':^';i-|'!'v''v!'-'i:: "'T;';!''';':!''';;''' iw^: LETTERS CONCERNING THE SPANISH NATION: Written at MADRID during the Years 1760 and 1761. By the Rev. EDWARD CLARKE, M. A. Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge, and Redor of Pepperharrowe, in the County of Surry. pantos fayze-Sj tantos cojiumbres* LONDON: Print<;d for T. Becket and P. A. De Hondt, at Tally's Head in the Strand. MDCCLXIII. T O T H E RIGHT HONOURABLE GEORGE BRODRICK^ LORD VISCOUNT MIDLETON, O F T H E KINGDOM OF IRELAND; THESE LETTERS CONCERNING THE SPANISH NATION ARE INSCRIBED^ WITH THE SINCEREST RESPECT AND GRATITUDE, BY HIS LORDSHIP'S MOST OBLIGED, AND OBEDIENT HUMBLE SERVANT, EDWARD CLARKE, 4C>l1..,i5 TABLE of CONTENTS. ^he Preface, page i Historical Introduction, ix Letter I, journey from London to Madrid, i — — II. 'The State of Religion in Spain, - 9 — — — III. Part I. Of the Government of Spain, the Cortesy or Parliamenty its Laws, Tribunals, Courts of Judicature, 6cc. - - - 26 — — III. Part II. Councils ^ Halls ^ and Tribunals, 41 — IV. Part I. State of Literature^ Letters, and Men of Learning in S^2.m, - - 49 IV. Part II. State of Phyfic, Poetry, &c. 55 IV. Part III. Catalogue of SpaniJJj Authors, 66 — V. State of Meofures and Weights, 90 — — VI. View of the Stage i - 102 — VII. Part I. Defcriptionofthe Bull-feafi, exhi- bited on theprefent Kings public entry ^ July 15, 1760. 107 ■ VII. Part II. Burial'— Grandees— Kings Pub- lic Entry, - - - 1 1 6 — VIII. Part I. Defcription of the Convent of St. Laurence, commonly called the 'Efcu.vhl, 1 00 VIII. Part II. Catalogue of the Latin, Greek, and Hebrew Manufcripts in the Library of the Con- vent of the Y^^qmu-A, - - [^^ IX. Defcription of the City ^Toledo, 173 X. Defcription of the City ^'Segovia, 179 Lette R TABLE OF CONTENTS, Letter XI. Some Account of the Antiquities at Cor- duba, Seville, Cadiz, Granada, Saguntum, Tarago- iia, ^;/^ Barcelona, - page 20J Xn. A Lijl of the Lafid and Sea Forces, in the year 1760, ivith an EJiimate of their an?iual Expence. — The Salaries of th^ great Officers.— -Pcnfions paid oiit of the Finances.-— Of the Revenuesy - 211 XIIL A jhort View of the Commerce and Ma- nifa£iiires ^ Spain, fo far as they relate to Great Bri- tain, _ _ - 2.iJI -.srt XIV. An Account of the Spa?iiJJj Moneys 26 — XV. The State of Agriculture^^ -• .. ^82 — XVI. To the Heveroid T>r. Kennicott, >(2;zr cerning the Hebrew Manufcripts in Spain, 2^2- XVII. Don Gregory Mayan'j Epiftk to C. C. Pluer, on the prefent State of the Hebrew and Arabii? Learning in Spain, - - £•99 XVIII. The fame to the late Sir Benjamin Keene, containing a fult Account of the Complutenfan Poly" glott, - - - 312 XIX. Of the Royal Family y and Court of Spain, - ' - 322 XX. Journey from Madrid to Lifbon, and thence ta London, - - 346 NEW P R E F A TH E compiler of the following papers having had the ho- nour to attend his Excellency the right honourable George William, Earl of Bristol, his Britannic Majefty's AmbalTador Extraordinary, and Miniiler Plenipotentiary to the court of Ma- drid, in quality of chaplain, for near two years ; he made it his bulinefs, during his flay there, to colled: fuch informations, hints, and materials relative to the prefent ftate of Spain, as might ei- ther gratify the curiofity of his friends, or prove of fome utility to the public in general. For this hath ever appeared to him to be the true and proper dciign of T^raveUingy to bring back fuch notices of foreign coun- tries, as may corred: any prejudices and errors we have entertained concerning them ; fuch as may improve our prefent opinions, and contribute to form a juft idea of different nations. This employ- ment may be more ufeful, though, perhaps, not fo flattering to the imagination, as that of reading Virgil upon the banks of the Mi?2cioy Horace upon the Anjidiis, or Homer upon the Scamander. Writers of authentic accounts of countries, though beneath the attention of elegant genius, and not rifmg to the higher claims of tafte and i;/r/z/, may notwithftanding be more ferviceable to the public, than the purchafer of a decayed liitiany the recoverer of a ruily coin^ the copier of a defaced infer iption, or the defigner of an old ruin. It is, perhaps, to be wilhed, that the generality of our youag travellers would give more of their attention this way; the fub- \tOi is not exhaufted, and the objed: is of much greater mom^t, than the dreffcs of one country, or the tunes #f another ; than 11 R E F A C E. the vineyards of this province, or the kitchens of that. To ob- fcrve the variation of manners, the force of cuftoms, the utility of laws, or the effeds of climate, renders a much more effential fer- vice to your country, than to fet a new fafliion, teach a new air, or give a new didi. The writer, apprehending that his ftay in Spai^ would have been of much longer duration, had formed his original plan of a much larger extent, than that which is now laid before the pu- bhc : but as the war, which unfortunately broke out between the two courts, prevented his profecuting that more extenfive defign, the reader will, he hopes, charitably place this defed: to the ac- count of that unforefcen event, and not to any want of intention or induftry in the writer. He is very fenfible of the many Imperfedlons and defedls of this performance, and is convinced, that it flands in need of all the apologies he is capable of making for it. The reader owes the perufal of it not to the writer's own fentiment or opinion, but to the determination of abler judges, who conceived, that with all its errors it miglit be of ufe to the public, as relating to a country, the accounts of which now extant among us are more apt to millead, than to inform. The following papers would have been much lefs fuperficial and jejune, if the country, in which they v/ere colleded, had been half fo cojnmunicatrce as that in which they are publillied. In Spain, the want of that general education and knowledge, which is fo univerfally diffufed throughout this ifland, renders the pro- grefs of all enquiry very flaw and difficult : the referved temper and genius of the Spaniards makes it ftill more embaraffed ; but the caution they ufe, and the fufpicions they entertain with regard to hcrtticks, efpccially priells, are generally fufficient to d^mp the mod induftrious and inquilitive refearcher. Add to this that in- vincible obfiacle to all free enquiry in catholic countries, the in- quijition, and then i.t is apprehended that the reader will not won- der, that he finds fo little entertainment and information in the following letters. But R E F A C E. iU • But this is not all ; befides the difficulties a foreigner meets with in the dominions of his catholic majefty, that of the language is not the leafl. French and Italian are now become lo very fiiHiionable and common among us, that mofl: of our young tra- vellers fet out with the BoccaRomana^ and the accent of Blois. But how few are there of us, that go out Spaniards ? that have language enough to aik. Which is the way ? or. How many miles are there to the next town ? This inconvenience will be lenfibly felt by every enquiring mind. For want of Spaniflt, the compiler of thefe papers ufed to endeavour to avail himfelf at firft of that almoft univerfal tongue of mankind, the Latin : but in that, be- iides the difference of pronunciation, he found a much worfe cir- cumftance belonging to it : few of the monks or clergy underftood any thing of it ; and ftill fewer were able to fpeak it. Their com- mon anfwer was. No en tie?? do UJie ; No es Latino por aca, pero es Latino por alia : that is, *' I do not underfland you, Sir : it is not " the Latin of this here country, but of that there country." Having fairly apprifed the reader of thofe imperfedlions which he will find in this mifcellany, the writer hopes to be indulged in fubmitting to him what may be modeflly faid in favour of the performance. The accounts which we have of Spain, may be reduced to three forts \ the Romance, the Obfoktey and the Modern. With re- gard to the firft, the author rejoices to fee that abfurd kind of writing fo generally difregarded, that even the very names of the celebrated romances of the lafl age are almoft as much forgot- ten as thofe of their authors : Though it is to be feared, that the wretched tribe of novel-writers, which have fucceeded, have done greater mifchief. The too fublime Clelia and Pharamond werecompofitions, perhaps, of lefs pernicious tendency, than fome of our later printed poifons : the former might fill the mind with improbable fidions, but the latter may inflame the heart with pro- bable vice : the apprentice, or young mifs, may be lefs incited by objects of impofiible imitation, fuch as the wandering knight in black armour, or the rambling lady upon a milk-white palfrey, a 2 than IV E F A C E. than by the fiimiliar hiflory of thefeducer and the feduced, which fill up moft of our modern novels; thefe are fubjeds of more pro- bable, and, therefore, more dangerous, imitation. But to return from this {hort digreflion : the r^w^;^ri*-accounts of Spain have had this bad effecft upon us, that they have in a manner infufed themfelves into our ideas of that country. The manners of the moft inflexible people, and fuch the Spaniards are, undergo fome alteration in every age; the mad exploits of chi- valry, and the extravagant gallantries of the old Spaniards, are now no more : the guittar and gauntlet are both thrown afide. The more refined manners of Fkance paffed over the Pyrenees with the houfe of Bourbon. Even the Spanifi language is now mak- ing its laft ftruggles againft the more infinuating one of France > and, if the court did not ftill retain that laudable cuftom of an- fwering foreign amballadors in their own tongue, it would pro- bably have fallen into great negled; before now. French politejfe has given a new air to, and foftened the ferocious features of that country : the muftacho has dropped from the lip, and the cloke from the flioulders of their noblefle. Even the Inquijitors have fince learned not only the politenefs, but humanity of that people, and have left off roafting heretics alive : a cuftom, which, within this century, has been pradlifed at Granada. The next accounts which we have of Spain, may be called Obfolete ; and fuch fhould be efteemed all thofe which have not been publiflicd within this century. They are accounts, indeed, which were once true, but are now no more a juft defcription of the Spaniards, than an account of England in the time of Ed- ward III. would be called now v fuch are The ladys travels into Spain^ a book pirated from a French writer ; and many others. The Deliccs d'E/pagne^ though a good book, is now quite anti- quated ; even the dcfcriptions of places in it are become unlike,, becaufe the face of a country will change with time, as well as the manners of a people. The third clafs of accounts mentioned above, are the Modern ;. of this fort we have very little that is either tolerably correct or 2 aa- PREFACE. T authentic. Mr. Willoughby's Travels, though republished in Harris's ColIe6lion, are of no moment j it is faid the bota- nical, or natural hiftory part of it is good ; which, I fuppo^e, made them appear together with Mr. Ray's. Mr. Ap Rice has indeed lately publiflied A tour through Spain and FortugaU Lon^ don iy6oy in 8vo ; his view appears merely to have been that of expofing the abfurd miracles of the Romifh church, which indeed he has done eifedually : but, in other refpe(3:s, that book does not feem to have been written by one who actually vifited the places themfelves. The laft thing, which I have to offer in favour of thefe letters, is, that the reader may be affured, that the utmoft care was taken, that the accounts fliould be had from the befl: hand poffible. The account of the Spanijh Money was examined and approved by Dar- CY and Jois, the great bankers at Madrid, and by the gentle- men of the embaffy> The ftate of the Army^ Navy^ Finances, and Civil Li fl of the Court, were tranfcribed from an original French MS. of the greateft authority, which may be {tQ,n in the author's pofleffion, and which is a curioflty of no fmall value. The title of that French MS. which is a thin folio, runs thus, Bilaji General des Finances de S. M. C. Don Carlos III. Roi d'EJpagnCj en 1760. The writer has inferted nothing, which he apprehends to be either ambiguous or falfe. And though he makes no doubt, but there are miftakes, yet he is certain, that he hath done all that he could to avoid them. He has made ufe of all the helps, living or dead, which fell in his way. And as he believes he has availed himfejf of mofl: of what is frinted w^qw this fubjed:; fo he is not confcious of having omitted any hints, given him by his friends and acquaintance, either in Spain or England. But though he has confulted what others have written upon this fub,je6l, it has been more with a view of avoiding their obier- vations, than of making himfclf rich by their fpoils : For in this matter he followed, as near as he could, that excellent inlhiidion, v/hich Dr. Middleton hath given to fucceedirig writers, in his a 3 admlrai)ic n PREFACE, admirable preface to the Life of Cicero. ' In writing hiftory,- * as in travels, inftead of tranfcribing the relations of thofe who * have trodden the fame ground before us, we (hould exhibit a * feries of obfcrvations peculiar to ourfelves j fuch as the fads and * places fuggelled to our own minds, from an attentive furvey of * them, without regard to what any one elfe may have delivered « about them : And though in a produ6tion of this kind, where < the fame materials are common to all, many things muft necef- * farily be faid, which had been obferved already by others; yet, * if the author has any genius, there will be always enough of what * is new, to diftinguilh it as an original work, and to give him a * right to call it his own :' which, he flatters himfelf, will be al- lowed to him in the following letters. As to the form of Letters, in which this colledion appears, it was owing to this clrcumftance; great part of it was fent to the author's friends in England, in that drefs, from Madrid : and when he came to review the whole, he faw no reafon why he (hould alter it ; it is the eafieft and moft comprehenfive vehicle of matter; it allows of more liberty than a ftiff and formal narra- tive; it affords more relief to the reader, there being perpetual breaks, where he may paufe at pleafure. But there is one circumftance in this publication, which af- fords the author no fmall fatisfadlion ; and that is the giving his reader a frefh proof of the happinefs, which he enjoys in being l>on2 a Briton ; of living in a country, where he poffelTes freedom of fentiment and of action, liberty of confcience, and fecurity of property, under the moft temperate climate, and the muft duly poifed government in the whole world. A liberty that cannot become licentious, becaufe bounded and circumfcribed, not by the.arbitrary will of ONE, but by the wiidom of all, by the due Timits of reafon, judice, equity, and law : Where the prince can do no wrong, and where the people mufl: do right : Where the lawlefs noble is no more privileged from the hand of juftice, than the meaneil pcafant : Where the greateft miniller ftands account- able to the public, and, if he betrays the interefls of his country, cannot bid defiance to the jufl refentmcnts of the law. Let R E F A C E. Vll Let an Engliiliman go where he will, to Spain or Portu- gal, to France or Italy ; let him travel over the whole globe, he will find no conftitution comparable to that of Great Bri- tain. Here is no political engine, no baftile, no inquifition, to ftifle in a moment every fymptom of a free fpirit rifmg either in church or ftate j no familiar, no alguazil to carry off each dange- rous genius in arts or fcience, to thofe dark and bloody cells, from whence there are vefiigia nulla retrorfum. The Monfieur is polite, ingenious, fubtle, and proud : but he is a flave, and is ftarving ; his time, his purfe, and his arm are not his own, but his monarch's. The Italian has neither freedom, morals, nor religion. The Don is brave, religious, and very jea- lous of his honour, when once engaged : yet oppreffion and pover- ty are his portion under the fway of an arbitrary monarch. And though he may boaft, that the fun never rifes or fets but within the vaft limits of the Spanifli monarchy, yet he will never fee li- berty, fcience, arts, manufadlures, and commerce flourish in them with any vigour. The Fortugiiefe is equally a Have, ignorant, and fuperftitious. The German is continually at v/ar, or repairing the havock made by it. The Hollander, funk in floth, and the love of money, is only acftive in commerce out of avarice. All tliefe, weighed in the balance againfl Britain, in point of happinefs and advantages, will be found light : Let it, therefore, be coniidered as no illiberal end of this publication, to infpire the reader with love of the Britifli conftitution. The papers, which compofe the following Ilijlorical Introduce tion, confill of three parts. The Jirjl contains jin extra^ from the works of the Marquis de Mondecar, a noble, learned, and judi- cious Spaniard, fliewing the rife and origin of the feveral kingdoms into which Spain was divided, and whofe provincial divifions fub- fifl to this day. T'htfecond'n AJJjort njieiv of the hijlory of Spain from the death of Charles 11. to the prefcnt time : This period was chofen, as being that of the accefiion of the EouRBON-family, which forms a new jera, and is, in the hiftory of Spain, what the revolution is in the hillory of England 3 our modern politics hardly Vlll R E F A C E. hardly looking fiiTther Back than the prefent fettlement in Spain, and the partition of the Italian dominions, which enfued upon it. The third part of this hiftorical introdudion is, A lift of Englijh iwihajjadors, &c. at the court of Spain, with the treaties, &c. which it was thought would be no unufeful appendix to the former. To conclude : Should there be, among the more humane read- ers, one who, in any remark, circumllance, or reflexion, may ima- gine that I have heightened or exaggerated this account of the irpanilli nation, or have been any where too fevere in my animad- verfions ; have caricatured the features, or magnified the manners of that people: he will, upon better information, difcover, that THIS is by far the moll: favourable and candid account of Spain, which is not written by a Spaniard. Thofe who will take the pains to read what the Marflial Bassompiere, the Countefs D'AuNOis, Father Labat, the Abbe Vayrac, Madame de Villars, M. Desormeaux, Don Juan Alvarez de Colme- nar, himfelf a Spaniard, and others have written upon this fub- jed, will fee the difference between a fair, true, and impartial account, and one didated by a heart overflowing with gall, and penned with the ink of invedive. And yet, what is more remark- able, their defcriptions were written by authors of the fame reli- gions perfuafion with the Spaniards, by true and zealous catholics. If mine has any merit to claim over their's, it is by Viewing, that a proteftant has written a more favoui^ble account of a catholic country, than catholics themfelves have publiflied. Truth and fadl have been throughout the fole objects of my attention. I had neither ill-nature to gratify, or fpleen to indulge : I abhor all na- tional reflections, and defpife from my heart the little prejudices of country, or cuAoni. Upon many accounts I love and revere the Spaniards: I admire their virtues, and applaud their valour. All nations and regions have their refpective merits. But, notwith- ftanding, I have fleadily kept that jufl: rule in view, Ne quid falsi dicere aufus, ne (juid veri rion aifus. ' Hiflo- Hiftorlcal Introduction. (^he remarks of the Marquis ^^Mondecar upon the Spa7iip hifio- rians being judicious, new, and not commonly to be ??iet with, I thought proper to give the reader the Jolioimng extracts from his work.J THE Roman empire in this country lafted fomething more than 400 years after the commencement of the Chriflian aera : but the Spanifli hiftory is conneded with the Roman for near 600, till that empire was utterly extind. The Goths entered about the year 400. Himeric, with the Suevi and Alans, con- quered Gal LI CIA, about the year 408. Thefe Suevi, who gave name to Gallicia, fubdued Portugal about 464. Requi- NA, the fon of Himeric, conquered Biscay, Andalusia, and took SARAG09A and Tarragona in 488. Recaredo was King of Spain in 587, and called a Cortes, at which prelates, as well as fecular lords, aflifted, and granted aids to the crown. Af- ter him came Witteric, to whom fucceeded Gundemar, in 610. In63i,SisENAND0 was chofe King, who called a Cortes at Toledo. The Moors entered Spain about the year 68c, confequently the Gothic government did not laft 300 years. Tarif Abenzar- c A came in 7 1 3 . The three moft principal northern nations which came here, were, the Vandals, from whom the province of Andalusia received its name ^ thefe went afterwards into Africa: The Suevi, who remained long in Gallicia -j and the Goths, who conquered the whole country, and held it upwards of 200 years. Th£ Goths polTefTed the whole continent of Spain, Maurita- nia, Africa, and Gallia Gothica, or that part of France, b which X HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. which is now corruptly called Languedoc : but in their turn thev gave place to the Moors or Arabs, whofe dominion cealed^ when Pelavo was eftabliflied in his throne. The Moors con- quered all Spain, except thofe mountainous parts, whither fome bo- dies of relblute chriliians fled for refuge. Thefe by degrees plan- ned and concerted meafures to fliake off the Arabic yoke. The firft ftand againft them was made by the mountaineers of As- TUKiAS, who eleded King the Infant Don Pelayo, fwearing the nobles over a lliield, and crying out, Real! Real! This Pelayo was a Gothic prince by birth, fo that he in fome mea- fure reftored again the Gothic monarchy. He recovered Gijon and Leon ; and his fon got poffeflion of part of Portugal, and all Gallicia. From this recovery of Leon came the race of the kings of Oviedo and Leon. The boldnefs and fuccefs of thefe chrillians alarming the Arabs, they attacked them in their different il:rong-holds, in order to cut off their communications one with another. But this produced a very different effedt from what they expedted. The chriftiaas, to repel the danger that threat- ncd them on every fide at the fame time, chcfe different heads in different places, who being feparate one from the other in their (Tovernments, defended their fubjeds independently of one ano- ther. This neceffary refolution gave rife to the different kingdoms in Spain. Such was their undoubted origin, tho' it is impoffible to fay, at what cxad period each kingdom rofe, as there are no antient monuments remaining fufficient to prove that point. The firft kingdom or monarchy that arofe, after the Moorifh invafion, was that, as we have faid, of Don Pelayo in the As- TURiAs, an eledive monarchy : and ia proportion as the Aftu- rian princes dillodged the pagans of thofe lands and territories that lay nearefl to them, they changed the ftile of their titles ; being firft called Kings of Asturias, then of Ovikdo, and laftly of Leon and Gallicia, until they were incorporated with the Kings of Castile, by the marriage of Queen Donna Sancha Isabella, fifterof King Don Bermudo III. its laft prince, both of them de- fcendants of King Don Alonzo V. who married the daughter of Ferdinand the great, to whom fome give the title of Emperor,, and who was firft King of Castile^ HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. XI Of this long period, in which the chriftlan princes gained fuch glorious fuccefles, and fingular vidories over the infidels, there are fome fhort and obfcure accounts in the little chronicles of Don AlonzoIII. King of Leon, furnamed the great y and of Alveda, of Sampiro, and of Don Pelayo. COUNTS and KINGS oi CASTILE, AT the fame time with thefe Asturian Princes, arofe many nobles, who figned their deeds and inllruments, with the ti- tles of Counts or Princes, and, among others, thofe of Castile, which ftate arrived at fovereignty in the time of the great Count Fernan Gonzalez, by his heroic valour, glorious triumphs, and extended power. The mofh diflinguifhed Prince of this houfe was Don Sancho Garcia, whofe violent death was the caufe, why this houfe united itfelf to the crown of Arr agon and Navarre, by the marriage of the Princefs Donna Sanch a his fifter, with the King Don Sancho Mayor, whofe fecond fon Don Fernando raifed Castile into a kingdom. Castile afterwards became an hereditary crown in his lineage, in preference to all the other kingdoms, altho' inferior in origin to Arragon and Navarre. The feries and chronology of the feveral counts is much con- tefted between the Spanifh writers, Arredondo, Arevalo,San- DovAL, and others : a difpute not worth our entering into, fmce it is certain, that from the bravery, fuccefs, and power vv^ith which Don Fernando extended his dominion, fo as to be ftiled firft kino- of Castile, his kingdom became fo famous, that all the Moor- ifli princes acknowledged him for their fovereign. His fon was Don Alonzo VI. his grand-daughter was the Queen Donna Ur- r AC A, with whom ended the barony of Navarre : the crown of Castile falling back again into the houfe of the Counts of Bur- gundy (who came from the Kings of Italy) by her marriage with the Count Don Raymund, her firft hufband; from which match came their fon the great Emperor Don Alonzo VII. b 2 This xti HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. This prince left bis eftates divided between his two Tons: To Don Saxcho, the eldefl:, whofe great virtues and untimely death gained him the name of the rcgvcttedj he left the kingdoms of Castile, and part of Leon: And to Don Ferdinand, the fecond, tlie reft of Leon, Gallicia, and Asturias. He took upon himfelf the title of King of Spain, pretending that the pri- mogeniture of the GoTiis, which was re-eftabli(lied inPELAVo, had centered in himfelf. Don Sanciio dying, he was fucceeded by Don Alonzo the nobky one of the greateft princes of his time. It was he who gaiiied the famous battle of the plains of Tolosa over theMooRs,deftroy- ing 200,000 of them at one time -f*. He dying without ifTue-male, the tv/o kingdoms of Castile and Toledo went to Donna Be- RENGUELA, his eldeft daughter. Although the royal barony of Burgundy ended in the Queen Donna Berenguela, it returned and united with the kingdom of Leon, Gallicia, and Asturias by the marriage of King Don Alonzo, her uncle (who fucceeded in thofe kingdoms to King Don Fernando, brother to King Don Alonzo the noble, her grandfather) from which match came the King Sn. Fernando, from whom defcended, without interruption, the Kings of Cas- tile and Arragon, until united in Ferdinand and Isabella, they relapfed into the auguft houfe of Austria, by the marriage of the Queen Donna Juana, their eldeft daughter, to the Arch- Duke Don Philip I. from which great union ^rung the Emperor Charles V. From this period downward, the Spanifh hiftory is very con- nedledly written, and well known ; I fhall now therefore only give a fummary view of it from the death of Charles IL to the prefent time. t Begging the Spanifli hiftorian's pardon, this number muft be exaggerated: 50,000 ilaiii is full enough for any hero. A HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. xiil A CONCISE VIEW of The history of SPAIN, From the Death of CHARLES II. To the Prefent Time. AS Charles the fecond of Spain had no IfTue, England, France, and Holland, formed, in 1699, the famous treaty of partition, for dividing the dominions of the crown of Spain, upon his death. Each party had, or, at leaft, pretended to have, the common view, in this treaty, of preventing fuch a vaft acceffion of power from paffing, either into the Houfe of Au- stria, or that of Bourbon, already formidable enough of themfelves. This ftep very fenfibly affedled the court of Spain : Charles the fecond was fo much offended thereat, that, on his death-bed, he figned a will, by which he bequeathed all his do- minions to Philip Duke of Anjou, grandfon of Lewis XIV. Though that Prince had before entered into the partition treaty, yet, finding the fucceffion thus left to his family, he paid no re- gard to any former engagements or renunciations, but on the i8th of February, declared his grandfon, Philip, King of Spain, who arrived at Madrid on" the 14th of April, 1701. This proceed- ing immediately alarmed the maritime powers and the Empe- ror ; the former were apprehenfive of Spanifli America's falling into the hands of the French, and the latter, befides the inju- ry he imagined dene to his own family, dreaded the too great in- fluence of the power of the Houfe of Bourbon. A war en- fuedj and Charles Arch-duke of Austria was foon after fet up, in oppofition to Philip V. His claim was vigorouily fupported by the maritime powers, and at firft favoured by ma- ny of the grandees of Spain. In the third year of this war, the King of Portugal and the Duke of Savoy joined like- wife XiV HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. wife in the alliance againft Philip; who, in the following campaigns, was driven from his capital, by the fuccefs of the allied forces, and almoft obliged to abandon Spain. In the end, however, his party prevailed, and, at the peace of Utrecht in 1713, he was acknowledged as King of Spain by all the confe- derates leagued againft him, except the Emperor. The allies then contented thcmfelves with fuch limitations and reftridions, as might keep the two monarchies of France and Spain difu- nited, A treaty of partition may, indeed, be faid to have taken place at the laft ; for Philip, by the articles of the peace, was only left in poHciTion of Spain, its American colonies, and fettlements in the East-Indies ; but the Spanifli dominions in Italy, and the iflands of Sicily and Sardinia were dif- membered from the monarchy, which had alfo loft the iiland of Minorca and the fortrefs of Gibraltar, both of which places were ceded to Great-Britain. The Duke of Savoy was put in poffefTion of the ifland of Sicily, with the title of Kingj and the Arch-duke Charles, who, two years before, had been eleded Emperor of Germany, held Milan, Naples, and Sardinia, and ftill kept up his claim to the whole Spanilh mo- narchy. Though Philip, by the peace concluded at Utrecht, was left, by the allies, pofleflbr of the greateft and moft important part of the Spanifli dominions, yet fome obftinate enemies ftill remained to be reduced, before he could be faid to have fixed the Spanifti crown fecurely upon his head. The inhabitants of Ca- talonia refufed to acknowledge him, and, finding themfelves abandoned by their allies, folicited the affiftance of the Grand Signior, in hopes of eftablifhing themfelves into an independent republic. Their blind obftinacy, however, ferved only to heighten the milcries and calamities to which they had been greatly ex- pofed during the whole courfe of the war. After a moft bloody and ftubborn defence, they were entirely reduced by the King's troops, when they were deprived of their antient privileges, and their country was annexed to the crown of Castile, as a conquered province. The HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. x^ The redu6tIon of Catalonia reftored tranquillity to Spain, which had been harafled for twelve years by a moft cruel and bloody war. Philip, by that conqueft, finding himfelf quietly feated upon the throne, began to turn his thoughts to the re- union of the Italian dominions, which he had {een wrefted from him with the utmoft regret. With a view to this re-union, his firft wife being dead, he married Elizabeth Farnese, heirefs of Parma, Pl acentia, and Tuscany ; which alHance afterwards proved a fource of new diifenfions and wars among the Princes of Europe ; and, to this day, ftill leaves an opening for bloody contefts. The match was firft propofed, and afterwards negotiated, by the famous Abbe Alberoni, who, from being a fimple cu- rate in the Parmesan, rofe, by a furprifing feries of fortunate incidents, more than by any extraordinary talents, to be prime minifter in Spain. Alberoni was the fon of a common gar- dener. In the beginning of the war he had, by his forwardnefs and addrefs, infinuated himfelf into the favour of Vendome, the French General in Italy, who brought him with him to France, and afterwards to Madrid, where, after the Duke's death, he continued as agent for the affairs of Parma, and laid hold of the opportunity of aggrandifing himfelf, by propoiing a match that fuited with the views of the Spanifh court. The new Queen, being a ftranger in Spain, was advifed in every thino- by Alberoni, who, being proteded and countenanced by her, boldly intermeddled in affairs of fliate, and foon acquired a great degree of favour with the King. A few days after the celebra- tion of the King's marriage with the Princefs of Parma, his grandfather, Lewis XIV. died, and left his dominions to an infant fucceffor. Though Philip had, before the conclufion of the treaty of Utrecht, folemnly renounced, for himfelf, and his heirs, all right to the fucceffion of the crown of France, yet he was now ffrongly urged by Alberoni, to infiff upon the regency of that kingdom, during the minority, as firff Prince of the blood of France, and next in fucceffion to the prefent monarch. This wild and imprudent counfel, if it had been fol- lowed, would undoubtedly have involved Spain in a new war, I which XVI HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. which would have had no other objed:, than the meer point of Jionour ; and, upon that confideration, and, perhaps, fome regard to the oath, it was rejeded by the King. It proved, however, extremely prejudicial to Spain, and, in the end, occafioned the ruin of Albfroni ; for the Duke of Orleans, who had been declared Regent by the Parliament of Paris, having received intelligence of his defigns, conceived an implacable hatred againft him; did his utmofl: to thwart all his projeds of govern- ment ; and never ceafed perfecuting him till he faw him dif- graced. This happened a very few years afterward, the Duke's wilhes being feconded by Alberoni's own condud j for the fame impetuous and intriguing fpirit, which had promoted his grandeur, pudied him on to his downfal. At this time, however, he was in the height of favour, and continually urged the King, not to delay the renewing of the war in Italy, againfl: the Emperor Charles, who gave iuft foundation for a rupture, by ftill retaining the title of King of Spain ; by creating Spanifh grandees ; by protecting thofe who were difaffeded to Philip; and by punifliing thofe who remained faithful to him, with the forfeiture of their eftates in Flanders and Italy. The Queen, who was lately delivered of a fon, had now got a great afcendency over her hufband, and zealoufly fupporting Alberoni in all his proceedings, Philip, out of complaifance to her, was eafily perfuaded to commit the whole management of his affairs to him, and weakly fuffered himfclf to be guided, in every thing, by his counfels. Albe- roni, though not declared prime minifter, now aded as fuch, with a moft defpotic authority, and caufed immenfe military pre- parations to be carried on in the ports of Spain, with the de- fign of attacking the dominions poffeffed by the E'mperor in Italy. But, to deceive the Pope, from whom he had, for fome time, been foliciting a Cardinal's hat, and who, he knew, would be greatly offended with the renewal of the war in Ita- ly, he, by private letters, profeffed his abhorrence of difturbing the repofe of that country, and alledged, that the naval arma- ments were defigned againft the Turks, who had attacked the Venetian HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION, xvii Venetian territories in Greece, and even ftruck a terror intoth^ Italians, by making a defcent upon their coafts. The great naval preparations kept all Europe in fufpenfe, and very much alarmed feveral ftates. The Emperor lufpeAed an at- tack upon Naples and Milan ; the Duke of Savov feared an invalion of Sicily, which illand, he knew, was not well afFetft- ed to him ; and George I. of Great-Britain, was apprehen- five, that the fleet was deligned to affift the Jacobites, who had been defeated two years before in Scotland, Alberoni having, at length, obtained from the Pope, not only the dignity of Cardinal for himfelf, but alfo an indulgence to raifc a fubfidy, for five years, upon the clergy in Spain and Spanifh America, immediately took off the mailc, and ordered the fleet to fail againft Sardinia, which ifland was reduced in lefs than two months. The Emperor being, at this time, en- gaged in a war againft the Turks in Hungary, had left but a very few troops in his Italian dominions, not exped:ing to be at- tacked by Philip in thofe parts, as both Princes had ftipulated to obferve a neutrality, in regard to them. He had, indeed, done fome things that might be deemed infradlions of that neu- trality ; but the King of Spain not having made any formal complaints of thefe, was now generally looked upon as the ag- greflTor, by the invafion of Sardinia. Accordingly the Pope>who nownever mentioned Alberoni's name but with fome injurious epithet, by a public brief exprefl^ed his refentment againft Philip, and he, in return, commanded the nuntio to leave Spain. The King of Great-Britain and the Regent of France ordered their ambafl^dors at Madrid, to complain 'of the violation of the neutrality. They even fent ambalTadors extraordinary to Spain, to prefs an accommodation between the Emperor and Philip. Alberoni, however, reply- ing, in a very haughty ftile, and continuing his military prepara- tions with more vigour than ever, the powers who offered their mediation entered into a league with the Emperor, which v/as called the triple alliance; and King George fent a fleet of 26 c f!iips xvili HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. fliips of the line into the Mediterranean, under the command of Admiral Byng, who was ordered to maintain the neutrality of Italy. The Spanifli minifter vainly perfuaded himfelf, that no powers but thofe' who were diredly attacked, would interfere in oppof- ing his wild fchemes, which tended to difturb the fettled tran- quillity of Europe ; and he leaft of all expected to fee an inti- mate alliance betwixt the courts of Great-Britain and France. His fuccefs againft Sardinia, which was but a trifling conqueft, fo far blinded him, that he thought himfelf fufficient alone to op- pofe three of the moft formidable powers of Europe united. He ftill purfued his warlike preparations with the utmoft vigour, which were greater than any fitted out by Spain, fince the time of the famous Armada againft England. He confulted with nobody ; and the Spanifli olHcers, of the greateft prudence and ex- perience, who ventured to give their advice, were treated by him with contempt and arrogance. To counterbalance the power of the triple alliance, he vain- ly attempted to embroil all Europe. He fent an envoy to Con- stantinople, to excite Prince Ragotski to renew the war in Hungary, where the Turks had agreed to a truce for four years j he formed a confpiracy in Frat^ce, for depofing the Regent, which ferved only to heighten the animofity of the Duke of Orleans againft himfelf; he prcfled the Czar of Mus- covy, to attack the Emperor's hereditary dominions ; and he of- fered large fubfidies to Charles XII. of Sweden, if he would invade Great-Britain. During thefe negotiations, the Spanidi fleet, confifting of 26 Hnps of the line, befides frigates, failed from Barcelona, having on board 30,000 of the beft troops of Spain, moft of them veterans, who had been in all the aftions of the long war of the fucceflion. On the firft and fecond of July 1719, the army landed on Sicily, and, in a few weeks, made themfelves mafters of a great part of that HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. xix that ifland. The entire conquefl, in all probability, would very foon have been compleatedj but the Spanifli iieet, en the 9th of Auguft, being totally defeated by Admiral Byn, for fome months, expreded great dillatisfadtion with Alberoni, and now parted with him without regret. He ordered him to leave Spain in three weeks, declared the Marquis de Bed mar and the marquis de Grimaldo his firft minifters, and recalled feveral noblemen, who, on various pretences, had been banifh- ed, during the late adminiftration. Alberoni left SPAI^J about the middle of December, and retired to Italy, where he was fo perfecuted by the Pope, and even by Philip, that for feveral years he was obliged to travel difguifed, and to conceal the place of his refidence. A FEW months after the retreat of Alberoni, Philip, though very unwillingly, acceded to the triple alliance, by which he encased himfelf to evacuate both Sicily and Sardinia. The Spanifh troops accordingly abandoned thofe two illands the enfuing fummer, the Emperor being put in polTellion of Sicily, and the Duke of SvWoy of Sardinia. Soon after, a congrefs was appointed to be held at Cam bray, to fettle all differences among the contending parties, and treat of a final pacification. While fome preliminary points were fettling, Philip lent the Marquis de Leyde, with a confiderable fleet and army, to the relief of Ceuta, which had been befieged for 26 years by the Moors. The Spanifh troops, a few days after their arrival, to- tally routed and difperfcd the Moors, and made themfelves maf- ters of their entrenched camp, and all their artillery. As the Duke of Orleans, fmce the difgrace of Alberoni, had feemingly favoured the prctenfions of Spain, Philip the fol- lowing HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. xxi lowing year, at his folicitation, contraded a double alliance with the branches of the houfe of Bourbon in France. The Infanta of Spain, tho' then only three years of age, was fent to France as future queen to Lewis XV., and two of the daughters of the Duke of Orleans arrived in Spain, to be married to the Prince of AsTURiAS and the Infant Don Carlos. The fucceffion of this 1 aft to the Dutchies of Parma and Tuscany feemed now to be the chief objed; of the court of Spain. This point and many others were to be fettled at Camera y ; but as the Emperor, who had no inclination to gratify the Spaniards, purpofely delayed the congrefs, Philip this year concluded a particular treaty with the court of Great Britain, who having the aJJientOy or contradt of ' fupplying the Spanifh colonies with negroes, renewed, agreed to re- ftore the fhips taken off Sicily. Nothing memorable happened in Spain during the two fol- lowing years; but in the beginning of the year after, 1724, Philip aftonifhed all Europe, by publicly abdicating his crown in favour of his eldefi: fon Don Lewis, Prince of Asturi as, who was then in the feventeenth year of his age. Philip himfelf, tho' he had not reached his fortieth year, had long been lick of regal grandeur. From a weaknefs of body and mind, the leaft application to buii- nefs had for fome years given him a difguft; his mind was conti- nually filled with religious fcruples, which rendered him timorous and indecifive in every thing , and he falfely imagined that a fcep- tre was incompatible with a life of integrity. The Spaniards exprefled great joy upon the acce/Tion of Lewis L who was endeared to them, not only by being born among them, but by his generofity, affability, and many other virtues. I'he pu- blic joy, however, was foon turned into mourning, by the unexpec- ted death of the King, who died of the fmall-pox, univerfally re- greted, in the eighth month of his reign. Upon the death of Lewis, Philip was perfuaded to refume the reins of government, and the year following furprifed all the powers of Europe, by concb. .ding a particular treaty with the Emperor, upon which the different princes rtcalled their pleni- potentiaries xxu HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. potentiaries from Cambray, where they had trifled away three years merely in feafting and entertainments. By the treaty of Vi- enna, which was with the utmoft fccrecy negotiated by the fa- mous Riper DA, Philip refigned all pretenfions to Naples, Sicily, the Low-Countries, and the Milanese; Charles, on the other hand, renounced all claim to Spain and the Indies, and befides, promilcd to grant the invelliture of Parma and Tus- cany to Don Carlos. Philip foon after entered into an offen- five and defenfive alliance with the court of Vienna; to counter- balance which, the courts of Great Britain, France and Prussia concluded a mutual alliance at Hanover. The fyftem of Europe bythefe treaties feemed again changed, efpecially as Philip w^as at tliis time greatly irritated againft France, on account'of their fending back the Infanta, and now connedcd himfelf moll: clofely with the court of Vienna. The bad underilanding betwixt Spain and France was foon followed with a rupture betwixt that court and Great Britain. Riper DA, by concluding the treaty of Vienna, rofe fo high in Philip's favour, that he v/as created a Duke and Gran- dee of Spain, and was entrulled with the departments of war, of the marine, the finances, and the Indies. He enjoyed thofe ho- nours and offices, however, only a few months ; for the different regulations he propofed were lo difguftful to the lazy Spaniards, that he was accufed of mal-adminiflration, and not only difgraced, but perfecutcd. To fave himfclf, he took refuge in the houfe of Mr. Stanhope, tlie Englifii ambaflador; but the court was fo ex™ afperated againft him, that they took him from thence by force, and fent him prifoner to the caflle of Segovia. The English An^.baffador, in icTentment for the breach of his privileges, pro- teflcd againft their violence, and left Madrid. The Emperor, who was offended with the oppofition he had met with from Gkeat Britain, mi eftablifhing an Eaft-India company at Ostend, fomented the differences betwixt this court and::PAiN, and was fo fuccefsful at Madrid, that the year fol- lowing, 1 727, in the end of February, the Spaniards laid fiege to Gi-r 4 braltar. HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION, xxiii BRALT AR. They foon found the enterprize, however, above their flrength, and, after four months of open trenches, were obliged to retire with difgrace. The bifliop of Frejus, afterwards fo well known by the name of Cardinal Fleuri, v/as at this time labour- ing to eflablifli a general pacification among the powers of Eu- rope, and had prevailed on the Emperor and King of Great Britain, and the States-General to agree with France in %n- ing the preliminaries for a peace. The Spaniards, who wanted a fair pretence to withdrav/ frCm Gibraltar, foon after acceded to thefe preliminaries. A general congrefs being then appointed to be held at Sojssons, PiiiLiP fent three plenipotentiaries thither, and foon after fent an ambaffador for the firft time to Russia, who concluded a treaty of commerce between the two nations. As the negotiations at Soissons miCt with many interruptions, on account of the various claims of the different princes who had fent their plenipotentiaries thither, Philip, the following year, 1729,. concluded a particular treaty at Seville, with Great Bkitain and France, to which the States General afterwards acceded. By this treaty Philip promifed nolonger to countenance the Ostend- compciny; and the other powers, in return, engaged to guarantee the fuccfclTicn of Don Carlos to the dutchies of Tuscany, Parma,, and Placentia, and to affifc in introducing 6000 Spaniards in- to thefe territories. 1 he Emperor, who could not bear the thoughts of feeing Spanifli troops in Italy, was greatly offended with this treaty, and endeavoured, by artifice, to render it inefi:ed:ual. Accordingly, two years after, when the fuccefilon to Parma and Placentia opened to Don Carlos by the death of the laftDuke of the Farnefe family, the Emperor's troops took pofieffion of fe- veral fortified places in thofe dukedoms, under pretence that the widow of the late Duke had been left with child by him. Charles however, feeing no way of fecuring thofe dutchies by negotiation, and being fenfible that the cheat would foon be detected, agreed at length to fuffer 6000 Spaniards to accompany Don Carlos into Italy, and alfo engaged to fupprefs the OsTEND-company, which had given fo much offence : Great Britain, on the oiher h'jnd, promilirg to guarantee his dominions in Italy. Soon after, an Eiiglidi fleet joined that of Spain, and conducted the Infant xxlv H I S T O R I C A L I N T R O D irC T I O N. Infant Don Carlos to Leghorn, who quietly at length took pof- feflion of Parma, which had been deftined to him as his inhe- ritance ever fince his birth. The fettlement of Don Carlos being accomphfhed, the court of Spain turned their views to the recovery of Or an. An army of 25,000 men was accordingly fent to Africa under the com- mand of the Count de Montemar, v/ho totally defeated the Moorifh army, and in lefs than a month made himfelf maftcr of the place, tho' it was defended by a garrifon of 10,000 m.en. The recovery of their African pofTefTions was far from fatlsfying the ambition of the Spanii'h court ; who now eagerly embraced an opportunity of breaking with the Emperor, and thereby extending their dominions in Italy. The throne of Poland becoming va- cant, by the death of the Eledor of Saxony, the greateft part of the Poles eleded Stanislaus, who had formerly been their King; but a few of the moft powerful chofe the new Eled:or of Saxon y, and the fon of their late King, Stanislaus was fupported by his fon-in-law, Lewis XV. of France, who, on this occalion, entered into an offenfive and defenfive alliance with the Kings of Spain and Sardinia. The Emperor Charles, and the Czarina zcalouily efpoufed the caufe of the other competitor. The war which enfued was very favourable to the Spaniards, who, in one campaign, made an entire conqueft of the kingdom of Na]m..].s. The year following, 1735, Don Carlos completed the conqueil of Sicily, and was crowned as King of the Two SicjLiiis in Palermo, the capital city of the ifland. The Em- peror, in the mean time, being driven out of almoj^ all his pof- feflions in Lomkardy and Tuscany, and being aifo unable to oppoje the French armies on the Rhine, folicited the mediation of the maritime powers, who by threatning to take part in the war, prevailed on the contending parties to agree to a fufpenfionof arms in the beginning of winter. As the Elcdor of Saxony was by this time fecurely fixed upon the throne of Poland, and the interceffion of tKe maritime powers cut off all hopes from the French and Spaniards of enlarging their conqueils in Italy and Germany, 3 ^'^^y HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. xxv they were obliged to continue the armiftice, and to negotiate a peace. The preliminary articles of the treaty which were fettled by the courts of Vienna and Paris, being publlfhed in the begin- ning of the year 17^6, were far from being fatisfadory to the court of Spain, becaufe, tho' they were allowed to keep Naples and Sicily, it was propofed they Ihould reilore Parma and Pla- CENTiA to the Emperor, and renounce all claim to Tuscany. The maritime powers, however, acqulefcing In the difpofition that had been made, Spain was obliged to fubmit, and the year following upon the death of John Gaston de Medicis, the laft male defcendant of that Illuftrlous family, the Spanidi troops evacuated Tuscany, which by the treaty then negotiating, was given to the Duke of Lorrain and Bar, who in the beginning of the preceding year had married the Arch-Dutchefs Maria- Theresa, the heirefs of the family of Austria. The peace, which had been negotiating near three years, was at length concluded at Vienna in the month of November 1738. By this treaty, Parma and Place ntia were ceded in full pro- priety to the Emperor; and his fon-In-law was declared Duke of Tuscany ; the Duke, in return, ceding his dutchies of Bar and Lorrain, to the exiled King Stanislaus, upon whofe death they were to be annexed to the crown of France. The fiefs of the Fortonese and Vigevancsa were detached from the Milanese in favour of the King of Sardinia, and Don Carlos was left in poiTeflion of the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily, with fome places on the coafl of Tuscan y. The treaty of Vienna was hardly ratified, when Spain was- threatened with a new war with Great Britain, on account of the difputes, which, for fome time, had fubfifted between the two courts, about the freedom of commerce in America. The Britlfli court had, for fome years, made loud complaints of the pi- racies and hofllllties committed in the American feas, by the Spa- nifli guarda-coftas, who, on trifling and falie pretences, feizcd d" the xxvi HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. the Englifli fliips in their pafTage to their own colonies, and not only made prize of them, hut treated their crews v/ith the greateft inhumanity. The court of Spain, on the other hand, alleged, that the Britifh merchants, in violation of folemn treaties, had, for many years, carried on a clandeftine trade with the Spanifli colo- nies in America, by which the commerce of Spain had been greatly prejudiced; that Spain was, therefore, greatly interefied in putting a ftop to fuch an illicit traffic, and that thofe who were feized in carrying it on could not juftly complain of any injury. Both nations infifted loudly on the injuries they had received ; hut each evaded giving any fatisfadion as to thofe injuries which their refpective fubjed:s had committed. The Spaniards, indeed, amufed the Englifh with hopes of redrefs ; they fent orders to their commanders in America to ceafe hoftilities ; yet they con- nived at the breach of thofe orders ; and returned evafive anfwers to all reprefentations that were made to them on that head. Their prefumption was not fo much owing to a confidence in their own llrength, as to their opinion of the paflivenefs of the Brithli mi- niflrv, and their knowledge of the violent contentions between the different parties in this illand. It was certainly the interefl: of both parties to avoid coming to extremities ; but the Spaniards not ading with fincerity, even in their negotiations for a peaceable accommodation of all differen- ces, and aiming by the famous convention concluded in the be- ginning of the following year, to quiet the complaints, without having the caufes of them fully dlfcuiled, the court of London was at length provoked to iffue letters of reprlzals againfl: the Spaniards, their veffels and effects. This ftep was foon followed by declarations of war at London and Madrid, and both nations began hoftilities with great animofity. The Spaniards at firft made confiderable advantages by the capture of great num- bers of Englifh fliips j but they were foon alarmed with the news of the lofs of i-*ORTo Bello, which was taken in the beginning of December 1739, by Admiral Vernon. About the fame time, they fuffered very confidcrably by the ravages of the Barbary corfairs 8 on HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION, xxvii •n their coafts, and were threatened with the lofs of their richeft provinces in America, by a confpiracy formed by one Cordova, who pretended to be defcended from the antient Incas of Peru. The confpiracy however was happily difcovered before it took effecft, and the author of it put to death. The following year the Spaniards fent a fleet of i8 fhips of the line to the West-Indies, with a defign, as it was fuppofed, of attacking Jamaica. The French like wife, though they ftill profelTed a neutrality, fent two fquadrons to the American feas, to ad: defenlively in favour of the Spaniards, being bound by treaty to guarantee their territories. The Englifli, in the mean time, blind to their own internal ftrength, fuifered them- felves moft abfurdly to be alarmed with the rumour of an inva- fion from Spain, and negledled fending fuccours to Admiral Vernon, who had bombarded Carthagena, and taken Chagre, a town on the river of that name, the head of which is but a few miles diftant from Panama, on the South Sea. About the fame time. General Oglethorpe, Governor of Georgia, attacked Fort St. Augustine, the capital of Spanifh Florida j but, after lying fome weeks before the place, he was obliged to withdraw, with lofs. In the end of October 1740, the Englifli, at length, fent out a mofl powerful fleet, as a rein- forcement to Admiral Vernon, who, the following year, in the month of March, invefled Carthagena by fea and land, with a fleet of 29 fliips of the line, and an army of about 12,000 men. The Spaniards, however, by the dilatorinefs of the Englifli miniftry, having had leifure to reinforce the garrifon, and the feafon of the year being very unfavourable to troops in the field, the Englifli, after a fiege of fome weeks, were obliged to retire, with the lofs of feveral thoufand men. The neijlect of timeoufly fupporting Admiral Vernon was very fortunate for Spain, for, if he had commanded but half that force the pre- ceding year, v/hen he made the firfl: attack upon Cartha- gena, he would, in all probability, have reduced that city as well as Chagre -, and, as the paflage from this lafl: place to d 2 Pa- xxviii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. Panam \ is but very fliort, the land troops might alfo have re^ duced that town, which would have enabled them to co-ope- rate with Commodore Anson, who had failed round Cape- Horn, and this year began to ad ofFenfively againfl the Spanidi iettlements on the South Sea. The bad fuccefs of the Englifli arms in the West-Indies occafioned great joy in Spain -, and Philip, as a reward for the bravery of the Marquis de Eslaba, Governor of Cartha- GENA, promoted him to the rank of Captain-general, and cre- ated him Viceroy of Peru. Philip, fome months before, had publifJTed a memorial, claiming the fucceffion of the hereditary dominions of his rival Charles VI. who had died at Vienna in the month of Odober, and was fucceeded by his eldeft daugh- ter, Maria Theresa, who took the title of Queen of Hun- gary. All that the Catholic King aimed at by this claim, was the fecuring of Lombardy for his third fon, Don Philip, which, he thought, would, at this time, be an cafy prize, as the Queen of Hungary was unexpectedly attacked by the King of Prussia, and alfoby the Eledior of Bavaria, v/ho was afliiled by the Kings of France and Poland. However while the fate of Carthagena depended, the Spaniards made not the leaft efforts againft their new enemy; but, upon receiving the news of the repulfe of the English, they allembled a body of forces at Barcelona, which failed for Naples in the month of November, under the command of the Duke de Monte- mar. Thofe troops v/ere reinforced the following year 1742 from Spain, and, being joined by the Neapolitans, formed an army of about 60,000 men, Montemar then advanced through the ccclefiaftical Hate as flir as the Bolognefe : but the King of Sar- dinia declaring for the Queen of Hungary, and joining the Auftrian army, the Spaniards were obliged to retreat, in the end of fummer, to the kingdom of Naples, where, foon after their arrival, tlicy loll: their Neapolitan allies, Don Ca! 1732. Where figned, and-, by whom. F-ERDINANiyVL. of Spain, . Sir B. died. Keene Convention of 3739*. Treaty of 1 748 f. Treaty of 1750 J. P A R D O; M.deViLL arias. Sir Ben. Keene. AIX LA CHA- PELLE. MADRID. Ferd. Ensena- DA. Sir Ben. Keene. * The Afliento fufpended at this time. The balance between England and Spain was 96,000 pounds; but the fecret article took away 36,000 pounds. The difference could not be adjufted, and the war bioke out. t By the tenth article of the preliminaries, and the XVI. of this treaty, Eng- land was to be paid 100,000 pounds reimburfement, and the right to the remain- ing four years of the Affiento was fettled j but it was afterwards fold by a conven- tion, and occafioned the treaty of 1750. I In this the ioo,oco pounds were again fettled and agreed on, the expLinntorj , articles of the treaty of Utrecht again abolifhed, and the Affiento and the annual, fliip given up. All former treaties confirmed. xlvi HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. Kin^s of Great Ambafladors. Treaties; years. Where figned, and B°RiTAiN and by whom. ^PAIN. Charles III. of His Excellency Spain. the right honourable George TI. and George Wil- George III. of LiAM, earl oFBri- Great Britain, stol, ambaflador extraordinary, and minifter plenipoten- tiary from his Bri- TANic Majefty to the court of Ma- drid f. An Account of the SPANISH MATCH. HERE it may not be improper to give a fliort account of that ftrange affair, the Spanipo Match ; becaufe the court of Spain hath been frequently charged with the breaking off that matter ; but in the following relation, extracted from Mr. HowelFs Lettersy who was upon the fpot at that time, it will appear probable that the fault lay on the other fide, and not at Philip's, but King James's door. In December 1622, Lord Digby and Sir Walter Aston went out joint ambafHidors under the great feal of England, efpecially commiffioned about the Spa?2iJ}j Match; Mr. Howell, afterwards clerk of the council, foon followed their Excellencies ; Mr. George Gage came likewife from Rome to Madrid, to treat about it. The match was firft fet on foot by the Duke of XiERMA, but was not fo warmly adopted by his fucceffor the Count d'OLivAREz. Gondomar at this time left England, f He arrived there, September 8th, 1758, and left that court, December 17th, 1761, without taking leave, becaufe his Catholic Majefty did not chufe to give an explicit anfwer to the court of Great Britain, but only faid, Mny lien ejic^ (Vol weH, Sir) on which the rupture enfued. re- HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. xlvii returned to Madrid, and brought with him Lord Digby's f>atent, that made him Earl of Bristol. The bufinefs of the match went on very brifkly for near four months, when, to the furprize of the Earl of Bristol, who knew nothing of the mat- ter and of every one elfe at Madrid, the Prince of V/ales, and the Marquis of Buckingham, arrived on the latter end of March 1622, at the Earl of Bristol's houfe, late in the even- ing. The Prince went by the feigned name of Thomas Smith, and the Marquis by that of Mr. John Smith. They were attended by the Lords Carlisle, Holland, Rochfort, Denbigh, the Knights Sir Francis Cottington, Sir Lewis Dives, Sir John Vaughan of the Golden Grove, and his fon, comptroller to the Prince, Sir Edmund Varney, Mr. Washington page to the Prince, Mr. Porter, and others. The arrival of the Prince of Wales in Madrid was like the reft of his father's politics, and inftead of forwarding the match, marred the whole bufmefs. The Spaniards having fuch a pledo-e in their hands, rofe in their demands, and thought they had it in their power to treat juft as they pleafed. Befides this, the Spa- niih court took a difguft at Buckingham, and he and the Earl of Bristol difagreed extremely about the condu6l of that bufi- nefs. The nobility in Spain were very much averfe to this alli- ance; the Bifhop of Segovia wrote againft ity but was banillied from court for fo doing; the common people in Spain were ftrongly for it. In England, the parHament and commons would never confent to it. Upon the arrival of the Prince, the court of Spain fent back the difpenfation to the court of Rome, in order to be better mo- delled. When the difpenfation was returned to Madrid, it came back clogged with new claufes : the Pope required a caution to be given for the performance of the articles : this made a dirhculty : the King of Spain, however, offered to give the caution, but defired to confult his divines upon it, who, after a tedious debate, o-ave his Majefty permifTion. Upon this, the King of Spain and^the Prince mutually fwore to, and ratified the articles of marriage ; and the 8th of September following, 1623, was fixed for the betrothing her to him. But foon after, Pojye Gregory, who was •xlvlii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. a friend to tl:ie match, died, and Urbaii fucceeded ; whereupon Tij I L!P declared, he could not proceed in the match unlefs thJ^ new Pope confirmed the difpenfation which was given by the former. This created frefli delays; the Prince remonftrated warmly, and infilled on the neceflity of his departure. The King of Spain confented to his going, provided he would leave him and Don Carlos proxies for the match : this was accordingly agreed on : and thus the Prince, after feven months ftay, and a fruitlefs errand, fet out for England in the month of Auguft 1623, without his Infanta. The Lord Rutland waited for him at fea with the fleet, on board of which he embarked at BiLBOA. The Infanta in particular, and the Spaniards in gene- ral, were very much afflided at this Prince's returning without her. The King of Spain and his two brothers accompanied him as far as the Egcurial, and on the fpot v/here they parted Phi- lip eredled a pillar, which remains to this day. The Prince, in his paflage, very narrowly efcaped fhipwreck, Sir Sackville Trevor having the honour of taking him up. Notwithstanding this abrupt departure of the Prince, the English at Madrid, and at home, were ftill perfuaded the match would be efl'edied at lafb ; and not without good grounds -, for the Infanta learned Englifh, took the title of the Princefs of Wales ; the ladies and officers that were to go with her were nam.ed. But there was one very extraordinary circumftance, •which happened at this juncture : The Prince of Wales, juft before he embarked, fent a letter to the two ambaffadors, de- firing them, in cafe the ratification came from Rome, not to de- liver the proxies he had left in their hands to the King of Spain, till they had heard further orders from England. — But this both the ambaffadors very v/iiely refufed to do, as the Prince could not fufpend their commiffion from King Jam-es under the great feal of England ; on the contrary, they both made extra- ordinary preparations for the match, the Earl of Bristol laying out 2400 pounds in: liveries only, upon that occafion. ' At length the ratification came from Rome ; the marriage day was ap- pointed; but juft a d;iy or two before it drew on, there came four Englidi m.effengcrs to the Earl of Bristol, commanding "him not to deliver the proxies till full f^tisfa(fliton was made ibr 4 ^'"^^ V* HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION, xlix the furrender of the Palatinate. This flep of King James's put an entire end to the bufinefs of the match. The Kine of Sp.mn faid very truly, that the Palatinate was none of his to give j but that he would fend ambafladors to recover it by treaty, or an army to regain it by force ; and in proof of his fmcerity in thefe promifeSj he offered to pledge his Contratation-houle at Sevh j.e, and his Plate fleet. This not being thought fatisfactory, the Earl of Bristol took his leave, when the King of Spain gave him a ring off his own finger, and plate to the value of above 4000 pounds. This Earl of Bristol, by far the moft eminent of the DiGBY family, was a very .extraordinary charad:er, and a truly great man j he furprized the Spaniards with his virtues as well as talents: the rewards and honours paid him by I hilip were but equal to his deferts i for he even aftonifhed that Prince, when he found, that, neither the bribes of one monarch, nor the menaces of another,, could in the leaft fhake the fteady temper of that ambaffador.. Thus ended the affair of the Spanifh match, that had been near ten years in agitation. It is certain, that the breaking of it off was the work of the Duke of Buckingham : whether he did right or wrong will now perhaps be difficult to fay ; but I am of opinion, that we could not have been fo much prejudiced by having Maria of Spain for our Queen, as we were after- wards by taking Henrietta of France. The women of the Medicis line do not appear to me to have done the world much good. As for the deferted Infanta, ihe married afterward to the Emperor. g LET- E R II A T A, In the Introdudion, p. 27. iox timeouJly,T^2A timely. Laft line, for Campeachy, read Homduras. P. 221. 1. i. for E/Aven- turarara, read L^ Aventurarara. lb. 1. 19. for £/ Venganza, read La Venganza. P. 220. 1. 21. for £/ Nueva, read La Nueva. P. 214. 1. 20. {ov BJiramadio-ay YQdi^ Ejlremadura. P. 208. 1. 16. iov firuck, VQ:^dJiuck. P. 198. 1. 4. for i66i,read 1061. P. 188. 1. 12. for called themy read called him. Dele the Note at bottom. P. 182. laft line but one, for Licinius Larius, read Lartius LiciNius. P. 295. for Bager, read Bayer. P. 297. for eimdemy read eandem. P. 300. for Chaldic, read Chaldee. lb. for Clevard, read Clenard. lb. for Vergera, read Vergara. P. 303. for Honoretes^ read Honoratus. ■&• Journey from LONDON to MADRID. I LEFT London, in company with tv/o other gentlemen, on Saturday the loth of May,. 1760, fet fail from Falmouth on the 20th, and arrived at Corunna on the 26th of the fame month. The harbour of Corunna prefents you with a fine profped as you fail into it ; on your right are The Tower of Hercules, the fort, and the town -, before you the fliipping ; all terminated by an agreeable view of the country : On your left you fee Cape Prior, the entrance of Ferroll, and a ridge of barren moun- tains, with a large river running between them. Corunna is well built and populous, but, like mod other Spanifh towns, has an ofFenfive fmell. Their method of keeping the tiles faft, on the roofs of houfes, is by laying loofe flones upon them. The Spaniards, to my great mortification, have quitted that old drefs, which looks fo well on our Engliih flage : The men wear a great flapped hat, a cloke reaching down to their feet, and a fword, generally carried under the arm : The women wear a fliort jacket of one colour, a petticoat of another, and either a white or black woolen veil. We flayed at Corunna a whole week, becaufe we could not procure a vehicle to convey us to Madrid, nearer than from Madrid itfelf : Nor could we travel on the flreip-ht road to Astorga by any other convenient method, than riding on mules or horfes, for Vv^e rejeded the Utter, as difagreeable and fatlo-uino-, and no other carriage could pafs the mountains that way : V/e wrote therefore to Madrid for a coach to meet us at Astorga, which is about 150 miles from Corunna. B The 2 JOUPvNEY FROM L O xN D O N The Spaniards call the Tower of Hercules by a wrong name : It is amazing, when the mfcript'wn ftill remains as an evi- dence, that it was the Tower of Mars, that they fliould be fo perverfe as to give it to Hercules. The words are : MARTI. A V G. S A C R. C. S E V I U S. L V P V S. ARCHITECTVS. A. F. DANIENSTS. LVSITANVS. EXVL. It is very plain, that the Romajis intended this for a watch-houfe, o^fpeculum, and the Spaniards ufe it as a light-houfe now. The poorer fort, both men and women, at Corunna, wear neither ihoes nor ftockings. We lodged at the bed inn j but all inns throughout Spain afford miferable accommodations : It was kept by an Irifliman named Obrien. We were well entertain- ed by the Spanifh Governor Don Louis de Cordouva, and the Englifh conful Mr. Jordan. The town is pretty, and fupplied with water by an ^$'a^^Z('6'?. Our route from Corunna to As- torga and Madrid was as follows : ROUTE FROM CORUNNA to MADRID. Leagues* To Patansos, Firft day, — 3 jETERis, I Second day, "" ^ Vamonde, J ' — 2 Lugo, 7-ru:.