achievement of unity. Their public life 
 was short. Organized June 12, 1815, the innocent Wartburg 
 festival and the insane act of Sand brought the order to disband 
 and prepared persecution and imprisonment for the members in 
 the years to come. 
 
 The popularity of the martial lyrics also served to keep alive 
 the patriotic sentiment. The poets and singers during the years 
 of the war were filled with an ardent patriotism which not only 
 gave expression to a righteous anger against the oppressors but 
 also deplored the destroyed majesty of the German realm, and 
 looked hopefully forward to a united kingdom. They urged all 
 who spoke the German tongue to offer their lifeblood for the 
 freedom and independence of the fatherland. Arndt, Korner, 
 Schenkendorf, Riickert and Uhland sang of liberty and unity, 
 cheered the soldiers on to victory, and encouraged the downcast 
 spirits during the gloomy days of reaction. They themselves 
 perhaps did not realize the significance of their song, their plans 
 for the proposed unity were vague and often impossible, yet for 
 sincerity of purpose and patriotic enthusiasm their lyrics stand 
 unsurpassed in German patriotic literature. 
 
 These two decades show little progress in the building up of 
 a healthy patriotic novel, but they were decades of vast signi 
 ficance for the future patriotic literature. The historical novel 
 as we now know it was up to 1815 almost unknown. There 
 was no foundation for it either in content or form. The first 
 three decades of the century produced these two important ele 
 ments and so prepared the way for the patriotic novel of the 
 remainder of the century. 
 
6 National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 
 
 Ever since the days of Bodmer there had been a growing 
 interest in the literary achievements of the past ages, and through 
 Herder, Goethe, and Schiller this interest had been extended to 
 the life and personalities of the peoples of the past. This move 
 ment reached its height during the early decades of the new 
 century; the literary interest, in the works of Arnim and 
 Brentano, Schlegel, the brothers Grimm and other linguistic in 
 vestigators; the social and political interest, in the novels of the 
 Romanticists and in the novels of chivalry. The people again 
 became acquainted with the past of their nation and this interest 
 led to renewed investigation and study. And so it came about 
 that a vast amount of material was brought to light for the use 
 of the future historical and patrotic novel writer. 
 
 Now that the subject matter was provided, the form and 
 style became the prime requisite. The old type of novel was in 
 no way suitable as a mould for this new subject matter. Fortu 
 nately, at this time the works of the great Scotchman were in 
 troduced into Germany and found ready acceptance. Scott is 
 with justice called the father of the national novel along historical 
 lines in German literature. Although imitation began at once 
 the full fruit of the movement was to come to fruition only in 
 the next generation. The early imitators such as Hauff and the 
 early efforts of Alexis do not yet show an appreciation of the real 
 significance of the Scotchman s style. The movement was 
 checked for a time by the Young German revolution, and it was 
 not until near the end of the fourth decade that the novel after 
 the model of Scott began a new development that was to lead to 
 the great works of Alexis, Scheffel and Freytag, the best the 
 century has to offer. 
 
 At this time too the peasant novel was just beginning to show 
 the world the beauty and vigor of the German peasant life. This 
 type of novel however was essentially provincial in contents and 
 was not then and never was the bearer of a national or patriotic 
 message. 
 
 During these two decades then we must look chiefly to the 
 Romantic novelists for whatever patriotic tendency found ex 
 pression. 
 
National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 "/ 
 
 It is a well recognized paradox that although the Germans 
 first became acquainted through the Romanticists with their his 
 torical past and thus laid a solid foundation for future 
 political hopes and ideals, these Romanticists were by nature not 
 in sympathy with political affairs. They looked upon political 
 agitation as meaning sure death to true poetry, as leading away 
 from the fullness of inner life which was in their opinion neces 
 sary to true poetry. The momentous events of the day however 
 could not be disregarded and gradually the school was forced more 
 and more out of the ideal world and began to take an interest in 
 the political life about them. 
 
 The position taken by the Romanticists toward national ques 
 tions in general and political unity in particular grew out of three 
 chief characteristics of the school; their admiration for and belief 
 in the ego; their deep love for mediaeval German life and in 
 stitutions ; their deeply religious sense which could not separate 
 the state from the church. 
 
 The school inherited from the previous century an intense 
 admiration of the individual, his freedom, his power, his self- 
 sufficiency and his right to mould his surroundings to suit his 
 own inherent requirements. This view had grown up gradually 
 through the activity of Lessing, Herder, Goethe and Schiller, and 
 had received concrete expression in the philosophy of Fichte. 
 When applied to the political situation, especially to German unity, 
 the province, or the division of the race within certain boundaries, 
 took the place of the individual, and just as there was an indi 
 vidual dissimilarity, so there was a provincial dissimilarity which 
 must under no circumstances be destroyed. As formulated by 
 Gorres, each province had its own inherent character which was 
 as indestructible as the inherent character of the individual. It 
 was natural then that the Romanticists could not be in favor of 
 any centralized state that suppressed one state in favor of some 
 other dominating state and so threaten to destroy racial or pro 
 vincial pecularities. 
 
 This idea was the first to suffer attack and destruction. The 
 demand made upon the individual and the petty state that in 
 dividual freedom should be sacrificed for the sake of adding to the 
 
National Unity in the German Novel Before 
 
 power of the whole was soon recognized. In the succeeding 
 decades this conviction won its way over all obstacles. It found 
 its best literary expression in Spielhagen s In Reih und Glied, and 
 its political expression in the work of Bismarck. 
 
 The only sort of state which would not destroy the 
 peculiarities and independence of the individual parts was a con 
 federation of states, or state s union. This was closely associated 
 with the second characteristic of the Romantic School the love 
 for the historic institutions of the middle ages. The state was re 
 garded as a living organism with limbs which to a certain extent 
 had their individual life. This organism had its roots deep in the 
 past history of the race, and the only safe method of procedure 
 was a revival of old forms. Among these old forms, the old 
 state s union of the middle ages, with its wealth of types, its 
 versatility, its individuality, even its chaotic confusion appealed 
 to the Romantic mind and became an ideal. 
 
 Hand in hand with this idea of state s union went the third 
 characteristic the close relation of state and church. Again the 
 middle ages with the close union of church and state, emperor 
 and pope became an ideal. The church was looked upon as the 
 foundation of science, art, and civic life. Many like Gorres be 
 lieved that the church was the only power capable of defending 
 the liberty of the people from the encroachments of absolutism. 
 Hence it was that in all plans for future unity the church was 
 at least to be coordinate and not subordinate to the state. 
 
 These characteristics can be noticed in the two Romantic 
 novels of this period that in any way approach a national 
 patriotic character, touch on political questions and incidentally 
 treat German unity Eichendorf s Ahnung und Gegenwart 
 (1815) and Arnim s Die Kronenwdchter (1817). The former is 
 an example of the historical novel of the older type, the latter 
 begins to show a slight Scottian influence. 
 
 In a letter to Foucque (Feb. 3, 1814) concerning his novel 
 Eichendorf confesses that great events have followed each other 
 in such rapid succession, everything was so uncertain and without 
 form that it was impossible to arrive at any calm conclusion. 
 However he would so gladly do what he could to help the Ger- 
 
National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 9 
 
 mans become a nation. With this confession on the part of the 
 author, it is evident that he could not understand the present 
 and that his estimate of the future would be vague and uncertain. 
 
 The inability of the Romantic mind to cope with the trend 
 of affairs is seen distinctly enough in the two chief characters, 
 Leontin and Frederick. Leontin feels deeply the depression of 
 the times, but confesses he is unable to do anything to change 
 conditions. 1 He falls into despair, and finally sails away over 
 the sea to unknown regions of future activity. 
 
 Frederick arrives in a large city, and amidst its active life 
 he believes he sees conditions in their true light. 2 The great 
 spectacle of metropolitan life, the terrible onward rush of events, 
 which had not left the better minds unmoved, suddenly unites 
 into a great stream all his powers which had been wont to play 
 like a happy fountain. The false, cowardly poets who, in the face 
 of a momentous future, spend their time in idle play became dis 
 gusting to him. His volatile superficial love changed into a holy 
 love and enthusiasm for a definite and fixed purpose. Much that 
 in the past had caused him anxiety was now forgotten. He became 
 more mature and independent concerning his judgment of the 
 world. He was no longer satisfied with himself and his own 
 interests, but would make a better use of his life. When he 
 makes the attempt however he finds to his sorrow that there is 
 no field in which he can make himself useful. With infinite 
 selfsacrifice he begins a feverish study of the state. All his mind 
 and all his thoughts are centered in his fatherland. But all his 
 interest and all his thinking bring nothing to light. He enters the 
 Tyrolese war, not from any firm conviction concerning the prin 
 ciples involved, but chiefly because he happens to be there. In 
 the end he knows of no way of giving Germany her unity, honor 
 and freedom except through the church. 3 Accordingly he enters 
 a convent to prepare for the task. 
 
 Quite a step in advance can be noticed in the style of Arnim s 
 Kronenwachter. Showing the hand of the true artist and poet, 
 
 1 Ahnung und Gegenwart, Dietz, p. 176. 
 Ibid, i74f. 
 1 Ibid, p. 
 
io National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 
 
 he attempts to unroll a magnificent picture of the middle ages 
 with its wealth of figures and life, at the same time keeping in 
 the background the conditions in Germany in his own day. Un 
 fortunately Arnim was not able to carry the sound common sense 
 of his everyday life into his work, and the traditional Romantic 
 faults are found everywhere; frequent digressions, interpolated 
 tales, fantastic and impossible episodes, and in the end an incom 
 plete fragment. 
 
 The splendor of the ancient realm under Barbarossa had be 
 come an ideal for many of the Romantic minds, and soon the 
 longing for a united fatherland associated itself with the myth of 
 the Kyffhauser mountains. Here guarded by ravens the patron 
 saint of nationality sat, awaiting the time when he should come 
 forth and establish the nation in all its old time glory. Many 
 echoes of this myth are found in Arnim s story. He depicts the 
 crown as guarded by a secret club. The members are hostile to 
 the reigning house of Hapsburg, because the rulers of this house 
 have proved unworthy of the task assigned them. The club seeks 
 to rear as suitable rulers of the future realm the Hohenstaufen 
 heirs. Accordingly one of these heirs is put in an environment 
 where he is counseled and watched over by the mythical Barba 
 rossa. Apparently however through moral guilt these heirs prove 
 themselves unworthy of the trust placed in them. They die and 
 the fragment closes without having the crown won from its 
 strange guards in a glass castle in the middle of the sea. 
 
 How did Arnim intend that the crown should be won and 
 Germany united ? The solution of the question so far as it can be 
 determined by the ^cant outline left by Arnim is still a matter of 
 dispute. Dohmke 4 believes that he intended to let the crown 
 be divided (the old curse of Germany). When the parts were 
 again united it was to be a new dawn for a new Germany. 
 Mielke 5 would see in the scant outline that it was all to end in 
 an allegory which was intended to show that the crown of Ger 
 many was to be gained only in a spiritual way; Germany s 
 
 * Introduction to Cotta edition. 
 
 Mielke. Der deutsche Roman im 19. Jahrdt., p. 62. 
 
National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 1 1 
 
 power purely intellectual, and the bearer of the crown an alle 
 gorical puppet. For our purpose it makes little difference which 
 is correct. Either one shows that Arnim had no definite solution 
 and so carried it into the realm of dream and speculation. How 
 far the fact that he had no definite solution encouraged him to 
 leave the novel unfinished has not yet been shown. 
 
 Isolated references to unity within the novel are just as 
 fragmentary and equally uncertain. 
 
 Amidst the ruins of the ancient castle of Barbarossa, Bert- 
 hold falls asleep. The old king appears suddenly before him and 
 leads him into a magnificent hall. In the middle of the hall is a 
 coffin, containing three crowned figures. As Berthold draws near, 
 all suddenly change into a miniature model of the ancient struc 
 ture which he is to build up again and in which he is to reign 
 successfully and happily over a united realm. Afterwards the 
 ruins are about to be sold at auction, but Berthold, so filled with 
 confidence in his future mission, bids beyond his slender means 
 for its possession. In his hour of need Barbarossa again appears 
 before him in a dream and discloses the hiding place of a large 
 treasure which enables Berthold to redeem his promise and pay 
 for the ruins. Up to this point all is excellent Romantic symbol 
 ism. On the sight of the ruins he builds, according to the plans 
 Barbarossa gives him, a structure and then it becomes a cloth 
 weaving establishment. Is this a prophetic glance into the future 
 commercial Germany and the unifying power of commercial in 
 terests or is it Romantic inconsistency? 
 
 Arnim however was dreaming of unity even though he may 
 not have had a very definite idea of how it was to be realized. 
 Inherited pride and hostility are to him the chief causes of dis 
 union. 6 Undue pride of princely power causes the disunion be 
 tween the states, and at the same time causes disunion between the 
 princes and the people. No race is to vanish from the earth but 
 peace is to come only when hostile families are reconciled and 
 united. 7 The houses of Hohenstaufen and Hapsburg however 
 have ever been hostile to each other and no unity seems possible 
 
 * Die Kronenwachter, p. 124. 
 T Ibid, p. 33. 
 
12 National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 
 
 between them. 8 Under these conditions Arnim like Perthes, Fries, 
 and other Romantic reactionists, looks for unity to be possible 
 only through the people, the great middle class, and not through 
 any one princely house taking the lead. 9 In this struggle no sup 
 port was to be expected from the nobles, because they consider 
 only their own selfish interests while history pointed the way to 
 a nation in which every individual should subordinate himself for 
 the good of all. Finally when the movement was started the 
 church was to go hand in hand with the state. 
 
 With the exception of Ludwig Tieck, the Romantic novel 
 ette writers show in their works little or no tendency to draw ma 
 terial from their contemporary political world. He, above all his 
 contemporaries in the Romantic school, has a fairly clear vision 
 of the actual political conditions, and with a keen insight shows at 
 times a clear understanding of the trend of affairs. He does not 
 make any definite political propaganda, but here and there one 
 catches sight of a personality interested in German unity. 
 
 Speaking through the Colonel in Gesellschaft auf dein 
 Lande (1825) he recognizes the debt which Prussia owes to 
 Frederick the Great in putting the German realm on a solid 
 foundation, so that, though divided, it might better work and 
 flourish. 10 At the same time he sees a future day when the 
 German states will become a united realm in the defense of their 
 country against a foreign foe. The recent war had aroused this 
 impression in the minds of many, but it was not until the popular 
 enthusiasm of 1870-71 that it was to be realized. 
 
 In his later years Tieck seems to have been unable to adapt 
 himself to the times and to understand the trend of affairs. In 
 Der Wassermensch (1835) he brands the wild enthusiasm and 
 indefinite plans of the younger generation as madness. 11 The 
 Privy Counselor is here the bearer of Tieck s message. The 
 young men who had fought for their country r^ad expected to 
 see their dream of political unity realized at once; they had dis- 
 
 Ibid, p. 248 
 Ibid, p. 132. 
 
 10 Gesellschaft auf dem Lande, p. 467. 
 
 11 Der Wassermensch, p. 56. 
 
National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 13 
 
 regarded wisdom, politics and prudence, and had not taken into 
 consideration the forces at work, or the means at their command. 
 The result had been the formation of dangerous clubs and in 
 sane demonstrations. To be successful it was necessary that they 
 have a definite goal, that they should not shun the slow, toilsome 
 labor necessary to reach it. He deplores the fact that the ideas 
 of Gorres, Arndt, Steffens and even the peculiar Jahn had ceased 
 to find sympathetic acceptation and were regarded by the new gene 
 ration as antiquated and even over patriotic. The Privy Counselor 
 expects to see the dream realized under a true German king who 
 with true religious consecration should protect the masses from 
 the greedy encroachment of the nobles, the radical plans of the 
 demagogues, and the inane theories of the mundane philoso 
 phers. 12 Although he nowhere in his story mentions it, he ex 
 pects this German king to come from the house of the Hohen- 
 zollern. 
 
 In his youth William Hauff had been an enthusiastic mem 
 ber of the student corps and a few of his patriotic songs were 
 heard at the Wartburg Festival. In common with his student 
 friends he too was an advocate of national unity and like them 
 had no definite plan for its attainment. In Lichtenstein (1826), 
 the first serious attempt to produce a historical novel after the 
 model of Scott, he scarcely touches that matter at all. The 
 worthy old Lichtenstein complains to the Chancellor that he is 
 treating the land like a piece of leather. 13 "Any fool can cut it to 
 pieces, but who in the wide world can put it together again." 
 
 The thought of national unity finds a larger place in Hauff s 
 Das Bild des Kaisers (1826). Although the scene of it is laid in 
 Swabia he has his eye on Germany as a whole, and accents the 
 idea that local patriotism and pride have been the chief causes 
 of disunion. He causes his hero, the Brandenburg patriot Albert, 
 to visit Swabia, and so portrays the clash of opinions between the 
 North and the South. Hauff shows his own Swabian patriotism 
 by endowing his countrymen with the wider view, with more 
 
 " Ibid, p. 52. 
 