^ ;i.„ — 4 i Third day, j| Gall ego, FUENFRIA, 7p^^^^,^ J - 4 Serrarias, i ^ — 5 Carried over, — 29 Brouglit TO MADRID. Brought over, ViLiA Franca, 7 ^^ PONFERRADA, J •'' Ravanal, 7 c- .1 J A [ Sixth day, ASTORGA, J J* Leagues, 46 From AsTORGA to Baneza, To La Venta, To Benevente, To ViLLALPANDO, To Villaprais, ToVeja, ToMedinadel Campo, To Artiquenes, To OVEJA, To Labajos, To ESPINAL, To GUADARAMA» To Las Rosas, To Madrid, J Seventh day, ^Eighth day, {Ninth day, j Tenth day, (Eleventh day, i Twelfth day, I Thirteenth day. Leagues 102 The extent of this Route is called 450 miles; but their com- putation by leagues is very uncertain, like the miles in Corn- wall, guefled at from one town to another. The only way to know the true diftance in Spain is by your v/atch. The Spajiifi league is computed equal to about three miles and three quarters E?iglijh. We fet out from Corunna the 3d of June, being honoured with a difcharge of guns from the packets in the harbour. You muft carry your provifions and bedding with you in Spain, as you are not fure of finding them in all places. We feldom met with any thing to eat upon the road, or a bed fit to lie upon. After having paffed the fertile mountains of Gallicia, and the barren rocks of Leon, we came to Astorga the &th of [une. B 2 Here 4 JOURNEY FROM LONDON Hire v.'e refted till the i ith, and then fat out in a clumfy coachj, drawn by fix mules, with ropes inftcad of traces : This furprifed me at iirft, but I found afterwards, that the grandees^ and people of rank in Madrid, ufe ropes conftantly at the P;W(9 and Pro^ V2enadej places of airing fomevvhat refcnibling the old ring in Hyde Park, After palling over the immenfc plains of Old and New* Castile, which fcem more like feas than plains, we arrived at Madrid the i8th of June, being the 7th day from our leaving AsTORGA. Though we travelled fo long a trad: of country, we faw few cities or towns, that were confiderable for their ex- tent, flrength, riches, manufactures, or inhabitants. Villa Franca in Leon is extremely beautiful, and flands high; Pon- FERRADA neat, anciently called intra fu^uios, becaufe it was be- tween the rivers Sil and Boega, afterwards ftiled Pons Ferratus, from its bridjre on the hard rock. Medino del Campo in Castile is an agreeable fituation ; there is a large fquare in the middle of it, and fome of the nobility refide there. Lugo in Gallicia is a remarkable ancient city, furrounded v/ith a moft fingular fortification -, as near as I could judge, a fquare ; and at th:^ diftance of about twtry twenty feet a circular baflion of thick and lofty walls : The city fortified on every fide iii the fame manner, having rather a tremendous appearance, and muft have been extremely ftiong, before the ufe of that villainous faltpetre, as Shakespeare calls it. It fiands near the fource of the MiNHOj the turnips here are faid to be fo large, as to weigh fifty pounds each : But who can believe it ? Its ancient name was Liicus Augujt'h and thence corruptly called Lugo. The city of Astorga in Leon is fituated in a wide plain; the miofi: remarkable thing in it is the CathedraU which is a noble Gothic building ; a bajllicay confifting of fix pointed arches, fup- ported by tall, light, neat pillars, in a good tafte ; the portal a. large round arch, with a vafl; number of mouldings ; there are fofr'ea cr eight fine altars, but the High Altar is exceedingly mag- nificent i T O M A D R I D. 5 nlficent ; it confifts of twenty compartments of marblc-fcuLp- ture in alto relievo, the figures as large as life j the fubje(5t the hif- tory of our Saviour ; at the fummit God the Father crowning the Bleffed Virgin. The glory is well exprelTed ; for being cut through the frame, and a lamp placed behind it, the light iliews the rays. We happened to attend at the Vefpers ; the mufc of the organ was fine ; the number of tapers, the rich- nefs of altars, in fliort, the whole fcene was ftriking. This city gives the title of Marquis to the family of Oforio, inferior to few, either for antiquity or valour, Benevente In Leon is encompafled by three rivers, and re- markable for little more than giving the title of Earl to the fa- mily of PiMENTEL. ViLLALPANDo is in a plcafing plain, has a large fquare, and contains a palace of the Conjlable of Cajliky to whom the town belongs. The only river we pafi^ed of note was a branch of the Minho; a noble current, almoft as broad as the Thames at Windfor, and to appearance deep ; finely wooded on each fide, the trees larger and taller than you ufually meet with in Spain. The place where we pafied it was called Hospital de Efchemofo. TuEjiorksnefts upon the tops of the churches^ with the birds hovering over them, or jufl peeping out, are pleafing as youpafs. It was fo in old Rome : ^\\Qjlorks built their nefts in great num- bers on the fummits of their te-mpiesy as their poets often tell us. — Thus Juvenal lays of the Temple of Concord: Quaeque falutato crepitat Concordia nido. It was cruel to kill fuch fecial birds as thefe ; and yet we find by Horace, that the Epicures of his times could not keep their knives from them; tliough it was an abfolute violation of hof- pitality. Speaking of the luxurious difl:ies of thofc days, he fays, their anceftors never eat tiirhots nor Jiorks ; Tutus erat rhombus, tutoque ciconia fiido. This bird is often mentioned in Scripture. In the Pfalms, — The fir-trees are a dwelling for the fiork : And in Job, Who giveththe flork 6 JOURNEY FROM LONDON Jlork food? She buUdctb her 7iefi on high. It delights in the mofl loftv Vituations. All the ncfls, which we faw, were in the high- efl places the bird could find. We pafied fome foreH s ; but the trees are dwarf and poor, not rcfembling the timber of Great-Britain ; you will in vain look for thofe (lately woods, which not only afford fuel, fhade, and wealth to their ov/ners, but fend forth fleets, which give laws to the ocean. Though I loft my watch on the top of one of the hiMiefl mountains near the Zebreros, yet, by extraordinary good fonune, it was found by the Marigatti, or mule-drivers, and car- ried to'the Padre Abbad of Ze-breros, who fent it me in lefs than a month. The new Stone-causeway, which joins the two Cas- tile s, and extends to Guadarama, is a moil magnificent public work : It was done by an order of Ferdinand VI. the late King, as appears by the following infcription on a pillar ered- ed on the caufeway : Ferdinandus VI. Pater Patri^. Vi- AM VtRIQUE CaSTELLITE SUPERATIS MoNTIBUS FECIT. Ann. Salutis M DCC XLIX. Regni Sui IV. It is really a noble road, and feems owing rather to the labour and adlivity of a Roman, than to the flow induflry of a Spaniard, Some parts of the Castiles are pleafant ; they are ill culti- vated ; have no wood of any moment ; this makes fuel incredi- bly dear in Madrid -, the expence of one Tingle fire there for the winter has been knov/n to cofl fifty pounds -, an amazing article ! The charcoal confumed in their kitchens, and braziers, comes chiefly from Gallapagar, at the diflance of 30 miles, which is far 'enough in that country to make the carriage of it very ex- penfive. The principal timber they ufe, is Jir, the growth of the country J their houfes, churches, carriages, and furniture, are chiefly of deal; there are fometimes no lefs than four- teen large girders, in the cieling of a fmall apartment. One would not imagine from this circumflance, that timber was fcarce. As to the water in this country, I do not think it in general good; that of Madrid is excellent, which is plain by the court's being at much expence to have it conveyed 3 ^o TOMADRID. J to diflant places. There are two fine rivers in the Castiles, the Tagus, and the Guadianaj as to the Mansanares, which runs clofe by Madrid, it is but a poor flream, and falls into the Xarama, about 6 leagues diftant from the Tagus. I was told in London, that the fituation of Madrid was upon a plain, but it is a great miflake : It is built upon a chain of little hills, and, becaufe there are higher mountains round it^ at a dif- tance, has been fuppofed to be in a plain. The Spaniards ereft pillars at proper diftances upon the caufe- ways, to dired: travellers during the fnows ; we faw feveral of them in Leon, and other parts. The firfl comer to a SpcmiJJj inn, be his rank what it may, has the firft choice of the accom- modations J this occafions a fort of conteft between the travellers in this country, who fhall get firil to the inn. It is a common practice to fend a man on an hour or two before : We diftanced one Don Joseph, a Bifcayner, in this way; finding that he was go- ing to the fame Pofada, or inn, we detached our faithful Antonio,. who, as fleet as an ^rab, ran over the mountains in bye-paths, and arrived at the inn long before the Don and we came to it. This conteft arifes from there being feldom more than one inn in a village ; at which, if difappointed, you muft probably ride 8 or lo miles before you can find another, v/hich, at the end of a long day's journey, and in the dark, would be fatiguing, and perhaps dangerous. Upon a review of the whole country from Corunna to Ma- drid, one may fay, that Gallicia is a fine fertile province; that fome parts of it are equal to many in England ; but as to Leon, it is a naked, dreadful, barren rock, except where it is covered with a few pitiful firs, or fhrubs, fuch as are about Be- nevente and Villalpando, and except fome few plains after you have palTcd Astorga. I turned round to take a view of Leon from one of the higheft mountains, and was almofi: frio-ht- ened at the fight ; a brown horror, as Mr. Pope expfefi<:s it, was fpread over the whole ; fands, rocks, and crag:Ty precipices, formed as favage a profped, as can be imagined. And yet this country was probably once fought for j the inhabitants furely mud find a charm in it unknown to us. In one of thefc villages we found 8 JOURNEY FROM LONDON found a fet Ox^ people, dreffbd in a whimfical manner, dancing to rude mufic ; the whole appearance was entertaining and grotefque ; the dance artlefs and odd j its natural limplicity fliewed the people in their true charafter. The road from Corunna to Madrid is certainly not fo bad, as It is generally thought in England. The mountains of Gal- LiciA are very paflable ; the only difficult parts which I faw, were the deicent at La Fava, and about 12 miles, as you come out of Serrarias. The mountains of Leon are rather difagreeable than dangerous, and all the reft is eafy. Be it as it may, our Englifli meffengers find no difficulty in it. The accommodations, indeed, are miferable : I have faid you muft abfolutely carry your provifions and bedding along with you ; and even then, unlefs you can bear fatigue well, lye down in your clothes, eat eggs, onions, andcheefcj unlefs you can fleep while your mules reil, rife the moment you are called, and fet out early in the morn- ing, before the heat comes on, you will fare ill as a traveller in Spain. It is a good method to carry dried tongues with you, hard eggs, not hams, for they will not keep, as we found by expe- rience ; fome portable foup ; tea, fugar, and fpirituous liquors ; not forgetting even pepper and fait ; and whenever you meet with good bread, meat, fowls, or wine, always to buy them, whether you want them or not, becaufe you know not what to-morrow may produce. A knife, fork, and fpoon, are abfo- lutely neceffary, for you will find none ; nor fliould you omit a pair of fnuffcrs, a candleflick, and fome wax-candles. Take care only not to carry any tobacco or rum ; for they are all contra- band, and may occafion the detention, if not the feizure of your baggage. Particularlv bring with you as few /^oo^s as poffible, for the inquifitlon will feize them. My baggage was detained a fortnight on account of my books; and the Earl of Bristol was obliged to fpeak twice to General Wall, before he could releafe the captives. Many of thefe circumflances feem trif.ingf but they arc fo material, that thofe who happen to travel with- out them in this country, will find, by dear-bought experience, that all thefe trijles have their ufe, and if negleded, Ha3 nuga3 feria ducent In mala. LETTER LETTER II. The STATE of RELIGION in Spain. ITH regard to ancient religious rites or cufloms in this country, there was probably in early times a great mix- ture of all forts. The iirft accounts of Spain, that are clear and authentic, are, I believe, thofe in Strabo and Livy. The face of it then was certainly very favage and barbarous. It could have no religious notions befides its own, but from Gaul, Italy, or Afric, from the Phoenicians, Carthaginians, Gauls, or Romans : and what thofe were, are well knov/n. Mariana tells us, that Chriftianity was firfl preached in Sa- RAG09A by St. James, 42 years after Christ : and for this he quotes Isidore, bifhop of Seville. With all due deference to the authority, though epifcopal, I mufl: beg leave to deny the fa(5t; for St. Luke fays exprefly, that St. James was killed at Jerusalem. The Spaniards have likewife another tradition concerning this apoftle ; which, though believed by themfelves, will hardly find credit among Proteflants. It is, that St. James, by birth a Spaniard, has been often feen armed in the air, going before the van, and protecting the Spanish armies : Which circumftance you may read in Boldonius, if you like it. Whe- ther it be for thefe reafons, or others, I cannot fay, however this fadt is certain, that San Jago, or St. James, hath from the ear- lieft times been ever revered and worfhipped as the guardian, and tutelar faint of Spain. C What lo STATE OF RELIGION What innovations, or changes their rehgious worfhip under- went from the firft planting of Chriftianity to the arrival of the Goths, or the invafion of the Moors, would perhaps be im- poflible to fay : That the Gothic princes embraced the Chrijiian faith, is clear from many evidences ftill remaining, not in Spain only, but in England and other countries: That the Moors would never receive Chriftianity among them, appears but too- plainly from the enmity that hath ever fubfifted between the two people, from their final expulfion under Philip III. and the odium with which they purfue them to this day. That the Jews have always fubfifted here in fuch numbers was probably owing to this circumftance : when Titus carried back with him to Rome fo many thoufand captive Jews, the fliattered remnants of that devoted people, and difperfed them afterwards throughout the world ; as Spain lay convenient for their paflage out of Italy, and being a wide and extended coun- try, multitudes of them probably fled for an afylum there : Tho' great numbers remained at Rome and in Italy, as appears by the edids againfi: them afterwards, and by the religion of the captives fpreading fo much among their conquerors : A circum- flance which Rutilius has finely lamented ; Atque utinam nunquam Judasa fubadta fuiffet Pompeii bellis, impcrioque Titi. Latins excifae gcntis contagia ferpunr, Vid;orefque fuos natia vidla promit. That the Jews had in fome parts of Spain, and at fbme pe- riods, the free cxercifc of their religion, and wordiip, is an un- doubted fa(^ : There is an Hebrew Temple ftill remaining at To- ledo, which I have fcen, as a ftanding proof of it to this day. What is of more moment to us is, as may be colle6led from Dr. Geddes's feveral trads, that no weftern church has preferved fo many, and fuch authentic monuments and records, as the Spa- nish church hath down to the Vlllth century. It was antient- ly exacflly the fame with the prefent church of England, had the fame Nicene Creed, and appealed to the fame general coun- cils : I N S P A I N. II clls : And their Prince, as well as ours, was defender of the faith and head of the church. The Bifliop of Rome had no more au- thority there, than any other prelate. The ^panifi Church had no dependence on that fee till the Vlllth century. Till after the Moorifld times, it had no image-worfhip -, no prayers addreffed to faints, or angels j no purgatory ; it did not maintain {Q,vQVi facra- ments ; it knew not tranfubftantiation, which certainly is of no older date than the time of Pope Innocent III. in the Later an council, held after the year 1200; by confequence the cup was always given to the laity, and never refufed till after that dod^rine prevailed in the beginning of the Xlllth century. There was likewife no adoration of the hoft, no auricular confelfion. They had no prayers then in an unknown language. The antient Go^ thic Liturgy, then in ufe, was called Mozarabic, or Mufarabic, from thofe chriftians, who lived under the Moorifi government in Spain. It was firfl: printed by Cardinal Ximenes. And there is to this day, an annual Mozarabic mafs celebrated with great pomp and folemnity, in the metropolitan church of Toledo, at which the prefent King of Spain has affifted in perfon. Every- one knows, that the term mafs came from the cuflom of difmif- iing the people with the — Itc — miJJ'a eft. As the Spanish Church certainly remained pure, uncorrupted, and unpapiftical till towards the Vlllth century ; fo from that pe- riod downwards, Paganifm artfully, and by almofl imperceptible infinuations, gradually flole in, wearing that mafk or vizor, which we now call Popery. Whatever triumphs Chriftianity may for- merly have gained over the Gentile worfliip ; Paganifm, in all catholic countries, is now entirely revenged ; ilie triumphed in her turn from the moment fhe eftabliflied herfelf in the form of Popery. Ct>ncealed under this drapery, (lie prefides in the very ta- bernacle and fanduary of chriftians, and is worfhipped fitting be- tween the horns of the altar. When you enter a Roman catholic, apoflolic, papiftical, chriftian temple, at your firfl: view you fee that all is Pagan. The late Dr. Middleton hath very learned- ly, elegantly, and effecftually proved this point to demonftration. But I never reliflied that ingenious performance fo much, as when my own eyes bore teftimony to the truth of his obfervations. The C 2 refem- 12 STATE OF RELIGION refemblance is To ftriking between the ufe of the ancient Thura^^ and the modern Incenfe ; their afpergtlluniy lavacrumy &c. and the- prefent holy water; the bleffing of horfes, and the ancient bene- di<5tion of cattle ; the fame profufion of lamps and wax-lights y. between the ancient votiva tabula, oivoc^yi^ocToc, and the modern} votive limbs, offerings, and piftures : the multitude of fhrines, crofles, and altars in the churches, roads, hills, and high places ; and particularly oi images, which have often brought to my mind- that fatirical joke of Petronius, who faid he never walked the- ftreets, but he could much more eafily meet with a god than a man. Facilius eft deum, quam hominem invenire. And I am fure, if you fpit out of a window in Spain, 'tis ten to one but you fpit upon a faint. The Spanijh Flagellantes, by Py- thagorean tranfmigration, are exa<5lly the old, felf-lafhing priefts of Jove, or the Ajax Mastigophorus on an Athenian flage : and are indeed a moft fhocking fpeclacle. The cuftom of churches being permitted as fancStuaries for villains, prevailed at Rome in the time of the Emperor Tiberius : For the fenate very juflly exclaimed againft it. See Tacitus. Annal. III. Ces- Tius's opinion wa&, Neque quenquam in urbis templa perfugere, ut eo fubfidio- ad flagitia utatur. And yet, what a Roman Senator bluflied at, is fancftified by a. Rom an- catholic Pope. The quires of churches in all popifli coun- tries are a fort of religious fairs or markets, where people conti- nually come and go in fucceiTion, and mafles are conftantly faid. till twelve o'clock at noon, but not after. The mafs for the dead is exadly copied from the parentation of the heathens. The drefs of the officiating prieft has conftantly put me in mind of thofe remarkable words : Tanquam veftis ilia prophetica, quae licet vera ederet mira- cula, operant! ornamentum potius quam adjumentum. videretur *. Mhe prefent King of Spain, while he was at Naples, fen t or- ders to the officiating prielt on St. Januarius's day, that the * Sec Tac:t;.$. blood I N S P A I N. 13 blood (liould be made to liquefy in fuch a precife number of mi- nutes, for he would flay no longer. This is exadly the old quack experiment mentioned by Horace, which he faw at Gnatia :. Dum flamma fine thura liquefcere limine facro Perfuadere cupit There is one reafon why the Church of Rome ought not to make fo free with the argument of miracles : becaufe if they maintain theirs to be as genuine as thofe of the Apoilles, it will be an eafy matter to prove thofe recorded of the Emperor Ves- pasian (who is faid to have healed a withered hand, and reftored the blind to fight) to be at lead of equal authority : A Ro?nati hiftorian records the one, and a Roman catholic writer maintains the other: Utri creditis, Qvi^ity.s\ This folly of theirs, inftead of flrengthening their own caufe, tends evidently to weaken it, and it faps the rotten foundations of poplfh policy. If the mif- chief ended there, it would be well : but it tends alfo to fubvert the great proofs of Chriftianity, and to afTift the gates of hell, itiftead of oppofing them. The chara(fler of the prefent Papifts is exacflly that which Tacitus hath given of the old Germans^. De a(Ctis deorum credere, quam fcire. The number of holy days enjoined by the Pope is become fo exceflive, as to be a fcandalous encouragement to idlenefs. If it was thought defpicable by the bufy minds of the Roman peo- ple, to fee the Jews, from the inflitutions of Moses, give but one day in feven to complete indolence, though for the caufe of religion : If their ad:ive virtue abhorred to fee, as one of them calls itj feptima qtueque lux quieti data ; what would he have faid, had he leen fuch a number of days confecrated in his ov/n Rome to the fame purpofe ? But this practice likewife had its birth in Paganifm ; and made Cassius fay. in the reign of Nero, that if they were to decree fuch a vaft number of feftival days, the gods would take up the whole year in being thanked, eoqiie opart ere di- vidi facros, et negotiofos dies, quels divina colerentur, et hutnatia 7ion impedirent. The 14 STATE OF RELIGION The abfurdity of their Reliques is beyond meafure ridiculous; fuch as the thigh of St. Lawrence, with the fkin burnt, and marked with the prongs, which he was turned with on the grid- iron. There are laid to be the heads of two thoufand martyred viro-ins in the convent of our Lady of Atoche near Madrid, where the Britifi ftandards, taken at the battle of Almanza, dill remain. It is certain, that their blind zeal in matters of religion has deftroyed many fine remains of heathen learning, and claffic an- tiquity : It flill continues the fame ravage under the diredion of monks and inquifitors ; leaves are cancelled, prefaces torn, and books prohibited, fecreted, or burnt, becaufe they are againfl the Catholic faith. As they formerly thought the Bible would ap- pear to more advantage, when the pagan poets were deftroyed j fo they are flill of opinion, that popery will always appear beft, when every evidence of its impofture is fuppreffed or fpirited away. Thefe are lengths in which the zealots of the church of Rome have certainly gone too far: And on the other hand Luther himfelf, when he began the reformation, went too far in burning the canon law. This fuperftitious zeal of theirs againfl Pagan writers, and modern heretical authors, cannot be placed in a more ridiculous light, than they have placed it themfelves in one of the pidures, which I faw at the Escurial : where feveral angels were flogging St. Jerom for the wicked delight he had taken in reading the works of that vile heretic Marcus Tullius Ci- cero. As the feveral pagan gods v/ere multiplied by being worfliip- ped as different deities, though in reality they were the fame : as a Jupiter, an Hercules, &c. were fet up in almofh every country : So where popery prevails, and particularly in Spain, the BlelTed Virgin Mary, the mother of our Lord, is multiplied into almofl: as many diftind; divinities, as there are feparate dif- tridts -and places. Thus there is our Lady of Atocke, our Lady of Alcala de Henares, our Lady of Toledo, &c. And the little pidures or images of thefe are worn as Amulets by the common people, who have as much faith in them, as the antients had I N S P A I N. ,5 had in a Tali/man y or Abraxas. I have (ttn. one of thefe lad, which Prince Eugene himfelfwore, a flrange inftance of human weak- nefs in one who rofe fo much above the common level, and made fuch a fliining figure as a hero on the theatre of Europe. The Spaniards have marvellous fuperftitions relating to the different properties of thofe different Virgin Maries : If you pray to thisy ihe is a good prefervative againfl thunder and lightning ; if you pray to that, an admirable fpecific againfl: the cholic and rheuma- tifm. But the Bleffed Virgin of Pilar, or our Lady of the Pil- lar, Maria de Columna, in SARAG09A, is the moft capital Virgin Mary, the greateft objedt of devotion in all Spain. There cannot be rcmchjimony in the Church of Rome, becaufe the Pope, or the King, difpofes of all church-preferments ; for there can be no traffic fuppofed betv/een the inferior ecclefiaftics and his Holinefs, or his Majefliy. Statutes of mortmain are highly requifite and neceffary in this country. The prefent King of Spain hath, it is faid, attempted fomething like them, by taxing all do- nations to religious ufes ever fince the year 1730. Thefe were anciently fuch a grievance in England, that it became a form in fome wills : dentur^ ajjignentur, vendantur — exceptis Religiojis & yudceis, Philip V. in 171 6, obtained of the Pope an indulto for raif- ing money upon the clergy. The Pope granted him one for five years, that is to fay, a million and a half in the Indies, and a million on the churches in Spain. It is a miftake to call this the los milloncs, which is a different tax, as will appear in the account of the Spanifli Revenue. This is Q2Xit6. fuhjidio. The Crufade againfl; the followers of Waldo (a merchant of Lyons) or th^ Albigenfesy in 11 60, gave birth probably to the Inquisition. Pope Gregory IX. firfl devifed that horrid tri- bunal, but Innocent IV. was the firft, who had abilities and courage fufiiclent to bring it to a due maturity, and give it a jufl: effablifhment. The form of it, and the number of its mem- bers, differ greatly in different countries. * In Spain it was cfta- bliihed chiefly by Cardinal Ximenks, who knew perfcdly \vd\ what political ufe could be made of It. Th^ Spaniards ffill fup- * See more upon this article in the next LcttcN c 4 i6 STATE OF RELIGION port it, not fo much with an intention to burn Jews or Heretics, as they do in Portugal, but to enjoy the benefit of one rehgion, the want of fuch uniformity being, they apprehend, a great incon- venience to other ftates. Monf. Voltaire indeed is of another opinion 5 he tells us, that if there was but one religion in Eng- land, the government would foon become defpotic; if there were two, they would cut each others throats^ but as there are fo ma- ny religions amongft us, things go on very quietly. To fpeak however of the Inquifition in the mildeft terms, it is at beft but a Roma/iy Tur^i/Jj, or an Arabian perfecution in a Chriflian drefs. The inquifitors perhaps may fay, " We only perfecute in this *' manner the very wcrft of heretics, fuch as Jews." It may be anfwered, " And what have the Pagans done more ? thofe whom ** they perfecuted, they accounted heretics, and thefe very Jews " did the fame thing." The Dominican will reply, *' But can you " as a Chrijiian fpare and tolerate the perfecutors of Christ ?" We anfwer, I think juftly. That w^e have no authority to pu- nifli them; but we may tolerate their worfhip, or not, as we think proper. Becaufe fome people, called Jews, crucified the founder of our religion, Jesus Christ, above 1700 years ago, that is no reafon why you fliould crucify all thofe who go under that name at this day. Where is your warrant, your authority, your commiffion delegated from the Almighty for this purpofe ? Is it any where iaid, *' Go fortii, my difciples, v/ith fword and fire, tor- ment, rack, and burn all thofe who will not embrace the Chri- Aian faith ; or, what is much lefs, the Roman Catholic faith ?" Though God himfelf may punifh the fins of the fathers on the children to the third and fourth generation 3 thefe people are at prefent at leaft the Jiftietb generation from the murderers of Chrift. Thus you feem to me not only to fnatch the thun- der of the Almighty out of his hands, but to dart it unwar- rantably, and even launch the bolt much farther than He ever de- clared he fliould do himfelf. Can the God of all mercy be de- lighted with fo cruel a facrifice of human blood ? There is an undoubted refemblance between a Spanish Inquisitor, and a DiocLEsiAN, a Caled, or a Mustapha; you now a(fl the part of the Pagan princes, as they formerly a(5lcd yours. Such a tribunal, fliocking as it is to humanity, has nothing but falfe po- litical ends to plead in its excufe : And where nature and religion. iDufl 2 IN SPAIN. ^7 mull: be lacrlficed, fuch a policy h only worthy of a Mackia- VEL, a XiMENES, or an Emperor of Jap AN. The principles of toleration are founded in nature, reafon, humanity, juftice, and true policy. If in a well civilized flate the majority are of one religious perfuafion, the moft that you can lawfully do is, to lay thofe who arc diflentient, under fuch reftridtions, as fliall prevent their difturbing, or fubverting the civil or religious harmony of that flate. This is all that appears to me allowable ; and of this nature are the laws in England and Ireland againft the Papiils. But when you come to molefl innocent fubje(5ls, to take from them their poflefTions, to expofe them to tortures and cruel deaths, or drive them to feek fettlements in other countries, you then exceed your power, play the part of a Syracufan tyrant, and it becomes Per- fecution ; like the expulfion of the Moors, or the revocation of the edid of Nantz. But after all, why are the Jews iingled out, as the woril of heretics ? In one light they are the mofh pardonable. They arc the only people, behdes the Chriftians, who have received the glo- rious depoiit of a true, a divine revelation : They had theirs from God himfelf ; we received ours from his Son : They are, no doubt, in a dangerous and incorrigible flate of error, by not acknow- ledging the true Messiah ; but we are not to be the punifliers of that error : A very fevere part of that punidiment feems already to have palTed upon them ; they have been deprived of their coun- try and temple i their exiflence, as a nation, deflroyed ; they have been fold, and carried captive into all lands ; driven as wretched fugitives and vagabonds throughout the world : Let the intolerant fpirit of bigots exclaim as loudly againfc them as it may, there is not a Roman-catholic in the world but will join in the cry : which very circumflance fliould awaken all the f.ifpicions of us Pro- teftants. The next ftep from exciufion out of community, is perfecution. But to a humane mind, confidering the fufferlngs of thefe people, the moft natural conclufion- will probably be that, which was made by the firft outlaw of the human race, at a time when fociety or communion had not thofe fweets and advantages v/hich they now enjoy. The conclufion meant is, Hhat their pu- fiiJhmerU is greater than they can bear* I'he Spaniards have D always j8 state of religion always found, that this violent way of making profelytes has had^ but indifferent fuccefs. It may make men temporize, diffemble, or perhaps perjure themfelves. Fire and fword, famine and tor- ture will never cure Jewifli blindnefs ; when miracles wrought by a divine poWer have had no effed", what is to be hoped for from, any human means ? Titus reafoned with them in this way much more forcibly than any one, either before or fmce his time; the; Sennacheries, and Nebuchadnezzars fell far iliort of him in this method of ai'gument. But what was the confequence ? They fought frill more defperately for their civil and religious li- berties, and obflinately expired, as they ftill do in the inquifitor's- flames, in the defence of their faith- Upon the whole we may fafely fay, that the Roman -catholic fyftems of inoralityy as treated by jefuitical cafuifts, are truly I art de chicaner avec Dieu ; that their religion, as dreffed out with the trappings of popery, difcovers in its folds the pagan wardrobe from whence it was taken. From a view of it one cannot help' coming at this obvious truth : That as the admiflion of all error is- dangerous, it is moft fatally fo in matters of religion ; the avenues- of which fliould therefore be guarded with the greater vigilance. In other cafes the error is removable, or the remedy at worH; but difficult : But here error is generally uneradicable, permanent, and- the remedy impracticable. All attempts to alter what has once been facred, are imagined to border fo near to facrilege or impi- ety, that few in any age or country have had firmnefs and difcre- tion enough to undertake the tafk. This is the great ftronghold . of popery, and all other corrupt religions. For as the. Roman) conful judiciouily faid upon a like occafion,, Nihil enim in fpeciem fallacius eft, quam prava religio. Ubi Deorum numen prcetenditur fceleribus, fubit animum timor, ne fraudibus humanis vindicandis divini juris aliquid im^ miftum violemus. Livius, lib. xxxix. cap. i6. Errors in learning commonly ferve for our amufement, as abler men will fet them right ; errors in politics occafion at worft" but temporary evils i but errors in religion are everlafting, too- obilinate' I N S P A I N. 19 obflliiate to be fubdued. Learned and political controverfies, tho' often managed with much heat and rancour, produce generally- new lights for the ufe of the public; but religious controverfy is for the mofl part pernicious, and ferves only to poifon the minds of men. When bigotry prompts, and enthuliafm inflames, and the zealous fury once rifes, the worft of all plagues is then begun : for, more human blood has been flied by this blind religious zeal, than by the dagger of the aflaflin, the fword of juftice, or all the artillery and implements of war. From the firfl century, Spain had bishoprics, and was divided into the provinces Carthaginienjis^ TarraconenfiSy Betica, Lufita- nica, and Gallaica. The firfl bifhops were, according to the Spanifh writers, dif- ciples of St. James the Apoftle. The epifcopal government was foriiewhat interrupted by the Moors, who ravaged part of the pe- ninfula : but the Mauritanians in Andalusia were more inclined to conquer Spain than to change its religion from the chriftian to mahometanifm. By this ifieans, the kings of Oviedo and Leon, together with the counts of Castile and the kings of Navarre, having recovered ftrength to conquer the Saracens, re-eilablifh- ed the bifhops who had retired, and founded feveral churches and monafteries. Spain had eleven archbifhoprics, and fifty-four bifhoprics, in- cluding thofe of Portugal. Da LIST 20 STATE OF RELIGION LIST of the ARCHBISHOPRICS and BISHOP- RICS oi SPAINy with their valuation. I. TOLEDO, Archbifhop and Metropolitan. His Eminence, Don Luis de Cordova, * SUFFRAGANS, Don Diego de Roxas, Don Martin de Barcia, Vacant, Don Francilco Dias, Don Fran. Benito Marin Don Manuel Murillo Vacant Don Ifidro de CofHo, 1. Carthagena 2. CORDOUA 3. CuENfA 4. SiGUENZA 5. Jaen 6. Segovia 7. OSMA 8. Valladolid L. 50,000 8000 6250 7500 5000 4250 2500 II. SEVILLE, Archbifhop, &c. Don Francisco Solis de Cardona, 1. Malaga 2. Cadiz 3. Canaria 4. Ceuta SUFFRAGANS. Don Jofeph de Franquis Lafo, Don Francifco Thomas del Valle, Don Francifco Valentin Moran, Don Jofeph de la Cuefta. III. SANTIAGO. Archbifhop, &c. 1. Salamanca 2. TUY 3. AvILA 4. CORIA 5. Plasencia 6. ASTORGA Don Batholome Rajoy y' Losada, SUFFRAGANS. Don Jofeph Zorila Don Juan Manuel Caftannon, Don Romualdo Velarde, Don Juan Jofeph Garcia Alvaro, Vacant, Don Francifco Xavier Cabezon, 15,000 7500 2000 15,000 3000 20C0 2500 3250 6875 1875 * The valuation of tbefe preferments is taken from a Spanifh book lately publifli- ed at Madrid: It makes the revenues of Toledo greater than the common efti- mation of them : But I doubt if the account is exaggerated. 7. Zamora IN SPAIN. 21 7. Z AMOR A Don Ifidro Cavanillas, 2500 8. OxENSE Don Francifco Auguftin de Euro, 1 500 9. Badajoz Don Manuel Perez Minago, 32 co 10. MoNDONNEDo Don Carlos de Riomol, i2co 11. Lugo Don Fr. Francifco Izquierdo, 1500 12. CiUDAD RoDRiGO Dou Jcfeph Viguezal, i2co IV. GRANADA. Archbifliop, &c. Don Pedro Antonio Barroet A, 621J0 SUFFRAGANS. 1. GuADfx Don Franc. Alexandre Bocanegra, jooo 2. Almeria Don Francifco Gafpar de Molina, 1125 V. BURGOS. Archbifliop, 5cc. Don Onesimo Salamanca, ^7S^ SUFFRAGANS. 1. Pamplona Don Gafpar de Miranda, 3500 2. Calahorra Don Andres de Porras, -jooo 3. Palencia Don Andres de Buftamante, 2COo 4. Santander Don Franc. Xavier de Arriaza 1500 VI. TARRAGONA. Archbifliop, &c. DouJayme de Cortada y' Bru', ^250 SUFFRAGANS. 1. Barcelona Don AlTenfio Sales, j rco 2. Gerona Don Manuel Antonio Palmera, 1250 3. Lerida Don Manuel Macias Pedrejon, 2000 4. ToRTosA Don Luis Garcia Mannero, 2 ceo 5. Vjq^tb Don Fr. Bartholome Sarmentero 750 6. Urgel Don Fr. Chathalan de Ocon, 1000 7. SoLSONA Don Fr. Jofeph de Mezquia, 625 VII. ZA-^ 22 STATE OF RELIGION. VII. ZARAGOZA. Archblfiiop, Sec. Don Francisco de Anoa y Bas ta. 7|oo SUFFRAGANS. 1. HuKscA Don Antonio Sanchez, I5P0 2. Barcastro Don Fr. Diego de Rivera, joco 3. Xaca Don Pafqual Lopez, 750 4. Tarazona Don Eftevan de Villanova, ^^75 5. Alcarracin Don Juan Navarro, loco 6. Teruel Don Fr. Rodriguez Chico, 2250 VIII. VALENCIA. Archbifliop, &c. Don Andres Mayoral. '^I^IS^ SUFFRAGANS. 1. Sergove Don Fr. Bias de Arganda, 2000 2. Orihuela Vacant, 375^ 3. Mallorca Don Lorenzo Defpuig, ^7S^ In AMERICA. I, SANTO DOMINGO. Archbifliop. Don Phelipe Ruiz de Ausmendi, SUFFRAGANS. 1. Puerto Rico Don Pedro Martinez de Oneca. 2. Cuba Don Pedro Aguftin Morel. 3. Caracas Don Diego Diez Madronnero. 5 IL MEXi^ IN SPAIN. ^3 IL MEXICO. Archbifhop, &c. Don Man. Rubio de Salinas. SUFFRAGANS. IV PUEBLA DE LOS An- -r* t-. • GELEs ^°^ Domingo Alvarez de Abrea, 2. Oaxaca Don Ventura Blanco. 3. Mechoacan — Don Pedro Sanchez de Tagle, 4. Guadalaxara Don Francifco de Texada. 5. Yucatan Don Fr. Ignacio de Padilla, 6.. DuRANGo — • Don Pedro Tamaron. ni. MANILA, Archbifliop, &c. Don Manuel Antonio Roxo. SUF FRAGANS. T. Cebu' Vacant. 2. NuEVA Segovia - Don Juan de la Fuente. 3:. NuEVA Caceres •— Don Fr. Manuel de MatoSi IV. GUATE MA L A. Archbifhop, 6cc. Don Francisco de Figueredo. SUFFRAGANS. I.. Chiapa — . Don F. Jofeph Videlde Montezuma, 2.. Nicaragua Don Fr. Mato. Navia Bolano. 3. GoMAYAGUA — Don Diego Rodriguez Rivas, V. LIMA. Archbifhop. Don Diego del Gorro. SUF FRAGANS. I. Areqjtipa Don Jacinto Aquado / Chac6n. ^. Truxillo --~. Don Francifco de Luna Vidoria. 3. QiJ^ITOJ 24 STATE OF RELIGION 3. Quito ■ Don Juan Nieto Polo del Aqulla, 4. Cuzco ' Don Juan de Caflonneda. 5. GuAMANGA ■ Don Phelipc Manrique de Lara, 6. Panama — Don Man. Romani y' Carrillo, 7. Chile Don Man. de Alday. 8. CoNCEPCiON DE Chile Den Jofeph do Tore, VI. C HA RC AS. Archbifliop. Don Cayetano Marcellano' y' Agramont. SUFFRAGANS. 1. N'^A" S^A* DE LA Paz Don Diego de Parada. 2. TucuivTAN Don Pedro de- Argadona, 3. S'^A- Cruz DE LA Sierra Don Fern. Perez de Oblltas. 4. Paraguay Don Manuel de la Torre. 5. Buenos Ayres ■ Don Jof. Ante Bafurco y Herrera, VIL SANTA FE. Archbifliop. Don Joseph Xavier de Arauz. SUFFRAGANS. 1. PoPAYAN " Don Geronymo de Obregon. 2. Cartagena _ Don Manuel de Sofa y Betancur. 3. Santa Mart a - Don Nicolas Gil Martinez. These were formerly in the nomination of the King, and after- wards the Concordate. This is not tile cafe now. The Pope, the King, and the Archbifhop of Toledo divide the' patronage. The concordate was an old council or junto for that purpofe 5 but is lately aboliflied. The bifhoprics in Spain- have vejy iine revenues.- ,. The biflibps always go in the following drefs ; A long robe, and a purple I N S P A I N. ^5 purple rochet. They generally carry a crucifix, wear a crofs up- on their breads, and a ring. The clergy of Spain who are not of any particular monaflic order wear the regular drefs, confifting of a cafibck, and a hood of flannel or filk. The caflbck has a cape ; and their hats arc tucked up on both fnles. The ecclefiaftical eflates are very con- fiderabie. <^#*^#*^#*^=^*^**^**^*#^*#^#*^#*^**^*#^##^##^##^ LETTER IIL Of the GOVERNMENT of SPAIN, the Cortes, or Parliament, its Laws, Tribunals, Courts of Judicature, &^c. TH E government of Spain was, by its ancient conftitution, a limited monarchy, of hereditary fucceilion, both in males and females. The male line ended in Ferdinand, who united Castile and Arragon, by marriage with Isabella of Castile. That Princefs dying at Medina del Campo, in 1505, left iflue, I. John, who married Marge rite, daughter E of 26 L A W S O F S P AT N. of the Emperor Maximilian. 2. Isabella, married firft to Prince Alphonzo, foil of John II. and afterwards to Emanuel of Portugal. 3. Joan, who was afterwards Queen of Cas- tile. 4. Mary, who married Emmanuel of Portugal. 5. Catherine, who marriisd Arthur Prince of Wales, and afterwards PIenry VIII. of England. Isabella appointed her heirs by will, the Princefs Donna Juan A her third daughter, conjointly with her huihand the Archduke Philip, of Burgundy, fon of the Emperor Maxi- milian, who was firnamed Philippe le Flamand. In con- fequence of this teftamentary difpofition, Philip claimed the crown of Castile againft his father-in-law Ferdinand. This difpute was however amicably adjuiled by an agreement in 1506, that both parties (liould have equal power and authority. But Philip dying that fame year, the power and crown of Spain reverted entire into the hands of Ferdinand, who dying in 1 516, was fucceeded in the throne of Spain by his grandfon Charles V. who was the fon of Philip by Donna Juana, ftiled the Fool, who was the mother of two Emperors. And thus the crown of Spain came into the houfe of Austria. This monarchy was limited by its Corses, or Parliament, compo- fed of rcprefentatives fent from the cities and towns, each of which, according to the old Gothic plan, fent procurators, or deputies, chofen by and out of the aldermen of their refpec- tive cities. The eldeft member for Burgos always adled as fpeaker of the houfe j though Toledo was a rival to Burgos for -that privilege. In order to adjuft amicably their two claims, the Kin;^ ufed to fiy on opening the feffion of the Cortes^ " I *' will fpeak for Toledo, which will do what I order: But "Jet Burgos fpeak fir/i -,' becaufe Burgos was anciently the capital of Castile. .No a6l could pafs in this parliament by majority of voices ; it required the unanimous aflcnt of all the mem- berB. All its ads v/ere afterwards carried to the King to be con- firmed. The members of. this parliament were always affembled iw-xCortcSy by letters convocatory from the King and privy coun- cil; GOVERNMENT OF SPAIN. 27 cil.; and it was dilToIved by a notification from the prefident of ihsit council. But notvvithftanding its diiTolution, a committee of eight members ftill remained at court. This Cortes has rarely- been called lince the year 1647, \vhen they gave Philip IV. the millonest or general excife, and will probably never be affembled any more, as their power is great, and they can call minifters fo feverely to an account. The laft meeting of it that I know of, was in May 171 3, when it affembled to receive the renunciation of Philip V. to his rights upon the crown of France. This affembly was antiently the keeper of the revenues of the crown. But Charles V. and his minifters firft laid them alide, becaufe they could get no money from them : And having obtained a grant of the fale of the bull of the crufado from the Pope, they found they could get money without the help of a Cortes, and fo took their leave of an aflembly which few princes or minifters are fond of feeing. This antient Spanifh Cortes undoubtedly refembled our English Parliament : For all the northern nations had originally a like form of government, which was a Hmited monarchy, and the legiflative authority v/as fo commixt in the King and the ef- tateg, that no laws could be made, repealed, or fufpended, nor any money raifed upon the fubjed:, but with their common con- fent. But now this Cortes is laid afide; Spain is no longer a mixed monarchy, but entirely abfolute j the whole government being folely in the hands of the King and his minifters, and the councils, which are altogether at their devotion. This change from mixed to abfolute monarchy was occafioned by the timidity of the commons of Castile, who having in their laft ftruggle for expiring freedom, fupported for fome time a war againft the crown, on a fmgle defeat deferted the noble caufe of liberty in the moft abject manner. This war began in the year 1 520, and lafted only two years: At v/hich time Char les V. carried his point with a high hand, and told the Cvrtes, he would always have the fupplies granted firft-, and then he would pafs the bills they petitioned for, and not before \ to which they timidly fub- mitted, and voted him four millions of ducats (about 4b'o,ooo/.' ileriing) to be paid, in three years. , E 2 Th.E' tS PARLIAMENT OF SPAIN. The writ antlently fent to each city, as a fummons to parlia- ment, convened all the prelates, mailers of the military orders of knighthood, earls, rich men, nobles, and procurators of the cities and towns throughout the realm, in the following manner : (take notice, that this is for Castile only, as Catalonia and Arragon had a feparate Cortes.) Members. Members. Members. J'rom the City of ToRo 4 Truxillo 2 Burgos 8 Calahorra 2 Caneres 2 Toledo 5 Oviedo i Cadix 2 Leon 5 Xerez 2 Xeriz 4 Seville 3 Astorga i Bejar 3 CoRDUBA 3 RODRIGO I ViLLA ReAL 3 MURCIA 2 BaDAJOX I CuELLAR 3 Jaen 3 CoRiA 2 Tariff i Abula 2 Guadalajara 2 Huete 2 Salamanca 8 Corunna i Andujar 2 Zamora 4 Medinadel Atienca 3 Segovia 2 Campo 2 Madrid 2 SoRiA 4 Cuenza 3 Alcaraz 2 VALLADOLID4 CaRMONA 2 St.SEBASTIAN2 Placentia 2 EzijA 2 Satiagun 2 BaEZA 3 VlTORIA 2 FUENTE Ru- UbEDA 3 LoGRONNO I BIA I This is copied from a writ inferted in Dr. Geddes's trails, fent by Don Henry II. of Castile in 1390, and fummons 125 members to the Cortesy which was afterwards affembled in the church of St. Salvador at Madrid. I am told, the oath, which the Kings of Spain take at the Jtira on their acccffion, is as follows : " I do promife and fwear to maintain, and to caufe to *' be maintained, to all the nobles, prelates, churches, and mafters " of the military orders ; and to all the cities, towns, and villages, " all the fame privileges, grants, franchifes, exemptions, good " ufiges and cuftoms, which they enjoyed in the reigns of my an- " cellors, and in the fame manner." Their Kings, according to the laws of Spain, are declared of age, or out of their minority, on the completion of their four- teenth LAWS OF SPAIN. 29 teenth year. In regulating the fucceflion, after the death of Charles If. a medium was obferved between the Salic law y and the ufage of Castile; namely, that any w^z/^ heir, howfoever diftant, Diould inherit before 2i female, who was to have no right but after the extindion of every male-branch. SPANISH LAW, TPvIBUNALS, and COURTS OF JUSTICE. THE Laws of Spain are compounded chiefly o£ the Rowan civil law, the royal edids, and probably certain provincial cudoms. Where they thought the Ro??ian law was not fufficiently extenfive, they have made large additions of their own. Thefe are called the Leyes de Fartidas ; and form at prefent a fyfleni of modern Spanijhl-.'scKNy and have been publifhed by Blrni and Cat ALA in fix volumes odlavo. The name Fartidas comes from the divifion of them into chapters. As to what we call Common Law in England, the Spaniards have no fuch thing; their provincial cufloms have fome refemblance to it, but their laws are Leges ScRiPTiE. Much, however, oi \he feudal 2x\A Got hie conftitutions ftill remain : Thus the grandees have flill their vaf- fals, and very extenfive powers over their perfons. The fi:udy of the Spanifh lawyers confiils chiefly in that of their old Gothic code, or the Fuero Jufgo, as they call it, which I apprehend to be a more complete body of Gothic law than any thing of that fort ever publiflied. It was compiled by Sijenardo a Gothic prince, in 631, was printed in 1600. It would have been a very confi- derable addition to Lindenbi'ogius'^ Gothic Code, who has omitted the Gothic laws made in Spain. Then the Code of Don San- CHo, in the year 1000; then the Fuero Royal o£ Alphonso X. in the year 1255 : The Roman Codes ^ digcfis, pandeds, &;c. and after thefe the Leyes de Fartidas, the Fraginatica, the royal cdids, mandates, &c. Thofe v>'ho would know minutely and accu- rately the ftate of the Spaniih law, (liould read Apparatus ^fu- rls Fublici Hifpaijici: Fa lent ice, 2 vol. 8vo. and Sacra Fhemidis JiifpanicdB^ 4to. '^ind, L'HiJloire du Droit Royal dEsPAG^E. E 3 Thejr 30 SPANISH TRIBUNALS. Their great court of civil law is divided into the two chance* ries of Valladolid and Granada, which include the whole kingdom. Tho' Arragon, Valentia, and Catalonia loft their old privileges ; yet they ftill retain a court of chancery among themfelves in audiences held in the capital of each of thofe king- doms, whofe determinations are fubjecl only to the fupreme council of Cast I LE. If it be a cafe of property, the fuit is commenced in that chancery to which the plaintiff belongs, and then the affair is referred to the Confejo Real y Supremo, at which the King may order, if he pleafes, all the deputy-councils to affift. The deter- mination here is not final, becaufe an appeal ftill lies to the Sala de Mil y ^inientos I but that is final, and beyond it is no dernier refort. The tribunals of Valladolid and Granada were inftituted by Don Henry of Castile, enlarged by Don John I. and put on their prefent footing by Ferdinand and Isabel- la in 1499. All other caufes go before the reipedlive courts to which they belong, whether civil, criminal, or commercial, which are as follow : I . 'The Royal or fupreme Council ofCASTiLE, This and the following council are frequently affembled as one,: to determine appeals made from the chanceries of Valladolid and Granada : And fometimes affairs of the police are referred to them by the King. II. The fecond Hall of Government. The determinations of thefe are not final, but the ultimate appeal lies to the following court. III. The Hall of the Mil y pimentos. So called, becaufe the parties muff firff depofite here one thoufand five hundred doblas, (about 223/.) before the appeal can be lodged, which is not a large fum, confidering law-expences. This is nothing elfe but a committee of the fupreme council. IV. The Hall of Jufiice. This is a court for matters purely litigious, and is a part of the fupreme council. V. The AND COURTS OF JUSTICE. 31 V. The Hall of the Province . This is a court of matters chiefly relating to the police, VI. T^he Fjfcal: the Office of the Attorney General for thi "Royal Council. VII. T^he Hall of the Alcaydes de la Cafa y Corte, This hall was inftituted by Alphonzo X. to fuperintend the lodg- ings for the court, and to provide them. As every houfc in the kingdom was fubjed: to this inconvenience, the landlords of lioufes made a compolition with the crown to get rid of this grievance : and this compofition is faid to amount to 150,000 ducats per annum. This council was efcablifhed to preferve this prerogative : and this court antiently found lodgings for all foreign ambafladors, as may be iitQVi \xv Sir Richard Fan- SHAw's account of his embafTy at the court of Madrid. VIII. T^he Supreme Council of War. This determines all caufes relating to the army ; excepting what belongs to the council of the Indies. IX. Council of the Inquiftion. This confifts of an inquifitor-general ; of five counfellors, whereof one muft alv/ays be a Dominican ; of a procurator -, two fecre- taries of the chamber ; two fecretaries of the council -, an Al- guazil-rL\2.yor ; a receiver ; two reporters^; two qualificators, and confultors, and a legion of familiars j or Ipies. The fupreme office of this Holy Trihinal, as they call it, is at Madrid ; but there are alfo inferior holy tribunals, or inquili- tionary offices, placed in the great cities almoft all over Spain. Thefe are the great flate-curbs that hold the people in fuch an implicit religious obedience, and preferve their boailed uniformity of faith. *' Among you English," they cry, *' you have as ma- ** ny religions as diftrid:s ; but here all is undividedly Roman- *' catholic." 'Tis true, we English are enemies to all perfecutive principles; we breathe the fpirit of toleration and humanity, and are unwilling to roafl: any man into Protcilantifm, or convince by racks, inftead of Bibles. I remember 1 faw at Segovia the tra- gic icotfteps of the inquifition, whicJi once was there, but is 4 nov/ 32 SPANISH TRIBUNALS, now removed, in the badges of 5C0 Jews, who had been burnt in that fingle office only. The inquifitor Torqiiemada (according to Madame D'aunois's account) in the time of Ferdinand and Isabella, tried above 100,000 fouls, of which 6000 were burnt in lefs than 14 years time. This court w^as eredled in the Xlllth century, about the year 125 1. Pope Innocent IV. authorized the Dominicans as perpe- tual inquiiltors : Clement IV. confirmed thefe powers, and en- larged their privileges and tribunals in the year 1265. It was ef- tabliflied in Castile under Ferdinand and Isabella, and in. Portugal by John III. in the year 1557. In 1483 Ferdi- nand obtained a bull to conftitute the inquifition in Arragon and Valentia from Sixtus IV. who afterwards extended it all over the catholic dominions. This holy office ufed antiently to acknowledge only the power of the Pope above it, and bad defiance to all other controul. It raifed itfelf far above the authority of their Kings, who were of- ten bridled, humbled, and even puniflied by it. It then was truly formidable, when fupported by the united force of papal and royal authority. Their auto de feSy or folemn a6ts of faith, ufed to be exhibited commonly when their princes came of age, or at their acceffion. In the year 1724, there was^ printed in London in 12®. An Account of the Trial and bufferings of Mr. Isaac Martin, ^i^ho was put into the Inqiiijltioji in S^ain, for the fake of the Protejiajjt Religion. This man, a native of London, a member of the church of England, kept a pofada^ or inn, at Malaga, and traded as a, merchant with fuch captains of merchant-fhips as touched there, taking their adventure, and giving them the produd: of the coun- try In return, fuch as wine, fruit, oil, G?r. He came, with a wife and four children, to fettle at Malaga in the year 1714, and ha- ving ftayed th-^re four years, was accufed by a fet of Irifh papifts, who envied his better fuccefs in trade, in the bifiiop's court, of fuch crimes as they commonly charge Proteflants with ; fuch a& his TRIBUNAL OF THE INQUISITION, 33 his being a Jew, and an heretic, and having given too much fcm- dal, by his difcourfe and adions, to the Malagans, in regard to rcH- gion and matters of faith. This was fufHcient to accompUfli his ruin, which was the end they aimed at. In the year 171 8, he was taken up by order of the holy office, and conveyed to the inqui- fition of Granada, from whence after eight months imprifon- ment, and many vain attempts, by threats and hard ufage, to make him turn catholic, he was releafed in the following manner : As the man was an Englifh proteftant, redding there under the pro- tedion of treaties fubfifting between the two crowns, his com- mitment and detention were a manifefl violation of thofe treaties, and of the law of nations : accordingly the Englifh Conful at Ma- laga reprefented the cafe in a proper manner to the Englidi mi- niller, and the minifter in confequence laid the affair before one of the fecretaries of flate ; who immediately reprefented the mat- ter to his majefty George I. who was gracioully pleafed to fend a very fpirited remonftrance to Cardinal Alberoni, Philip V.'s hrfl minifter, claiming his own fubjecfl, and infifting upon the immediate releafe of the faid Isaac Martin from the prifon of the inquifi-tion, and defiring that he might be fent back to Eng- land. The cardinal, upon this, applied to the inquifitor-general to know how the cafe ftood : This gentleman, whofe nan:ic was Don Jacinto de ABRANA,fcnt to the inquifitors at Granada for a true account of the cafe ; and then wrote a letter to the cardi- nal, ftating the matter to him ; upon which the cardinal gave or- ders for his releafe. The original letter, v/hich the inquifitor-ge- neral wrote to cardinal Alberoni upon this fubje(ft, accidentally fell into my hands : It is manifellly a letter written defigncdly to be fhewn to the Englifli miQiftry, in order to judify the inquifition in fo illegal and inhuman a procedure. There was, no doubt, another private letter written by the lame inquifitor to the car- dinal, flating the real injuftice and indefenfible circumftanccs of this imprifonment ; otherwife had the account given in tliis pu- blick letter been ftridly true, the poor man had never been releafed at all. What the inquifitor in this letter fays, indeed, was true enough, that feveral witncffes of Malaga had laid fuch charges iigainft the faid Isaac Martin. But he conceals what was equally true, that thefe witnefies were a fct of Irifli pnpills, who, F out '^4 TRIBUNAL of the INQUISITION. out of envy to the man as a more fortunate trader, accufed him before the inquijition : that thefe were not only envious witnefles, but falfe witnefles, and had crouded into their charge many lies and little truth. A religion muft be grounded upon very flimfy evi- dence, that has recourfe to fuch wretched fliifts, to fuch low ar- titices for its fupport. The interceffion of George I. did indeed releafe this unhappy object -, but how was he releafed? He receiv- ed, upon his enlargement, two hundred lafhes, was whipped and pelted for three quarters of an hour through the flireets of Gra- nada, ftripped and plundered of all his efteds, fent back to Ma- laga, and then put aboard a fl:iip, with his wife and children, to fhift for themfelves. — Upon a view of this cafe, I think one cannot help faying, that the tender mercies of the inquifition are cruel', and if this be the juftice of a chriftian country, let my lot be thrown among barbarians. The letter, which the Inquifi- tor-general wrote to cardinal Alberoni, upon this occafion, is an original piece never before publiflied, and is as follows : + B,mm'intntiJJimo Senor, . Moft Eminent Sir. Senor, Sir, 'UN ciimpJimiento del prezepfo JN obedience to the commands de Viujlra Enuninencia acerca of your Eminence concern- dela prifjion, que fe hlzo, por el ing the imprifonment, by order Santo Ofjizio de la Inquijltmi de of the holy office of the inquifi- Granada, de la perjona de Ifaac tion of Granada, of the perfon Martin 'vewino de la ciiidad de of Ifaac Martin, inhabitant of Malaga 'y Deho decir a Viiefira Malaga : I ought to inform your Efnminencia, que ef.e ileo j'uete- Eminence, that that criminal ftijicado en la hiqut/ition por nueve was proved in the inquifition by teftigos, de que fe jaciaba de fer nine v/itnclles to have boafled, ohfervante de la Ley de Moyjes; that he was an obferver of the y que con efcandalo de muchos de- law of Mofes ; and to the fcan- cia, cftabamos eiiganados los Ca~ dal of many he faid, that we Ca- tholicos en la creencia de nucjira tholics were in an error in the Jagrada Religion : y quejiendo ajji belief of our mc/l; holy religion : 6 And TRIBUNAL OF the INQUISITlOxV. :>:> que miichos Tngkfes Profeftantes And altho' many Englifli Pro- hac'ian reverencia al fantijjimo fa~ teftants did reverence to the cramcntOy quando pajjaba por las mofh holy facrament, when it calks, 6 entraban efi las ygkfias, pafTed along the ftreets, or when no folo no la hazia ejie Reo, Jino they entered into the churches : que vohia las efpaldas, y f err aba Yet this criminal did not only las vent anas de Jus caj'as, quando not do this, but turned his back pajjciba algiina ProceJ/ion, para upon it, and fliut the (butters of que fus hijos y jamilia ?20 hizieffen his windows when any procef- adoracion : ^le ha hablado con fion palTed by, in order that his Catholicos malamente de elfu?nf?io children and family might not Pontifice, y de las fantas Lna- worfliip the HofI:. And that he genes i y articulos del Purgato- hath fpoken defamatory words rio : T que baviendo embiado a to catholics of the Pope, of the fus hijos a la efcuela, tiibo un dif~ holy images, and our articles of gujio con el maejlro, por que los faith relating to purgatory. And enfcnnaba a perjignarje.y las or- that having fent his children to aciones ', y por ejio los faco de di- fchool, he was difguiled with cha Efcuela : f que hofpedo a un the mafter, becaufe he taught yudio que paffaba a Liorna, ha- them to crofs themfelves, and viendo graves indlcios de que fe to fay prayers : And that for this vino huyendo de Portugal, por te- reafon he took them from the mor de quefeprendiejje aquellain- faid fchool : And that he lodged quijition. a Jew in his houfe, who was going to Leghorn, there being ilrong proofs, that that Jew lied from Portugal for fear of being apprehended by the inquifition of that kingdom. CON ejia informazion fue With this information or- mandado prender, y ejla confeffb ders were given by the Inquili- en caji todos los cargos, negando tion for apprehending the per- folo elfer fudio. T ejlando de- fon of the laid Ifaac Martin, and terminado por los fagr ados canones he hath confelTed almoft all the y leyes de ejios reynos, y por los articles of the charge againfl capitulos de Pazes entre ejla y la him, but abfolutely denies his corona de Ttigalaterra, que el being a Jew. It being however F 2 de- 36 TRIBUNAL of the INQUISITION. fanto officio pueda y deba proze- determined by the facred canons, der contra los Tnglcfes que dieren and the laws of thefe kingdoms, efcandalo en piinto de religion ; no and by the articles of our trea- Jolo no ha contravenido en la prif- ties of peace between this crowu Jion de ejie Rco a ello, fmo que el and that of England, that the procedimiento es en fu conformi- holy office may and ought to dady ohferbancia : For lo qual, proceed againft fuch Englifh- men, as fay any thing fcandalous in matters of religion : The ho- ly office has not only not done any thing contrary to the faid canons, laws, and treaties of peace, in the imprifonment of this criminal, but tho, procedimus is in conformity to them, and obfervance of them. Where- fore, SXJPPLICO aVuep-aEjmnl- I supplicate your Emi- nencia fe Jirva mandar refponder; nence to give for anfwer (to the que el fanto officio prozede jufta y Engliffi minijlery I fuppofej that lexitimamente. O como Vuejlra the holy office hath proceeded Emminencia flier e fervido. lawfully and rightly in this mat- ter : Or that your Eminence hath been obeyed. DIOS guarde a Vueftra Em- God preferve your Eminence minencia los muchos anosy que many years, which I pray that puede y lefupplico. Madrid, he may. Madrid, the 25th y Abril 2^ de jyiS. of April, 1 7 1 & . Emminentiffinio Scnory Mofl: eminent Sir, Bcfo los ?nanos de Vueftra Em- I kifs your Eminence's hande, minencia. Your moft truly Su mas rendido Servidor and affed;ionately Jacinto de Abraiia. Jaci?ito de Abrana. Al Emmlncntiffimo Senor Cardenal A heron: . To his Eminence Caidifial AXhexoxvu But TRIBUNAL OF the INQUISITION. 37 But now, thank God, thefe fanguinary ads of faith fcem to be growing out of vogue in Spain. There has not been, I am told, an auto defe at Madrid for thefe twelve years ; which was owing to this circumftance : A Jew, and his wife, and a daughter of about thirteen years of age, being condemned to be burnt; while the father and mother were burning, they fet the child loofe from its fetters, and the priefts got round it, with a view of converting it by the united force of their rhetoric, and the terrors of imme- diately undergoing the fame cruel death. The child, after feem- ing to liften a while to their oratory, gave a fudden fpring, and vaulted into the midft of the fire ; giving a fliining example of the force of early piety, of an heroic fortitude equal to that of the moft refolute Roman, or the moil unihaken martyr. The power of this tribunal is now declining very vifibly, and feems haftening to its fall; for the prefent King of Spain has taken a bolder ftep to humble the inquifition, than any of the Phi- lips or Charles's who went before him. The inquifitor-ge- neral having thought proper, laft year, to prohibit a liturgy which the king had licenfed, without confulting his majefty about it; the king, with a very proper fpirit, put the inquifitor under an ar- reft, and immediately lent him, guarded with a file of grenadiers, into exile, in a convent, at a great diftance from Madrid. So determined and refolute a meafure as this, alarmed the whole body of the clergy ; they moved heaven and earth to obtain the in qui- fi tor's recal ; but for fome time their endeavours had no tK'^-d: : The king was inflexible. The common people were taught by their priefts to fay, that his Catholic Majefly was no good catho- lic in his heart. At length, however, the king reilored the inqui- fitor to his liberty : but in fuch a manner, as that prelate had no reafon to triumph; for his majefiy, at the time of releaHng him, pubiidied at Madrid the following edid:, which I fliall here give in the original Spanifli, and fubjoin to it a tranllation. TJAviendo confidcroJo q^' no jLlAvingconfidered that my re- pucde fatisjdcer mi rcligiofo ligious zeal cannot fatisfy Celo las Jinc^ros dcfeos q'- tcngo de the fincere deiire I prefer vc fpr froteger en todus occafiones las dc~ protei5ting on all occafions either 5 the 401115 :> 8 TRIBUNALoF the IN QU I S I T I O N. tcrminaTJ' dc Ja Santa Sedcy ni the determinations of the holy- las del Tribunal de laTnquiJiz" de fee, or thofe of the inquifition ejios Reynos en los graves, e im- of theie kingdoms in the ferious prt antes ajjiwiptos, que ejian en- and important bufinefs com- comendddos a fu ciudado, y que mitted to their care, and which con tanto Cclo procura dejhnpen- is executed with fo much zeal jzar, Ji antes que todos mis vafal- by that tribunal, unlefs I fhould los no tengo previa notiz'' de las be acquainted with thofe fam.e inifmas deternmiaz" y fmofe efla- determinations previous to any blecen las mas feguras reglas para notice given of them to my vaf- evitar antes de fu pronulgazicn fals, and unlefs the mofl fecure todos riefgos de embarazo, e in- regulations fhould be eftabliflied co?nben" he refuelto defpues de una for avoiding before the publica- madura deliherazion, y confulta tion thereof every danger of em- de mi Cofifejo, q' en adelante toda baraflment or inconvenience ; I Bula, Breve, Refcripto, Exorta- have refolvcd after mature deli- tiouy Carta Pontijizia Jbbre beration, and with advice of my qualquiera afjumpto que fea, que council, that henceforwards nei- trate de efiabkcer Ley, Regla, u ther pontifical bulls, briefs, re- obfervanzia gen^ que venga diri- fcripts, exliortations, nor letters gida, y a fea en particular, 6 ge- upon any fubjed: whatfoever, 7ieral a los Tribunales, Juntas, treating to eflablifh a law, regu- Arzpos, Obifpos, 6 Rr dados de lation, or general obfcrvance, ejios Reynos^ no fe haya de publi- whether diredred in particular, car, y obedezer^ Jin que primero or in general to the tribunals, conjie baverla To vijio, y Exami- juntas, magi{l:racies,archbilhops, nado, y q' el Nuncio App'^Ji vi- bifliops,or prelates of thefe king- niefe dirigida por fu mano la haya doms, fliall be publiilied, or o- pafada a las mias por la via re- beyed, unlefs it appears to have fervada de EJlado -, que qualquier been firft feen, and examined by Bula, 6 Breve de negozios entre Me ; and if ever they fliould be partes, 6 perfonas particular' ya addrelled to the apoftolic nun- fuere de gracia, 6 jtfliz^ fe pre- cio, he muft pafs them to my fente, y examine en el Confejo de hands by the fecretary of ftate's Cafilldfpueda verfe,fi defu ege- office: And that all bulls or cuz" puede refultar algun perjuicio briefs for bufinefs between pri- al Concordato, a las Leyes, hue- vate perfons or parties, whether nos ufos, y coflumbres, y quiet ud they be of grace or juflice, fhall be TRIBUNAL OF the INQUISITION. 39 del ReynOi 6 perjuicio de terxerOy be prefented to, and examined exceptuando iinicam^' de ejia pre- by the council of Caftile, in or- fe?itaz" las difpe?jfas, y Breves, der to difcover, if any prejudice queje expidefi por lafacra Fe?ii- can refult from its obfervance, tenziaria para elfuero interno de either to the concordatum or to la conzienz^ que el Tnq"' general the laws, good cudoms and prac- no piiblique edidlo dlguno dlmana- tices, or to the tranquillity of the do de Bulla, 6 Breve Pontifzio, kingdom, or to the prejudice of Jinque fe le pafe de mi or den a efie any third perfon, excepting fole- Jin,jupuefio que todos los ha de en- ly from this prefentation, the tregar el iiuncio a mi perfona 6 a difpenfations and briefs difpatch- mi primer fecretario del dejpacho ed by the holy penitenciary for de ejiado, y que Ji perteneciefe a the internal forum of confcien- prohibizion de libros, ohferve la ces : And that the inquifilor- forma prevenido en el Auto acor- general fliall not publifh any dado I \. tituloj^' lib. i^- ha- edid:, proceeding from any pon- ziendolos examinar de nuebo, y tifical bull, or brief, unlefs it be prohibiendolos Ji lo merecieren por tranfmitted to him by my order; propia potejiad, y Jin injertar cl for they muil all be delivered by Breve : ^e tatnpoco publiqi(e el the nuncio to my perfon, or to Tnq**" geyieral ediilo alguno, 6 ex- my f.rfl: fecretary of Hate; and purgatorio en la corte nij'uera de that if they belong to the pro- ellajin dar me parte por el Jeer e- hibition of any books, the for- tario del dejpacho de grazia y ju- mality mull be obferved., as ex- Jiiz" enjujalta cerca de mi per- prefied in the 14th Auto, tit. 7. Jona por el de ejiado, y que fe le book I. caufing the books to be haya rejpondido que lo conjiento, y examined again, and then, if Jinahif que antes de condcnar el , they fliould deferve it,' prohi- rnq"' general y el tribunal de la biting them by his own authority, Tnrf" qualq" Hbro,6 papel.ciga las and without infertijig the brief: dcjenfas, que quijieren hazer lo: And likewife that the inquifitor- interefados citandolos para ello con- general ftiall not publiili in t'le forme a las regies prefcriptas a la court, or out of it, any edicft, or lyiqujiz" de Roma por cl Fapa expurgatory, without f^ril giving Bcnedicio XIF. en la Conjlituzion notice thereof to me, by the fe- App''' que empieza, {olic'it^ ac pro- cretary of diijpatch, of grace,and vida. En Bucn Reiiro a 2j de juiLicc, or in his abfence, from Nov. de 1761. my perfon, by the fecretary of Hate ; 40 TRIBUNAL of the INQUISITION. ( jftate; nor without obtaining In anfwer my confent : And finally, that before any book or paper be condemned by the inquifitor -ge- neral, or by the tribunal of the inquifition, they {hall hear the defence that the concerned may defire to make, citing them for that purpofe, according to the regulations prefcribed to the in- quifition of Rome by Pope Be- nedid XIV. in the Apoftolic Confi:itution, which begins. Soli- citaacproviddj 6cc. Buen Retiro, the 27th November 1761. X. The Royal Council of the Indies, The Duke of Alva is chancellor of it. This is juridical only. LETTER LETTER III. PART IL COUNCILS, HALLS, and TRIBUNALS. XI. JxOyal Council of the Orders of Knighthood, Inftituted for the regulation and government, and to preferve the privileges of thofe orders, by Ferdinand the Catholic, in 1489. As thefe Spanifh orders feemnot to be very v^ell known in England, I will now give fome account of them. They are, 1. The Order of the Golden Fleece. 2. Of St. James, or San Jago. 3. Of Alcantara. 4. Of Calatrava. 5. Of MONTESA. 6. Of THE Habit of Christ. I. The Order of the Golden Fleece came originally from the houfe of Burgundy. Fhilip the Goody Duke of Burgundy, infti- tuted it in 1429. The collar of this order has a lamb hanging to it, with this motto, Pretium ?ion vile laborum. The prefent mem- bers of this order are as follow : LIST of the KNIGHTS of the GOLDEN FLEECE; as it food in the Tear 1760. The KING, Chief and Sovereign cf the Order. TheMARQUEz DE Grimaldo, Chancellor. CoNDE DE Canillas, Rcgijicr. D. Manuel Munoz y' Hestakte, King at Arras. G KNIGHTS. 42 GOLDENFLEECE. KNIGHTS, 1, Due DE NoiALLES, March 7, 1702. 2. CoNDE DEL MoNTijo, December 9, 1713. ->. Due DE Sully, December 31, 17 14. 4. Marquez DE Arienzo, March 16, 1719. 5. The Serene Duke of Parma, May 27, 1723. 6.' COMTE DE COIGNI, July 22, I734. 7. The Serene Infant Don Luis, Odober 24, 1735. 8. Duc^UE DE SoRA, Odober2i, ^736. 9. Don Miguel Reggio, December 18, 1737. 10. Marquez de las Minas, January 23, 1738. 11. Due DE Penthievre, April 27, 1738. 12. PRiNeE Albert of Poland, November 28, 1738. 13. The King OF pRANeE, March 13, 1739. 14. The Mofl Serene Dauphin, March 13, 1739. 15. CoNDE DE Jablonewski, January 2 o, 1740, 16. Elector of Bavaria, January 20, 1742. 37. Due DE Belleisle, April 5, 1742. 1 8. Due DE Lauraguais, June 19, 1745. ig. DuQUE DE Alva, May 26, 1746. 20. CoMTE DE NoAiLLES, May 27, 1746, 21. DuQuE DE Medina CoELi, April 9, 1748. 22. Serene Prince of Asturias, January 3, 1749, 23. Duke CleM'ENT of Bavaria, June 11, 1749. 24. Marquez de laEnsenada, April 12, 1750. 25. Duque de Bejar, April 12, 1750. 26. Prince of Parma, February 2, 1751. 27. King of Naples, February 2, 1751. 28. Serene Infant Don Gabriel, June 9, 1752. 29. Serene Duke OF Orleans, June 9, 1752. 30. Prince Masseran, September 22, 1752. 31. Principe de San Nicandro, September 22, 1752. 32. Duque de Bournombile, December 18, 1753. 33. Marquez DE Villa Franca, December 18, 1753. 34. Duque de Medina-Sidonia, December 18, 1753. 2^. Serene Duke of Burgundy, March 27, 1754. 36. Constable Colonna, December 16, 1755. 37. Sc: SAN JAGO, ALCANTARA, &c. 43 37. Serene Infant Don Antonio, January 16, J 756. 38. CoNDE DE Aranda, April 13, 1756. 39. Serene Infant Don Francisco, March u, 1757. 40. Marquez de Monte Alegre, September 5, 1758. Created Jince, on the Rupture between England and Spain. Due DE Choiseul. CoNDE DE FUENTES, ^C, The grand maflerlliip of this order was made hereditary in the Kings of Spain, of the houfe of Auftria : confequently the pre- fent King of Spain has no right to it. — The reil were'inilituted to encourage a fpirit of cruzading. II. T^Jje Order of San Jago, or St. Jamesy is divided into twelve governments. It was inltituted in the twelfth century, and con- firmed by Pope Alexander III. in the year 1175. ^^^ reve* nues, arifmg from 87 commanderies, are computed at 230,000 ducats, (28,750 pounds.) Each knight is obliged, by his feudal tenure, to furnifli the King yearly with 368 lances, to make war againlf the infidels. They compound for this with the Kino-, and pay a certain yearly fum. III. The Order of Alcantara was called the noble -y becaufe, to be a knight, you mull: prove your nobility for four generations pail ; whereas the other orders required only a proof through two defcents. The knights of Alcantara have 38 commanderies, worth 200,000 ducats, (25,000 pounds.) Thefe furnifh only 138 lances to the King. IV. The Order of Calatrava, inftituted in the twelfth century, for the defence of that city againft the Moors in 1 158, and Pope Alexander III. confirmed it. They have 54 commanderies, worth 110,000 ducats revenue, (13,750 pounds.) They furnifli 300 lances to the King. V. The Order of Montefa Is only worn in Valentia, and was eftabliflied in i3i7. It has 9 commanderies. The King of Spain is grand mallicr of thefe orders. G 2 Be. 44 COUNCILS AND HALLS. Besides thefe the prefent King of Spain has now introduced the NeapoHtan order of St. Janu arius ; And has ordered that to be worn in his court above the French order of the St. Efpn't, or tiir.t of the Go/den Fleece. XII. Royal Council of the Haztenda, or freqfury. This is not properly the treafury, but rather a court of exchequer : All the King's revenues are received by an annual treafurer, who is generally a member of this body. This council was inftituted by Philip III. XIII. The Hall of the Millones. Here are paid in the imports called Alcavalas and Millones, the firft of which are the moft ancient revenues of the crown of Spain, eftablifhed originally by the Moors. They were at firft a fifth, afterwards a tenth part of the value on goods bought or fold. They are now about i/\. per cent, and are exacted alfo on private confumption, as if you kill your own meat, &c. you pay the Alcavala. The Millones are a fort of general excife given by the Cortes to Philip IV. in 1647, are theheavieft tax in all Spain, and renewed every fix years. XIV. The Hall of Jtijiice and Grace, This is an office, through which all commiffions and grants of the crown pafs. XV. Tribunal of the Greater Chamber of Accompts. I'his is a check upon the King's treafurers ; for the gentlemen of this office audit all their accounts, and can rejed: any part of them. It was eftablifhcd in 1574, by Philip 11. XVI. General Cornmiffian of Crufade. When Charles V. grew tired of alking money of his Cortes, and was v/illing to free himfelf from their controul ; in order to become abfolute, he had recourfe to other expedients of get- ting money, and fet himfelf at work to find other fourccs, for his PAPALBULLS. 45 his royal revenues. With this view he petitioned Clement VII. to grant him the profits arifing from the fale of thofe in- dulgences, v^^hich are contained in the bull of the crufado. The Pope very complaifantly granted the requeft ; and the contriv- ance compleatly anfw^ered that prince's expedtation : For indul- gences have always fold better in Spain, than in any other country. There are four bulls granted by the fee of Rome to Spain exclufively; thefe are, I. The Bull of the Crufadoy which grants plenary indulgence to all who {hall ferve perfonally for the fpace of one year in war againft the infidels ; or if they fend foldiers to that fervice y or if they contribute two rials of plate (about the value of an Englifli fhilling) for that purpofe. In the Indies, where money was to be had in greater plenty, the price of this bull was prodigious j it has been fold for a pound of gold. Thofe that purchafe this bull twice in one year, have a double indulgence or abfolution : For it lafts only for the fpace of one year, fo that a new one muft be bought annually by every individual. The next bull is, II. The Bull for the Dead. This being bought for any dead perfon, it enfures them abfolution from all fin, and fets them free from purgatory. III. The Bull of Compofition. This entitles the purchafers to a right to any ftolen goods, or fuch efifedts as they may be unlaw- fully pofielfed of; for by buying this indulgence, they compound with the Pope for them. How much fhorter a procefs is this, than our Englifh method of hearings in the King's Bench, or a tedious chancery- fuit ! One twelve-penny indulgence adjudges the property to the thief himfelf. This the Pope does by virtue of his being fuprerne lord of all temporal, as well as fpiritual goods. IV. The lafl is the Bull of Milk. This is an indulgence to eat flefli, butter, cheefe, and eggs in Lent. Thus you fee the bufinefs of this council, or general cotnmifjion . 46 BOARDS AND JUNTA'S crown, under a pretence of levying a tax for crufading: Its great obje6l is the maintenance of Ceuta, for that is the fole fenurehy which they hold the grant of thofe bulls : For were they to lofe Ceuta, they would lofe all pretenfions to this tax, which would revert to the fee of Rome. In this council all books of religion are examined ; no breviary nor miffal can be printed without its li- cence. It is the depofitary offlolen goods unowned. It was ereded in the year 1525. All the King's fubjeds are obliged to buy the indulgence belonging to the kill of the Crufado, to enable them to o-o to confeflion, receive abfolution, and to communicate ; for if they bring not this bull, the priefts will neither abfolve them, nor give them the wafer. This very confiderable part of the crown revenues was given in confequence of Cardinal Ximenes's expedi- tion into Africa. All the benefices in Spain are taxed for the crufade. Toledo alone pays 50,000 ducats yearly, (6250 pounds ;) the contribution of the clergy is great, but of the laity ftill more : Thefe bulls are faid to produce yearly, in Spain only, 1,200,000 ducats (above 57,000 /. ilerl.) and about double that fum in America. Thofe who die without having bought them, die ex- communicated. XVII. Board of Works and Forrejis. XVIII. Council of Commerce » Money, and Mines ', or a board of trade. XIX. Jimta de Facidtades y de Viudedades. What the nature of this board is, I cannot fay, having made fe- veral enquiries in vain about it : Tho' I am inclined to believe, that it relates to cafes of property and perfonal eftates, and par- ticularly widows jointures. XX. Apojlolical Junta. To appoint millionarics. XXI. Junta of Tobacco. To manage the farm of the tobacco. XXII. Ju?2ta TRIBUNALS AND ACADEMIES. 47 XXII. 'Junta of the Trovtjions. This is a council of perfons of rank and property, who are obliged to furnifh Madrid with bread and all other provilions at a fixt price. It has the preference of the firfl: purchafe at all markets. XXIII. Tribunal of the jirfi Phyjician. Don Joseph Sunol, of the Council of his Majefty, and firft Phylician of the Chamber, Prejtdent. Don Miguel Barbon, of the Council of his Majefty, and his Phylician of the Chamber, Vice-prejident, Don Joseph Amar, Phyfician to his Majefty, and iiFft Phyfician,. Don Andres Piquer, Phyfician of the Chamber of his Majefty, and firft Phyfician. Don Matthias de la Rubia, Ajjejjor. Don Fr. Ant. de Vergara, Fifcal. Don Fr. Xavier de Quesada, Secretary. XXIV. Tribunal of the Nonciature^ or Concordate^ This related, among other articles, to the difpofal of ecckfiafiical preferments. It was abolifhed by an agreement between the courts of Rome and Spain, in 1753. ^ ACADEMIES ERECTED In this Court under the Royal Protedion. XXV. Royal Spanish Academy. His Excellence the Duke of Alva, Dean of the Council of State, DireBor. Don Francisco de Angula, Secretary. XXVI. Royal Academy of History. D. Aug. de Mont, y Luyando, perpetual Director for his Majefty, and Secretary of the Chamber of Grace and Juftice, and Eftudo of Caftille. D. EuG* 48 ACADEMIES. D. EuG. DE Llaguno Amirola, Secretary*. XXVII. Royal Academy of the Three Noble Arts, Painting, Sculpture, Archite(5ture, with the Title of San Fernando. His Excellency D. Ricardo Wall, Protedor and Counfellor of ':tate. D. Tib. de Agirre, Vice Frotedior of the Council of the Or- ders. D. Ig. de Hermositta, Secretary. XXVIII. Royal Academy of Physic at Madrid. Don J. SuNOL, Counfellor of his Majefty, and his firft Phyfician, perpetual Prejident for his Majefty. Don a. Piq^er, Phyfician of his Majefty, Vice Prefdent, and firft Phyfician. Don J. de Ortega, Secretary, * The Academy of Hiftory at Madrid was founded in 1713, by the Duke de EsCALONA, who is Well known to the republic of letters. There is another Aca- demy at Seville, chiefly relating to the Mathematics. LETTER [ 49 ] LETTER IV. State of Literature, Letters, and Men of Learning in SPAIN. IN regard to learning, and the belles lettres, Spain evidently labours under two material difadvantages -, which are, the want of a liberty of the prefs; and the being fubjedted to thecen- fure of the inquifition. Jt is eafy to imagine how many valuable works of wit, humour, fatire, and genius are entirely rendered abortive for want of this liberty; and though it may be attended with fome evils and inconveniencies, yet its advantages are evident, from the many entertaining and ufeful produ<5lions, which in our ifland fokly owed their birth to it : for, as one well faid, Is it not better for the public, that a million of monfters (hould come into the world, which are fure to die as foon as they are born, than that one Hercules fhould be ftrangled in his cradle ? Let us bear patiently with the infamous produ6lions of infidelity and faction, as long as we can receive from the fame channel, the admirable difcourfes of a Sherlock, or a Hare ; the political writings of a BoLiNG BROKE, or a Bath, and the various mafterly and ele- gant compofitions of a Lyttleton. What would have be- come of the wit and buffoonery of Dr. Swift, the elegant obfer- vationsof Mr. Addison, and the genteel humour of Sir Richard Steele, if their free and unfhackledfpirits had been chained down like thofeof the Spa?2iards? Where would have been thofe many pleafing and inflrudlive writings which daily fprung up, thro' this liberty, at different periods, in the many controverfial wars which H we CO STATE OF LITERATURE. wc have had upon fubjeds of party, politics, learnino;, and even re- ligion-? Woijld ftot all tbefe have been deftroyed in the bu4, if we had feen, as Mr. Pope fays, under the throne of Ignorance or Superflition, Beneath her footftool Science groan in chains. And Wit dread exile, penalties and pains. There, foani'd, rebellious Logic, gagg'd and bound ; There, ftrlpt, fair Rhet'ric languifli'd on the ground ? It Is a matter of much more furprize to me, when t coniiJer thlno-s in this light, to find that the Spaniards are advanced fo far as they are in arts and fcience, than to wonder, that they are got no farther. If we add to this the power and uncontrouied. li- cence, which the Inquifitors or Dominicans have to cenlure all works printed there, and if they pleafe, to chaftife and punifh the authors, it would furely make a full apology for Spain in this article. I know not well how many licences a book muft have before it can actually pafs the prefs, but I think at leaf! three. It is ufually read by as many cenfors, and is carefully cleanfed by the Catholic fpunge, before it falls under the eye of the public. The inquifition never grants any licence, referving to itfelf the freedom of condemning or abfolving afterwards, as it may judge expedient. The art of this management is apparent. The in- dex of the Libri Frohibiti publi£hed by the holy office is now increafed to two large volumes in folio; and a man muft fairly turn over all that work, before he can well know what he dare read. The ciaffics that I opened in the royal library at Madrid were anathematized in the title with thefe words, Aiicior Damnatusy and many whole prefatory difcourfes were crazed and blotted out, becaufe, as the librarian told me, lis font centre notre re- ligion. I have been told by a Spaniard, a friend of mine, that the Dominican library, confifting only of books which they have feiz- ed, and which of courfe are forbidden. Is one of the largefl; and fineft in Madrid. I have heard many of them own, that the prohibited books were generally the moft worth reading. One in particular told me, that as Father Paul's hiftory of the council of Trent was forbidden to be read any where upon earth, he took it with him, and read it at fea. It is no uncommon thing here to fee the STATE OF LITERATURE. 51' tlie works of our Locke, Newton and Bacon, thofe immortal glories of human nature, fhut up in durance. But how fliould it he otherwife, when, as Bayle tells us, in an extract from John of Salisbury, that Pope Gregory VL not only baniihed ma- thematics from the court, but burnt a library of heathen learning, in order to give the Scripture more authority. Erasmus found the weight of this milliione upon the neck of fcience almoft in- fupportable at the time that he was making fuch noble efforts for the revival of letters : And the ignorance and indolence of the monks, which he fo much exclaims agalnfl; in thofe days, is very little altered for the better in the prefent. Few of them, even now, either underlland or talk the Latin tongue ; and fewer flill are employed in ftudies of real or ufeful learning: they are chiefly confined to the narrow limits of the fcholadic writers, the po- lemic divines, and ThomalHc or Auguftin theology. 1 fpeak only in general, for doubtlefs there are fome exceptions, fuch as a Flo- REs, a Ponce, a Burriel, or a Feijo -, but thefe are rare, and ihine, like lamps in fepulchres, amidft the numerous cells of thofe ufelefs eccleliaftics. Great part of this dearth of fcholars is certainly owing to the want of a due encouragement, a reftricflion of the liberty of the prefs, and their fubje(S:ion to the yoke of the inquilition. And how much they have fuffered from thefe curbs may be eafily gathered from a few fads that have pafTed in Spain only. Poor Miguel Cervantes, the inimitable author of Don ^ixote, underwent many fevere fufferings in combating thofe triple monfters, prejudice, ignorance, and fuperflition. The in- comparable John de Mariana, whofe labours and fludies have done fuch lailing honour to himfelf, and to his country, was con- fined twenty years in prifon, and when he wrote his Hiftory, he dared not to bring it down any nearer to his own times, for fear of giving offence. And even within thefe two or three lafl years. Dr. Is LA, who wrote that pretty fatire, Frey Gerundio, upon the monks and preachers of thefe times, has been perfecuted and lilenced by the inquifition for his impertinent wit. Such being then the true flate of the cafe, we are certainly much obliged to thofe wits and geniufes in Spain, who have had firmnefs enough to break through all thefe obflacles, and have H 2 pro- 52 STATE OF LITERATURE. produced works, which have made their names the theme of their own countryrncn, and refpecled and ell:eemed abroad. The Com- r.LUTENSiAN iiiblc^' has undoubtedly been the beft monument to the memory of Cardinal Ximenes, and would atone, if any thing could atone, for the iliare which he had in eftablifhing the inquifition. This certainly doubles the merit of fuch writers, who have been fo hardy as to ftep forth in this country : fuch as, Cer- vantes, CovARRUBiAS, Faxardo, Zurita, Cabrera, San- DovAL, Mariana, Antonio Perez, Garcilasso de la Ve- ga, Lopez de Vega, Carpio, Antonio de Guevara, Cal- deroni. Ant. de Solis, Herrera, &c. It makes us regard in a much higher light fuch men as Antonio Augustino, Vil- LALPANDO, L. Ramirez de Frado, Sanctius, and others. But in order to fet this point in a clearer view, I will now make fome general remarks upon the prefent frate of Divinity, Hiftory, Phyfic, and Poetry in this country, and then fubjoin a lift and account of the mofl remarkable writers in each branch. In regard to Divinity, it confifts much, as it formerly did, in the ftudy of the fathers, councils, the decrees of the popes, and their canons, and in fyftems of Thomaftic and Auguftine theology. The knowlege of the learned languages, and explication of the text of the facred writings, has very little to do with it. In this track of criticifm they are almoft utter ftrangers ; and I cannot find any thing of late years pubJifhed in this way : It is holy ground, and therefore dangerous to be approached. In cafuiftry indeed they are very well verfed, and this makes a conftant part of the ftudies of their paftoral office : I fuppofe it is in fome meafure ne- ceflary to fuch as muft be confeiTors ; but whether it is fo far re- quifite, as to run into fuch obfcene difquifitions, as refine, and re- duce finning to a fyftem, it will be difficult to perfuadeour divines. * This was the firft Polyglct ever piintcd, and was done at the expence of the cardinal, then archbiQiop of i clcdo. Jt was about four years in printing, from 1514 to 1517, but not publifhed till 1520, when it came out in 6 volumei, including the Lexicon : Jt was printed in four languages, the Hebrew, Chaldee, Greek, and Latin. This ferved as a mode! to that of Mr. Walton, which is more ufeful and CAait, and to that of Mr, Le Jay, printed 'j^. Paris with many expenfive ornameiits. But STATE OF LITERATURE. 53 But that this kind of cafiiiftry is too infamoufly ftudied, appears from the many tomes that have been publlflied in this country, and particularly in that curious refearch oi Sanchez de Matrimonio. When I fay the fathers, take notice I mean the Latin fathers -, for as to the Greek, there are very few amongfl them, who are able to undertake that tafk : for the ftudy of the learned languages is here but at a low ebb ^ Hebrew feems to be rather the moll culti- vated. It may not be improper to obferve, that I am told there is a MS. of St. Augustine in the Bodleian library at Oxford, in which there is a paffage allowing the clergy to marry ; which paiTage is not extant in any Roman-catholic copy that was ever heard of. The lawyers in this country get as much money as the practi- tioners in other countries j and whatever may be faid of the flow- nefs of our chancery fuits, the tedioufnefs of theirs will at leaft equal them : A friend of mine, a great merchant at Cadiz, has juft obtained a caufe at Madrid, after ;z/;/^ years attendance; and I could mention fome others, which are at this time depending, which probably will never be determined at all. Bribery ope- rates too much in this country; and to do the Spaniards juftice, they do not difown it. It appeared very plainly in the famous caufe of the Anti gall 1 can privateer, in which the late Sir Benjamin Keene took fuch patriotic and difmterefted pains -, and in many others, which might be mentioned. In Hiflory, the Spaniards have many valuable writers. The detail of particular wars, as that of Granada, between Philip IV. and the Moors, by Mendosa, faid to be a mafterly work; the relation of the fucceilion-war, or partition of the Spanifh mo- narchy, by San Felippe, &c. the ecclefiaflical hiftory of Spain by Father Henry Flores, in fifteen volumes 4to. &c. the hi- ftory of particular cities, fuch as 'Toledo, Seville^ &c. Their great antiquarians are Florio Ocampo, Ambrosius Morales, Ma- riana; Rec^jesendius for thofe of Portugal. But I can- not find, that any writer of credit (for fome have attempted it) has been yet bold enough to take up the thread of their gene- ral hiftory, where Mariana left it off, that is to fay, with Fer- dinand and Isabella (for the fupplement and continuator Mi- 54 STATE OF LITERATURE. MiNiANA I don't confider) and bring it down to tbefc times. Perhaps they do not care to attempt it, for fear of offence ; and another reafon may be, that the King has abfolutely forbid any of his fubjed:s to write the hiftory of Charles V.; which, I fuppofe, is owing to fome circiimilances relating to rehgion and that prince, which might be too deUcate to touch upon. Tho' it would be both a curious and ufeful tafk to trace the fecret fprings and caufes that fet a prince of his active and aduil: com- plexion upon fuch various and great enterprizes ; who made vaft advances towards univerfal monarchy, and perhaps was nearer to it than any other man ever was lince Alexander and C^- SAR ; who was not contented to reign while living, but kit apo- litical teflament for his fon's diredion after his death ; and, what was more extraordinary, a teflament, which that fon religioully obferved and copied from. What can be more aftonifhing, than to fee this fame ad:ive and reftlefs fpirit, all at once, in a fit of dif- guft, retire to the narrow ceil of a poor monk, and there amufe himfelf with adting over the approaching fcene of his own death! For this, however odd it may feem, was certainly done ; and tho' alive, he had the fame preparations made, of proceflion, mourn- ings, coffin, 6cc. as if he really was dead, and was at the fame time, what no man ever was before, or will be probably again, the fub- jedt, a6tor, and fpedlator, all at once, of his own funeral. Philip of Macedon's fo much talked oiMeme7itoMori was poor to this. This was a fight, which, I believe, few people's curiofity would not wifh to have {^cn. But this was not all : tho' C^sar was his model, tho' he conquered all things, he could not, like that Prince, con- quer himfelf: for he foon repented that he ever had refigned the world and his crown, and died at laft of chagrin, at the folly of having done that aft, which he could never revoke. LETTER [ S5 ] LETTER IV. PART II. State of PHYSIC, POETRY, &>€. IN Phyfic and Chirurgery this country is at lead: two centuries behind the Englilh. But as thofe arts are much out of my pro- vince, 1 fhall give what I have to offer upon them in the Vv^ords of one of their moft eminent writers. There is fcarce any fludy that takes in fuch a variety of knowledge as Phyfic doth, and therefore it is no wonder, that the Spaniards, who are flow in all things, have made fuch a fmall progrefs in this part of fci- ence. But perhaps the people may be perfuaded that they have lefs occafion for it ; where they believe that faints, miracles, and charms, can cure the moft inveterate difeafes, there muft be much lefs inclination to have recourfe to art. They may be willing to leave the more feeble refources of meer human affillance to thofe,- who are fo unhappy as to v^ant faith. Not but they have their regular profelTors in this part of fcience. Dr. Sangrado's max- ims flill prevail among them, notwithftanding they are fo finely ridiculed by Monf Le Sage, in his Gil Blas. There cannot be a more ftriking proof of their want of fkill, than the epide- mical prevalence of the venereal difeafe all over this country; tho' poflibly they may not defire to have it quite fubdued. Give me leave to relate part of a converfitlon, which I had with a chirurgeon upon that fubjedt. He was fent for by a nobleman to cure him of that difliemper, who told his excellency, that if he would follow fuch a regimen and diet, and regularly take what he prefcribed, that he would cure him in a month's time entirely : ** Cure me entirely !" replied the nobleman ; " no not for the <* world; I only want you, fir, to corredand Icffen it a little ; but *« I would not be cured entirely upon any account: a little of it ♦* is the beft thing in nature for the health." — *' Sir," replied my friciii. ^6 STATE OF PHYSIC. friend, " if your excellence only wants palliativesy a Spanlfh chi- ** rurgeon will anfwer that purpofe as well as me : my bufmefs is to «* cure, not to continue diflempers. — Good morning to your ex- " cellence." As to difpenfaries, and accounts of the Materia Medica, they may have them, but I met with none. Botany is much ftudied here, and is well underflood : And I am told that the provinces of Gallicia and Valentia afford great plenty of very excel- lent flirubs and plants. Part of Father F e i j o o's Difcourfes upon PHYSIC. 'Tranjlatedfrom the Original Spa?jiJJj. [The Phyficians he chiefly quote?, are, Michael ErMuiiER^ Georgius BACLiriusy Thomas SroENHAMy Le FRAS^oiSy Don Martin Martinez.] THE Spanifh phyficians follow thefyftem of Galen, and La- zarus RivERius : It is from Galen they have taken the pra(ftice of bleeding fo profufely. But fome of the Spaniards, fuch as Martinez, have declared againft this practice, and would not admit of it even in putrid fevers j and he faid, that the lancet had killed more men, than ever were fhot by a train of artillery. Fe - TOO feems to be of this opinion: he fays, he believes in fome cafes it may be proper, but difficult to fay when -, that you cannot ju ige of the goodnefs or badnefs of blood by any fymptoms, becaufe it alters immediately on coming out of the veins; becaufe every in- dividual's blood is different, and let it appear ever fo bad to the dodor, the patient cannot live without it. It is for this reafon he condemns all transfufion of blood from one patient to another, as arrant nonfenfe: and afhrms that experiments upon blood confirm this doarine. Our author is likewife no friend to purging, as he fays it carries off the good as well as the bad, the nutricious as well as the pernicious juices i and that it forces the excrements fome- times thro' improper pafTages. As to faying, that it purges away the U P O N P H Y S I C. 57 the choley\ or the phlegm, that Is all imaginary j becauie purges carry off all things indifcriminately ; and becaufe they give the different colours to the voided excrements by their different tindlures : Epi- thymy will give a black dye ; and it is well if this be the word of it : Phyficians lliould take care left they kill their friends as well as their enemies, as the Turks did at the fiege of Rhodes. In com- mon cafes you fliould never purge ; never in the beginning of fe- vers, except in cafes of turgency, and even then in the beginning it is inexcufable, and in the end doubtful : It is an effort of nature i leave Her to herfelf : for purges never affed; the morbid matter, unlefs it happens to be in the prinice vice, and then there is no, doubt of the ufefulnefs of purging. Thofe purges which gripe the moft are the beft, becaufe the griping comes not from the purge, but from the acid matter they put in motion. And as to vomits and clyfters, by the authority of Sydenham, I rejed them in all fevers. In fine, there is nothing certain in medicine. One phy- fician admires one remedy, which another abhors. What has been faid for and againft hellebore f for and againft antimony F With thefe they q.i'q panaceas, with thofe poifons. What a rout has been made about medicinal ftones ! the Sezoar-Rone and many others ? Cordials are much the fame. Coftly medicines and exotics are juft as futile; all, all a fable. One houfe-medicLne is worth them all. A French phyfician I have read of ufed to give all his patients coffee ', tho' I am perfuaded neither coffee nor tea are of any fer- vice. The moft known fpecifics begin to be called in queftion ; the ifark has many enemies ; and mercury begins to be declaimed againft, though it certainly is the moft generous medicine in the whole world. I appeal to experience. Engllfli falts are hurtful, becaufe they purge too gently. Too much, too many medicines certainly do a patient more hurt, than any other miftaken pradice. All phyficians abufe remedies ; none obferve the crijis of diftem- pers; they fhould never difturb nature : and to apply many medi- cines, when nature is fighting with a diftemper, Is to weaken the patient's force, when he moft wants it, and taking fide with the difeafe, inftead of taking part with nature. As to Ignorant prac- titioners, it is in vain to diffuade them from giving much phylic : but if any phyfician of real knowledge does it for the fake of af- iifting the apothecary, and of vending his medicines, the foul of I that 5S Father FEIJOO's DISCOURSES that phyficfan is in a much more deplorable ftate, than any pa- tient's body. No view of retaining patients, no reafons of con- venience, honour, or of being well with the apothecaries, fhould induce them to this pracftice : as they will certainly be culpable in the fight of G O D for whatever damage they may do their patients. As to phyfical or medicinal obfervatlons, there is great infin- cerity in them, bccaufs a phyfician gives one cafe in which fuch a prefcription fucceeded, and conceals two, in which it did not. Every body knows the obfervations of Riveriits, which have gain- ed great applaufe; and tho' they amount to 400, there is fcarce one which is not defedive : It is very entertaining to fee the au- thor boaft, that he cures a bilious cholic with four bleedings, and four purges mixed up with affiftant emollients, anodynes, and other remedies : A prefcription, which mufl; take up many days ; whereas in the natural courfe of the diflemper it feldom lafls fo long. To make ufeful obfervations requires great knowledge, great lincerity, and great fagacity 3 and thefe qualities are not the lot of every phyfician. I KNOW not whether this difcourfe, which I am now publifh- ing, will be agreeable to the gentlemen of the faculty, or not ; they may be afraid, perhaps, if the world iliould grow out of conceit with phyfiCy it may become out of conceit too with its profeffors, and then fome would certainly be difcarded, who are now in vogue. But they need never fear, they are fafe as to this point ; the world will always remain juft as it has done. No genius was ever able to turn the courfe of thofe impetuous rivers, prejudice, and cuflom. How much have Quevedo in Spain, Petrarch in Italy, in France firft Montaigne, and then ^oliere, declaimed againft all phyficians and phyfic ? and with a great deal of truth. Their vv'ritings are read, and celebrated. But things remain juft as they were. I lliall content myfelf with perfuading fome few to follow the beft means they can for the recovery of their liealth. Some phyficians have fo much genero'is candor, as to own public- ly the iniutiiciency of medicine, and the perplexity of their art: And it is no wonder to fee thofe, whofe minds are not fo noble, con- R UPON PHYSIC. 50 confiding in phyfic more than it deferves. Some dodors, out of mere policy, conceal the weaknefs of their art; Baglivius was one of thefe. But fays another ; ** It is very v/ell for phyficians '' to confefs the impotency of phyfic to one another, becaufe they *' are judges, and they know it. But there is no occafion to tell all <« this to the vulgar, who believe always that a dodor knows much " more, than he either does, or can know." But I fay on the con- trary, that the common people would reap great benefit by fuch acknowledgements, and the phylician receive no great damage : becaufe if thefe poor people knev/ how little fecurity there was in phyfic, and that there is fcarce a remedy v/hich is not dangerous ; that even the greateft and moft knowing phyiicians comip.it various blunders ; that many of thofe patients, Vv^ho recover, owe their re- covery only to their natural flrength, and they owe to the phyfi- cian the obligation of retarding that recovery : Did they know thefe things, they would have much lefs recourfe to phyfic ; they would preferve their entrails more entire, and would not fpend that money in bottles of phyfic, which they v/anted for other ufes. They would content themielves with taking fome flight things in their habitual indifpofitions, which are born with them, and which are infeparable from their confbitution, and which no phy- fician in the world can cure, notwithftanding their boafted radical cures, which are not to be found i?i rerum natiira. With this ma- nagement many delicate ladies would ceafe to be troublefome to their hufbands and families -, many men would be ufeful fervants to the public, who are now rendered ufelefs by phylicking them- felves. Thefe, and many other advantages, with the knowledge of how little hope is to be repofed in phyfic, moved me to give this advertifement to the public : and phyficians ought in con- fcience to concur with me in undeceiving the public. And indeed this would be no damage to the faculty themfclves ; at leafl to the learned part of them, and who have acquired repu- tations as fuch. For, to thefe, employinent and fees would never be wanting. Becaufe the cafe would never happen, nor the mo- tive for banifhing all phyficians out of the world, as they were once from Rome. The fine lady would not always fend for the QO(flor to feel her pulfe -, nor the imaginary madman, as in the I 2 comedy 6o Father FEIJOO's DISCOUPvSES comedy of Moliere, Hiriek v/hen nothing ails him; nor the decrepit old fool imagine the apothecary's drugs can remove him fome leagues from his grave. By this means the phyiicians would have more time for ftudy, and reflexion upon their ftudies and their experiments, as well as to affill: at anatomical difle(ftions. The moft eminent of the p-ofellion would be at Icilure to write books : by this means phyficians would become more learned, and phyfic advance daily towards perfecftion, to which it wants many a "-ood journey ftill. Phyfic is indeed recommended in Scripture, but not the phyfic of thefe modern times ; when we are in really imminent danger, I confefs it is prudent to have recourfe to it ; and that, generally fpeaking, the quicknefs and immediate appli- cation of the remedy is the moft important point. Opium, §luin- quina^ vomits, and very adive medicines, may here be of great fervice, becaufe they induce changes, which nature herfelf would never produce. If I have expreffed myfelf too ftrongly in fome places about the danger even of cures and phyfic ; it is becaufe I would remove the prejudices of the vulgar, who will follow the blind dictates of even the moft ignorant empyric : And I had ra- ther incline them to the other extreme. In all that I have faid in this difcourfe, I have faid it under the fhade of the moft illuf- trious medicinal writers, and fupported by the greateft authori- ties. I CONCLUDE with exhorting all, who would choofe their phy- iician, to choofe one with thefe qualities. Firjl, Let him be a good Chriftian 3 becaufe knowing himfelf accountable to GOD for all his fteps, he will take them more ferioufly and warily, and will really apply himfelf to the ftudy of his profeffion. Th^fecond is. That he be judicious, but of a cool, not warm temperament. The thirdi That he fhould not be boaftful in ftiewing the power and fafety of his art ; for thofe who are fuch, are either ignorant, or difingenuous. Tht fourth is. That he follow no philofophic fyftem of pradice, be addided to no one fet of rules, but guided only by his own experience, and that of the beft writers. The fifth is. That he be not a giver of many remedies, efpecially the dangerous ones ; holding it as for certain, that all thofe, who write and prefcribe much, are bad phyficians, altho' they know all that has U P O N P H Y S I C. 61 has been wrote about pbyfic. T\iq Jixth is. That he informs him- lelf exad:ly of the fymptoms of diflempers, which are many, and drawn from various fourccs. l"he generahty of phyficians, when they have felt the pulfe, looked at the urine, peeped into the clofe- ftool, inftantly call for pen, ink, and paper — io prefcribe. The pulfe is a fymptom very obfcure, the urine very fallible : and one cannot be certain of the diftemper and its caufes (except in a few cafes, where they are vifible) without attending to the complex- ion of many circumftances, both confequential and antecedent. The fei:cnth is. That his fucceffes fliould in general anfwer his prognoilications ; I fay, in general, becaufe always to do it, they mufl be angels and not men ; for that circumftance will excufe many others that preceded 3 and becaufe it is the only m.eans by which the moft ignorant man can difcern, v^'ho is a phyfician of jfkill, and who is an ignorant one : for the certainty of prognoili- cation is a clear proof, that he knows the prefcnt flate of the dif- temper -, becaufe by that only which is now, one can knov/ what is to come. On the other hand, that which thefe prognoflicators commonly fay, plainly Ihews they do not know one word of phyiic. Some think the art of foretelling a feparate faculty from phyfic ; and thus fome phyficians are celebrated for foretelling, others for curing : But this is a miftake, for it is impoilible, that the cure fhould be right, and the prognoftic wrong, and nnce verfd. In- deed there is one difference, a phylician, who milTes of the cure may be blamed, but one who fails in hiy^ prophcfy may be damned. In a dangerous cafe, an ignorant phylician being called in, faid it .was only a light crudity of the ftomach, which would go off the next day. With this alfurance the people about the patient never fent for the priefts : Soon after the man was feized with a delirium, and died like a Pagan, or brute. The crime commonly attributed to phyficians, is, killing the body 3 but, in this cafe, they kill the foul. Other phyficians, more cautious, and more artful, take the oppofitefide; and whatfoever the diftemper is, they always fay it is a very dangerous one ; they give out many orders, put the whole family in a fright, offer their attendance, and their art. So that if the patient dies, they are fure to praifc the fkill of the phyfician, who 62 Father FEIJOO's DISCOURSES who fald fo from the firft : If he Uves, then the ilvill of the phy- fician is praifed, that he cured fo terrible a diforder, and God is thanked that the patient fell into fuch good hands. One good thing comes from this, that the fick never die without the facra- ments. But one evil is, that the fright they are put into fome- times increafes the diforder, and kills them. All thefe ways are full of evil ; altho' the firfl is the greatefl; ; but however, gentle- men, ye will find one day the angels, to vvhofe cuflody the fick are committed, accufmg you before God, and placing thofe be- fore you, who died thro' your fault, or your ignorance. DISCOURSE VI. Physicians know but little of healing the iick; they know as little what ought to be the proper regimen for thofe in health ; at leaft they can give no rules for eating and drinking. This pro- portion, however abfurd it may appear to phyficians and others, is proved by the evident variety of habits of body, to which is pre- cifely commenfurate the variety of food, both in quality and quan- tity. One kind of food is hurtful to one, that is good for another ; a quantity that is great for one perfon is hurtful to another. The proportion of the quantity and quality of food to the habit of each individual can only be known by experience : This experience every man has v/ithin himfelf ; and the phyiician can only know it by the relation he receives. For I mull always tell the phyfician hov/ much I have eaten and drank, as he cannot know wliat is proper for me, unlefs I tell him firft what ails me, what fits well in my fi.omach, what I digefi: well. Ihe emperor Tiberius laughed at thofe, who confulted phyficians after they were thirty years old; becaufe (he faid) at that age every one was able to tell by experience, how to manage themfclves. And indeed he feems to have been a flriking proof of the truth of his own maxim ; for without being much concerned about his diet, or way of living, he lived 78 years; and he probably had hved much longer, if Cali- gula had permitted him : for altho' he was very weak, h's fac- cefibr would not truft his death to the ftrength of any (if ale : hiilciians agreeing, that CALiGfiLA helped on his death, altho' they difter in the manner of its being done. However, this ma- xim U P O N P H Y S I C. 63 xlm of Tiberius, generally taken, is certainly true, at leaft with regard to eating and drinking. There is no eatable, which one can fay is abfolutely hurtful; this is not my do6lrine, but that of Hippocrates, as he has well proved it in his book De veteri 7nedlcina : for, as he fays, if it was hurtful to one, it would be fo to all. Cheefe, for initance, hurts not every one ; there are thofe who eat of it without the leaft offence. If cheefe, which is fo earthy, bad of digeftion, and hard, can be taken v/ithout hurt, what eatable can we lay is abfo- lutely hurtful to ail ? Quails and goats feed upon poifons, according to Pliny : Venenis caprece ^ cothurnices pingiicfcunt, lib. X. c. 72. That which kills other animals feeds them. Will you fay then, that there is a greater diverfity of conftitutions among the different fpe- cies of animals, than among individuals of the fame fpecies ? For my own part I think there is a much greater among the human fpecies. In the obfervations of Schenkius, he tells us of a man, that eat an ounce of fcammony, which neither purged him little or much. And in other medicinal authors we read of fome, who were purged by the fmell of rofes. Is not this a fufficient diffe- rence in conftitutions ? It is true, that in general there is no great difference between the conftitutions of men. But there is always fome, and that a very material one ; habits of body vary like faces; in all fuch cafes as are obvious to our fenfes we cbfcrve fome dilTimi- litude in all men. What can be more fimplc, than the found of the voice ? And yet there is none like that of another's. Nay, among thofe who have lived in the fame houfe or community to- gether for many years, it never happens but one can diftinguifh the voices of them, tho' you do not fee them. If this is the cale in fo fimple a thing, how muft it be in the conftitution, which is combined of fuch a variety of materials. If our fenfes were more acute, in cafes where fome men appear much alike, we fhould tind thetn very different. There are fome brutes, which deceive us in the fame manner. We do not per- ceive by fmell the effluvia of human bodies ; or if we do, we do not 64 Father FElJOO's DISCOURSES, &c. not diflijiguini one from the other. The dog perceives them, and diftinguifhes them in all men : tho' he be at a great diftance, he follows his mafter without feeing him, determining himfelf, tho* he meets with many roads, by the fmell of the, effluvia, which he linds as he walks : he hunts and choofes out among many others the glov^e of his mafter, tho' he never faw it before : and what is more, he recovers a ftone thrown by his mafler among others thrown at the fame time by other hands, that little touch fufficing, by which with his fubtile fmell he perceives a different odour from that of the reft. This is a fufficient proof to convince you of the difference of conftkutions, becaufe v/ithout a difference of conffitutions there cannot be a difference in the effiuvia. Not only the variety of conftitutions in men makes it impof- fible to know what diet is proportionate to each ; but alfo the va- riety which there is between meats of the fame fpecles. All wine of grapes, for Inffance, is of the fame fpecles. Withal, one wine is fweet, another is acid, another bitter -, one has on^ colour, ano- ther fmells differently ; one is thinner, another is thicker : It is the fame in meats; the fame in the fruits of all the plants, though we do not perceive fo ffrongly in all this variety, upon account of the imperfection of our fenfes. By this means it may happen, and does continually happen, that altho' it be the fame individual, one wine may be wholefome, another noxious. Meat fed in fome lands is wholefome food, in others noxious. Add to this a point of no fmall confideration, that the fame food, without diftindiion, or perceivable diff^erence, may be found, by the fame individual, wholefome at one period, and noxious at another, either through the different feafons of the year, the different temperature of the air, the diff^erence of country, or the difference of age. In ffne, whatever change happens in the body, that ffiould be a rule to vary more or lefs the diet in quantity, as well as quality. Thus I have given fome of the celebrated Father Feijoo's thoughts on phyfic, and could wiffi out of humanity for the fake of the ^panifll nation, that their phyff clans were anfwerable to the character and qualifications he requires. It is obvious enough how Jittle he knows of that neceffary art. In POETRY, HUMOROUS WRITER?, etc. 6^ In Poetry they have many writers; fuch as D. Al. de Ercil- LA, the Principe Esquilache, Ant. Lofraso, f. Rufo, Pi- neda, FiGUEKOA, Ant", de Nebrixa, the two Vega's, Gar- cilasso, and Lopez ; Calderoni, Barrios, Gongorra, and others. But as to a complete lift of them, I have never been able to find one; and am much lefs qualified to decide of their refpedive merit. Lopez de Vega Carpio, as Voltaire tells us, comes the neareft to our Shakespeare. He wrote ths yenifa/em Con- quifiada^ tragedies, comedies, &c. One thing may be faidof the lit- tle that 1 have i^^Vi of the Spanilh poetry ; that there is a won- derful air of fimplicity in their common fongs, or fequedillas : That in fome pieces which I read in the Caxofi de Sajirey or The taylors drawer of JJjreds, there was much fentiment, as well as dignity : vaft variety of meafure, all formed on the old Roman profody; and in fome of them a pleafing air of romance: but grave, majeftic, moral, penfive, like the people themfelves. Very few attempts to wit or humour, and, I believe, none of drollery or buffoonery. Many upon love, but all in the drapery of the chafte Venus ^ no Erycina ?'idens, no Cormna, no loofe or debauched Euterpe among that colledion of fongs of the Spanifi Nine, As to fubje<5ls and writers of humour in profe, I know of none among the old Spaniards, but Cervantes and Guevara ; the moft celebrated work of the latter is, the El Diablo Coxtielo, or as we fliould fay in Englifli, The Devil upon two Sticks, which Mr, Le Sage modernized into a romance, that is very well known. It is much to be wifhed, that Guevara's original was well tranf- lated into Engliih, as we lliould find in it an infinity of old Spa- nifi manners and cuftoms; and the names of all the then nobility at full length ; moil of which titles and families fubfiil to this day. K LETTER LETTER IV. PART III. CATALOGUE of SPANISH AUTHORS, Spa7n/h Writers of History. f^Ronka general de Efpana, par Amb. Morales^ 4 vol. 4to. ^ Alcala 1577 This writer was the great antiquarian, theCAMBDEN of Spain; he has continued the work of Florio Ocampo. Sandoval, by the particular command of Philip III. carried it down farther to Alphonso VII. Morales wrote alfo, Las Antiquidades de las Ciudades de B.fpana. Compendia Hijhrial de las Cronicas de E/pa?2a,par EJlevan de GaribaySi 4 vol. folio. Barcelona 1628 And Don jiian de Mariafia. Thefe two copied Morales and Ocampo in great meafure. As Marianas Hijiory of Spain feems to be fo much better known, than that of himieif, indulge me in a few words about him. He was born atEBORA,nowTALA- vera, in New Castile ; educated at Alcala de He:-, ares, or the antient Complutum ; he lived at Toledo, and publifhed the following works : I. On the weights and meafures of the antients. II. On the exchange of money. III. A defence of the Vulgate. IV. De Rege, & Regis Injiituiione. — This piece was burnt at Rome and Paris, and was quoted to authorize Dr. Oates's narrative in the Poplfli plot. V. On the fcage. VL His hiftojy. lie SPANISH WRITERS. ty He was kept in prifon, by order from the Pope, twenty years, in wiiich time he compoled his hiflory, as our Sir W. Raleigh did in the Tower. He wrote it firft in Latin, and afterwards in Spa- iiifli. But it went no lower than the end of Ferdinand and Isa- bella's reign, about 1 516. He wrote, however, a fupplement afterwards, down to 1621 j and he has had fince //6r^^ continuators, Ferd. Camargo y Salccdo, to 1649 ^ -^^^- ^^r^^ de Soto, to 1669 ; Fr. J. M. de Minianay to 1699. The iir/l Latin edition, Toktiy 1592, folio, is the befl, tho' it contains only twenty books. The laft ten are printed in the edition, Moguntice 1605, Ato. The Spa- nifh editions are, Madrid, 1608, 2 vol. folio; Toledo, folio, 1601 ; Madrid, 1668, and 1670. There is alfo a i>ew edition, printed at Amberes in 16 vol. i2mo. but very incorred: ; and one lately at Madrid, in 3 vol. folio. Hijioria General de Efpana, par Don Rodrigo Ximenes de Rada, Hijloria del Rey d Efpana Don Phelippe 11. par Luis Cabrera, folio. Madrid 1619 Hijioria del Rey Don Phelippe II. par Ant. de Herrera, 3 vol. folio. Valladolid i6o6 Hijioria del Rey Don Phelippe III. par Gonzalez de Cefpedez, folio. Barcelona 1634 Hijioria de la Rebellion, y Cajiigo de los Mori/cos del Reyno de X Granada, par Luis de Mar mol, folio. Malaga 1609 Guerra de Granada, hecha por el Rey Don Felippe II. contra los Morifcos, par Meyidofa, quarto. Lijhoa 1627 Hijioria de la vida y hechos del Emperador Carlos V. par Priid. de Sandoval, folio. Pampelona 16 14 Comment arios de la Guerra de 1700, par el Marqiiez de San Felippe, 2 vol. quarto. This book, which is extremely well wrote, has been tranflated into French, and was publiflied at Amflerdam in 1756, in 4 vols. 1 2 mo. under the title of Memoir es pour Jervir a I'HiJloire dJEJ- pagne, fans le Rcgne de Philippe V. Hijioria de Efpana par Rafis, an Arab, written at Corduba in 976. K 2 Con- 68 SPANISH WRITERS. Continuacion de la Wfioria General de Efpana de ano 1 5 1 6 (where Mariana left ofFj a I'joo, par Medr ano, 3 vol. folio. Madrid 1741 Volume lil:, Charles V. Volume 2d, Philip III. Volume 3d, Philip IV. and Charles II. This is a new work, but I do not fmd that it bears a very great charader. Some able men, whom I confulted, lamented much their not having any good hiflory of Spain carried down to the prefent times. This is fur- prizing, as it will plainly appear from the face of this lift, that no country in the world pofTelTes better materials from whence to compile fuch a hiftory. Their chroniclers are numerous : fuch as, The Cronlcon of Flavius Dexter. M. Maximus. Eleca. Braulion. LuiTPRANDO. Hugo Porta. Julian. St. Athanasius, Gr. Beticus. HUB^- HiSPALlS. LiBERATUS OF GiRONA. Illacii. AbbS. Valclara. L. Ramirez de Prado. DE WULFILAS. Crontca de "Efpana del Don Alonzo elSabio, folio. ValladoUd 1 604 Crank a de los Reyes Don Fernando y Ifabeh folio. Saragojjd 1567 Crontca Gotica de Saavedra. Cronica de los Moros de Efpa?ia, par "Juan de Bleda, folio. Valentia Besides thefe, they have the annalifts of the feveral kingdoms or provinces : thus, Annales del Reyno de Efpana, in feveral volumes in folio. de Catalonia, 2 vol. folio. jinnaks SPANISH WRITERS. 69 Annates de Valentia. de Arragon, par Hyeronymo Zurita, This writer is very well known to the learned world for his other works : thefe annals of Arragon are very finely wrote. Arragonenjium Reriim Commentariit par Hyeron de BlancaSy fol i o . Ccvfar Augiijice ^5^3 Geographica & hifiorica Defcriptio Catalonice, par Petro de Mar cay folio. ' Paris 1688 After thefe come the hiftories and antiquities of particular cities, which are alfo very numerous : fuch as. Las A?itiquedades de Madrid, par ^lintano. Sevilla, par Rod. Caro, folio. Sevilla 1634 Salamanca, par Gonfalvo de Avila. Granada, par Pedraza. Defcription de la Ciudad de Toledo, par Fr. de Pifa, folio, Toledo 1605 _ par Vergara^ folio. — de Madrid. del Monajierio de San Lorenzo del Efcorial, par Fr. de los Santos, folio. Madrid 1681 This is the book which Mr. Thompson has tranllated into Engllfh, and made fo magnificent an edition of lately in quarto. It is to be wilbed, that the infcriptions in this work had been more corredly copied ; they are often falfe Latin, imperfect, and make a very unfcholar-like appearance. Hijioria de la Ciudad de Segovia, par Don Diego de Colme- narez, folio. Segovia 1637 Las Antiquedades de Cordova, par Pedro Dias de Rihas, 4to. Cordova 1627 Mifcellaneous Books and Writers. T As Obras del Padre Feijo, \ 3 vol. quarto. This writer, who lives at Burgos, has juftly acquired a very high degree of reputation : He has done more towards rightly forming, ^o SPANISH WRITERS. forming, r^nd enlarging the minds of his countrymen, than any Spaniard before him. He declares war againfl: all their vulgar prejudices, and popular errors ; has faid much freer things than thofe, who write within the circle of the inquilition, very pru- dently care to do j and, if the court had not proteded him, he himlelf had felt the Dominican fcourge long ago. Defcription Igkfmjlica del Reyno de Efpana, 3 vol. fol. Ob?-as de'Don Bern. Aldreti/jive Explicatio Charadlerum an- tlqiwrum, 2 vol. 4to. Origincs Rhoriim Orhis, par Don Greg. Mayans y SifcaTi 2 vol. 4to. Origincs Litt. Ant. Hifp. par Manuel de Sarramendi, 8vo. Obras de Braganza de Ant. Rom. 5 vol. fol. Concilia Max. Hi/panic ay 7 vol. fol. Polygraphia Efpagnola, par Rodriguez, fol. Madrid 1738 Diario de los Literatos en Efpana, 7 vol. 8vo. Madrid 1748 Concilia Toletan, par Jorge Loyifa. La Laya de Coronicas, par Alph. Martinez. Efcritores del Reyno de Valentia, par Ximenes, 2 vol. fol. Valentia Enfayo fibre las Medallas de Ejpana, par Don L. J. Velaf- quezy 4to. Madrid J 75 2 Annales de la Nacion Efpagnol, par Don L. J. Vela/quezy 4to. Malaga 1759 De las Medallas de los Reyes Gotbicosy y Suecos en Efpana, par Don L. J. Velafquez : cum ijiginti tabulis ceri inci- fiSy 4to. Madrid IJ^Z Noticia de los mas principales Hijloriadores de Efpana^ par el Marquis de Mondecar, 4 vol. fol. This is a very learned, ufeful, and judicious work, Conquifta de Me>:ico et Peru, par Don Afit. de Soils y fol. There is a very handfome copy of this book in bpanifli lately print- ed at Barcelona. Tfioria de los Incas de PerUy par Garcilajjo de la Vega. Tier r era de Agricultura. Ifioria de las IndiaSy par Herreray 6 vol. fol. Qbras de Palamino fibre la Pintura, 2 vol, fol. An S P A N I S H W R I T E Pv S. 71 An Account of the Spaniih Paintings, by Palamino Ve- lafco, and Francifco de los Santos ; reprinted in Spa- niih by H. Woodfall, London 1746 Uno Pedazo de Lapiz, para dibujar de mejor quefe puede en^ contrar. Hiftoria Latina Hifpania, par Sanchez. Imprefas Politicas., par Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra. This is a colieclion of political emblems ; it is not written by the author of Don S>uixote, but by a much older writer of the fame name. His works are in 3 vol. folio. ^ El Diablo Coxuelo, or the Lame Devil, par Ant, de GuC" vara. Mr. Le Sage's Devil upon Two Sticks, is taken from this work. Coronifta de los Reyes Catholicosy por 1 500, par Gonzalo de^ Arcedond-Q. Obras de Sspulvedo. — de Villalpando. —— de Bonaventura. Cr it icon de Lorenzo Graziano^ 2 vol. 4to. This celebrated writer was a native of Calatajud, or the an- tient Bilbiiis. His writings are full of an abilrufe and fublirne po- licy ; and, have been tranllated into French by the famous Monf Amelot. Hijioria del Famofo Predicador Frey Gerundio de Campazas, 4to. Madrid 1758 Or, The hilhry of the famous preacher. This is a fatire upon the monks, written with much fpirit and wit. For a fpecimen of .the high ridicule, and fatirical drollery employed in this work, take the following extrad:. Chap. 8. book II. page 205. Frey Ge- rundio preaches the anniverfary fermon in his convent, in the cha- pel dedicated to St. Anne, on the feftival of that faint : in which fermon there is the following paragraph : Fue Ana, como todosfi- ben, madre de nuejtra Senora, y afirman graves authores, que la tuvo veinte r7iefes en fu vientre : Hie menfis fextus eft ilii ; y anadcn otros, que illoro : Plorans ploravit in no6lem : De donde inficro que fue Maria Zahorri: et gratia ejus in me vacua non fait. Atienda, ' puesy 72 SPANISH W R I T E R S. pues, el Rethorko al argiimento : Santa Ana fne tnadre de Maria : Maria fuejfiadre de Chrijio : Luego Santa Ana cs Abiiela de la fan- tijjima "Trinidad : Et trinitatem in u ait-item veneremur. Por ejj'o fe cclcbra en efia fu Cafa^ Haec requies mea in fasciilum feculi. . . . 'which is in Englifh : " We all know, that Anne was the mother *• of OLir Lady, and grave authors affirm, that ilie was twenty *' months in geftation of her : others add, that fhe wept : from *' whence I infer, that fhe was Mary Zahorri. Attend, logician, ** to the argument: Saint Anne was the mother of Mary ; Mary '* was the mother of Chrift: therefore Saint Anne was the grand- '* mother of the moil: holy Trinity. And therefore flie is cele- ** brated by this feftival in this her chapel." There is no doubt but Dr. Is la, that Spanijlj Swifts who wrote this fatire, had copied this from the real fermon of fome Spanifli monk : the Latin citations are very much in their man- ner. They were fo galled and irritated by the feverity and pro- priety of this fine ridicule, that they foon got the inquifition to forbid the falc of the book : It occafioned fome pamphlets at Ma- drid in anfwer to it. The author intended a fecond part ; but the perfecution becoming too ferious, he dropped his deiign. In page 214. and the following, the provincial calls Frey Ge- rimdio to an account for this fermon : *' Don't you fee. Sir," fays the provincial, ^* that by faying, that Saint Anne is the grand- ** mother of the mod: holy Trinity, you advance one of the *' moll: formal herefies poffible : Becaufe the Trinity is uncreate, *' unproducible, eternal, and confequently can have neither mo- *' ther nor grand- mother. By this you fee how ncceffary it is to " fludy theology, in order to be a preacher ; for, had you pro- *' perly fludied it, you had not advanced fuch herefies as this. '* If you had put no more in yowr fianiil a than you ought, you had ** never drawn fuch a confequence : but only this. Therefore Saint *' Anne is the Grandmother of Chrift. For Chrifl: is not the Tri- " nity, but only the fecond perfon in it : thus Frey Gerimdio is a ** m.onk of the convent, but not the convent. It would be wretched ** reafoning to fay, Cecilia ReboUo was the mother of Catania Ce- ^' hollon ', Catania Ccholkn was the mother of Frey GerimdJo de 3 " ZoteSi MODERN SPANISH WRITERS. 73 ** ZofeSy monk of the convent of the lower Colmenar, therefore Ce^ ** cilia Rebollo was the grandmother of the convent." This fpecimen will fuffice to {hew the turn of that fatire. El Itinerario del Obifpo de Santo Domingo, Los Dialogos del Antonio AuguJiinOj Obifpo de Tarragona, fobre las Medallas, 4to. Madrid 1 744 This learned work is fufficiently known. The edition is a very mean one, bad paper, full of errors, and the plates miferably en- graved. Hijioria del Convento de San Augujlino de Salamanca, par Padre Emman. VidaU 2 vol. fol. Salamanca 1758 Hippocrates in Greek and Latin, with a Spaniih tranfla- tion, by Dr. And. Piquer, ProfeiTor of Anatomy in Va- lentia. Madrid 1758 Antient and Modern Phyiic, by the fame, 4to. ib. 1758 A Treatife on Fevers, founded on Obfervation and Me- chanifm, by the fame, 4to. Valentia 1751 Moral Philofophy, for the uie of tlie Spanifli Youth, by the fame, 8vo. Madrid 1757 Difcourfe on the Application of Philofophy to Matters of Religion, by Dr. And. Piquer, 8vo. Madrid 1757 Bibliographia Critica, by Father Miguel de San Jofeph, Billiop of Guadia. Abridgment of Navigation, for the ufe of the Marine Guards, by Don Jorge Juan, 4to. Cales 1757 Retorica 4e Don Qregorio Mayans y Si/car, 2 vol. 8vo. Valentia Moralis Philofophia, by the fame, 8vo. Valentia Relation of the War in Valentia, and the Entrance of the Allies and Auftrians into that Kingdom, by Jof. Emm. Miniana, 8vo. Hague 1752 Th^re are many tracts of Spanifh lawyers, colle(5led by Don Greg. Mayans y Sifcar, publilhed by Mr. Meerman, the Syndic of Rotterdam, in his Novus Tbefaurus Juris Canonici, 7 vol. foU L De 74 MODERN SPANISH WRITERS De Ant. Canonwn Cod. Ecckfia Hifp, WJi. Dijfertatioy per Don Lopez de Barrera, 4to. Rome 1753" The Hiflory of John Cardinal Carvacallo, dedicated to the Prime Minifter in Portugal. ibid.. 1752 Elements of Arithmetic and Algebra, by Father Thomas La Cerda, 2 vol. Barcelona 1758- Curious and learned Fragments of modern Authors, with Maxims of a general Critique, by Don Lewis Roche, Port St. Mary's 1758> Bfpa?ia Sagrada : or. The Hiftory of the feveral Diocefes and Churches of Spain, by Father Henry Flores, an Auguftine Monk, 15 vol. 4to. Madrid 1747- Hiflory of the Queens of Spain, 2 vol. 4to. Madrid 1760. A very poor performance. A Compendium of Theology, by the fame, 5 vol. 4to.. The Miracles of Mother Mary of Ceo, tranllated from the Portuguefe, by the fame, 2 vol. Madrid 1744;'- Treatife of Virtue, by Father Francis, tranflated by the fame, 2 vol. 410. Madrid Hiilorical Key, by the fame, 4to. ibid. 1749 Medallas de las Colonias Romanas, y Municipios, &c. by the fame, 2 vol. 4to. ibid. 1758 He has placed in this collection thofe which Vaillant, Mezzobar- ba, and others have publiflied, but with the addition of many new ones : he has added an explanation of each^ 58 plates, and a map of the lite of the colonies. This is a good book ; it fhould have been wrote in Latin; but that is a language with which Spanifh monks are but little converfant* . Origin of the Caftilian Poetry, 4to. Malaga 1754 Means of advancing the Belles Lettres, by Francis Xavier de Idiaquez, 8vo. Villagarcia 1758 This writer is the eldefl fon of the late Duke of Granada, grandee ef Spain. Di[]h'iatio de Deo Endovellko, par Miguel Perez Paftor^ 4to. Madrid Phv- MODERN SPANISH WRITERS. 75 Phyfico-Medlcal DifTertatlons on Breathing, and of con- veying Remedies into the Veins, by Ant. Jof. Rodri- guez, 4to. Madrid 1760 A Critico-Medlcal DifTertatlon to introduce true Phyfic, and banifli the falfe, by the fame, 6 vol. 4to. Madrid 1754 Theological Refledlions, Canonical and Medicinal, upon Fafting, 4to. Madrid 1748 An Account of California, by Andrew Marc Burriel. Palceogr aphid Hifpanicay by the fame, 4to. ibid. 1758 Of the Authority of the Laws of the Fiiero JufgOt \ix famous Gothic Code, by the fame, 4to. Madrid __^ / This is a very learned, judicious, mafterly, and ingenious wCiSi.--^ See the extradl from it, concerning the Spanifh meafures. Tratado de la Ortographia Efpanolay par Juan Perez Cajlie^ y Artigiies, 8vo. Valencia 1727 Memorias Hift, de la Fundacion de la Univerjidad de Valeji^ cia, 4 to. Madrid 1730 H-iftoria grande real, par yofepb Gonzalez ibid, 1746 Hift or ia Civil de Efpana, de 1700 a 1733, par Manuel Fernandez ibid, 1740 De los Derechos Nacional y Romano en Efpatta, par Don Thomas Ferrandis, 410. ibid. IJA.J Sobr e U710S Momimentos A?2tiqiios y ^to, . , Valencia 1736 AmbaJJcides du Marechal Bajfompiere en Ffpagne, 4 vol. 8vo. Cologne 1668 Voyage en Ffpagne, fait en 1655, 4to. Paris The Lady's Travels is a tranflation from this book, a Ipurious work. Voyage en Ffpagne, par Madatne la Comteffe D' Aiinois,i vol. 1 2 mo. Paris ib<^i Voyages d' Ffpagne, par le Pcrc Labat. UFtat prefent d Ffpagne, par l' Abbe Vayrac. Lettres de Madame de Villars, Ambafjddrice en Ffpagne, i2mo. An?lierdatn ij6i Annales d' Ffpagne & de Portugal, par Don Juan Ah. de Colmcnar, 2 vol. 410. ibid, 1741 L 2 ' L'Hif 76 MODERN SPANISH WRITERS. VHiftoire dEfpagne, par M, Deformeaux, 5 vol. 12 mo. Paris 1759 Memoir es fur le Commerce y & les Finances d'Efpagne, 2 voL i2mo. Af?ift€rdam 176 1 Tour through Spain and Portugal, by Udal ap Rhys, 8vo. London 1760 Theory and Pradice of Commerce, by Don Geronymo de Uftariz, 2 vol. 8vo. London 1761 Dr. Geddes's Tradts, 4 vol. 8vo. ib. 1709 Memorable Expuljion de los Morifcos de Efpana, 410. Fampelona 1613^, Jnfcriptiones Antiqua in Hifpanid reperta, per Ad. Occo- nem, folio. ^ Heidelb. 1596^ Compendia de la Vida del Card. Xinie?ies, y del ojicio, y Miffa Muzarabe^ par Eiigenio de RobleZy 4to. Toledo 1604 This Mojarabic Mafs is one of the greatefl curlofities in all Spain;,, it is celebrated at Toledo. The prefent King of Spain heard i fo much faid of it, that he afTifled at it in perfon. De Regis Hifpanid Regnis & Opibus, par De Laety 8vo. Liigdun i Batavorum J 6 1 9 .^ J/. And.Requefendii Antiquitates Lufitanica, 8vo. Colonice Agripp. 1613. I have fet down the titles of moft of the new books in Englilli, . for the lu.Ke of the Englilh reader. SPANISH POETS, /^U EVE DO. The fame author who wrote thofe Vifions^. ^% which we have tranflated into Englifh. Lopez de Vega Car pi o, v^ho wioX^ t\it J erufalem Conqui— fiaday tragedies, comedies, &c. Calderoni, the celebrated comic Poet. The great favourite of the SpanilTi nation : they relifh little elfe upon the flage, but. what he has wrote. See the article Stage, His works are in eight" or nine volumes 410. Don MODERN SPANISH WRITERS. 'jj, IDbn Alonzo de Ercilla. Gil Polo, Principe de EsquilachEc Antonio Lofraso. Juan Rufo. Pineda. FiGUEROA. Antonio de Nebsixa. Garcilasso de la Vega» Don Miguel de Barrios*. Gongorra, &;c,. A LIST of Mockrn Spamjh LITERATI, (Mofl: of them, I believe, now living.) "E^ATHER Feijoo of Burgos.. Father Burriel, a great antiquarian^ in the imperial colkge^ ©fjefuits at Madrid. . Father Henry Flores, of the Augufline order^ jhiflorian, and* medallift. . — Flores, his brother, antiquarian. Bar MIEN TO, a Benedidine, has fludied natural hiftory^,. botany, and the languages. — Ponce, a Francifcan, mafterof the oriental languages, — Is LA, the author of Frey Gerundio. Miguel Perez Pastor, antiquary and medallift. Velasquez, antiquary.and medallift. San Felippe (Marquis of) an officer, an envoy from the court of Spain to Genoa. Don Gregorio Mayans y Siscar, a gentleman who lives at OHva nearValentia. and tho'63 years old,purfues his former ftudies with a vigour beyond his years. He was bom atOliva in 1 699, and made library keeper to Philip V. at Madrid, in 1733, which place ^S MODERN S*PANISH WRITERS. he threw up in difguft, in 1740. He has the Teflimonia Enidho' rum of the greatefl fcholars in mod parts of Europe in his favour. He is commended by Luis Antonio Muratori, in his Suppleme?tt to Gra:vius and Gronovhis, pubUfhed at Venice in 1740: by John Burcard Menkenius, prelident of the univerfity of Leipfic, in the Acla Lipjiaca : By Chrift. Aug. Heumannus, in his Fia ad iTiJlo- riain Literariam : By Marc. Aug. Beyer, in his Memorlce Hijiori- co-critlcc€ L'lbrorum Rariorum, Lipfia ^734 • ^7 Fred. Otto Men- kenius, in his Notes to his father's Hfe : By Gottofrid Mafcou, au- Hc counfellor to his late Majefty King George II. and profefTor of law in the univerfity of Gottingen, in his Preface to Gravinas Works : By J. Gott. Heineccius, counfellor to the King of PrufTia, who publiihed Corj2. Van Bynkerjhoek : By Peter WefTeling, in his Preface to the Epijiles of Don Man. Marti y Dean of Alicant, printed at Amflerdam in quarto, 1738 : By the prefent Earl of Granville, who .prefixed the life of Don Quixote, wrote by Don Gregorio Mayans y Sifcp.r, to the noble impreflion he publiihed of that ro- mance in 1738, in4to, and which he dedicated to the countefs of Montijo, the Spanifh ambafTadrefs in London. His brother, Don Antonio, lives with him, and purfues the fame ftudies. As I was much obliged to this gentleman for .the favour of his cor- refpondence, I could not refufe this little acknowledgement; • Don Perez Bayer, canon and treafurer of the metropolitan church of Toledo ; an univerfal fcholar, a great mafler of Hebrew and the oriental languages. He was fent, in the late reign, by or- der of the court, into Italy, to pick up MSS. and medals :' he has a very fine cabinet of Roman medals in his own pofieffion, atid fe- ven Hebrew MSS. which he has promifed to collate for the uie of Dr. Kennicott. He has publifhed a very learned work, intitul- ed, Damafiis & Laurentius Hifpanis vindicati, Romce, 4to. He has written befides, Dijjertatio de Antiqiifjimo Hebrceoriim 'Tempioy To- leti reperto y and, De Nummis Samaritanisy & qiii'-cocantur Medallas Defconnocidas. Thefe two are not yet publiHied, but I believe the latter will foon be printed. This gentleman is of the order of the Jefuits, and very much efteemed by the court. As I have received feveral very obliging letters and civilities from him, this juflice is at leart due to his merit. Padre Terreros. Don Lopez de Burrera. 