 " Lichtenstein, Cotta text, p. 269. 
 
14 National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 
 
 sympathetic sentiments and with more national and patriotic 
 feelings. 
 
 Albert is accused of being not a German but a Prussian. A 
 stranger cautions him 14 not to show it while in the thoroughly 
 German Swabia. He however forgets himself and praises his 
 Prussia to Baron Tierberg. The old gentleman voices his opinion 
 in no uncertain tone. 15 He points out to Albert that all the disaster 
 and suffering which had come upon Germany was due to lack 
 of unity and to too much local patriotism. "Oh, Germany, 
 Germany ! There one can see how all this misery has come from 
 their own disunion. We were no longer Greeks, but Corinthians, 
 Athenians, and even Spartans!" And then to Prussia: "You, 
 you alone are to blame. You would have long ago separated 
 from the realm, you no longer had a heart for the common 
 good. You would have gladly seen us broken piece by piece, 
 because we were feared so long as we were united. Do you not 
 know what happened in Sparta when every Greek was looked 
 upon as a foreigner ? A curse upon this century of selfishness and 
 disunion! A curse upon this world of fools who call selfishness 
 and ambition greatness!" 
 
 The other characters claim our attention as typical of men 
 of that day. The elder Willi is one of those who lost all sense of 
 German patriotism in blind admiration of genius; in this case 
 the genius of Napoleon. He will hear nothing of German unity 
 and disparages the self-sacrifice of the people in the war for 
 liberation. His son represents the demagogue who risked his life 
 and liberty for the principles he believes right, although he has 
 no clear conception of this principles and does not realize where 
 they will lead him and his country. After a brief encounter 
 with the police he loses some of his enthusiasm, and begins to see 
 that violent measures can do nothing. 
 
 The next period was ushered in by the July "Revolution in 
 France and closed with the failure of the civic uprising in 1848. 
 The intervening years, while comparatively free from momentous 
 
 14 Ibid, p. ii 
 
 15 Ibid, p. 23. 
 
National Unity in the German Novel Before 18/0 15 
 
 political events, were years of civic unrest. In 1848 national 
 unity seemed no nearer its realization than twenty years before, 
 yet real progress had been made. The Frankfurt Parliament, the 
 seeming failure of which had been the chief cause of the Revolu 
 tion, had in reality prepared the way for Prussian leadership in 
 states union. 
 
 Economic conditions in Germany made vast strides during 
 these decades and in turn had a noticeable effect on political 
 affairs. The rapid development of the railroad and steamboat 
 traffic, coupled with a desire for travel, brought the German 
 people in contact with each other and they began to realize more 
 and more the unity of their race. The relation of the railroads 
 and unity finds a characteristic expression in the song of Karl 
 Beck : 
 
 "Diese Schienen, Hochzeitsbander, 
 
 Trauungsringe, blank gegossen, 
 
 Liebend tauschen sie die Lander 
 
 Und die Ehe wird geschlossen.* 
 
 The Customs Union of Prussia had been an important step 
 towards unification, although its influence was not felt so strongly 
 at the time, and it did not appeal as such to the popular mind. 
 It had been brought about through a mutual agreement with the 
 neighboring states and soon included all the non-Austrian states. 
 The financial and commercial advantage of the Union soon 
 recommended it to all and soon states nominally under the leader 
 ship of Austria applied for admission and were accepted, and thus 
 entered into a commercial union with Prussia. While every 
 notion of political union was carefully avoided, the whole move 
 ment could only serve to strengthen the desire for political cen 
 tralization. 
 
 During the preceding decade the idea of German unity had 
 ceased to interest the masses and national feeling existed only 
 in the hearts of a few patriots. Civic discontent existed every 
 where but was held in check by the strong hand of the Metternich 
 police. The news of the July Revolution in Paris came like the 
 bright sunshine into the gloomy days of reaction. A new spring 
 time seemed to be at hand in the political and intellectual life of 
 
i6 
 
 National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 
 
 the people. Many states demanded constitutional privileges, and, 
 amidst the terror which seized the petty courts, received or 
 forced their demands. Prussia and Austria were able to suppress 
 the masses and no widespread outbreak occurred in these states. 
 Gradually however the old police state was again everywhere 
 master of the situation, and the rights and freedom gained were 
 declared null and void. In spite of its failure however a new 
 spirit had been developed. Public interest had again been 
 aroused in political and social affairs, and soon there was de 
 veloped a well defined public opinion on civic matters and with it 
 public life entered into a new period of growth. 
 
 The vague dreams of political unity that had been current 
 during the previous decades now gave way to a serious consider 
 ation of the problem. It was no longer a superficial enthusiasm 
 without positive ideas or plans. Much that was proposed may 
 not have been practicable, but it was an eloquent indication of 
 the attempts to deal with the problem in a serious way. It is 
 astonishing how much practical political wisdom and insight 
 came rapidly to the front to solve, through peaceful means, the 
 problem before the nation. The conflicting views and purposes 
 of the numerous leaders and parties have become a matter of his 
 tory. Public opinion gave its approval and support to the ideas 
 of Gagern, Pfitzer, Miinch, and Gutzkow, who sought to bring 
 about states union under the leadership of Prussia, through a 
 mutual understanding and without doing violence to the govern 
 ment of the individual states. This activity brought no immediate 
 fruit, except persecution for the authors, but it did show the 
 people the real difficulties to be overcome and put an end largely 
 to the vague and often inane dreams of the preceding decades. 
 
 The Romantic literature of these .decades had, as we have 
 seen, not reflected to any great extent existing political and 
 social conditions. The new spirit however now demanded that 
 all phases of modern life should find an expression in the litera 
 ture of the day. The program of Young Germany proclaimed 
 that literature should again be united with life and the idea with 
 the world. As it became more and more evident that the govern 
 ments would not allow any active participation in state affairs, the 
 
National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 17 
 
 political movement turned to literature, and literature became the 
 field in which not only social and ecclesiastic warfare but also 
 political propaganda was waged. Gutzkow, Borne and Laube all 
 believed that literature should be the organ for disseminating the 
 new ideas, the representative of the nation s interests, and a 
 means of educating the people for the enjoyment of future civic 
 privileges in a free and united fatherland. 
 
 The governments soon recognized the danger of the new 
 spirit and sought to curb it through edicts and more stringent 
 press laws. The ruthless persecution dampened the ardor of 
 many and they gave up political agitation for the less dangerous 
 one of social and church affairs. Still others followed the model 
 of Borne and were soon skilled in the smuggling in of political 
 ideas under the guise of literary and aesthetic criticism. 
 
 The novel was granted a much higher rank than had been 
 granted it during the former period, due in large measure to the 
 firm belief on the part of the Young Germans in the superiority 
 of prose. In this phase of literature two models now incited to 
 imitation and development, Walter Scott and Goethe, resulting 
 in three types of novel, the historical novel, the historical-tendenz 
 novel, and the "Zeitroman." 
 
 During the previous decades Hauff had attempted to imitate 
 Scott, but he had not discovered the true secret of the Scotch 
 man s success or its ultimate lesson for the German novel. The 
 disunion of Germany was in itself a hindrance to a successful 
 national novel of this type. It was not until Prussia became more 
 and more the hope of Germany in future unity that an Alexis 
 perceived in this state the unit type of democratic government, 
 and the story of Prussian growth as typical of German history. 
 Thus only could the approach be made to the conditions necessary 
 for a historical novel of the Scott type and a model set which was 
 only surpassed by a Freytag who, after the nation had become 
 united, could write for Germany what Alexis had written for 
 Brandenburg. 
 
 The tendency to introduce modern life with its manifold 
 problems into literature had been evident to a certain extent dur 
 ing the previous period. The novels of Goethe had brought 
 
i8 National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 
 
 society, its problems and its environments into literature. Tieck 
 and others had followed him to some extent. These novels how 
 ever treated only those problems that seemed to the authors to be 
 of a poetic nature, and so excluded a number of the phases of 
 public life. The new spirit of the third decade, while accepting 
 this, made the additional demand that every phase of life should 
 be considered. With the introduction into the novel of questions 
 concerning political, church and social affairs the "Zeitroman" 
 had its beginnings. It was so peculiarly adapted to the purpose 
 of disseminating the many problems of the day that it soon be 
 came the foremost type of novel. Developed by Immermann, 
 Gutzkow and Laube, it became realistic under Auerbach and 
 Spielhagen and reached its highest success. 
 
 With justice Schenkendorf has been called "Der Kaiser- 
 lierold," the herald of the old emperor of the old empire, and 
 with equal justice Alexis deserves the title of "Der Herold des 
 Neuen Kaisers," the herald of the new emperor of the new 
 empire. He had fought for his country, a copy of the 
 Niebelungen Lay in his pocket, had formed a "Hermannbund" 
 among his fellow soldiers and had been a close student of Fichte, 
 Arndt and Korner. After the war he laid aside his sword and 
 took up the pen to work for the cause of his country and his 
 emperor. As a reward he was treated with indifference by his 
 contemporaries and received that seemingly unjust and uncalled 
 for reprimand from the emperor he had tried to serve. Perhaps 
 no writer of the century tried more earnestly to help Prussia in 
 the struggle for leadership in Germany, and no writer received 
 so sorry a reward from people and prince. Blind physically and 
 mentally, an ironical fate willed it that the broken body should 
 live on until the German unity under Prussia for which he had 
 struggled had been attained in 1871, but unfortunately the mind 
 could no longer comprehend it. The spirit which animated 
 Alexis in the years of struggle and disappointment is nowhere 
 better expressed than in the words he has given Stephan in 
 Cabanis: 16 "There is nothing higher than one s country. True 
 
 "Weichert edition, TIT, p. 356. 
 
National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 19 
 
 to it to my last breath whether the reward be thanks or scorn; 
 true to it as long as I can lift my arm, or move my tongue; ever 
 striving, whether at the front or in some distant obscure nook- 
 only thus can I prove myself worthy." The proper recognition 
 of his activity dawned gradually only on the German people, and 
 not until the occasion of the hundredth anniversary of his birth 
 do they set to him in their critical literature a monument worthy 
 of his activity. 
 
 The general trend of his political opinions changed but little 
 during the years of his activity. To this fact is due in large 
 measure the weakness of his later novels. In Mein politisches 
 Bekentniss (1833) 17 he confesses himself a Royalist in favor 
 of hereditary monarchy. In this he saw the surest guarantee of 
 prosperity, equality and freedom. This monarchy was not how 
 ever to be a mere apparent monarchy, not a mere hereditary 
 presidency, but endowed with the necessary power and prestige 
 to accomplish the task before it. Under the present condition of 
 society he regarded a real republic as impossible and entirely 
 unworthy of consideration for Germany. He likewise considered 
 the sovereignty of the people as an idle fancy, as it must always 
 lack unity of purpose. An absolute monarchy in which the whims 
 of the ruler were the highest laws could exist just as little as a 
 real republic. Whether this monarchy should be constitutional 
 or not should depend on the ablility of the people and whether it 
 could be introduced naturally. He deplores the lack of unity 
 between North and South. The sectional strife seems to him 
 to have developed through ignorance or envy, and to have been 
 fanned into flame by a continually perverse interpretation of the 
 good intentions of the North. This spirit if it continued to grow 
 threatened to become far more dangerous to ideal unity than any 
 political dismemberment. 
 
 In his earlier short stories, Das Haus Dusterweg and Herr 
 i on Sacken, Alexis pays homage to the spirit that animated 
 Young Germany. The first has been justly named by Tschirch 18 
 a political and personal confession of the poet. He there con- 
 
 " Published in Wiener Bilder, p. 426. 
 " Brandenburg-Preuss. Gesch. XIII, 526. 
 
20 National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 
 
 demns the vain and useless efforts of the young enthusiasts to 
 gain their political purposes through violence. 19 And yet he can 
 only deplore the ruthless persecution of these young spirits by the 
 state. Though their plans were visionary and their desires often 
 revolutionary the state was in no danger from them. If persecu 
 tion had not made martyrs of them, popular ridicule would have 
 soon brought them to reason. 
 
 For the attainment of unity he advocates the sacrifice of 
 individual interests for the good of all. Old quarrels should be 
 forgotten and all strive together in harmony. He gives this idea 
 symbolic expression in Prince Guides dream of the quarrel be 
 tween the giants and the dwarfs. 20 . The decrepit old graybeard 
 voices his appeal to the assembled company: "We are not as 
 sembled here to awaken anew the old quarrels that brought us 
 servitude. It came upon us because there was no one who would 
 sacrifice his own interests. Have we not already paid dearly for 
 our sin? Let us bury the memory of old quarrels in the empty 
 graves from which avarice threw the bones of our fathers. 
 Cursed be he who asks, was your father a dwarf or a giant ! In 
 stead let there be this quality among us, that we hate our op 
 pressors and desire one and all to become a united people." 
 
 In the second novelette much the same spirit prevails. Here 
 he especially cautions the nation that whatever is done must be 
 done through their own might and their own perseverance. Suc 
 cess through foreign help is worse than servitude. 21 "We are a 
 chain of interwoven links and we desire none of foreign make. 
 What is then our fatherland? Is it perhaps that strip of land 
 which our good sword-girt fathers gained on desert strand, a 
 strand separated from the cradle of our ancestors by all hinder 
 ing seas, mountains and woods? No! and again No! The 
 remembrance of our origin, that is for us our country. Through 
 that only can we hold closely and proudly to one another in pure 
 blood and pure language. Through this Shiboleth we protect 
 ourselves against the lot that has befallen so many nations, 
 
 "Hans Dusterweg, pp. 119, 147, 176. 
 
 30 Ibid, III, p. 153- 
 
 31 H err von Sacken, Novellenschatz, p. 116. 
 
National Unity in the German Novel Before i8jo 21 
 
 against dissolution, incorporation and subjugation by barbarians. 
 We no longer bear coats of mail, but let this thought be the 
 anointing oil on which the foreign elements, that would touch us, 
 may glide off and do us no harm." 
 
 The merits and faults of Alexis great series of Branden 
 burg stories have received complete treatment in our critical lit 
 erature and do not need to be noticed here. Scott had set in his 
 novels a monument to the heroes of his native country. As 
 Alexis looked into the past of his country, Brandenburg, he saw 
 a vigorous people whose lives told an eloquent story of struggle 
 for existence, freedom and civic growth. Then with warm patri 
 otic heart he unrolled in his novels a "poetic biography of Bran 
 denburg." But it is not only Prussia-Brandenburg he had in 
 view. In Der Falsche Woldeinar we read his purpose : 22 "Be 
 cause I tell you Brandenburg stories, some of you may exclaim, 
 Why should you bother about the German eagle! Let it fly, you 
 say, and stick to your country. But, I cannot. For Brandenburg 
 was, methinks, but a member of the great German body, and, 
 so God wills, shall ever remain so. What disrupts Germany, dis 
 rupts it. What lifts Germany, shall also lift it. I tell you Bran 
 denburg stories, but methinks they are German stories. For the 
 trials of Brandenburg were the trials of the German empire, 
 rent its heart and sucked its lifeblood. In those days disloyalty 
 and deception began and the cunning art of double-tongued 
 speech. Honeyed words glossed over a bad business that the 
 countries might be deceived, and the deeds of the great reacted 
 upon the small. And so, dear reader, I lead you from the Mark 
 out into the realm, for the little play here became there a mo 
 mentous struggle." 
 
 He began the series with Cabanis in 1832. The Young Ger 
 man agitation, however, caused the novel to pass almost unno 
 ticed. After joining the movement for a while in his short 
 stories, Alexis again returned to the series in Der Roland von 
 Berlin in 1840. The remainder of the series then appeared in 
 rapid succession: Der Falsche Woldemar in 1842, Die Hosen 
 
 Der Falsche Woldemar II, 212. 
 
?2 National Unity in the German Novel Before 
 
 des Herrn von Bredow in 1846, and its sequel Der Werwolf in 
 1848; Ruhe ist die erste Burgerpflicht in 1852; Isigrimm in 
 1854, and Dorothee in 1856. 
 
 The statement made by various critics, among them 
 Mielke, 23 that Alexis has few references to the problems of his 
 day, except in Isigrimm, is certainly not true as regards German 
 unity. Though giving us pictures from the past history of Prus 
 sia, he continually had his eye on the present condition and fu 
 ture promise of that state. He shows how a vigorous people 
 had changed a sandy desert into a prosperous and well-governed 
 state, and how these same forces must give that state a leading 
 part in the future states union. At the same time he did not 
 hesitate to point out the mistakes which the house of the Hohen- 
 zollern had made in the past, and the faults which were still their 
 inheritance. This is done to such a marked degree that one may 
 well believe that the seemingly unwarranted reprimand of Fred 
 erick William was caused by more than a passing vexation at 
 Alexis for condemning the king s refusal of the crown offered 
 him by the Frankfurt Assembly. 
 