4 * Don MODERN SPANISH WRITERS. 79 Don Lewis Roche. Francis Xavier Idiac^jez, elded fan of the late Duke of Granada. Antony Joseph Ro- driguez. Pere Emmanuel Vidal. — Dr. Andrew Pic- QjJER, profefTor of anatomy in Valentia. Antonio Cap- devila, profelTor of phyfic in Valentia. Bifhop of Gua- DiA. Don Vicentio Ximfnes. Jos. Emmanuel Mi- niana, contlnuator of Mariana's hiflory.r Juan Perez Cas- TiEL Y Artigues, Valcntian. — Joseph Gonzalez, hiftorian. Manuel Fernandez, or Bellando, hiftorian. -Don Tho- mas Ferrandio, hiftorian. -^ Don Jorge Juan, Don Ant. DE Ulloa, mathematicians. The Count Gazola, a very learned and fkilful judge of archi- tecture, painting, and the elegant arts. He intends publiftiing the ruins of the antient PoeJIum in Italy, fo famous for its rofes. He is a lieutenant-general, chief engineer, and intendant of his majefty's fabrics and buildings. Michael Syri, a Syro-Maronite, perfect mafterof the Eaft- earn languages, and chief librarian to his majefty at Madrid. He has publifhed the firft volume of the catalogue of the Arabic MSS. in the Efcurial. It is a very fine work in folio, well printed, and contains large fpecimens of each MS. and an accurate account in Latin. The other librarian, whofe name I forgot, intends likewife to publifti the catalogue of the Greek MSS. but it will be fome time' before it will come out. Of the UNIVERSITIES in SPAIN. ^ I 'HE Univeriities in Spain are very numerous; but it may be eafily feen, from the preceding accoiint, that the ftate of learning in them muft be at a very low ebb. I believe, among them, that of Salamanca claims the precedence. There is very little of the learned languages, the belles lettres, or indeed, of true and found learning ftudied in them. To fay the truth, a good political reafon might be affigned for this ; the ftudy of true and found learning, if well purfued and cultivated, would let in too much light : and how far that might be prejudicial to the inte- L 4 refts 8o Of THE UNIVERSITIES. refts of their religion, I cannot fay. The univerfity of Valem- tia feems, at prefent, to have the fairefl claim to precedence in point of learning; but that is owing folely to the example, direc- tions, and inftrudlions of that eminent fcholar Don Gregorio Mayans y Si scar. They are twenty-three in number. One in Leon. 1. Salamanca, founded in 1200, by Alfonsus IX; Six in the Castilles. 2. Palencia, , founded in 1200. cj. Valladolid, ■ ■ in 1346. 4. SiGUENSA, in 1471, by C. Ximenes. 5. Toledo, >- in 1475. 6. AviLA, in 1445. . TT f in 1498, by C. Ximenes ; next in rank to Sa. 7. AlCALA DE HeNARES, < t-i' ' / LAMANCA. Four in Andalusia. 8. Seville, founded in 1503. 9. Granada, ini53i. 10. Baesa, in 1533. 11. OssuNA, ■ in 1549. I1U0 in Aragon. 12. Huesca, founded in 1354. 13. Saragossa, ■ ■ ■ — in 1474. Three in Valentia. 14. Valentia, founded in 1470. 15. Gandia, in 1549* 16. Orihuela, — — — in 1555. Three in Catalonia. 17. Lerida, founded in 1300. 18. ToRTOSA, in 1540. 19. Tarragona, by Philip II. N. B. Philip V. in 1717, deprived thefe in Catalonia of their charters, and gave them toCERBERA, a town in the fame province, which had declared for him. One in Gallicia. 20. San Jago de Compostelia, founded in 1532. One in Guipuscoa. 21. Onate, founded in 1543. One in AsTURiAS. 22. OviEDo, founded in 1580. One in Navarre. 33. Pampeluna, founded in 1608. The rank of them are as follows. — Salamanca, Alcala, VallaDOLID, SevIIl*, Saragossa, Valentia, Lerida.— —The reft are of no moment. 3 Tkere STATE OF LITERATURE IN SPAIN. Si There are, however, in thefe univerfities, fome valuable books and MSS. which the poffefTors themfelves make no great ufe of: fuch as manufcripts of Priscian and Donatus, in Gothic charac- ters, with Arabic notes; MSS. of Sallust, Seneca, and Ovid; two Gothic Bibles, written before the invafion of the Moors, and a very old Hebrew manufcript of the Bible : all at the city of Toledo. A Gothic Bible at Alcala de Henares, where there are the finefl: MSS. of the Hebrew Bible in the world. In the Royal Library at Madrid there are of firft editions, Plau- TU s, Fenefh's I /\.y 2; Livius, ad tertiumlibriwi tertiidecadisy 1485;, Virgilius, Venetiis 14753 Odyssea Homeri, per Bern. Deme- trium Milanenfemy Florentine 14883 Yl\LiYQ,Yi\\}%tF lor entice, 1520^ Idem, ^Idi, 1514. [As the two following Latin Epijiles contain feveral particulars relating to the Prefent State of Literature in Spain, efpecially the latter, in which are fo many curious fadts and obfervations, together with a lift of the works of his own countrymen, theVA- lentian Writers, from the beginning of this century, I have thought proper to infert them in this place. The literary hif- tory of the two gentlemen, who wrote them, has been already given to the reader. He will meet with fome uncommon words and phrafes in them, but they are Plautince Ditliones, a book which the Spaniards much delight in.] + FRANCISCUS PEREZIUS BAYERIUS EDFARDO CLARKE, s. P. OUanquam mane a prandio, fummiim perendre matritum cc- gitem, qua in urbe ut te pragfentem pra^fens alloquar fperare mihi fas fit : nolui tamen perbrevem banc temporis ufuram negli- gere, aut tecum interea parum oiJiciofus videri, qui me tuishuma^ M niflimis 82 STATE OF LITERATU R niflimis Uteris provocafti. In iis quod me nihil tale merltum ef- fufis laudibus cumulas, perbenigne mecum agere videris, qui fundi mei fines anguftiafque probe intelligo. Totum igitur muneris ell tui, a quo nihilominus laudari, pergratum mihi eft ac perjucun- dum. DissERTATiUNCUL AM deToletauo Hebrsorum Templo fum- mis olim precibus extorquere a me voluit vir cl. Blaiius Ugoli- nus, antiquitatum Hebrai'carurn colledor atque illuftrator, ut earn thefauro fuo infereret, nee tamen obtinuit; nolui enim committere ut vix exafciatum ac plane tumultuarium opus publici juris fieret, id quod nunc etiam in caufa efl quo minus de eodem Hifpanis aut exteris typis edendo ulterius cogitem : faltem donee eidem fu- premam manum impofuero. In Damaso & Laurentio Hifpaniae aflerendls, non ego pro ar- bitrio, neque ut ingenium periclitarer, argumentum mihi felegi, fed coacClus aliorum importunitate. Cum enim nihil ego minus quam ea de re cogitarem, ac ne noffem quidem de utriufque patria litem Hifpanis intentari, bonaque eofdem fide in ephemeridibus nofiris inter divos patrios retuliflem, cum rifu & cachinnis exceptus fum 2l nonnullis Romanorum hypercriticis, quafi Romanam illorum pa- triam, rem fcilicet lippis atque tonforibus notam, unus ego om- nium ignorarem. Itaque coadlus cam provinciam fufcepi ; quod tamen nolim ita intelligas, quafi me locatae in eo argumento operas ufpiam poenituerit, aut pceniteat. Quamvis enim alia defmt omnia in opufculo illo (quod ego non diffiteor) funt nihilominus aliqua per occafionem explicata quibus, fi me mea non failunt, rei /ifur- gica, atque hiftorifE ecclefiajiicce non parum lucis affulgere potefl; praeterea univerfum opus pietatem in patriam ubique fpirat, deque ea benemerendi ftudium, quod nemo unquam bonus reprehendit. In eo autem an Vjjcrium alicubi nominaverim, non fatis memini: tantum abeil ut ipfum, qua de re mihi fubirafceris, parvi fecerim. (Pearfonum & Dodwellum, p. 19.) Dodvvellum merito fuo carpo, quod & multi ante me prieliitere, alii quidem alio nomine, ego quod mifere itis, excruciet, totufque in eo fit, ut coclites ipfos e fedibjs deturbct fuis, et 'ix quern denique e fmcflorum martyrum albo expungendum pro lubidine fibi perfuadet, geftit, erumpit 2 pra? I N S P A I N. 83 pras gaudio, triumphumque putat palmarium. Egregiam vero lau- dem! Itaque ut verbo abfolvam, Dodwelli in hac parte judicium odi ac deteftor, dodlrinse nihil detradum volo. Menagium ibidem dum genio ad facetias atque hilaritatem compofito nimis obefcun- dat, faspiflime fcurram agit. Nihil eft in Coelo fordium. Valeat Lucianus ! Sed de his plus fatis. Hebraicos Veteris Teflamenti Codices, qui fcilicet aut totam illud, aut Pentateuchum, aliofque facri Foederis libros continent penes me habeo circiter vig'mti quinque, Erunt forfan nonnulli laeculo duodecimo exarati, aut eo non multo recentiores ; unus certe omnium ante ejufdem faeculi dimidium fcriptus eft : habet enim in fine numeralem notam anni ab orbe condito 4904, quern falutis anno i 144 refpondere optime nofti. De collatione ac va- riantibus, quod ais, Toleti res eft ftipra quam dici poteft impedi- ta y pauci enim ea in urbe ftint, qui Hebraicas litteras norint, nee fine duorum minimum interventu negotium iftud peragi tuto poteft^ Domino Pitt, quanquam paullo quam oportuerat ferius fidem tamen meam liberabo. Suftineat me interea quasfo & aliis impli- citum, & ftimma qiioque adumbratorum inopia ibidem in hac ur- be laborantem. De nummis plura coram Deo Optimo Maximo defuper largiente, a quo tibi felicia omnia comprecor 5c faufta. ToL E T I , pojlridie Idas Juniasy M. d c c . l x i . M 2 E P I- 34 STATE OF LITERATURE + E P I S T O L A Domini GREGORTI MAJANJSII, GENEROSI VALENTIN I, EDVARDO CLARKE AMANDATA. TV/TEUM Ingenium ad amicorum obfequium paratlfllmum facit, ut illi de me multo prseclarius & fentiant, & loquantur, quam ipfe mereor. Itaque li fidem adhibueris eorum teftimoniis, ienties nimis magnifice de meo fludio literarum. Tu, vir pru- dentiffime, fi decipi non vis, voluntatem meam pluris facito, quam facultatem fatisfaciendi delideriis tuis. Ilia fponte fua foecundif- fima eft -, haec, invito me, flerilis : prout nunc experior fane per- dolenter. Vellem enim Sacrorum Bibliorum omnes Hebraicos co^ dices y qui latent in Hifpanias Bibliothecis, in poteftate mea ha- bere, & publice exhibere, ut a viris dodtiflimis cum aliis codicibus conferrantur, in commune Chriftianae Reipublicce bonum, fx, in- crementum. Mihi enim in mentem venit illud Ifaias a Michea repetituni : * Ibiint popuH multi, & dicent, Venit e (y defceiidamus ad montem Domini^ & ad doinmn Dei yacob^ & docebit nos viasfiias, & ambulahimiis in femitis ejus : quia de Sion exibit leXy G? verbum Do^ mini de lerufalem. Gloriorque ejus difcipulum efle, qui cum fit Verbum internum, de fe profefTus eft : Ego palam locutus fum mun- do : ego fcmper docui infynagoga^ & in temple, quo omnes yudcvi con- "oeniiinty & in occulta locutus fum nihil. Quare Vetus illud Tefta- mentum, quod ille coram omnibus revolvere 5c legere folitus fuit ; itcmque Novum, quod ipfe juliit fcribi, & omnibus gentibus annun- tlarii exiftimo minime occultari debcre; fed ibi proponendum, un- de de piano re6te Icgi polfit. Sed cum libri facri Hebraica lingua fcripti, in Hifpania legi dcfierint ob ejuslinguse inufum, atque hie • Micah iv. 2. inu- I N S P A I N. Ss inufus ortum habuerit a metu, & pollea ab ignorantia confirmatus fit ; inde fadum eft, ut in privatis bibliothecis non fuperfint, & in publicis religiofe cuftodiantur. Cum auteni Hifpani habemus regem, qui fuperftitiofus non eft ; credo eum, modo petentis adiit au6toritas, & prudentes cautiones adhibeantur, minime denegatu- rum facrorum codicum ledlionem, collationem, defcriptionem, & quidquid necefle fit ad divini verbi fententiam intelligendam. Quod fi Rex Catholicus voluerit, crede mihi, impedimenta omnia quae enumeras, nihil obftabunt. Verum, quod omittis, non eft le- vis momenti, difRcultas inveniendi Hifpanos Hebraicae linguas bene peritos. Et, ut exiftimo, haec eft cauffa difficilis aditus ad facros codices ea lingua fcriptos. Placuisse tibi epiftolam illam, quam in gratiam excellentif- fimi viri Benjamini Keene fcripfi, vehementergaudeo. Vir fuit ingenii dulciffimi, quique facile confequebatur quas volebat ob ftu- dium & perfpicaciam morum hominum, humanitatem facile fefe infinuantem, & liberalitatem. Frequentillime ille mecum de rebus literariis agebat ; nam, ut erat rerum omnium curiofiffimus inda- gator, optimos Hifpanias fcriptores nofcere fatagebat, & ftudiofe in otiofis intervallis ledtitabat. MiRARis Henricum Florezium de Nummis antlquis Hifpani- //^«r/Vw cis Hifpana lingua fcripfifte. Ego mirarer multo magis, fi Latina^^'^^'^2;/«y, fcripfifiet. Tunc enim neque exteris, neque popularibus fuis placeret. Laudanda in eo viro diligentia, qua tot numifmata edi- dit : quod perfacile fuit promittenti famam perpetuam commu- nicantibus fecum antiqua numifmata. Antonius Auguftinus dili-^/;?/^;//",? yf«. genter hoc ftudium inter noftrates coluit : clarus Vincentius ]O'0j'"'*^' hannes Laftanofa, adamavit, oftentavitque : NobililTimus vir ^t-j}anofa. trus Valerus Diazius, juftitia Arragonuni, adeo pra^clare calluit, n\.P^trus Vale- eximias laudes confecutus fuerit a peritiffimo hujus literaturoe cen-^"^ lazius. fore, Ezechlele Spanhemio prope finem dilfertationis non^ do pra3- ftantia & ufu numifmatum antiquorum. Ex illlus magni viri lo- cupletilfimo thefauro plufquam tria millia numifmatum obtinuit, & hodie cuftodit clarus vir Ferdinandus de Velafco in auditorio .^. "^'"'"'" lltCilCl, duodecemvirorum Stlitibus judicandis in domo 6c urbe rcgia (Hif- pani dicimus Alcaldes de Cafay Corte) patronus fifcalis : idemque vir 26 STATE OF LITERATURE plu/quam ioo\ir do^'iCCimus nacftus efl exejufdem Diazii bibliotheca plufquam iibn clere ^entum libios de re nummaria agentes. NonnuUi alii in fuis ga- En.manuei zophilaciis magnos habuerunt thefauros, fed abfconditos. Edidi Martlnus. ggQ Emmanuelis Martini, Decani Lucentini, Epiftolas ad hoc ar- cevtinus. " gumentum fpedlantes : noftratium animos excitavi ad hoc fludium Gon%akcius excolendum. Clams vir Andreas Gonzalezius Barcia recudi juflit Bauia. Antonii Auguftini immortale opus numifmatum, infcriptionum, & aliarum antiquitatum. Eo vita fundto, agnatus illius, ejufdem no- minis, praDtorii Granatenfis fenator, me adhortante illud edidit : & ftatim innumeri oculi aperti, & incredibilis muhitudo eft inquiren- tium antiqua numifmata, atque inde orta difficultas inveniendi ea. Ego ibi fum, ubi rariffime reperiuntur : & ubi nemo verfatur in hoc erudito ftudio. Perfaspe inter amicos divifi nummos antiquos, quos obtinere potui. Romani, qui apud me manent, tui erint. Scire cupis, qui libri manufcripti Graeci, aut Latini, vel hif- toricorum, vel poetarum ; qui vctufti audtores inediti in Hifpania fuperiint ? Catalogum Graecorum Latinorumque fcriptorum, qui extant in regia Madridienli bibliotheca diligenter confecit, & edere Johannes cogitat clarus vir "Johannes Iriartey bibliothecarius regius. Biblio- Jnarte. theccE Scorialenfis varii indices evulgati. Sed quia rari funt, faci- BMotheca lius eft ipllim bibliothecam adire, & in ea ipfos libros confulere, ScoriaUnfis. {\ comes adjungaris alicui viro, qui audloritate vigeat apud biblio- thecarium, aut illi monafterio prsefedum. An vero poffint fup- pleri lacunar aliquae, Livii, Taciti, Diodori Siculi, Dionis Caffii, aliorumque fimilium, res eft, quae fciri nequit, nifi ipli codices in- fpiciantur. Crediderim vero niulta pofle fuppleri, & quamplari- vni alia melius legi : nam thefauri Hifpanici nondum lunt efFofii. Quanti vero lint, facile coUigere poteris, fi confideraveris, quam fe- leds bibliothecae Scorialenfem formaverint. Magnus ille Alphon- ■* ^' ""■'^^ fus V. Aragonum Rex, qui literas ita amavit, ut iion dubitaverit dicere, Maliefe omnium regnorwn fuorum (feptem autem potiebatur) jaBiiram faccre, quam nnnimam doSirince^ adeoque docftos adamavit, fovitque, uti Laurentiam Vallam, Antonium Panormitam, Bartlio- lomajum Faccium, Georgium Trapezuntium, Johannem Aurif- pam, Jovianum Pontanum : & Ubrum apertiim pro inligni habuit, iignificans ftudlum fuum erga libros, quibus fuorum regnorum bi- bliothecas implevit, ornavitque j priccipue fuam inftruxit raris, ,i)c antiquiilimis libris Graecis, Latinifque, qui poftea beneficio Fer- dinand! I N S P A I N. 87 dinandi duels Calabria ex teftamento pervenerunt ad Gundizalvum Perezium, Carolo V. a manu, Homeri Odyireas interpretem Hif- panuiri celeberrimum. lUi autem libri tefte Antonio Perezio ejus filio tranilati etiam fuerunt in Bibliothecatn Scoriaknjem, quam locupletarunt alice bibliothecas feled:iilimae eruditifTimorumvirorum: veluti Didaci Furtati de Mendoza, lingua? Latina?, Grascse, & Ara--^'!^^^' ■^"''• bicae peritiffimi; Antonii Aiigiifiini, ad miraculum eruditi ; Bene- jfiiofj, ^„- diSfi Arice MoJitani in eruditis linguis verfatiflimi ; aliorumque uftini. eximiorum virorum> quorum longa feries referri poiTet. Diligentia.^^'^^ * itaque oculari opus eil ad fecretas illas opes infpiciendas, Atque hoc velim confideres. Libri manu exarati, plurilque faciendi in Bibli- otheca Scorialenfi^ aut funt Hifpani, aut Arabici, aut Latini, aut Grasci. Hifpani nondum in ufum publicum derivati funt; Ara- bici nunc incipiunt orbi literario innotefcere per Michaclem Cafiru Conjecftare igitur quantum fperari poffit de Latinis, GrLccifque. Pr^terea in Ilifpania fuifTe homines Latinve Gr^^ca?que lin- guae peritiffimos, optimifque & exquilitiffimis libris inil:rud:os, ne- mo negaverit, li meminerit Ferdinandi Nonnii Pintiani, Petri Jo-- hannis Nunnefti, aliorumque fimilium : quorum omnium libros ab Hifpania exportatos ad exteras bibliothecas, & plures in ea non manfilTe, difficulter crediderim. Remanent igitur adhuc plurimi eorum, & fuperfunt alii in paucis, fed numercliffimis, & antiquis bibliothecis, quae adhuc confervantur, h. a gryphibus cuflodiuntur. Quant us vir lit clariffimus Johannes Taylorus, fama prs- dicat, &abunde didici ab amicoejus ampliffimo Meermano. Quam- obrem licet linguam Anglicam non intelligam, libenter a te acci- piam Eleificnta Juris Civilis ab illo edita, ut meam inftruant bi- bliothecam. Scire cupis prascipua opera literaria, qus ab Hifpanis pu- blica luce donata funt ab anno mdcc? Vaftam provinciam mihi mandafli. Earn breviter percurram. Valentini habemus duas bibliothecas, quarum audlores, vi- delicet Jofephus Rodriguezius, monachus fodalicii Sancflilfimae Tri- adis, & Vincentius Ximenes, prefbyter & dodor theologus, libera- liffimi funt in conterraneorum laudibus. Priccipue vero Valentini ^^'4'^^'"^' regni fcriptores, qui hoc noftro faeculo floruerunt, funt lii. Tho- tues ccni' ■iiendii'.m. 88 STATEOF LITERATURE Mathema- Thomas Vincentius Tofca, prefbyter congregationis B. Philip- pi Nevii, qui in Hifpanorum gratiam edidit Compendhun Mathe- maticimi'y itemque Philofopbicumy fed hoc Latine fcriptum,cui ego adjunxi inftitutiones morales. Johannes Baptifta Corachan , cuj us eft ArithmetkalDemonfiratay fasculo elapfo edita, & Mathefis Sacra a me evulgata. JosFPHUS Emmanuel Miniana, monachus fodalicii Sandiffimse Triadis, celebratifTimus ob Continuationein Hijlorice Jobannis Ma- riance^ & Bellum Rufiiciim Valentinum, Emmanuel Martinus, decanus Lucentinus, cujus elegantiffimas Epijiokis proculdubio legifti. HiACYNTHUs Segura, monachus Dominlcanus, cujus ^{i Nor- te CriticOf id eft, Polus Criticus. Paschasius Sala, praspofitus Valentinus, poft cujus mortem in lucem prodiit Sacrum Veterum Hebrceorum Kalendarium. NoBiLissiMUS vir, Georgius Johannes, qui {cnp{it Narrationem Hijhricam Itineris Jul in Americam Meridionakm. AuGusTiNus Saleiius, hujus regni hiftoricus, qui praeter alia multa edidit Difj'ertationem de Ttirice Marmore nuper eff'qffo. Scrittores Inter fcriptores Cathalanos numerandi funt, clarus vir Nar- Cathalam. ciffus Felix, qui evulgavit Annaks Cathahnia, definentes in rebus Anni mdccix. Ri'be'ra!^^ Em MANUEL Marianus Ribera, monachus fodalicii B. Maris Virginis de Mercede, qui praeter Regium Sacellum Barci?ionenfe, editum anno 1698, evulgavit hoc faeculo librum de Regum Hif- pania Patronatu in Regale & Militare Sodaliciiim Dowince Mercedis Redemptionis Capti'voruin^ & Centuriam primam ejufdem Sodaliciiy in quibus libris quamplurima leguntur ex: Barcinonenfi antiquiflimo archio depromta. JiitonlusBa- Clarus vir Antonius Baftero Roma; fecit publici juris Cruf- -^ ^^°' cam Provincialemy opus eximium. Jofsphm Fi- Ce L E B E R R I M u s vir Jofephus Fineftrefius edidit Jiirifprudentia^n nejycjiuu Antejufiinianeamy PraleBiones Cervarien/eSf de Jure Dotium libros 3 quin- I N S P A I N. ^ quinqiie, C^ Co?nmenfariiim in Hennogentanunu erudltlffima opera le- galia. Idem brevi exhibebit Syllogen InfcripUonum Ro77janari{?7i, qua: in Principatu Cathalaimice, njel extant, vel aliquando extiterunt. Ejus frater. Jacobus Fineftrefius, monachus Ciflertienfis, edi- dit Hijloriam Monafterii Populeti, e cujus tabulario produxit multa fcitu dignillima.i Matth^us Aymerich focletatis Jefu nuper in lucem piibli- cam emifit Nomina & A6ia Epifcoporum Barcinone?iJium ; in cujus operis fine legitur Syllabus Chronologico-Hiftoricus^ ab eruditifiimo Jofepho Fineftrefio compofitus. Ex reliquis Hifpanias provinciis, regnifque, multi viri hoc nof- tro faeculo fcriptis fuis nobilitati funt, ut clarus Liidovicus Sala^ zarius, ob innumera genealogica fcripta celeberrimus. Johannes Ferreras regiae bibliothecse Madridienfi prasfedius ohjohamtcs Annales Hijioricos valde notus, in quibus illud utile eft, quod {cn^.'Feneras, tores, quos fequitur, allegat. Franciscus de Berganza, monachus Benedidlinus, qui in ^neFrafid/cus da Antiquitatum Hifpanice, varia chronica Vetera edidit, et in Ferraras Berganza. convidloy IJidori Pacenjis Chronicon. Johannes Interian de Ayala, monachus fodalicii B. Mariae dey. /. de Mercede, vulgavit Hiimaniores at que amamiores ad Mufas Exairfusj^y^^^- itemque Pidlorem Chrijiianum eriiditiim. Clarus vir Andreas Gonzalez de Barcia Antonii Leonis Pineli-^^^^'^^^ Bibliothecam Orientale?n & Occidentakm mirifice auxit, multos li- <'"^^^^' bros ad hiftoriam Indiarum pertinentes recudi juffit, 6c Antonii Au~ gujiini Dialogos de Numifmatis, Infcriptionibus, & Antiqmtatibus, a me jam commemoratos. Clarus vir Jofephus Bermudez, de ^jure Regii Hofpicii icn^^\t.JBermud<:z, Christophorus Rodriguez de Palceographia Hifpana. Rodriguez. Johannes Gomez Bravo Catalogum Epifcopoj'um CordubenfiumGovuz edidit. Bravo. Prod I IT etiam in lucem BenediBi Aries Montani LeBio Chri-B. A. Mot^ Jiiana, interprete Petro de Valentia, eximius liber ad edifcendam^'^""^* linguam Hifjpanam, fi conferatur cum DiBato Chrijliano ejufdem audoris. N Luce 90 STATE OF LITERATURE. N. AntoniL Luce publica fruitur Nicolai Antonii Cenjiira WJioriarumfabu* lojariim, Marchio Pl E N A funt bonffi frugis Marchionis Mondexarenfis Opera ChrO' Mondexar. y^Qi^gi^^^ : DiJJcrtationes Ecclefiafiicce repetitse editionis, ab aucftore ipfo emendatae & auclae 3 6c AnimadverJ/ones in Hijhriam ^ohannts Mariance, Laurenthis Eques Mediolaiienfis, Laurentlus Bonivini, evulgavit Ideam No- Bomvini. ^^ Hijioria Genet alls Anieric(2 Septentrionalisy in cujus fine legun- tur prxclariflima opera hiftorica, qucE audlor poffidebat. Bernarduscle Emmanuel Bernardus de Ribera fodalicii SandtiffimcE Trlados^ Ribera. ^^^^ volumina edidit Injiitutionum Philofop hie arum, 6c promifit duo- decim. Stephanus Stephanus Terreros, Societatis Jefu, evulgavit Falcsographiam 'j^m'^^'b^ ..Hifpananii cujus verus audor eft Andreas Marcus Burriel, ejufdem rid, ' focietatis, qui pra^ter Hijioriam de Rebus Caliphornicis, edidit erudi- tiflimum librum de Mquatione Fonder um & Menfuraruniy nomine urbis Toleti. PosTREMo Valentice renovantur varia opufcula, quibus Latinae. Iingua3 cognitio iit facilior per interpretationes Hifpanas, cujuf- modi funt tranflationes Hifpanicae aliquorum audlorum ex clajjicis, ut feledtae Ciceronis Epiftola^, interprete Petro Simone Aprili, 6c alia opera fimilia, quae ego dedi imprimenda. Omitto alios fcrip- tores tibi notos, quorum judicium malo efle tuum, quam meum.. Habes epiftolam plenam fcftinationis. Diligentior ero, cum tua intererit, Vir humaniffime. Vale. O L I V iE , Pridie Calendas Septembres, Abuio m d c c l x i. [Thofe readers, who do not underftand the Latin tongue, u^ill have no reafon to regret, that there is no tranflation of thefe epiftles annexed to themj fince the literary hiftory they contain, and the lift of authors, v/ould afford them but very dry enter- tainment.] LETTER LETTER V. State of MEASURES and WEIGHTS, THERE IS no part of the Bpamfi cufloms, of which it is fo difficult to give any clear account, as thofe which relate to their MeaJ'ures and Weights : for they retain in ufage to this day, all the meafures and weights, which their feveral conquerors or invaders have introduced at different periods. Nothing can give one a flronger proof of the uncommercial genius of this people, and of the little attention which they have ever given to trade, than their miniftry's having permitted this matter to reft upon the prefent footing. There is fcarce any thing which is more ferviceable to the exigencies of commerce, or which facilitates its courfe more, than an univerfal conformity between the meafures and weights of the fame country. The Romans, tho* far from being the moft trading nation in the world, yet perhaps for fome ages the wifeft, paid always the moft minute attention to this point, and even eftablifhed a commercial pou?id, for the greater convenience of their trade. The confuiion, which refults from this ftrange variety, may be eafily conceived. In one province you will find MooriJJj meafures and weights, in another Roman, in a third Gothic. The inquifition hath had little influence in this matter, for of thefe they have made an olio, and mixed Pagan, Mahometan, Jcwifti and Chriftian mea- fures and pounds all together. Thus, in Seville you meet with N 2 the 92 STATE OF MEASURES the Loji, the Cahy, and the Ancyras in Cadiz, the Fanegue, or com- meafure of two bulliels Enghrti; which are ^\2im\y MooriJJ? by the barbarity of their names. In Castile you will find one pound; in Andalusia another. In this city you will fee a pound of 16 ounces, in that one of 32, in another of 40, which is the butchers pound in Segovia, or the libra carnicera, as Livy calls it : that is to fay, thefe different cities make ufe of one pound, two pounds, and two pounds and a half. But this is not the worft view of this matter j for in meafures of the fame iiamcy you will find a mofl unfvftematical variation in different places : Thus, for infl:ance, the'mofl common meafure of length in Spain is the vara, or bar-, this wants three inches of our Englifli yard, being exadly two ffeet nine, or 33 inches long, if it be after the flandard of Bur- gos, which was fixed by Philip II. in 1568: and Ferdinand VI. by an edid: of February 14, J 751, ordered, that in all things relating to war and the marine they fhould ufe the bar of Castile. For till thefe later injundions, Spain followed in this matter the regulations of Alphonsus the Wife, who fixed the standard himfelf, and gave it to the City of Toledo; that is to fay, he very politically endeavoured at fome uniformity in this point, by reducing all the meafures and weights in his dominions to the Roman flandard. Such is the flate of this matter in Ca- stile; but when you leave thofe kingdoms, and get into the other provinces, you will find the variations of this 'vara very con- fiderable ; nay, even in Castile itfelf ; for the bars of Burgos, Toledo, Avila, and Madrid are all different. The propor- tion, however, between this meafure of Burgos and our Englifh yard, is always as 100 Englifh yards = to 109 and 3 inches of the Spanijh 'vara. Our modern calculators have made the Roman foot much lefs than our Englifh foot ; that is to fay, the pes Romanus, according to them, is, in EngliH) meafure, 1 1 inches, and 604 decimal parts of an inch, or almoft half an inch lefs : but I am flirongly inclined to believe, that the Englifli and Roman foot were the fame thing. For whoever will perufe the following account of the Spanifh vara and league^ extracted from a work of the learned Father Burriel, of the Imperial College of Jefuits at Madrid, will A N D W E I G H T S. 93 will perhaps find reafon to alter his fentiments in this point, and will perceive this truth eftablifhed by his accurate reafonings upon the Roman EJiadal ftill preferved at Toledo. For there beinc/ exactly the fame difference between the har of Toledo, and that of Burgos, as there is between the bar of Burgos, and the Eng- lifh yard : confequently, if the bar of Toledo was taken from the Koman foot, the Englifh yard muft come from the fame fource. The bar of Burgos was, as I faid, 33 inches, the bar of Toledo 36, the Englifli yard 36, confequently thefe two laft meafures are the fame. That the antfent foot of Toledo was the exa(5l Roman foot, there can be no doubt; the Spaniih and Roman meafures, as well as weights being, for many ages, even after the divifion of the em- pire, the fame thing. The GothSj tho' they pulled down that vaft fabric, had an amazing reverence for the wifdom of its builders; they preferved with a religious care, not the names only, but the exadt uniformity and correlpondence, which fubfifted between the Roman weights, moneys, and meafures of all kinds, as Burriel. hath proved from the authority of thofe two bifhops Idacius and Isidore. And the Moors did in great meafure the fame thing. You may fee, by one trivial inftance, how much the Ro- man weights and 1 leafures prevailed in Spain in after times : the ftyle-yard, which Is much ivv ufe among them at prefent, is called JJno Romano to th::s day, and by no other name. For liquid meafures the Castilians ufe the Agumbrey Y^hichy. as appears by the name, is an Arabic meafure, and perhaps origi- nally taken from the Omer of the Hebrews. The At^umbre con- tains two quarts Englhh, or half a gallon. And the table of their liquid meafure may ftand thus : IDos Agumbres — 4 quarts i gallon > JJn Agiimbre ■— 2 quarts i. gallon. Medio Agiimbre — i quart i. gallon* Una ^artillo i pint -[. gallon* Ip 94 STATE OFMEASURES If the quantity be greater, you then reckon by the Arrohat which is Hkev/ife another Arabic meafure, and is exadly the quar- ter of the hundred, or 25 pounds Enghdi weight : for four Ar- robes make the ^intaU or 100 pounds weight. But here again the Arroba is not the fame throughout all Spain ; for the pound of Cadiz and Seville, and confequently the Arrobcy are much larger than thofe of Castile. In Spain almofl every thing, whether dry or liquid, is fold by the pound, by the avoirdupois pound of 16 ounces, and confequently by the Arrobe: Thus wine, oil, wood, coals, corn, bread, fait, 6cc. are fold by the pound, and as many of thefe are ufually purchafed in large quantities, they are generally fold by the Arrobe, I make no doubt, but the ufage of the old Roman pound of 12 ounces avoirdupois, or 10 troy, pre- vails ftill in fome parts of Spain, tho' I am not able to prove it ; As the ftandard of the bar has been kept at BuRGos,fo the flandard of the Arroba has been preferved at Toledo ; and corn hath been regulated by the Fanegiie of Avila. The gold and filver-fmiths weights are. The ^ilafey or Carat, 4 grains. A Tomin =: to 3 carats, 1 2 grains. A Cajiillan z: to 8 tomins. The Ounce =: to 6 caflillans and two tomins. The Cajiillan is the gold weight of Spain, and is = to 14 rials and 16 peniques. The Mark = to 8 ounces. The ftandard of the inark for filver has been kept at Burgos; but the ftandard of the gold mark at Toledo. This may fuffice for a fhort view of the CaJiUian meafures and weights ', for he who would give an accurate account of all which prevail in the feveral provinces of Spain, had need write 2. folio y and not a letter. Thofe who would wiih to know with the great- eft precifion the exacft length of the Cajiilian bar and league may find it in the following extract taken from Father Burriel's book Upon the Authority of the Laws of the Fue?^o Jufgo. 6 Of AND DISTANCES. 95 Of Spaitifly Meafures and Diftances. 'tX/'E will now endeavour to fix the value of The Bar of Cajiik, to determine the length of The SpaijiJJj League, and confe- quently to difcufs a very important point of modern geography. The bar Is that Spanifi meafure from whence are derived all thofe which ferve as meafures of diftance : and as long as its va- lue is not fixed, it will be very difficult to afcertain juflly the Ca- Jlilian League. But this is only a part of the difficulty : it is not fufficient to know what is the number oi feet that go to make a bar : it is neceffary to fearch ftill farther, and find out what kind of feet they are, that is to fay, whether they are Spa^iiJJj, or RojjiaTt feet. Such is the quefiion now before us. We have already faid. That Alphonsus the IV fe ordered all the cities and flates to make their weights and meafures after the ftandard of thofe which he had himfelf given to the city of Toledo. Philip II. found it convenient to annul in part fo wife a decree, by ordering, in a de- claration made 1568, that the bar of Burgos fliould be the univer- fal bar of his monarchy. Toledo facrificed, without difficulty, her pretenfions to the public good, which ought to refult from fuch uniformity; and conformed at firfl to the will of the prince, in fending to Burgos for a copy of her bar ; a copy, which To- ledo has always preferved, and preferves to this day, with the greateft care. If all the cities of Castile had fliewed the fame vigilance as Toledo in the prefervation of their bar, it is certain^ that one fhould not fee that vafl; difference between them, which is fo vifible at prefent. It was natural, that this change in the bar fhould have an influence In the afcertainment of diftances, which it has been applied to meafure ; and this perhaps is the fource of fo many opinions which cladi among thofe who have wrote upon the Length of the Spani/Jj- League, which of all the meafures is the moil im^portant, and that which we have moft frequently a ne- eeffity of knowing its real value .. The g6 STATE OF MEASURES The Spanish writers make mention of three forts of leagues, common, legaU and geographical. Philip II. ordained by a decree of ^S^l'' ^^^^ ^^^ legal leagues fliould be common leagues, and not legal leagues : it is difficult to comprehend the fenfe of this decree. For if the co/?! mo n league is an arbitrary diftance, it would not ferve as a rule in points where the property of individuals is concerned, where it is neceflary to have a conflant and determined meafure. Ambrosius Morales and EsQUivEL eftabliflied it as a ma- xim, that by a common league we ought to underftand a diftance of 4000 paces, 20,000 feet, or 6666-i bars. And this fuppoling after the refearches of Esquivel, that the antient Spanifh foot was the third of the l>ar ofCaJiik, which was without doubt the har of Burgos : But thofe refearches are pofterior to the decree of 1587; and the authority of thefe two writers cannot ferve to the interpretation of a law of Philip II. By the confeffion of all thofe who have come after them, there exifts no fuch thing in Spain as common leagues of 4000 paces; nor can they any more take for a common league, thole which the inhabitants of a province fix by their eye, or travellers and couriers by the watch : Becaufe this league might ferve at moft to fix the fpace of ground to a traveller, but not to the furveyor, v/hen it is neceffary to mea- fure the ground without roads, and in the mofl exadt manner. The uncertainty is no lefs great as to the extent of the legal league: Morales, who fpoke of it before the decree of 1587, makes it 5000 bars, 3000 paces, 15,000 feet. Moya gives it the fame extent in his Theoretical and PraBical Geometry, printed in 1563, and their eflimations have been adopted by Cespedes in the treatife of Hydrography, which he publiflied in 1606, by order of Philip III. Pere Mariaux, and Don Garcia Gabel- loro are of a different opinion j they make the legal league 5000 paces, or 25,000 feet. By geometrical leagues we underfland thofe, feventeen of which make a degree , but the exiftence of equal leagues has no foun- dation in theory, nor obfervation ; and flrangers have adopted them 6 STATE OF MEASURES, &c. 97 them without examination, upon the credit of fome Spanifh au- thors, devoid of that inftrudion, which is neceflary in a matter fa important as this. From what we have faid, there refults a new problem, namely to know, if it is poflible, how to fix the number of Spanifh leagues y which compofe a degree. They cannot give a pofitive anfvver to this queftion, without having firfl a fundamental point from whence to deduce it. It is certain that we can know exad:ly the value, or length of the Spanifh league, if one knew the num- ber neceflary to a degree : and alfo one fhould know how many of thefe leagues the degree contains, before one can be certain of the value of each of them. It is this laft method which Don Jorge Juan employed, when he was reducing the number of French toifes into bars of Cas- tile which a meridional degree contained, contiguous to the equator, meafured by Meflrs. Go din, Bouguere, and La Con- D AMINE, to whom v/as aflbciated, by order of the Spanifh court, Don Antonio de Ulloa. The Spanifli geometrician, fupported by the authority of many laws of the Partida, which he cites in his work, fuppofes with Mo y a and Cespedes, that the Spanifh league contains 3000 paces, 15,000 feet : and this fuppofition be- comes a principle in his hands, to proceed to the redudion pro- pofed. Mr. Godin, before he fat out for Peru, had the attention to provide himfelf with a copy of the toife of the Cbatekt at Paris, which he drew with the greatefl exadnefs, in order to make uie of it in the meafures which were the objed of his voyage. When Jorge Juan returned into Spain, he carried with him a copy of Mr. Godin's toife, which he took with all thofe phyfico-mathematical precautions, which the defire of accuracy prefcribed to him, and the importance of the work wliich he me- ditated. After having compared this copy of the French toife, at Madrid, with the bar which the council of Castile fent him, he found, that the bar of Madrid contained 371 lines of O the 98 STATE OF MEASURES, 6cc. the French toife, and that the foot of the French toife was to the bar of Madrid, as 144 to 371. The obfervations made upon the equator gave 56,767 toifes to a meridional degree, and it was eafy to Don Jorge Juan to reduce this number of toifes to 132,203 bars: in dividing the relation which he had fixed be- tween the foot of the toife, and the bar of Madrid; or in di- viding 132,203 bars, which the degree contains, by 500, which is the number of bars that make a league, he found, that the degree contained 26 Spanifh leagues and a half. It appeared, however, that it was not till after this reducflion by Don Jorge Juan, that they thought more ferioufly in Spain of the difference which there is between the bars of Burgos, AviLA, and that of Madrid, upon which this geometrician had made his experiments. It was for this reafon the late King Fer- dinand VI, ordered, in 1750, feveral mathematicians to pro- ceed to a geometrical comparifon of thefe three bars. Don Jorge Juan, who was one of thefe commiffaries, determined with his colleagues, that fix Paris feet made feven Caflilian ; that is to fay, that the French toife was exadtly 2I. bars Spanilh. His majefty ordered that for the future, they fhould abide by this decifion in all affliirs relating to war, and the marine. You fee then the number of bars contained in a Sp2in[(h kagiie, the number of Caftilian leagues which form a degree^ and the number of feet of which the degree is compofed, determined and fixed in adopting the calculation of Don Jorge Juan. It now remains to determine the nature of thefe y^^^. Don Jorge Juan thought, that the feet, of which men- tion is made in the laws of the Partidasy were Caftilian feet, and fuch is, as far as appears, the fentiment of Cespedes, Mora- les, Moya, and the council of Castile itfelf. However refpedlable thefe authorities may feem, Pere BuR- RiEL thought he ought not to ftop there : he pretends, on the contrary, that the feet mentioned in the laws of the Partidas^ and 15,000 of which make a Spanifh league, are Roman feet. The STATE OF MEASURES, 6cc. 99 The method by which he came to the demonflration of this pro- portion, for we look upon it as demonftrated, is equally folid and ingenious, and gives a new proof of his fagacity. We will now enter into the difcuflion of his proofs, undertaking with him things a little higher. It is evident, that if we could know the length of the bar which Alphonsus X. gave to Toledo, we fhould immediately know the kind of foot, which He ufed, and which is fpoke of in the laws of the Partidas, fmce from one unanimous confent the foot hath always been the third of the bar. Then we fliould ob- ferve, that when the reprefentatives of the ftates, held at Toledo in 1436, wanted to take away from the meafures of that city the prerogative of being univerfal models, they alledged, among other reafons, that the bar of Toledo exceeded by an eighth that of Bur- gos. The animofity of the deputies of Burgos was fo great, as they were the leaders of the cabal, it might make us believe, that this excefs was exaggerated, and that the bar of Toledo did not furpafs that of Burgos but by a twelfth, and not an eighth. If the ftates fixed this excefs at an eighth, it was, without doubt, be- caufe in the divifions of the bar, one fees parts marked as eighths, but no twelfths. By confequence, the bar of Toledo furpaffed that of Burgos by three inches : and the foot of the bar given to Toledo by Alphonsus X. was greater than that of Burgos by one inch, which is the twelfth part. Befides, all the authors, who have compared the Roman foot to the Spaniih foot, affure us, that the Roman foot of the capital is one twelfth more in length, than the foot of Castile. Therefore the antient foot of Toledo, or that of the bar of Alphonsus X. was equal to the Roman foot. If Toledo ftill preferved its antient bar, it would be eafy to bring experience to the fupport of this reafoning ; by confronting this bar with that of Burgos : but fmce this bar cxifts no longer, we will make ufe of a meafure v/hich was taken from it. The meafure I mean is the antient EJiad^/ which one fiiil fees in the archives of Toledo. O 2 Thf, 100 STATE OF M E A S U R E S, &c. The EJiadal ^•^((g^ commonly In Spain for a meafure of ele^' ven feet; the antient EJiadal vj\\\ch. we fee at Toledo is exadly ten feet ten inches : now I cannot be perfuaded, that the old Spa^ niards, whofe attention was fo extreme for every thing that re- garded oeconomical government, fhould give to the EJiadaly to a meafure which is fo frequently in ufc, the unequal number of eleven feet, or the fradionary one of ten inches. It is much more probable that they gave it the equal length of 8, i o, or 12 feet. As the antient Eftadal of Toledo, which, as we have faid, w;is taken from the bar of Alphonsus X. contains 10 feet,. la inches, then, if the EJiadal oxx^t to be a meafure of 10 feet, the antient exceeds the modern precifely one 12th 3 each foot of the ancient EJhidal furpaffes alfo, by one twelfth, each foot of the mo- dern : in fine, the bar of Alphonsus X. was one twelfth greater than that of Castile. From whence we mufl conclude, that the foot of that bar had the fame proportionate excefs beyond the Caftilian foot, that the Roman foot had ; confequently the laws of the Partidas fpeak of Roman feet, when they fix the pa- ces and the feet of which a league is compofed. Therefore in followirig thefe laws, the Spanifh league,, which contains 3003 paces of five feet each, contains 15,000 Roman feet, or 3250 Caftilian paces, or 16,250 feet of the bar of Burgos, meafured by the copy of that bar, which Toledo keeps in its archives.. These reafons are without doubt very ftrong , but the follow- in cr refledions give them ftill a new dep:ree of force. We can- not doubt, but that the foot, which was in ufe in Spain during the Roman government, was the common Roman foot : by con^. fequence, if by the antient Spanifh foot they underftand that which the Spaniards ufed during the firft: ages of the Chriftian ara, it is certain it was the fame as the Roman. How could the Romans, who took as much care of Spain as if they would make it afecond Italy, how would they have permitted, that the Spa- niards ihould be diftindt from the reft: of the world (which it had conquered, and policed) in fo eftential a point, as that of weights and meafurcs. The uniformity between the meafures of the Spa- ^ niards STATE O FM E A S U R E S, 6cc. lai niards and thofe of the Romans fubfifted after the divifion of the Empire, which never faw any change in that article in its provin- ces. This uniformit}^ fuftained itfelf even againft the invafion of the barbarians, as appears from the authority of the Bifhop Ida- CI us, who v/as witnefs and hiflorian of thefe invafions. This au- thor^always reckons diftances by mi/Iiaria, which without doubt he could never have done, if it had not been the ufage of the fifteenth century, in which he wrote. The writings of St. Isi- dore make us believe, that the Goths never touched the mea- fures which the Spaniards had received from the Romans : be- caufe one may prefume^ from the known accuracy of that faint, that he could not have pafled over in filence alterations of this nature, in the works which we have of his De Ponderibus & Men- Juris: fo far from it, he marks always the diftances by the fame names which the Romans gave them, and which they had introduced into Spain, with the meafures which ferved to determine them. Thefe reflections are fupported in the work of Father Burr i el,. concerning The Authority of the Laws of the Fuero fufgo, which he cites in great numbers, but always with a view to prove, that almoft to the time of Alphonsus X. the weights and meafures of the Romans continued to be ufed in Spain j and that they ftill reckoned the diftances conformably to the manner which thefe conquerors had introduced. Could then this learned prince, who was an able and complete legillator, could he be ignorant, of this continuation of the Reman weights and meafures ? And if he knew it, as we ought to believe, conftdering the extent of his knowledge, and the lights he had, which ftiine much more in thofe of his works which exift in the obfcurity of our archives, than in thofe which are printed : Could fuch a prince have re- courfe to foreign meafures, when he determined and fettled thofe which were to be ufed in his dominions, and of which he gave, the originals to the city of Toledo ? L E T T E R LETTER VI. VIEW OF THE STAGE. Incohmi gravitate jo cum tentavit; eh quod Ilkcebris erat, & grata novitate morandus Spe5iator, fundlufque facris. Ho RAT. Art. Poet. I AM induced to believe, that there is a refemblance between the flage of Madrid at this time, and that of Rome, when my author was defcribing it : that is, at a period after its infancy, and before it had arrived at its full perfection in propriety of action, fentiment, and tafte. For I cannot well compare Calderoni's productions to thofe of Terence ; nor look upon any of the pre- sent Spanifli aCtors, as equal in merit and genius to the Roman Roscius, an ^sop, or an Englilh Garrick. And tho' I ven- ture to give this opinion, it is the opinion of one, who is only an eycy and not an tv/r-cenfor : For 1 pretend not to underftand enough of the language to be able to judge as decifively as a French critic, of the dramatic merit of Calderoni, or any of his poeti- cal countrymen. But there certainly is a way of forming fome judgement, tho' by other means ; facfts often fpeak as clearly as words ', and actions and geftures, though iilent, are by no means dumb: And I dare affirm, that General Johnson often under- itood the little Carpenter, a Cherokee^ or the bloody Bear, though he was not a great mafter of the elegancies and purity of the In - dian VIEW OF THE STAGE. 103 divt language. But farther; when a play has any degree of unity in adlion, time, and place ; when the feveral fcenes, the charadters lead on to, and terminate in one grand defign, or event i I will venture to fay, if it be tolerably well adled, that tl foreigner ^ tho' he does not underftand the language, will be able to tell you what the general drift and defign of the play was : Let a Spaniard, or Frenchman, who is ignorant of the Englifh tongue, be prefent at the reprefentation ci Othello, hear, Richard, Ti'he'Jomyiey to hon- don, or The Bold Stroke for a Wife, and I am certain he will give ajuft account of all he faw : he will tell you, that 07ie murdered his wife for jealoufy; that the other went mad for the ingratitude of his daughters -, that confcious guilt filled the third, though no coward fpirit, with all the horrors of remorfe. When I went firft to the Spanifh comedy, it was the feafon for adting the Autos, that is to fay, plays in fupport of the Ca- tholic faith; for Auto de Fe is in their language an a5i of faith. I found at my firfl entrance a good theatre, as to fize and Hiape, but rather dirty, and ill lighted -, and what made it worfe was an equal mixture of day-light and candles. The prompter ^ head ap- peared thro' a little trap-door above the level of the ftage, and I firfl took him for a ghoft, or devil, juft ready to afcend to thefe upper regions : But I was foon undeceived, when he began to read the play loud enough for the ad:ors and the boxes too, who were near him. The j)/V was an odd fight, and made a motley, comical appearance ; many {landing in their night-caps and cloaks ; offi- cers and foldiers interfperfed among the dirtieft mob, feemed rather flrange. That which anfwered to our two-flnlling- gallery , was filled with women only, ail in the fame uniform, a dark petticoat, and a white woollen veil. The fide and front-boxes were occu- pied by people well drefled, and fome of the firfl fafhion. When the play began, the acflors appeared much better attired, that is, in richer clothes, than thofe in England; and thefe they change perpetually, in order to let you fee the expenfive variety of their wardrobe. After fome fcenes had pafTed, which were tedious and infipid, there came on an interlude of humour and drollery, defigned, I fuppofe, for the entertainment of the pit. One 2 of tia4 VIEW OF THE STAGE. -of thefe comedians appeared tempting, with a bag of money, a lady who fung to him very prettily, and did not feem altogether averie to grant him fome favours: in the mean while to my great furprizc a man brought in three barbers blocks upon the ftage : after thefe rthree faid barbers blocks were placed upon the llage, the fame man returned and dreffed them firft in mens clothes^ and undrelTed •them again, and then crefled them once more in womens clothes. Now, Sir, to tell you the truth, it was for the fake of fuch fcenes as thefe that I placed thofe lines of Horace at the head of this account ; becaufe I am persuaded the author attempted this excel- lent piece of humour, for the reafon there given, for the fake of -his friends in the pit, and this without violating the decorum due .to the national gravity of his countrymen. However, I fhould not forget to tell you, that when thefe -block ladies were properly attired, there came in three men, who liad a fancy to tempt thefe three ladies likewife; but thSy were inflexibly coy, and I think it was not long before their gallants dif- Hay. After this one of the adtreifes, in a very long fpeech, ex- plained the nature, end, and defign of xhtfacramciits ; you mufl: know alfoj that the Spaniards admit a great number of foliloquies, full of tirefome, and uninterefling declamation, into their plays. In the lad fcene, Chrifl: appeared in a fliip triumphant; and thus the play concluded. I forgot to tell you, that Chriil, before his pafTion, preached to the four quarters of the world, in their proper dreffes, upon the ftage: Europe and America heard him gladly, and received the faith ; but AJia and Africa remained in- corrigible. Some time after I had feen this Auto (for, to fay the truth, my curiolity was a little abated with regard to the Spaniili ftage, from this fpecimen of it) I went to fee a regular comedy ; there were two Engliili gentlemen in the box with me at the fame time. We underftood very little of the defign of the firft a(5t ; we faw a king, queen, an enchantrefs, and many other pretty, delightful fights : but the interlude, with which that a6t concluded, is, I think, not to be equalled either by Rome or Greece ; neither Farqjjhar, Gibber, or any of our loweft farce- writers, have ever produced any thing comparable to it. The fcene was intended for the in- fide of a Spanijh Pofada (or i?m) in the night; there were three feather-beds, and as many blankets brought upon the ftage ; the queen and her maids of honour perfonated the miftrefs of the Po- fada and her maids ; and accordingly fell to making the beds. Af- ter this there came in fix men to lie there, who paid three quarts a piece ; one of them being a mifer, had rolled up his money in twenty or thirty pieces of paper. Then they undrefled before the ladies, by pulling oft* fix or kvtn pair of breeches, and as many coats and waiftcoats, and got into bed two by two : When behold, the jeft was, to fee them all kick the clothes off one another, and then fight, as the fpedlator is to fuppofe, in the dark. The ab- furdlty of this fcene, and the incom>prehenfible ridiculoufnefs of it, made us laugh immoderately. The fight of the feather-beds, the men kicking and fprawling, the peals of applaufe, that echoed through the houfe, were truly inconceivable ; tho', I believe, our P neigh - io6 VIEW OF THE STAGE. neighbours in the next box thought we laughed at the wit and humour of the author. It was a fcene that beggars all pofTible de- fcription, and I defy any theatre in Europe, but that of Madrid^ to produce fuch another. Shuter's favourite Bt-^^^rj-^z^, v/ith all its low ribaldry, is by no means a match for it. But to return once more to the play: When this interlude was finifhed, there fuc- ceeded fome other fcenes, between the king, queen, enchantrefs^ and the reft of the adiors ; fuch as five or fix of them drawing their fvv'ords upon the enchantrefs all at once, who parries them with her wand, and retires into her cell unhurt. They are furprifed to find that their fwords made no impreffion, and fo put them up into their fcabbards for a better occafion, crying, Muy grande ma- ravilla ! that is, " It is a very great wonder !" At other times the enchantrefs kills with one look, and makes alive with a fecond. Once (he came in, fell down upon the flage, broke her nofe, got up again, went out, and returned with a black patch. Then we had another interlude, in which fome hufbands purfued their wives in great anger, and with clubs fomething like Goliah's flaff, or a weaver's beam, in order to beat their brains out; but, by the friendly interpofition of fome kind neighbours, they were prevented from that rude fpccies of divorce. In revenge for this infult, the wives in the interlude that followed at the end of the next ad:, drefied them- felves up like amazons, with arms and armour, and purfued their hulbands, who in their turn now fubmitted to the conquerors. I re- member nothing very remarkable that palled after this, excepting that the enchantrefs renounces the devil, and all his works, and ia conclufion embraces the catholic faith, and declares £he will ad- here to that only. This, I hope, will ferve at prefent for a fhort fketch of the Spanifi Stage. Indeed, I had almoft forgot to tell you, that Te- resa, one of the adrefies, was this winter imprifoned by the King's order, for being too free of her charms to fome of the grandees; it was faid flie would be condemned to the workhoufe for life. However that be, flie remains in prifon flill, and, as far as I can learn, is like to rem.ain fo for fome time longer. Calderoni is at prefent, and has been the favourite author upon their llage for fume years. 6 LET- LETTER VIL PART I. Dcfcription of the BULL-FEAST, exhibited in the Plaqa Mayor at Madrid^ upon occafion of His Ca- tholic Majefty's Public Entry into his Capital, on July 15, 1760. WE arrived at the balcony of the Englifh AmbafTador in the Pla^a Mayor about half an hour after three in the after- noon, and v/ere at once ftruck with the chearfullefl, gayeft fight imaginable. The fquare, which is large, was thronged with people ; the balconies all ornamented with different coloured lilks, and croud- ed from the top to the bottom of the houfes ; the avenues to the fquare were built up into balconies, and a fort of Hoping fcaffold- ing was placed round for the common people, elevated above the ground, or pit, if I may fo call it, about eight or nine feet, with openings in proper places, and wooden doors. First came in the coaches of the cavaliers, four in number, of an antique and fingular make, with glaffes at the ends, and quite open at the fides : The cavaliers were placed at the doors of their coaches, from whence they bowed to the people, and the balco- nies, as they paffed round the fquare 3 and they were accompanied by their fponlbrs, the Dukes of Ossuna, ofBANos, of Arcos, P 2 and loS DESCRIPTION OF and Mfdina C/eli. Before the royal family came a company of halberdiers, after which the king's coaches in great ftate, I beheve about {tvtw or eight in number, preceding his Caroffe ds RefpeSl, which was extremely rich, with red and gold ornaments, and beautiful painted pannels : Then a coach with fome of the great officers, w^ho go always immediately before the king; next came the King and Qu^een in a very fum.ptuous coach of blue, with all the ornaments of mafiive filver, and the crown at the top^ the trappings of the horfes were likewife filver, v/ith large white plumes. Thefe were followed by the coaches of the Prince of AsTURiAs, the two infanta's, and Don Luis, with their atten- dants. Their Majeftles were placed oppofite to us, in a gilt balco- ny, with a canopy and curtains of fcarlet and gold ; the queen on tbit occafion taking the right hand. On the right hand of the king's balcony were placed the refl of the royal family : and on the left were ranged the gentlemen of the bed-chamber in a row^ all drelTed in a very fine uniform of blue and red, richly embroi- dered with gold. The halberdiers marched from the king's bal- cony, which was in the center on one fide, and forming themfelves into two lines, fronting different ways, inftantly cleared the fquare of the croud, who retired into the fcattolding, ereded for them round it. Next the halberdiers formed themfelves in a line before the fcaffold, under the king's balcony. Then appeared tiioo companies of boysy drefied in an uniform with caps, and red taffeta jackets, ranged againfi: the right and left hand fide of the fquare, who car- rying buckets of water in their hands, watered the ffage as they crofied over to the fide oppofite to them. This being performed, the fix chief Alguazils of the town, mounted upon fine horfes, covered with trappings, and drefi^ed in the old Spanifh habits, black with flaflied fleeves, great white flowing wigs, and hats v/ith plumes of different-coloured feathers, advanced tov/ards the king's balcony, under which they were obliged to ffay the whole time, to receive his orders.; except when they were frightened away by the bulls, when they were obliged to ride for it, being abfolutely unarmed and defencelefs. Having THE BULL-FEAST. 109 Having obtained the king's permiHion for the btiU-feafi, the troops belonging to the knights entered upon the ftage in four large companies, drefTed in liveries of Moorijh habits of filk, richly and elegantly ornamented with lace and embroidery : Thefe marched firft to make their bow to the king's balcony, and then in proceffion round the fquare : and from the elegance, lingula- rity, and variety of their uniforms, made one of the moft delightful fcenes that can be conceived. After them, came the four knights, habited in the old Spanifh drefs, with plumes in their hats, and mounted upon the mofl beautiful horfes : each carried in his hand a (lender lance, and was attended by two men on foot, dreffed in light filk, of the colour of his livery, with a fort of cloaks or mantles of the fame j thefe never forfake his fide, and are indeed his principal defence. After the cavaliers had done their homage to the King, their companies retired, and there remained with them only, befides thofe who walked by their fide, a few dreffed with mantles in the fame manner, who difperft themfelves over the ftage. The cavaliers then difpofed themfelves for the encounter^ the firft placing himfelf oppofite to the door of the place where the bulls are kept, the other at fome diftance behind him, and fo on. The King then making ikit jfignal {ox the doors to be opened, the bull appeared, to the found of martial mufic, and the loud ac- clamations of the people : and feeing one of the attendants of the firft cavalier fpreading his cloak before him, aimed diredly at him;, but the man ealily evaded him, and gave his mafter an opportu- nity of breaking his fpear in the bull's neck. In the fame manner the bull was tempted to engage the other cavaliers, and always with the fame fuccefs: till having received the honourable wounds from their lances, he was encountered by the other m.en on foot : who, after playing with him, with an incredible agility, as lono- as they think proper, eafily put an end to him, by thrufling a fword either into his neck or fide, which brings him to the ground; and then they finifh him at once, by Jinking a dagger, or the point of a fword, behind his horns into the fpine, which is always immediate death^'. After this the bull is inftantly hurried off by mules, finely adornedj and decked with trappings for the occafion. * This was the way the NumiJians ufed to kill the elephants, when they becime unruly :. fee Li,vy, lib. xxvii. cap. 49. The wo:ds are, EicUns corum /culfitim iu;^i ma.'Uo kalchant; My- no DESCRIPTION OF My apprehenfions were at firft principally for the men on foot-, but I foon perceived they were in no fort of danger : their cloaks are a certain fecurity to them, as the bull always aims at it, and they can therefore eafily evade the blow. Befides this, there are fo many to affift each other, that they can always lead the bull which way they pleafe, and even in the worft cafe they can pre- fcrve themfelves by leaping into the fcafFold,as they frequently did. The knights are In much more danger j their horfes being too full of fire to be exactly directed; they cannot therefore fo well evade the aim, and are liable every moment to be overthrown with their horfes, if the attendants by their fide did not affiftthem. Two beautiful horfes neverthelefs v/e faw gored ; one of which was overthrov/n Vv'ith his rider, but fortunately the man efcaped any mifchief from his fall. The courage of thefe horfes is fo great, that they have been often known to advance towards the bull, when their bowels were trailing upon the ground. After the knights had fufficiently tired themfelves with thefe exploits, the king gave them leave to retire and repofe. We had then bulls let out (one at a time always) from another door, of a more furious nature ; thefe were encountered entirely by the men on foot, who were fo far from fearing their rage, that the whole bufincfs was to irritate them more, by throwing upon their necks, and other parts, little barbed darts, ornamented with bunches of paper, like the Bacchanalian 'Thyafus, fome of which were filled with gunpowder, and burft in the manner of a fquib or ferpent, as foon as they were faffened to the bull. Nothing can be ima- gined more tormenting than thefe darts, which flick about him, and never lofe their hold. But the courage and amazing dex- terity, with which they are thrown, takes off your attention from the cruelty of it. Another method they have of diverting them- felves with the fury of the bull, is by drefling up goat-Jkins, blown up with wind, into figures, and placing them before him, which makes a very ridiculous part of the entertainment. Many id*, ubi favire btllua, i5 ruere in J..01 ccepe ant, magijier inter atircs pojitwn, il/o in arti.ulc, quo jungitur capiti cei'vix (in the fpine) qucmto maxirno ptterat iflu adl;^chat. Ea celerrira 'via mor- tis in tantee tno.'is bellud tn'venia e.ati »bi regendi fpetn "viajfent. Primvf^ue id Af.irubal tnjii- tuerat. Cf THE B U L L-F E A S T. ju of the bulls, however, would not attack them, and one of the moft furious that did, fliewed more fear than in encountering his mofl: fturdy antagonifts : fo great is their apprehenfion from an ob- jedl that Aands lirm, and feems not to be difmayed at their ap- proach. There is likewife another kind of a larger ipear, which is held by a man obliquely, with the end in the ground, and the point towards the door, where the bull comes out, who never fails to run at it, with great danger to the man, as he is always thrown down J but greater to the bull, who commonly receives the point in his head or neck, and with fuch force, that we fiw a Ipear broke fhort, that was much thicker than my arm. They alfo baited one bull with dogs, which fhewed as much courage and obftinate perfeverance as any of that breed in England. As to the laws of this fpedlacle, and other circumftances relative to the pmiBilios of the bull-feaft, I cannot pretend to explain them, and imagine others, who have attempted it, have been obliged to- take it moftly upon truft, nor do I think it very material. This fpedtacle is certainly one of the fineft in the world, whe- ther it is confidered merely as a coup d^ceil, or as an exertion of the bravery and infinite agility of the performers. The Spaniards are fo devoted to it, that even the women v/ould pawn their laft rag to fee it ; and we were aflured, that fome of the balconies did not cofi: lefs than a hundred piftoles for that afternoon. No- thing can be imagined more crowded than the houfes, even to the tops of their tiles -, and dearly enough they paid for their pleafure, pent together in the hotteft fun, and with the mofi: fuffocating heat that can be endured. Nor do I greatly wonder at them, when I confider how much my own country, that is certainly as humane as any nation, is bigotted to its cuftoms of bull-baiting, cock-fighting, &c. 1 do not deny, that this is a remnant of Moorip, or perhaps Roman barbarity ; and that it will not bear the fpeculations of the clofet, or the compailionate feelin<>s of a tender heart. But, after all, we mufl not fpeculate too nicely,- left we fhould lofe the hardnefs of manhood in the foftcr fcnti- ments of philofophy. There is a certain degree of ferocity requi- fite in our natures; and which, as on the one hand it Ihould be re- ftrained within proper bounds, that it may not degenerate into- cru- 112 DESCRIPTION OF cruelty ; Co, on the other, we muft not refine too much upon it, for fear of finking into effeminacy. This cufiiom is far from having cruelty for its objed; bravery and intrepidity, joined with ability and fkill, are v/hat obtain the loudeft acclamations from the people : it has all the good effeds of chivalry, in exciting the minds of the fpeclators to great actions, without the horror that prevailed in former times, of diflinguiihing bravery to the preju- dice of our own fpecies. It teaches to defpife danger ; and that the fureft way to overcome it, is to look it calmly and ftedfaftly in. the face ; to afford a faithful and generous afliftance to thofe eno-ao-ed with us in enterprizes of difficulty: And in fliort, tho* it may not be flridly confonant to the laws of humanity and good nature, it may yet be productive of great and glorious effeds; and is certainly the mark of qualities, that do honour to any nation. This ceremony of the bull-feafi in the Fla^a Mayor is never exhibited, but upon the greateft occafions, fuch as the acceffion or marriage of their kings, and is attended with a very great ex- pence both to the king, as well as the city. There is a theatre built jull: v/ithout the walls, on purpofe, where there are bull-feafhs every fortnight -, and thefe to connoiffeurs in the art are infinitely preferable to the others ; the bulls being more furious, and the danger greater to the cavaliers. But that which I have defcribed, would, I think, very fufficiently fatisfy my curiofity. I HAVE fmce feen a bull-feaft in that amphitheatre, and found little material difference in the manner of fighting, except that the cavaliers, who rode better, and feemed more adroit, were not fb clofely attended by the men on foot : and that they fometimes ufed a long lance of ffrait, tough wood, with a fliort point, and a knob of twiftcd cord, which hinders it from entering deep into the wound. This they held tight to their fide, paffmg under their arm-pit, and direded it with their hand. In this manner they wait the bull's approach, and generally have ffrength enough to keep him off from themffelves and their horfes, when he runs upon it : tho' it is dangerous, the bull fometimes bearing down both man and horfe. This was one of the ordinary fpedacles, and therefore attended with little of the pomp which I had feen in the Fhi^a THE B U L L-F EAST. 113 Flaca Mayor. The building is eredled on the ancient plan, round, vAih. rows of feats raifed above the area, for the common people ; i.nii two rows of boxes, or large balconies, above them. It is not only admirably contrived for the purpofe which it is built for, but has a very ftriking appearance, from its fize and regularity. One could not, however, help obferving ladies of the fi.ft quality in the balconies, feafting, with thefe bloody fcenes, thofe eyes, which were intended only to be exercifed in fofter cruelties. And among the common people we even faw numbers of women with chil- dren at their breafts. I SHALL now take the liberty, as many are divided in their opinions, whether the SpaniJJo bull-feafi be of Roman or Moorifi origin, to give my fentiments upon that fubject. I remember fome where, that Cicero, when he was obliged for the fake of the argument, to declare whether he thought thofe bloody and fa- vage exhibitions^ fo much coveted by his countrymen, were really cruel and inhmnan, or not: in order to avoid fixing, by his opinion, any reproach upon them, dextroufly eludes the queftion, and with the addrefs of a cafuift gives this remarkable anfwer, Cru- dele gladiatorura fpeBaciilum — hand Jcio^ ah itafit, A ilrange fen- timent for a civiJized writer ! A diverfion, at the expence of hu- manity, mufb be cruel -^ the pracftice was fit only for barbarians. But to the point : to fay, that the Spanijlj Fie/ia de los Toros is plainly an imitation of the Romans, becaufe they exhibited wild beafls in their amphitheatres, is fpeaking very generally, and not with any precifion : One might as well affert, that they copied it from iho. Ajiaticsy for St. Paul fays, IQ-^'iaiofjcocxv'^x ej/'E(p£(rw. And perhaps the Spaniards might as well own, as he did, that it pro- mts them nothing. But if I can find this very Fiefia de los Toros, the Spanifi bull-feajl, among the Roman cuftoms, I fuppofe nobody will doubt from whence the Spaniards took it. LivY tells us, per eos dies, quibus hcec ex Hifpanid nunciatajunt,. ludi TAURiLiA per biduufnfaSli, religionis caufa. Festus has very luckily preferved the firft inftitution of this feaft. The Taurilia, according to him, were inftituted to the in- Q. fer. 114 DESCRIPTION OF fernal gods, for this reafon ; in the reign of Tarquinius Super- Bus, when a mofl violent plague had feized all the women big with child, they procured abortions by eating fome bulls flefh, that was fold at the fhambles : upon this account thefe ludi were inftituted, and were called taurilia, and they are celebrated in the Flaminian Circus, that the infernal gods might not be called within their walls. Pursuant to their fuperftitious ritual, fo favage an inftitution was rightly dedicated to the infernal gods : from this account of it, it is proper that the Spajiifi women fliould bring their children at the breaft, and thofe in the womb, as we fee they do, to this fpe6tacle. But they 'commit a great impropriety in celebrating it in the Placa Mayor. It fliould be without the walls. Livy fays, that the /W/, which Fulvius gave juft after, were much more fplendid, that is, I fuppofe, much more bloody and barbarous, for he exhibited lions and panthers. But the refemblance between the Romany and the Spanijh T^aurilia appears ftill ftronger from other circumftances now re- maining ; it is a cuftom for the Spa?iiJJj nobility themfelves to en- gage the bulls, and none are permitted to fight as cavaliers, unlefs they can prove their defcent to be noble. The true Spa?2iards are all fond of the diverlion ; it is accounted honourable and heroic : it recommends them to the fair, to their prince, and to their country j and it is a {landing theme of honour among the people. It was juft the fame at Rome; the nobility, the patricians, voluntarily undertook a part in thefe encounters : Liiftravitqiie fugd mediam gladiator arcnam, Et Capitolinis gencrojior & Marcellis And even the ladies were ambitious of appearing in the fame lifts. M^vi A was a lady of quality, and yet we find fhe could ftep out ofherfex, and enter the arena, Tiifcum Figat aprum, & 7iudd teneat "oenabula maimnd. I I do THE B U L L-F EAST. 1x5 I do not find, that the Spanifh ladies had ever any of this martial, or rather mafculine fpirit. It is amazing how defirous the Romans were of being killed, even injeft; fenators, patricians, and knights, were at laft not aihamed to appear on thefe occafions. — I think I have done fome honour to the Spa?2ifi nobility in thus placing them on a footing with Rojiian fenators ; but flill be it remembered, that thefe were not fenators of Rome, when Kom'e, Jurvived, as Cato calls it, but when fhe was enflaved, and dilhonoured by the worfl of emperors, I might indeed fay, by the worfb of men. I AM furprized to find thefe taurUia omitted by Mr. Ken net t. Q 2 LETTER LETTER VII. PART II. m BUR lAL.