 It is a noticeable fact that the periods which Alexis has 
 chosen as a background for the activity of the Brandenburg 
 patriots and people are in themselves characteristic periods in the 
 growth of centralized government. 
 
 First in the chronicle of Brandenburg comes the Der Fal- 
 sche Woldemar, depicting the struggle of his country during the 
 first half of the fourteenth century. At the death of the real 
 Woldemar the well-governed realm had fallen back into desola 
 tion, hopeless disorder and abject fear. Like the mythical Bar- 
 barossa, the old Woldemar apparently comes to life again, brings 
 splendor and unity to the state and freedom to the people from 
 oppression within and without. Only when he loses confidence 
 in himself and his work does he find himself forced to confess 
 the deception. "Thus Alexis made it appear that even in the 
 earliest days of autocratic rule popular instincts coupled the 
 right to rule with a duty to the people and that it preferred a 
 
 * Mielke, Der Deutsche Roman, y. 166. 
 
National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 23 
 
 technically illegitimate rule which recognized this rule to a reign 
 punctilious in its claims to legitimacy, but unscrupulous in its 
 disregard of its duty to the people." 24 
 
 The opening chapters show how the people of the Mark had 
 struggled with the sands and the swamps until a vigorous people 
 and a prosperous country had been developed. "Brandenburg 
 has not become great through treasures, not through the wealth 
 of a fruitful soil, not through trade, but through perseverance 
 in times of misfortune. Defeated, exiled, half destroyed, it al 
 ways again arose in its old power with firm confidence in its 
 God and in its destiny. In times of need there always came the 
 right hero, who brought delivery when all seemed lost. Such a 
 hero was the great Elector Frederick William, who found a 
 desolate realm and a demoralized people, and left a young state 
 full of life, and a people filled with hope and faith. Such a hero 
 was Frederick, often great, but peculiar in the indomitable power 
 of overcoming misfortune. Such heroes were Stein and Harden- 
 berg, who saw the needs of their time and were not frightened 
 by the phantoms of the giants, or the cry of the petty great ones. 
 Such a hero was Woldemar. Not all heroes are perpetuated in 
 bronze and marble, not every name is remembered in song, but 
 it is not less my duty to recall with honor and love those leaders 
 who made it possible for us to remain a German people and to 
 become a German nation." 25 
 
 He shows how, during the time depicted in the novel, Lud- 
 wig had good intentions and that Germany had had worse em 
 perors, but the times were bad and the great band of unity was 
 destroyed. Prince and petty ruler thought more of their own 
 selfish interests than of the weal of the fatherland. The de 
 feats of Prenzlau and Kremmen had then brought suppression 
 and disunion into the realm for the next five hundred years. 
 
 The numerous appeals for unity may be briefly condensed 
 under a few general heads. He points out that great princes and 
 leaders are the prime requisite for unity. 26 and that for success 
 
 ** Coar, Studies in German Literature, p. 280. 
 K Dei- Falsclie Woldemar, Reclam. T, Qf. 
 * Ibid, I, 99, 269, 299 ; II, 190. 
 
24 National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 
 
 these princes and leaders must take into consideration the wishes, 
 demands and welfare of the people. 27 No unity is possible where 
 the princes and people as well think only of themselves and are 
 not ready to make the necessary personal sacrifices. 28 Each, 
 whether great or small, must cast whatever he has into the 
 balance for the common good. 29 One resisting member can de 
 stroy every endeavor. 30 Unity through force of arms had in the 
 past proved a failure, so now it must be attained through wisdom 
 and diplomacy. 31 Where through past efforts unification had 
 been attained, future efforts should be directed to preserving it. 
 Existing realms should not be divided, for the loss of a single 
 state means eventual dismemberment, and a dual government 
 means turmoil and strife. 32 In times of unrest no single power is 
 strong enough to stand alone, but in unity there is political 
 strength. 33 Germany needs to be united to protect it from its 
 enemies to the east and west. "The German eagle has two heads. 
 One was intended to watch the East and the other the West, and 
 the one was to keep the other awake. . Once when he slept, or 
 had both heads turned in the same direction, the enemy came and 
 robbed him of some of his feathers. Others believe he has two 
 heads because the Germans were always at discord, at variance 
 concerning their rights and freedom. One wished to go to the 
 right, the other to the left. So it was that they did not move for 
 ward, but remained behind their neighbors. Still others think 
 the double eagle means rival emperors who fought for the crown, 
 each believing himself in the right. The German eagle is still 
 double-headed. God grant, however, that it keep a single body 
 and a single heart. Now that we know what came of it that 
 the one nodded and the other only watched, may God grant that 
 it continually look to the east and west with both heads." 34 
 
 "Ibid, II, 333- 
 
 "Ibid, I, 135, 214, 264, 3i;f; II, 31. 
 
 29 Ibid, I, 299; II, 31, 46f. 
 
 "Ibid, I, 273. 
 
 n lbid, I, 309. 
 
 82 Ibid, I, 271, 307!; II, 210, 226. 
 
 33 Ibid, I, 309; II, 50, 58, 86, 129. 
 
 "Ibid, II, 2ii. 
 
National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 25 
 
 The next novel, Der Roland von Berlin, brings us a picture 
 from the fifteenth century. It is an interesting fact that Fichte 
 in his Reden an die deutsche Nation had recommended this 
 period as a thankful one for the patriotic novel writer. "To up 
 lift the downcast spirits we should have an inspiring story from 
 this period. It must, however, not be a mere chronicle of deeds 
 and events, but must so seize us in its spell that without our 
 efforts or consciousness we are transferred into the life of that 
 time so that we act, move and live with it. This life must not 
 be depicted with that childish, trifling invention so current in 
 historical novels, but with truth. Deeds and events must be de 
 duced from this life as verifications of its import." 35 The suc 
 cess with which Alexis accomplished this task is self-evident. 
 
 The great free cities had served their period of usefulness 
 and had become a disturbing element in the building up of a 
 united realm. So long as the citizen united himself as a unit in 
 the affairs of state, well and good. So soon as he began to con 
 sider himself only and his own interests, then his participation 
 for the good of the state must be obtained through force, or he 
 must be excluded from the state. Berlin no longer supported 
 by the other free cities and torn by the revolt of a suppressed 
 populace against a patrician council, falls an easy prey to the 
 prince. Denying it its ancient privileges, which were no longer 
 compatible with centralized government, he attempts to make it 
 unite its powers with him in national progress. 
 
 As regards German unity Alexis again repeats much that 
 was noted in the previous novel. A few new points may be men 
 tioned. We see the Prince of Brandenburg seeking first to put 
 his own realm on a firm centralized basis, 36 destroying antiquated 
 institutions, 37 and then through his diplomacy uniting other 
 provinces to his state. "The princes must work together, must 
 form a firm union one must help the other, for they are the 
 links of the chain that hold together the national weal. They 
 must become stronger and wield a power in this northern land." 
 
 Fichte, Reden an die deutsche Nation, Reclam., p. 295. 
 Der Roland von Berlin, III, 19. 
 Ibid, HI, 40. 
 
26 National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 
 
 If every prince in the German realm should become as the Kur- 
 fiirst of Brandenburg would have them, "there would no longer 
 be petty princes. They would become as heads in a large city. 
 There are many limbs in one body, but there is only one head. 
 Many must become limbs who fallaciously imagine themselves 
 heads, that there may be one head." 38 
 
 The Kurfiirst does not succeed in his wishes, but there is a 
 hopeful future. "My father did much, I did something, and my 
 successor will do much more. But if we had a thousand arms 
 we could do nothing if the people do not trust us and lend their 
 aid. This Mark can become prosperous and strong, but so long 
 as each closes his own door, and boasts of his own petty rights, 
 where can there be a common purpose? Great things can be 
 attained in the future only when the individual modestly and 
 voluntarily gives himself for the common good." 89 
 
 History has advanced another hundred years in Alexis next 
 novel, Die Hosen des Herrn vpn Bredow, and its sequel Der 
 Werwolf. Here we have a picture from the period just preceding 
 and the first few years of the Reformation. Brandenburg has 
 become a stronger state and holds a higher rank in the German 
 realm. Centralized government, peace and security, however, 
 have not yet been realized. Prince Joachim finds that the nobles 
 must now be reduced that they may re-adjust themselves as a 
 part of the state. They too must not be opposing forces, but 
 must do their part for unity and harmony, though in so doing 
 they do not need to lose the privileges of their rank. Inspired 
 by greed and without unity among themselves, they are easily 
 reduced to submission. Amidst the turmoil there looms up on 
 the distant horizon the growing influence of the great Reformer, 
 and Alexis depicts the people as beginning to think for them 
 selves, and so shows the gradual growth of public opinion. 
 
 Besides the references to unity already noted in the other 
 novels, Alexis here accredits Joachim with the plan of a Customs 
 Union, and with some slight estimate of its value as a unifying 
 
 "Ibid, I, 252. 
 "Ibid, III, 183. 
 
National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 27 
 
 element. 40 A Prussian knight informs the Danish ambassador 
 that the Prince has planned to enclose the whole German realm 
 with a great net of custom houses, that internal commerce may 
 have greater freedom and that goods from without may be sub 
 ject to only one duty. "A sly plan," remarks the Dane, "to be 
 come master over all Germany," but the Prussian denies that 
 the king has any such idea. 
 
 The sturdy qualities of the Great Elector, the real founder 
 of the Prussian monarchy, are portrayed in Dorothee, Alexis 
 next chronicle of the Mark Brandenburg. Here was an excel 
 lent chance to portray the momentous events incident to the rise 
 of Prussia. The Great Elector had succeeded not to a single 
 united state, but to a number of provinces which had no common 
 tie. He sought to bring about a seeming unity in that he estab 
 lished a strong central power which ruled for the common good, 
 and so laid the foundation for a paternal monarchy in the best 
 and only true sense. The intellectual strength of Alexis, how 
 ever, had begun to weaken and the events of 1848 had broken his 
 spirit. As a result the work is not written with the enthusiasm 
 and patriotic vigor of the other novels. 
 
 Whatever the faults of the novel, Alexis has given us a 
 pleasing picture of the first Hohenzollern prince who recognized 
 the great place which Prussia must have in the future of Ger 
 many. The message which the author puts into the mouth of 
 the Great Elector was his message to Germany after 1848, 
 with its gloomy reactionary days. 41 The old Burgsdorf asks the 
 Prince if it is incumbent upon Prussia to look to the future of 
 the greater German realm, and this farsighted statesman an 
 swers: "It is incumbent upon me, for I am called to do it. 
 This German people and German land must have one German 
 man and one German race about which it can gather in times of 
 danger, that our enemies may not tear off one piece after another 
 from the South or the North, the East or the West of this na 
 tion, that it may not be dismembered." Burgsdorf interposes 
 
 "Der Werwolf, I, 119. 
 " Dorothee. Til, 155. 
 
28 National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 
 
 that others were called to the task, but the Elector points out why 
 Prussia is called to leadership. "Because the others thought only 
 of themselves, because they had in mind their Spanish, Italian, 
 Hungarian interests only, when they pretended to act for Ger 
 many, their mission passed to those who look beyond themselves 
 to a greater German fatherland. Whoever knows his mission 
 and accomplishes it, is in the right." He points out that it is the 
 destiny and mission of the House of Hohenzollern to do this. 
 Whatever ancient rights, whatever antiquated institutions stand 
 in the way should be demolished for the future justified such 
 destruction. And then it sounds almost like an apology on the 
 part of Alexis for his anger toward his king in 1848, when the 
 latter had refused to become the provisional leader of the heredi 
 tary empire, when he causes the Great Elector to remind the still 
 obstinate Burgsdorf that "until the people can learn to think, not 
 of themselves, but of the weal of the whole nation, they must 
 allow me to think for them." 
 
 In the novel Alexis also depicts the rise of three forces op 
 posing German national unity, the church, the intrigues of Aus 
 tria and the encroachments of France. The first is represented 
 in Balsamo, who approaches the Princess and opposes the union 
 of the House of Hohenzollern and the House of Orange. 42 
 "When these two families, who are minded to impress upon the 
 world a new order, become one, when the blood of the Hohen 
 zollern and Orange run in the veins of one ruler, then is our 
 power in danger." The second is represented in the Vienesse 
 Count Lambert, who shows clearly his fear of any centralized 
 power in the North, which may surpass in splendor the old glory 
 of Austria. 43 When Ilgen learns that the Elector has divided his 
 realm between his children and step-children, he complains that 
 all the glorious work of the past has been destroyed. 44 "Thus 
 we are again what we were in the days of George William, a 
 ball in the hands of Austria." The third is shown by the en 
 croachments of Louis XIV. The Great Elector feels he is called 
 
 "Ibid, III, 130. 
 "Ibid, I, 121. 
 "Ibid, II, 54. 
 
National Unity in the German Novel Before 18/0 29 
 
 upon to resist. 45 "That must, that shall not be. My German 
 blood rebels against it. I consider my German fatherland des 
 tined to something better; to hinder it, is the mission of the 
 House of Hollenzollern." In the days of his mental and physi 
 cal weakness, he learns that Strassburg has been plundered by 
 the French : 4C "Then his eye gleamed, his hand clenched itself 
 and he cried : That is a rupture that cries to God for revenge. 
 Germany must now awaken. When he hears of the Cham 
 bers of Reunion he writhes as in pain, he laughs aloud and it 
 is a terrible laugh. "Now we will see how the Germans be 
 come united. Are they not always united? Everyone lets hap 
 pen what does not personally concern him." 
 
 The first novel of Alexis series, Cabanis, brings Prussian 
 history down to the time of Frederick the Great. The author de 
 picts here the successful campaign of the great Emperor to pre 
 vent Prussia being reduced to an inactive role in the future his 
 tory of Germany. Yet he does not conceal the fact that his suc 
 cess laid the foundation for the dual leadership in Germany 
 which was to last for over a hundred years, and was to be the 
 prime hindrance to German national unity. 
 
 Alexis once more emphasizes his firm belief in hereditary 
 monarchy. The Marquis states it very emphatically when he 
 claims: 47 "Crowns may become superannuated, but never the 
 right to wear them." The solution of all the perplexing ques 
 tions is to come through the work of this ideal hereditary mon 
 arch. "This chaotic struggle will cease, the excited and tired 
 times long for rest, and the states desire a man with a firm hand, 
 a clear eye and an earnest will. This only is needed and all else 
 will and must settle itself." 
 
 He regrets that Frederick did not bring about a united 
 Germany, when he had the power in his hands. 48 "If Frederick 
 had made himself emperor and king, had put rich Austria in his 
 pocket, and had seized whatever could be seized, he would have 
 
 45 Ibid, III, 155. 
 "Ibid, III, 51. 
 "Ibid, III, 326. 
 "Ibid, I, 144. 
 
30 National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 
 
 accomplished something and would have had something in the 
 end. The slight injustice would have brought a rich reward. 
 Questions and investigations would then have been stopped, and 
 the more he took, the greater his right. Those who now bother 
 him would have then been forced to dance to his pipe." 
 
 The novel also brings us a patriotic remembrance of the 
 Hasenheide, the place so closely associated with Jahn and his 
 endeavor to bring about a new nation through the education of 
 the physical man, "There the heroes assembled, there was waged 
 the great battle for fatherland and honor." 49 Again he depicts 
 how the boys of Berlin have assembled there and are going to 
 act out the battle of Mollwitz. 50 But none would join Etinne, 
 who represented the cause of Maria Theresa. They pitch a coin 
 to decide, "But those whom the lot sent to my side would not 
 come. Was I to hammer Austrian patriotism into them? Or 
 should the Prussians force them to become Austrians? We 
 were on the point of coming to blows as to who should fight for 
 Austria even before it came to a real fight between Austria and 
 Prussia. Then it occurred to someone that it was perhaps not 
 necessary to fight in order to be happy and have a good time. A 
 youthful politician suggested that King Frederick and Queen 
 Maria Theresa could marry and then all would be well. Every 
 one was pleased with the thought, but no one knew how it was 
 to be done. But at any rate the desire to fight among ourselves 
 was gone." 
 
 The famous words of Count Schulenburg-Kehnert, Ruhe 
 ist die erste Biirgerpftkht, form the title of Alexis portrayal of 
 Prussia during the days of its deepest disgrace. It shows the 
 failure of paternal government to accomplish its task and to hold 
 together a people in times of grave peril. The slight flicker of 
 national feeling that had flamed up under Frederick had given 
 away to a cosmopolitanism that had destroyed almost all feeling 
 for national unity. With thoughts and hearts centered on petty 
 questions, indifferent and without energy, this race of epignons 
 watched the storm draw near and heeded it not. 
 