^ G RANDEES KING's PUBLIC ENTRY. THE funeral rites of the rich in Spain are fplendid, as well as decent ; they are folemnly interred with their befh fuit of clothes, with hat, cloak, and fword. JSfam vhis quis amor gladiij quce ciira fogave Manfit, & hcec eadem remanct telhire repojiis. And I am firmly perfuaded, that the old knights, condes, and grandees of this kingdom were antiently buried, juft as we fee their fculptured figures upon their tombs; armed cap-a-pee, and at all points J jufl as if they h?.d been harneffed out for battle, with their beaver, coat, cuirafs, the target, lance, fword, fpurs, and jack- boots. And this fliews the great propriety of that famous joke of old ScARRON, who, when he was receiving extreme un<5lion, told the anointer, ** Pray, fn-, take care to greafe my boots well, for I " am going a very long journey." They commonly put a great deal of lime into the grave, in order to haften the corruption of the body; at Naples I am told they have a great hole, half filled with lime, into which they throw all their dead, naked. The late Queen of Spain, confort of the prefent King Charles III. died September 27th, 1760, aged 35, after (lie had THE QUEEN'S DEATH, AND FUNERAL. 117 had reigned only one year and fourteen days. She was a daugh- ter of the prefent King of Poland, and had fuffered greatly for the diftrefles of her father, who has been driven from his elec:o- rate by the King of Prussia : She had lived twenty years with his prefent Majefly. She was in a bad ftate of health when he came firfl into Spain, catched the meazles at SARAG09A, then a cold : and afterwards was taken ill with a fever and flux at St. Ildefonso, in September, and upon its increafe returned to Madrid; when both thofe diforders ftill kept harraffing and weakening her, till they at lafl ended in a delirium and mortifica- tion. Every art of phyiic was ufed to fave her, and every Spa- nijh faint invoked, but all in vain. They brought the i?}mge of St. Isidro to her, and fome were fetched even from Toledo and Alcala de Hfnares : But neither the interpofition of faints or fubjeds could avail anything; tho' all the churches of Ma- drid were crowded with people, offering up prayers for her re- covery, fate was inexorable, and death relentlefs. The mmcio came and gave her the laft papal benedidion, and by that means conveyed to her the firll: notice of her approaching diilblution ; Ihe received the fhock with fome furprize, but with much piety, refignation, and refolution. Upon her obferving to the nuncio the infignificance and emptinefs of all human grandeur ; and that it was now of no advantage to her, that flie ever was a Queen — He replied, " Your Majefty has certainly had much greater opportu- " nities of doing good, and which have not been neglecfted.'* She lingered a day or two after this, till the delirium came on, •Attended with convulfions, and at length expired on the twenty- feventh of September, about three o'clock in the afternoon. Ceremonies of a ROYAL FUNERAL. N the twenty-eighth, flie was laid in ftate in the cajjon.or great- hall of the BuEN Retiko; (he lay upon a fpond covered with gold tiffue, under a canopy of ftate : She was dreff d in a plain cap, tied with a broad white fattin ribband, and with a fmall ii8 ROYAL FUNERAL. fmall black egret over her forehead : On each fide the fpond were fix large girandoles^ of Mexican filver, about four feet high, with large tapers burning, and round the room were feveral altars with gold and filver candlerticks. On the right hand fide of the fpond, at the feet, knelt the dutchefs of Medina Sidonia, behind her another lady of diflindiion, and then an exempt, and on each fide fcood two purfuivants bearing the crown and fceptre. The ladies were relieved every hour by others, fuch as the dutchefs of Bur- NOMBiLF., the dutchefs of Arcos, &c. but the purfuivants were obliged to remain the whole twenty-four hours — Thus lay the Queen all that day and night ; on the twenty-ninth, fhe was car- ried to the EscuRiAL in this manner: About itv^r\ o'clock in the evening the proceffion began from the gate of the Buen Retiro in this order : Firft came forty Carwelite-monks on horfe-back, each with a torch in one hand, and the brtdle in the other ; then as many Cordeliers, and laft of all the DGminicans, all with torches in their hands : Then a body of the guards on horfeback, with- out tapers, headed by the duke of Ver aguez, or duke of Ber- wick. Thefe were followed by the facrift in his cope, bearing a gold crucifix, at the head of the curates. Then the ftate-coach with the Queen's body, followed by two carqjj'es de refpeB ; then the duke of Alva ; behind him the inquilitor-general, with, fome other people of diftincflion, fuch as the duke of Arcos, &c. then followed another body of the guards, and lafl of all a fuite of coaches. Thefe were obliged to travel in this manner all the night, with their torches burning, which muit be a vaft ex- pence ; it being eight leagues to the Escurial, and they pro- pofed burying her Majcfty about eight o'clock the next morning. The monks are paid for this journey, and they commonly fliare the tiffue pall between them. And thus ended the folemnities of this funeral, which I fliall conclude with the moral of our Eng- lilh Poet : A heap of duil: alone remains of Thee ; 'Tis all thou art, and all the Great fhall be. G R A N, GRANDEES. TT is very difficult to make out a clear and exaO; lift of the gran- dees of Spain, the Spaniards themfelves have publifhed no good one : and there are very few, who can give you any juft infor- mation. In the firft place, there is no fiiperiority and gradation of title here, as there is in England. A duke is no more than a marquis, a marquis no greater than an earl ; in fliort, all titles are equal. And you will often fee the father an earl, and the fon a duke ; juft the reverfe as with us. The great diftin(5lion an- tiently confifted in being grandee of the firft, fecond, or third or- der: but thefe diftin(ftions are now dropped j the king making them all grandees of the firft clafs. Thefe three claffes were, i . Thofe v/ho came into his majefty's prefence with their heads covered before they fpoke to the king : 2. Thofe Vv^ho did not cover till they had fpoke to his majefty, and the king had anfwered them : 3. Thofe who did not cover, or put on the hat, 'till after they had withdrawn to their place. If the king bids them be covered, without any addition to the word aibridos, they are only grandees for life ; if his majefty adds the title of any of their lands, the honour is here- ditary. Indeed, with us in England, it ufed formerly to be a cuftom for the peers to fit covered when the king went to the houfe of lords^ till that polite parliament at queen Anne's accef- fton dropped it, out of compliment to her majefty, becaufe they thought it ungenteel to fit covered before a queen. All the titles in Spain are feudal to this day. The crown gives them in the firft inftance {tqq for the life of that perfon, or, as they call it, Li- bres'des Lances; but ever after, as feofs of the crown, they pay a yearly fum of money in lieu of their knights, or feudal fervice. Befides thefe grandees, there are a great number of good, an- tient families in this country, who from their antiquity have an undoubted right to rank as grandees ; but as the crown has not thought proper to cover them, as fuch, they have no rank : Thefe are called Cafas aggraviadas, or injured hoiifes. The mark of dif- tindtion. 120 LIST OF THE SPANISH GRANDEES. tindHon, which thefe grandees conflantly keep up, and give to each other with the greatefl exadtnefs, is the always addrefling one ano- ther with the TU: whereas, when they fpeak to any other of in- ferior rank, they ufe the Eccelknda, Vuejira Merced^ the Vof.a^ Vo- fenoriai &c. The following is the moil corredt lifl of the Spanid^ grandees, which I could meet with. w /^^^^^^/j\^^/|i*^/p^*i|\^*/|\**)ji** LIST of the SPANISH GRANDEES, alphabetically, by their 'Titles, with their Family -Names, ^c. &c. A. Abrantes Duke Aguilar Earl Altamira Earl Alva Duke Alcanizas Albuqjjerque Marquis Duke Amarante Earl Arco Duke Argete Duke Arion Duke Arissa Arcos Marquis Duke Aranda Earl ASTORGA Atares Marquis Earl Bangs Duke Bangs Earl B. Don M. Carvajal. Vic. OfTorio Mofcofo y Gufman. Ben. Mofcofo. Fern. Sylva y Toledo (his eldeft fon is Duke of HUESCAR.) Manuel Oforio. Pedro de la Cueba (eldeil: fon Ledesma.) Fr. Gayofo. Alp. Zayas. L. Lafo de la Vega. Ign. Pirnentel. Joackim de Palafox. Ponce de Leon. Po. Abarca. Infantado. St. Jago Funes Don A. Ponce de Leon. J.de Mufcofo. Ba- SPANISH GRANDEES. 121 Balbaces Bejar Benevente Beragua? Bournombile Marquis Duke Eaii Duke Duke Castro-Piniano Duke Cascahuelas, Earl commonly called the Count de Fuentes* Castel de LOS Marquis Rios Castellar Marquis CiFUENTES Earl Cam IN A Marquis Corduba CoRUNNA Earl E. Don J. de Efpinola (his cldefl: fon is Duke of Sexto.) J. de Zuniga. Fr. de Pimenteh or, Duke de Medina del Rio Seco. Sn. Jago Elluardo (pre- tended Duke of BER-i WICK.) Fr. de Bournombile. Don Eboli. Joackim Pignatelll (they married into the houfe of GusMAN, and then took that title Fuen- tes Y GusMAN. The eldefl fon Mora.) Lucas Patinho. Juan de Sylva. Pedro de Cordova, or Co- goUudo. Manuel de Caflejori. ESTEPA Marquis Don Juan Centurion. F. Frias Duke FuENCLARA Earl Fernan-Nunez Earl Jacciii Prince iNFANTADa Duke J- Don B, de Velafco, conftable of Caftile. Ant. de Sylva. Jof. de los Rios, Don Regio. This title at prefent in abey- ance, but will come to the Duke of Lerma. R Ler- 122 SPANISH CRANDEES. Lerma LOSADA Maceda Malpica Manzera Masserano Medina Coeli MiNA Miranda MONTIJO MoNTELLANO Mondecar Monte Leon Onate Ossuna Paredes Parsen Peralada Pio POPULI Priego PuNo en Rostro RiCLA Duke Duke Earl Marquis Marquis Prince Duke M. Medina Sidonia Duke Marquis Earl Earl Duke Marquis Duke Earl Duke Earl Earl Earl Prince Dutchefs Earl Earl Earl O. P. Don Jof. de Miranda* Don Fr. Lanzos. Jof. Pimentel. Joack. Pimentel. Fil Frefco, Prince of Campo Florida. Luis de Cordova (eldefl fon CogoUudo or Ca- mina ; the old family- name was La Cerda. Pedro de Gufman ElBue- 710. They had the name of ELBuENOjfrom that Gufman, who defended Tariffa fo bravely in the year 1292. Gufman. Antonio de Zuniga. Ch. Portocarero. Jof. de Solis. N. de Mendofa. — — Pignatelli. Don Jof. de Gufman. Pedro Giron. Don Diego de Gufman. Joack. de la Cerda. Fer. de Bujados. Regio. Juan de Croix. Fr. Xavier Arias. R. Don Amb. de Funes. San SPANISH GRANDEES. i2S San Estevan San Juan Salva Tierra Santa Cruz Sarria Serbelloni SiRUELA Soto-Mayor Tenebron Duke Marquis Earl Marquis Marquis Earl Earl Duke Earl T. Don A. de Benavides. Juan Pizarro. Juan de Cordova. Jof. de Sylva. Nic. de Carvajal. Fr. Balbi. F. S. M. MaiTones yLIma. Don Ger. de Montezuma. This gentleman is a lineal de- Icendant from the fa- mous Prince Monte- zuMA,andenjoysapen- fion from the court of Spain on that account. Carracciolo. Don Ph. Pacheco. Ant. de Toledo. Bart, de Mendoza. Ant. Pacheco. fin Abeyance) Zunlga. ^/» •(/!/• •yy •w* •\fl^ "jv» "w* '\/i/* 'sjy "yy* "VW "^Sf "V*' Some OFFICERS ^^^jz// z^/^^ C o u r t ^/ S P A I N. Kings HouJJjoId, Torrecuso Marquis V and U. Vedmar Villa Franca Villa Garcia UzEDA Villadarias Marquis Do Marquis Marquis Duke Marquis Villena •w» 'ijB/* ^fv "w* 'W' '\fl/' '\fl/' "W '^&'' 'v!^" '^'^ *JV "vv "v Duke of Medina Coeli, Mafler of the Horfe. Duke of Alva, Steward of the Houfliold.* R 2 Duke * The Duke of Alva, in December 1760, defired leave of his Majefty to refign his employments, and retire from court: He pra}ed the Kingto continue his honours; to which tlic Kins; replied, that he would not only continue his honours, but his ao- pointmeni^ tec. The refignatlon of the chief great man in Spain made, as you will iinapine, 124 COURT-OFFICERS, &c. Duke de Lozada, Squire of the Body. Don Pedro Stuart, firft Equerry. Infant's Houfiold. Duke de Montellano, Mayor Donio to Don Luis.. ^eens HouJIjold. Marquis de Monte All eg re, Firfl Steward. Marquis Tripuzt, Second Steward. Duke of Medina Sidonia, Mailer of the Horfe. Marquis de Andia, Gentleman of the Horfe. ^een Dowagers Houfiold, Don Pedro de Villa Real, Mayor Domo to the QJVlother* Conde dc Banos, Mafter of the Horfe to the Queen Mother. Duke de Be jar. Governor of the Prince and Infant. Don Luis de Corduba, Card, and Archbifhop of Toledo. Grand Patriarch, Don Bert, de Corduba, Son to the Duke oF Medina Coeli. L A D I E S ^ //6^ B E D - C H A M B E R to the late Qj^een AM a LI a. Marchionefs of Aytona. Princefs Jacchi. Marchionefs of Ares a. Countefs of Ablitas. Dutchefs of St. Estevan. Marchionefs of Mina. Princefs Masseran. Dutchefs of Bournombile. Dutchefs of Castro Piniano. imagine, much noife at Madrid. The Duke of Alva has undoubtedly great parts- and abili:ies j there are few, if any, of a capacity equal to his. The Marquis of VIont-Allegre fucceedcd him. The Duke, to fay the truth, having been the tirft man, manager, and dire61or during all the late reign, did not like to find him- felf lefs confidercd in this, and therefore chofe to retire. It was not apprehended, that his retirin? would at all afFecl A'lr. Wall. The Duke is hereditary chancellor of the Indies, dcln of the couiKil of ftate, and dire^or of the academy, t^c, Counteft P U B L 1 C E N T R Y. 125 Countefs of Benevente. Countefs of Fuen Clara. Princefs Pio. Marchionefs of Valderavano. Countefs of Fuentes. Countefs of Castro Piniano. ^ Dutchefs of PvIedina Sidonia. Dutchefs of Arcos. Dutchefs of Uzeda. Dutchefs of Veragua. LADIES^ ifi)^ BED-CHAMBER /i>//$i- QJLJEEN MOTHER. Dutchefs -Dowager of Medina Sidonia. ' Countefs of Siruela. Marchionefs of Castel Rigs. Countefs of Serbelloni. Countefs of Banos. Marchionefs of Baneza; Countefs Priego. Dutchefs of PopULi. Marchionefs of Torrecuso. Defcription of the King of Spai?7\ Public Entry into Madrid^ July 13, 1760. (I^ranfiatedfrom the Spatiip Gazette.) SUNDAY the 13th being the day fixed by his Catholic Ma- jefty for his public entry, the requifite preparations having been all finiilied, fuch as triumphal arches ereCled in ditlerent parts of the city ^y the fountains adorned, the tronts of the houfes t Thefe triumphal arches, though they were very expenfive, yet few of them were in a good tafte J the figures ill-grouped, and crouJed, the allegory i)ot very imclli- gible^ and moit of them rather heavy. covered .4^6 KING OF S P A I N's covered with paintings, hangings, looking-glafs, and fiirniti-Te, In all the flreets, through which his majefly intended to pafs ,; the fil- ver-fmiths, in particular, having ornamented their houfes in the ^ nature of a long fquare,, with four towers at each corner, all fet off with plate and fome jew^els §. Things being thus prepared, at four in the afternoon the .tv/o companies of Spaniili and Walloon guards w^ere placed with their officers and colours, and the regi- mental mufick, along t^e Carrier, At fix o'clock, his Majefty, with the Queen and royal family, came out of the back gate of the Retiro, in this order of procef- fion-; \ 1. The companies of halberdiers, with mufick. 2. Three fquadrons of horfe life-guards, Spanilh, Italian, and Flemhh, with trumpets and kettle-drums. 3. Four gilded coaches of the king's ftables, with trumpets and kettle-drums, in which were the Mayor Domos de Sema- NA, who went before to St. Mary's Church. 4. Coach of the queen's officers, with the Marquis de Monte Allegre, her firft fteward, the Duke of Medina Sido- NiA, her mailer of the horfe, and the Marquis de Andia, gentleman of the horfe. 5. The Mayor Domos de Seman a, In another coach. 6. Nine of the ladies of the bed-chamber in other coaches. 7. Nine coaches with four horfes, in which were the gentlemen of the king's privy chamber. 8. A coach with eight horfes, richly harnefied, with four foot- men and eight grooms walking on each lide. 9. A coach with eight horfes, equally rich, attended in the fame manner, in which were the king's mafter of the horfe, the Duke of Medina Coeli^ the Duke of Alva, fleward cf the houiliold ; the Duke de luos ad A, fumilier dc corps, or § The ornaments of the houfes likewife were many of them immenfely expenfivc j but in the worfl:, moft abfurd, and ridiculous tafle you can imagine: that of the Marqtjis Di. niati was, I think, the mofc expenfively ill-dcfigned of any, with mot- tos and devices in plenty. 3 fquife PUBLIC ENTRY. 127 fquire of the body; the Principe de Mas ser and, captain of the Italian company of life-guards ; and Don Pedro Stuart, firfl equerry. 10. Twenty four of the King and Queen's footmen, and the Ecuyers de Campo. 1 1 . The King's coach, of mafly filver, drawn by eight fine Nea- politan horfes richly harnelTed, in which were the KING and Q^ E E N, guarded by all the officers of the life-guard, that were not otherwife Rationed, and twelve of the king's pages in their liveries embroidered with gold, walking on each fide. 12. A large body of life-guards, with their officer. 13. The Prince of Asturias, and the Infant Don Gabriel in their coach, attended with guards. 14. The Infants Don Antonio Pasqual, and Don Fran- cisco Xavier in theirs, with their guards. 15. The Princefs Donna Maria Joseph a, and Donna Ma- ria Luis a, in another coach, with their guards. 16. The Infant Don Luis Antonio Jayme, in his coach> with his guards *. 17. Ladies of honour in gilt coaches. 18. The Mayor Domos de SemanaXo his Majefty, in their coach. 19. Two battalions of foot, Spanifh and Walloon guards. In this order of proceffion their Majefties came up to the firfl triumphal arch, eredted at the entrance of that fine drQCt De^^/ca/a, oppofite to which the Qu^een Mother was feated in a principal balcony, belonging to the houfe of the Marquis de Tripuzi her lirri; fteward ; the King and Queen made their refpeds to her, as they pafTed, which fhe returned. Their majeflies then went to St. Mary's Church. The concourfe of people, both natives and foreigners, v^as im- menfe in all the ftreets ; and the balconies were lined with people of fafliion, in great variety of drefles, colours, and jewels. * The Fiva Don Luis f was by much the loudefl and moil hearty of the people's acclamations. Their 128 KING OF S P A I N's Their M.ijeflies being come to St. Mary's Church, his Emi- nence the Cardir.ai-Archbifhcp of Toledo waited at the portico in company with the flewards and gentlemen of the month, and hcufliold, to preient the royal family, and the refl; with holy-water: after which they heard the J'eDeum and Salve fung, with the band and mufic of the royal chapd : Then taking a different route, they found the houfes, arches, and fountains all illuminated, it being now after fun-fet. After their return to the Buen RetlrOy they faw the fire-works prepared by the town, from their own balcony, which were exhi- bited in the fmall Plaga de Peiota ||. On the 14th, in the afternoon, there was a comedy reprefented before their Majeflies, named the T^riumph of Hercules, after which the fire- works were the fame as the night before. On the 15th, their Majeflies went to fee tht hull-feaft, and were much pleafed with the fpedacie, as no fatal misfortune hap- pened to the cavaliers *. During thefe three days, tne houfes of the gentry and others were illuminated. On the Saturday the King attended at the Jjira, and took the accuflomed oath. In the evening the trades-people of the town havino- paffed before their majefties in mafquerade drcfles, one of them made a fpeech, and fo retired. This evening concluded alfo with fire-works and illuminations : and thus ended the folemnities celebrated on occafion of the Public Entry of Don Carlos III. King of Spain. ^ In my opinion, much the moft pleafing part of the fight was the -mmenfe mob in the ftreets ; which being compofed of all reli- jl Thefe fire- works were very poorly contrived, and went off extremely ill. * It was no wonder that the cavaliers on this occafion came off fo well; for the poor bulls had been kept almort fafiing for four days before, in order to lower their cour3c;e : and this was donejeft thei^w^wand the Court fhould be fhockcd at the fight of any tragical event, that might otherwife have happened. But fee the ac- count of this article, p. 107, & feqq. 4 gious ' P U B L I C E N T R Y, 129 gious orders, of all kinds of lay, civil, and ecclefiaftical habits j in {hovt, of all drefles in the world, and of both fexes, formed the mofl motley fcene that fancy ever painted ! The theatre of the Buen Ref/ro is extremely pretty, and very finely ornamented : It will always remain as a ftriking proof of the genius, fancy, and invention of the celebrated Farinelli ; who had no reafon to regret the leaving England, lince Spain has made him ample amends : his apartments were the bed in the whole palace of the Retiro, the fame that the Duke de Los ad a has now -, and his levee was more crouded than the minifter's, or King's. He retired with an immenfe fortune on the death of Queen Barbara. The Venetian Ambajfador made his public entry into Madrid, on the 23d of July, in his Venetian black habit, on horfeback. There were fome who preferred his entry to that of the King's ; but his flate-coaches were miferably tarnifhed and ihabby. LETTER LETTER VIII. Defcription of the Convent of St. Laurence, commonly called the ESCURIAL. THE EscuRiAL is a village In the kingdom of New-Cas- tile, feven leagues to the north of Madrid, fo called from the word efcoria, which fignifies the drofs of the iron mines, which were there formerly, and therefore the proper name is E8k- CORIAL. This little village gives name to the palace of the Escurial, which was built by Giovanni Baptista, by order of Philip II. in the year 1563, as appears by this infcription : D. O. M. OPERI ADSPICIAT, PHILIPPVS II. H I S P A N. REX. A FUND AMENTI S EREXIT MDLXIII. JOAN. BAPTISTA ARCHITECTUS. IX. K A L E N D. MAIL The motive which engaged that prince in this religious work, I fhall fpeak of hereafter ; for, as he had fo little piety himfelf io mind Df a(5tion, one cannot but be furprized at his conceiving 2 fuch T H E E S C U R I A L. 131 Tuch a defign. Such as it was however, it gave a frefli occafioii of difguil; to the Spanilh parliament, or the Cortes ^ as they call it, the general allembly of the flates, or repreientatives of the fe- veral cities. For Philip having called a Cortes^ to ailc fupplies for carrying on the war againil F ranee , the flates very freely voted a large fubfidy of fome millions; v/hich the artful monarch, as foon as he had once fecured in his own coffers, applied to the buildino- of this convent. Tliis mifapplication of the public revenues fo difgufted the Cortes^ that they met lefs frequently, and with more reludtancc, being unwilling to be cajoled out of their money by the tricks of defigning princes : and fucceeding monarchs, having found out other ways of raifmg their fupplies, have rarely called a Cortes fince that time, for a very political reafon, the fear of be- coming lefs ahfolute. Tkfre are two libraries in the Escurial, one upon the firil floor, and the other upon the fecond: that upon the firft floor is a fioe, long, arched room,- the cieling and the walls all painted by Pellegrin y Pellegrini, [zMilanefej a difciple of Bua- NOROTi, and Barthol. Carducho, a Florentine. This library contains all the printed books, excepting iova^Jirfi editions^ which are kept above, and paintings, and the ufual baubles lliewn to ftrangers : fuch as moneys, medals, and cafls j a Jewidi fliekel ; an iman, or calamite llone, or, as 1 fhould call it, a fnagnet, weigh- ing feven pounds, which fupports an arrobe, or twenty-five pounds weight. Here they fliew you an illuminated MS. of the Revela- tions, in a fmall folio, fuppofed to be written by St. Amadeus : a MS. in gold letters, of the four gofpels, in Latin, large folio, upon vellum, written in the time of the Emperor Conrad, cal- led the Golden Book of Eujihius Reterodamus. There are alfo fome other curiofities, mentioned in the Fliftory of this Convent, by Pa- dre Frey Francifco de los Santos, 4to. Madrid 1667, which I could not obtain a fight of; fuch as, their oldefl MS. of St. Austin De Baptifno Parvulorum, litter is majifcuUs Longohardicis ; a MS. of the Gofpels, in the oldeft Greek letter, a book of St. Chryso- stom's. Thefe I afked for feveral times, but was always told. No puede verle, or, «* You cannot fee it:" But I believe they are behind the altar in the facrifly, where I fuw a very fine illuminated S 2 MifTal, 132 DESCRIPTION OF MiiTal, and are made ufe of to decorate that altar, upon great fo- lemnities, being finely bound. I fucceeded no better with regard to a Greek Bible of the Emperor Catacuzenus, exad:ly agreeing with the LXX. I all;ed after the famous drawings of men, wo- men, animals, plants, &c. in feveral volumes folio, by Don Franc. Hernandez of Toledo, taken foon after their firft difcovery of America ; but the librarian told me, they were burnt in the fire that made fo muchhavock in this library, on June 7, 1674, which lafted 15 days. But the other library, which is above flairs, contains all the manufcripts, except the few above-mentioned, and is, I believe^ one of the nobleft collecflions this day in the whole world. There are 1S24 volumes of Arabic MSS. only; Greek MSS. in profu- fion, in folio and quarto, of immenfe antiquity, yet fair and le- gible throughout. There are no lefs than three MSS. of DioJ'co- 7'idesy when it has been thought, that only one MS. of it exifted, and that at Constantinople, as Busbeqjjius tells us. Here are. parts of jL/i^, Dion Cajjuis, Dwdorus Si cuius, and others never yet publiflied. If I remember right, I think there are 1 3 volumes in folio MS. of Livy only. Then as to MS. copies of the New Teflament, they are in great numbers, either containing the whole or part. There are too fome new, unpubliflied claffical authors : three Olynthic Orations of Detnofthenes ; four of the Philippics -, Oratio ad Epijlolas Phililpiy O ratio de Republica ordinanda, ^p^f~ tola Philippi y Iliad in black ink, with a comment or fcholia by TzETZES, in red ink, in the oppoiite column. I found there MSS. of Terence y Juftin, Valerius Maximus -, of Horace and Virgil many ; fome of Jwoenal, Catullus^ TibulluSy and Propertius^ Sueto- nius, Sallujl: but, what I regretted much, none oi Tacitus. The Greek tragedians, 6cc. in abundance, remarkably finely written, particularly Arijhphanes in folio : fome of the moderns, fuch as Aretinus de Bello Punico Primo : Idem de Bcllo Gotbico : Epijiolcs ejujdem. I COPIED a little Greek poem, at the head of v/hich was writ- ten, Cartopbylacis Bulgaria duo Carfnina, quce infcripta funt llo^oq. In priori dejcribit Mala Midieris mala; in pojieriori bona bona. iV. THE ESCURIAL. 33 N. B . S^pJs autem noverit, quis Cartophylax hie fiierit ; erat enim ISIotiien Officii, f^epeque inter Libros hofce MSS. occurrunt Opera Jo- annis Rediafeni, Cartophylacis Bulgarienjis . The poem itfelf is not worth inferting here. With regard to the MSS. of the New 'Tefiamenf -■, I was de- termined to collate two or three of the mofl remarkable texts, to fee how they flood. Having feen in England, how the famous text, "Johannis Epijl. I. cap. V, ver. 7, 8. ftood in our Alexandrian MS. I took down two of the oldeft MSS. of the Epiftles which I could find in the Efcurial, and having a fmall Greek Teflament in my pocket, I collated that text firft, inprefence of the auditor and fome other gentlemen. It is remarkable, that both the MSS. fhould concur word for word in this reading : "Ot< r^hg ei<-iv 01 [zoc^rvoSvTig' TO 7n/£Viui06, ycoct TO vdcop, jcat to oci^a.' kcul 01 rosig sig to sv ii(riv ei tvjv jM.ap- Tvptotv Tcov dvBou'TTuv Xufyt^joocvo^iVi JC. T. A. Onc of thcm TCad eXdlSo- f/,sv, which, I think, has more force. I do not enter into the con- troverfy whether this be the right, or the wrong reading j I Ihall only add, that fuch I found it in two MSS. of a different charader, and age, and which did not appear to be copies of each other. But the curious reader, after having examined Dr. Mills's long note on this verfe, and alfo the tedious comment of Mr. Wetstein, may fee more in U?2e Diffh^tation Critique fur le Verfet feptieme du Chapitre V. de la premiere Epitre de St. Jean, par M. Martin, a Utrecht y ^Ji"jy i2mo. As to the famous pafli^ge, ad Timotheiim, Epijl. I. c. iii. v. 16. all the MSS. clearly read 0.-oV, or 92. With regard to that in the beginning of St. John, it is out of doubt 0£Of \v Aoyog, and not ©-, or Qiv, as fome would have it.. There is in this library all the colledion of MSS. and printed books, formerly belonging to the famous Cardinal Sirletus, with the cardinal's notes in moll: of them : the very catalogue itfelf of Cardinal Sirletus's colled:ion is a vaft curiofity. 1 he book contains, firft, the original letters of the Duke D'Omva- RES, and others, about fettling the purchafe of it. Then fallows the- 134 DESCRIPTION OF the catalogue of his Greek MSS. in Greek : the title runs thus, X'ira, Sec. &c. After this follows a Latin catalogue of his Latin -MSS. and printed books; at the end of which the cardinal's libra- rian tells^tis, " Take notice, that there is no book here, of what *' kind foever, in which his eminence hath not wrote with his " own hand fome notes : adeo ut omnes audit & correcii ab ipfo vcre ** did poterlntJ' In a very old Latin defcriptlon of the iilands of EuxRope, with the maps, the writer, whofe name I could not find, mentions the following cities in Great Britain, hondinuniy Neomagusy Petu- ria, Otuana, Callagiim, Orria, Coi-ia : in Scotland, T^rlmontumy Uzelhimy Kethigonuniy Cordch Linopibia ; which I leave for our an- tiquaries to decypher. In the library below, I found Apthonii UDO'ywcx,(r[Jicx,roi ; M. Btuti Epijiolce Gri-eco-Latinay and Phaleridis Epiftolcey all bound together. Thofe of Brutus contained only epi- ftles of his to the Pergamenians, with their anfwer ; to the Rho- diisy Cois, Pafarais, Ccvjuiisy Lyciis, Damice, Cyzicenisy Smyrn^sisy Mytclenfibusy Mylcjiisy 'Trallicmis Bythyniis, all Greek, per A. Com^ jnelimwjy 1597. One in Latin, Brutus CictToni Juo. The epiftles of Phalaris were risp t» Ei^is-oXuQ Xuaoc}c]ri^^. Not thofe which Boyle publiilied. But to return to the manufcript library above flairs j it certainly abounds with ineflimable riches too numerous to be defcribed. But as to the catalogues of the principal Greek, Latin, and He- brew MSS. I fliall give them at length at the end of this account. All this wealth is depolited in the hands of a few illiterate monks, poor Jeromitcs-, but they are full as jealous of thefe trea- fures, as if they underflood their true value. It v/as with great difficulty, and by the help of fome interefl, that I got any accefs at all to thefe MSS. and when I had got accefs, if 1 wrote down or collated any thing, it gave them fufpicions ; becaufe, fay they, if you copy our MSS. the originals will then be worth nothing. That is as much as to fay, that the originals will be of no value, if they become of any ufe. I DO T H E E S C U R I A L. 135 I DO not doubt but there are many very valuable things amono- the printed books, both below and above flairs -, Ibme I have feen, but few of them ; fuch as Virgil^ in folio, whether a forgery, or not, I cannot fay; date 1407. It appeared to me as a literary phaenomenon; T^erence 1482; another Virgil^ large letter, with fuperb illuminations. But the backs of the books below flairs are all turned from you, befides being locked up, fo that no one but the librarians themfelves can poffibly tell you what they are ; and as they are fo wretchedly ignorant, their informations will avail you but very little. They have had no man of learning among them, fince the times of Arias Mont anus, who v/as indeed a truly great man. There is a copy of his Bible, in feven or eight volumes in folio, finely printed on vellum, with the Hebrew text, Je ROM's verfion, the Vulgate, and the LXX. It is much to be lam^ented, that this library is not in other hands ; for then the world might ll:and fome chance of being be- nefited by it. Michael Syri, a Syro-Maronite, one of the King's librarians, has printed one volume of the Arabic catalogue , but why it is not permitted to be fold, I cannot fay ; if it had, I had fent it into England before now. The principal things in this convent are, iirfi:, the Church, which is a noble edifice in the infide -, its riches and paintings are ineftimable ; but of thefe /jz^'/e'r, I fliall give a feparate catalogue hereafter. The outfide, however, of this church, is the heavieft building imaginable. The whole convent is truly a fort of quarry above-ground. It has often put me in mind of thofe lines of Pvlr.' Pope : Greatnefs with Timon dwells in fuch a draught. As brijTigs all Brobd:gnag before your thought. I can difcover no flile of arcbitedure in it, though it is mofl pro- bably of the Doric order. It is a large, confufed flupendous pile, divided into a vafl number of fquare courts. The realbn of which is Qwing to the follofvving circumftance. Philip II.. the founder of this convent, made a vow, when he gained the battle of St.QjJiNTiN, (againil the French in the fron- tiers 136 DESCRIPTION OF tiers ofPiCARDY, in 1557) fix years before, to build a convent at the EscuRiAL for monks of the order of St. Jerom. This or- der is unknown in France, and was aboliilied in Italy, becaufe one of them attempted the Hfe of Charles Borromeo. He preferred this order, becaufe he was obHged to cannonade a con- vent of JercJiiites during the fiege of St. Quint in. He faid to his confelTor during the battle, when the bullets flew about pretty thick, " And how do you like this mulic ?" *' And it pleafe *' your MajePiy," replied the monk, *' I do not like it at all." *^ Nor I neither," faid the King; " and do not you think my fa^ *' ther was a very ftrange man, who could find any diverfion in '* this kind of entertainment ?" The battle was gained on St. Lawrence's day, on the loth of Auguft, wherefore he called the convent after the name of that faint ; and as the holy father was unhappily burnt upon a gridirofjy this prince has immortalized the very manner of his martyrdom : for he has not only fluck grid- irons, either of paint, wood, metal, or ftone, all over the convent, but has built the very convent itl'elf in the form of a gridiron. That part of the building, which is now the King's apartment, is the handle of the gridiron ; and the reft being divided into a great number of fquare courts, in this form ; J it doth not unaptly refemble a gridiron. Having now done with the gridiron, I muft not forget another circumftance : As a proper compliment was neceffary to be paid to St. Lawrence, another was full as neceffary to be paid to St. Jerom : St. Jerom, it feems, lived among the mountains, and therefore, tho' from the lofty fite of this convent you command one of the moft extenfive prolpeds, that you commonly meet with in Spain ; yet fo much relpedl was to be paid to the memory of this faint, as to turn 6 the T H E E S C U R I A L; 137 the great front of this convent and palace dirediJy from the pro- fpeoi y fo that you fhould fee nothing at all but mountains, as the faint himfelf had lived among them. They give another rea- fon for this ; and fay, the chapel could not have flood due eafl: and weft v^ithout it. Why not ? Was there any neceffity to make the front of the convent and the church too, both to the fame afped; ? But high as the names of thefe two faints ftand here, the name of the founder, Philip II. is ftill higher; fo that they re- fped:, firft, the Fundador^ then St. Lawrence, and then St. Je- ROM. . Their regard for their founder is indeed but a decent part of gratitude ; for as he thought he Ihould atone for all his fins by raifing this fabric, fo he fpared no expence to make it complete. It coft Philip II. during his reign, 28,000,000 of ducats, which is about 3,360,000 1. fterling. He lived here chiefiv the laft fif- teen years of his life; and when he died, he ordered himfelf to be brought out in his bed to the feet of the high altar, that he n:iight die in fight of that, and thus he expired. The place where his bed was placed, is fmce railed off, as facred ; and the late Queen Bar- bara was the firft perfon who had courage enough to enter it, fince it was fliut up after his death. HowFvER, fome are ftill fo fuperftitious, as to believe even now, that his unquiet and perturbed fpirit ftill nightly vifits his favourite maniion, and ftalks horrid round the long arcades and corridores of the Escurial : For a certain princefs, to my know- ledge, gave orders, laft O^flober, that the guard iliould patrole in the night round the cloyfters, to fee if Philip IPs ghoft really walked there, or not. The PE are in the lower library four very fine portraits of Charli' s V. Philip II. PhilipIII. and Philip IV. In Charles V. you fee from his face and attitude, in his air and manner, the fpirit of a prince, who was born to lead armies to the fields of conqueft, and to aim at nothing lefs than univerfal monarchy. In Philip III. and IV. you difcern rather a pacific mien, inclining fomev/hat to eftcminacy. But in Philip II. the painter has been T , very 13S DESCRIPTION OF very happily expreffive of his charadter ; cruelty, pride, hypocriiy-j, malice, revenge, and a dark air of diffimulation, are all well aflem- bled in the lines and colours of his countenance. But however fond he was of this convent, as Ifaid before, he did not live to finifli it : The Fantheon^ or the royal burial-chapel for the Kings of Spain, their conforts, and their defcendants, tho' begun by the founder, was not completed, but by Philip IV. This edifice is fo lingular, it is no eafy matter to defcribe it, with- out the help of drawing, fo as to give a jull idea of it. Inscription on the Pantheon.. D. O. M. Locus Sacer MortaTttatis Exuvus Catholtcorum Regum, A Rejiaiiratore Vitce, Ctijus Ara Max\ Aujiriaca Adhuc Pietate Subjacent, Optata?n Diem ExpeBantium, ^Mfn Pojihiunam Scdcm Sibi Et Suis Caroius Ccejarum Max. In Votis Habuit, Philippus IL Regum Prudentijf. Elegit* Philippus III. Vere Pius Inchoavit. Philippus IIIL dementia^ Confiantia, Religione Magnus Auxit, Or?2avify Abfolvit, Anno Dom. mdcliiii. It is an Oclagon temple ; the ftaircafe that defcends to it, is all fine marble, the walls, cielings, &c. being wainfcotted, if I may fo term it, with marble, and the iniide alfo of the temple is very richly ornamented in the fame manner. As I was going down the flairs, my guide told me, '' Here, Sir, is the rotti?ig-place for the ** late Queen Am alia ; and thi?. Sir, is the rotting-place for the " young princes :" and fo indeed they were 5 for the bodies are depolited here till fuch time as the work of putrefa(5tion is pretty well iiniflied, and the inoifenfive relicks are tranfported into the Pantheon. When. T H E E S C U R 1 A L. r39 When this vault was iiniflied, Philip LV. gave the following diredions for removing the bodies into it, by a mandate dated Madrid, March 1654: where he fays, " You fliall place in it " the Emperor Charles V. and Donna Isabel la his wife; Phi- ^* LIP II. and his queen Donna Anna; Philip III. and Donna ** Margaret a ; and the queen Donna Isabella, my dear and '* much-loved wife. The firffc urn fliall be Charles V. the lafl *' I defign for myfelf, whenever it fliali pleafe God to take me ** from this life." It is impoffible you (hould underftand thefe diredions of Phi- lip IV. without being told, that as this temple is in an odagoii form, each iide contains three or four niches from top to bottom, with two over the door-cafe, in all 26 : and thefe are filled up with oblong urns, oy farcophagi : each having a brafs plate in the center, with the name of the prince or princefs which it contains. In this order : Left-hand Jide. Right-hand Jide of the Altar, Donna Isabella, Charles V's ivhich takes uj) one eighth of Queen. the Roonu Anna, Philip II's Qu, c^^^^^, y. -Margareta, Philip ,x ^t , ^ ' r Philip II. Ill's Queen. — III. Isabella, Philip IV's ^f ^^Second left-hand. ^ Second right-hand. Maria Adelaide, Philip V's ^harles iU firft Queen. * J-uis 1, Amalia, Charles Ill's Queen. There is an urn defigned for Isabella of Parma 5 but fheis de- termined not to lie there. So that you fee, as there are but 26 niches in all, it is jufl half- full. There are only fix kings, and (^wtn queens. The rea- * Here is one Queen omitted ; none are placed here, but what have children* T 2 foil 140 DESCRIPTION OF fon of this is, becaufe, Philip V. is buried at San Ildefonso ; as the queen-mother intends to be, whenever flie dies ; though fhe'fays, " She had much rather not die at all," having an utter averfion to that operation. But, I fear, Elizabeth of Parma and Tltscany muft be contented to tread the fame gloomy paths which all the Isabels and Katharines of ArragOxV trod be- fore her. Ferdinand VI. and his Queen Barbara of Por- tugal are buried at the new convent of the Sakfas in Madrid, which they founded. I remember being told by an Engliih earl, who travelled into Spain a few years fince. That when he came to fee theP^«-- theon, he alked the guide, who fliewed to him this vault, how it came to pafs, that he faw there fo few princes of the houfe of Bourbon ? ** My lord," fays the man, *' the reafon is, that they ** are all afraid of the man with the great whifkers ;" meaning Charles V. ** for," fays he, " if thofe princes of the houfe of- ** Bou.'iBON were to come here, they would never agree, and there ** would be fuch a dance of the dead, as would be heard as far as *' Madrid." But to be ferious, it is certainly a great pity, that the Spanish kings and queens are not now all placed together, as this certainly is a maufokum worthy of their reception, and in every refpedl fuit- able to the grandeur of the Spanifh monarchy. I confefs, were I King of Spain, I fliould make no fcruple of ordering it io, with- out ever thinking, that I in the leafl difquieted thereby the repofe- of their aflies. id credis cineres curare fepultos ? Or, as another fays, — nee fentit damna fepulchri. But before I take my leave of the Pantheon, which fhews you by its very name the great and majeftic ideas which the Spaniards entertain of their fovereigns ; lince this is not the burial-place of their monarchs, but their Gods : I muft not omit one very extra- ordinary anecdote, which is as follows. When THE E S C U R I A L. 141 When Philip IV. in 1654, as I faid before, removed the bo- dies deiigned for this maufoleum from their antient fepulchres,, with all the funeral pomp and folemnity poitible, nay, I might add, conceivable : That they v/ere re-buried with the moil awful fervices and fundions of mafs and burial imaginable, at which Philip IV. affifled in perfon : and, in conclufion, a monk of the order of St. Jerom, fpoke a funeral oration, with this remarkable text, taken from the Prophet Ezekiel, chap, xxxvii. verfe 4. O ye. dry bo?2Cs, hear the word of the Lord ! This oration, or funeral difcourfe, I had curiofity enough to tranflate part of j and it is indeed the mofl. extraordinary funeral: fennon I ever faw. %' ^^ '2f ?u?^' '-u.^ '-6? heaven ? Who will fay fo ? Stay — Behold the Lamb ftanding in the middle of the throne : On that throne, where there is a lamb, iliall be God, and he fliall reign for ever with patience ; it is much that there appears a lamb. Suppofe that a proceffion came from the other part. -I fay more. Behold the lion of the tribe offudah has conquered. That Lamb is alfo a Lion. Let it go ; a novelty appears ; but God has both qualities, he is gentle, and he is vali- ant. But further : There do not come from thence the words. Do not attempt it, becaufe it is great. There walked four and twenty feniors, and laid down their crowns before the throne : There go Kings, if they are Kings, and quit their crowns. God blefs me ! Kings crowned, and their crowns laid afide ! yes, they lay them at the feet of the Lion-Lamb j Jefus ! what a novelty ! and fo great, fays Jerom, fo great, that it is only feen in heaven : but what voices are thofe, which fpring from thence ? It is true, Zacha- Ri AS writes in the third chapter it is true ; we read in the Revela- tions of feniors linging a nev/ fong, new becaufe it was heard not on earth, but in heaven ; T^hat potentates defpifed the crown of power. One crown v/ell altogether in right, and nature, it is little to drav/ it from theirs and to let it fall at the feet of God ? Is it little ? Since when once it is feen in heaven, heaven is filled with •applaufe and admiration. May God preferve Augufl Charles in his glory!' thou hail given to be {^tn among men that novelty, which the angels moft celebrate. What front of the fons of Adam was better girded than tliine ? What crown was enriched with fuch refplendent ftones P Catholic, magnanimous, potent, jufl, pious, liberal, amiable, feared, heroic, not to be vvithflood. Holy God ! from whence came the lights of that Imperial diadem ? From whence ? And the world beheld them, and the world beheld him quit the ,-crown, and renounce the greateft of ^U human pomp, with thefe 5 wordvS I F U N E k A L ORATION. H7 words : Tu Jo/us Dommus, tu folus Altijjlmus ; Thou only art the . Loj'd, thou only art the moji High. 1 fay, that here broke forth the voices o^ oMyerufakm triumphant, the voices of many angels. It might be a novelty in heaven, as u^ell as earth, to fee a ma- jefty, which almofh was not contained in the world, to fee him contain himfelf in the narrow cell of a monk ? without afpiring, but after death ; without any more life, than what fufficed to me- ditate on a good death. This might be a ipeitacle of wonder to the moft fortunate, to fee the moft triumphant Emperor celebrat- ing the laft triumph of his life, and at the fame time the obfequies of his death. This appears only to be a child of the imagination, but it was real fad. They ered;ed a tomb in the church of St. Justus, but with- out apparatus, without pomp ; that he, who when alive was above all, was willing to die no more than a mere man : The mafs for his foul was celebrated with folemnity ; and there were two facrifices ; one, that of the altar ; the other, that of his breaft : The time of the Kefponfo came ; the mourning of the body. He entered the church in mourning ; while he lived there was no entrance fo glorious as that : He placed himfelf (who yet had vigour) in the front of the tomb i he was the fole aftor of that theatre ; he was alive, and reprefented one dead, with fo much propriety, that even he thought himfelf, that he was dying j and it is certain, that from that place he went and died : The monks fung, and wept ; they efteemed him as their mafter, and even to think, that he was to die, was a grief. And to think that he really was to die became a torment. What a great thing was it to fee, that majeftic age of Charles all attentive, with a taper in his hand, as if v/itli his light he v/as contemplating the dark glooms of death ; he batlied in tears his venerable cheeks, as one who died with underitand- ing, and knew what it was to die, and underflood that there were faults to be bewailed. He prayed the Divine Majeify for his foul, never more happy ; fince, for this his fupplicatioii, God was giv- ing him life at that time to enable him to make that prayer. TJie requiefcam in pace was fung ; and lifting up his crying eyes to iieaven, he faid aloud, Amen, And he was in fufpcnfe long U 2 cnouglj 14^ FUNERAL ORAXrON. enough to remain in a lively faith, that the Lord of the living and the dead heard him. He turned himfelf to the prieft, and proftrat- ing himfelf before him, he offered into his hands the lighted ta- per, faying : I?2to thy ha/ids I commend f7iy fpirit. Into thofe hands, which had compleated offering to the Eternal Father the- unbloody facritice of his only Son, he placed his foul ; and from thence he went to that bed, in. which he died a natural death* &c. 6cc. &c. T H E K I N G's OTHER PALACES. But before I go on to the paintings and manufcripts, give me leave to take this opportunity of defcribing briefly the reft of his Catholic Majefty's palaces, that I may difpatch for once this ar- ticle all together. The Buen Retiro, or the old palace m Madrid, is not fo good a royal manfion as St. Jam es's : a very indifferent quadrangle, with gardens, which no one would mention here, as being any thing extraordinary. The Palatio Nuevo is indeed a very fine fabric in Madrid j but then it has coft two millions fterl. of our money already. It was begun in 1725, and is not finifhed, and has no gardens, or opening round it as yet. Thf palace of San Ildefonso is a very good one; the build- ing not grand, nor in a good tafte ; but the gardens are magni- ficent, and the fountains the fineft in Europe : The gardens are (aid to have coft five millions fterling. During the building and tinillnng of this palace, &c. in the years i73i» 32, 33, I have httn told, that neither the army, navy, officers of the court, or the ambaffadors abroad received any pay, tho' it was in time of war. The ftatuary who made the fountains was never paid -, he died of poverty and a 1)roken heart. The fame thing, it is faid, happened to the man, who made the iron rails at Hampton Court for King William ; Queen Anne did not choofe to pay the debt. 1 mention this circumftance as a fort of apology for Queen Isa- bel's not remembering an artift employed by Philip. This THE KING OF SPAIN'S PALACES. 149 This palace Is about fixty miles from Madrid. When the court goes thither, moft ambafladors, except the family ones, re- fide at Segovia, about ten miles diftant : tho' his late Majcfty thought that too far off. The palace of the Sarsuelo, a few miles out of Madrid, Is nothing but a hunting-box. The palace of the Pardo, about eight miles out of Madrid,. is likewife but an indifferent feat for an E?2g/r/h country-gentle- man. The palace of Aranjuez, about thirty miles diftant from Ma- drid, is a very tolerable edifice 3 has one fine front; is agreeably fituated in a pleafant vale upon the confluence of two rivers, the Xdrama, and the Tagus. The air becomes very unhealthy, when the heats begin. Though the gardens are only a dead flat, and the walks plantations of trees in ftrait rows, yet there is fomething; chearful and refrefhing in io cool and fhady a fpot. Here are rows of very fine elms, tho' raifed and watered at an incredible expence ; particularly in the Queen's Walk, or the Calie de la reyjza^ which is as noble an avenue or vifla, as any to be found in England. The palace of the Casa del Campo is clofe to Madrid, but an indifferent box, now quite negledied, and ufed only by the king for fhooting. The palace of the Rio Frio is a new building, not yet fini- flied, within a few miles of Segovia : It was begun by the pre- fent queen-dowager, about nine years ago, who never went to fee it till laft year. She will probably leave it to the Infant Don Luis. There are feveral other palaces, and royal maniions in different parts of Spain, but moft of them are ruinous, orforfaken. The Alcajj'ar cf Segovia, I have defcribed in another place; and the pa- lace at Toledo was burnt by the allies in the fucceffion-war. Since Madrid was made the capital, or ratlicr fince (to go back tjd the true caufe) the kingdoms were united, thcfe fratcly edifices 6 moul- 150 LIST OF mouldered away, and became almoft as forgotten as the vain mo- narchs, who firil: raifed them to footh their pride. They now form a fet of very fine remains, to gratify the curioiity or wrtu of mo- dern travellers, particularly at Corduba, Seville, and Gra- nada. List of PICTURES in the Convent of the E s c u R I A L. LIBRARY. Cleling and walls painted by Pellegrino and B, Carducho. Painting of St. Ambrofe and St. Auguftine difputing. Mot* to, A logtca Augufiini libera 7ios, domine ! Portraits of Charles V. Philip II. Philip III. par y. Pantoja de la Cruz, regiae majeftati Camerariusj Pidtor. Philip III. Philip IV. por Diego Velafqiiez. CHURCH. Painted Cielings by Tjiica Giordano, yuan. Fern. Muda. Fred. Zucaro. , Pellegrino y Pellegrini. SACRISTY. Over the door through which you enter. Woman taken in adultery. Van Dyke. Lower range on the right-hand Jide. Chrifl in the garden (6 feet long, 5 broad) Titian* Elizabeth and Mary. Raphael. Vi- rgin THE PAINTINGS. Virgin and child. Titian* Chrifl wafhing the difciples feet. This piSlure is J feet broad y and igfeet long: bought by the Spanijh ambajjddor out of Charles I 's col- leSiion ; as well as the next, which fold for 250/. Madona y Bambino. Chrift fcourged. Ecce Homo. Upper range on the right-hand fde. H^ Tintorct, Andrea del Sarto^ Luc a Cangiagio, Titian, Madona y Bambino. Noli me tangere (8 feet long, 3 broad) Jofeph and the infant. Chrift bearing the crofs. Magdalen. Pharifees with the tribute-money. AfTumption. Sacrifice of Ifaac. Altar-Piece, Hoft elevated to Charles II. Guido Rhenk Corregio. Paul Veronefe. Sebaji. del Piombo^ Titian, Id. Hannibal Caraccu Paul Veronefe, Claudio Clslio. On the left-hand fide ^ beginning from the altar. Id, Id, Tintoret, St. Margaret. Titian, St. Sebaflian. Id, Chrift taking the fathers out of limbo (8 feet high, 4 broad) Holy family, after their flight into Egypt. Pvlagdalen (5 feet long, 3 broad) Holy family, bought out of Charles Ys colkBion, and fold for 2ooo\. This pi5lure was called Raphael, the pearl of Philip IV. Chrifl before Pilate. Titian, St. Jerom. Van Dyke, Chrift on the crofs. Titian. Mary Magdalen before her repentance. Paiil Veronefe. In U' LIST OF In the S A L A S C A P I T U L A R E S. FirJI Sa/a. Holy family. Converfion of St. Paul (lo feet long, i6 broad) Centurion (9 feet long, 14 broad) David's vidory over Goliah (10 feet long, 16 broad) Heads of two apoflles. St. Nicholas. Holy family. Woman in adultery. Virgin and child. Rubens. Palma Vccchio. Paul Veronefe. Palma Vecchio, Guido Rhent. Rubens. Van Dyke, Leonardo Vincio, Second Sak, Dead Chriil. Raphael. Efther and Ahafuerus ( i o feet high, 1 6 broad) Tintoret. Jacob feeing Jofeph's bloody coat (fame fize Don Diego Velaf- as the former) quez. Chrift giving the keys to St. Peter (fix feet Giorgione de Cajiel high, 8 broad) Franco. Martyrdom of St. Sebaftian. Spagnolett. Before the entrance of the kings apartment. St. John and the lamb. Spagnolett. St. Roque. Id. St. Sebaflian. , Id, St. Thomas. Id. The heads of the Virgin and Child in bafib re- lievo, cut out of porphyry. Chrift dead. Spagnolett, ^fop. Id. A philofopher. Id. St. Andrew. Id. Heraclitus. Id* Democritus. Id, Chrift dead in his father's bofom. Id, Blind philofopher. Id> St., LIST OF THE PICTURES. 153 St. Jerom penitent. Spagnolett. Nativity. Luca Giordano. St. Thomas convinced. /^. In the Anti-Sacrijiia, St. Peter and St. Paul. Spagnoleff. St. John preaching. ' Paul Vero7iefe. Prefentation in the temple. Id. Flight into Egypt. Titian. Lord's flipper. Rubens. Apoftles heads. . j^" ^"^ , ^ LJuan rernUndes^ Over the door upon thejiair-cafe into the church. Chriil, St. John, Virgin Mary, and St. Anne. Raphael. In afmall room near the Kings apartment. Holy family. Raphael This pi(fture is called Nuejlra fenora del los pifcayo, or, Our lady of thejijjj. It is the finefl: in the whole colle(^lion, and of immenfe value. The Virgin is feated with the infant in her lap ; Jofeph flands by, holding a book. A boy prefents fome fiili in his handp behind whom flands an angel. Ufari fays of it, in his life of Raphael, that it was painted for a church at Naples. See The hijiory of the Efcurial, page 224. There are, in this convent, 51 flatues, 1622 paintings in oil^ 10 cielings by Luca Giordano, with the battle of St. Qujntin, by the fame hand. Marriage of Cana Paid Veronefe: This picture was certainly bought out of Charles I's colledion, but where placed, I cannot fay. Whether the pidures that came from England, were bought by Don Lewis Mkndez de Haro, as the Spaniards fay, or by Don Alonzo de Cardinas, as Lord Clarendon affirms, is a controverjfy of no moment. The fad: is certain that wc have loft X the 154 LIST OF THE PICTURES. the piduresj and the fale of them in Cromwell was mean and infamous. Lord Clarendon and Lord Cottington were fent away from the Spanish court, left they fhould fee them. This fufficiently fliows, that that court itfelf thought it to be a bafe tranfadion. There are many fine colleftions of paintings in Spain befides this; the churches and convents abound with them. There is a moft magnificent one at the pahice of Saic IldefOx\so ; where there is Ukewife an amazing colledion of antique ftatues, of the Miijes, Cleopatra, Venus Medici, and oi /Egyptian ^nd Roman Deities and Ri- *ver-gods: fome at the Buen-Rttiro, fome at Aranjuez. Ma- ny pidlures in thepofieflion of the Marquis Doniati, at Madrid: Great numbers in the king's new palace in that city, which the fa- mous painter Minx is juft come from Rome to decorate. Their great painters, befides Spagnolett, have been Murillo, Don Diego Velasquez, and Don FernandesMudo. The moft nu- merous works of the firft are at Seville, where he died. The fe- cond was a moft aftonifliing mafter of the art, great in defign and exprefiion, as may be feen in that picfture of his in the Escuri al,. where Joseph's bloody coat is brought to Jacob. The third was chiefly a ceiling-painter, and worked in frefco. It feems to me to be a great error, in imagining Italy to be the only fchool for painters: Spain, if vifitedby fomeofourartifts, would, I amper- fuaded, open new, aftoniftiing, and unexamined treafures to their view. The fculptor would return back with improved models, and the painter with a fancy enriched from the works of great maf- ters, that have been little ftudied. And I recommend it to the gentlemen patrons of t/je arts and fcicnces, as an objedl worthy their attention, to fend fome perfon thither for that purpofe. LETTER LETTER VIII. PART II. ! Catalogus MANUSCRIPTORUM LIBRORUM in Bibliotheca Scorialensi CcEnobii Sandli Lau- RE NT! I in Hifpanid. A. ACronis Comm. in Horatlum Ada Apoft. & Epift. Can. cum Gloffis ^milianus Codex i^miiii Probi (five Corn. Nepotis) cxcellentium Duciim Vitse, fol. Idem, & ex Libro Cornelii deLati- nis Hiftoricis Vita; Annseus Seneca ^neas Sylvii, five Pii II. Vita iEfopi Vita & Fabulae Alberti Medici, de Medicina Albi Tibulli Carmina & Vita, 410. Quintus Curtius Arrian^E Hiftoriae Alphonfi Arr. Regis Hiftoria, cum Privilegiis Regni Alphonfi Regis Epiftolas Apocalypfis Fr. Amada^i, mireillu- minata & dep:6ta Ambrofiii Moralis Mifccllanea And. Alciati Left. Var. Annotatioties in Ploratium & alios audtorcs Conflitutionum Gr^carum Codicis Colledio, & Interpretatio, cum Epitome Novell. Julian, per Ant. Auguftinum Idem de Notis Idem de Notis Antiq. Cod. Decretal. Apocalypfis S''* Johannis, cum Ex- pofitione & pulchris Figuris Apocalypfis Fr. Amadasi Apollonii Conica Elementa, lib. 4. Arrag. Regni Legitima Succefllo Archimedis Liber Secundus Arriani Hifloria Auli Gellii de No6libus Atticis Aufonii Poemata Ambrofii Moralis Annotationes Excerpta quae- dam de Concil. Toiet. B. Barcelonas Regni Confuetudines Jura Catalonias Privilcgia & Foedera Conftit. Synod. Aragon. X Bi- u6 CATALOGUS MSS. LAT. Biblia vulg. edit. vL.lg. cum Interpret. &■ GIofT. VLllg. vulg. diverfa ordinc difpofita fol. . fol. a Genefi ufque ad San6l; Jo- hannis Evangelium a Proverbiis ufque ad Apocal. Pfalt. Proverb. Ecclef. Cant* Literis Longobardicis Pfal. cumOffic.Defundorura Pfalt. Literis Gothicis Iterum Iterum Ecclefiaflicus Propii. Minor.cumComment. Novum Teftamentum. EvangeliciE Liber Vitcc, litte- ris aureis, juffu Henrici Conradi Imp. f. Pauli Ep. cum Comment. A61. &Ep. Canono.cum'iGlof. Ada, Ep, & Apocaiypfis Apocalypfis, cum Comment. Sz figuris, literis perandquis Apdcalypfis cum Comment. Apocalypfis, literis Gothicis Blondi & Columellas Fragm. quced. Boetii Hift. Ecclef. Belgarum, Teu- tonumque Bruti Epilt. per Renutium, Latine C. Canones A poll. Literis Gothicis Cafliodori Opera Catonis Diftica, & alia quacdam ad Legem, Siquis pro eo,&c. Catulli Poemata. Conllitut. & Leges, per Petrum,Ar- ragonum. Regem C^iceronis Officia Ciceronis O/ficia, cum Epitaph, a XII viris compos. Offic. de Amicitia, Senec- tute, Paradox. &Somn. Scipionis Iterum, cum Comn~jent. de OfBciis Liber Iterum, Liber III. de Officio ad Q^Fratrenii Epillolas Familia;es Iterum, Lib. XXI. Iterum Iterum, Lib. XV'. Epiftolas ad Atticum Iterum pro M. Marcello, Oratio Oratio pro M. Marcello^. Dejotaro, L-igario, & Philippica- rum. Lib. IV. Orationes pro Pompeioj. Marcello, Ligario, Milone, Plan- co, Sylla, Licinio, Archia, Dejo- taro, Q^FIacco, Cluentio, Sextio,. Murcna, M. Caelio, L. Cornelio, in Vatinium, de Arufpicum Re- fponfis, de Provinciis Confulari- bus, pro L. Flacco, de Petitione Confulatus, pro Rofcio, in L. Pi- fonem, in Rullum, pro Leg. Ag- rar. in Rutilium, pro C. Rabirio ducC, & pro Cecina pro Pompeio, Milone, Planco, Sulla, Archia, Marcello, Ligario, Dejotaro, de Reditu, & alia ad Populum, in P. Clodium, pro M. Caslio, in Vatinium, &c. ut fupra. pro Pompeio, Marcello, Ligario, Dejotaro, Archia, Plan- co, alia pridie quam iret in exi- lium, pro Milone, in Vatinium, |)ro fuo reditu, & Phiiippicarum libri XIII. pro Marcello, in Catalin, & Catalinas in Ciceronem Cice- CATALOGUS MSS. LAT. ^S7 Ciceronis Orationes in L. Pifonem, •pro Milone, Planco, Ligario Sul- la, Flacco, Rofcio, Marcello^ de Reditu ad Senatum, & alia ad Po- pulum, pro Dejotaro, Archia, Seftii in Salullium, & Saluftii in Ciceronem pro variis, ut fupra Philippica Ciceronis Parcitiones Oratoricse, ad M. Brutum de Partitione Artis Rhe- toricze Rhetorica ad Herennium, & de Inventione ad Heren. liber, & ad Q^ Fratrem Academ. Quscft. & ad Herenn. Rhetor. Philippicarum Qli^e(1. lib, XIV, & Fragmenta qu?edam Orationes Verrin^e De Inventione Rhetor». In Catalinam In Saluftium Rhetorica De Oratore Ad Brutum De Oratore Perfcflo libri III. adQ^F. Iterum Iteriim De Or.itore, cod, antiq. Iterum ; ad Brutum ; To- pica De Fato ; Acad. Qli;i2(1. ad Herennium ; Rhetorica De Claris Oratoribus De Inventione De Orat. gen; ad Brutum de Oratione ad Qii. Frar. De Oratoris OfFcio Rhetoricorum lib. 11. ad Herennium, de Natura Deorum Vl. de Divinatione de Fato ; de Officiis III. Ciceronis Rhetoricorum IV. Ad Herennium Rhetorica Tufculanse QtieftionesIV. Iterum Iterum Iterum Iterum De Divinatione Tufculan^ Quxdiones Philippicce CaufaadRR. anteexiliunv ad Verrem De Legibus Iterum, & Academica De Partitione Orationis^ Fraormenta Catalin. Orat. Liber Hortenfius De Natura Deorum De Finibus De Divinatione De Fato In Catalinam Som. Scipionis De Amicitia & Senefiuta De Divinatione, lib. II. Iterum De Amicitia & Senefluts Som. Scipionis De Finibus De Natura Deorum Divinatione Topica De Fato Acad. Qiis'ft, De Senedute De Amicitia Paradoxa Som. Scipionis Paradoxa «, Cicera- 158 CATALOGUS MSS. LAT. Cicero de NaturaDeorum Divinatione De Fato De Re Militari Som. Scipionis De Amicicia Som. Scipionis SenediLite Paradoxa Cindafiunthi &aliorum Regum Li- ber Judiciorum, fol. Literis Go- thicis, compa(5lus cum i^miliano Cod ice Claudiani Opera, 4to. in Memb. Ejiifdem Opera aliquot Conflituciones & Canon. Apofiol. Cod.-x ^milianus, & Codex Confi- liorum Virgilianus, Literis Gothi- cis in Memb. fol. Tom. duo j. d. I. 2. CoIumelljE, Catonis, & Varronis de Re Ruftica Ingens Conciliorum Colledio, quam non defcripfr Concordantias Bibl. fol. in Memb. Cratis Cynici Epiftol^, per J. An- dream tradu'ft^, 4to. in Memb. Crifpi Saluftii Opera Dares Phrygius, fol. in Memb. S. Cypriani Epiftols Ingens Coiledtio Juris Pontificii, & Canonici, quam non defcripfi D. Demofthenis Oratio ad Alexandrum 4to. in Memb. Orat. pro Ctefiphone, L. Valla Interprete, fol. in Memb. Ejus Vita per Aretin. exPlutarcho EiigeftiVtrterisTituIi, 8vo. in M.-m. Diogenes Laertius, fol, in Memb. Marcialis cum D. Calderini Comm. In Ibim. Ovidii, & aliquot Cice- ronis Epiflolas iEI. Donat. Grammatica In Terent. Hegefippi Hilt. lib. V. fol. in Memb. E. Epiftols & Ingens earum Farrago, quas prudens prsterii Eufebii Csefarienfis Hiftoria Ecclef. in Memb. Eutropii Hilt. Rom. 4to. in Memb. F. Frederici Imperatoris Teftamentum et EpiftolfC, fol. in Memb. Feilus Pompeius de Re Latina Flavii Jofephi Opera F. Vegetii Opera Rogeri Baconis Traclatus Varii Forum Judicum (hodie Fuero Ju/go) Codex Gothicus, in Memb, ij. Z 2. F. Aretini in Phalaridis Epiftolas F. Petrarchas de Regibus Romanis, Codex Ant. in Memb. DeRem. utriufq; Fortunac G. G. Acoilas Comm. in Threnos, Je- remise, in Ruth. & in 3'". Johan- nis Epiftolam Galeni in Hippocratis Aphorifmos, ex Grsco Verlus, Codex aut. in Memb. Galli Poetas Carmina Gennadius de Viris illuftrlbus, Lite- ris Gothicis G. Fulginas in Avicennam Gothicae Leges, fol. ^j' V- 15- DeGothorum & Vandalo- rum in Hifpania Ingreifu. V'ide Ifidorum Ingens Patrum Coll. quos prseterii H. Hypocratis Epiftolam, per R. Arcti- num, Latine Aphorifmat. 5c Progm. Libri IV. in Memb, Horacii FJacci Opera, Codex ?,ut in Memb. Hcratii C A T A L O G U S M S S. L A T. '59 Horatii, cum Comm. Acronis Iterum, 4to. in Mcmb. Iterum, fol. Iterum, cum Gloffi^ Horatii Fiacci Odarum, Lib. IV. in Memb, Serm. &Ep. 4to.in Memb. Annotationes in Horatium & alios, 8vo. Homeri Iliados Lib. 4to. in Memb. J. Imperatorum R. R. Imagines Indices Antiqui Manufcriptorum Lat.Hifp.Graec. Arab. Heb. &c. in Bibliotheca Scorialenfi, ex qui- bus multi igne perierunt. ) J. i6, 17, 18, 19. Index perantiquus Bib. Scorialenfi?, Fol. ) N. 9, 10. I ij.K. 10. Index Antiquus Grseco-Latinus Bib. Vaticanas, fol. j, XI. 2. Index BibliothecEe Card. Sirleti Gras- co-Latinae, fpl. ) J. 15. Flavii Jofephi Opera in Memb. Ifidori Hifpalenfis Opera omnia Ifidori Junioris Chronicon Chronica Varia Ifocrates L. Lippio Interprete, 4to. in Memb. Cicero de Nat. Deor. 4to. Memb. JiCsefaris Comm. 4to. in Memb. de Bello GallicO; 4to. in Memb. J. FirmiciM. Aftronom. 4to.Mem. Lucii Flori Hiftoria S- Julii Frontini Stratagem. 4to. & fol. in Memb. De Aouoedud.Urbip, 4to. J. SolinideSicuOrbis,4to.inMemb. Iterum Iterum de Origine & Nomine Ur- bis RomsE, fol. in Memb. Juftini Ep'tome Trogi Pompeis, in 4to. & folio Iterum Iterum Jufliniani Codex fol. Memb. Iterum Juftiniani Partes Partes Juvenalis Satyra?, 4to. in Memb. J. Coelii Hiftoria Atcilac, Hunno- rum Kegis Carmina La6lantii Opera Ladtantii Plinii Commentariis in Statium Poetam L. Valla de Elegantia Lingua; La- tinas L. Aretini de Bello Gothico de Bello Punico Hiftoria Florentise Lucania Pharfalia, cum Notulis Lucianus de Longoevis Lucii Flori Epitome Hiftorias Titi Livii, 4to. in in Memb. De Bello Romanorum Lucilii Libri 26 in 4to. periit in Igne Macrobii Saturnalia, 4to. in Memb. Catonis, Columellae, & Varronis de Re Ruftica M. Tullii Ciceronis Opera V. Martialis Epigramniata Iterum Iterum Ficini Liber de Voluptate Martianus Capella Martialis Opera Matt. Siculi contra Quintilianum Imj reftiis eft Mahometi Hiftoria Nenius Marcellus Oro- i6o CATALOGUS.MSS. LAT. Orofander de Re Militari, 4to. in Menib. Idem de Optimo Imper. Onuphrius Panviniui — de Bib. Va- ticana Oroliiis de Situ Orbis Ovidii Metamorphofiis, 4to. & fol. in Memb. Jdcm, 4to. Memb. Epiftola?, 4to, Memb. De Arte Amandi, curn Com. De Arte Amandi De Remedio Amoris ElegifE, 8vo. Memb. Palladii de Agricultuia Iter urn 5an6ti Pauli Epiftolse ad Senecam, & Senecs ad Paulum, 4to. in Memb. Refponfio deChrifload Claudinm CcEfarem A, Perfii Satyn^ P. Criniti de i^oetis Launis, impref- fiis eft P. Pomp na'ii de Incarnationibus Phalaridis Epiftolas P. Cluverii Sicilia, 4to. Memb. PhocE C-irammatica Platonis Ep'rtolas qua^dam Plinii Sen. Hiftoria, Memb. Inn, Epiftolse riutarchi Vit^.L. Aretino Interprete Iterum Iterum Iterum * Poggii Difputatiuncul^i^ Pomponius Lartus Porphyrius de Nymph. Antro. Grammatica Prifciani De Arte Gram. De Conflitutione Prifciani Majoris Opera Propertii Carmina Profperi Aquitani Sententia dc D. Auguftino Prudentii Carmina Fab. Quintiliani Opera omnia, 4to. in Memb. Q^Curtii Hift. 4to. Memb. Rcnutii Arecini Verfio Epiftolarum Hypocratis & Bruti, e Grseco La tin a Repertorium Legum ij. d. i. Caii Saluftii Invcdtivain Ciceronem, 4to. Catalinarum aKs^aXou De Bello Jugurthino, Memb. Iterum, in Memb. 4to. Iterum & Catalina, 4to. ' De Bello Catalinae & Invediva in Ciceronem, fol. In Ciceronem, & Cicero in Salluftium, fol. De Conjuratione Catalin^E, & Bello Jugurthino Iterum, cum Inveft. Jugurthinorum Conj. Catilinas Sapphus Epiitola ad Phaonem Seneca Tragoedi::?, cum Comm. Iterum Iterum Omnia utriufque Senece Opera Servius in Virgilium, fol. Front ini Stratagem ata Card. Sirleti Bibliotheca Solini Polytriftor. Statii Thebais & Achilleis Comm. in Statium Strabonis Geographica, ex Verfione Guarini, fol. Suetonii Fr. Vitre 12 Cii^farum Iterum, fol. Sulpitii Scvcri HiHoria P. Terentii Comoedias, 4to. M. . Cum Comm. Donati Varro CATALOG us MSS. LAT. i6i "^drro de Lingua Latinac Alb. Tibulli Carmina, 4to, Iterutn Titi Livii Decas, i ma fol. M. Libri a XXXI. ulque ad XL. Decas II. fol. Memb. Hid. Rom. & de Bello Macedonico, fol. Memb. Ejufd. Libri, X fol. Hill. Rom. fol. Memb. ALib.XXI.ufqueXXX. perfedlum, fol. in Memb. PrimiX. Libri, fol. Memb A Lib, I. ufque ad XL. caret 30. Pag. fol. Memb. A Lib, I. ufque ad XII. cum Additione infra 12. Memb* fol. Epitome Iterum, cuni Lucre Floro Trogi Pomp. Hiftoria, 4to. Juftini Hiftoria, fol. Memb. Epitome Hift. Juflini Martialis Opera Val. Maximus, 4to. Memb. Iterum Iterum Iterum excerpta Varro de Re Ruftica, folio Iterum Vaticanse Bibl. Index Grseco Lat« folio Fl. Vegetii Epitome Virgilii Maronis Opera, folio in Memb. Iterum Iterum Virgilii Bucol. Georg. & ^neid. Bucolica Opera, cum Servio, fol. in Memb. Opera,cum Fig. fol. Memb J Opera aliquot Bucolica, & Vita Virgilii ppera, fol. in Memb. JEneis, & Vita, fol. in Memb. Vitruvii Arcbitedlura Xenophontis Dialogus de Tyranno- rum Vita, Aretino Interprete Cyri ad Milites Oratio Pancirolli Opera Leges Wifogothorum, fol. Memb. III. L. 12. An Alphabetical Catalogue of GREEK MANU- SCRIPTS, now e^ifting in the Library of the Convent of the E s c u r i a l. A. A Bamonis Refp. ad Ep. Porphy- '*^ rii Aduarii Methodi medendi JEliani, Rhecoris, de Re M.Ktari, cum Figuri^ in Membrana iEliani de inftruendis aciebus De Var. Hid. Libris XIV. De Animalibus .ffilii Alcxamerii de Partibus, cum Tralliano JE((.hy\i UcTuoi'Ti'; cum %9hio7i Y iElii 62 CATALOGUS MSS. GRiEC. lEYn Amydeni MedicinjE rtr^xQitXcg De Arce Medendi Alcinoi de Doflrina Platonis Liber Alexandri Aphrodifei in Analytica Ariftotelis In Ariftotelem de Repre- hendendis Sophiftis Nat. Problemata Fragmenta ex iifdem De Temperamento & In- cremento. Tralliani, de Affedibus De Diebus Criticis De Auribus Canonum & Co ciliorum Colledio, fada julTu Itnpcratoris Joannis Comncni, i Volumen deeft. ij. ^ 3- Alyfii I^^goge in Muficam Ammonii, Herm, in Porphyrium De Interpretatione Inejufdem Metaphyfica Methodus conftruendi Af- trolabia Anaftafii, Epifcopi Antiochenfis, Colleclio Divinorum Decretorum Andreze, Arch Epifcopi Cretenfis deXXX Argenteis, & venditio- ne Chrilli. Sandlae Liturgire In- terpret. Andronici contra Platonem ad Befa- rionem Andronici, Peripatetici, de Anima, De Miris Aurificiis. Aphthonius Sophifta de Arte Rhe- torica ApoHoiiori, Athenienfis Grammat. de obfidcndis Civitatibus Apollonii Perg;^i Comicoruni Libri tres Apollonii Rhodii Alexand. Argo- nai]ticorum. Liber Primus, cum JCoAtcr? incerti. Apollonii Rhodii deDidionum Paf- fionibus, IV. ^23. Grammatici Li- bri Tres, iij. V. 9, De Conftrudione Partlum Libri, IV. iv.^ A. Appiani Alex. Romans Hirt. Li- bri V. Apfini de Prosmiis Arati ^xi:/df.<.£ux, trSv t^oKioi?, -^ V» av- Archetaii, Philofophi, de Divina Chemia Vcrfibus lambicis Archimcdis Opp. cum Commenta- riis Eutochii Aretcci Cappadocls cie Morbis Ariftarchi de Sole & Luna Arilleas ad Philocratcm de LXX Interp. Vide inBibliochec^ pria- cipio, iij. A. 6. Arillidis Quiintiliani de MufiCa, Li- bri tres RhetorisSermones varii,XX. Tluvx^rivxiKog y^ Movu^ix eb-j. De Urbano & Simplici Sermone Ariilophanis TlXiiT(^, y^ N£^£A«j, t^ BxTPx^^olf c-'ov o^oXioTg BxT^xxo^i iterum Ariftotelis Stagirits Opera omnii, cum uberrimo eorum numero ; Quse, cum ifta Philofjphia diu exoleverit, non defcripfi Arilloxeni Harmonic. Lib. III. Afclepii, Phil. Tralliani In Arithmetica Nicoma- chi In Ariftotelis Metaphyfica Divi Athanafii, Archiepifcopi, A- lexandrini Opera Athen:cus de Machinis Bellicis Avicenns de Urinis Tradatus opt. Au- CATALOGUS MSS. G R JE C, Aurolyci Sphjerica Ada Conciliorum, ViJe infra Jus Canonicum, fol. 130. B. Barlaam & Joafaph Hift. per Joan. Monachum, vide Nomen Divi Bafiiii Archiepifcopi Casfare^, feu iTiagni Opera Monachi Opera Patritii hx,viao{x^o(. Befafionis, NiceniEpifc.Card Opera B I B L I A. A I. Cap. TsHtTiui, ad XXII. Cap. B«(rtA£a;y. BcciT. UaoxXtTT. Ec-$^(z;. E<&£^. To^iag. laSt^. MarM. Codex Imp. Catacuze- ni inMembrana Pfiiterium d>ii(pxXov. Pfalmi Lingua Armenica Fragmentuni h'zechiclis, Danielis, & Maccabaeorum Evangeiia cum Can. Eufebii, Sc Pic- turis, cum A(5lis Apoftolorum & Epiftolis Pauli cum iifd. Can. & Epift; cum iifdem cum Textu folo Litteris Majufculis, ate- 9aA(^, >f^ aVsAEji^, in Membranis per Annum, notaantiqua, in Membrana Ada Apoftolorum, cum GlofTis ano- nymi, in Membr. Et Epiftoln^, in Memb. EtApocalypfiSjCumScho- liis mnrg. in Memb. Acta Apoft. & cum Argumentis Epiftolse Paulli in Membr. omnes, exceptis ad Roma- nes, Cor. I. Codex mutilus EpirtoljE aliquot Pauli, & Apoca- iypfis, cum Gloffis in Membr. Epiftolas diftribut^ per Sabbata to- tius Anni, in Membr. Apocalypfis in Membr. Bitonis Fabrics Bellicae, alter fimills Boethii Sev. Conlblat. lib. V. cum Verfione Grnsca Max. Mon. Pla- nudis, & FraEfatione C. Q^ Calabri Paralipomena Homeri, Lib. XIV. CI. Ptol. Conftr. Math. Lib. XIII. Geog. Enarr. Lib. VIII. Apotelefmatum ad Syrurn, Lib. IV, Harmonicorum, Lib. I. idem, cum Comm. Porph. TfT^a^t^A©^, aliaque rullius mo- menti Clementis Romani Prrccepta Conftantini Imp. Porphyro-Genne- tse, & aliorum Impp. Novella M. Imp. Vita de eadem Eufebius Epiftolas ad Plebem C: Ecclefise Alexandrinas cum Atha- nafio ExplicatioLiterarum quas in ejufdem Sepulcro Marmoreo inventas funr,per GenadiumScho- larium. Vide Nomen. Lafcaris deVcrbis, Lib. If. Cofma2 Ind. Pleufti in Proph. Dav. Cyrilli Archiep. Alexomenis Coll. Di6lionum, SS. iij. Y. 16. Lexicon ejufdem per Anton. Philolbphum, iij. V. 8. Ejufdem in Genefin De Retributione Judasorum Expofitio in Amos, Jo-lem, Malachiam, Sophoniam, Abdiam, Jonam, & Aggeum In IV. Proph. mai. in Memb. y 2 Jn i64 CATALOGUS MSS. GRJEC. In Efaiam Acclamatio ad Imp. Theodo- fium Cyrilli, Archicpifcopi Hierolbl. Ca- techefes Epiftola ad Regem Conftan- tium, de Crucc in Ccelo vifa Controverfia adverfus Julia- num & Theodofium Conftantini Mana.Ti^ Synopfis chro- nica a Ron.a condita ad Nicepho- rum Boioni^tum D. Demetrli Phalerel de Interpretatione Avicenii Epirroema, five Confecratio Democr'iti Phyfica & Myftica DemoHhenis Ath. Rhet. Oratio de Foedere Alexandrine, de Rhodiorum Libertate Fragmentum Adverfus Timochratem, cum Argumento Orationes Orationes X.cum Argum. Orationes XIX, cum Ar- gum. Libanii, & quorund.Schol. Didymi Alexandrini de Marmoribus & omni genere Lignorum Diodori Siculi Hift. Bibliothecas Li- bri XV. demptis VI, VII, VIII, IX, X DionisCaflii, Nic. Epitome Rom. Hift. quam in comp. redegit Jo- annes Xiphilinus, Imperia XXV. Csefarum, a Pomp. M. ufque ad Alexandrum Mameas filium com- ple6lens Hift. Rom. de Capite ^y ufque ad 58, hiatus eft Prufii Chryfoftomi Rhe- toricas Exercitationes 7 Dionyfii Afri Alexandri in Lyco- phronem. Vide Nomen. Dioi.yfii Halif at-naiTci Methodus Pa- negyricuru.n Orbis Defcriptio Probkmara Rhe orica De V. D:ale(5tis Tradatus De Thucydidis Proprietat. Dionvfii Areopag. de divinis Nomi- nib iS De coelefti & ecclefiaftica Theologia Dionyfii E.piftol£eVari2e,cum %oKioTf in Membr. B. Dionyfii, Archiepifc. Alexandr. ad Bafilidem Epifcopum, de di- verlis Capitibus, &c. Dionyfiii Cerinthii Afr. Orbis De- fcriptio, & de XII. ventis cum Alexandrino Eadem Dionyfii Thr. exotemata Grammat. Diophantis Alexandri Arithmeticae, Lib. VIII. lidem cum Exp. Maximi Planudis Diofcoridis Opera Vxi^aAajis E. Emm. Bryenii Harmonicorum, Li- bri III. Emm. Calecas de Fide Catholica Emm. HeleboliCarmina,cum Mof- chopulo Emm. Imp. Palsologi Oratio fune- bris proFratre fuo Theodoro Por- phyrogenneta Emm. Mofchopuli Diifliones Atti- ca^, cum Addic. Marg. Schsdia, iv. fl. 5. Comment, inlnventionem quadratorum numerorum Emm. Philof. Ephefini Carmina var. Emna. CATALOGUS MSS. GRJEC. >65 Emm. Raulii EpiftolT tres, ad Ang, C(i!othctam,rimm.Metrochitam, Imp. Joannem Cantacuzenum Ephefiiis in Cenfur Arifto^elicas So- philtarum, & in eafdem Proleg. Ephraim Syri Vita Herodiani de Regno Marci, Libri XIX De Figurls Erotiani Lexicon Hippocratis ad Andromachim Evagrii Hiftoria Ecclefiaftica Ex Evagrio capita varia De Sermonis Difcrimine capi- ta LI V Euclidis Geomet. Elemcntorlim Lib. XIII. in Memb. Liber primus Sectio regulge de Mufica & Ifagoge harmonica Catoptica, Phasnomena,D£e- omena Eunapii Sophift. & Philofoph. Vit^ Euphrafini Magiri Narratio Euripidis Hecuba, Andromache, Medea, Oreftes, Pha^niflae, & Hyppolitus Hecuba, cum GIofTis Eufebii Pamphylii Expofitio in Ifa- iam Prophetam De Ecclefiaftica Hiftoria Libri duo, a£la fub Conftantino Imp. XXX ann. compledens. De ejufdem Conftantini Vita Libri V. De Martyribus, qui Ca^farejE Palef- tinas fub Diocletiano & Maximl- ano pafli funt, Gr^ce & Latine, Vincentio Marinerio Interprete Euftathii Parembolita Ifmenio Euthymii Monachi Zigabeni Car- mi na in Prophetam Davidem Euthymii Panoplia Crthodoxas Pi- dei in Memb. Eucochii Afcalonitae Comm. in Ar- chimedem de Sphaera, &c. G. Galeni Opera Gaudentii H^-'monica Introduflio Gennadii Expofitio Literarum,qu?e inventse funt in Sepulcro Marmo- reo Conftantini M. in queis agi- tur de principio & fine Imperii Ifinaelis, & de Famigerato & eledo Imperatore Georgii Choniatis '£^£A>»)'vKr/x0', ceu Graeca Explicatio Aniidotorum ex Perfia importatorum. Et Sy- nopfis accuratifTima de Urinis ex- pofita ex Perfarum medendi Arte Georgii Codini de Palatio Conftan- tinopolitano Georgii Monachi Byzantinas Eccle- fise Chronicon in Membr. Georgii Pachinreras Romana^ Hift. Libri XII. Georgii Preft^. Cef. Hift. Concilii Niceni, &quas Partes egerit Con- ftantinus Imperator Georgii Trapezuntii Ifagoge in Pto- lomasum in Platonem contra Grsecos ad Joan, Greg. Nazianzeni Opera omnia Greg. Thaumaturgi Opera Greg. Nyfieni Opera Greg. Papas Epift. ad Leonem Ifau- ricum Greg. Mon. Comp. Philofophias Greg. Palaman Arch. ThelT. Apolo- gia adverfus Impios Greg. Epilcopi Tauromenije Sicillas Homilise Germani Patr. Conft. de V. S. H. a66 CATALOGUS MSS. G R JE C. H. Heliodorl Phil, ad Im|:^.Theodof]um Heracliti Eph Pont. Dcfenfio Horn. Hermins Ph. in Platonis 'o>of^ Ejus Vita A»af Wa,^iyo(po^(^ Sophoclis 'EAjxI^a cum %oAior? eadem 'Oi^^^ns<; Tu^avv^ CUm %*' Stephani Byzantini de urbibus & Po- pulis Strabonis Geogr. Lib. XVII. Suidss Lexicon, Semiuft. tamen Ic- gibile, Charaderibus nitidifiimis Synefii Epiftol^ CXLVI. cum Gloflis Epiftol^XIV. Ad Diofcourum in Lib. Dc- mocriti Oratio ad Andronicum T. Themiftii Explorator, five Philo- fophus Theocryti Idyllia, cum Scholiis Theodoreti Opera Theodori Abucaras Opufcula Theodori Gaz£e Grammacic^e, Li- bri IV. Idem De Profodiis Theodori Prodromus in Mofchopu-; Ji Grammar. Theodofii Grammatica Theonis Alex. Grammat. Spec. Theonis Smyrnaei Mathematica^ Theonis Soph. 'rr^oyvixvsiiXT inccuTtv, cum Piila> ris IV. C A T A L O G U S M S S, H E B R. 171 IV. Evangel, fine Principio, cum PidiLiris IV. Evangel, fine Principio, aut Fi- ne, fed Litteris Majufculis In Membr. iij.4'. 5- 6. 7. iv. X. 21. fcripta an. 522 Paulli Epiflola in Memb. Omnes duntaxat ad Rom. & Corinth. Aliquot & Apocalypfis antiqua Nota in Membrana Ada & Epiftols in Memb. cum GlofTis in Memb, Et Apocalyp. cum Scholiis Marg. in Memb. cum Argum. caret Fine Paulli, cum Arg. Apocalypfis, in Memb. Nov. Teftament. fine Apocalyp. Efdras, Efther, Tobias, Judith Mac- cab. Quasdam Traditiones SS. ex Heb- raic© in Gr^cum Verf^, mon- Itrantes Qi-iinam fuerinc SS. In- terpretes, & quo tempore Hebrew Manufcripts in the E feu rial. R. D. Kimchi in Pfalterium Threnos Ecc!efiafi:en Efther Efdras Daniel Nehemiah In Ifaiam Ofl'eam Johelem Amos Abdiam Mi eke am Habacuck, & alios Prophe- tas minores In xxvi priora Capita Efaij^ Fr. de Zamora Verfore iij. R'. 8. DiLlionarium Arab. Charad. Heb- raicis, ij. R. 7. Abcrnzohar Liber Medicinal Avicenae Canon. Biblia Sacra, cum Notis & pundlis, tom. 3. in Memb. cum Pundis in Memb. Pars cum Pundis Genefis cum Latina interlineali Pe- tro Ciruelo Interprete. (There is another copy of this book in the church-library at Segovia.) Liber Radicum in Memb. L 2. S. Comment, in Leviticum in Deuteronomium in Pfalmos, cura B. Arias Montani, ex antiquo Romano Co - dice defcriptum De obfervandis X. Prsceptis M. Gerundenfis Glofl^s in Job Hymni pro Diebus Feftis Comm. in Job, cum Salomone Liber contra Jud^eos Liber didus, Secunda Domus Ora* tionis Liber IX. Fundamentorum Religi- onis Chriftianse, Opus Filii Ar- thur, Difcipuli S. Jacobi Apoftoli Sermone Syro impreffus Pfalterium Job Proverbia Ruth Cant. Canticorum Ecclefiaftes Threni Efther Daniel Efdras Paralipomena j Expofitio Hebdom. Danielis, &c. Z 2 Elift. In eodem Codice. 172 CATALOGUS MSS. HEBR. Hid. Imperii Nabucodonofor Regis & fequentium Regum Galenus de Medicam. fimplicibus J. Forali Expofuio Parabolarum Evangeiicarum R. Jonae Porr^c Poenitentium Opus Impreflbs cum Salo- mone si. U:\i2c Matrani in Jofuam Judices Ifaiam Ezekielem PfalmoSjProph. De Jure Civili Opus,de Damno,No- cumento, & de Reftitutione, fol. in Memb. Matthias Nifchari Expofuio Alpha- betica Pfalmorum De Mcdica Materia ex Galeno, & Diofcoride excerpta quasdam, Opus Anonymi De eadem Liber R. Moyfis Chimchy Liber Gram* Hebraicsc On Kelos, 4to. in Memb. R, Salamonis Filii, Moyfis, MalgU' rii, Domus Dei, Liber fic appel- latus, in quo traftatur de Caufa, ob quam Moyfes tegebat fuam facie m Velo : Et quare Tabular Legis fcriptje erant in utroque Latere i & alia fecreta Legis Ra- binorum, &aliorum his fimiliuni in Fol. in Membr. Commentaria in Danielem, Prover- bia, Cantica, Ruth, & Threnos. in Pentateuchum in Leviticum in Numeros R. Salmonis Liber de Medicamer.- tis, fol. Targum Onkelos, 4to. in Metob^ LETTER LETTER IX^ Defcription of the City of T O L E D O. WE arrived at the city of Toledo, from Aranjuez, where- the court then was. May 12, 1761. We travelled in a coach drawn by fix mules, and were conduced by the Arrieros, or carriers, as is ufual : For you muft know, that the nobility and gentry of Spain only ufe poftilions, or drivers, in the cities and great towns; and when they take a journey, tho' they go in their own coaches, they generally have hired mules, and two drivers,, one fitting between the two fore- wheels, upon the bed of the car- riage, and the other generally running along-fide of the mules : which, as the two laft only are reined, or rather roped, run on with the coach with their heads pointing four or five different ways. This is but a trifling circumflance, yet even the mereft trifles may fometimes ferve io fhew the turn and genius of a people. We found the road to Toledo good for travelleps, the country about it but indifferent, tolerably tilled, and planted with olive-trees : We paffed almoft the whole way upon the banks of the Tagus, which are not by any means fuch as would furnifh a poet with fine landfkips, or beautiful images. But the river runs through a rude and wild wafle : the windings of it near the city of Toledo-. are beautiful; and where the river paffcs between the rocks on which the city is built, and thofe adjoining, with the bridge and' gate of the city, all together form fuch a view, as the wild ima- gination of the extravagant Salvator Rosa would have de- lighted iii> Tu%. 174 DESCRIPTION OF THE CITY The Cathedral is certainly equal in riches to the grandeur of the fee, but not in fabric; which is of th::. modern Gothic, not remarkably large, rich in carving, but the building neither light, nor of a good tafte : the cicling of the facrifty is painted by Luc a Giordano, and is indeed une, entire, and well-preferved. There are fome valuable pidures, one particularly of Titian: the cuf- todia, jewels, pearls, and precious ftones, are inconceivable, as well as ineilimable: altars with fteps to them of maify filver, gilt j the figures of the four quarters of the world, each drefled with the precious flones peculiar to its own quarter, and fitting on globes of two feet diameter, the globe refting on a pedeflal, and that on a bafe ; the figure, globe, pedeflal, and bafe being all toge- ther about ten feet high : all thefe, of mafiy filver, were the gift of Charles II's Queen, who furvived him; not to mention a filagree brazier, fome chefls, and a multitude of vefiTels, candle - fticks, lamps, fhrines, &c. &c. of filver likewife. Marble and granite in profufion. What plunder Nebuchadnezzar took away firfr, or Titus at the lafi:, from the temple at Jerusa- lem, I know not ; but I am fure there is enough here. The re- venues of this archbifliopric are well known to be the greateft of the ecclefiaflical Ibrt in Spain, and are, as well as I can learn, above '50,000 pounds a year. But the prefent archbiihop has not himfelf the whole revenue; for fince the refignation of the Infant Don Luis, the Infant has referved to himfelf the yearly appoint- ment of 60,000 ducats, or about 7400 1. flerling. This prelate likewife ranks very high as a civil or ftate-ofhcer, being primate, chancellor of Castile, and privy-counfellor. Mr. Ap-Rice, I remember, mentions there being 10,000 weavers in fiik and cloth in that city only : but, to fay the truth, that gentleman's accounts, with regard to this country, are very erroneous ; and as to the ma- nufactures of Spain in general, they are all now in a declining condition. — But give me leave here to make one remark upon the wealth that is fo ufelefly locked up in the feveral churches of thefe kingdoms; thole dormant riches, which a miftaken piety has fo abfurdly fet apart forever ; which anfwer no rational pur- pofe, and which neither ferve to the glory of Cod, nor the good of man : Mr. Macanas, vAio had been Plenipotentiary at Bre- pa, propoled to Philip V's minifters fome plans for making this 3 jftag- O F T O L E D O. 175 ftagnate wealth circulate a little, and become of fome ufe ; but the propofals were not accepted by the court; and this man had the fate fo common to genius in this country : His parts raifed him envy and enemies at court, and in the end he was banifhed entirely, and confined to Corunna, where he died. His Political Tejiament is a great curiofity ; but I could never get light of it. And lince his time another gentleman deligns laying fome propofals of the fame fort and tendency before the prefent miniffers. Thefe may poifibly meet with a more favourable reception : for as the prefent King has juft now had fpirit enough to confine the inqui- fitor-general, and banifh him to a great diflance j a bolder fbroke than any of his predeceifors ever dared to attempt 1 he certainly need not fear to put any meafures in execution, which he judges to be expedient. — ^ — But to return to Toledo. The Alcajjar, or Palace, built by Charles V. as fome fay^ or, as others, by the Archduke Charles, is a noble building; though it is now almofl: a ruin, being burnt by the Allies and Auftrian party, in the partition or fucceffion-war, left it fhould fall into the hands of Philip V. Who would ever conceive, that this very Philip fhould have afterwards defired an alliance with the burner of his own palace, and the competitor for his throne ? It was fuch a counfel as no one but a Ripperda could fu":P-eft, CO ' or indeed execute : yet fuch was the Vienna- Trfc?// / But I for- get Toledo. The manufadory {or /words is juft revived there, and their goodnefs is folely owing to the confluence of the Xa- rama and theTAGus : for thofe two rivers have been tried fepa- rately, by way of experiment, by the King's order, and their dif- united waters will not give that trempe. This manufactory is all worked by Englifli tools, which came into the hands of the Spa- niards very oddly: The ftory, as I was told it, runs thus ; — About twenty years ago, a fet of Englifli workmen came upon contradf to Toledo, to make fuch works, or engines, as were neceflary for throwing the water of the river up the rock into the town : for at prefent it is brought by aifes, each afs carrying fix earthen pitchers burthen, as indeed is the general cuftom throughout Spain : Thefe Englifh contradors brought with them all forts of Englifli inftruments and tools neceffary for fuch a work, and fome very large 17*6 DESCRIPTION OF THE CITY large iron pipes. The undertaking certainly was difficult ; but fo- reigners profeffing and endeavouring to execute fuch a work, as the Spaniards owned tliemfelves unequal to ; and then thefe being E?2glip:i Heretics, all thefe circumftances foon raifed the envy and jealoufy of the people : In {liort, from their oppofition, and their endeavours to counterad: every ftep the Englifh undertook, the v/hole projed: and defign came to nothing. But here my ftory begins to grow dark; for the concluiion is, that thefe EngHfli all died, and as there was no heir to claim their efFedts, they were kept as goods without an owner ; and what remains of thefe tools and effeds are now in the hands of the King of Spain, and em- ployed in the old, but juft- revived Sword-Fabric of Toledo. But give me leave here to make one or two remarks.- The effedts and goods of thefe unfortunate contradors amounted at leaft to above loool. What! were they and their fervants all fo abfolutely fwept away,_ that no one fliould remain as heir, clai- mer, or inheritor of thefe eftedts ? Had they no friends, or even relations left in England? Was there no refident, or ambaffa- dor then in Spain, to apply to for the removal of thefe goods, or at lead for the fale of them ? All thefe circumftances feem to me jfo improbable, that I am at a lofs what to fay, or what to conjec- ture : And the whole, I think, that can be faid, is, that it is really a very bUnd ftory. But to return to Toledo; the city, like that of Segovia, is built upon a rocky mountain ; but you muft remember at the fame time that it was built by the Goths or the Moors. I take parti- cular notice of this circumftance for two reafons; firft, becaufe it is evident, that a principle of fear, and felf-defence, drove thofe people into fuch marvellous fituations: And fecondly, Becaufe a Spaniard w^ould never have been induftrious enough to have carried fo much weighty and bulky materials up fo high, and into fuch impregnable and almoft inacceilible ftrongholds. For you can nei- ther get in or out of thofe cities, without paffing a defcent or af- cent of imnienfe length, and all in zigzags, jufl like lines of cir- cumvallation. The gates and portcullis's, like ibme of the Saxon :^ I have O F T O L E D O. 177 I have CeQn 111 England, or Norman, never face the ftreet, but are all in oblique pofitions. The ftreets of Toledo are remark- ably narrow, but thofe of Segovia much broader, and the walls- of immenfe height, with turrets all round. There is indeed one very great curiofity at Toledo, not yet mentioned, which is an on'gma/ Hebrew Temple, and it certainly is a fine remain; but here, to my forrow, the piety of the Spaniard in converting this temple from Judaifm to Chriiliianity, or rather to Popery, has taken away much matter of entertainment to the antiquarians. The antient divifions, or cancelled, were all taken down ; \\\Q fanBum fanclorum, and even the tabernacle itfelf was here literally done away. There was likewife above a feparate tri- bune for the women, as I remember there had been at St. Cross at Winchester 3 and the walls, which are covered with the fineft Hebrew chara<5lers in the world, I believe ; written all over with the Pfahns in Hebrew ; thefe the good Spaniard had very zealoufly plaiftered over with untempered mortar. (Whether or no this temple will furnidi arguments for or againft Eifliop Hare or Dr. LowTH j whether it will determine any thing relating to the metre, the points, the vowels ; or whether it will fupport any Hufchinfonian nonfenfe -, all thefe things mufl be left to another time, and in the interim 1 fhall go on with my tale.) There were now no longer any traces or appearance of aught that ever had been yewifi, as much as if Titus, or the Inquifitor- General had been vifitors; and fo this temple flood for many years: There was nothing but a vague and vulgar tradition remaining, to prove that it ever had been Jewifli, and was now wearing the San-Bemto. But fortunately for the antiquarians, a canon and trca- furer of the church of Toledo, whofe name is Don Perez Ba- yer, being a man of parts and learning, and having a particular turn for Hebrev/, as one would think indeed from his name : This gentleman, I fay, happily obferving, that h\ fome places where the plaifter had fallen off, Hebrew letters might be traced, he had fpirit enough inflantly to fet about the difplaiflering the infide*of the temple, and has fince very accurately and carefully copied the whole intg a book, taken drawings and a fedion of the A a build- 178 DESCRIPTION OF TOLEDO. building, and explained all with a learned and elegant difTertation; This book, you muft know, he cannot well publidi in Spain ; Spanlfli writers lie under difagreeable reftraints in that particular. Ugolinus, the great colledor of Hebrew antiquities, would fain have begged it of him, but he refufed : I offered to publifh it in England for him, if he would let me ; but he faid he had not iinifhed it, and would at leaft put the lafl hand to it, before he ever thought of printing. There are, I am told, near the city of Toledo, fome remains of a Clrcits and Amphitheatre , which are Roman, but at prefent one may almoft fay, ctiam h(V periere rumce. As I had but an indifferent Ciceroniy thefe I did not fee. Nor, which I am forry for, the very curious library which belongs to the cathedral, replete with invaluable treafures. But as one frankly owned to me, they do not much care to fhew their library, and lefs to print a catalogue of what it contains ; lefl they (hould dif- clofe how rich they are : politically apprehending, perhaps not without reafon, that if others were let into the fecret, they might pofTibly like to have a greater fhare in thofe treafures, than would be agreeable. There is alfo an hofpital for the French difeafe only, which will eafily tell you the prevalence and malignance of that diftem- per in this country. This is more owing to their want of neatnefs, and their ignorance in phyfic and chirurgery, than to any oth»r caufe. I remember the King^ phyficlan told me, that it had been obferved, that patients infedfed with this difeafe, if they came from a colder climate, were eafily cured here ; but if they went from hence infected into a colder climate, that they feldom or ever could be cured. There is an hofpital alfo io': foundlings , where the children feem to be well taken care of. I DO not remember any thing more worth obferving with re- gard to Toledo, than that they had hung on the wall of one of their convents a vafl number of fetters, which were taken when they releafed fome chridian captives from the Moors. The fetters are indeed monftrouOy large, and of inhuman weight : fuch is Eaftern cruelty! They were taken at the conqueftofGR anada. LETTER LETTER X. Defcription of the City of SEGOVIA. AVING jufl given a defcription of Toledo, I fhall now give an account of Segovia, for though the two cities are at fuch a diftance from each other, they have fome refemblance in common, and may ferve as companions, like two pid:ures, to each other. The fite of the city has fomething of a very martial air, built upon a high rude rock ; by which means moft of the entrances to it are fteep, and difagreeable, efpecially as you are obliged to make feveral zigzag- windings before you can gain thefummit : It is entirely furrounded with a lofty old Moorifh wall, with battle- ments and turrets, in the ftile of the fortifications of thofe days ; which indeed were almofl impregnable. There are feveral Ro" man infer iptions in the walls ; fome too high ever to be read, others turned wrong fide upwards, others defaced, and fome with the infcription turned inwards : For as the Moor s confidered thefe only as meer ftones to build with, it is no wonder to find them in fuch ftrange pofitions. I copied one or two of them of no moment, but however they ferve me as proofs to make out one point, which I fliall fpeak to hereafter. On the cajlle or palace- iijde of the town is a deep, natural fofs, formed by two contiguous ridges of mountain ; on the northern fide a fmall river runs at the foot of the rock ; which ferves to little other ufe, but to turn a large paper-mill, where they make great quantities of an ordinary A a 2 coarfe i8o DESCRIPTION OF THE CITY coarfe paper. The next advantage they draw from this river, is the wailiing thcmfelves and their linen ; which lafl is performed in Spain in the following manner, however it may furprize a good English honfewife. The women carry all their linen down in great bundles to the fide of this river -, and having chofe a good fmooth ftone, or fometim^es a piece of wood, they kneel down, wet the linen, and then wring it and foap it; and then beat it upon the flone or wood, till they have got the dirt out of it. And this is all the operation -, the chief inconvenience of which is, that the linen is apt to.be beat to pieces, otherv/ife it is clean enough. Iro?i- ing is, I believe, but httle ufed in this country; plaiting never; and the folding or fmoothing the linen is mofl commonly done by the hand, or what we call the mangle, or calendar. In France, I am told, the linen is wafhed in the fame manner, as may be it^vi on the banks of their rivers, and on thofe of the Seine at Paris, where the water is fo muddy and yellow, as to leave a bad tinge upon the linen. I am informed by a friend, that at St. Malo and other fea-ports in Britanny and Normandy, the women take the opportunity of the tide's going out, to wafli their linen in the fea-water left in the cavities or bafons in the rocks ; when having foaked, foaped and wafhed it, they lay it on the rock, and beat it with a kind of wooden battledore, which commonly pinks it full of holes. But as to the river's being of much ufe to the city, by fup- plying it with water for all the domefiic purpofes of life : This you will eafily imagine could not be the cafe, from the extreme height of the mountain ; and, becaufe they mufl conftantly have brouo-ht it up with affes, as they do at Toledo. It was this in- convenience, and the defire of fupplying the city more efFedu- dly, that gave rife to one of the noblefl works, to one of the moft mao-nificent fabrics of that fort pofTibly in the whole world : You will naturally guefs, I mean. The Aqukduct. The extent of this Aquedu^ is faid to be about three miles; at the eaflern entrance of the town it begins with fmall arches gradually O F S E G O V I A. iSi gradually encreafing, and rifing, till it expands into a double row of arches and pillars, and has then the noblefl effed: you can pof~ fibly conceive : Some of the firfl: arches are a little more pointed than the refl (which are fairly circular) tho' not enough, I think, to be really called pointed arches. The people have built fo many houfes round this Aquedudi, it would grieve any true Antiqua- rian to the heart; fmce you are hindered from having fo full and complete a view of it, as a whole, which every curious fpeclator would wifh : The ftone-pipes too, or duds of water, fixed to the fides of it in fome places, deface it much, and look rather like props •■, but they are certainly of the fame age v/ith the reft. With regard to the height, and other meafures'of this Fabric, I was forced to take them myfelf : for as to the people, they nei- ther know nor care how high it is, or how broad. Thus it fares with objedts, which we fee every day. Let them be ever fo noble, or excellent, when they become familiar, they are negleded : It is the novelty that ftrikes, and not the excellence. This is not peculiar to thefe people, but is the cafe of all : let an Englifliman never have i^tw the fea before, and I will warrant for his admira- tion and furprize ; though if you dSk a peafant about it near Brighthelmstone, he will tell you, " He don't fee any thing ** very extraordinary in it." — Upon enquiring about the AqueduSf, fome faid it was io8 feet high, and that the number of arches was 150; others 144 feet, and 177 arches. The reafon of this difference is, that as the arches mufl be of unequal heights, to maintain a kvelj they have meafured from different ffations : This indeed ac- counts for the difference of the meafures, but not for the number of the arches : How that happened I cannot fay. The following meafures I can anfwer for, fince I took them upon the fpot with my own hands. Its greatefl height is exadly 10 1 feet y mid i inch -, for I took the meafure from the higheft trace of flone. The breadth of the front of the pillars, 6 feet, 2 inches; The depth of them, 1 1 i^^t, 3 inches ; The width of the arches, 1 2 it^i, 7 inches, and one quarter. As to the number of the arches, we counted them, and wc could reckon only 1 18 to the city- wall from the firfl vihblc arch ; and i82 DESCRIPTION OF THE CITY and feven more arches within the wails ; in all 125 : But then, where the arches were double, that is, placed one over another, we did not count thofe, as two arches, but as fingle : Becaufe in conveying an idea of this AqueduB to one who had never feen it, we judged, that a ftranger v/ould always form his notion of the length of this Aqiieduci by the number of arches continued in length. Again, as to the meafures, except that of the height, they are only true with regard to that particular part, arch, or pil- lar, which I meafured at that time : For I meafured feveral others fnice, and find their dimenfions differ widely from one another, fothat there is no one general proportion, which runs through the whole ilrud:ure. The reafon of which I take to be, that where they were obliged to make the Aquedii5i higher, in order to pre- ferve the level ; that there they were obliged to enlarge the propor- tions, and increafed the bafe in proportion to the height of the pillar ; and confequently contracted the arches, in order to make the building more ftable. It feems to be built without any cement, and the ftones are about three feet long, and two feet thick ; all roughly hewn, and with the edges rounded, not iharp. Why the Spanish writers chufe to call this the Brid^j of Segovia, and not the AqtieduB, is a folecifm I cannot accoant for : But this is the language of Mariana, Pineda, and many others. A Spaniard being afked, why he called it The Puente de Sego- via, anfwered, becaife it was a bridge -y for though it was not in- deed a bridge for people to walk over, yet it was a brfdge for wa- ter to go over. And perhaps this may be their reafon, though it certainly is a very odd one. Old Spanifli writers call it Puente Seca, which is ftranger ftill ; for fure no one can fay with any propriety, that an Aquedu(5t is a Dry Bridge, Having now given a defcription of this truly magnificent ftruc- ture ; the next enquiry is, who was the author ? and whe?t it was built ? I think, there are but three or four opinions about it. Mariana, according to his ufual modefty, is in fufpenfe ; and doubts whether it is to be attributed to the Emperor Trajan, or to LiciNius Larius, who was prstor in Spain, under Ves- pasian, and a friend of Pliny the elder. Father Henry Flores, OF SEGOVIA. 183 Flores, who is vain enough hhnfelf, and willing in all things to gratify the vanity of his countrymen, attributes it to the Goths, who, as they lived here once, were for that time a fort of Spani- ards : CoLMENARES, the Writer of the hiftory of Segovia, goes many lengths indeed ; and in order to make his native city, Segovia, as old as poffible, tells us at once, that the aqueduct was built by PIercules. Hercules certainly did great wonders 5 but I believe built few aquedu6ls : and if it mufl be the work of fome ftrong man, he might as well have called in Sampson. As to the Goths, tho' it is certain they raifed very noble fabrics wherever they went, and, as it were, built themfelves into fame 5 yet I cannot give them this aquedud:, for many reafons. The Co" thic JiriiSiurcs in general appear to me to have this character; that though they are for the moit part noble by their being fo very large, yet they are generally clumfy and heavy, and the old Gothic particularly fo : You fcldom fee any thing light, elegant, or of a good tafte, except in the modern Gothic^ all which circumilances are remarkably confpicuous ifi this AqiieduB . The Gothic indeed will laft for ages, and fo will the Romcuu without one half of their hea- vy ftability. I am therefore, upon the whole, inclined to think this aquedu(fl: undoubtedly jRi?/;w;r''-. For though J grant to Colmena- RESj that there is nothing now viiible upon the aqueduct itfelf, no remains of an infer ipt ion y no traces left to decide this queftlon ^ let the order too, if he will have it fo, be either Doric, Ionic, Co- rinthian, or Compofite : And tho' it be true, that the Romans, when they executed fuch great works as thefe, generally took fufficient care to fecure their title to it, and their name upon it : Yet all thefe argum.ents and objec^lions do not weigh with nie: I am v/here I was J I think it Roman. There is fomething in the grandeur of the Roman works, that fiill fpeaks for them, though their ufual witneiTes fliould happen to be loft : a greatnefs, that no other na- tion has attempted, or ever been able to equal. There is no in« fcription rcmaming now, ncr is there much appearance, that there * The firft 13 arches are certainly Roman; the 36 next in fequence are clearly of another flile, of a much inferior workmajifhip, and have been repaired by the Spa- niards or Golbi : for the ftiie will agree with either. But at the 49th arch the Roman majler-hand appears again j the fame form of ftone, large, round-e Iged, and exaiSlly in the fame talte with the 13 firft arches. ever i84 DESCRIPTION OF THE CITY ever was one: What then ? Is this negative a fufficient proof that there never was one ? The Roman infcriptions fo frequent about the walls of this town fufficiently fliew their footfleps at Segovia, to this day : there might have been an infcription, but now de- faced or deftroyed by ignorance, fuperilition, time, and the turbu- lence of the age, when Spain fucceflively received fo many maf- ters. Thefe infcriptions are flill legible to this day: SEXTO* LlC* MIL* near the gate of St. Juan. Another is M- IVN ^• TI ETIS CAES N( ^T Ar *4.' i ' -i LV • S- T- • T •L- Another near the gate of San Andres, thus ; P VBLIC lO I V V E N A L I IVVENALIS CoLMENARES upon this fays, that Juvenal was not born at Ar^jiNUM, but Segovia 5 for how could Martial, who was a Spaniard^ otherwife call him Jiiveiiali meo ? After having given fome account why I think it a Roman work, I fhall now fearch after the Author, The reafon why it has been afcribcd to the Emperor Trajan, is, becaufe that prince has left fo many noble monuments of his own erecting in Spain, particularly in EsTREMADUR A and Andalusia; that, forfooth, every Roman work that the Spaniards find any where, muft imme- diately be afcribed to Trajan ! This, indeed, is natural; for the Spaniards ftill revere his memory, and they have a very remarkable proverb, which fays, Felicidad de Augti/io, y Bondad de Trajano : that is, The happincjs of Aiigiifiusy and the goodiiefs ofTrajafi. But J have one objection to its being the work of that great emperor : that SEGOVIAN A QJJ E D U C T. 185 he was a native of Italica^ or Old Seville, by birth an Anda- lufian : and I cannot help thinking, that if he had intended a work of fo much expence and magnificence in Spain, he would never have given the benefit of it to the inhabitants of Old Cas- tile. But here I am fenfible, that I am unawares drawn into a controverfy, and Ihall prefently raife all the Caftilians to a man againft me. For it feems thefe gentlemen v/ill have it, that the Emperor Trajan was an 'EJiremaduran by birth, and not an Aiidalujian. Well then, let us weigh the authorities on both fides, and fee how that matter flands. Ximenes, and other compilers of the Hijioria general de Efpa?ia, Marineus Siculus, Pedro DE Medina, Juan Sedeno, and others fay, that Trajan was born at PEDRA9A de Estremadura, or Pedraca de i.a Si- erra, fo called, becaufe it joined to the mountains, and to diflin- guifh it from that in the plains, v/hich was likewife called Ita- lic a. To this they add the conftant tradition of this Eftremadu- rian village, which fays to this day, that Trajan was born there, and they ihew travellers the fite of the houfe he was born in : and they give this as another proof, that the villagers fay, his mother was OREjANAjOrOREjANiLLA, which was Tomauized afterwards into AuRELiANA. To all this they join the blunders of the par- tial ZoziMUS, eAe^s Tov Icrov euurco su rv cx,^^7i Qso^ocrioi>, tvj yevecrei *E(r7ruv'^ h ts-oXh, Kokx r^g TaKiyiiccg, and the dreams of fome Spa- nifli bifhop. This is one fide of the quertion, and is at the fame time afpecimen of Spanish learning. Now on the other fide. Dion Cassius, Ammianus Marcellinus, Aurelius Victor, and EuTROPius all afiirm, that the Emperor Trajan was a native oi xkiQ Andalufianltalica, or Old Seville. Amm. Aiarc. Tbeo-' dofiiis Hifpanus ItaliccE DhiTrajani Civkatis. The words of Vic- tor are to much the fame purpofe. It is clear, however, I think, that Theodosius was no Eftremadurian, whatever Trajan might be; and as to Zozimus, he makes him a poor Gallician. All the remark I fhall make upon this controverfy is, that Tra- jan's being an Efiiremadurian would fuit well enough with the public v/orks he raifed in that province, but it v/ill not bring him fo far as Segovia into Old Castile. Upon the whole, then, I am induced to think, that this aque- dud was the work of LiciniusLarius, the Prastor under Vkspa- B b sian : i86 SEGOVIAN A Q^U E D U C T. SI AN : for Trajan had need have been a mafter-builder all his life-time, if we afcribe every thing to hini. But then it is faid, that if LiciNius Larius built the aqueducfl, that his friend Pli- ny would certainly have mentioned it. I do not think this a cer- tain objedionj a probable one, I own, it is. But be that as it will, it is as certain, that there is an Infcription extant in Ambrosius Morales, the famous old Spanifli antiquarian, which is publi- Hied by Adolphus Occo, and fhews, 'That Liicinius Larius rc' ally did build the AqucduSi of Segovia. They may fay, perhaps, that this infcription is a falfe one: It may be fo, for ought I know to the contrary, as I have never been able to fee Morales, or Occo's book, or to copy the infcription *. I fhall now take my leave of the aquedu6t, adding only, that I am told the cement is lead, and tliat the key-ftones are tied with iron; and that between the two highefl arches, or the Afoguejo, as they call it, there are two niches remaining, which plainly contained formerly the fi:a- tues of the emperor and the lieutenant, or praetor, under whom this aqueduct was ereded: but now they are very pioufly filled up vvith the ftatues of thofe, who might pofhbly work miracles, but 1 am fure never brought water in fo noble a manner to any city in this world -, I mean two faints. * You will find it in Don G. Mayans's Latin Epiftle, annexed to this acco^jnt. Ad SEGOVIAN A QJJ E D U C T, 187 Ad Cl. Patrem HEN RICUM FLOREZIUM, HISPANIiE SANCT^ SCRIPTOREM, Ab Opinione fua & 'Judicio de Aqucedudlu Segovievji. diffhitiens Poeta. "pTraniidum moles cefferCy Segovia pontem •*• Ducendis veteri numine jaSlat aquis : Trajanus fuerit, fueritve Lichikis autor\ Hand fua Lticifero lympba jubente fiiiit : Nee tamen Alcidi dederi??i, Maurove, Getijve, Hoc tantiim Hifpano njtx licet ejfe decus : Ma5le animi F l o R e z e ! fed hcec vioiiimeiita per or be fit NoJi nifi Cafarece fic pofuere jnanus, Tranflation of Father Henry Flore z*s Account of the A au E D u c T of S E G O V I A. (Taken from his Efpana Sagrada, FoL VIII. J * OEGOVIA is one of the moft antlent cities of Spain, not * '^ fo much as appears by the name, and the mention which * hiflorians and geographers make of it, as by the remarkable mo- * nument of the AqiiediiB, which fhews fuch notable antiquity, * that it is not eafy to determine its origin precifely. Some afcribe * it to Hercules, others to the Emperor Trajan, and ftill na * inconfiderable part of the common people judge it to have been * built by the devil. * This very variety of opinions is a proof, that we know no- * thing certain about it. As for afcribing it to Hercules, we Bb2 < do i83 & E G O V I A N A QJJ E D U C T, « do not difcover any other foundation, than the knowledge, that « a fbatue of" Hercules was foi-merly placed in the niche, where * nov/ is the image of St. Sebastian : no ftrefs ought to be laid * upon this fad, which only proves, that in the times of paganifm « the antient Spaniards might dedicate that work to the memory ' of Hercules. * As to what relates to Trajan, it is very difficult to acknow- ' led?e him for the author, becaufe there is no trace left of a Ro- < man infcription on it, and that in a work of fuch great length, « andfo well preferved^ v/e knowing, on the other hand, the tafte * which prevailed in the works of that emperor, vis. to leave his « name perpetuated upon them. Confequently one called them * yerba parietaria\. And on the bridge of x-^lcantar a in Spain, * confifting of fix arches, they placed divers infcriptions, in which * his name is repeated in each. Befides, not having any account of * the Romans being concerned in the aquedud: of Segovia, we * have no grounds to afcribe it to Trajan, or to any other em- * peror,unlefs it be thought fufficient to produce other works of the * fame age, which have a fimilar ftile. But they differ either in the * m.anner of joining the ftones together ; or it will be difficult to * contradid that which the Romans have faid of thefe, and other * very antient works, fuch as the Pyramids of ^gypt -, concern- * ing which Colmenares writes, c. i. § 1 1. oi The biftary of Se- * govm, that they very much refembled the fabric of this aquedudt, * according to the defcriptions which they have given of the work-: ' manfhip of them, of the greatnefs of the hev/n ftones, and un- * hewn ftones. Colmenares too adds no bad remark, that the * ilile or order of architecture of the Segovian aquedud: is different * from that ufed by the Romans, fince it is neither of the Doric, * Ionic, Corinthian, Tufcan, or Compofite orders, but of fome other ' not known; infomuch that we have fome grounds not to ac- * knowledge it for a Roman w^ork, but of a much older date. * Or this argument drawn from the ftile of the architedurc, the ' public has not been able to judge, infomuch as no one lias been * bold enough to engrave it. Colmenakes v/as deterred by the 11 It ihould be verta farittaria j that is, fahbras jaredanas^ or -wall-wcrd!. * greatnef§. SEGOVIAN A QJJ E D U C T. 189 * greatnefs of the attempt, as he exprelTes it in the place I have ' quoted. The celebrated Father Montfaucon in the IV, * Tome, P. ii. Ch. 10. of his Antiqidte expUquce, complained, that * he was not able to procure a defign of it : But afterwards in ths ' IV. Tome of the Supplement ^ page 102, he fays that M. Le Gen- * DRE, furgeon to his CathoHc Majefry, fent it him, with a defcrip- * tion of it in Spanifli, of which that father availed himfelf. But ' the defign which was fent to Father Montfaucon conlifled on- * ly of X.Q]\ arches, without any meafure or fcale, without the due ' proportion between the arches, omitting the under-cornifhes of * the pillars, and failing in the proportion of the upper arches with * the lower, without regulating it to the form of the dye of the ' pedeHal, nor to the lower line, which is not right in more than' * the three central arches : and he adds, in the upper part of the ' pillar, which is in the middle of the greateft height, an head of a * woman between two flowers, v^ith this infcription at the bottom, * ^ CABEZA DE ESTREMADVRA; which is not fo, becaufe * upon the canal, through which the water runs, that figure is not * to be feen. * We here give the whole delineation of it with exa6lnefs, by * means of Don Juan Saenz dk Buruaga, an Alcala de He- ' NARES Do(5tor, of the greater college of San Ildefonso, Ma- * glilrate of the holy church of Segovia ; of whom I availed my- ' felf, by reafon of the friendfliip we contracted at the unlverfity of * Alcala, and he took that buiinefs fo much to his own account, * that in a little time after I had applied to him, he favoured me ' with the utmoft difpatch ; having alTociated to himfelf, for this '■ end, a perfon very able and knowing, who is architect of that holy * church, and is called Don Domingo Gamones, whofe name is * ■'//orthy to be perpetuated, for having given us that which no other * has done, without feeking any other interefl, but that of fervinp^ * the public : and although we know not the name of the linl ar- * chited, we know that of the firft v/ho ever attempted to draw * this fabric. * This great aquedudt is called a bridge vulgarly, its intention * being contrary to the ufe of fuch like fabrics : for whereas they * Or, The Head nf Ejlreniadura. * are 190 S E G O V I A N A QJJ E D U C T. ^ are dcfio-ned to give paffage to people over the waters, this is ' to condaa: the v/aters over the people, leaving free paffage below. * The water comes by means of fome arches of ftone. which fuftaiii ' a canal formed of the fame ftones in conformity to its pailage. ' That as in all other bridges, people walk upon a pavement laid * upon the fuperficies of the convex part of the arches ; and as in ' thofe the ground and the parapet walls ferve for the cover and * lecuritv of the paiTengers: hi this, both the one and the other are * def]<^ned for the courfe only, and the direction of the waters. < The motive for fo great an undertaking was, that feeing on < one hand, that in the fite of the city, nature afforded a foil very ' well difpofed to build a town, and very fuitable to the genius of * the antient inhabitants : That it had the due elevation which ' they wanted, for the ventilation of the air ; and alfo that it was ' able to refift any invafion. They reduced the fite to a great rock, * or mountain fufficlently fcarped, and able to contain a city not ' very large, but fortified by nature, which raifcd the ground above * fome plains, watered by different ftreams, which flow from the * Cumbra Capitana (the name which Pliny gives to fome bran- * ches of the Id u bed a, called to this day Puerto de la Fon-friay* * y de Giiadarrama.) Towards the north runs the river Eresma, « which fprings from fome fountains on the other fide of the faid * pafs in the mountains, and goes by Coca to fall into the Duero. * Some will have it, that the Eresma is the Areva, of which * Pliny affirms, that the name came from the region of the Are~ * vaci. But we have nothing to add to the propofal againfl what * is faid of the Arevaci in tom. V. The Marquis of Monde jar, * concerned in fome things very ftra^nge about Segovia, in the II. * tome of his Dijjertations, p. 218, thinks, that Areva is a little * river, which falls into the Duero near the antient ATz^;;/^;?/'/*^, ' called at prefent Tera. But that cannot be the cafe, confidering * that the fpring of the Duero, and the fame Nianantia were the ' Fekndones of Pliny. And for the fame reafon, the river that * Or, 1'he Port of Fon-Fria^and of Guadaraina. — This is a pafs in the mountains; ^1! fuch Pajfci being called by the Spaniards Portu 6 * waters SEGOVIAN A QJU E D U C T. 191 * waters Numantia mufl: be of the fame country. Befides which, * it is fo very fliort in its courfe, and fo little known, that it could *^ not give a name to fo famous a people. * By the plain to the fouth of Segovia there runs another * (liort flream, called by the peafants Clamoresy which joins the * Eresma at the Wefk point of the city, where the Al9Assar < ftands. ' Notwithstanding the flreams which run by the vallies * of the city, the ancients defired, that there fliould be no want * of water to the inhabitants within the walls, neverthelefs that the * earth was not commodious for fountains, on account of its height * and drynefs: With this view, they undertook the giant-like work, * to convey a river within the city, conquering by art the impedi- ' ments which nature had oppofed to it, by reafon of the height * and depth of the ground: although the architect plainly {hewed, * that he was mailer of a greater height, if it had been neceffary, * fmce he made the water pafs above the walls and roofs of * the houfes. * The fource of this aqueducft Is a little river, called Rio Frio,, * which rifes at the fklrts of the pafs in the mountains, and is that * which comes to the city, taking from its flock as much water, * as would fill a dud: that would contain a human body : It is re- * ceived in an arch of flone at the diflance of 500 paces from the * city : and from thence it begins to run in the channel of the * aquedud, which does not require more elevation than 54. bars, * that is, 17 feet. By little and little the height increafes, as it * comes to deeper ground, but without requiring more than one * range of arches, until the water has paffed over 65 arches, where * the arches have a height of 39 feet, clofe to the convent of San * Fran ci so.. There they begin to wind from the eafl to the well,. * requiring two ranges of arches, one arch being put upon the otlier. ' That being the loweil part of the valley wliich is the little fquarc, * now called AzoGUEjo. * In that part the aquedud is 102 feet high, the channeLjen- ' tering by the battlem.ents of the wajls, vvith an extreme elevation. * from 192 SEGOVIAN A (XJJ E D U C T, * from the ground to the top of the arch. The aquedudl goes < through the middle of the city, from the eaft to the weft, with ' an arched du6t fo large, that a man might v/alk in it : And from * thence it goes dividing itfelf into the public fountains, and the « cifterns of convents and private houfes. < This fabric confifts of 16 i arches. The materials are hewn ftones of a bluifh granate, placed one upon the other, without any coherence of bitumen, lime, or mortar, which equals the joints, becaufe the ftones unite one with another, faftening them- felves in their fquare form 3 fo that the whole number of the ftones of which this aquedud confifts, might be counted, accord- ing to the art and correfpondence with which they are placed. ^.ouk at them, fays Colmenares, and they feem to be cemented by lead, and that the key-ftones of the arches were barred by iron, as they tell us of the temple of Serapis in Alexandria. The pillars are eight feet in front, and eleven broad. It being moft aftoniftiing, that this fabric ftiould laft to the end of fo many ages, fuch as we fee it, without giving way to the weight of the water upon it, or to the rains, the floods, the wars : for it not only appears, that nations have revered it, but even time, which does not ufe to refpedt other wonders of the world. « Upon the top of the three pillars of thegreateft height there * is a bafe common to the three uppermoft. And in that of the * middlemoft there are on each fide two niches, where were the ' ftatues of Hercules, as Colmenares fays he found in manu- * fcripts, which in his time were above 200 years old, that is be- ' fore the middle of the XVth century, in which then exifted thefe * monuments. At prefent they are the images of our Lady of San * Sebastian, becaufe that part belongs to the diftrid of the pa- * rifti of that faint, and they were placed there March 21, 1520, * by the care of a citizen, an aftayer of the mint, as Colmena- * RES tells us, in his hiftory of that year. * Besides this teftimony, v/hich is the moft authentic of the an- * tiquity of the city, there is mention made of it in Lucius Flo rus, * Vv'^lifere he is relating the war of Sertorius, lib. 3. ch. 22. where < he lays, tbat the Herculean lieutenants of Sertorius were defeated c * near SEGOVIAN A QJJ E D U C T. 193 * near Segoviciy without adding any more interefling particulars. * His apud Segoviam opprejis, 6cc. This was about the year 675 * of the foundation of Rome, in which Pompey came againft * Sertorius, following Gr^vius's chronology upon Florus, which * anfwers in our way of reckoning to the 79th year before Chrift, * taking the vulgar ssra for an epoch. * Pliny, in telling us who the feveral people were, who form- * ed the affembly of Clunia, fays, that one were the people of * Segovia among the Arevaci. Harduin, in the notes to c. * iii. lib. 3. of that authof, will not have it to be the Segovia ' fituated between Valladolid and Madrid (of which we are ' now ipeaking) but another fmall town, placed by Ptolemy in the * fune lite with Numanti a : Non ea efl, quce inter VaUifoletum & ' Madritum nobis Segovia dicitur : fed altera ejujdem nonmiis urbecula, * quce fub eddem fere coeli parte at que ipfa Nwnantiay eodemquefitu a * Ftolomeo collocatiir. But if one denies this, it would be very * difficult for any one to prove it : for we may juft as well fay, * that Pliny means the city of which we are fpeaking, and not * that defigned by Hardouin, for he owns that to be an urbecula, * And it is more natural, that Pliny fhould mention that which * was the moll great and famous (in cafe tnere were two of the * fame name among the Arevaci) and not the leafl illuftrious, to- * tally omitting the greateft. * I SAID in cafe there were two in the Arevaci , becaufe neither * Pliny, Ptolemy, or Antonine mention more than one in * that territory : And as there were no more than one, we ought * not to fay, that Pliny and Ptolemy mentioned the leall: illu- * ftrious, and omitted the moft famous mentioned by Anto- * nine. It is clear that Ptolemy places Segubia in a fite that * does not fquare with Segovia, about 42 degrees of latitude, 'and 1 3 i of longitude. But it is as certain, that if you take his lite ' In reference to the dired; diftance, which there is between that ' and Numanti A, it will be one of the many errors of his tables; ' becaufe they place Segubia and Numanti a in 13A degrees of * longitude/ The 194 DESCRIPTION OF THE CITY The /\lcacar, or Royal Palace, Is the next objed: here of ^^_j note ; it is plain by the AL in the iirfl lyllable of this word, that tflj it is an Arabic appellation ; for it is the Arabic article, which ^B^ they call Solar : And the tradition of the town fays, it was a place of refidence for fome of the Moorijh princes. I know not what truth there may be in It, but I cannot help attempting an etymolo- gy, efpeclally when the 9Cca{ion feems fo fair. Thus Caefar, Ka«rap, Moorifn Cayzar, Alc A9AR. The front of this building Is about ^^mk fifty feet long; there are two conic, or fugar loaf-turrets, at each ^ wing ; and the fa9ade is adorned with feveral diminutive turrets ■ in the fame tafte and llyle : Above the {killing or fpan-roof of this firfl front there rifes another I'killing roof adorned with turrets in the fame ftyle : And between the wings, in the middle rifes a lof- ty fquare, brick tower, furrounded with fmall circular turrets end- ino- in a confole. Along the front of the firfl: building runs a neat, fmall open gallery, juft under the corniih. The whole of the fa- bric appears clearly to be in the old Moorijljjlyle ; the governor told me the middle tower was Roman^ but I fliould doubt it much -, it feems to be of the fame age and building with the reil of the fa- bric ; the windows of the fame form and tafte --, and there is a trace of fmall beads, that girts it, jufl as in the front and the wings ; It is certainly all Moorifi, and is indeed extremely pretty, and light, and pleafes me more than almofi: any building I ever faw. The whole, except the middle tower, is covered with a blue flate, or fhlngles, I cannot fay which. You go to it from a fort of court, or place, over a fmall bridge -, for there is a deep fofs, that furrounds one part of it, and the other fides are defended by lleep precipices, as it ftands upon a rock. Having pafl^ed the bridge you enter a cloyfi:er, where there is a court within, and a fountain. From the cloyfter you enter a large room prettily cieled, a fort of feivant's hall. After that you come into a flate-room, with a rich gilt deling, carving of ftucco upon the walls, and Dutch tiling round the room at the bottom. This brings you to a fecond apartment of much the fame tafte, but a much richer deling ; then you enter a mag- nificent room called the Sala de los Reyes, or, The hall of their Kings; and vv^ith reafon, for It really Is full of Kings. The wooden or waxen images of nineteen Kings of Castile, fix of Leon, two of O F S E G O V I A. 19^ of AsTURiAS, and fixteen of OviEDo,are all placed over your head, about the middle of the wall, round the room, v/ith their Queens, and four counts, or dukes placed under them. Among them is the fiim.ous CiD, or Don Rod. Diaz de Bivar, of whom fuch v/on- ders have been-recorded : Cjd, in Arabic, is commander, or gene- ral j he lived about 1055, in the reign of Ferdinand of Leon. This room is indeed an odd fight, and if one was to be there late at night, with a fingle taper, it would afford matter for a warm imagination to be very bufy. From thence you pafs into a fmall chapel, where there is a fingle painting over the altar with this infcription, Bartolome Carduccio Florent. faclebat, 1600. Beyond this is a fmall room with odd pieces cf fculpture of dogs and hares, and other animals, and pretty carving in Fref- co, or Stucco. Round this room, as well as the reft, runs an in- fcription in very old Gothic characters , but I am fure of no mo- ment J for in the next room, where the letters were likewife Go- thic, but not quite fo old fafhioned, I could read them with no great difficulty : And they proved to be nothing elfe, but prayers, and pious fentences : Thus, LAUDAM TE IN SECOLA SE- COLORUM. MAYERDE MEMENTO ME. ORA PRO NOBIS. Udal ap Rhys has given a very falfe account of this place : He fays there are fixteen rooms hung with fine tapeftry, and that there are many pidures, with other circumftances, which have not one word of truth in them. — Philip II. in 1590, caufed thofe dates and accounts, which are affixed to the feet of each prince in the Sala de los Reyes, to be put up ; it is the beft chronology they have of them. Having now given fome account of this fingular fabric; in- dulge me in a word or two about the age of it. The governor fiid the rooms we law were five hundred years old ; this is no- thing ; it would only throw the date of this building as flir back as the I 3th century, or about i 260. I have feen a grant of Al- PHONso in the year 1 160, which mentions this ALCA9AR. Is it not very ftrange, that the writer of the Hijiory «?/" Segovia fhDuld take no particular notice of this remarkable ftiudure : Wz only fays, that when in y^^ the Moors attacked Sego- via, and took it, the Segovians put the ALCA9AR, the houfe C c 2 . of 196 DESCRIPTION OF THE of Hercules, and the tower of St. Juan in a good poflure of defence. This period of the eighth century feems to me to fuit better with the name and appearance of the building, and to place it in a much more Moorifid age ; though it may poffibly be ftill older. There is one pointed arch of a door-way in this build- ing, which is now ftopped up ; it feems of the fame age with the reft j but as it may have been an after- work, as it is not an effen- tial part, what ftrefs is to be laid upon it, I cannot fay. Here are two ftrange old cannon, or pipes, canones they call them. And the doors of the offices are marked thus : Bodeca, Fofigo ^ that is, the cellar f the pajj'age. f^ ^; This is the famous Tower or Cajlle i?/' Segovia, fo celebrated in Monfieur Le Sage's Gil Bias,'' and other romances ; the antient receptacle of ftate-prifoners : It was here that political Qu^ixote the duke of Ripperda was confined ^ and it was from hence he- efcaped. There is another large prifon in the middle of the city, but that is only for the reception of common felons, and is a mo- dern building The very fame man that was governor, when Rip- A PERDA was confined there, is ftill alive, and the prefent governor : *\\ By his account it was the maid, not the daughter, that gave the duke his liberty -, for his daughter is m.arried to an Andalusian gentleman, and lives there : He fays, that the room in which Ripperda was confined had but one door to it, and had two eentinels placed at it ; at the door of the next room two centinels more; and without the guard du corps. How he efcaped, he fays he cannot guefs; but that the Duke's fervant faid his mafter was very ill ; that another fervant took his mafter's place in bed, and counterfeited a fick perfon ; that he the governor knew nothing of his efcape, till nine days after he was gone, and then they dif- covered the fraud. It is plain from all this relation, that the court had a mind to let Ripperda efcape; that the governor had or- ders to connive at it ; though the means and contrivance were probably the duke's invention : that the court did not care for the expence of keeping him in prifon, and had no inclination to take away his life. When he found, that orders were given for feizing him in the year 1726, he fled to the houle of Mr. Stan- hope, the then Englijh amballador. His lordlhip was at that time ALCASSAR, AND CATHEDRAL. 197 time not at home ; and it is inconceivable what difficulty he had at his return, to get Ripper da out of the houfe : He was at lad taken out by force by the King of Spain's order. This, how- ever, trifling as it was, occafioned a mifunderilanding between the Courts of Spain and Great Britain. Mr. Stanhope cer- tainly did right; he withdrew from Madrid, to fliew his refent- ment, and to aflert the juft rights and privileges of his charac- ter: for otherwife no prudent ambaOador would have rifed the embroiling himfelf with his court for the fake of prote(5ting fuch a fcoundrel. He was originally an envoy from the ftates of Hol- land, afterwards minifler to the court of Spain, being a crea- ture of Cardinal Alberoni's, and was fent to negotiate the fa- mous Vienna treaty. To conclude, he betrayed his truft, made the grand tour of all religions ; fled from one court, could obtain protection from no other, could find no afylum in Europe ; And after having been fucceffively Protefliant, Papill, Pagan, Jew, Turk, Infidel, and Heretic, weary of apoflracies, he died at laft a Mahometan among the ftates of Barbary. The next object of note here is the cathedral, which is indeed a noble fl:rudure; it is of the Gothic ftyle of archifcsc- ture, and rather of the bed kind of it ; there are two quires, as it were furrounded by a moft ample BaJUica, which is lined on the wall-fide with a vafl; variety of fine altars, and rich ihrines : The painted glafs is good, and gives the dim, religious light. They told me it was built 1525, fee The Hiji. of Segovia, ch. 39. Thefacrifl:y is a fine room, and contains fome pictures. The ar- ches of this building are all round. There is an old cloyfler ad- joining to the cathedral, where there is a monument of a bidiop of this fee, and his epitaph in good Latin, well-cut. There are fome hundreds of vefl:ments hung, up here ; the badges of fo many unhappy Jews, who had the misfortune to be burnt, be- caufe they did not believe all that the inquifitor did: This tribunal, or the Holy Office as they call it, was at Segovia at that time, but has been fince removed. There are too in this cloyfler, the remains of fad fuperftitious paintings on the wall. In the chap- ter-room is a fine pidure of a Madonna and Bambino, by Spagnoletj alfo the flory of Aurelian and Zenobia, in good i(^S DESCRIPTION OF THE ^ ^ood tapeftry. In the library is a MS. verfion of the Penta- teuch, from the iff ^r^ic, Chaldeey 2indi Greek into Latin, dated l6co. It is intitled Verfio Pent ateuchi per Ciruelum Darocenfem, There Is a grant of Queen Urr AC a's in this cathedral in 1661, which mentions the Alcazar^ and the Pons Cafiellanus, or bridge of the Alcazar. It concludes thus — " iVhofoever Jhall violate this *^ grant, let them be ever banifiedfrom God's threfiold, and be eter-^ *' nally tormented with D at u am and Abiram, whom the earth ''' /wallowed, be damned with the traitor Judas, and fay a thoufand ''pounds of iinallayed gold (auri obryzi) to the bijljop" There are feveral fine churches here befides the cathedral ; that of St. Milano is very old ; built by Gonzalo Feliz in r. 923. See Hijlory of Segovia, p. 83; I found an infcription on the wall : L : DCCC : AI : XXX : X : HQL >\ . ^ : fj. Q^ AR. ROI: S. K. c . 2. There is another infcription on the other wall, on which there was MIL. I. CCC. XL. I. which I read 1341. The arches of this church are all round and large; the columns large and lofty, with carved capitals, containing many figures both of men and animals. Some with beautiful foliage; the lliafts were round and plain ; and placed upon fquare bafes, extremely large : At the entrance is a fort o^ Arcade with beautifjl, fmall columns of black marble, and the pillars joined one to another, with a fort of fpiral or ferpentine line, what the heralds, I think, call wavy. The church of St. Sebastian is a good room, not very large, the roof modern, built in 169-9. There is a fmall nave ad- joining, feparated by three elliptical arches, the mofl: ugly, difpro- portioned things you can imagine. What date they are of I know not ; but certainly they are Gothic. There are two pillars remain- ing at the portal, as old as the MooriJJj times. The church of St. Francis is a fine Ir.rge room, with a moft beautiful organ ; large and lofty arches, mof^ of them round, but one or two pointed; the roof modern. On the left-hand is a fmall chapel with the oldeft Gothic, or Saxon carved work ; 4 the CHURCHES IN SEGOVIA. 