 49 Cabanis, III, 326. 
 "Ibid, I, 122. 
 
National Unity in the German Novel Before 18/0 31 
 
 But the picture is not entirely dark. As Coar has pointed 
 out, Alexis indicates that the time had come when the people and 
 not the rulers represented Brandenburg-Prussian ideals. 51 Dem 
 ocracy in the form of benevolent despotism had served its pur 
 pose ; democracy in the form of constitutional monarchy and rep 
 resentative government was beginning to take hold on public 
 sentiment and with it came a new notion of national patriotism. 
 A few vigorous patriots are represented as still seeing in Prus 
 sia the bulwark of Germany against foreign encroachment and 
 in it the germ of unity that was to develop and unite the states 
 into a common nation. 
 
 The honor of arousing this new patriotism is rightfully 
 given to the Romanticists. 52 "This school has brought the 
 peculiar, but downtrodden and forgotten treasures from our 
 nations past to the light of day. What did we know of it be 
 fore? From them we learned that our people had lived, that 
 our fathers were great and glorious before history was written. 
 Oh, what a fund of legendary lore Romanticism has given us ! 
 Now we know what a nation we were under the Hohenstaufen. 
 In the Kyffhauser sleeps the splendor of the old realm and the 
 ravens croak about the ruins, and the spirit awaits his (Barba- 
 rossa s) awakening. That was brought us by Romanticism. Yet 
 you would reject it all because it is but filmy visions while you 
 want reality. What else than a vision did the Jews have of 
 Palestine? But that vision awakened a Moses. Let a Moses be 
 aroused and we shall again have a German nation, a German 
 power. He would arouse the people from their stupor, their 
 indifference, would join every member as a link in the chain and 
 blend people and princes into a harmonious unity." 
 
 One obstacle in the way of unity is the desire for self aggran 
 dizement on the part of the several states especially Prussia. 53 
 "Why do you make it a point of honor to conceal from others what 
 you must confess to yourself. You are conscious of your own 
 weakness, so why not confess it to others ? It could only promote 
 
 61 Coar, Studies in German Literature, p. 282. 
 " Ruhe ist die erste Biirgerpflicht, II, 62f. 
 w Ibid, III, 20. 
 
32 National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 
 
 confidence. But, as it is, when you show yourself in all your 
 pomp before the other Germans you do not desire the brotherly 
 Icve and friendship which but a few of you have in mind. We 
 are all weak, but if we confess our mutual weakness, we could 
 find the means of becoming strong. That, my dear Prussia, is 
 what separates you from the rest of Germany." Prussia cannot 
 stand alone without Germany. When the state looks not to itself 
 but to Germany then there will be a possibility of unity. "If we 
 do not hold firmly to Germany then there is no Hesse and no 
 Saxony, and no Prussia and no Austria." 
 
 Finally Alexis points out how England had become united 
 and how it would have become demoralized if the larger nation 
 had not been the heart from which all veins received their blood. 54 
 "For centuries our veins have been bound and the blood drawn 
 from them, and attempts made to guide it into other channels, and 
 yet it ever strives to return to the heart. It seeks the way but can 
 not find it and that is its torment. But it must and will find it 
 again or the name of Germany will be stricken from the page of 
 history." In England the blood of the separate races had but 
 recently found this heart. "The fusion of blood is accomplished 
 and the stamp upon its permanency is interest. Yes, my dear 
 sirs, let us not be mistaken, it is interest that binds and holds 
 us together." 
 
 The gloomy picture unrolled in Keep Cool had not met with 
 the approval of some of Alexis contemporaries, and many be 
 lieved that the next novel would portray the glorious uprising in 
 Germany and the birth of the new realm. But these hopes were 
 deceived. Alexis justifies the gloomy view in Isigrimm through 
 historical reasons. "The historical painter does not follow the 
 servitude in Egypt with the crushing of Palestine ; his next task 
 is the wandering through the desert." 55 And so the novel 
 portrays the period immediately following the ^defeat at Jena and 
 the days preceding the events of 1848. 
 
 He shows the nation working out its own problems along 
 the line of democratic monarchy. Growth seems to come slowly 
 
 Ibid, III, 191. 
 
 Isigrimm, III, 200. 
 
National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 33 
 
 but it is nevertheless present. 56 "The nation seems a people of 
 impracticable dreamers but while they are dreaming and philoso 
 phizing, they are preparing in their own way for action. In their 
 universities each professor teaches what he desires, and no states 
 man troubles himself about it. But before a generation has 
 passed these ideas that were thought to be rank stupidity now 
 rule supreme. These learned men, these hungry poets have 
 thought out in their attic chambers the kings and lawgivers of 
 future days. They have studied what made France free, united, 
 powerful and victorious. They have studied our liberal ideas. 
 The idea rules supreme. Through all Germany this secret con 
 spiracy has its following. Everyone sees that the old system of 
 government has in all its branches lived its day. The people are 
 now thinking. Whoever looks into history dare not dispute it, 
 that thought is a powerful weapon which destroys nationalities, 
 transforms nations and unites dismembered realms. The bearers 
 of this idea move everywhere through the land. They forge no 
 other weapon than that of public opinion." 
 
 The novel shows how this same public opinion prepared 
 the way for the successful war of 1813-15, encouraged the down 
 cast hearts in the days of reaction and supported the feeble at 
 tempts at representative democratic government during the fourth 
 decade. 
 
 During these periods the desire for unity grew more and 
 more, but in the end the attainment of its seemed as remote 
 as before. Alexis speaks his last word concerning it through 
 Mauritz at the grave of Isigrimm, a nobleman who before his 
 death had begun to realize the beneficial tendencies of demo 
 cracy. 57 "Germany seems more dismembered then ever before, 
 and it is so through those who have tried to bring about its unity. 
 The reason for it all is the selfishness of man which clings ten 
 aciously to possession. Why had God called those great minds 
 into being which created that unity, called the state, when the 
 eternal spirit had preordained that the goal was to be reached 
 as soon as each should do what was right, give what he ought, 
 
 * Ibid, II, 10. 
 17 Ibid, III, 196. 
 
34 National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 
 
 and sacrifice what he selfishly loved. No one arose concerning 
 whom we can say in him is God ; not one among the turbulent 
 people, not one among the embittered princes. They all think 
 of themselves, of their princely houses. In their selfish spirits 
 they think only of their own deeds, of their barns and treasure 
 rooms, and heed not the desires of the masses and the needs of 
 the nation." 
 
 That the historical novel of the old type was not adapted to 
 the portrayal of contemporary events was confessed by Alexis 
 in Isigrimm. 58 "The laws of the older novel do not fit the his 
 torical novel of modern times. When the sunlight of the day, 
 the storms of the night, the burning pain of bleeding wounds, the 
 sorrows and the joys of a people give the painter the colors for 
 his picture, then the laws that created a Tom Jones and a Wilhelm 
 Meister are not sufficient, not even those which a Walter Scott 
 created to portray in elegiac calm the conditions of past races." 
 The difficulty felt by Alexis had been felt years before and the 
 result had been a combination of the historical novel with features 
 from the "Zeitroman," giving the historical "tendenz" novel In 
 the decades under consideration Heinrich Koenig had produced 
 the best novels of this type. 
 
 Koenig had taken an active interest in the political and reli 
 gious life of the day, but with the true sense of the artist he does 
 not introduce the questions of the day into his novels in such a 
 way that they claim the whole attention. The "tendenz" is 
 subordinate to his purpose and develops out of the material rather 
 than forming the material itself. He usually chooses to portray 
 the immediate past, the conflict of the new with the old, the 
 breaking down of old institutions and the building up of new 
 ones. 
 
 With many echoes of Romanticism and Young Germany he 
 wrote Die hohe Brant in 1832. The novel depicts the beginning 
 of the French Revolution in Savoy. Here and tliere however he 
 has a word to say of political unity. He recognizes the difficulties 
 in the way of attaining it. Through Blanca he points out that the 
 
 "Ibid, IIT, 200. 
 
National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 35 
 
 individual, the segregated race, can accomplish nothing in the 
 world. 59 Men have an innate tendency to union and not to 
 segregation, and the ideas and conditions of the world are based 
 on this idea. But how much distress and how many struggles 
 men will have to endure before they are so formed, so moulded, 
 so educated to that degree necessary to their mutual happiness, 
 until they can come into harmonious contact with each other, 
 until they have overcome all the hindrances to unity. Koenig 
 does not expect unity from papular government 60 but hopes 61 
 that the outcome of the mutual efforts of legitimacy and revolu 
 tion will be a proper prince, a man of might who will through his 
 statesmanship bring about the desired unity. 
 
 In his next novel Koenig chose his material from the history 
 of his own country and in this field created his best novel, Die 
 Klubisten von Mainz (1847). ^ deals with the struggle caused 
 by the introduction of the new French ideas into the conserva 
 tive city of Mainz during the last decade of the eighteenth cen 
 tury. 
 
 Political unity receives but scant notice. The conservative 
 Franz Karl hears much said of the German nation, but as he 
 enumerates the many electorial and ecclesiastical princes, the 
 earldoms and manorial estates, he asks himself, "Where is the 
 German nation?" 62 The plot of the novel shows how the petty 
 princes are thwarting the movements for the common good of 
 the nation, prompted by the selfish interest in their own despotic 
 power. As the French encroachment becomes more and more 
 burdensome the patriotic Reading Club passes the resolution that 
 "it is high time that the German states open their eyes, let fall 
 their differences and clasp hands against the common danger." 63 
 Finally through the Liberal, Forster, he speaks the hopeful mes 
 sage that "Germany in its submissive position has no conception 
 of its greatness or courage. If she would but once rise in her 
 
 M Die hohe Braut, 184. 
 
 "Ibid, 37. 
 
 "Ibid, 163. 
 
 K Klubisten von Mains, I, 156. 
 
 "Ibid, II, i66f. 
 
36 National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 
 
 united strength she would tower above all the thrones of 
 Europe." 
 
 Following Koenig in the field of the historical "tendenz" 
 novel, but with less success came Edward Duller and Julius 
 Mosen. 
 
 The former usually portrays in his works the conflict be 
 tween church and state, and rarely touches in any real way on 
 the political problems of the day. 
 
 These questions receive greater attention in the novels of 
 Mosen. He shows a warm enthusiasm for liberal ideas, though 
 he does not hesitate to lash the petty foibles of that party. This 
 is especially true in Kongress von Verona (1842). He describes 
 the victorious struggle of Absolutism against Liberalism at that 
 notable Congress. In regard to national unity he has little to 
 say, except to make sport of the German Corps-Students, who 
 have come to Verona to present a petition from the young men 
 of Germany. What this petition is, we do not learn. When these 
 petitioners learn that even the appeal of Father Gorres has been 
 disregarded, they conclude "that neither old or young ( ?) Germany 
 has anything to gain from the Congress." 64 One of the young 
 men, Achillius, believes that the last hope of German unity has 
 been forever destroyed when he learns that three of his Corps- 
 brothers have been expelled from Halle, Jena und Gottingen. 
 Believing his fatherland is lost, he goes to help the Greeks in 
 their struggle for national independence. The others remain 
 long enough to see their petition disregarded amidst the petty 
 intrigues of party interests and in disgust they depart for home. 
 
 The first attempt to write in the style of Goethe a modern 
 "Zeitroman" was made during this period by Karl Immermann 
 in Die Epigonen (1836). How closely he followed Goethe has 
 already been pointed out by our literary critics. 65 Through se 
 lected types he unrolls before us a picture of Jhe times as he 
 saw them. Unfortunately he had no clear vision of the trend 
 of affairs and has given us only a vague sketch. He seems to 
 
 * Cong) ess von Verona, 72. 
 "Mielke, 124. 
 
National Unity in the German Novel Before 18/0 37 
 
 have originally had the desire to write a historical novel after 
 the manner of Scott, but failing to discover any unity of con 
 sciousness in the German life of his day, he wrote a pessimistic 
 novel containing distorted pictures of contemporary conditions. 
 
 His vigorous opposition to the Student Corps and his hos 
 tility towards the vague dreams and wild enthusiasm of the so- 
 called demagogues, brought upon Immermann the condemnation 
 of his contemporaries, made him an outcast in political circles 
 and brought him unjust consideration for many years at the 
 hands of later critics. Only shortly before his death did he come 
 more into contact with the active political life of the day, and was 
 just beginning to arrive at a true valuation of the political trend 
 of affairs. Coar is evidently correct when he believes that if 
 Immermann had lived, part of his message to the Germans would 
 have been that "you cannot unite a people, for its permanent 
 unity is of spontaneous growth." 66 
 
 The hero of Die Epigonen, Hermann, the Wilhelm Meister 
 of the novel, has many characteristics in common with Immer 
 mann. Like him Hermann undertakes the task of bringing the 
 too enthusiastic students to a sane view of their efforts in be 
 half of their country, and, as a reward, is branded as a traitor. 
 Like the author, this hero is unable to place himself in the current 
 of events, where he can gain a true perspective of civil life and 
 take an active part in it. or even comprehend it. 
 
 The picture he draws of the young students is very unjust. 
 He does not seem able to see back of their actions the worthy 
 patriotic endeavor to bring about a united and free Germany. 
 Instead he depicts them as fanatic and bloodthirsty demagogues, 
 who solemnly pronounce a death sentence upon all princes, may 
 ors and other officials of the realm, and then take to their heels 
 at the sight of a policeman. 
 
 Medon. the archdemagogue, is depicted with considerable 
 detail, although we again have a distorted picture. He has just 
 passed through an unfortunate love affair when the great call to 
 arms in the struggle for freedom resounds through Germany. 
 
 Coar, 152. 
 
38 National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 
 
 He entertained the hope of a united fatherland, and this became 
 the god of his heart. His bravery on the battlefield, however, 
 arose from his desire to die. He did not find death, and, after 
 peace was declared, the united fatherland seemed more remote 
 than ever before. Gradually there grew up in him a hatred of 
 all institutions which seemed to hinder in any way the attain 
 ment of his desire. In the end he is ready to sanction and lend 
 his hand to deeds of violence. 
 
 The ideas of German political unity in the novel are ex 
 pressed more clearly than anywhere else in the political discus 
 sions that take place at the house of Medon. 67 One old states 
 man of the "Blood and Iron" type advocates force as the proper 
 means of bringing about the necessary unity. He regards this 
 force as the prerogative of the stronger state. When it is pointed 
 out that this old Roman method is not only unjust and imprac 
 ticable, but also out of harmony with modern political ideals, 
 he urges it still more vigorously. He points out that gentle 
 means would result only in apparent unity, a unity which would 
 be destroyed by the first attack made upon it. "All our states 
 are made up of one race and force could not be unfortunate, as 
 it would only bring about at one stroke what all sincerely de 
 sired." 
 
 Another statesman opposes this use of force, deeming it 
 very detrimental to those concerned. The society, religion and 
 environments of those concerned were so different that force 
 could only bring about discontent and disruption. The promi 
 nent men in the small state would find in the larger state no field 
 for activity and would then become opposing forces. The small 
 states had existed so long, that they could not be blotted out of 
 existence by a mere stroke of the pen. Each state was essen 
 tially different from the other and should not be forced to change 
 in any respect. Saladin s word, that it is not necessary that all 
 trees should have the same bark, should apply in a far greater de 
 gree to the people than to the individual. The truth of this argu 
 ment was recognized by many, but it was pointed out that the 
 
 Die Epiyonen, Reclam., 
 
National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 39 
 
 present condition of affairs was unendurable because the new 
 plan of government demanded a certain inner unity among the 
 different members of the realm. 
 
 A third peacefully minded statesman then attempts to sug 
 gest a happy mean. He would have a free exchange of institu 
 tions, each state taking from the other whatever is good and 
 effective, thus bringing about a continual reform and a growing 
 unity in the whole realm. This suggestion pleased the company, 
 but when they began to consider the details, the difficulties in 
 the way of accomplishing it seemed unsurmountable. 
 
 These ideas are in the main those entertained by the sev 
 eral parties of the day. Immermann does not seem to favor 
 either the one or the other, or to offer any additional comment 
 on any of them. In reality Immermann was a product of the 
 previous decade, a spirit unable to adapt himself to the spirit of 
 the new generation. 
 
 Heinrich Laube on the other hand was a true representa 
 tive of his day, filled with the aims and enthused by the 
 plans of the Young Germans. Under his pen the "Zeitroman" 
 took the second step in its development, realism took the place 
 of Romantic idealism. 
 
 Between 1834 and 1837 he issued his novel cycle, Das Jimge 
 Europa. The three novels of which it is composed show con 
 siderable difference in style. In Die Poeten, we have a com 
 bination of Goethe s manner with Young German ideals; in Die 
 Krieger, a combination of Goethe, Wienbarg and Scott; in Die 
 Burger, a return to the style of the first, but Young German 
 ideals are tempered by a spirit of resignation. 
 
 Although political affairs are introduced to a considerable 
 extent into the novels, little is said of German unity in particu 
 lar. The circle of poets in the novel of that name have all been 
 Turners and are firm believers in the principles advocated by 
 their patron, Jahn. We are told that they spoke among them 
 selves much of unity, but we learn nothing more of their views 
 than that sarcastic remark that "Germany had once been intoxi 
 cated with new wine, had had her heart in her mouth, her 
 senses in her pocket and had made a fool of herself. She had 
 
4O National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 
 
 sought a long lost love and a beautiful lover, had made a mis 
 take and embraced her own shadow." 68 
 
 The liberal views of the author find expression in the letters 
 between William and Valerius. 69 William for the sake of argu 
 ment is made to oppose the Democracy of the day. He believes 
 its ultimate success would be unfortunate. The suppression of 
 the individual could only lead to the elevation of the masses and 
 that would be fatal to the progress of culture. Valerius, on the 
 other hand, hates the egotism of the state in its preferment of the 
 individual. It can only lead to a lifeless monarchy, whereas the 
 other can lead to the education of man until he can rule himself. 
 The ultimate aim of the latter is a million of self-rulers. He 
 condemns those who have only their selfish aims in view and lose 
 sight of the pernicious effect of their selfish actions. 
 
 Constantin, a Republican, represents the radical views of 
 that party. He hopes to see the day when all nationalities will 
 disappear and in their place a universal republic arise. 
 
 The second and third volumes of the novel, Die Krieger and 
 Die Burger, did not appear until after the Bundestag had issued 
 its decree against Laube and the other Young German writers. 
 The first was written in part while the author was in prison and 
 both mark a decided change in his views. The ideas expressed 
 and the demands made are tempered and the author begins to 
 take a broader view of the times. Valerius goes to Poland to 
 lend it his help in the struggle for freedom from Russia. One 
 after another of his fondest hopes is destroyed. After Warsaw 
 had been betrayed to the Russians by a demagogue who through 
 his intrigues had destroyed the unified action of the parties, Va 
 lerius flees, convinced that no people can obtain their political 
 freedom and national independence except through their own 
 efforts. Even this cannot be successful until the leveling of social 
 distinctions has brought about a certain inner unity and strength. 
 
 The novels of Ferdinand Stolle are broadly ^considered his 
 torical novels of the older type. Most of them, however, have 
 
 "Die Poeten, 43. 
 "Ibid, 15- 
 
National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 41 
 
 Napoleon as the central figure and might with greater truth be 
 considered as novels of the memoir type. 
 
 During the years of suppression there had grown up among 
 the Romanticists an intense hatred of Napoleon. The gloomy 
 days that followed brought a natural reaction, especially when 
 the Liberals began to formulate their desires concerning civic 
 and political problems. Their thoughts turned naturally toward 
 those nations which stood for parliamentary government, and 
 those men who stood for liberal ideas became the object of their 
 regard and admiration. The first among these was France and 
 even Napoleon. This admiration was nothing new, although it 
 came now more and more to the front. It can be traced in the 
 works and thoughts of Wielend, Knebel, Goethe, Byron, Hegel, 
 Gaudy, Heine, Varnhagen von Ense and others. Hauff had been 
 influenced by it in Das Bild des Kaisers, though his admiration 
 was not such that he ceased to be patriotic towards his own coun 
 try. His admiration for Napoleon in his story was impelled 
 more by literary motives than personal feeling. This Napoleon 
 genie craze found its chief exponent in Stolle. He is an en 
 thusiastic admirer of Napoleon and has made him and his work 
 the subject matter of more than half of his novels. 
 
 He is not at all consistent in his political views of German 
 affairs, and in fact seems to consider them only of secondary 
 importance. In 1813 (1838), in common with many Saxons of 
 the day and the radical Liberalists of the realm at large, he seems 
 to advocate relief for Germany through foreign aid. Ruffus, the 
 Saxon, boasts that "when the German provinces unite to drive 
 out Napoleon, then the world will see that the United Germany 
 will not need any foreign country to prescribe its laws." 70 Je 
 rome, however, answers that "when Napoleon conquers Prussia 
 a second time the boundaries of France will reach as far as Po 
 land. Then the universal monarchy is completed and Napoleon 
 will be rather the man to proclaim the unity of Germany than 
 the theories of German demagogues." 
 
 Later this same Ruffus makes sport of the theorizing Ger- 
 
 70 Stolle, 1813, III, 59. 
 
42 National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 
 
 mans. 71 "The philosophic Germans are divided into thirty-nine 
 separate states. This in no wise suits the so-called Liberals who 
 assisted in the war with Napoleon. Some speak of German unity, 
 others of Kaiser und Reich, others still of a Republic and I know 
 not what else. Each schoolmaster demands a new form of gov 
 ernment for the Holy Roman Empire. In theory the Germans 
 have accomplished something." Through the voice of Talley 
 rand, the enemy of Germany, Stolle has again voiced much the 
 same sentiment. 72 "The good Germans have been studying. In 
 deed, they have adopted our phraseology and accomplished great 
 things with it. Their Tugenbund understands now how to start 
 a conspiracy as well as the best of us. The words fatherland, 
 freedom, unity, brotherhood, tyranny, national uprising, war of 
 extermination, have increased a hundred fold. In short, my dear 
 Duke, in your next campaign you will not only have to deal with 
 the cabinets of Russia, Prussia and Austria, not only with the 
 soldiers of the imperial army or the army of Jena, but with Ger 
 man Jacobines." 
 
 In Elbe und Waterloo (1838) Stolle recognizes that the 
 efforts of the enemies of Germany have been successful in pre 
 venting national unity. He praises this political foresight and 
 seems to think it is a good joke on the Germans. A public reader 
 in Paris tells the assembled crowd how in the Congress at Vienna 
 Talleyrand had protested against the granting of Poland and 
 Saxony to Russia and Prussia respectively as compensation for 
 the war. 73 A French dandy at once sees through it all ! "It has 
 always been the policy of the French cabinet to prevent Russia 
 from becoming too powerful. As regards Germany, the cabinet 
 aims at the same policy that the larger states may not absorb the 
 lesser and so gradually a united Germany arise to the great dis 
 advantage of France. France has only gain from a dismembered 
 Germany." 
 
 Stolle even believes in the suppression of the free press. In 
 Die Granite Colonne von Marengo (1855), he believes it is dan- 
 
 n lbid. III, 267. 
 
 " Ibid, I, 120. 
 
 "Elbe und Waterloo, III, 101. 
 
National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 43 
 
 gerous to the public weal. 74 "At a time when the foe stands be 
 fore our gates unity of the nation is the prime requisite. Party 
 struggles can only be injurious to this aim, and the press should 
 be suppressed that the already strong party feeling may not be 
 fanned into flames." 
 
 As has been pointed out by Mielke, the fourth decade was 
 marked by the introduction of another type of foreign influence, 
 that of Dickens, Duma, Hugo and Sue. Written primarily with 
 the intent of entertaining, the German novels of this type had the 
 socialistic color of their models, and were to a certain extent 
 "Zeitromane" in content. 
 
 A representative type of this may be seen in Paul, written 
 by Ungern-Sternberg in 1845. Its object was to awaken the 
 nobility to the old honors of their rank. They are again to lead 
 in public life, in part for the good of the German nation at large, 
 but chiefly for their own selfish interests. With such a purpose 
 in view, it is not surprising that he had no sympathy with the 
 prevailing Liberal views of freedom and unity. It would neces 
 sarily rob the nobility of many of their ancient rights and so 
 could not receive the support of that class. 
 
 The hero, Paul, cautions his friend Lindfried against the 
 party which strives for unity through constitutional forms of 
 government and are deceiving peasant and citizen with their de 
 ceptive snares. 75 "How glorious and exalted the dream of Ger 
 many united, Germany free, the people a power in the state. To 
 the present time, however, this cup which was to be filled with 
 sparkling wine has only been filled with the nauseous dregs of 
 dirty political party interests. It is but a poison and the most 
 highhanded despotism would here find a worthy task in clearing 
 the soil that the great creative spirits, which are to come and sow 
 their golden grain, may find a suitable soil. Wherever tried these 
 forms have proven inefficient and have not succeeded in filling 
 the people with a new political consciousness." Even if the con 
 stitution should be accepted by a majority of the states, he still 
 
 "Die Granite Colonne von Marengo, I, 134. 
 "Paul, III, i68f. 
 
44 National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 
 
 doubts whether it would be a benefit to Germany. The nation, 
 he believes, owes the depth and thoroughness of its intellectual 
 life to its political disunion and to the absence of a law giving 
 states capital. The real evils that exist can be easily removed by 
 the power vested in a monarchy. Then the author loses himself 
 in a long discussion of hereditary monarchy, and the good it has 
 accomplished in the past. At the end of it all he again insists 
 that unity can only lead to a serious interference with the intel 
 lectual life of the nation as a whole. 
 
 An interesting example of political material incorporated in 
 the popular entertainment literature may be found in Zschokke s 
 Die Grundung von Maryland (1851). Into this story from the 
 early part of the seventeenth century are interwoven political 
 questions of the nineteenth in a way absolutely contrary to 
 historical truth, yet with such skill that it does not seem a glaring 
 incongruity. 
 
 He points out that America is becoming the refuge for 
 political exiles. Through the errors of the statesmen, Europe is 
 being robbed of her best men and plunged into party strife. Per 
 secutions in state and church had been instituted to enforce 
 silence upon the people, but it had only served to increase the 
 agitation and discontent. The nation demanded lawful order. 
 Only this lawful order would be able to bring true freedom, 
 prevent anarchy among the people, and despotism on the part of 
 the rulers. But lawful order could not be instituted so long as 
 the courts gave commands instead of laws, and the arbitrary will 
 of one person dominated the will of each state. 
 
 The remedy according to Zschokke is to draw together 
 around the throne of the king, instruct him in the true state of 
 affairs, and then put an end to the inane party strife. The indi 
 vidual must yield for the good of the whole. In a state that is 
 well ordered no part of the people should be allowed to maintain 
 a separate state. Pointing out that this is the one requisite for 
 Germany he concluded, "We wish to be and must be one people, 
 under similar laws with common interests and with one king." 76 
 
 M Die Grundung von Maryland, p. 152. 
 
National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 45 
 
 The beginning and close of the next period are characterized 
 by two widely divergent extremes; the gloomy days of reaction 
 following the Revolution of 1848, and the happy days of 1870- 
 71, when the dream of the century was realized in a united 
 fatherland. 
 
 The Revolution was the first attempt on the part of the 
 Germans to regain that unity which had been lost since the mid 
 dle ages. The attempt failed from various causes, but chiefly 
 because of the hesitancy of any leading power to favor and to 
 really direct the movement. The popular leaders too had no 
 well-defined plan, and were largely inspired to action by the 
 spirit of the February Revolution in Paris. 
 
 The hopes and aspirations of the people had been centered 
 in the German Parliament, but the enthusiasm of the masses 
 was not able to triumph over the jealous interests of the princes 
 and their deep-rooted inclination to disunion, and the whole 
 movement took an inglorious end in the Rump Parliament. In 
 1851 the old Diet was re-established and the state of affairs be 
 fore 1848 returned. But the struggles of these years had not 
 been altogether without result. As a rule great national move 
 ments do not succeed at one blow, and only through repeated 
 defeat is victory won. The debates of the Frankfurt Parliament 
 and the gloomy days that followed its dissolution had cleared 
 away much of the theoretical mist with which the idea of politi 
 cal unity had become surrounded during the previous decades. 
 A distinct program was at last outlined by the Liberal party 
 the establishment of a Confederation composed of all the Ger 
 man states, with the exclusion of Austria, under the leadership 
 of Prussia. 
 
 The smouldering strife between Austria and Prussia needed 
 but a breath to break into flame. This came from the Schles- 
 wig-Holstein controversy. Bismarck had no faith in moral con 
 quest and saw that national unity could be realized only through 
 blood and iron. In the war of 1866 the sword cut asunder the 
 dualistic knot and decided that Germany should be guided by 
 Prussia. Unity was however not yet complete when the war 
 with France broke out. But all Germany arose en mass to repel 
 
46 National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 
 
 the old enemy. Enthusiasm for the gigantic deeds of German 
 arms brought home to the nation as a whole the meaning of 
 political unity and all hearts were lifted above the narrow limits 
 of petty states into the heights of a united political state. The mo 
 ment had come, the whole nation, north and south, wanted unity 
 and no German government, no German statesman was able or 
 minded to prevent it. Bavaria took the initiative, Wiirtemberg, 
 Saxony, Hesse and the rest followed, and by a united vote the 
 crown was offered to the king of -Prussia and accepted by him 
 January 18, 1871. The dream of centuries, the longing and 
 efforts of the numerous generations of patriots was thus crowned 
 with fulfillment. Germany had again gained its political unity, 
 its prestige and its liberty. 
 
 The period then was one of struggle and transformation. 
 The old ideas and institutions of the past had proven their use- 
 lessness and the people began to build their hopes on a sane de 
 velopment and growth of the nation at large in all phases of 
 social and civic life. The problems of this development, trans 
 formation and growth were those that found treatment in the 
 novel. 
 
 The historical novels of this period were as a whole far in 
 ferior to those of the preceding and following periods. This 
 was in large measure due to the new attitude towards history. 
 History was no longer merely a consideration of men and events, 
 but to these was added as a background, and at times even as 
 a foreground, the civic, social and intellectual life of the times 
 portrayed. This brought a vast amount of new and interesting 
 material for the use of the novel writer, but it in turn too often 
 received the chief emphasis and the historical novel ceased to be 
 a piece of poetic art. Such was the case in the novels of Muhl- 
 bach, Godsehe, Riehl, and even Laube, and only the ex 
 ceptional writers, such as Scheffel, or Freytag, were able to 
 keep the historical element within the proper bounds. Contem 
 porary history did not adapt itself to this type of novel, as it 
 was too new to grant the required perspective. Hence it was 
 that in these novels existing political ideas in general and na 
 tional unity in particular received but scant treatment. 
 
National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 47 
 
 Although his novels contain no direct treatment of political 
 unity, Frey tag s great Ahnen cycle deserves brief mention here. 
 This "national epic in novel form" marks the highest growth of 
 that type of patriotic novel which had found its best treatment in 
 Alexis Brandenburg series. Alexis, however, was writing for a 
 Germany that was not yet united, while Freytag wrote amidst 
 the stirring events of 1870-71. Just for this reason the novels 
 of Alexis are more valuable documents in the literary treatment 
 of German unity. The problem could no longer interest in any 
 marked degree the imagination of a Freytag. His portrayal of 
 the historical unity of the race, the intellectual and social de 
 velopment of his people from heathen days to the stormy days 
 of 1848 was however one that could be appreciated far better 
 by the entire new realm than the equally patriotic efforts of 
 Alexis, who was writing for a discouraged people and a nation 
 without unity. Alexis was not granted the privilege of depicting 
 the joys of 1870-71, and one cannot but regret, in spite of the 
 artistic weakness of the later volumes, that Freytag did not 
 give his cycle a worthy conclusion in a final volume dealing with 
 the events of 1866 and 1870-71. 
 
 All the more frequently did these political elements receive 
 treatment in the "Zeitroman," which reached its highest growth 
 during this period. The problems and conflicts in state, church, 
 and society offered abundant material for use. Its very com 
 plexity defied solution, and just for that reason enticed many to 
 attempt it.^ The social and civic ideals of the previous decades 
 had proven inadequate and disasterous. The causes of this fail 
 ure were sought out and depicted and the new task was to set up 
 new ideals in the light of past errors. The new literature was 
 essentially optimistic and sought to emphasize the best that was 
 present in the life of the time and to draw from it hopeful con 
 clusions for the future. 
 
 One of the foremost figures in the literary activity of the 
 previous period had been Karl Gutzkow. In and around him 
 were centered the ideals and endeavors of the Young Germans. 
 In journalistic work, in the drama and the novel, he had been 
 the banner carrier of this second Storm and Stress. During the 
 
48 National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 
 
 fourth decade he had devoted himself to winning fame in 
 the drama. After the revolution he again returned to the novel 
 and offered his most pretentious works, Die Ritter vom Geiste 
 and Der Zauberer von Rom. 
 
 In his journalistic activity Gutzkow had made the claim 
 that literature must educate the Germans to unity of political 
 consciousness and to the attainment and possession of political 
 freedom. He saw the realization of a united nation only in the 
 form of a federal state. By treaties and agreements, by force if 
 need be, he would free the states from provincialism and define 
 to them the objects for which they should strive. He advised the 
 building up of a parliamentary government in each state until 
 the time should come when they could consolidate into a Ger 
 man parliament. He sought to remove everything that threat 
 ened to hinder the growth of the realm into freedom and unity, 
 the dynastic jealousy, the indifference of the masses, petty politi 
 cal scheming and the false hopes of the Liberalists of unity 
 through foreign aid. Side by side with the reforms in political 
 life should go the reforms in church and society and economic 
 conditions. 
 