199 th^ roof of it contains large beads, or mouldings : they projected 7 or 8 inches from the roof, and the arch over the door-way was compofc^d of beads or tracery of ftone in the fame mally tafte. The church of St. Martini is a very old fabric, built before 1 140. See Hiji. of Segovia. At the weft-end of it is the mofl lof- ty, round Moorijh arch lever faw, with a multitude of decreafing mouldings one within another -, there is a pretty large arcade with very neat fmall columns of black marble. The church of St. Augustin is a modern building, but a fine room, the arches rounds fome few good pidures, and a handfome facrifty. The church of St. Dominic is a noble Gothic flrudure, built about 1406; beneath the cornifh under the roof of the outfide, all round the church, are cut in ftone thefe words, in old characters, of what age I know not, but in this form T. I fhall write it for the fake of difpatch in the common characters TANTO-MONTA. The meaning of which is— When by the marriage of Ferdinand and Isabella the kingdoms were united, they made^ this old Spanip proverb— T'^;zz'(j monta, 77ionta tanto Ifabella como Fernando— T\\.2X is to fay, Ifabel is as good as Ferdinand, and Ferdinand as Ifabel. The only remark I fliall make is, that hence comes our Englip word tantamount. The in- fide is now modernized, the arches are round, a little more than 300 years old. The church of St. John the Baptist is faid here to be the oldef in the city, built in 923. See HiJi. of Seg. p. 83. It con- fifls of three naves, all large round arches of the oldeft Gothic ; and may be confidered as one long room. Here is the tomb of the knights, vv^ho took Madrid in 932; and here the archives of the city are kept in a handfome cheft ; the date of which is 1686. The chief knight was Fernan Garcia de la Torre; his tomb flili remains in this church, which was formerly called from thence the church of the knights. The ftatues of both thefe knights are placed over a gate in Madrid, the print of which is in the hif- tory 20O DESCRIPTION OF THE tory of Segovia. It Is a pretty church, as well as a very old one ; there are feveral pidures, but I believe none valuable ; fonie good Spani/Jj C2irv'mg. Since the date of the taking Madrid by the knights, buried here, 13932; confequently /'i'^ ^^/;z/c'S E G O V I A N A QJJ E D U C T. In eo quod ait de nominis Indicio, fubobfcure alladit ad ridicu- lam Ruderici Ximenii, Archiepifcopi Toletani, notationem, qui X/^. I. cap 7. de Hifpano loquens, ita fcripfit. Chkatein juxta jiicrum Dorii adificavit in loco fuhjeSlo promontorioy quod Cob ia dicitiir, ^ quia fecus Cobiam fita^ Secobia nunciipatiir : qu?e nominis notatio fapponit in Hifpania Latinae linguce ulum, antequam aliquis Ro- manus in earn adveniiTet; immo antequam efTet ipfa lingua. Se- <^ovi£e mentio apud hifloricos & geographos, adeo recens eft, ut ex illorum teftimoniis ejus antiquitas deduci nequeat. Antiquiora enim hifloricorum teftimonia funt A. Hirtii, & L. Flori, quorum hie Lib. II. cap. 22. Segoviae, ut puto, Arevacoriim, meminit a^ens de bello Sertoriano: ille llbro De bello Alexandrino, ca.p. ^y. mentionem fecit Segoviae fitae ad Silicenfe flumen. Ex geographis autem nemo antiquior Ptolemaeo Segoviae meminit. Eum vide Lib.. II. cap. 6. Quod fi. mentionem apud aummos addere vis, cum poft extindum Caligulam nulli nummi imperiales in Hifpaniarum co- loniis & municipiis percuffi fuerint, ut rei nummarise peritiffimus- Emmanuel Martinus Vaillantium fecutus docuit, Epiji. Lib. III.. epifi 1 1 . nulla probatio antiquitatis deduci poteft, nifi ex nummo illo fingulari, quem Rudericus Carus affirmavit fe poffidere, Antiq. Hiftal Lib. III. cap, 50. & prasterea nummus ilie ad Segoviam Arevacornm non pertinet : utpote in eo pons defignatur,. non.aquae- dudus: pons fcilicet ad tranfeundum Silicenfe flumen, quod eft. in B^etica, etfi quale fit, ignoretur. Fortius igitur antiquitatis ur- bis Scgovias argumentum ab aquaedudus fabrica vult ducere Flo- rezius^ nulla vero ratione allegata: nam in eo quod art. 3. ejuf- dem capitis ait, archite6luram non efte Romanam, adverfarios ha- bet ocuiatos teftes anonymum au6lorem Dialogi Linguarum j quem ego edidi in Originibus linguce Hifpanicc^, Tom.Yi. pag. 165, atque clariffimos viros Laurentium Padillam in Antiquit. Hi/pan. cap. 3. & Marchionem Mondexarenfem, Dijjertat. Ecclefiaft. Tomo I. df//'. 1. cap. -;. §. 7. & in Noticiis Gemalogicis Gentis Segovice, editis na- mine Johannis Roman & Cardenas,, cap. 4. pag. 20.. ViDEAMUS tamen inter quas opiniones fluduet Florezius. Ejus verba de aquacdudu loquentis, funt hsc : Aliqiii (ejus originem) referunt ad Herculem-, alii ad Imperatorem TCrajamim -, & non exigua vulgi pars judicatfuiffe Diabolifabricam. Et coatinuo fubjungit, ip- Jam * SEGOVIAN A QJJ E D U C T. 201 fam opiniomim varietatcm probare, nihil ejje certum. Si nihil Igitur certum eft, curSegoviae antiquitatem ab aquxdudus fabrica colligit, fttque banc probationem cacteris omnibus anteponit ? Opinio vulgi afTerentis diabolum fuifTe ftrudiorem aquacduc* tus, omnino defpicienda eft. Prior ilia tribuens Herculi illud opus, ridicula : ejufque originem detexit Didacus Colmenares in Hijhria Scgovice, cap. i, §. 2/ fubjunxitque multos alios hi- ftoricos, quos ibi recenfet, lecutos fuiife Rudericum Ximenium, qui Lib, I. cap. 7, fcrlpfit, Hifpanum ab Hercule Hifpani^E prae- fecflum aquffidudlum ilium conftruxiffe. QucC opinio ceque falfa eft ac praecedens. Verum hoc obiter noto, nomen hoc, Hifpa- nufUy idem efte atque Hifpaliim : nam n facile convertitur in /. Sic Meftalas didi a Meflana devidta, 6c qui in Cornelia gente dicuntur Hifpali, fyllaba penultima produdla, Hifpani didi a Diodoro Sicu- io in Exccrptis, licut etiam ab Appiano in Libyco, adnotante Hen- rico Valelio, pag. 59. Re vera autem Hifpanus fuit amnis, ut £gregie probatur eleganti Trogi Pompeii teftimonio, quod apud Juftinum legitur. Lib. XLIV. cap. i . lie fe habens : Hanc vetercs ab Hibero amne primiun Hiberiam, pojiea ad Hifpnno Hifpaniam cog- nominaverunt, quod teftimonium prae oculis habebat B. liidorus, cum 'Etymol. Lib. IX. cap. 2* dixit : Hifpani ab Hibero amne pri- mum Hiberii pojiea ab Hijpalo Hifpani cogjioniinati funt . Ex quibus conftat Hifpanum amnem eundem elfe ac Hifpalum, a quo urbs Hifpal nomen accepit, aut vice verfa. Sed primum illud veriftmilius eft, cum flumina foleant ellc an- tiquiora urbibus juxta e'a fitis. Novum autem non eft amnium nomina confi6tis regibus applicari folere, uti failum vidcmus in Frcefatione aftuta B. Ifidori Chronico Mundi, in Hifpania illufrata, 'Tomo IV. pag. 41. Variis igitur Ba^tis nominibus hoc adjunge cce- teris illuftrius, quia & urbi celeberrimce, 6c univerfa? HilpanicC no- men dedit. Extribus igitur opinionibus aFlorezio commemoratis,una fuper- pft,qua} in examen adducidebct,anaqua:dudus fcilicet ab Inipcratore Trajano a^difcari juftlis lit, aut ejus tempore conftrucJftus, quod ad ejus antiquitatem comprobandam idem eft. Qlkc opinio digniftima D d 2 eft. 202 S E G O V I A N A QJJ E D U C T. eft, ut in cam inquiramus, qiioniam pro fe habet infcriptionem : qua? fi vera fit, lis efl finita ; fm confiAa, iidio ejus probari debet, ne aliud aflerentibus obftet. Verum Florezius, qui eodem Traci, XXII. cap. I. num. 13. allegavit nonnulias infcriptiones, fciens prudeiifque infcriptionem, de qua loquor, filentio prsteriit, ne (i earn probaret, opinionem immodicas antiquitatis, quam ipfe tenet, abjicere cogeretur; aut, fi improbaret, rationes ficftionis reddere deberet, quas hiftorici, pr-^cedentes eum, omiferunt. Videamus autem quid fentiendum fit. Valdefius apud aud:orem Dialogi de- Linguis ait, in Segovienfi aqusedudu fuo tempore fupereile non- nulias literas, ex quibus conftabat Romanos ilium ftruxifTe. Paullo poftea nullam infcriptionem invenire potuit clarus vir Laurentius Padilla, ut ipfe memorat in A?2tiquit. Hi/pan. fol. 13. pag. 2. Am- brofius Morales, Lib'. IX. cap. 22. fol. 273. pag. 2. confirmat in fuperiore parte illius aedificii fuo tempore fuperelTe indicia littera- rum, nullas vero extare. Refert autem diditari fuifTe lapidem infcriptum hoc modo ; LARTIUS. LICI NIVS. CVM. GV BERNASSET. HIS PANIAM. HVNC AQVAEDVCTVM IVSSIT. AEDIFI CARI. DefcripUt hunc titulum Occo,pag. 29. n. ^. Sc ex eo, ut folet, licet e Morali dicat, Gruterus, pag. 1 80. ?2. 4. Subjungit autem Mora- les, jieminem memoria tenere, fe vidiffe illas litteras, neque audivifje fuiffe. Et ego (inquit) pro certo habeo, titulum ^ qui ibifuit, nonfu- ijfe etimy quern hie pofui : nam neque ftiliuny neque ullum faporem habet tnfcrlptionis Romance. Alii dicunt, litteras^ qua ibifuerunt, indicaffe cedificium illud fa^lumfuife impenfa multorum populorwn, inter quos nominabantur Carpetaniy & Vaca^i. Hocf5lio efty ^ njalde incon^ fderata\ nam cum efet cedificium in utiUtatcmfmgularem unius iirbis, non debebant contribuere aliipopuli, utifaciebant in pontibus ad tranf eundos anines, qui pontes toti provincice erant utiles. Hue ufque Mo- rales, judiciofe, uti folet. 5 Quod SEGOVIAN A QJLJ E D U C T. 203 Quod vero attlnet ad Infcriptionem, ea proculdubio confida eft. Nam, fi vei-a ellet, Lartius Licinius prasnonien fuum non omi- fifTet. Et cum Frator primum tefte Plinio, Lib. XIX. cap. 2. ac deinde Legatus, in quo munere obiit, fuerit, ut idem refert. Lib. i\. cap. 2. nullo modo omififlet munus, quo ipfe funge- batur, li vivens aqua^dudtum aediiicari juffifTet : & fi ex ejus tefta- mento fadlus fuilTet, Plinius, qui fcripfit poft ejus mortem procul- dubio id commemorafTet : Plinius, inquam, fenior, qui poft Lar- tii Licinii mortem fcripfit : de quo duas res memorabiles refert, nimirum, Lib. XIX. cap.\\2\\Q. Lartio Licinio, prcefare viro, jura reddenti in Hifpania Carthagine, paucis hinc annis fcimus accidi/Je, ut inordenti tuber., undeprehenjlts intus denarius primos deiites ijifie^teret : alteram Lib. XXXI. cap. 2. quae inter varias obfervationes referri debet. In Cantabria {\\\<^\t)fontes Tamaraci in augur io habentur, Tres funt, ononis pedibus diji antes. Li unum aheum coeunt vajlo amne. Singulis fic cant ur duo decies die bus aliqua?2do vicies, citra )uf- picionem idlam aquc^y cum fit vicinus illisfomjine intermijjione largus. Mirum ejiy non proftuere cos aufptcari volentibus.ficut proxime Lartio Licinio legato pofi prteturam pofifeptem dies accidit. Quis igitur du- bitabit, Plinium, qui Lib. III. cap. 2. mentionem fecit Segovia, nullo modo filentio proEteriturum adeo magnificum opus amici fui, qui tanti faciebat, fua eledla, ut de iis loquens Plinius junior. Lib. HI. epift. 5. ita fcripferit. Referebat ipfe (Plinius fenior) potuij/e fe, cum procurarct in Hifpania, vender e hos commenfarios Lariio Li^ cinio, quadringentis millibus nummum: & tunc aliquajito pauciores erant. Praeterea locutio ilia, cvM gvbernasset hispaniam, infolens eft, & inaudita in hujufmodi titulis: & minime conveni- ens pr^tori aut legato : & multo minus ei, qui uti admonui, in ipfo legationis tempore obiit. Ex falfa igitur infcriptione nullum argumentum defumi poteft. Nunc vellem fcire, quo vultu legeris, quod ipfe Florezius (tii- tit, nu?n. 3. dificile fore impugnare dicentem Romanos architeSiuram didicijje ab hujufmodi cperibus. Nimirum fupponit, aqua^duftus ar- chitedturam antiquiorem efle R^omana. Si hoc verum elTet, qua fronte Vitruvius, C. Caefaris & Augufti architedus, Lib. II. cap. i. ita fcripfit. Ad hunc die?n nationlbus extcris ex his rebus adificia confiituuntur, ut in Gallia, Hifpania, Lufitania, Jlquitania, fcandu- lis robujleis^ aut frame nt is. Plinius, Lib. XXXV. cap. 14. refc- rens 204 S E G O V I A N A QJJ E D U C T. rens Hifpanorum aedificia, fic ait ; ^id! non in Africa^ Hifpania" que ex terra parieteSy quos appellant formaceos, (quoniamin forma cir** cumdatis utrinqiie duabiis tabiilisj inferciuntur verms, qiidm mjlruun- turj ^cevis durante incorrupti imbribuSy vent is, ignibiis, cmnique ce* mento firmiores f SpeBa etiani nunc fpecidas Jiannibalis Hifpania, terrenajque turres.jugis inonttinn impojitas. Adde B. ifidorum. Lib. XV. cap. 9. Plinii verba defcribentem, & Palladium, Lib. I. cap. 34. Vides quomodo ardificaretur in Hiipania, Poenis dominanti- bus. Vidifti jam & oculis tuis contirmafti, aqua^dudus Segovien- lis architeduram efle Romanam. Ergo cum videatur non fuilTe Plinii hiftoria antiquior, non multo pofteriorem ea fuilTe creden- dum eft. Fulcit banc conjeduram, Plinium, & fcriptores eo anti- qulores, non meminilTe Segoviac, ut urbis ampliffimas. Oportet autem magnam urbem fuilTe, quas fumptus fufficeret ad aedifican- dum aqua?du6lum longiflimum & fumtuofiillmum in fuorum civium ufum, ita firmum atque magnihcum, ut duratione, integritate, at- que magnificentia vincat omnia antiquitatis monumenta, qucE ho- die fuperiunt, infervitque ufui, cui deilinatus fuit : quod permi- rum efl. Si vero a me fcire cupis, quid exiflimem de ipfius urbis antiqui- tate, ego itajudico. Antiqua^ civitates, quae originem fuam non debent Romanis, ut Emerita Augufta : ne que Grscis, ut Rhoda, Emporiae, Arthemifium aut Dianium, Alone (hodie Guardamar) 5 neque Poenis, ut Carthago Nova j neque Phcenicibus, ut Cartalias, Cartima, Carteja, Gaddir; earn debent prifcis Hifpanis, inter quas Segovia numerari debet : nam exteri, qui ante Romanes in Hif- paniam venerunt, negotiatores erant, ideoque colonias fuas fla- biliebant in ora maritima, a qua longe diftat Segovia,' quae cum in- ter Arevacorum urbes nominetur a Piinio & aliis, inter Hifpanas an- tiquiores civitates adnumerari debet. Cupio ut iudicio tuo mcam tententiam connrmes, aat nieliora me doceas. Dcus Optimus Ma- ximus Tibi propitius fit, ut enixe oro. OLiviE, quint Jdus Novembres, Anno mdcclxi. * As odd as this pafiage of Pliny may appear to the Reader, it is right : and he delcribes their manner of building in Spain' to this very day ; — they place two planks on each fide, and then throw in thiir mortar and bricks all together, which the fun afterwards hardens to a wall. LETTER LETTER XI. Some Account of the Antiquities at Cor dub a, Se- ville, Cadiz, Granada, Saguntum, Tar- ragona, and Barcelona. THE city of Cor DUB a is finely fituated on the banks of the Guadalq^hvir, in a wide plain. The ftreets are nar- row, not unlike thole of Toledo. The Mosque is a large, fquare building, nineteen naves running from north to fouth, feparated by foiall beautiful columns of black marble, jafper, ala- bafler, &c, fbme with fine Corinthian capitals, taken out of the old temple of Janus August'J?, as appears by the following In- fcription, on a pillar of green marble, which in Mariana's time Hood in the Francifcan convent there. IMP. CAESAR. Divr. F. AVGUSTVS. cos, VIIK TRIB. POTEST. XXI. PONT. MAX. A. BAETE. ET. lANO. AVGVSTO. AD. OCEANVM. CXXI. GONSTANTIAE. AETERNITATI Q^E. AVGVST. /'T/Vc' Maj-ianam, L. III. C xxiv. P, 129./ Thi^ 2c6 A N T I QJU ITIES at CORDUBA. This muft have been a noble Roman road, for it reached from Salamanca to Cadiz, pafTing through Merida and Seville, to the diftance of above three hundred miles. The latter part of it, from CoRDUBA through EzijA to the fea, was finiflied in the eleventh confulate of Augustus, as appears by another iri' fcription, relating to the fame road, which I fhall now give you. See Mariana, p. 49. Udal ap Rhys, p. 122. IMP. CAES. DIVI. F. AVGVSTVS. PONT. MAX. cos. XI. TRIBVNIC. POTEST. X. IMP. viir. GRBE. MARI. ET. TERRA. PACATO. TEMPLO. lANI. CLVSO. ET. REP. P. R. OPTIMIS. LEGIBVS. ET. SANCTISSIMIS. INSTITVTIS. REFORMATA. VIAM. SVPERIOREM. COS. TEMPORE. INCHOATAM. ET. MULTIS. LOCIS. INTERMISSAM. PRO. DIGNITATE. IMPERII. P. R. LATIOREM. LONGIOREM QUE. GADEIS. USQ^ PERDUXIT. This road was afterwards repaired by the Emperor HadrtaN, as is plain from a third infcrl^tion found in its neighbourhood. IMP. CAESAR. DIVI. TRAIANI. PAR- THICI. F. DIVI. NER. VAE. NEPOS. TRAIA- NUS. HADRIANVS. AUG. PONTIF. MAX. TRIB. POT. V. COS. III. RESTITVIT. But to return to the Mosque j the columns in the church would have a beautiful efFed, if they were not interrupted with crofs- walls. A N T I QJJ I T I E S A T C O R D U B A, &c. 207 walls, altars, and the choir, and the prefbytery, which is built in the middle. The arches round and re-entering ; the coving and roof modern. The re-entering arch was probably firll: taken from the crefcentj or Mahomet an- dtvice. There are many Roman infcriptions at Co u dub a, in the pof- feflion of a private perfon ; chiefly fepulchraly but no names of note in them ; tho' there are fome of families, that had received their freedom. The whole will be foon fully explained by Pa- dre RuANo, a Jefuit, who intends publifhing the antiquities of this church and city. From Corduba the road leads you to the city of Seville. Seville ftands in an immenfe plain, on the GuADALQj^riviR, having a bridge of boats acrofs the river; it is a city of great ex- tent, and I am not fure whether it does not contain as many in- habitants as Madrid. The flreets are worfe than thofe of To- ledo, but the houfes are clean, built round a fquare-court, with green lattices i and £haded from the fun by a ca?ivafs on the top. The cathedral oi Sev 11.1.^ is an extreme fine Gothic ftrud:ure, raifed on noble pointed arches, and adorned with good painted glafs-windows. It confiils oi five naves, but the whole is fpoilt by the fcreen of the choir, which intercepts your view to a magnificent altar, and a miraculous virgin at the eaft end. Be- fore that altar is a farcophagus of filver, within Vvdiich b^es the body of Fernando Santo. There is much plate oelonging to this church ; one whole altar and frontifpiece of plate, and a moft beautiful filver ciijiodia. They have a pleafiiig oval room for a chaptcr-houfe ; bcfides there is a tower about 44 feet fquare, and upwards of 1^0 feet high, built by the Moors in the year 1000, with turrets, and a cupola added by the Chriftians, which makes it altogether about 300 feet to the top of the image upon the cupola. The afcent of the tov/er is fo eafy, that there are no fleps, and an horfe might eafily afcend to the top. In the convents are many capital ^/^wr^j- by Murillo. In a convent of Jeromites, upon the river, is a glorious ilatue of aSV. jfero/n, in clay J and from the turrets one has a lovclv prorpe(ft of the plain, E c the 2o8 ANTKiUITIE S at SEVILLE and CADIZ. the river, and the city. Seville Is watered by a Roman aqtie- diiciy extending from Carmona to the city, the diftance of twenty Engliili miles. There are two fine, large Corinthimi pillar s, taken from a temple of Diana, on which they have placed the llatues of Julius C/ESAR and Hercules. In the houfe of the Duke of Medina C^li, are fome i^o/;M;z pillars, ftatues, and iafcriptions. The walls of Seville are all Roman, At Cadiz there are fome fine pictures of Murillo, parti- cularly an altar-piece, from whence he fell, and lofl his life. There are great Roman remains and infcriptions in the high church, and bits of columns every where fcrving as threfliholds and pofts. In the corner of one houfe they have ftuck into the wall, the remains of a confular toga, and have added to it an head, painted red and white, and a green laurel crown. In one .convent there is 2ifarcophagus, with curious marble bas-reliefs : it is now a ciftern, and the good fathers have firuck two brafs- cocks into the bellies of two water-nymphs, who are hencefor- ward condemned to a perpetual diabetes. They difcovered lately a beautiful column, which to prevent trouble and expence, the^ buried carefully again. The place is plainly a mount, made up of ruins, fo that they can hardly ftir the ground, but the rub- biili turns up fomething curious. There are fome Roman infcriptions at Medina Sidonia -, but you would be moil delighted with the city of Granada: It flands at the foot of a moft noble ridge of barren mountains and rocks, which ftretch round on each fide, in fuch a manner as to embrace a lovely plain, which is varied with plantations, gardens, and villages : had it but a river, like the Guadalquivir, nothing could exceed it, unlefs it were an Englifli profped: of the Thames from Cliffden, or the Trent from Clifton. The Al-hambra, at Granada, is built on a high hill, which overlooks the city and the valley, containing many grand apartn^ients, all in the Moorish ftyle, with alcoves, domes, founvains, Arabic infcriptions^ &c. &c. befides which there is a part built by Charles V. but not finifhed. The front is hand- 2 fome ANTIQUITIES AT SAG U N T U M. 209 fome for this country, and the apartments are built round a very beautiful, circular court, with 32 tine marble columns below, and as many in a gallery above. Not far from it, there is a de- licious garden of the ?vIooRisH Kings, called the Gniiiala- RiFFEE, with all kinds of trees, flouriiliing upon a Iteep hang- ing rock, and as much water as fupplies numberiefs jette-d'eaiixs, and fountains. The rides round the city are charming. There is at Saguntum a fquare teirflated pavement^ with Bacchus upon a tyger in the middle ; a border on the fides, and flowers iffuing in fcrolls from the four corners. There are alfo the almofl entire remains of a Roman amphitheatre^ built under the caftle, upon the fide of a rocky mountain, and commanding a view of a mofl fertile country, bounded by the fea. — This theatre ^ together with fome infcriptions, are defcribed in Marti, the dean of AHcanfs epiftles, lately pubhfhed in 4to. by Mr. V/esseling, and, if I miftake not, the building is fuppofed to have contained 14,000 people. It is certainly a mofl noble fpecimen. At Tarragona there are a multitude of Roman infcriptiom, moft of them to be found in the Annals of Catalonia. Not far from thence, in the road to Barcelona, you pafs under a very handfome triumphal arch, ered:cd by the family of the Licinii, adorned with fluted Corinthian pillars, and a pediment, with dentiles, like the Ionic order. The infcription on the frieze, on one fide, is quite effaced ; on the other the letters are more vifible, and contain the following :— EX TESTAMENTO L. LICINII. On the other fide was F. SERG. SVRAE CONSECRATVM. (See Anto. Augufl. dialog. IV. p. 142. — a dos Leguas de Tar- ragona, &c. &c.) A LITTLE way on one fide the road, fomewhat farther on, is tlie Torre de los Scipiones, or more properly, the tomb of the Sci- pios : being the bafe of an ohelifk, or pyramid, eredted to their memory, with a figure on each fide in the Roman habit; thefe are by fome judged to exprefs the two SciPios, by others two weeping flaves. E c ;', I s 210 ANT IQJLJ ITIES at BARCELONA. In Barcelona there is hardly any thing curious, except an old mezzo -rcki'vo of a Hon hunting, with different figures, men, horfes, dogs, &c. This is now converted into a ciftern, and ftands in the court of one of the canons. Upon a wall by it are two beautiful heads in profile^ very well preferved ; one reprefenting Julius C^sar with the laurel crown ; the other with an orna- mented helmet. There are fome i^\N family infer ipt ions. The city is large, but the ftreets are dark and narrow, with as much in- dullry in them, as if the people were not Spaniards. The for- tifications, tho' expenfive, are injudicious. I cannot conclude this account without prefenting my reader, now I am upon the fubjed: of Roman antiquities remaining in Spain, with the mod remarkable genuine Roman infcription written in '•oerfe, and ftill to be feen in a temple near the bridge of Alcantara in Estrfmadura: the architedt Lager, wha built both the bridge and the temple, was a good poet, as well as builder, tho' his affurance in both arts is fcarce to be equal- led. Imp. Nervae Trajano Caefari Augi'ifto, Germanico, Dacico facrum. Templum in rupe Tagi Superis et Caefare plenum, Ars ubi materia vincitur ipfa fua; Quis, quali dederit voto, fortafTe requiret Cunque viatorum, quos nova fama juvat -, Pontem perpetui manfurum in fscula mundi Fecit divina nobilis arte Lager ; Ingentem vafta pontem qui mole peregit, i^acra litaturo fecit honore Lager ; Qui pontem fecit Lacer, et nova templa dicavit. Scilicet et Superis munera fola libant ; Idem Roinuleis templum cum Carfare Divis Conflituit : Felix utraque caufa facri. C. Julius Lacer H. S. T- et Dedicavit amico Curio Luconi Igacditano. See Bleaus Atlas, and Mr, Ap-Rice, p. ii6. I LETTER LETTER XII. A List of the Land Forces of His Moft Catholic Ma- jesty, CHARLES III. King of SPAIN, in the year 1760. Regiments of Infantry. Spaniard*. Tlie Spanifli Guards The Walloon Guards The Queen's Regiment The Regiment of Caftile of Lombardjr of Galicia of Savoy of the Crown of Afrfca of Zamora of Soria of Cordova of Portugal of Guadalajara: of Seville of Granad'a of Viifloria of Lifhon of Spain of Toledo of Majorca of Burgos of Murca of Leon of Cantabria of Allurias ofCeuta, Itationed of Navarre of Artillery of Arragon of Marines of Oran, llationcd Total of the Spaniards ■ Years. 703 703 ?35 537 537 537 537 553 580 531 5jO 657 657 657 658 660 C60 C6z 634 ^^34 703 703 703 705 710 711 711 733 Uniform. Blue and Red Blue and Red Blue and Red White and Yellow White and Red White and Red White and Blue White and Blue White and Blue White and Red White and Red \^'hite and Red White and Red White and Red White and Blue White and Green White and Red White and Red V^'hite and Green White and Blue White and Red White and Red White and Blue White and Red White and Blue V- hite and Red Vv^hite and Red White and Red Blue and Red White and Red Blue and Red White and Green Bs. Men. 6 '. ;i8o 6 ii8o 2 166 2 166 2 166 ^ 166 2 166 2 1166 2 166 2 1 166 2 166 2 166 2 r66 2 166 2 1166 2 166 'y 166 2 1 66 2 166 ^ 166 2 1166 2 1166 2 166 2 166 2 166 2 i65 2 380 2 166 2 1 380 2 1 166 8 i ):6o 2 1 380 8 46 876 Regin cn,» 212 A List of the Spanish Regiments of Infantry. Italians. A Regiment of Neapolitans of Milan Total of Italians Short Walloons. Regiment of Flanders of Brabant of BrufTels Total of the Walloons •- Irifh. Years, 1552 1704 Land Forces. Uniform. Bt. Mcj^. White and Red 2 1060 White and Blue 2 1060 2IZ0 1536 White and Blue 2 1060 1713 White and Blue 2 1060 '734- White and Blue 2 io3o 3180 The Regiment of Ireland of Ibernia of Uifter 1638 1703 1703 White and Blue Red and Green Red and Blue z 2 2 1060 1060 1060 Total of Irilh 6 3180 Swifs. The Regiment of Buch of Senballar of Young Red ng Red and Blue Blue and Red Blue and Yellow 2 2 2 1480 1480 1480 Total of the Swifs 4440 Regiments of Militia. The Regiment of Jaen White and Blue j 700 of Badajos White and Red 700 of Seville White and Red 700 of Burgos White and Red 700 of Lugo White and Yellow I 700 of Granada White and Green 700 ofLeon White and Green 7C0 of Oviedo White and Blue t 700 of Cordova White and Green 1 700 of Murcia White and Red r 700 of Trujillo White and Blue 1 700 of Xerez White and Red 1 700 of Carmona White and Green 700 of Niebla White and Yellow ] 700 of Ezija White and Blue 1 700 of Ciudad Rodrigo White and B'ue ] 700 of Placentia White and Red i 700 of Logrogne White and Green ] 700 of Siguenza White and Green i 700 of Toro White and Yellow 700 Carried over 2c I 14000 Ugiments A List of the Spanish Land Forces. 213 Regiments of Militia. The Regiment of Soria of Santandero of Orenfe of St. Jago of Pontevedra of Tuy of Batanzos of Antequera of Malaga of Guadiz of Ronda of Alp uj arras of Bujalance T«(al of the Militia Regiments of Invalids. The Regiment of Caftile of Andalufia of Galicia of Valencia Total of the Invalids — - Veari. Uniform. Br White White White White White White White White White White White White White ought over anfl Blue and Blue and Yellow and Red and Blue and Red and Green and Red and Green and Yellow and Yellow and Blue and Yellow White and Red White and Blue White and Yellow White and Green Bs. Men. 20 i/j.,000 700 700 700 700 700 700 700 700 00 700 700 700 700 33 23,100 1200 1200 1200 1200 Regiments of Horfe. The Queens Regiment The Regiment of the Prince of Milan of Bourbon of the Orders of Farnefe of Alcantara of Eftremadura of Barcelona of Malta of Brabant of Flandres of Algarve of Andiluflfe of Calatrava of Granada ©f Seville of St. Jago of Montefa of the Coall of G ranada of Carabiniers of Body Guards Total of the Horfe — — 1703 1703 1640 1640 i6u 1656 1656 1653 1670 1683 '635 1701 1703 1703 1703 1703 1703 1706 1735 1732 1703 Red and Blue Blue and Red White and Red White and Red Blue and Red Blue and Red White and Red White and Red White and Blue White and Blue White and Blue White and Blue White and Blue White and Blue White and Red White and Red White and Blue Blue and Red White and Blue Blue and Yellow Blue and Red Blue and Red 2 24s 2 245 2 24s 2 245 2 245 2 245 2 245 a 245 2 24s 2 245 2 245 2 24s 2 245 2 24s 2 245 2 245 2 24s 2 245 2 24? 2 600 3 460 3 399 6 61 14 Reg ments 214 A List of the Spanish Land Forc e s. Regiments of Dragoons. Years, Uniform. Bf. Men. The Queen's Regiment I73S Red and Blue 2 256 The Regiment of Belgia 1674 Yellow and Red 2 256 of Battavia 1684 Yellow and Red 2 256 of Pavia 1683 Yellow and Red 2 256 of Frifa 1703 Yellow and Red 2 256 of Saguntiim 1703 Yellow and Green 2 256 of Edinburgh 1707 Yellow and Blue 2 256 of Numantia 1707 Yellow and Blue 2 256 of Lufitania 1703 Yellow and Blue 2 2;6 of Merida '735 Yellow and Blue 2 256 20 2560 Total of the Dragoons Independant Companies, The Crofs Bow-men of Baeza The Citizens of Ceuta The Fufileers of Jetares The Garrifons of Ceuta ofMelille, Pegnon, Aluzemas,? Penifcola 5 of Oran The Gunners of Eftramadura Ditto of Oran and Ceuta The Miners and Workmen of Oran 1 and Ceuta 3 Ditto of Lanifa Madrid, Bon Ventura Oran, Mogataces Total of the Independant Companies — — Sum total, 98,375 Men. By an ordonnance of his Majefty, dated 1741, which was the refult of a grand council of the Sword, the order and rank of the regiments of Infantry, Horfe and Dragoons, was declared to be the fame that is obferved in this Table, referving always to each of them their right in fo far as they can offer new proofs. Befides the above troops, his Catholic Majefty has for the guard of his Royal Perfon, a body of 150 Halberdiers, who are alfo employed to fupply vacant ofHces. White and Green Blue and Red Blue and Red Blue and Red I I I I 200 150 80 2 GO Blue and Red 2 400 Blue and Red Blue and Red Blue and Red I I 2 400 100 200 Blue and Red 2 H5 Blue and Red Blue and Red CIn the Turkifli I manner I I I 30 50 so '5 2005 ^« [ 2^5 ] An ejiimafe of the annual expence oftheljh'^'D Forces in thefer^ vice of his Catholic Majesty. The General Ellablifliment of the Army. TO 6 Captains-General, looo crowns vellon per month each, is annually 16 Lieutenant-Generals employed, 750 crowns vel'on per month each, is annually 25 other Lieutenant-Generals, not employed, 375 crowns per month each, is annually 21 Major-generals, employed, 500 crowns per month each, is per annum 20 other Major-Generals, not employed, 250 crowns per month each, is annually 30 Brigadiers, 200 crowns per month each, is annually 61 Brigadiers, not employed, 137^ crowns per month each, is per annum . - 11 Majors of Brigade, ico crowns per month each, is annually a Quarter- M after- General, annually a Quarter-Mafter-General of the Cavalry, annually - - , a Major-General of Dragoons, annually a Controler, or Intendant, 16 Commiflliri^s of War, 150 crowns each per month, is per annum a Quarter-Mafter-General, annually his two aftiftants, 35 crowns per month each, is annually a Captain of the Guides, annually his Lieutenant, annually carried over F f /. J", d^ 8,000 1.6,000 14,000 6,666 13 4 8,000 11,183 6 8 1,466 13 4 266 13 4 266 13 4 266 13 4 200 3,200 100 93 6 8 100 66 13 4 ^7r:>'7(:> 13 4 brought* 133 6 8 332 4 53 6 8 133 6 8 266 13 4 200 133 6 8 89,228 ^7 4 2i6 An Account of the Land and Sea Force j /. J. d, brought over 87,376 13 4 To 20 Guides on horfcback, annually - 200 the Prevot of the army, annually - 200 his two Lieutenants, 'j^ crowns per month each, annually - - 200 2 Exempts, 50 crowns each, per month, is annually 33 Archers, annually a Clerk, annually the Chaplain -Major, annually the firil Phyfician, annually the Surgeon-Major, annually the Apothecary, annually An efiimate of the expence of the Infantry, exclufive of the Body Guards, the Walloon Guards, the Swfs, the Regiment of ArtiU lery, and Invalids, /. s, d. To 38 Colonels of 38 regiments of Infantry, 1324- Vellon crowns per month each, is annually 6713 6 8 38 Lieutenant-Colonels, 80 crowns per month each, is annually - 4053 6 8 38 Majors, 65 crowns per month each, is annually - - 3293 6 8 38 Aids or Affiftants, 30 crowns per month each, per annum - - 1520 38 Chaplains, 17J- crowns per month each, is per annum - - 886 13 4 38 Surgeons, 15 crowns per month each, is annually - - 760 38 Drum-Majors, 5 crowns per month each, is annually - - 253 6 8 carried over 17,480 o o I brought and Revenues of SPAIN. brought over 38 Commandants of fecond battalions, ^y crowns per month each, is per annum - 38 Aids of fecond battahons, 30 crowns per month each, is per annum 38 Chaplains of fecond battalions, 17.1 crowns per month each, is annually 38 Surgeons of fecond battalions, 15 crowns per month each, is per annum 456 Captains of Infantry, 57- crowns per month each, is annually 456 Lieutenants, 22-i crowns per month each, is per annum 456 Enfigns, 15 crowns per month each, is per annum 912 ferjeants, annually 912 Firft Corporals, annually 1368 Second Corporals, per annum 380 Drummers, per annum 17,784 foldiers, annually 2964 Grenadeers, annually 152 Carabineers, per annum 25,460 pairs of ihoes, annually, at 2s. 2d. per pair, is - 25,460 pairs of flockings, at i^'^'^' F^^' pair, is _ - _ 25,460 hats, at IS. 6.1 <^. each, is 25,460 fliirts, with 50,920 rollers, at 3 s. each, is - - - 11,400 coats, waiftcoats, and breeches, at i/. 1 1 J", i-^-d. each fuit, is 5472 mufkets, with their bayonets, at i/. 8 J", each, is 5472 belts, with their fwords, is 5472 cartridge-boxes, is - 217 /. s. d. 17,480 o o 2888 1520 886 13 y6Q 34,656 13,680 9120 6091 435^ 5.221 1266 iS 6 ^3 13 3 8 6 50,911 11^313 652 I 1 1 ^3 1 1 10 3391 ^3 4 1410 1980 4 5 3819 ^7^7^S 1 2V 2 7650 2221 16 8 8 ^Z17 13 carried over 200,318 18 9 F f 2 brou{rht 2iS An Account of the Land and Sea Forces /. s. d. brought over 200,318 18 9 To 5472 Drums, with their braces, is - 1824 25,460 rations, which the King pays every day to this body of Infantry, at three _ farthings each ration - - 29,200 Sum total 231,342 18 9 As it would be too tedious to fpecify the parti- cular articles of the other corps, I fhall only o-ive the total expence of each of them ; and after that (hall fum up the whole expence of the land army in 1760. The expence of the body of Horfe Guards, con- fifting of 480 rnen - - ^(>>S?>S ^3 ^ expence of the regiment of Spanifli Foot Guards, of 5856 men - - 99>528 6 regiment of Walloon Guards, of 5856 men _ - - 97,939 6 expence of 20 regiments of cavalry 220,349 expence of ten regiments of Dragoons - 116,354 10 expence of a regiment of Carabineers - 39063 18 expence of the three Swifs regiments - 66,240 regiment of Artillery, and offices belong- ing to that department - 35*736 four regiments of Invalids - - 12,670 10 The firft article of the General Eflabli{hment 89,228 17 4 The fecond article of the main body of In- * fantry - - 231,342 18 9 The total expence of the Land Army of 1760 1,035,488 19 7 REMARKS. and Revenues of SPAIN. 219 REMARKS. The expence of the 23,000 militia is here not reckoned, as that corps receives no pay but when it is upon duty, in which cafe it is paid in the fame manner as the other regiments. The independant companies in the Cathohc King's fervice are paid at the expence of the cities which they garrifon -, and on that confideration the inhabitants enjoy certain privileges and exemp- tions : but a royal edi6t of the year 1752 ordains, that as oft as thofe companies fliall take the field, or march to any other place, in the King's fervice, they fhall be entertained at his expence. A List of the Naval Forces of his Catholic Majesty CHARLES m. King of SPAIN, in the year 1760. SHIPS of the LINE, El Phenix El Atronador El St. Philipe * La Reyna El Conftante * El Tigie ** La Afia El Fernando La Galicia * El Infante La Princefa El Septreniion La Africa El Oriente El Eolo * El Aquilon El Soterbio El Serio * * El Neptuno El Brilliante El Magnanimo La Galiarda * El Vincedor O o o ^E, 47. 3 CO p 3 n f» r 70 1 749 12 120 750 70 I 743 12 120 750 70 1 745 12 120 750 70 1 744 12 120 750 70 1 75 s 12 120 750 70 1 747 12 120 750 70 ] 75» 12 120 750 70 1 75' 12 120 750 70 ] 75' 12 120 750 70 ] 750 12 I20 750 70 1 75' 12 120 750 70 [751 12 120 750 70 1752 12 120 750 70 «753 12 120 750 70 •753 12 120 750 70 '754 12 120 750 70 '754 12 120 750 70 1754 12 120 750 70 1754 12 120 750 70 1753 12 120 750 70 >75 + 12 120 750 70 1754 12 120 7S^ 70 1755 12 120 750 Carried over. 1610 7^6 2760 EIG 17250 uerrero 220 An Account of the Land and Sea Forces SHIPS of the LINE, 47. El Guerrero * El Soberano El Gloriofo El Heftor El Firmo El Achilles •El Terrible La Athalanta El Poderofo El Arrogante El Hercules El Dichofo El Triumphante El Monarcha El Diligente El Fuerte * * La Europa * La America El Dragon El Tridente El NuevaEfpana La Caftelia * El San Genaro * Ei San Antonio Brought over n < K e ta f5 3 3 3 3 5' 10 276 2760 17250 70 1 759 12 120 750 70 1 755 12 120 750 70 755 12 120 750 70 ] 755 12 120 750 70 ] [754 12 120 750 70 1 754 12 120 750 70 ] 755 12 120 750 70 ] 754 12 120 750 70 1 754 12 120 750 70 ] 754 12 120 750 70 1 755 12 120 750 70 1 756 12 120 750 70 1 756 12 I20 750 70 ] 756 12 120 750 70 i 756 12 120 750 60 1 727 10 ICO 600 60 I 734 10 100 600 60. 1736 10 100 600 60 1739 10 100 600 60 1748 10 100 60a 60 '754 10 100 6o 240 1750 4 30 240 1753 4 30 24a 1744 4 30 240 »753 4 30 240 »754 4 30 240 1754 6 40 300 ^754 6 40 300 »754 6 40 300 I7S4 6 40 300 66 480 3760 FRIGATES, 21. La Efparanza El Bizarro El Flor La Emeralda * El Venganza El Liebre La Induftria La Ventura La Venus La Pallas La Junoti La Aftrea La Hermoza La Vitoria La Galga La Dorada La Perla La Aquila La Flecha La Reyna * La Thetis SO '736 8 60 460 50 1 ^757 8 60 460 30 1 7^7 6 50 400 30 ] '753 6 SO 400 30 1 755 6 50 400 26 ] 755 4 40 360 26 1 755 4 40 360 26 1 755 4 40 360 26 I 755 4 40 360 26 ] 755 4 40 360 26 755 4 40 360 26 1 753 4 40 360 24 I 754 4 40 360 24 1 751 4 40 360 22 [752 4 40 560 22 1 753 4 40 360 22 1 '753 4 40 360 22 '753 4 40 360 22 ] '753 4 40 360 22 '755 4 40 36a The total, 552 94 870 7520 222 An Account of the Lani> and Sea Forces A General Summary of the NAVAL FORCES. Ships cf the Liae ■ ■ ■ ' ■« » '■ ' ■ — ■ " 47 Xebecs ■ ■ ■ ' ' 14 Packet-boats '■ ' 4 Bomb V^cflels • ' 7 Guns ■ • 4°'^ Gunners •' ■ • - ' 7'- Marines - ' ^870 Ciew -^ — — 4S»96o At Cadiz there is eftabliftied an academy of marine guards, who are maintained there to the number of 150, at the expence of the finances of his Catholic Majefty. The marines who are embarked on board the whole navy are drawn from the ma- rine recriment, comprehended in the lift of the land forces in the Royal fervice of hi;. Ca- tholic Majefly. For this reafon, they ought not to be reckoucd to belong to this g-ne- ral fummary. The fame ought to be remarked in regard to the marine gunners, who are drawn from the regiment of artillery, likewife included in the fame lift of land forces. In the docks of Gua^nizo, Ferrol, and Carthagena, they are building four other fhips of the line, five frigates, and fome other fhips of war, which may be ready for the fea the enfuing year 1761. N. B. The Ihips marked * were taken by us at the Havanna, befides two others on the ftocks, not finifhed. Thofe with this mark * * were fuak in the mouth of the harbour. An T [ 223 ] An Estimate of the Expence of the Naval Forces. The Particulars of the Expence of 47 Ships of the Line. i. s. . d. O the Governor-general of the navy annual- ly, - - _ - - 2000 o o 7 Lieutenant-generals of marine, 450 crow^ns vellon each, per month, is per annum - 4200 o o 6 Admirals, 225 crowns per month, each, is annually - - - - 1800 o o 5 of them, when embarked, by way of gra- tification, during the campaign, - - 666 13 4 47 Captains of Ihips, 100 crowns per month each, is annually _ , - 6450 o o 32 who are cruifing, as a gratification, - 4000 o o 47 Lieutenants of fhips, j^ crowns per month each, is annually - - - 4837100 32 who are cruifing, as a gratification, - 768 o o 47 Enfigns of fliips, 30 crowns per month each, annually - - - - 193 500 32 who ferve on a cruife, as a gratification, 768 o o 140 Marine-guards officers, annually, - 2240 o o The fame, by way of gratification, - - 1803 8 9 5 Intendants of the marine, 60 crowns per month each, is per annum, *• - 400 o o The fame, by way of gratification, - - 146 13 4 32 Clerks of fhips, 40 crowns per month each, is annually - _ - - 1506 13 4 The fame, by way of gratification, - - 188 17 6 47 Mafters of the rigging, 30 crowns per month each, is per annum - - ^935 o o 3 Chaplains majors, 50 crowns per month each, is annually - - - 200 o o 47 other Chaplains, 30 crowns per month each, is per annum - - ^935°° Carried over, 37,780 16 ^ G g To 224 E S T I M A T E of the E X P E N C E of /. J. d: Brought over, 37,780 16 3 To 47 iirfl Surgeons, 30 crowns per month each, annually - _ - _ 47 other Surgeons, 25 crowns per month each, is annually _ _ _ 47 iirfl Pilots, 30 crowns per month each, is annually - _ _ 47 fecond Pilots, 25 crowns per month each, annually - - - 47 third Pilots, 15 crowns per month each, is per annum - - _ 47 firft Mafter-gunners, 25 crowns per month each, is annually 47 other Mafter-gunners, 15 crowns per month, is per annum, 47 firft Mates, 30 crowns per month each, is per annum - - 47 fecond Mates, 25 crowns per month each, is annually 45 other Mafter-gunners, 20 crowns per month each, is per annum 270 Gunners, 9 crowns each per month, is per annum - - - - 7000 Sailors, ^1- piajires, or 15 fhillings per month each, is annually 8250 Boys, 44- vellcn crowns each, per month, is annually - - - 71 50 Swobbers, 3 crowns each per month, is per annum - - - 28,600 o o 70 Sergeants, 9 crowns per month each, is annually - - - - 83300 3770 Marines of the fame fleet, annually, J 8,303 o o The Purfer-general, for 9,577,600 rations, which they furnifti every year for the fub- fiftence of 26,240 men, of which the ma- 1935 1612 10 1935 I6I2 10 967 10 I6I2 10 967 10 1935 I6I2 10 1260 3233 6 8 68,250 49,500 Carried over, 221,950 2 11 lines thcNAVAiFoRCEsof S P A I N. 225 /. /. do Brought over, 221,950 2 11 rines and crew of the faid fleet are com- pofed, - - - 225,355 4 6 To 47 Carpenters of fliips, 30 crowns per month each, is annually - - 1,887 15 o An annual expence of 173 fhort cwt. of gun- powder, 53 ditto of balls, and 31 ditto of match, at the rate of 3 1. 6 s. 8 d. the cwt. of powder, 10 s. 6 d. the balls, and i 1. 3 s. the, match, - - - - 633 6 S For extraordinary careenings and repairs, - ii,i8q o o The whole expence of 47 Ships of the Line, 46 1,0 1 5 9 i The expence of 2 1 frigates, - - 117,851 o o The expence of 14 xebecs, - ~ 75»093 4^ Of 7 bomb veflels, - - - 22,483 i^ q Of 4 packet boats> - - - „ 18,992 o o The whole expence of the fleet, 695,435 6 7 The Expence of the Marine Departments. - To 3 Intendants of the 3 departments of the marine, 450 crowns each per month, per annum, - _ _ ^ 6 CommifFaries, 150 crowns vellon per month each, annually - - _ 3 Great Treafurers, 180 crowns per month each, is per annum 3 Treafurers, 200 crowns per month each, is annually - - 30 Major, or firfl officers, 60 crowns per »month each, per annum Carried over, 7320 o o G^ 2 T« iSco 1200 720 800 2800 226 ExPENCE of the Marine Departments. /. s. £ Brought over, 7320 o o To 40 fecond Officers, 40 crowns per month each, annually, - - - 313368 43 Supernumeraries, 18 crowns per month each, is per annum - - - 1511 o o 92 Clerks, employed at tlie arfenals, 21 crowns per month each, is per annum - 633 6 8^ Others, maintained at the boards, according to their pay, annually - - 622 4 5;, The Officers who enrol on the books, or Clerks of the check, by way of gratifica- tion, - - - 918 6 a 46 Clerks of the book office, 50 crowns per month each, per annum, - 1 1 15 11 o 3 Chiefs of ditto, 60 crowns per month each, annually - - 400 o o 3 Porters of the chamber of accounts, 18 crowns per month each, is per annum, - 72 o o The Mafter-builder at Cadiz, annually 304 3 o The Mafter-builder at Ferrol, annually 304 3 o The Mafter-builder at Carthagena, an- nually - - -^ 608 6 8' 16 Draughtfmen, • defigned as Affiftants to the Builders, 20 Crow^ns per Month each, is annually - - 426 13 4 3 naval ^tore keepers, 60 crowns per month each, is annually - 671 o o The Tribunals of the Marine.. To 3 Marine Auditors of war, 100 vellon crowns a-month each, per annum. - 400 o o 3 Secretaries of the marine, 60 crowns per . month each, annually - 240 o a 12 Alguazils of the marine, 15. crov/ns per month each, per annum, - - 192 o o Carried over, 18,871 14 9 3 To Salaries of the Great Officers. 227 /. X. d. Brought over, 18,871 14 9 To 3 Porters, 25 crowns per month each, is loo o o For Extraordinaries, annually - - ^ 54 1 3 4 The fum of the marine department and tribunals, 19,1 2(6 8 i The whole expence of the fleet, - 695,435 ^ 7 The expence of the whole marine, - - 7Hj56i^4 B The falaries of the members of the great offices, and tribunals^ are as follows. The Council of State. . /. X. d. To the Dean of the council annually - 1466 13 4 3 other Miniflers, ditto, - 4400 o o The Secretary, per annum, - 444 9 o The firft Porter, - - 40 o c The fecond Porter, - - 22 4 c For extraordinaries annually, that is, paper, ink, pens, refrefhments, and for furniihing the apartments in fummer and winter, 488 17 10 Secretaries of State, and of univerfal diipatches. To the Secretary of State, and of univerfal dif- patch. The Secretary of State, and of the difpatch of Favour, The Secretary of State, and of the difpatch of Favour and Juftice, The Secretary of State, and of the dilpatch of the^marine, The Secretary of State, and of the difpatch of the Finances, #^ Carried over, 13,528 17 ii To 1333 6 8 ^IZZ 6 8 1333 6 8 ^333 6 8 ^333 6 8 I48I I I 00 2640 880 ^9Z 6 183 6 1294 9 228 Salaries of tlic /. s, d. Brought over, 13,528 17 n To 5 firfl: Officers, 202 vellon ducats per month eaeh, is annually - - 5 fecond Officers, 150 ducats per month each, is annually 30 other Officers, 60 ducats per month each, per annum, 20 Supernumeraries, 30 cicats per month each, is per annum 5 firft Porters, 30 ducats per month each, is annually 5 fecond Porters, 25 ducats per month each, is per annum For cxtraordinaries annually. Royal and Supreme Council of his Majefty. The firft Hall of Government. To the Prefident annually, - - 133368 7 other Commiffioners, 200 ducats per month each, is per annum. The Fifcal, annually The Secretary, annually The firfl: Porter, The fecond Porter, For extraordinaries, - - 266 13 4 The Second Hall of Government. "This Hall confifts of 4 Commiffioners, a Secre- tary, 2 Porters j and the whole expences of it, extraordinaries included, - ^95^^ The Hall of Mil y Qu_^inientas. This Hall confifts of 5 Commiffioners, a Secre- 333 6 6 8 8 244 66 9 13 4 44 9 4 Carried over, 27,694 3 u tary. GreatOfficers of SPAIN. 229 /. s, d* Brought over, 27,694 311 fcary, and other officers; and the whole ex- pences of it, extraordinaries included, are 2133 6 S The Hall of the Province, This Hall confifts of 4 Commiffioners, a Gover- nor, the Judges of the feveral Provinces, a Fif- cal, three Secretaries, and other officers; and the expence of the vi^hole is - 6826 13 4 The Hall of the Grand Prevots of the Houie and Court. This con lifts of a Governor, two other Commif- fioners, aFifcal, Secretary, and other officers ; the expence of the whole being - 2283 6 8 The Hall of Justice Confifls of 3 Commiffioners, a Fifcal, a Secreta- ry, and Porter; the expence is - 141,1 11 o The Grand Council of War Confifts of 6 Commiffioners, a Fifcal, an Affief- for, a Secretary, &c. the expence is A^^S ^^ ° The Grand Council of the Inquisition. . To the Inquifitor general, annually, 7 other Tnquilitors, annually, . The Fifcal The Secretary of the chamber. The Alguazil major. Carried over, 48,-. 4 489 2566 13 4 333 6 8 ?>n. 6 8 166 ■?> 4 ^"- ' 7 • 230 A L A R I E S of the Brought over. To 2 Inquifitors of the council, 200 ducats per month each, is per annum The iirfl: Porter, The Porter of the Tribunal, For extraordinaries, The Grand Council of the Indies. To the great Chancellor of the Indies, 17 other Commiffioners, 200 ducats per month each, is per annum, The Fifcal refpefting Peru, The Fifcal refpeding New Spain, The Secretary refpeSing Peru, The Secretary refpe6ling New Spain, The Lieutenant of the Chancellor, 2 Porters, Extraordinaries, The Grand Council of Military Orders Confifls of a Prefident, 8 other Commiffioners, a Fifcal, a Secretary, a great Treafurer, Trea- furer, Alguazil, Procurator-general of the or- der of St. James, feveral other officers of that order, and two Porters ^ the expence of the whole, with extraordinaries, being The Councils of the Finances. I. The Hall of Government^ To 15 Commiffioners, 200 ducats each per month, is per annum. /. s^. I 48,353 12 7 533 6 8 66 13 4 122 4 5 477 '7 489 4400 I 4986 13 4 333 6 8 333 6 8 333 6 8 333 6 8 400 III 888 17 10, 5910 ,0 o Carried over, 68,072 11 10 To Great Officers of SPAIN. 231 /. s, d. Brought over, 68,072 n 10 To the grand Treafurer-general of the Chamber of Valuations, - - ^S"? 6 8 To the grand Treafurer-general of the Diftribu- tion, - " 333 <3 8 A Fifcal, Secretary, two Porters, and extraordi- naries. are - - 1064 9 o The Hall of the Millones Confiils of 8 Commiffioners, a Secretary, Fifcal, 2 Porters j the expence of the whole, includ- ing extraordinaries, is - - '^^J'i- o o The Hall of Justice Confifts of 6 Commiffioners, and officers as above J the expence, with extraordinaries, is 2066 13 4 The Tribunal of the Greater Cham- ber of ACCOMPTS. 14 Commiffiioners, and officers as above ^ the expence, including extraordinaries, 4468 6 i The General Commiffion of Crusade. A Commiffiary, 2 Affieffiors, a great Treafurer, and other officers, as above ; the expence of the whole, including extraordinaries, " 1866 13 4 The EoARD of Works and Forests. •7 Commiffioners, a Judge of the Wood by Com- mifficn, and other officers, as above; the ex- pence of which, with extraordinaries, is ^999 o ^ Carried over, 82,975 6 11 H h The 2^2 Salaries of the /. s. d. Brought over^ ^2,975 6 u The Council of Commerce, Money,. and Mines Confifts of a Prefident, 12 other Commiiiioners, and officers as above 5 the expence of the whole, including extraordinaries, being 2771 o a The PwOYAL Junta de Facultades. 3 Commiffioners, a Secretary, and 2 Porters ; the expence, with extraordinaries, - 949 a O The Royal Apostolic Assembly. 6 CommifTioners, and officers as above ; the ex- pence, with extraordinaries, being - - 141 3 6 8 The Royal Junta of Tobago. A Prefident, 7 Commiffioners, 4 Fifcals, a Se- cretary, and two Porters; the expence, in- cluding extraordinaries, - 2969 o o The Royal Junta of Provisions. 7 Commiffioners, and officers as above ; the ex- pence, with extraordinaries, - 1621 c The Royal Assembly of the Single Contribution. 5 Commiffioners, and officers as above ; the ex- pence, including extraordinaries, - 1444 6 8 Cariied over, 94*143 o 3 The Great Officers of SPAIN. 233 Brought over, 94,143 o 3 The Tribunal of Physic. A Prefident, Vice-prefident, firfl Phyficlan, Af- feffor, Fifcal, Secretary, and 2 Porters j the expence, including extraordinaries, - looi o # Commissioners, and others employed in the Provincial Tribunals. The Royal Chancery of Valladolid Confifts of a Prefident, 16 Commiflioners, 4 Prevots, a Judge, 4 other Prevo ts, 2 Fifcals, a Secretary, 2 Porters ; and the expences, with flKtraordinaries, are - 5262 5 5 The Royal Chancery of Grenada Confifts of a Prefident, 16 other Commiflioners, 8 Prevots, 2 Fifcals, an Alguazil major, and 2 Porters; and, with the extraordinaries, is 4851 o • The Grand Council of Navarre Is compofed of a Viceroy, and Captain-general of Navarre, of a Regent, 6 other Commif- iioners, and a Fifcal, - 2420 o • The Hall of ^RAnd Prevots Coniyis of 4 Prevots, - ^7^1^^ Carried over, 108,210 12 4 H k 2 The 2-^4 S A L A R 1 E 5 of the Brought over, 108,210 12 4 The Tribunal of the Chamber of ACCOMPTS Confifts of 5 Commiflioners, a Patrimonial of the Kingdom, a Treafurer, 3 Secretaries, and 4 Porters; and, with extraordinaries, is 1887 11 o^ The Audiences. The Royal Audience of Corunna. A Governor, a Regent, 7 other Commiffioner*, a Fifcal, Secretary, and two Porters ; the ex- pence, including extraordinaries, is 3121 o o The Royal Audience of Seville. A Regent, 8 CommiiTioners, 4 Prevots, and other officers, as above j the expences, with the extraordinaries, are - ^fS^l ^ ^ The Royal Audience of Oviedo. A Regent^ 4 grand Prevots, an Alguazil major, and other officers, as above; the expence, in- cluding extraordinaries, - - ; 755 II o The Royal Audience of the Canaries, A Governor, or Commandant-general, a R.e- gent, 3 other Commiffioners, and other offi- cers, as above ; the expence, with extraordi- nurier., is - -257100 Carried over, 120,279 i o The Great Officers of S P A I N. 235 /. s. J, Brought over, 120,279 i o The Royal Audience of Commerce to the Indies, at Cadiz. A Prefideht, 4 Commiflloners, a Fifcal, Great Treafurer, a Depofitary, a Comptroller, a Se- cretary, and 2 Porters ; the expence, with ex- traordinaries, - - 330io<^ The Royal Audience of Arragon, A Governor, or Captain-general, a General-corrir- mandant, a Regent, 8 other Commiffioners, 4 Judges, two Fifcals, an Alguazil major, a Secretary, and two Porters; the expence, with extraordinaries, being - 444^ 13 5 The Royal Audience of Valencia. A Governor, or Captain-general, a Regent, 8 other Commiffioners, 4 Criminal Commiffion- ers, 2 Fifcals, an Alguazil, Secretary, and 2 Porters -, the expences, including the. extra- ordinaries, are - - 4024 9 o The Royal Audience of Cataloiha. A Governor, or Captain-general, a Regent, 10 other Commiffioners, 6 Criminal Judges, 2 Fifcals, a Secretary, 2 Porters ; the expen- ces, including extraordinaries, are - ■4^^7 ^^ ^ The Royal Audience of Majorca. A Governor, or Captain-general, a Regent, 5 other Commiffioners, a Secretary, Fifcal, and 2 Port- ers j the expences, with extraordinaries 2796 13 4 Carried over, 1-^0,665 12 9 The 2^6 Pensions paid out of the Finances /. s, d. Brought over, 139,665 12 9 The Governors, Seneschals, and Inten- DANTS of the Kingdom, are 139 in number. The amount of all their falaries is - 30,327 6 8 The Presidio's, or Garrisoned Forts, Firil: of Oran, confifting of a General Com- mandant, a Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, Major, two Aid Majors, Captains Intendant, Secretary, and other Officers The expence of the Convents there The expence of the Hofpital The Caftle of Santa Cruz Caftle of St. Philip Caftle of St. Gregory Caflle of St. Andero Rozalcazar Almarzaquivir ^ Ceuta *« The Hofpital Pegnon To the above muft be added Melilla, Alu- zeinas, and the Arfenals of Carthagena 124,428 2,825 410 13 4 921 366 13 4 366 13 4 366 13 4 366 13 4 394 9 14^954 9 3,211 3 11,879 4 5,920 336,403 II I Pensions paid out of the Finances of his Catholic Majesty. /. s, d. To the Queen Mother ^ - - 100,000 o o Carried over, 100,000 o o 3 To of hl3 Catholic M a j e s t ir. To t1i€ Infant Don Philip (probably now dif- continued.) - ^ « the Infant Don Lewis two Miniflers of State, retired two Widows of General Officers feveral Perfons employed in the Royal Service, by way of gratification during their life - other Widows _ _ , two fuperannuated Confeffors Alms fixed by his Majefty annually To the Great Treafurer of the Chamber of Penfions - - _ the Officer Major the fecond Officer - the Officer of the Books other Officers _ - _ four Officers charged with the correipon- dence of the Kingdom - -• ten Clerks board-wages a Treafurer, annually an Intendant a Porter of the Chamber Extraordinaries annually An annual payment of three per cent, of arrears of the Finances - - 6,889 The King's Library^ An annual affignment made by his Majefly for literary affiemblies To the firft Librarian four fecond Librarians an Literpreter of Oriental Languages fix Clerks annually Carried over, 205,472 12 2 To iT. 237 /. s. d. ;oo,ooo 33>333 6 S 50,000 2,666 13 4 266 ^3 4 5,666 13 4 844 9 266 13 4 1000 244 9 166 13 4 Sg 66 13 4 S3 3 6 8 400 j66 13 4 139 222 5 5 44 9 222 4 5 ^>555 II 333 6 8 3^^ 2 2 II I 2 2 J33 6 8 233 Pensions paid cut of the Finances If. a. L Brought over, 205,472 12 2 To tiiree Porters - - 83 6 8 Extraordinaries - - 1 8 1 7 1 1 The Academies of the King. To the fupport of the Academy of the Spanifli Language - - . 444 ^ G Do. ofHiftory ,- - 666 13 4 Do. of Painting, Sculpture, and Architecture Ij333 6 % Do. of Mathematics at Cadiz - i,'888 17 10 Do. of Mathematics at Barcelona ^>444 9 ^ The Palace and Royal Family. To the Squire of the Body the Majordomo Major the firft Equerry the fecond Equerry the firfl Equerry of the Camp the fecond Equerry of the Camp 333 333 167 - 167 III 6 6 6 2 g 8 % 2 the firft Equerry of the Queen the fecond 167 III four Gentlemen of the Chamber of his Ma- jefty pecuUarly fix Qjjhers of the Table 444 9 13 four Wardrobe Keepers four Fhyficians 444 1,778 9 two Surgeons two Apothecaries the Houfehold of the Pages b6(i 333 2,100 ^3 6 4 8 the Patriarch 1,1 r r 2 two Confcllbr^ 889 Carried over, 22 f,033 6 8 3'555 II 3,666 13 4 1,089 11,144 9 333 6 8 266 13 4 1,266 13 4 39,111 2 2 4>444 9 1^433 6 8 333 6 8 333 6 8 333 6 8 39,722 4 8 2,100 544 9 666 13 4 ^^333 6 8 777 15 555 1 1 H>^55 II 666 J3 4 3^3^^ ^3 4 I i Carried ever, 355,242 16 3 The 240 Pensions paid out of the Finances, &c. /. 355^242 Brought over, The annual cxpence of the Shop The Bota:<;ic Gardens of the King. To the firfl Botanift annually the fecond the people employed in cultivating the fame gardens BuEN Retiro. To the firfl Gnrdener annually four other Gardeners extraordinaries for cultivation and planting the firft Gardener for fiowers four other Gardeners extraordinaries For the maintenance of the houfe where the Lion, Tygers, Eagle, and other animals are kept To an Affiftant - ^ the fubfiflence of the faid animals 2.444 200 66 16 3 9 o o o 13 4 44 9 o 66 44 66 66 44 88 88 33 644 J3 9 13 13 9 4 o 4 4 o 17 10 17 10 6 8 A R A N J U E Z» To the Governor of Aranjuez the Keeper of the Magazipxe the Guard Major fifty-four other Guards four Gardeners ten fupernumerary Gardeners fix Keepers of the Palace extraordinaries " 366 13 4, ^33 6 8 - 100 - 1,100 .. 533 (> B 333 6 8 * 200 - 3,500 Carried- over. 365,409 10 3 PARDa. Annual Produce of Tobacco, &c. 341 /. s. d. Brought over, 365,409 10 3 P AR D O. For fupporting the woods and gardens at tlie Pardo annually - 2,100 o o San Ildephonso. For fupporting the Gardens of San Ilde- phonso annually - 2,666 13 4 The EscuRiAL. For fupporting the Gardens of the Efcurial 83q o o Casa del Campo. For the fupport of the Cafa del Campo annually 14,622 4 8 The Annual Produce of Tobacco in each Province. In the Canaries Madrid Burgos Valladolid SoRIA CORUNNA the Four Cities Segovia AviLA Toledo guadalaxara 385,687 8 3 each Province. /. J-. d. - ^7>2^^ 13 4 ' ^^7^^S'^ - 82,222 4 9 - 137,666 13 4 - ^hS'^S II - 34. m 2 2 - 3 2,222 4 5 - 26,811 2 2 - 10,125 1 1 - 12,127 ^5 7 - ^9^777 '5 4 Carried over, 483,108 13 i I i 2 In 242. Annual Produce of the P.o s T-O f f 1 cr IaCuEN9A Talavera »- Mancha — Salamanca. estremadura Galicia asturias Seville Cordova Jaen Cadiz Granada Malaga, and the Garrlfons Murcia Arragon Catalonia - Valencia Majorca * Navarre r I ■ s. d Brought over, 483,108 13 I - 12,388 17 10 - - 14,444. 8 lo- - 33^465 1 1 - 24,783 6 8 - 87,666 13 4 - - 51,111 2 2 - 39>333 6 8 - - 34,222 4 5 - 25,222 4 5 - - 28,839 - 37^902 4 5 - - 37'52o - 37'944 S 10 23,220 - - 37>445 1 1 - 39^924 8 10 » - 36,444 8 10 - 12,195 II a* - 24,640 1,221,820 6 The Annual Produce of the PasT-GFFiCE in. every Province, La Mancha Madrid Galicia asturias VaLLADO/LID Zamora Seville Granada /. S. d. - 9>555 11 - 140,077 15 7 - 8,-)9J. 8 10 - 10,088 '7 lO - 5>9'7 15 7 - 1,322 4 5 10,666 13 4 *• -^ 9,766 ^3 4 Carried over, 195,889 19 II Cordova. m the Spanish P r o v t n c e s* 24. CORDOVA Jaen SoRIA Segovia Biscay GuiPUSCOA Alava Arragon Valencia Catalonia Majorca Burgos Toledo Leon Salamanca A VILA Palencia ToRO Canaries Badajoz MuRCIA GuADALAXARA CUENZA /. -f. d. Brought over, 195^^89 19 II - 8,888 17 10 - - 4.777 '5 7 - 1,944 13 4 - 1,100 - - i7'777 i5 6 - 1 1,966 '3 4 - - ^^^55^ li - 12,348 17 10 -- - 21,177 17 10 - 16,700 — - 8.451 2 2 - 9>393 6 8 •* - 10,314 8 10 - 961 2 2 - ^^>333 6 8 — 753 6 8 — 555 ir ■* - 411 2 3 - 9,638 17 10 - - 4.488 17 10 - 7v77 15 - 588 17 10 — - 766 J3 4 368,562 10 s The Annual Produce of the Provincial Farms, or Mil- LONES, by Provinces. /. s. d. La Mancha - - 22,888 17 10 Madrid . - - 45.500 o o Galicia - - 45,222 4 5 AsTUKiAs • - « 22,822 4 5 Carried over> 136,43 \ 6 8 Valla- 244 AnpAial Produce of the G e n e r A l Farms /. s. d. Brought over, 136,433 6 8 Valladolid - - 45'3-7 ^5 ^ Zamora - - 22,-55 li o Seville ^ - - 34*58^ \y 10 Granada - - 24,657 : c 5 Cordova - ^ - 27,080 o o Jaen - - ll^'^SS ij^ ^ SoRiA - - - 45'444 S i^ Segovia - - 45'333 ^ ^ Biscay - - 22,975 ii o Alava - - 47>o66 13 4 GuiPuscoA - - 49^^11 2 2 Aragon - - 70,004 8 10 Valencia - - 68,':^90 o o Catalonia - - 66,786 13 4 Majorca - - 35>343 ^ ^ Burgos -. ' - '^Zull ^5 5 Toledo -; - 22,888 17 10 Leon » - 23,500 o o Salamanca - 22,888 17 10 AviLA - - 23,477 15 7 PaLENCIA - - 4^'222 4 5 ToRo ^ - 50,888 17 10 Canaries - - 1-8,262 4 5 Badajoz • - 45*333 ^ ^ Murcia * - SS^"^'^^ 17 i^ Guadalaxara - 5^'333 ^ ^ CUEN^A ' - 34^222 4 f 1,310,888 17 2 The Annual Produce of the General Farms in each Province. /. s. d. Madrid - - ' - 150,000 o o Galicia - - 182,222 4 5 Carried over, 332,222 4 5 n Asturias in the Spanish Provinces, /. asturias Valladolid Z AM OR A Seville Granada Cordova Jaen S-ORIA Segovia Biscay Alava GuiPUSCOA Aragon, Valencia Catalonia Majorca Burgos Toledo Leon Salamanca AVILA Palencia TORO Canaries Badajoz MURCIA Guadalajara CUENZA LaMancha Brought over, 332,222 - 108,888 - 110,000 - 54^444 - Sl^lll - 91,111 - 70,000 - 52,222 - 24,444 - 42,222 - 48,888 - 4?, 222 - 40,066 -•217,933 - 230,262 - 2215I30 - 54,222 - - 38,288 - 4o»M4 - - 21,222 - 29,111 - 15,888 - 21,666 - 21,777 7 9^^777 - 47,8?^8 - 110,177 " 32.435 - 39,377 - 235,811 s. 4 17 o 8 15 2 o 4 8 4 17 4 13 6 4 o 4 ^7 8 4 2 17 ^3 15 J5 ^7 15 II 15 2 245 ./. 5 10 o 10 6 2 o 5 10 5 10 5 4 8 5 o 5 10 10 5 2 lb 4 7 7 10 7 o 7 2 2,530,627 15 3 ^ Ge. [ 246 ] A General Recapitulation of the receiving and ijfuing of the FINANCES. The Annual Revenue. /. s. d. 1,221,820 6 368,562 10 * BY the produce of Tobacco Ditto of the Pofl-Office Ditto of the Provincial Farms, under which are included all kind of taxes that are paid upon the follow^ing {\jl kinds of vivres : bread, oil, v^ine, fat, flefh meat, foap ; which taxes are renewed every fix years; and under this head is alfo comprehended the Alcavalas, and other rights and taxes 1,3 10,888 ij 2 Ditto of the General Farms, in which are in- cluded, befides the cuftoms, the duties on wool, the admiralties, rights of fanity, cards, mercuries, brandy, lead, gun-pov/der, 6cc. 2,530,627 15 3 Total of the Revenue 5,43 1*899 3 4 The Annual E x p e n c e . For the fubfiftence of the Land Army of 91,311 men, including the general officers /. /. d. of Artillery - - 1,035,488 19 7 Ditto of the Naval Forces, confiiling of 45,810 men, in pay - - 714,561 6 7 Ditto of the Tribunals at Madrid, and through the whole kingdom, with the fa- laries of the Seneichals, Governors, and In- tendants, in all 1800 men, in adual pay 169,992 19 5 Pitto of the Garrifons, 7158 men - 166,410 11 8 Carried over, 2,086,453 17 For Ofthe SPANISH REVENUES, 247 /. s. d. Brought over, 2,086,453 17 3 For the fiibfiflence of 23,300 men, employed in the farms of Tobacco - 317,402 4 ^ Ditto of 18,000 men, employed in the Pofl- Office - - _ S^>?)^^ 9 ° Ditto of 1 1,500 men, employed in the Pro- vincial farms - - 53,240 00 Ditto of 19,000 men, employed m the Ge- neral Farms - - 64,458 17 10 Penfions paid out ofthe Finances - 21 1,352 12 7 The expence of the Palace and Royal Family 174,334 5 8 Total of the Annual Expence, 2,957,610 6 9 The Recapitulation. The Annual Revenue - - 5,431,899 3 4 The Annual Expence - - 2,957,610 6 9 Remains free 2,474,288 16 7 REMARKS. The General Far fns are the cuftoms, the fale of tobacco, fait, lead, and quick-filver,; the port; office; licences to velTels which trade to America -, flamped paper; and fome other particulars, fpecified at full length in Ustaritz. The greateft number of the taxes called general, fuch as tobacco, fait, and the cuftoms, are under the management of a board for the King's behalf, and increafe daily fince they have been fo regulated. The revenue from tobacco in particular, has increafed annually a million of crov^^ns vellon, oriii,ifil. fterling, fince 1739, that the ma- nagement V7as regulated according to the plan drawn up by Don Martin de Loynaz, That Admini'drator-General gave fecu- rity for the augmentation, which he propofed, but was freed from all obligation at the end of one year, when he proved, that the fales had amounted to eleven millions of rials more than ufual. He increafed the tax upon the beft forts of tobacco ten rials, and in the lame degree leliened the tax upon the worft, which are purchafed by the common people. The clergy, as K k weU 248 Of the SPANISH REVENUES. well as the othsr members of the flate, are fabje6l to the genera! taxes, becauie they are looked upon as rights of regality or fo- vereignty. They pay befides, the taxes of the Crufado, Subfidio, and Efcufado, valued at 155^555^- ftefling- The farm of the Provincial Taxes refpedls only the twenty-two provinces of the crown of Castille, and includes feveral bran- ches, ill, The tax of Alcavala, eftabliflied in 1341. This is ten per cent, upon every thing fold or exchanged, even upon land revenues, and all kinds of rents, with an augmentation of four additional taxes of one per cent, impofed each, fucceffively in 1639, 1642^ 1656, 1664. Upon fales at firft hand, the farmer of the Revenues requires only ten per cent, but upon fales in retail, fourteen per cent, is required. The regulation however does not appear to be uni- form, fmce, according to Ustaritz, there is not more than between fix or feven per cent, colleded by this tax. Later writers neverthelefs eftimate this tax as I have done. After all, as the tax is repeated upon each fale, we may reafonably conclude, that every thing has at ieaft paid the whole tax once, notvvith- ftanding any abatement in the valuation. The clergy are not fubjed to this tax in their fales; on the contrary, they are al- lowed a difcount in valuing the produce of their lands, or upon thofe things which are defigned for their own confumption; and when they again fell that produce, they have the advantage of the reft of the King's fubjedls in the proportion of the whole tax. Thofe of the clergy, who have no lands, or who buy in retail, pay the tax, as it is included in the price of the com- modity. The fecond branch is the tax called Millones, with the addi- tional taxes, known under the name of the n(iw imports. This tax began in 1590, when a fervice or fubfidy of eight millions .of ducats was granted to Philip II. by the States of Castile. In 160 1 the fame States granted an annual fervice of four mil- lions of ducats during the courfe of fix years. It was called the fervice of twenty-four millions, and the neceffities of the mo- narchy have obliged it to be continued ever fmce. Of thefe twenty- Of the SPANISH REVENUES. 249 twenty-four millions, four and one half were laid upon the price of fait, and the payment of the remainder was laid upon the price of wine, vinegar, oil, and butchers meat. The liquid meafure called an arrobe, is compofed of eight parts, named azumbres. One of thefe eights belongs to the King, and the proprietor is obliged to pay it according to tlie valuation of the itv^n remaining parts, including even the advance of price, by reafon of this excife ; by which means the arrobe fold under the name of eight axumbresy really contains only feven, and its fub- divifions are in the fame proportion. Thefe taxes are farmed at 892,8881. flerling. There are alfo other taxes that may be included under the ge- neral title of provincial taxes, fuch as the tax upon brandy, upon foap, upon fnow, upon cards, and other fmall articles. Thefe taxes are farmed at 91,2441. fterling. Almost all the taxes of Spain, we may obferve, are laid upon things confumed by the people, in the manner of a general excife ; and thofe included under the name of provincial taxes, in a more particular manner affed: the neceffary and daily con- fumption of all ranks of men. In Spain the general outcry, and the groans of the people, have been excited by thefe pro- vincial taxes. At prefent the miniftry are labouring to make fome reformation upon them, and they are only continued till fomething better can be eflabliflied in their place. Don Miguel de Zabala, in a m.em.orial prefented to Phi- lip V. in 1734, demonftrates, that though the provincial taxes, on the lowefl computation, amount to feventy-Jix millions of rials njellon^ and though there is reafon to think that fum is railed upon the people, yet only feven millions come into the King's ex- chequer. The fur OS are perpetual rights of propriety, or in other words, penfions which the King pays to his fubjeds out of his own fi- nances, by a temporal favour, by the endowment of fome foun- dation, or for the reward of merit and fervices. Sometimes the K k 2 Juros k^o Of the SPANISH REVENUES. Juros mean a dedudlion of three per cent, from all the King's finances. The Media Annata, which is the fame as our Firjl Fruits is a- tax of one half of the firil years revenue, paid on every new fuc- ceffion to any ecclefiaflical dignity or benefice. All lucrative or honourable employments, held from the King during life, arc fubjed to this tax. Besides the above-mentioned revenues, a general view of which (exclufive of the "Juros ^nd Media Atmata) I have given in the Re- capitulation-, Spain likewifc receives others that are very confi- derable from the Indies. The amount of thefe per annum is about. 900,000/. flerling, confequently there is faid to remain free an- nually in the royal treafury, about 3,373,288/. flerling. LETTER [ 25 < ] LETTER XIII. A fhort View of the Commerce and ManufaBures of Spain, fo far as they relate to Great Britain. I HAVE been informed from good authority, that our trade with Old and New Spain is full one third lefs than it was about forty years ago -, and that the balance and exchange, be- tween Spain and Great Britain, are every day more and more turning againft the later kingdom. The caufes of this de- creafe are indeed not at all difficult to be difcovered or accounted for. Part of it is owing to the extreme avarice and extortion of our own merchants, who, not contented with moderate profits, have kept up the prices of their goods beyond their juil: pro- portion, and thereby opened a door for the French and Dutch to underfell us at the Spanifh markets. Another reafon is, that the price of labour in thole two countries, is confiderably lower than in our own, which enables them likewife to afford their goods to the Spaniards at a much cheaper rate than we can do. A third reafon is, the alteration introduced during the Spanifh war in Queen Anne's time, when the French crept into that trade, and de- prived us of a greater (hare of it than we fhall probably be ever able Xo recover. A fourth reafon may be, the progrefs which the Spaniards themfelves have made in fome branches of manufac- ture; for the encouragement which the Kings of the Houfe of Bourbon have given to manufactures and arts, has excited fome few Spaniards to apply themfelves to induflry and trade. For feveral years pafl, the miniflry in Spain have endeavoured, by means of foreign workmen, to fet on foot various manufadures; A " and 252 VIEW OF THE COMMERCE and and the great attention they have given to that objec!!, has not been ahogether without effed:. But at prefent, by a ftrange in- fatuation, the minifter to whofe department the care of the ma- nufadures belongs, not only neglefts, but difcourages them -, and they confequently decline very faft. The flat& of trade between Great Britain and Spain, in the time of Joshua Gee, was as follows. Our Exports to Spain were, i . Broad cloths. 2. Druggets. 3. Callimancoes. 4. Bays. 5. Stuffs. 6. Leather. 7. Baccalao, or falt'ed fi'ih. 8. Tin. 9. Lead. 10. Corn. Our returns from Spain were in, i. Wines. 2. Oil. 3. Fruits. 4. Wool. 5. Indigo. 6. Logwood. 7. Cochineal. 