 He believed that progress could only come through culture 
 and that the spirit of progress should decide all perplexing ques 
 tions. When the ideals of the previous decades suffered ship 
 wreck in the revolution, Gutzkow still believed that his favorite 
 ideal contained the germ of success in it. To give it definite 
 expression he wrote his "nebeneinander" novel, Die Ritter vom 
 Geiste (1850-51). Individual effort, party activity, even revolu 
 tion had failed to achieve any permanent result, so the task was 
 to be given to the Ritter vom Geiste, those spirits, who, tem 
 pered by past failure, should join in themselves the scattered par 
 ties and should work with unselfish spirit for progress in all lines 
 of activity, for freedom, for self-culture. The ability to yield 
 one s self to the ideal of national and individual progress alone 
 was the necessary qualification for membership in this band. 
 Gutzkow has not, and was not able, to show in any definite way 
 how these knights are to attain their purpose, but he does give a 
 satisfying picture of their general mood, their desires and in- 
 
National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 49 
 
 tents without limiting their striving through concrete purposes. 
 But Gutzkow s purpose of promulgating the idea, of comforting 
 his contemporaries with the thought that all was not yet lost, 
 that the ideal was still in true hands and would be effective in 
 the future, was realized. 
 
 Nowhere in the novel does he mention German unity. 
 However as the central idea of the novel evidently came from 
 Arndt, who in 1817 conceived the achievement of national unity 
 as possible through the united efforts of a band of likeminded 
 men, it is reasonable to suppose that somehow Gutzkow expected 
 these knights to solve, among other problems, the perplexing one 
 of German unity. 
 
 As has already been noted, the old question of the relation 
 of church and state had been revived with new power during the 
 early decades of the century. The student corps and other free 
 dom loving organizations had denied the rights of the Pope in 
 the direction of state affairs, or of the state in the direction of 
 church affairs. Young Germany continued the protest and de 
 mand. They praised the Reformation as being a step in advance 
 in the freeing of thought, but regretted the fact that it had not 
 completed the task. The schism in church matters had through 
 the resultant war been once for all made permanent, and this 
 schism was one of the chief hindrances to political unity and 
 civic freedom. The Young Germans had vigorously opposed the 
 growing encroachments of the church, which here and there was 
 winning its old power over the petty states and was striving to 
 suppress the growing popular opinion in political affairs. 
 
 This encroachment ran counter to Gutzkow s idea of free 
 development, and in Der Zaitberer von Rom (1858-61) he em 
 bodied his objections and issued a warning note. In the intro 
 duction he states the cause of his anxiety and defines the pur 
 pose of his novel. "The strife of the Welfs and Gibilines is not 
 yet ended. Unity is not yet attained. We have the Liga, have 
 the Union, but who can confidently assure us that the father 
 land will not see a second battle at Muhlbach, the most dangerous 
 hour of our history. The sorry inheritance of old, the division 
 between North and South, may perhaps be the breach through 
 
50 National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 
 
 which our sanctuaries, language, culture and public weal can be 
 taken by storm, and sooner or later it will be decided whether 
 the world belongs to the Slavs, the Kelto-Romans or the Ger 
 mans. The following work will endeavor so far as the impotent 
 word is effective to work for German unity. It is intended to 
 warn, to cheer, to show the dangers of the fowler s pipe, and 
 would give the Christian people more worthy goals than the 
 Fata Morgana of the Romish world has yet shown. It intends 
 to stir up the German courage for the coming struggle, help 
 nourish century old pride, and intends to follow the traitors of 
 our own camp into their secret paths of darkness." 
 
 The author had expected that the book would arouse a 
 furor in Germany, but he confesses in the preface to the second 
 edition that it had been received with tolerant silence. "In this 
 silence and the many letters which the author has received, the 
 fact is made clear that the message of the book a clarified 
 Catholicism free from Rome correspond to a feeling shared by 
 a majority of the Catholics in Germany, and it requires only the 
 help of our political institutions, especially of our Catholic 
 princes to bring about the unity of the fatherland through sepa 
 ration from Rome." 
 
 Gutzkow was, however, unable to carry out completely this 
 program. We get a more or less distinct picture of the intrigues, 
 plans and objects of the church, but no definite suggestion as to 
 how separation from Rome is to be brought about and how the 
 desired religious unity is to be instituted when the separation has 
 been accomplished. 
 
 Treating the same theme as Die Rittcr votn Geiste, but 
 lacking the artistic energy of his model, Gustav Ktihne wrote 
 Die Freimaurer (1855). He too would bring about political 
 unity through the uniting power of some one universal thought. 
 
 He deplores the fact that the initial step towards unity had 
 not been made years before. 77 "For a golden age we need first 
 a German Augustus. From whence such a one is to come after 
 the Prussian Frederick but half understood his task, is, under 
 
 "Die Freimaurer, gi. 
 
National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 51 
 
 the present condition of affairs, hard to say. He struck to pieces 
 the sorry remnants of the Roman-German realm, but it never 
 occurred to him to lay the foundation of a new structure." 
 
 The difficulties to be overcome and the remedy are very 
 clear in his mind. 78 "I hear much said of the difference between 
 Upper and Lower Germany, but it seems to me we have those 
 contrasts everywhere. A journey of a few miles is sufficient to 
 show that. The whole nature of this people and this land seem 
 to warrant these manifold contrasts. If only some powerful 
 thought or idea held these diverging Germans together. But in 
 this inclination towards disunions all powers are exhausted. With 
 rare stubborness each insists all the more zealously on his own 
 opinion, the less distinct the differences may seem. I do not know 
 how this thousandfold dismembered Germany shall be able to 
 conceive a common ideal and so come into their own rights. 
 Each stands isolated and alone, watching, however, with jealous 
 eye every move of the other. This hundredfold independence no 
 longer bound or united by any great ideal, they call freedom. It 
 seems disunion rests like a curse on this people. They bow be 
 fore inherited tyranny and on the quiet found secret clubs where 
 altars are erected to freedom. But truth should not remain 
 quietly in the hidden nooks, but out in life. A lodge of free 
 men must surely have power to make propaganda and so lead 
 the nation to seek in itself the new salvation." 
 
 Like Gutzkow, Kiihne gives us the ideal picture and does 
 not weigh it down with practical plans and results. 
 
 Among the Young German "Epigonen" must also be 
 reckoned Max Waldau (Georg Spiller von Hauenschild). In 
 some of his lyric productions he shows himself an ardent patriot, 
 who sings of German unity. In the post-revolutionary poem 
 "Oh These Days" he bemoans the disrupted condition of his 
 country, the unfortunate party strife and the gloomy reaction. 
 
 "A corporal home, we ask for the German soul, 
 A Germany, one only, not thirty lands, 
 Free German soil for a free German flock, 
 One single unit only, not scattered bands." 
 
 n lbid, 
 
52 National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 
 
 Much of this same spirit finds expression in his novels. In 
 political affairs he would humanize the aristocracy through the 
 spirit, and democracy, through form, and like Gutzkow he be 
 lieves in the unifying power of an all powerful idea. His ideas 
 regarding unity are expressed to some extent in Aus der Junker- 
 welt (1850), but more definitely in the far more artistically writ 
 ten Nach der Natur (1851). But even here we have the ideas 
 expressed in subjective reflections rather than in objective 
 activity. 
 
 Through the artist, Stein, Waldau justifies the introduction 
 of "tendenz" into the literature of the day and into his own 
 novels. 79 He regards its introduction as necessary. Pamphlets 
 and programs had failed to reach the people, but a book that 
 looked like a novel came into the hands of thousands. The 
 ideas of the day incorporated in flesh and blood, depicted as eat 
 ing and drinking like other men gradually win their way and 
 find a public. "The times demand tendenz/ the whole trend 
 of affairs demands it; it is a child of the times and so justified." 
 This same Stein is made the spokesman of Waldau s politi 
 cal message. To him the highest ideal in civic life is to be a 
 man. 80 "I came into the world as a man. I know of no other 
 intellectual or material classification. Even the thought that I 
 am a German neither depresses nor fills me with pride. Brightly 
 painted boundary posts, mother tongue and race peculiarities are 
 trifles which bother me but little, as according to my convictions 
 they but hamper and postpone the task of the human race. This 
 task is, stripping off the perverse trumpery and becoming united 
 and strong in West and East, in North and South, to be men 
 and to enjoy and suffer whatever our lot may be." 
 
 The failure of the Revolution he thought was due to the 
 lack of a centralized purpose. 81 "That the Revolution was 
 necessary was recognized by all. It was fought however with 
 out knowing the name of the desired right : one expected to find 
 
 "Nach der Nattir. T, 88. 
 " Ibid, I, 79. 
 H fbid, III, 91. 
 
National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 53 
 
 a name as soon as it was born. It came, but the antiquated Lib 
 eralism palmed off on us a monster instead of a newborn politi 
 cal Germany; instead of fresh, vigorous ideas, old student-corps 
 dreams, which on account of their antiquated character could not 
 stand the test. The child had now a name, but it was not the 
 Messiah. They called together parliaments and parleyed with 
 the dynasties without any gain for the people. And yet it was 
 after all only a question of the people. Every considerate re 
 gard for princely families is and remains foolishness. To favor 
 one person before a world of millions is a monstrosity." 
 
 So long as this cringing to despotic princes exists there can 
 
 be no hope of relief. 82 Wiegsdorf, a Republican, voices this 
 
 opinion to Stein. "Do not paint for Germany, a people of princes 
 
 but whose inhabitants are not even a people. Woe to the poet of 
 
 France or England who would dare to scorn the land that gave 
 
 him birth, and woe to the poet of Germany who does not have 
 
 a curse for that hussy, Germania, who squanders the property 
 
 of her children for trifles. For Germany there is no delivery so 
 
 long as there are states, so long as the poor orphan children are 
 
 not carried off and sold before the eyes of the mother. Then, 
 
 perhaps, she will awaken, but only then. (Not even then as the 
 
 fate of Schleswig-Holstein shows.) 83 Let us be men. The fate 
 
 that will not let us be Germans helps us on a step. Or do you 
 
 not believe me? Have you confidence in that miserable juice 
 
 that suddenly colors the ribbons black-red-gold? How will you 
 
 found a nation when the Frankfurt babblers cringe? How will 
 
 you found a federal state when permission must be humbly asked 
 
 from the government and their representatives. German unity 
 
 on such a basis is perfidious, rotten nonsense, a miserable lie, 
 
 which at most could find support only in the press of a land to 
 
 which supremacy is to be presented as a Christmas gift. But I 
 
 told you that some time ago. If you do not agree with me, then 
 
 look upon the forsaken betrothed of Friedrich Halden. You 
 
 believe she is dying of love or some other beautiful cause. I tell 
 
 " Ibid, I, 35. 
 
 "Ibid; note to second edition. 
 
54 National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 
 
 you this girl is a true example of the vileness which rules to-day 
 in Germany; she dies of an unfulfilled desire for a coronet. 
 Let her die without any ado about it ; it is good that she has not 
 borne, that she does not leave behind her any heirs to her opin 
 ions. Are these the mothers of the future" ? 
 
 A Republic could, according to Waldau, succeed in estab 
 lishing unity, but in other matters it would be dangerous. 84 
 Stein is asked, "And so you seek the solution of every problem 
 in a Republic"? "Yes, for certain purposes; for example, for 
 a united Germany ; not otherwise. For any other purpose a Re 
 public is dangerous, for it comes too close to the natural condi 
 tion, to existence, side by side (nebeneinander), than that the 
 slightest additional step the abolishment of the individual 
 states might seem necessary; and yet it must some time be 
 made in order to remove the last barrier between all creatures 
 and their just rights." 
 
 He does not believe in segregation, at any rate he does not 
 believe that it can be instituted. sn "Suppose the people had 
 gained their freedom from their prison masters and began to 
 treat with each other directly. In their attempts to crystallize 
 among themselves and to reject all foreign elements, they would 
 soon find conflicting interests. Resistance would invite 
 force and destruction. Among the conflicting interests 
 some of them would necessarily have to be sacrificed. When this 
 had been done and progress made towards the contemplated seg 
 regation, it will be noticed that the most important step had al 
 ready been taken, that the desired segregation had brought about 
 the strongest unity. Individual ownership (Einzelbesitz) sepa 
 rates men and forms states, while the living together (Zusam- 
 menleben) of all humanity, in lieu of a better word, can only 
 form a universal confederate state. To me the universal level 
 ing seems only possible through the national struggles of our 
 day, and in the way already mentioned. I fotfnd the way to 
 unity first when I saw the whole world striving for separation." 
 
 "Ibid, III.Qi. 
 "Ibid, III, 95- 
 
National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 55 
 
 He has a definite idea of the offices of a worthy leader. 86 
 "We need a guiding hand, but the people must remain the head. 
 The hand must be allowed to execute only what the head dic 
 tates. The name of this hand, whether it be King or President, 
 seems to be of little importance, but it must at once be cut off, if 
 it does not prove equal to the task assigned it." 
 
 Finally he recognizes this hand in Prussia. 87 "We are in 
 Silesia, so then on Prussian soil, the land to which the history of 
 the world does not grow weary of dancing attendance ; and it 
 will not cease to do so as long as states exist in Germany, for all 
 the other states can offer absolutely no anchor for the future. I 
 shall not speak of the good qualities of Prussia. I speak only of 
 the inefficiency of the other states and conclude without sym 
 pathy, but not without antipathy, that so long as one existing 
 state must be the axis of future events in Germany, the eye of 
 Germany will rest on Prussia." 
 
 The three chief novels of Meiszner-Hedrich, Die Sansara 
 (1858), Schvuarzgelb (1862-4), and Babel (1867), differ con 
 siderably in subject matter, but follow in the main the old type 
 of "Zeitroman." The first was a "salon-novel" with reminis 
 cences of Byron, the last two political "Zeitromane" of the usual 
 type. 
 
 In Sansara the author seems to favor states union. He has 
 no sympathy with all the ranting about the petty states. 88 "The 
 Germans are continually being told that they are not a nation 
 because they are divided into states. No matter how thoroughly 
 false, no matter how humorous the claim, it is accepted without 
 consideration and proclaimed broadcast. Perhaps this life in 
 small states is after all a higher type of civic life. That the 
 United States of America are united states and not a united state, 
 that Switzerland consists of cantons, seems to cause no com 
 plaint, but the rant about the German petty states is universal." 
 
 Meiszner believes that Germany owes infinitely much to its 
 minor states, and that civic life in these states is vastly superior 
 
 "Ibid, I, 81. 
 "Ibid, II, 7- 
 "* Sansara, IV, 39. 
 
56 National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 
 
 to that in the larger states. "It may cost more, but consider the 
 advantage. If we inquire whence it is that education and cul 
 ture are so highly developed in Germany as nowhere else, do we 
 not find that it is because all do not strive towards one center, 
 while the outer segments of the circle grow torpid? The indi 
 vidual petty state grants its inhabitants greater freedom. Supe 
 rior forms of government can best be realized within limited ter 
 ritory. How could a prince presume to become a tyrant? He 
 is forced to deal humanely with his people, for no circle of bayo 
 nets separate him from them. Just as little as a school is better 
 when increased by a hundred pupils, just so little is a state of 
 half a million ruled better when two millions are added. To be 
 sure these states are denied the right of a voice in the questions 
 of the balance of power, but how dearly this honor has to be 
 bought. The lives led by these states can only be an enviable one 
 until the universal bond is found which can unite them." 
 
 We are not told what this universal bond is but Meiszner 
 seems to favor a states union under the leadership of one of the 
 great powers. 
 
 There are but few references to unity in Schwarzgelb and in 
 Babel. The scene of these is laid in Austria, the first during the 
 reaction following 1848, the second during the socalled rejuvina- 
 tion of Austria in 1859. For our purpose the latter may serve 
 as an example. The conflicting views of the day are likened to 
 the tower of Babel. Whoever adds new theories is invited to help 
 build the tower. 89 "That matters cannot remain as they are, 
 that domestic and national affairs should be discussed and man 
 aged in a parliament all are agreed. When it came however to 
 settling the first necessary questions, the old strife was renewed. 
 One party was in favor of building the tower as one complete 
 circular structure, another would have two towers, a third five 
 or six. If the single towers were made similar in style, com 
 plaint was made of leveling, the builders begarr to quarrel and 
 soon separated as sworn enemies. In short all is Babel, that, is, 
 confusion." 
 
 "Babel, III, 185. 
 
National Unity in the German Novel Before iSjo 57 
 
 The remedy Meiszner sees in a dignified parliamentary bodv 
 which could put an end to the weak and useless party strife, have 
 power to act effectively and so bring some unity into such diverse 
 forces. Such a body would be able to bring about an understand 
 ing between those who wished a separation of Austria from Ger 
 many and those who wished the unity of the two. 
 
 The Revolution of 1848 marked the bankruptcy of the ideal 
 istic dreams of the previous decades, and realism began to be the 
 watch word. The "Zeitroman" of the older type, represented by 
 Gutzkow, was regarded as essentially idealistic, though it drew 
 its material from the real world. In its place there grew up a 
 new type of novel which . was to show the German people not 
 amidst their idealistic dreaming but at work. The ideals of the 
 Knights of the Holy Ghost must give way to the incontestable 
 facts of the scientist, the historian, the sociologist, and the practi 
 cal statesman. This type of novel did not preach ideals, but 
 social reform, civic progress and national development. The 
 state was no longer an idea but a reality dependent for its found 
 ing only upon the proper adjustment of the social body. The 
 individual was but one in the rank and file. And when he recog 
 nized this and in his proper place worked for freedom and social 
 growth, it was believed the day would then come when the 
 nation would be free and united. Freytag s success in Soil und 
 Haben opened the way; Spielhagen and Auerbach followed and 
 the new type ruled supreme until it in turn gave way to 
 Naturalism. 
 
 Whatever may be the present day estimate of Spielhagen s 
 literary activity, the vast importance of his influence on German 
 life and politics during the sixth and seventh decades must be 
 recognized at its highest worth. In the gloomy days of reaction 
 he drew for the German people a bright picture of the future. 
 Like Dr. Berger in Problematische Naturen, he preaches the 
 hopeful message: "Through darkness to light, through struggle 
 to victory." Idle dreaming was not enough, but each must 
 do his part. "I am convinced that we cannot reach our goal 
 through pious wishes but that through worldly means we must 
 accomplish our desired ends." Spielhagen belongs to no party 
 
58 National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 
 
 and yet like Alexis he fought for the rights of liberal citizenship 
 and took sides against all that in any way checked or destroyed 
 the development of Germany to unity and freedom. 
 
 National unity was to him an ideal which the German peo 
 ple could appreciate without the help of the poet s imagination. 
 The trend of affairs in his day pointed only too surely to a unity 
 through a confederation of the German states, dependent for its 
 accomplishment on the proper development of the civic body. 
 Although the contents of his novels deal with the problems of 
 society at large, he depicts some of his characters as striving for 
 national unity. He and his readers may not agree with the 
 plans of these heroes but the laudable goal of their desires and 
 the sincerity of their endeavors is depicted with a sympathy and 
 truthfulness that was not lost on the Germans of that day and 
 is not without appreciative readers even in our later day. Such 
 characters can be found to some extent in Problematische 
 Naturen (1861), In Reih und died (1866), Hammer und 
 Ambosz (1869) but they are depicted with greater detail in 
 Die von Hohenstein (1863) and this novel may here serve as a 
 type of Spielhagen s treatment. 
 
 The novel has as a background the days of 48. Miinzer, 
 Holm, Schmitz and Degenfeld are the chief revolutionists who 
 are striving for freedom and unity. The monarchists are rep 
 resented chiefly by the two brothers, the President and Colonel 
 von Hohenstein. They too hope for ultimate unity but expect it 
 along conservative lines and are bitterly opposed to revolutionary 
 methods. 
 
 The position of the first group towards the questions of the 
 day is outlined in an imaginary speech which Miinzer makes to 
 the assembled students. 90 "It is no mere play, it is no mere 
 empty honor for which you are striving. Let those, who are wiser 
 than you, decide what is right and what is necessary. But that 
 their decrees may receive acceptance, that the voiee of the Senate 
 may not echo unheard, we need youthful and vigorous patriots 
 who have the courage to act, aye to fight when peaceful means 
 
 M Die von Hohenstein, 44. 
 
National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 59 
 
 no longer suffice. Or perhaps you believe the golden seeds 
 of freedom will be like the wheat which fell upon good ground 
 and brought forth fruit some a hundred fold, some a thousand 
 fold? Do you believe that the dumb philistine souls will ever 
 conceive what freedom is? That the arrogant aristocratic heart 
 will ever beat for equality ? That pope and priest after imprison 
 ing and excommunicating the heretic for centuries will easily be 
 come enthusiastic about brotherly fraternity. No and again no! 
 Might still passes for right and so right must be might. That i? 
 the deep import of our cause which seems to our opponents so 
 childish. With human rights in one hand, and the sword in 
 the other, thus and not otherwise will freedom make its way 
 through this nation." 
 
 The position of the other group is just as clearly defined in 
 a conversation between the brothers von Hohenstein. 91 The 
 Colonel would quell the political agitation by force. "I wish that 
 for one month I had unlimited power, and from here to the 
 Russian boundary there would be left only isolated examples of 
 this brood and these would creep into a hole so soon as they 
 caught the gleam of a bayonet. But instead of this one begins 
 to parley with them and to call together assemblies to council 
 about unity of government policy." 
 
 The President would let them spend their energy in useless 
 efforts. "A parliamentary government is nonsense. Mob re 
 mains mob and nothing can be done for them in spite of the wild 
 theories of our socialists and communistic philanthropists. When 
 the people have shouted themselves hoarse and worn themselves 
 out, they will be able to see for themselves, though I do not mean 
 to say that it would not be well to occasionally help this sane 
 view by some physical arguments ad hominem." 
 
 "What is occasionally?" cried the Colonel "It seems to me 
 every moment is the suitable one for striking a blow for one s 
 king. Just have a conference with them regarding constitutions 
 and you will see what concessions you have to make in spite of all 
 your wisdom." 
 
 91 Ibid, i2Qf. 
 
60 National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 
 
 "Perhaps the matter is not so bad, dear brother, when two 
 parties want to agree, if no deciding judge is present, the stronger 
 party is usually victorious. An assembly a la bonne heure 
 could, even though but transitory, be a cause of disturbance. But 
 our good Germans will never come to that. Assemblies that are 
 called together to arrive at a harmonious agreement have from 
 the very first the germ of death in them. And the assembly in 
 the Main city? This dream of German unity will soon be 
 dreamed out. The Germans are good monarchists in spite of 
 divers Republicans who would prove the contrary. They will not 
 lay violent hands on their princess, and until the Hohenzollern 
 have come to an agreement with the Habsburgers, the Welfs with 
 the Wittelbachers and the others concerning a system of govern 
 ment until then everything will remain as it is." 
 
 The mutual relations of these two groups is defined in a 
 conversation between Miinzer and President von Hohenstein. 
 In speaking of their mutual points of contact the President points 
 out that in many ways their aims are the same but that they 
 differ on the method of attainment. 92 "You wish for the welfare 
 of our fatherland. You wish a united, strong, and free Germany. 
 I desire the one as well as the other. You however want it made 
 possible to-day. I, because I believe that in this violent way the 
 goal can never be attained, desire that we make no third or 
 fourth step without first having considered well the first and 
 second." 
 
 "No, Mr. President. Two thousand years ago they called 
 it foolishness to put new wine into old casks. That however 
 is the efforts of the best of your party who are striving as you 
 say for a free, united and powerful Germany. But the others? 
 They want nothing more than to preserve the old delusion, the old 
 night in which man has so long wandered without light. They 
 desire only to keep their old privileges which make the equality 
 and brotherhood of man a delusion and a mocke?y." 
 
 The President then points out, and Miinzer must agree with 
 him in part that he cannot replace the old wheels in the govern 
 ment machine with new ones. "What follows? That you must 
 
 "Ibid, 301. 
 
National Unity in the German Novel Before 18/0 61 
 
 reckon with the old factors which you cannot replace with new 
 ones. That you from lack of fresh water, will have to wash 
 the state for a time in the impure water. But what hinders you 
 from gradually introducing fresh water into the old? To drop 
 the metaphor, what hinders you from using the institutions and 
 means which now exist to your purpose?" 
 
 Later in a conversation with Wolfgang, Miinzer doubts the 
 success of such a system. 93 "Gradual reform can do nothing. 
 These aristocratic statesmen will soon run through their arts and 
 then next will come the appeal to the ultima ratio of the king 
 which is also the ultima ratio of the people. Then iron will heal 
 what medicine was not able to heal and many a funeral pyre 
 will have to be lighted before the oppressive atmosphere of this 
 police-state is so purified that a free breast will be able to breathe 
 freely." 
 
 The military policy of Bismarck had not escaped the watch 
 ful eye of Spielhagen. and here for the first time in the novel of 
 the century the part which the army is to play in the coming- 
 struggle is noted." 4 The Major von Degenfeld is represented as 
 recognizing its value. "The restless progress of modern times 
 will make itself felt in the military life. The German army can 
 not remain what it is. We have the one alternative; either we 
 become pretorians or we transform the armies of the princes 
 into a national army. I am not pessimistic enough to consider 
 the first as probable, at any rate for any length of time, but I 
 am not also so sanguine as to believe that the other reform can 
 take place so easily or so quickly. Progress in this will and must 
 go hand in hand with progress in other phases of civic life; it 
 is ridiculous to want a national army even before we are one 
 nation. But I am firmly convinced that we will reach that goal. 
 Without that hope I should have long since quit the service. But 
 in order that we attain that goal more quickly it is above all 
 necessary that in our ranks there should first be aroused and 
 encouraged the knowledge of the goal and the means of at 
 taining it." 
 
 Ibid, 350. 
 Ibid, 359. 
 
62 National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 
 
 The Major looks for this change in the army to come from 
 the influence of a strong man. If this man should imperil the 
 freedom, then the Germans must have a taste of imperialism 
 which in their present disunited condition would not after all 
 be a misfortune. 95 
 
 These ideas at once call forth opposition on the part of 
 Miinzer when they are reported to him by Wolfgang. 96 "No! 
 No, just the reverse. It is foolish to hope we can ever become 
 one people, if we do not in this way or that create a national 
 army." 
 
 In the course of the novel Spielhagen shows how Miinzer s 
 ideas carry him too far and his plans border so close to treason 
 that some of his most intimate friends and followers can no 
 longer give him their wholehearted support. The ultimate aim 
 of his plans is for example correctly estimated by Uncle Peter. 97 
 "Miinzer has renounced the party to which he once claimed al 
 legiance. He would change the German political movement into 
 an European one, aye a cosmopolitan one. I have definite in 
 formation that he is in correspondence with the. French, Italian, 
 and Slavonic republicans, and I am convinced that if his ideas 
 prevail we will not arrive at German unity but will get into the 
 devil s pantry." 
 
 The closing days of Miinzer s active political life are por 
 trayed with excellent skill. He has been defeated and all his 
 plans are a failure, yet he is depicted as remaining true to his 
 convictions, by no means ready to renounce any of the principles 
 which he had advocated and for which he had fought. 98 "With 
 self assurance I can claim I have worked for the freedom and 
 unity of my fatherland. No matter how discontented my friends 
 may be with me, they will not deny this claim. Our revolution is 
 a failure, a miserable failure. Instead of a social or even a 
 republican insurrection we had a border campaign for a romantic 
 constitution that will forever remain on paper. I can only enrich 
 the soil with my blood from which in later times perhaps the 
 
 93 Ibid, 472. 
 K Ibid, 311. 
 "Ibid, 500. 
 m lbid. 666. 
 
National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 63 
 
 state with a better freedom will arise than can now succeed in 
 the shadow of thirty-six thrones which are beyond our reach 
 and of innumerable churches which one still respects as sanctu 
 aries. . . . On that beautiful morning when the banners, which 
 now lie in the dust, wave from all the ramparts and roofs and 
 the golden sun looks down upon a free and united people may 
 you then think of me without sorrow ; may you not deny to me 
 the claim: He erred in his life and had many faults but he died 
 for his ideal a united German social Republic ." 
 
 After winning lasting fame through his novelettes of peas 
 ant life, Berthold Auerbach tried his hand at the "Zeitroman," 
 first in Neucs Lebcn (1852). Auerbach had been made to suffer 
 in the Hohenasperg for his enthusiasm for German unity and it is 
 but natural that the desire for national unity should find expres 
 sion in those works dealing with existing political conditions. In 
 this novel Auerbach casts a proving glance upon the events inci 
 dent to the Revolution of 48 and then plans for the new life and 
 the new hopes of the future. 
 
 The joys which Auerbach himself experienced during the 
 promising days preceding the Frankfurt Assembly is voiced 
 by Baumann, the Turner and teacher." "The happiest day of my 
 life was the sixth of August." 
 
 "So then you too expected on that day something from the 
 dreaming political sages of the Paulus Church who first armed 
 their enemies and then with empty hands wanted to make laws 
 and history?" 
 
 "My whole soul was filled with joy. I explained to my 
 children that on that day just forty-two years before Germany 
 had given up the name of unity. And when with my school I 
 marched out to the grove where the people with their weapons 
 in their hands were paying homage to their self appointed Vice- 
 Regent, when thousands upon thousands cried Hail to a united 
 and free German fatherland and each pressed the other to his 
 heart, my joy was so great that I cried." 
 
 99 Neues Leben, I, 9. 
 
64 National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 
 
 The reason for the failure of the Revolution is discussed by 
 the aged peasant and Eugene. 100 "Do you know why the Revolu 
 tion was a failure? Because it was all a deception and a lie. 
 They cried that they wanted a constitution but after all they only 
 wanted a republic and dismemberment." Eugene too agrees with 
 him that victory over the opposing forces could only have meant 
 a republic, or perchance in the end they ought to have forced 
 one of the princes to become Emperor. The peasant nods his 
 head in approval and with mute eloquence points to a large ink- 
 spot on the floor which was designated in the family as the map 
 of Schleswig-Holstein because the old peasant had made it when 
 he received the news of the disaster of that country. 
 
 Another character with definite political opinions is 
 Kronauer. To him unity is only possible through powerful lead 
 ers. 101 "I do not believe in German unity without a powerful 
 ruler. You know I always ask What is man not what ought 
 man to be. The Germans were never united and are now 
 nowhere united. I received a letter to-day from a friend in 
 America. He writes me that in that country no people are so 
 without unity as the Germans. From England we hear that not 
 even the emigrants are united and unlike the emigrants from 
 other races will not accept even self appointed leaders or represen 
 tatives. Revolutions among us are always failures from the lack 
 of discipline. No one will allow or submit to a leader." 
 
 Eugene will not admit the universal truth of this but 
 Kronauer continued : "Our misfortune is that we are too poetic. 
 The whole movement was a revivication of Schiller coupled with 
 exhalted rhetorical polemics. The hero of the Paulus church 
 was a Schiller afterbirth, a Posa the Second." 
 
 Upon the objection of Eugene that one chief fault lay in the 
 fact that the leaders of the old Liberals allowed themselves to 
 be made ministers of the petty states too quickly and robbed the 
 whole movement of able leaders, Kronauer sorrow fully declares 
 that the Germans could do nothing more now than to try and 
 improve and perfect themselves. In this process Eugene does 
 
 Ibid, I, 37- 
 m lbid, II, 9Sf. 
 
National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 65 
 
 not believe in the sacrifice of the individual for others. Kronauer 
 believes in such sacrifices only so far as it brings growth and 
 gain to the party so sacrified. "One must have the courage to 
 confess a higher egoism. The individual does not exist for the 
 whole but the whole for the individual." After all he believes 
 that in the effort to attain unity, too much is being made of the 
 people and that the greatest need is for robust men of force who 
 know their own mind. 
 
 As Eugene reads his Fichte he deplores the fact that this 
 worthy man, as well as other philosophers have erected system 
 after system but the popular mind knows nothing of it. It holds 
 fast to its conservative opinions. The nation seems doomed to 
 eternal dismemberment because the light of exalted minds only 
 lights up the heights and does not reach to the depths. He is 
 more and more convinced that if those who now so joyfully die 
 were just as ready to live for their neighbor and for the nation 
 there would develop in the hearts of all a unity which would 
 bring about the desired united nation. 
 
 The two great novels Auf de Hohe (1865) and Das Land- 
 haus am Rhein (1869) were such in subject matter that they did 
 not offer Auerbach an opportunity for any direct treatment of 
 German unity. 
 
 He again treated a political theme in Wold fried (1872). In 
 style this is one of his weakest works yet in many respects its con 
 tents is for the present subject one of the most interesting. More 
 a diary than a novel, it gives Auerbach s impressions of men 
 and events in Southern Germany between 1848 and 1872. The 
 growth of national unity in this part of the nation forms a con 
 siderable part of the subject matter. He shows the deep rooted 
 suspicion and hatred of the Southern German people giving way 
 to the growing influence of Prussia when that state had proved 
 its right to lead and finally with what joy they hailed the new 
 nation and gladly became a part of it. 
 
 The first references to unity occur in connection with the 
 impressions aroused on the approach of the war of 1866. As 
 the war cloud drew near, the Major in his southern patriotism 
 exclaims: "Pshaw! T too once believed in German unity as 
 
66 National Unity in the German Novel Before i8jo 
 
 they are fond of calling it and I even had hopes of Prussia. But 
 now we will show these impudent mustached Prussian gentle 
 men what we are made of." 102 
 
 Father Waldfried takes a more pacific view. 103 "I cannot 
 help maintaining that the war of 1866 was forced on the people 
 against their will so far as I can judge and I have spoken to 
 many on the subject. The Prussians did not desire war, the Con 
 servatives did certainly not wish it, for Austria was after all the 
 bulwark of their principles. The Liberals did not want it; nor 
 did the soldiers go forth with cheerful hearts. But necessity 
 had become incarnate in the brain of a single statesman; separa 
 tion from Austria was the end to be gained and though it went 
 hard that result must be achieved. But the operation was a 
 difficult and painful one." 
 
 "Then the news came that the Diet had raised the German 
 colors, black-red-gold. Thus the Diet dared to unfurl the flag 
 which we had always regarded with devotion for the sake of 
 which we had been persecuted, imprisoned or exiled. It seemed 
 as if the holiest of holies had been defiled and dishonored. Tt 
 is the death bed repentance of a sinner who has not enough time 
 left to do good said Richard who divined the thoughts which 
 were passing through my mind." 104 
 
 The news that Prussia had been successful in the short war 
 seemed like a promise of a more peaceful and prosperous future 
 and our hero exclaims: 105 "Thank God, they have beaten us." 
 The additional step then in this regime of blood and iron should 
 be taken "if Prussia could only march into the South German 
 palaces. That is the way to bring about the proper understand 
 ing." "The realization of hopes one could not help entertaining 
 sometimes produces new and unforeseen griefs. Thus it had been 
 with the separation of Austria from the rest of Germany. It 
 had long been recognized as necessary to the proper development 
 of our political life and as an advantage to "Austria; and yet 
 
 Waldfried, 115. 
 Ibid, 122. 
 123. 
 id, 183. 
 
National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 67 
 
 when it was brought about it seemed more like a death that one 
 had felt it his duty to wish for." 106 
 
 With Austria out of the way, the chief question in the mind 
 of all was, what should be the policy of Prussia. 107 "The question 
 whether a republic or a monarchy should be preferred is about 
 the same as if one were to ask which is better, meat or farinaceous 
 food. All depends upon the manner in which the food is pre 
 pared and upon the digestive powers of the stomach." "As there 
 is no one church which alone could save mankind, so there is no 
 one form of government which could alone make all men free. 
 After all everything depended on the honesty and morality of the 
 citizen, and for that reason it could not be maintained that the 
 republican form of government was a guarantee of freedom 
 or that a monarchy necessarily implied a condition of servi 
 tude." 108 "The days of Pericles and Scipio are reflected in the 
 soul of every German who has received a classical education, 
 and logically considered a republic is the only form of free gov 
 ernment. But neither the life of nature nor that of history 
 is absolutely logical for actual necessity sets aside the systems 
 erected by abstract reason." 109 
 
 About this time Ludwig who has resided in America for 
 many years returns to his fatherland and voices his opinion con 
 cerning Germany in the following words: 110 "How do I find 
 Germany? I find only halves of Germany, but they must and 
 will, who knows how soon, become a whole Germany. The 
 German people have become more practical and well-to-do than 
 they were formerly. As far as I have been able to observe there 
 is an abundance of well directed energy, great activity in all that 
 pertains to the trades, to science and to art, and enough liberty 
 to achieve what is still needed to make a complete whole. Let us 
 remain strong and firm and without faltering faithfully labor for 
 the common weal." 
 
 ""Ibid, 193- 
 
 101 Ibid, 257. 
 Ibid, 251. 
 
 10> Ibid, 326. 
 
 110 Ibid, 272. 
 
68 National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 
 
 Richard looks forward for some event that would mark a 
 turning point in the affairs of men or for the appearance of some 
 great man who should utter the command "Come and follow 
 me." 111 Ludwig too believes that liberation can be brought about 
 only by one who possesses a cool head and a firm hand so that 
 without swerving a hair s breadth to either side he can put in 
 the knife where it was needed. When however this man really 
 appears in the person of Bismark he does not come up to their 
 ideal. 112 "How strange it is ! Ever since the Congress of Vienna 
 all friends of the fatherland have clamored for a man who with 
 firm hand and shrewd judgment would, regardless of con 
 sequences, force Germany into unity. Now that he is with us, 
 they hurl stones at him." Only among the youths does he find 
 acceptance, as is indicated by a Corps student known as Baribal 
 who exclaims: "What! Bismark! If that black devil will 
 bring about unity, I shall sell my soul to him." 113 
 
 "The battle was over and peace had been concluded. Al 
 though Austria was separated from Germany there was as yet 
 no real Germany. While the high contracting parties were fram 
 ing the chief clauses to their treaty the Frenchman who was look 
 ing over their shoulders took the pen in his hand and drew a 
 black mark across the page and called it the line of the Main." 114 
 This line must be effaced and revenge had for old wrongs and 
 it was hoped that the coming encounter with the old foe would 
 have as one of the results the desired unity. As it becomes more 
 and more certain that war with France is inevitable, Father Wald- 
 fried rejoices to think that the day had at last arrived in which 
 one might say the hearts of all Germans beat in unison. After 
 having fought and suffered for fifty years he rejoices to witness 
 the fruition of his hopes even though the price paid be war and 
 bloodshed. 
 
 On the eve of the declaration of war Ludwig is said to sway 
 the crowd to his will, but of it all we hear only a few neatly 
 
 1U Ibid, 252. 
 M Ibid, 257. 
 " Ibid, 340. 
 " Ibid, 186. 
 
National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 69 
 
 turned figures. 115 "Allow me to make a comparison from my 
 trade. It requires many strong posts to make the scaffolding of 
 a building. The departed martyrs for German unity were the 
 scaffolding. It has been torn down and now we behold the build 
 ing pure and simple, firmly and regularly built and appropriately 
 adorned. Or another simile. Have you ever observed a raft in 
 the valley stream? It floats along slowly and lazily but when it 
 reaches the weir it hurries. And then is the time to find out 
 whether the withes are strong and whether they hold the planks 
 firmly together. The German logs must now pass through the 
 weir. There is a cracking and a straining but they hold fast to 
 each other and right merrily do they float into the Rhine and out 
 into the ocean." 
 
 Father Waldfried is summoned by his prince and in the con 
 versation between the two, however improbable the relation and 
 ideas expressed may be, Auerbach has introduced many a 
 patriotic sentiment on German unity. Apropos to nothing in par 
 ticular Waldfried tells the Prince : "The growth of the idea of 
 German unity has been in geometric progression. During the 
 period of the rotten restoration from the battle of Leipzig down 
 to 1830 those who entertained it might have been counted by the 
 hundreds, or at most by thousands, and they were to be found 
 only among the cultured or learned class. After 1830 they were 
 counted by hundreds of thousands, and after 1848 by millions; 
 and to-day the thought of German unity is alive in all who know 
 that they are Germans. One system of laws within our borders, 
 a united army and a united representation in foreign lands. The 
 forest is one united whole and yet every tree has its individual 
 life. The people do not believe so, that is, they do not feel so 
 to-day, but they will to-morrow. Deeds, deeds of sacrifice, are 
 the most powerful instructors; they teach men what they should 
 think and even find a voice for what has been slumbering in their 
 souls, for what through pride and anger or through want of 
 courage they have not even dared to think of." ne 
 
 322. 
 iu lbid, 327*- 
 
70 National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 
 
 "When I think of the time before 1830 I see opposed to 
 each other extravagant enthusiasm and impotence, courageous 
 virtue and cowardly vice, chaste and devoted faith in the ideals, 
 and mockery, ridicule and frivolous disbelief in all that was 
 noble, the one side, cherishing righteousness, the other scoffing 
 at it. In other words on the one side Uhland, on the other Met- 
 ternich." 
 
 The prince asks Waldfried : "Do you candidly and heartily 
 desire the continued existence of my sovereign dynasty?" 
 "Sovereign, no; dynasty, yes. I have fought, thought and lived 
 for this during my whole lifetime. If we are to gain a real father 
 land, the princes must relinquish their claim to sovereignty, that 
 belongs to the whole." 
 
 "You are an enthusiastic friend of Prussia?" 
 "I am ; for in Prussia I recognize the backbone of our national 
 existence. She is not prepossessing; but steadfast and reliable. 
 Prussia saved Germany. She has dallied a great while before 
 claiming her reward for that service but at last she receives it." 
 The prince is represented as offering Waldfried the presi 
 dency of the Cabinet. "As a first condition I requested the 
 Prince to give me a written assurance that he resign all privi 
 leges which would interfere with German unity." After some 
 hesitation the Prince replied : "Here is my hand. I have a right 
 to do this and desire to be the first to have the victorious King of 
 Prussia as Emperor." 
 
 After the war was over and the victory won Waldfried can 
 not restrain his joy. "The blood of South and North has been 
 shed together. The union of the German people is now in 
 dissoluble." 117 "Oh fortunate posterity! You cannot know or 
 appreciate our feelings during those days. We had long cherished 
 these aspirations for our country, for a united Germany; the 
 less we could hope for their realization, the deeper they lay in 
 our hearts. Patriotism was like religious martyrdom. Our 
 country did not return our love. On the contrary it was re 
 quited by hate and persecutions from those higher in station 
 
 , 404. 
 
National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 71 
 
 and by neglect and ridicule from the lowly. And in spite of all 
 for more than fifty years we stood firm and true without hope 
 of reward." 118 "Yes, treasured in secret and worn like an amulet 
 of magic power for the sake of which we suffered are the colors 
 of the new Confederation. At first the thought pained me, but 
 perhaps it is all for the best. The empire which is now being 
 established is not quite the one of which we sang and dreamed 
 or for the love of which we were thrown into dungeons. But 
 it is full of a new and vigorous life and instead of the golden 
 glitter of poesy we have the simple white of prose." 
 
 Besides the more or less definite treatment of national unity 
 just noticed there remains to be noticed two forms of indefinite 
 treatment frequently found in the novel of the century. One of 
 these may be called the definite mention of unity, the other veiled 
 reference to it. 
 
 By the first is meant the simple and direct use of the words 
 "national unity" without any attempt or intent to treat it in any 
 way. It usually occurs in three forms. 
 
 First, as a type word for some goal that seems unattainable, 
 or for some thing or idea that seems just beyond reach. For 
 example Ave-Lallemant in Mechulle-Leut depicts some thieves 
 trying to gain entrance to a villa. They find every effort blocked 
 and one of them exclaims: "Curse it all. We ll get in by the 
 time Germany is united." 119 In Raus Kaiser und Pabst one 
 character is worried over the obstinacy of a friend and exclaims : 
 "It would be easier to unite the German states than to persuade 
 him to do my will." 120 Or again in Brunow s Der Christ: "That 
 is as hard to find as German unity." 121 
 
 Second, as a type word for something that is romantic, 
 dreamy, or uncertain. In Ring s Verirrt und Erlost occurs the 
 sentence : "That is almost as enticing as the dream of a united 
 
 ia lbid, 481. 
 
 119 Mechulle-Leuf, 218. 
 
 120 Kaiser und Pabst, II, 74. 
 ** Der Christ, I, 132. 
 
72 National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 
 
 Germany." 122 Or again in Hoefer s In der Irre: "He has about 
 as clear an idea of that as our youth have of German unity." 123 
 
 Third, as one of the necessary requisites for perfection or 
 success. In Lange s Nach Zwanzig Jahren: "Curse upon this 
 dismembered Germany that forces our poets to write for their 
 neighbors and not for our nation." 124 Or in Rupius Bin 
 Deutscher: "That were possible if this Germany were an Ameri 
 can United States." 125 
 
 The three uses of the word just noticed seems to have been 
 widespread. It occurs frequently in the novel, can very probably 
 be found in the drama and was often used in conversation as a 
 figure of speech. Dr. Klein writes that he remembers "hearing 
 it so used very early in his life and during the fifth and sixth 
 decades it was quite frequently heard in conversation. When so 
 used it was not necessarily indicative of a patriotic heart, or of a 
 mind which was striving to solve the problem of states union, but 
 it simply became a catchword to express failure, hindrance, or 
 indefiniteness." 
 
 By veiled references to unity is meant frequent state 
 ments like, "We are a nation of brothers," "Brotherhood of our 
 race," "We all speak one language," "Alas ! that I must fight 
 against my brothers." There is no doubt that such statements 
 were frequently written with little or no reference to real national 
 unity, or were used in the broader cosmopolitan idea of the 
 brotherhood and unity of the human race. But in the greater 
 majority of cases one cannot help but feel that they were written 
 with the dream of a united fatherland clearly in mind, and that 
 they recalled the thought in the minds of their readers. When 
 for example the mother in Norden s Dunkle Wege tells her son 
 concerning the Austrian children, his playmates, with whom 
 he has quarreled : "Yes my son but remember that they are your 
 brothers and sisters. You all speak the same language. You 
 should not quarrel with each other. If Karl Wants to be king. 
 
 " Verirrt und Erlost, 52. 
 128 In der Irre, IT. 241. 
 124 Nach Zwaiizig Jahren, 109. 
 326 Em Deutscher, III, 39. 
 
National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 73 
 
 you should not insist on your merits, but become a faithful 
 prince," we have a case which can only mean one thing. 
 
 Such references are very numerous, recurring frequently 
 in the same novel or in successive novels. The following authors 
 seem inclined to such a use : Backer, Borne, Borland, Brachvogel, 
 Duller, Heller, Hesekiel, Morike, Miigge, Prutz, Schiicking, Star, 
 Stolle and Zschokke. 
 
 The frequent association of the terms freedom and unity 
 (Freiheit und Einheit) led to a mixing of the two to such an 
 extent that often one is inclined to believe that an author some 
 times writes of freedom when with it he was associating the 
 name of unity. While this occurs more frequently in political 
 pamphlets which were subject to a closer scrutiny on the part 
 of the censor, there can be no question but that such smuggling 
 was also usual in the novel. 
 
 It has been usually believed that the attitude of the police- 
 state toward political agitation and the suppressive measures in 
 troduced, was one reason why the idea of national unity did not 
 receive greater treatment in literature. This reason however 
 cannot be considered as a very potent one. The very fact that 
 political pamphlets on unity, published over the authors signa 
 ture, circulated with considerable freedom and brought only in 
 a few cases persecution would seem to indicate that any treat 
 ment such as could have been given in the novel would have 
 passed unnoticed. The literary writers who did come under the 
 ban were in almost every case persecuted for real or fancied politi 
 cal agitation proper and not for any political opinion on German 
 unity they may have expressed in purely literary works. Each 
 decade brought greater freedom, though not complete freedom 
 even after 1870, in the expression of political ideas and the rigid 
 censorship of the earlier decades was not sufficient cause to deter 
 authors from expressing their opinions. 
 
 There were two other far more potent causes to prevent a 
 widespread expression of the subject in literature. 
 
 The thought of political unity was one that remained for 
 all time largely a poet s dream, and so could not entice many 
 
74 National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 
 
 authors to any treatment such as would have been in place in the 
 novel. This was especially true during the first three decades 
 when the idea was too new to offer a perspective for any sort of 
 definite treatment. At this time the Romantic writers, and the 
 nation as a whole for that matter, surrounded it with the nimbus 
 of their poetic fancy and so it remained in the literary world at 
 least in the decades that followed a Romantic dream. The posi 
 tive demands of men like Pfitzer, Schulz and Munch made a pro 
 found impression on all non-Austrian states but it brought com 
 paratively little change in the treatment the question received in 
 literature except that Prussia came more and more to the front 
 as the possible leader in unity. The events of 1848 and the years 
 of reaction that followed tended to drive the subject again into 
 the realm of dreamland and there it remained until the keen 
 mind and iron hand of Bismark found a means of attaining 
 political unity and so changed the dream into a reality, a reality 
 which in many ways bore little or no resemblance to the dream. 
 
 The disunion of Germany was in itself a powerful cause for 
 no extensive treatment. For years no one state represented the 
 national hope of all the German states, and there was in the 
 main no truly national patriotism, as there was no one state 
 about which it could centre. So many writers, if patriotic at all, 
 were filled with a purely local patriotism and did not direct their 
 thoughts or eyes beyond the interests of their own petty states. 
 The great number of "Localdichter" and the great mass of 
 literary productions which had meaning and interest only in lim 
 ited districts is sufficient proof of this. To be sure, later in the 
 century there grew up a recognition of the necessity of a com 
 bination of local and national patriotism, but this seems to have 
 been appreciated only by a few, among them the better writers 
 such as Alexis, Scheffel and Freytag. 
 
 The number of authors, however, who do treat it definitely 
 or mention it briefly, represent a very fair propo>tion and are in 
 dicative of the prominent place the question held in the thought 
 of the day. German national unity was not the creation of any 
 one individual. The German nation, or rather the thought of all 
 
National Unity in the German Novel Before 1870 75 
 
 Germans through the ages, was the real creator. German history 
 and German thought kept alive the ancient spirit that filled the 
 old Germania of Tacitus, and when the time came it demanded 
 its old integrity. Through the ages the thought was embodied 
 and kept sacred by native tongue, song and poetry, and in this 
 embodiment and preservation the German novel of the nineteenth 
 century played no small part. 
 
AMERICANA GERMANICA 
 
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