8. Materials for dying. Mr. Gee has taken no notice ofJ//k in this account, and for a good reafon ; for the ex- portation of it from Spain was not permitted till 1760, and then limited to the ports of Barcelona, Alicant, and Cartha- GENA, from the i6th of November to the 1 6th of May every vear, there being no exportation allowed during the other fix months, that the manufadijrers may have leifure to take care of their fabrics. We ufed about that period to take off at leafl two thirds of all the produce of Spain, which m.ade our m.anufadiures an eafy purchafe to the Spaniards, who neverthelefs paid us a very con- liderable balance in bullion. Since the acceiTion of the Houfe of Bourbon, this balance in our favour has been daily declining. For many years paft we have ceafed to be confidered as the favoured iiation ^ and France now fliares a great part of the gold and filver of the SpaniOi Weft-Indies, in return for her filk, her linen, and other manu- factures introduced into Spain. The infamous peace of Utrecht was hardly figned, when we began to feel the effects oi 2. prediledlmiy which the Spaniards difcovered towards the French nation ; fo that a Family Coni" paSi, if things be juftly confidered, will appear no novelty. This will be evident enough from the following curious extracts from 8 the MANUFACTURES of SPAIN. 253 the letters offeveral Englifli gentlemen, relating to that point : Mr. PouLDON, the Ene'llHi Conful at the Canaries, in a letter dated from Teneriff, the 2 2d of March 1715, and ad- dreiled to Sir Paul Methuen, then minifler at Madrid, fays, " Since the fufpenfion of arms, the fubjects of his Britan- ** nic Majefty, in the Canaries, have been continually oppref- " fed. The bifhop of Geronda had publifhed an order in the " name of the King, in virtue of vv^hich order all Britifh veffels " were to pay only the ordinary duties ; but fince the arrival of *' the new General, this order is explained in a new manner. *' They exclude from being comprehended in it all kinds ofmer- ** chandize, which, as they pretend, are not properly Engllrti ** manufadlures, although tranfported by and in Englilli veifels. ** In confequence of this explanation of the order, the fubjed:s ** of his Majefly have paid lately, upwards of 3000 pounds ** iterling." The following are the words of Mr. Keen, our conful at Alicant, in a letter to Mr. Stanhope at Madrid. " By *' an exprefs order of the court, publiihed here by the governor <* of Valencia, all foreigners are obliged in lieu of the Alca- " valas and Millones, to pay a duty named quartalsy which " amounts to 14 per cent, and is to begin v/ith the year 17 14, " for merchandize, on which the duties have already been- paid, *' at the rate of i 5 per cent, fo that we muil at prefent pay 29 ** per cent, for the entry of all kinds of merchandize. Belides *' the exorbitancy of thefe duties, this proceeding is attended ** with another inconvenience; for the fadiors have already regu- " lated their accounts with the merchants, on the footing of 15 " per cent. Moreover, thofe who refufe to pay thefe duties, " are expofed to be quartered upon by foldiers, and to give them " fo much per day till fuch time as the duties be paid. Thefe ^' are unheard of demands, which were never before made upon " any fubje(5ts of Great Britain, who never paid more than " 7-1 per cent, under the reign of Charles II. the laft prince *' of the Auflrian line." Sir 254 VIEV/ OF THE COMMERCE and Sir Martin Westcomb, and conful Russel, in aletter to '^ Sir Paul Methuen, at Madrid, dated the 22dof May 171 5, exprefs themfelves thus : *' The alteration they have made in re- *' gard to the duties which were paid in the reign of Charles *' II, has interrupted our trade, and will infallibly ruin it. Don *' Juan Antonio Zavalos has caufed an order to be pub- *' lifhed, by which all the fa/ours granted to our merchants, *' and conflantly enjoyed by them, are revoked; fo that for the ** future all merchandize muPc pay all the duties of entry and ex- ** port, according to the valuation of the tariffs, which in fome " kinds of merchandize will amount to 25 ^er cent, and in *^ others even to 28." The rigorous and opprefTive impofitions, complained of in thefe letters, v/ere not only contrary to feveral txcaties, made and concluded between Great Britain and Spai.'I, but alfo to the engagements of Lewis XIV. v^ho, in the name of Spain, and in quality of plenipotentiary of his Grandfon, previous to the fuf- penlion of arms, promifed to the Engiifh, " Fi r^t, That all the advantages, rights, and privileges, which ** the Spaniards had granted, or might in time to come grant to *' the French, or to ih.Q in oji fa'uoiired natiofi, Ihould be granted ** to the fubjedts of Great Britain. ** Secondly, That all merchandize of the growth and ma- *' nufad:ure of Great Britain, that fhould be fent to the In- *' DIES from the ports of Spain, fhould be exeinpt from the '* duties of entry and export in Spain, and from thofe of entry ** in the Indies. And that thefe conditions and thefe promifes " fhould be extended in the treaty of peace, in the moli ample ** and convenient manner." Lewis and Philip had hardly gained their ends, by thefe promifes, than they took off the mafk, and interpreted them, as it belt fuited their ov/n advantage , for even before the peace between the two Crowns was entirely fettled, Lord Lexington wrote home to the following purpofe : " Affairs are not here ** upon M A N U F A-C T U R E S of S P A I N. 255 ^* upon the fame footing "Ofi v/hlch they v/ere before the Aifpen- " fion of arms ; for the King has told me in exprefs terms. We " know that peace is as necelTary to you as to u?^ and that you *' will not break with us for trifles." The chief of the ^ri-; inentioned above as infringed upon by Phiop, and which relates to the general Rate of commerce between Great Britain and Spain, is that of 1667 : for the treaty of 1670 chiefly refped:s America. It was regulated by the treaty of 1667, that the trading fubjed:s of either crown- £hould reciprocally pay no higher iiiipofts and duties, than the inhabitants of the places themfelves, where the goods were bought or freighted, ufually paid ; that they Ihould enjoy the fame pri- vileges as the natural fubjeds of each country enjoyed ; that it fhould not be lawful in either kingdom, under any pretence what- ever, to detain the traders in the ports or harbours, or after their departure to foe at law their facftors or merchants, on account of any merchandize put on board their velTels ; that EngliHi vefTels arriving in the ports of Spain, or others, fubjed to the domi- nion of that crown, fliOuld be exempted from all vifit or fearch of officers of contraband merchandize; that any Ihips belonging either to Spain or England, might, if it fuited their conveni- ence, land part of their cargo, in any road, and proceed to fea with the remainder, without giving any account to the cuflom- houfe J and that, in return for merchandize fold, the payments fhould not; be made /;/ copper moncyy or in any other fpecie, but what the merchants fliould ad:uany agree for. There is no oc- cafion to mention any more articles of this famous treaty, fince from thofe already given, it is fufficiently evident, that the trade was fettled upon a footing ^. very advantageous to both parties: and I cannot help wifhing, that each nation faw fo clearly their mutual intereft in the obfervance of every article of this treaty, as might tempt them to form, upon the fame principles, fuch a fo- lid Commercial CompaB, as {hould never be diflblved. Notwithstanding the arts of French infinuatlon, our traffic with Spain is very confiderable, and chiefly in tlie fol- lowing articles. We export to that country large quantities LI ' of z^^y VIEW OF THE COMMERCE and of dried and ialtcd fifli, called by \htm b cicalas -j likewife broad cloths, and woolkn Huffs of various kinds to a great amount ; lilk fluffs, cutlery ware, warlike and naval ffores, particularly cables and apchors ; alfo watches, wrought brafs, and prince's metal, toys, mathematical inftruments, cabinet work, particu- larly of mahogony, wrought and unwrought tin, leather, lead, corn, dry and falted meat, cattle, butter, cheefe, beer, hats, linen, vitriol, pepper, rice, and other produds of our American Colo- nies j and, if we attended to it, we might fupply them with great quantities of timber from thofe Colonies, as the Spaniards, tho' they have in fome parts fine woods of excellent oak, yet from their inexpertnefs in felling trees, and want of roads, are in a manner entirely deprived of the ufe of them. From Spain we receive the following articles: Wints, oil, vinegar, fruits of various kinds, viz. olives, raifms of the fun, raifins dryed v/ith afhes, called by them pajjas de lexia 3 raiiins from Almunegar, a city on the coall of Andalusia, famous for that produce ; chefnuts, almonds, figs, citrons, lemons, oran- ges, cocao-nuts, Spanilli pepper, pomegranates, fine wool, indi- go, cochineal, materials for dying, kali, or barillia, and fofa, for the making of foap and glafs, chiefly from Alicant ; quickfilver^ fome wrought filks, particularly from Vale ntia ; and of late raw lilk, balfam of Peru, vanillas, cake-chocolate of Guajaca, falfaparilla, falted fea-brizzle, faltpetre, fait from Cadiz, fait from Port St. Mary's, woollen counterpanes, and a remark- able fine fort of blankets from Segovia, iron from Biscay, ivvord blades, particularly from Toledo, gun and piftol barrels from GuiPuscoA and Barcelona, vermilion, borax, hams, fnuff from Seville and the Havannah, foap, formerly a con- fiderable article, but as we now make it ourfelves, only a trifle, tho' there is Hill much of it annually run into. Scotland i and fever al roots and drugs of the growths of SPAiNi and- America v^ employed in medicine^ I HAVE not fpecified the logivsod as an article oi importation from Spaiisi i for however it may have been fuch formerly, we may now hope to fuppry ourfelves with it ; as it appears by the 6 XVL MANUFACTURES of SPAIN. 257 XVI. article of the prelect Preliminaries of Peace, that we have at length happily obtained the free and unmolefted liberty of cut- ting it in the Bay of Honduras, on condition of demolilliino- all our fortifications eredled there, and in other parts of Spanifli America. But I could wifli, that the liberty of cutting it had alfo been extended in exprefs terms to the Bay of Campeachy. Thofe who know the value of this article, will receive great pleafure on feeing it now v/ell fettled ; for v/hatever our preten- fions were, we certainly had but a very difputable title to this important branch of trade ; and this will even appear from the perufal of the memorial of the Board of Trade, laid before his Majefty George I. and drawn up exprefsly to prove that claim. The Spanifh trade to South America is carried on by an- nual fliips, ufually divided into three clafTes, the Flota, the Regi- fter Ships, and Galleons ; of which the follov/ing is the moit accurate account I could meet with. The Flota is a fleet confifling of three men of war, and four- teen or fifteen merchant fhips, from 400 to icoo tuns burthen ; they are loaded almofb with every fort of goods which Europe produces for export 3 all forts of woollens, linens, filks, velvets, laces, glafs, paper, and cutler^; all forts of wrought iron, wat- ches, clocks, quickfilver for the ufe of their miners, horfe-fur- niture, flioes, flockings, books, pictures, military ftores, wines, fruits, &c. fo that all the trading parts of Europe are highly in- terefted in the cargo of this fleet. Spain itfelf fends out little more than the wine and fruit ; this, with the freight, and com- miffions to the merchant, and the duty to the King, is almofl all the advantage, which that kingdom derives from her commerce with the Indies. This fleet is fitted out at Cadiz, and bound to La Vera Cruz : they are not permitted to break bulk on any account, till they arrive there. When all the goods arc landed and difpofed of at La Vera Cruz, the fleet takes in the plate, precious flones, cochineal, indigo, cocao, tobacco, fugar, and hides, which are the returns for Old Spain. From La Vera Cruz they fail to the Havanna in the Ifland of Cuba, which is the place of their rendezvous, where they meet the L 1 2 GdUeon^. 258 VIEW OF THE C O M M E P. C E AND Galleons. Thefe are another fleet, which carry on all the trade of Tkrra Firma, by Carthagena, and of Peru, by Panama and PoRTOBELLO, in the fame manner as the Flota ferves for the trade of New Spain. When the Flota arrives at the Hav an- na h, and joins the Galleons and Regiller fliips, which affembie at the fame port from all quarters, fome of the cleaneft and belt failing veflels are difpatched to Old Spain with advice of the contents of thefe feveral fieetSy as well as with treafure and goods of their own, that the court may judge what ifidulto, or duty, is proper to be laid on them, and what convoy is necefTary for tlieir fafety. Register y/jz/jx are fen t out by merchants at Cadiz or Se- ville, when they judge that goods mufl be wanted at any cer- tain port in the West-Indies. The courfe is, to petition the council of the Indies for licence to fend a fhip of 300 tuns bur- then, or under, to that port : they pay for this licence 40,000, or 50,000 dollars, befldes prefents to the officers, in proportion to the connivance neceflary to their deiign. For tho' the licence runs only to -^ro tons at moft, the veflel fitted out is feldom lefs than .600. This fnip and cargo are regiftered at the pretended burthen. It is required too, that a certilicate be brought from die King'}-: of}icer at the port to which the regifter Hup is bound, tliat llie does not exceed the fize at which flie is regiitered ; all this pafles of courfe. Thefe are what they call Regijier fiips, and by thefe the trade of Spaniih America has been carried on principally for fome years paft : which practice has been thought as much to the prejudice of their trade, as it is contrary to all their former maxims for carrying it on. La Vera Cruz is fituated on the fouth-weil: part of the Gulph of Mexico, and to the fouth-eaft of that city. The fleet which is called the Galleons^ conflfts of eight men of war of 500 tons each, defigned principally to fupply Piru with military lloress but in reality laden, not only with thofe, but with every other kind of merchandize on a private account, fo as to be in too weak a condition either to defend themfelves, or MANUFACTURES o f S P A I N. 259 or protect others. Under the convoy of thefe are twelve fail of merchant (hips, not inferior to the Galleons in burthen. This fleet of the Galleons is regulated in much the fame manner with the FlotUy and is defllned for the exclujive commerce of Terra Fir MA, and the South-Sea, as the Flota is for that of Mexico. As foon as this Galleon fleet arrives at Carthagena, expref- fes are difpatched to Portobello, and to all the adjacent towns, but particularly to Panama, that they may get read v all the treaiure which is depofited there, to meet the Galleon* at Portobello j at which place all the perfons concerned in the various branches of this extenlive trade, afl^emble. There is no part of the world where bulinefs of fuch great importance is negotiated in fo ihort a time^ for in a fortnight the fair is over. During the fair, heaps of wedges and ingots of fllver are thrown about upon the wharfs, as things of no value. The dilJDlay of gold, filver, and precious ftones on one hand, and of the various and rare workmanfhip of the feveral ingenious fabrics of Europe on the other, are truly aftonilhing^ Carthagena is fituated on the moft northern point of Ter- ra Firma : Portobello and Panama are on the oppofite fides of the Ifthmus of Darien; the fii-fl: on the north-eall fide, and the other on the fouth-weft. The whole trade between the East Indies and Spanidi America, is carried on by one great Galleon, which arrives at AcAPULCO from the Philippine iflands, on the coaft of Chi- na, in the month of December. They fee no other land in their whole voyage of 3000 leagues, which they perform in five months, than the Little Ladrones. The (hip is laden with all the rich commodities of the Eafl, as cloves, pepper, cinna- mon, nutmegs, mace, china, japan wares, callicoes plain and painted, mullins of every fort, filks, precious flioncs, rich drugs, and gold duft. At the lame time the rich fliip from Lima 2f comes-- 26o VIEW OF THE COMMERCE and comes in, and is not computed to bring lefs than two millions of pieces of eight in filver, (450,000 1. Sterl.) Several other fliips, from the different parts of Chili and Peru, meet upon the fame occafion ; and befides the traffic for the Philippine com- modities, this caufes a very large dealing for every thing which thofe countries have to exchange with one another, as well as for the purchafe of all forts of European goods. The fair at AcAPULCo lafts fometimes for thirty days. As foon as the goods are difpofed of, the galleon prepares to fet out on her voyage to the Philippines with her returns, chiefly in filver, but with fomc European goods too, and fome other commodi- ties of America. I fpeak here, as though there were but one veffel on the trade with the Philippines; and in fad there is only nominally one trading veffel, the galleon itfelf, of about 1200 tons; but another attends her commonly as a fort of con- voy, which generally carries fuch a quantity of goods, as in great meafure difables her from performing that office. The galleon has often above loco people on board, either intereffed in the cargo, or merely paffengers ; and there is no trade in which fo large profits are made ; the captain of the veffel, the pilots, the mates, and even the common failors, making, in one voyage, what in their feveral ranks may be confidered as eafy fortunes. It is faid by the writer of Lord Anson's voyage, that the Jefuits have the profits of this fliip to fupport their miffions. This commerce to fo vaft a value, though carried on dire(5lly be- tween different parts of the King of Spain's own dominions, en- riches them in proportion but very little; the far greater part of every thing which comes from the Philippines, being the pro- duce, or fabric of other countries. The Spaniards add none of the artificial value of labour to any thing. The Chinefe are largely in- tereffed in this cargo; and it is to them they are indebted for the ma- nufaduring fuch of their plate, as is wrought into any better fa- fhion than rude in^^ots, or inelegant coins. When this Acapulco Fair is over, the town is comparatively deferted ; however, it re- mains for the whole year the moff confiderable port in Mexico lV)r the trade with Peru and Chili, which is not very great. The MANUFACTURES of SPAIN. 261 The Eaft-India goods brought here are carried on trucks to Mexico, from whence what exceeds their own confumption is fent by land-carriage to La Vera Cruz, to pafs over to Ter- ra FiRMA, to the iflands, and fome even to Old Spain, tho-' in no great quantity. AcAPULCo lies two hundred miles fouth of Mexico, on the South Sea. Mexico, though no port, nor communicating with the fea by any navigable river, has a prodigious commerce, and is itfelf the center of all the trade that is carried on between America and Europe, on one hand, and between America and the East Indies on the other; for here the principal mer- chants refide, the greateft part of the bufinefs is negociated, and the goods that pafs from Acapulco to La Vera Cruz, or from La Vera Cruz to Acapulco, for the nfe of the Philip- pines, and in a great meafure for the ufe of Peru and Lima, all pafs through this city, and employ an incredible number of horfcs and mules in the carriage r Hither all the gold and filver is fent to be coined ; here the king's fifth is depoiited ; and here is wrought all that immenfe quantity of uteniils, and ornaments in plate, which is every year fent into Europe. Every thing here has the greateft air of magnificence and wealth. The fliops glitter on all fides with the expofure of gold, filver, and jewels, and furprize yet more by the work of the imagination upon the treafures which fill great chefcs piled up to the cielings, whilll they wait the time of being fent to Old Spain. The trade between Spain and her colonies in America,. which has been jufl defcribed, is the moft confiderable part of their external commerce, and the great fupport of their navy ; for, till our late breach with France, very few of their flii'ps navigated into foreign parts ; and the chief fource that fup- plied the balance of their trade with otlier nations, arofe from this branch. Their /Wt'nz^r/ traffic is by no means p»roportionate to the numbers of their people, the natural advantages of tlicir fituation and climate, the abundance of raw materials which the country produces, and their Indies fipply them with j eipecially when we refledt on the many years cf peace which they have en- joyed. ^62 V I E W o F T H E C O M M E R C E and joyed, and that commerce was ntver fo much confidered by the ie- Veral European flates, as it is in the preicnt age. The Q^reat error of the Spanish poHcy feems to be this; they never fuI^Hciently attended to the truth of the following political maxim, That induftry, manual labour, and the arts, are more be- neficial, and truer fources of wealth to a flate, than the richeft mines of gold and filver. Dazzled with the fpoils of America, they turned their whole attention to feize the exclullve poiTeiiion of thofe feeming riches; they negled:ed agriculture and manufac- tures, and contradled a contempt for the mechanic, and even li- beral arts ; in confequence of which, the country becoming daily lefs populous, their maritime and military ftrength foon declined. Of late years the Spanifh minidry hath been fully fenfible of this fatal miftake, and hath endeavoured to raife a fpirit of induftry among the people, by promoting the eftablifliment of manufac- tures, in various parts of the kingdom : But though they have tempted the people, by exemption from taxes, and many other privileges, yet the progrefs they have made is not fo confiderable as might have been expected. Their moil remarkable manufaflures are the following; the woollen fabrics are carried on at Segovia, where they made, in the year 1759, 7,400 pieces of cloth, of 30, 60, and 80 bars in length; alfo at ValdemorOy Giiadalajaray Saragofa, Agulada, and Ba?'celona. The woollen manufadiures owe much of their pre- fent eftablifliment, as Ustaritz tells us, to the care and encou- rao-ement of the Dcjke de Ripfrda, who had the diredlion of them in the year 1724. The old filk manufadtures are chiefly in Afidalujia, Valencia, and Mwcia. Thofe in Catalonia are more modern. The principal one of all is at Talavera de la Reyna, in Nf. w Castile, for the richeft gold and filver tiifues. At Ma- drid there is alfo a manufidure of tifllies, luteftrings, and other flight filks. There is a manufadure of linen at Corunna., faid to fjpply the King's table; another of linen at Segovia. At Madrid is lately let up a manufa6lure of porcelain, in the gardens of the King's palace of the Retiro, wrought by Artificers brought from Saxony. There is like wife in tnat city a new manufacture of good MANUFACTURES of SPAIN. 26^ good tapeftry, and of cards, as the fineft cards of all, which are made at Barcelona, are there prohibited. The fabric of glafs is at St. lldefonjoy that of fwords is at 'Toledoy and thofe of iron in Bifcay y that of paper at Segovia. The pottery fabrics are very numerous and excellent, particularly that of Talavera de la Reyna, The looms of filk, wool, and linen, in all the kingdoms, are fai'd to be 20,000 ; but whether that account be exadt, I cannot prefupie to fay. That their manufadlures are not now more confiderable, is not Jolely owing to their indolence, and the other caufes above- mentioned, but likewife to the oppreffive fpirit of that fuperfti- tion v/hich reigns there, under the malk of religion. This will be evident from the following extrad: of a memorial, prefented by Emmanuel de Lira, firft fecretary of ftate to Charles II. which breathes fuch a fpirit of patriotifm and toleration, that I perfuade myfelf it will be very acceptable to the reader. De Li- ra having, in his memorial, propofed the eftabllfliment of a ge- neral company of commerce, in which all foreigners that pleafed fl:iould be allowed to be fharers, adds, " There Is only one obftacle on our fide, that can prevent the efl:ablifl:iment of the company. It is, I confefs, great, but neverthelefs very eafy to be furmounted, efpecially by your maje- fty, when you are once informed, that the removing of that ob- ftacle would be a means of remedying feveral abufes introduced among us, and alfo of preventing the daily profanation of our moft facred myfteries. This obftacle arifcs from the law eftablifh- ed in thefe kingdoms, and from the decrees and edidls of the holy tribunal of the Inquifition, againft the Jews, and ao-alnft herefy ! <* I KNOW, Sir, that it is the greateft glory of Spain, that it is the only nation which keeps itfelf pure in the faith of the Ca- tholic, Apoftolic, and Roman church; it is this which o-lves your Majefty the juft title of Catholic Monarch, which you fo worthily poftefs. I likewife know, that there is not a more holy, nor a more falutary inftitution than that of the holy tribunal ; bu? Mm X 264 VIEWoftmeCOMMERCEand I fliall endeavour to make it appear, that by granting the liberty of commerce to heretics, and even to Jews, no prejudice could from thence refult to Spain, nor to the glorious title of Catholic King, nor to the laws and prerogatives of the Inquifitlon. *' My reputation is unfullied, and 1 flatter myfelf that nobody will fufpcdt me, as to my foundnefs in the Catholic Faith. I am evidently a zealous and true Catholic, by prefuming to propofe to your Majefty to grant liberty of confcience in thefe your king- doms, as fuch a liberty would prevent a great many profanations that are daily committed. " Is it not a trutii. Sir, that ^11 the prifons of the Inquifition throughout all Spain are filled with Jews and heretics, who have profaned our liicramcnts, by receiving them as though they had been zealous and devout Catholics ! Is it not likewife a truth, that an infinite number of others keep themfelves conceal- ed among us, and participate of thofe facraments unworthily, and by v^^ay of derifion. Such a thing never happens in countries where liberty of confcience is allowed to all. The greedinefs of foreigners after our wealth gets the better of their apprehen- fions of divine or human punifhments. *' We might grant to the nations trading to Cadiz, or Se- ville, or any other place where this company fliould be efta- blifhed, the free exercife of their religion for them alone, in the fame manner as the Dutch, and many Proteilant States and Princes, have allowed it to the Roman Catholics in their dominions, namely, not an open toleration. Thus foreigners, interefted in, and members of the company, and their clerks and domeflics, would have this advantage, which would render their abode in Spain very agreeable ; foreign merchants who traded hither would be fatisfied, and we fhould deliver ourfelves from thofe enemies of our myfleries, who keep themfelves concealed among us, and remove them from our temples and our altars ; for as it is intereft that infpires them with the courage to furmount all apprehen- lions and dangers, the fame intereft would draw them to that place, where they might in full fecurity follow their fuperftitions. I *' The MANUFACTURES of SPAIN. 265 ^^ The example of the church of Rome for thefe feveral ages paft may inform us, that it is not contrary to religion to tolerate a worfhip quite oppofite to ours ; for it has given a fynagogue to the Jews, and it alfo allows the Greeks to worfliip according to their liturgy-, without thereby forfeiting the name, or the fove- reign title of being the immoveable feat of our religion. This example has been followed by the Grand Duke of Tuscany, at Leghorn, and by feveral other Princes in Chriftendom. *« The Englifh merchants, notwithftanding their diverlity of religion, have the liberty of trading in our ports, iince the treaty concluded by the Conftable of Castile, and the minifters of James I. King of Great Britain. ** YouRMajefty's father, of glorious memoiy, granted the fame thing to the Dutch, and even engaged, by the treaty of Mun- ster, to furnifh them with a convenient and honourable place for a burial ground. " Thus, the moil difficult flep is already furmounted. As to other points, juil precautions might eafily be taken to prevent the venom of herefy from infeding the heart of Spaniards." M m 2 LET- [ 266 ] LETT R XIV. An Account of the Spanish Money. Pecuniam prohant 'veterem, et diu not am. Tacitus de Mor. Qer, ^'^HE Spanish Money is in itfelf not eafy to be imderftood, efpecially by thofe who are not merchants. The Spaniards make up moll of their accompts, and form their calculations chiefly in thefe two Species, the Real de Vellon, and the Ma- RAVEDI, The Maravedi is the loweft of the denominations of their copper money, and in this the Kings accoinpts are kept ; confe- quently the revenues of Spain, and the wealth brought from Peru and Mexico, are annually computed by an integer of cop- per, that is three times lefs than our farthing. The Real de Vellon is the fmallefl: piece of thtiv Jiher money, the ninetieth part of the pound Sterling, and equals our two-pence- halfpenny i and two thirds of a farthing. But though it be the moil ufual way in Spain to compute by the Maravedi and the Real de Vellon^ yet there are feveral other methods of calculation ftill in force. Thus, penlions from the court, payments of the army, navy, &c. are fet down in the re- gifter of the Spanifli finances, in Efciidos and Ducadosy (or cop- per An account of, Sec. 267 per crowns and ducats) reduced to Reals Vcllon. Some accompts of merchants, and of private perfons, are likewife kept in this way ; but few things are bought and fold there, but by the for- mer computation of Maravedis and Reals. There are, befides, provi?2cial ways of calculation, and denominations of money pe- culiar to them, flill fublifting, being the remains of the ufages of the old kingdoms. But our Englifli merchants traffic chiefly in Pieces of l^ghf, and compute ufually by the Piajire, or old difufed Piece of Eight, coniifting of fifteen Reals and two Maravedis : or, if they reckon by PijJoIes, they mean the Pijlole of fixty Reals, the co?nmon Pi- ftole, not the gold one of feventy-five, and ten Maravedis, other- wife" called the Doblon effeSiivo de Oro. In the office oi T)echnal Rents, as they call them, that is to fay 'J'ythesy belonging to the archbifliop of Toledo, accompts are {lill kept in the obfolete denomination of Dinerosy ten of which make a Maravedi. There are no lefs than fifty clerks in this of- fice ; and well there may : think only how 'uohuninoiis accompts muft be for above 30,000 pounds a-year, that are kept in a deno- mination, the value of which is more than thirty times lefs than our farthing ! The different monies, and w^ays of reckoning, ftill fubfifting in the provincesy make it neceffary, that every province fhould have a feparate office in Madrid for its own convenience: and though they live in the fame ilreet, the clerks of one office know no more of the procefs of accompting in the other ^ than a Chinefe or Laplander would do. In the Real Hacienda, or Royal treafury, accompts ars kept only in Millions of Maravedis. But all the offices in Spain, whether ecclefiaftical or fecular, compute by fome of the following denominations ; either by Dinercs, Cornados, Blancos, Crowns, or Ducats : but thefe are antiquated 268 A N A C C O U N T o F antiquated diviiions, thofe of the Maravedi and Real being mofl in ufe. These fmall denominations, which the Spaniards love to compute by, muft, as you will ealily imagine, render their ac- compts very like themfelves, flow, tedious, and elaborate; but then they have this advantage, that they make their accomptants moil minutely exad:. An error is much more eafily detedied, where the fum is divided into fuch a number of equal parts, and perhaps miofraSfions infinitely nice. Of their loweft denomination, called a Maravediy three and one fifth make an Englifh farthing. Thirty-four Maravedh go, to a Real de Vellon, and ninety Reals Vellon are equal to the Pound Sterling. Their money writers make mention of Mar avedis of plate \ but thefe, though they might exifl formerly, are now no more in being. The different exigencies of government, and the various expe- dients to fupport expenfive projeds of ambition, under the pre- ceeding reigns, have occafioned more alterations in the value and in the currency of the Spanifh money, than in that of any other nation in the world, I beheve; particularly from the year 1642 to 1688, and during the confufion and necefiities of the fucceffion war. In Philip IV. 's time, in 1642, things were in fuch confufion, that the Piece of Eight in Auguft pafTed for twelve Reals, the Doblon for forty-five j in Odober the Piece of Eight went at twenty-five Reals, and the Doblon at eighty-nine ; in December the Piece of Eight was at twenty-four Reals, and the Doblon at eighty-feven. The Prefident Ourry, who was fo diftinguifhed for his great abilities, was three times fent for from France by Philip V. to re-eftablifh the difordered finances of the Spanifh monarchy. As THE S PANISH MONEY. 269 As the Spanifh money hath been fcarce ever recalled, there hath arifen a confufed multitude of imaginary fpecies of coin. They committed a great error, in not making, upon the union of the feveral kingdoms, one general coiriy folely current throughout the whole penlnjula. All thefe circumftances plainly {hew how little the genius and difpofition of this people is turned to trade. What could be more uncommercial ^ than a money flandard perpe- tually fluctuating, and there being one fort of coin in Castile, another in Catalonia, a third in Arragon, and fo on ? The Mints of Spain were formerly many, namely, that of Madrid, Seville, Segovia, Cuenza in New Castile, of Saragossa, Barcelona, and Valencia. Of thefe the two firft only, I believe, are now remaining. It is faid there 2.VQfour American mints, that of Lima, Potosi, Mexico, andGuA-, TIMALA. In order to give the reader the cleareft idea of this matter, I will firft begin with the Spanifh copper money, then go on to the Jilver, and clofe the account with the gold, I. Of the Spanish Copper Money. The Spanifh Copper Money is, for the moft part, a very con- temptible fort of coin ; fome of it ftamped without either form or regularity ; and what is even ftruck in a fet dye, is far inferior to the worft of our halfpence. Their Copper Monies are only four. 1. The Maravedi, 34 — to the Real Vellon. 2. The Ochavo, —i Maravedis, 17 — to the Real Vellon. 3. The Quarto, zi 4 Maravedis, Si. = to the Real Vellon. 4. The Piezade dos Quartos, = 8 Maravedis, 4I — equal to the Real Vellon. In 17 1 8, Philip V. ordered they fhould coin milled Money of pure Copper, making out of each pound 51 Quartos, 102 Ochavos, and 204 Maravedis. There 270 An account of Theke is mention made of Maravedis in a grant of tlie fite of the cathedral of Segovia, by Alphonsus, in the year 1160, v/here they are called, as the grant is in Latin, Morabct'mi, which plainly fliev/s, that the coin itfelf, as well as the word Maranjcdi, is Arabic, though Covarruvias thought it was Gothic. See Colmenares Hift. Segov. p. iio. For, the word Maravedi is a corruption from Almorircedi. They dropped the Ah and called this little Copper Money Moravediy now vulgarly flikd Maravedi, The Englifh took only their calculation-cyphers from the Arabs-, hut the Spaniards took the Arabic numerals, and their manner of computation likewife. Small denominations, and minute diviiions of money, were 'iw all countries at firft probably ovv'ing to the great fcarcity of fpe- cie. But, however fmall the Maravedis may appear to us, being 34 to the Real Vellon, thofe who are acquainted with the Roman writers will remember, that the Latiji Teruncius was very near as fmall a denomination, being -^.^ of our Farthing. The Computation, indeed, hy Reals Vellon, is almoft the fam& as the Roman by Sejfertii. /. s. d, A Roman- Sefiertius was worth - - 002 The Real de Vellon, - - - 002 4 and l. What can be well nearer ? Does not this fimilitude almoft induce one to think, that the original of this computation of Reals Vellon came from Rome ? and though the Maravedi is Arabic, the Real is Roman. So far is very certain, that the gold Efcudo was for many ages called the Aureus, and was current under that name down to the time of Don Fernando, The mofh ancient Spanifli money was made in imitation of the Punic. As the Carthaginians had been abfolute mafters of Spain, it is no v/onder the Spaniards fliould copy from their models. This ancient money had charaSlers ftamped upon it, -which no one has been able to explain to this day, and therefore they are called Medallas Desconoscidas. Antoiio Augujlino^ the learned archbidiop of 'Tarragona, has taken infinite pains to 3 make THE SPANISH MONEY. ^.yi make them outj fee Patin's L'Hift. des Med. p. 103. Jou- BERT, Science des Med. Inft. 7. The Spanifh Copper Money is more like the firft rude monies of a barbarous people, than the coin of a great and civilized na- tion. They have often feen the Roman money for ages paft ; vaft quantities of it are every day ploughed up, and brought to fale. It is much they fhould never have attempted the imitation of the 'Roman Brafs Coinsy though they might defpair, perhaps, of exe- cuting their Denarii^ or their Aurii, But there has been al- ways fomething in the genius of thefe people averfe to improve- ments. Strabo fays, that the Spanifli Silver yionty confifled of very thin pieces, or laminae, which had been three times refined in the fire. This mufl; have been pure indeed, but wretched coin, ftamped, and without any alloy -y confequently their Iron or Brafs Money moft probably was much more rude and barbarous, fuch as C^sAR fays our Britifh anceftors made ufe of in his time. The ^latros of Philip V. are the beft that I have i^tn of the Spanifh Copper Money. One reafon, they fay, why their Copper Money is fo bafe a Coin, is eafy to be affigned. When the expenlive projeds of ambition, in the preceding reigns, had at different times redu- ced the Spanifh finances exceeding low, it had been fometimes an expedient to coin vaffc quantities of Copper Money : the confe- quence of this is, that there is now in Spain at leafl ten times ' more Copper Specie than the circulation requires ; and at length it hath become fuch a burden, that merchants will rather allow one and a half per cent, diicount, than receive payments in cop- per. This hath produced another effect, for as the^ quantity is fo great as to be circulated in large bags, marked, of fo much in tale, the miniftry of Spain is afraid of calling in this Copper Specie to the mint, for its value to be reiffued in Silver, as they imagine the flate would be a great lofer by the deficiency. This is Spanifh policy ; but, for my own part, I cannot fee why this N n evil 2f 2 A N A C C O U N T o F evil might not eafily be remedied ; for, if the government would' but confent to lay out the fmall fum of 20,000 /. Sterling ia buying them up, they might fupprefs 20 millions of thefe Copper denominations, and the convenience thereby arifmg to the internal traffic of the kingdom v/ould much more than coun>- terbalance the lofs. The Spanifli minidry are at prefent much embarralTed with this grievance. The expedient they now talk of to get rid of the greatefl part of it, is to colled: it in facks, and fliip it off for the ufe of their colonies in America. In the provinces, almofl: all payments are made in Copper, which ren/- ders commercial tranfadtions there very, troublefome, 2. Of the Spanish Silver Money. These are, (r.) The Real de Vellon,.. — to 34 Maravedls. (2.) The Real de Plata, = to 2 Reals Vellon. (3 ) The Pefeta Corriente, — to 4 Reals Vellon. (4.) The Medio Real de Plata Colunario, — to i Real Vellon and -i, (5.) The Real de Plata Colunario, — to 2 Reals Vellon and 2.. (6.) The Real de a Dos Colunario, = to 5 Reals Vellon. (7.) The Medio Pefo, — to 10 Reals Vellon. (8.) The S ego via n, or Mexican Piece of Eight, or Dollar, or Pefo, — to 20 Reals Vellon ; but if it hap- pen to be ftruck at Seville in the year 1718, its value is no more than 1 6 Reals Vellon, and the half of this Pefo no more than 8 Reals Vellon. So that you fee the Spaniards have eight denominations of their effedlive Silver Specie ; but they have likewife fome i?naginary di- vifions, like that of our Englifi Found, — Such are the Jive follow- ing. 1. The Efcudo de Vellon, or copper, commercial, nominal Crown, rr to 10 Reals Vellon. 2. The Ducado de Vellon, or nominal Copper Ducat, 11 Reals and i Maravedi 3 ufed chiefly in computing marriage Por- tions, THE SPANISH MONEY. 273 tlons, contrads, fines, and court penfions, and in rating all eccle* iiaflical revenues. 3. The computed Dollar, or old Piece of Eight, commonly called THE Piastre, of fifteen Reals Vellon, and two Mara- vedis. N. B. In commercial computations, where no particular ipecies is mentioned, you muft reckon by this Piajire, 4. The Ducado de Plata Nueva = to fixteen Reals Vellon, and feventeen Maravedis. 5. The Ducado de Plata doble = to twenty Reals Vellon, and twenty-five Maravedis, and -i-i of a Maraveii. In regard to their effeSiive filver fpecie, in i .-^ firfl place ob- ferve, that it has no imprefs of any royal head ; that whenever it has a fhield, or coat of arms on it, it is coined in Old Spain, if it be ftruck before the year 1733 j the American filver money flruck before that period, having only the crofs and the nwnerals. But fince the year 1733, the American filver money has been the fame with that of Old Spain. The Real de Vellon is the fmallefl; piece of their filver coin; obferve only, that though it be of Silver^ yet it is called Vellon Money, that is Copper Money : the reafon is, that it was origi- nally a Copper coin, but when they came afterwards to ftrike it in Silver, they fi:ill retauied the old name. The effed: of this hath been, that when merchants fay Vellon Money, they mean Bilvjer, and now call the Copper Cobre, or Calderilla. The Pefo Duro, Gourdo, Dollar, or famous Spanijh piece of Eight, is now tolerably well known in England j there are four forts of thefe Dollars y two fquare, one of Lima, and one of Seville; two of the round fort, one with pillars, and one with- out pillars. There have been no fquare Do] lars coined fince the year 1733. Philip V. then ordered that t hey fiiould fiirike only the round and milled. The Dollars of Ferdinand VI. have the arms of Castile and Leon on a fhield quarterly j the arms N n OT 274 A N A C C G tU N T o P of France on an efcutcheon of pretence under a regal crown. The legend FERDND. VI. D. G. HISPAN. ET IND. REX. On the reverfe — two globes under a regal coronet, between two pillars, with coronets inftead of capitals, labelled with the motto PLVS VLTRA. Legend, VTRAQVE VNVM. Thefe are called Colunario, becaufe of the pillars ; they weigh exadly one ounce of filver, and their proportion between the filver and gold, is exadlly as 15 = i ; fifteen of thefe being equal to the Doblon de a Ocho, which is alfo exa6tly an ounce of Gold. — When the exchange of this piece is at fifty-two pence, the Eng- lish gain four per cent. As Silver has been fcarcer In England than Goldy thefe Dollars have been imported there with great advantage, while the fmall SpaniQi Gold Crown, of exacflly the fame value^ hath paffed unnoticed. The price given for them by the Bank of England having been from five fhillings, to five and four- pence per ounce : and of late, till the taking of the Hermione, fo high as 5 J-. 8 d. and 51. \o d. The meaning of the name 'Piece of Eight, was originally owing, to its value j it was a Real, or Dollar, of eight Reals of plate currency. But there being now three diftindt pieces of Eight,, ftill in ufe, this hath bred fome confufion : the reafon of this va- riety is however eafily to be accounted for. The old Piece of Eight was, as 1 faid, originally in value eight Reals of Plate ; this by currency in time loft fomething, almoft half a Real oF Plate, and went at laft for fifteen Reals Vellon, and two Mara- vedis. But when they came to coin better fpecie, to make this Dollar a more valuable, and fairer coin, they added the value of two Reals of Plate to it, which brought it to its modern ftand- ard, namely twenty Reals Vellon. — Yet ftill, as many of the old pieces of Eight ftill remained, the merchants were fo bigot- ted to their old calculation of fifteen Reals, and two Maravedies, that they ftill kept up that computation, and it remains even BOW, though the pieces themfelves are now no more, and is what THE SPANISH MONEY. ^7^ what they call reckoning by the Fiajlre. This accounts for two ©f the Pieces of Eight, that of twenty Reals, and the imaginary Piaftre. The exchange of the Piajire is now at par, or forty pence. The third Piece of Eight is that of Seville, of the year 171 8, and was flruck upon the old principle of eight Reals of plate cur- rency, or fixteen Vellon, which it now goes for : but thefe are rare, and do not often occur. But remember, that the three Reals de a Ocho, or Pieces of Eight, are that imaginary one of fifteen Reals Vellon, and two Maravedies, of fixteen Reals Vel- lon of Seville, and the modern one of twenty Reals Vellon. In the year 1726, Philip ordered, that old Silver Pieces of Eight fhould pafs for Nine Reals of Provincial plate, and one half, that is for nineteen Reals Vellon, one lefs than the prefent currency. At this time there was a general recall of the fmal- ler filver monies to the Mint. In the year 1728, Philip ordered a junta to regulate the mints and monies, which ordained that the Reals a S'^. and a 4^^. fhould be round and milled at the edges, and of lixty-eight Reals of Plate the mark : that the old Real de a Ocho fhould pafs thenceforward for ten Reals of Plate, that is twenty Vellon -,. and the Real a Quatro for five Reals of Plate ; the mark for eighty Reals ; the ounce for ten Reals of Plate, or twenty Vel- lon, and fo on. Of the Spanish Gold Money. There were anciently only four Spanifh Gold coins, and thefe- divided by a very fair and goodly proportion ; the Doblon of eight, the 4, the i-, the i- ; exadlly the equal and dired divilions of an ounce of Gold -, fnice that they have added a _!: and their Gold Money flands thus : I. The Efcudito de Oro, or little Gold Crown = to twenty. Reals Vellon. 2-,. The ty(i AnACCOUNTop 2. The Efcudo de Oro, or large Gold Crown, equal to thirty- £ii\z\\ Heals, and twenty-two Maravedis. 3. The Doblon de a Cinco, or Gold Piflole, =? to feventy-^ £ve Reals, and ten Maravedis. 4. The Doblon de a Quatro, or double Gold Piftolc, = to 150 Reals, and twenty Maravedis. (J. The Doblon de a Ocho, or Gold piece of Eight, or four Gold Piftoles, = to 301 Reals, and fix Maravedis. The Spaniards have alfo two imaginary fpecies in the Gold, the Dobla de OrOy or Double Ducat, = to fourteen Reals, and nine Maravedis — and is ufed only by phyficians and chymifts— and the commercial nominal Pijiok of fixty Reals Vellon. The Doblon of Eight was originally worth eight Half Fiji oles^ and thence took its name — £/ Doblon de a Ocho Efcudos. It is at prefent but one Real more in value, becaufe feventy-five mul- tiplied by four, makes 300; but its currency is 301 Reals, and fix Maravedis. Obferve, that there are no pillars upon any of the Spanirti Gold Money. In the year 1728, Philip ordered, that the Doblon de a Ocho Ihould pafs for fixteen old Pieces of Eight, or twenty Provincial Dollars j the Doblon a Quatro for eight of thofe Pefos ; the Dob- lon a Dos for four; the Efcudo for two, or twenty Reals of Plate. There are three forts of the Gold Doblon a Ocho. (i.) The American, or of Lima, fquare, with the crofs, and the nu- meral. (2 ) With the headof the Prince, as legend, PHILIP V. "D. G. HISPAN. ET. IND. REX. Reverfe, arms of the King, with this motto : TIMOR DOMINI INITIUM SAPI- ENTI^. (3.) The third fort has no imprefs of the Prince, but has the arms of the King under a regal crov/n, legend, PHILIP, THE SPANISH MONEY. 277 PHILIP. V. DET. GRATIA. On the reverfe, a crofs, with this motto : HISPANIARVM. REX. Having now concluded the account of the Spanifli money, I fliail refer the reader to the following Table, which will fhow at one view, the reduction of all the fpecies of it into Englifh money j and it is hoped the Table will be found both new and accurate* A TABLE, fiewing the Value o/' Spanish Coim*. in English Money, 3^Is\ ^ellon* - Maravedis. 1 I 2 4 f 2St i 34 »i 42| 2 68 ^\ 85 3 102 4 136 5 J 70 6 204 7 238 8 272 9 306 10 . 340 II 374 II and I Maravedis, J2 408 »3 442 H 476 14 and 9 Maravedis, ^S 510 3 5 7 8 10 I 4 6 10 I f. 3 I 2 2f Maravedl. Ochavo. Quarto. Two Quartos. ^4 5 Real de Vellon, or Half Real do ^^\ Plata. 2 The Pillar'd Half Real of Plate. I J Real de Plata, or Real of Silver. The pillar'd Real of Plate. 2| The Real de a Dos, or curr Pefeta^i i-f The pillar'd Real de a Dos. 9 1 1 The Seville Half Dollar. ■ The Real de a Quatro, or Medio Pefo, (i. e. Half Piece of Eight.) The nominal Efcudo Vellon is of the fame value. Nine of thefe make a Pound Sterling. 1 1 cThe nominal Ducado de Vellon, ^ \ or Copper Ducat, The nominal Doblo de OxOy or Gold double,. Real 278 Reals Vellon. 1 5 and 2 Maravedis, 16 . . i6and 1 7 H^akvidis, 18 »9 20 10 and 25^5 -Maravcdis, 21 22 23 24 26 27 28 29 30 3» 32 53 34 35 3f^ 37 37 and 22 Maravedis, 38 39 40 41 42 43 4 + 45 46 47 48 49 SO SI 52 53 54 55 5<^ 57 58 An account of Maravedis. 1. s. d. f. 544 578 ^12 646 68a 7'4 748 782 816 «50 384 918 •952 9.^6 1020 J054 10S8 1122 fi 56 1 1 90 1224 1258 12C2 1326 1360 1394 1428 1462 1496 1530 1564 1598 16:52 1666. 1790 1734 1763 1802 1836 1870 1904 1938 1972 2C0J 4 4 4 5 5 5 5 6 6 6 6 6 7 7 7 7 10 I 4 6 2 5 8 10 I 4 6 , C The old Piece cf Eight, or Piaftr* "* ( nominal. 2| The Seville Dollar. C The Ducado de Plata Naeva, or \ nominal Ducat of new plate. 2j It "1 Real de a Ocho, Pefo Gourde, or Piece of Eight ; the little Gold Crown is of the fame value. The Ducato de Plata Dobic, < The Efcudo de Oro, or large ^ ^ Gold Crown. 5 1} 8 10 2t 9 I 'i 9 4 9 6 2? 9 9 '} 10 10 2 2^- 10 5 >' 10 8 10 10 2| II 1 l^ I i 4 1 1 6 2| 1 1 9 ^\ 12 12 2 A i 2 5 •'3 12 8 12 10 2| »3 1 »1 Reals THE SPANISH MONEY. 275^ Reals Vellon. Maravedis I. s. d f. 60 2040 13 4 61 2074 13 6 2| 62 2108 •3 9 '1 63 2142 H 64 2176 H 2 2| 65 2210 H 5 4 66 2244 14 8 67 2278 H 10 2| 68 23:2 15 I H 69 2336 IS 4 70 2370 'S 6 2y 71 2404 15 9 It 72 2438 16 73 2472 16 2 2? 74 2506 16 5 It 75 2540 16 8 75 and 10 Maravedis, 16 8 2 y6 2574 16 10 2| 77 2608 17 I It 78 2642 17 4 79 2676 J7 6 2f 80 2710 17 9 It 8i 2744 18 82 2778 18 2 2?- 83 2812 18 S IT 84 2846 18 8 8.- 28S0 18 10 2| 86 2914 19 I I| 87 2948 19 4. §8 2982 J9 6 2f 89 3016 19 9 »• 90 3040 I 150 and 2a Maravedis, I 13 5 2 180 2 270 3 301 and 6 Maravedie, 3 6 11 360 4 45c 5 540 6 630 7 720 8 810 9 900 la 990 II 1080 12 1 170 13 126c H 1350 »5 1440 16 1530 17 1620 18 1710 16 lisOO 20 The nominal or common Piflole. The Doublon of Gold. The Doublon de a Quatro of Gold. The Doublon de a Ocho of Gold. Reals sSo An account op Reals VeUoiv, 1890 1980 2070 2160 22;o 2340 2430 2520 2610 2700 2290 2880 2970 3060 3240 3-3 30 3420 3510 3600 3690 3780 387a 3960 4050 4140 4230 4320 4410 4500 4590 4680 4770 4S60 4950 5040 5130 52^ 53to 5400 d. 21 22 23 24 2S 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 3+ 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 "^^ 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 5^ 57 58 59 60 Reals Vellon. 5490 5q8o 5670 5760 5850 5940 6030 6120 6210 6300 6390 6480 6570 6660 6750 6840 6950 7020 71 10 7200 7290 7380 7470 7560 7650 774^ 7830 7920 8010 8 1 03 8193 8280 8370 8460 85JO 8640 8730 8820 8910 9000 d. 61 62 63 64 65 65 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 G 7+ 75 76 77 7S 79 80 81 82 83 84 8>- 86 87 88 3 89 90 91 92 95 9+ 9; 96 97 98 99 ICO A TABLE o/'English a?2d Portugal Money, reduced to Spanish Computation, ti Sixpence Shilling Half a Crown A Crown Half a Pound Sjcr. I. s. d. R . V. Mar 6 2 8| I 2 6 4 II '7 84 5 22 »7 lO 45 Half THE SPANISHMONEY. 281 Hair a Guinea A Pound Ster. A Guinea Moidcre A Pound end a Half * A Six and Thirty A Three Pound Twelve s. d. 10 6 I I I I 7 I 10 1 16 3 12 R. V. Mar. 47 90 8i 94 121 17 17 162 324 * N. B. Six and Thirties, or Portugal Pieces, exchange in this country at great lofs: They will give atCoRUNNA only 152^ or at molt 156 Reals j at Madrid Something more. The par is 162 Reals* O O 2 L E T TJB R t «82 ] LETTER XV. The State of Agriculture. THE Soil of Spain is naturally dry, and is rendered ftill more fo, by reafon of the great heats, which parch up the fprings and brooks, and by the want of rain to refresh the earth at pro- per feafons. Of this a remarkable infcance happened about five years ago, when it had not rained in Castile for nineteen months together. The general furface of the country, if you except the two Castiles, is uneven, fcarped, and mountainous. — It has been doubted by the Abbe de*VERAY, and others, whether there ever were ^ny mines of filver in Spain, becaufe the Spaniards at prefent work none : but this prefumption has been ill founded^ I am told, that it is a ftanding maxim of Spanifli policy, not to work any of their mines in Europe, as long as thofe of America will fupply them. It is a certain fa6t, that there are m2LnyJiIver mines difperfed throughout Spain, and at Guadal- canal in Andalusia in particular. — Englifime?! hsLve gone over there, and have examined the very ore, and have found it fo pro- mifing, that fome have been fanguine enough to offer to contract * But a modern writer has well confuted this opinion.— His words are, " La prJUence Efpagnole, qui ne fonge pas tant au prefent, qu'elle na penfe auffi al' avenir, ne veut pas qu'on y touche, tandis que ceiles des Indes auront dequoi four- nir. Je trouve quec'eft fagemcnt fait a eux. for The state of AGRICULTURE. 2B3 for the working of the mines. Bat fuppofe the moderns had not examined into this point, would not the teilimony of the ^;z- €"/>;2^j- have been ftrong enough to prove it? Polybius, Stra- Bo, and LivY, all affirm it. Cato impofed a tax upon the filver and iron mines, among the Vergistani : See Livv, Lib. 34. Notwithstanding the inconvenience arifing from the dry nefs of the foil, and the want of rain, yet, if the inhabitants were induftrious, and applied themfelves with afliduity to the cul- tivation of their lands, a general abundance might prevail, which is far from being the cafe at prefent, for in many places there is often great fcarcity of bread. The genius of the people is doubtlefs naturally averfe to toll and labour. Give a Spaniard but his cloak, hat, and fword, his wine and his bread, and he cares not how little he works. An- other great obfl:ru(5lion to Agriculture is the immenfe number of lazy ecclefiajiics in thefe kingdoms, and the perpetual fucceilion of holidays allowed by the church, which deprive the flate of one third of the labour, that it ought to receive from its fubjeds. To thefe let me add, the thinnefs of its population j Spain in ge- neral, and Granada in particular, have never recovered that fa- tal blow of the expuljion of the Moors j the effeds of which are felt ftill more, by the addition of civil and religious celibacy. When Philip, on one hand, banifhed to the amount of 800,000 induftrious infidels, from a principle of religion, he ought, on the other hand, from a principle of policy, to have fet open the gates of every nunnery and convent in his dominions. I have heard the number of thefe ufelefs, fequeflered males and females, thefe dead limbs of the body politic, computed at no lefs tlian 200,000 ; but I believe the calculation much exaggerated. Besides the bad confequences arif.ng from religious celibacy, their thin population is in part owing to the flcrility of their fe- males ; and above all, to the vaft emigrations of their people to America. To 2^4 The STATE of To remedy thefe defedls, the mlniniiy, in Philip Ill's and Philip iV.'s time, oitered vaft premiums to promote marriage nnd agriculture. But their imprudent fchemes of pohcy in other inftances have rendered thcfe patriot laws almoft ineffecflual. Another unfavourable circumflance to agriculture is, there being no exportation of corn allovi^ed in Spain from one province to another, except for the King's ufe, the exigencies of the fleet, army, and fuch occafions. In confequence of this bad policy, they are obliged to fend to Barbary and Africa, or to England for corn 3 for, it is morally impoffible but the harveft mufl fail annually in fome one province or other, and then that province muft be fupplied from abroad. Indeed, the tranfporta-- tion of it to any great diftance is almofl: impracticable ; for their large rivers being left in their natural fbate, are not navigable. For my own part, I am perfuaded, that they look upon all fuch improvements, in fome meafure, as Jinful. What fhall we {•scj flip erjlit ion will not perfuade men to, when we read the fol- lowing curious deliberation of a council of flate, in the reign of Charles II. ?• — When a company of I>iitch contrad:ors of- fered that Prince, to make the Tag us navigable to Lisbon, at their own expence, provided they were allowed a toll, for a cer- tain number of years, upon fuch goods as were fent by water- carriage that v/ay : for they intended to render the Manfanares navigable from Madrid to where it falls into the 'Tagiis. — The Council of Castile having long deliberated upon that propofal,. made at lafl this remarkable determination : ** That if it had ** pleafed God, that thefe two rivers fhould have been navigable, " he would not have wanted human affiftance to have made them '* fuch : but, as he has not done it, it is plain he did not think it ** proper that it fhould be done. To attempt it, therefore, would ** be to violate the decrees of his providence, and to amend the *' imperfedlions which he deflgnedly left in his works." But befides this defedt in their rivers, they have opened very fcv/ roads for carriages ; in many placos there being fcarce 6 room A G Pv I C U L T U R E in SPAIN. 285 room even for a mule to pafs by. Another difadvantage to no-rl- culture is, that where the land happens to be let to a tenant, which is not often the cafe, th^ fale of the ejlate voids the leaji' -, from whence comes their Spanifli proverb, Fenta depazc renta. — T!he fale frees yoii from reiit. This is fo directly contrary to our Jaw, and the equity of the thing, that the difcouragement to the farmer need not be infifted on. The military fpirit of thefe people, which has always pre- vailed, has no doubt given them a contempt for agriculture. Whoever travels over Spain, will be grieved to fee fuch vail tracks of line land, turned to io little advantage; great part of it not tilled, and that which is, done in fo carelefs and llovenly a manner, as to produce a flarved crop of corn, ev^en in fpots where they might command the mofl abundant harve/l. Their corn is ufually choaked up with flones, filth, and weeds of every kind. There cannot be a Wronger proof given of the fertility of the foil in Spain, than its producing fo much as it doth, when -^om conlider how little labour they bellow upon it. When they plow, they fcarce do more than jull fcratch the furface of thz ground with a flight furrow ; after the firll: plowing, they let the earth lie for a few days, and then they fow, the IVbeat m Sep- tember, and the Barley in February : when this is done, they feldom ufe the Harrow, but plow it ov^er again, in order to cover the feed. Thus it fcands till June or July, at which time they cut it down. The Barley is rarely bound in llieafs, and the Wheat not always. Neither, however, are carried into Barns ; but they lay it down on fome clean dry hillock, and then their mules come with a drag, and tread or beat out the corn ; it is a fliorter method than our threfloing. The winnowing there i% done ftill eafier, by only throwing the corn up into the air. Such is the general indolence of the inhabitants of this coun- try, that many of them will neither reap nor gather m their own corn. I lliould except, however, the indullrious Gallicians, who, with great numbers out of France, from Auvergne and Languedoc, annually travel over all Spain, to be its huf- bandmen, TWE 286 The STATE or The corn, when cut down, ufually lies expofed upon fomc dry high ground for a month or fix weeks : as it muft therefore be watched by night, they build fmall huts to lodge in. Thefe places being mofc commonly in the neighbourhood of great towns, it is the evening diverlion of the Spaniards, at this feafon, to walk out to thefe Erasy (or Area^) as they call them, to form parties there j fome fitting, others playing on the guittar, others linging and dancing Sequediilas or Vimdiingos. During the heats, the cool air of thofe rifmg grounds is pleafant, and the fcene odd enough. They frequently ftay out late at thefe entertain- ments. The ladies of fafliion at Madrid fometimes partake of them. Strange as this manner of treading out the corn upon the ground, and in the duft, may appear to us, yet I do not find that it receives any damage from this practice; for it is all of the hard fort, and their flour is fine and white, not inferior to any in England. This method of treading out the corn is, however, undoubtedly not lefs ancient than the time of Moses, as may be feen in Scripture. When the corn is thus trodden out, they carry it into the public granary, from whence it is difpenfed to the people, by particular magiftrates, a board being appointed for that purpofe : this they call 'Junta de los Abajlos. Little elfe is fown in Spain, but Wheat, Barley, and Rye; to the mules they ufually give chopped Jiraw, and thefe animals will undergo amazing fatigue, upon fuch poor food. The Spanifh horfe are likewife commonly fed with chopped flraw, and it gives them the finefl coat imaginable ; but when they are upon hard fervice, they give them Barley ; the richer fort, indeed, give their mules barley. The Spaniards make little ufe of oats, tho' there are fome few fields of it to be met with. When I fpeak of the Spanifh Agriculture, I mean the general flate of it in Spain; for fome parts of the country are certainly much more tilled and improved than others; which muft be the cafe in all countries : thus, for inftance, when you pafs the Sierra More N A, or that craggy faw of mountains, by which you enter into % AGRICULTURE in SPAIN. 287 into Andalusit^, the fcene Is agreeably changed, the country chearfuller, all tilled to corn, or planted with olives ; the villages neat and clean ; but even here induftry is wanting ; no inclofures, no trees, but vines and olives. From Corduba to Seville you pafs over a ruder country, lefs cultivated, and abounding in olives, and fome vineyards. The country, however, about Granada, Murcia, Valen- cia, and Barcelona, has been of late years very nobly culti- vated and improved : in that latter city, in particular, there is fo much induftry, that you would be apt to think the people were not Spaniards. In the environs, alfo, of the two former cities, the country is one continued garden, abounding with all forts of me- lons, gourds, pimentos, and garden herbs, interfperfed with plats of corn, maize, rice, hemp, &c. all growing under the iliade of mulberry-trees, which cover the whole country : they have peas, cauliflowers, fallads, beans, &c. frefli from their gar- dens, without the help of an hot-houfe, in the middle of our winter. With regard to the other provinces ; in Biscay they attend chiefly to their Iron manufactures, and fo of courfe pay lefs regard to agriculture. Asturias is all mountainous and woodv, ex- cepting where they have laid the forefts wafte for the fupply of their navy. I fay hi^^ them wajie, becaufe, through their unfldl- fulnefs in cutting and felling the timber, and a carelefs prodigality in the manner of doing It, they have cut down as much of the noblefl wood, to build a few men of war, as would have ferved the Spanifh navy for fome years. A gentleman, who lately tra- velled that way, afllired me, that the Asturias, in this re- fped, had more the appearance of a plundered province, than of a country in the hands of its own mailers. The two Castiles are miferably cultivated; Leon worfe ; but fome parts of Gallic i a are fine; and though their atten- tion to, and ikill in agriculture, is by no means equal to that of the fouthern provinces of Spain, yet it has no mean appear- ance. 1^ p One 288 The S T A T E o f One of the late minlfters tried to introduce the EngliJI: ftyle of ao-riculture into Spain, within thefe few years: and fent for ploughs, harrows, and other implements and tools of hufbandry from London. But when he came to teach his Cajiilian pea- fiu:its, the ufe and application of thefe ruftic arms, they had no lefs averfion to them, than the Spanifh troops have now to the Pruffian military exercife. They tried to work with them, but in vain. The Don will as foon quit his fkin, as his habits and pre- judices. So they laid the tools down very quietly, and told the minifter, *' Que no fe puede trabajar con inftrum.entos femijantes " a los Ynglefes — T^hat it was impojjible to work with fiich tools as " the EngUfir With regard to Climate^ the Spaniards certainly breathe the purefl air, well fuited to fuch conftitutions as are not fubjed to cholics, particularly to what is called the dry cholic. It is too thin and fubtle to agree with confumptive difpolitions -, but to fuch whofe conflitutions are found, and unimpaired by hereditary or acquired diftempers, there are few better climates in the world. In Gallicia the air is more impregnated with vapours and moifture ; but in general, there is neither mift nor cloud, and you have the moft ferene azure fky conftantly over your head, that can be imagined. In winter, the cold is not of fo freezing a nature as in Eng- land, nor does it numb the extremities in the fame manner 5 but it is of a more piercing and fubtle kind ; wherefore great care muft be taken at thofe feafons to guard well the breall: and lungs. Fire is as much wanted at Madrid, in the midfl: of winter, as in London, and yet they ufe braziers in general, and but few chimneys. In June, July, Augull:, and part of Septem- ber, the heats are very oppreffive ; during the hours of heat, to be ftill, with as little light in the room as poffible, is the only way to be tolerably cool. Great care ought to be taken in regard to the water all over Spain, particularly at Segovia, and Aranjuez j for in thofe places, if drank without proper cau- tion, it will have the moil: fatal efFeds. The furefl; prefervative is to boil it, or to put an hot iron into it, before you drink it. The water. AGRICULTURE in SPAIN. 289 water, Indeed, of Madrid, is excellent, particularly that of the fountain of the Recoletos, The court of Spain have given it the ftrongefl recommendation poffible, for they have fent water from Madrid even to Don Carlos and Don Philip, as far as Italy. You may find fome Trees in Spain not very common in other countries. The olive tree, green oak, and mulberry tree, abound there; you will meet with vaft forrefts of ^r and cork -, of which latter they make ftools and benches, and apply it to many other domeflic ufes. There are fine woods of oak in Estremadura and AsTURiAS; fome few palms and cedars are likewife found. Then as to Fruits, there are figs, pomegranates, oranges, le- mons, citrons, dates, capers, walnuts, chefnuts, piilacho-nuts, raifins, grapes, peaches, nectarines, apricots, plums of all forts, pears, apples, mulberries, ftrawberries, currants, but, I believe, no goofeberries. Gardening, except in the neighbourhood of Barcelona and Valentia, and fome other places on the Mediterra- nean coaft, is entirely negled:ed in this country. They have not even the idea of gentlemens country feats, with gardens about them, after the Engli(h manner, except at the King's pa^ laces, or fome grandee's old cafcle. Yet, notwithfianding, their lettuce, fallads, afparagus, cellery, cabbage, ipinnage, endive, garden herbs, onions, garlick, carrots, turnips, melons, cucum- bers, artichokes, &c. are good. — The honey of Spain, where there is fo much wild thyme, is equal to that of Hybla. Vineyards abound every where ; for they make neither beer, nor cyder ; rum is prohibited, and their brandy is a wretched fpirit, diftilled from anijeed. Foreign vv^ines are very difficult to be had there at any price, except in the Jea-ports i even the fine wines of their own grov/th are by no means cheap, or eafy to be pro- cured. What wine is fold of foreign growth, is chiefly fome poor Claret, or wretched Fronfmiac. 1 he wines that are native are remarkably ftrong ; they are prefiTed out in the ancient man- ner, fo often mentioned in Scripture, by the feet ; when thus P p 2 trodden 290 The state of troden out, they are immediately put into hog /kins, fevved up, and pitched on the infide : the pitch is apt to give them a deeper tint, and a very rank tafle ; this the connoifTeurs call tafting of the Borracho. There are many fine wines in Spain, the very names of which I know not : thofe that have fallen in my way are the following, i. Mountain. 2. Xeres, or what we call Sherry^ a town near Cadiz. :. Faxarete, both dry, and fweet. 4. Malaga^ in that country, what the Spaniards call Don Pedro Ximenes, from the name of a famous vintner ia that city. 5. Mahajia, in Catalonia, what we call M^j//??/)'. 6. Tinta de Rota, or what we call Tent. 7. Peralta. 8. Mon- tilla. 9. Guarnachay in Catalonia, 10. Foiitcarral. 11. Mo/cat el. 12. Ribadavian. 13. Maravella. 14. Seges. 15. Mancha. This laft is the wine of Don Qu^[xote's country : it is of the red grape, and what is chiefly drank, mixed with water, by the court and gentry at Madrid. The Spanifh horfe were always famous \ thofe of Andalusia are the moil beautiful, thofe of Asturias the ftrongeft : the befl mules are the Cajiilian, particularly thofe of La Mancha . but both horfes and mules are very dear in this country j fifty or lixty pounds for a mule is no extraordinary price. All travelling, carriage, &c- is generally performed' by mules, not horfes. In many places, where the mules go with fafety, an horfe would fcarce fland. There are great plenty of oxen and cov/s, though the Spa- niards make no butter^ oZ/fupplying its place. They make like- wife very little ufe 0I cows milky goats milk being only to be had, even at Madrid. They have black cattle in great abundance, and large flocks of {heep. All thefe are ufually poor and lean, for vv'ant of pafture, though the flefh is not without its relifh, and the meat is certainly more iubftantial, more nutritious, than what is killed in England. They have immenfe droves of fwine, particularly about Ta- LAVERADE LA Regna. As thefe are fed with chefnuts, the pork is of a mod exc][uifite flavour. I'oultry in general, except the.- AGRICULTURE in SPAIN. 291 the turkies, are in this country lean and dry. There are great quantities of game of all forts, hares, partridges, &c. but nei- ther fat nor well flavoured. The venifon is good, but inferior to our own. Rabbits breed and multiply aftonifliingly in Spain, and are very good food ^ they were fo great a nuifance, in the time of Augustus, that the Roman foldiers were obliged to de- flroy them, as Strabo tells us. This made Catullus call Spain Cuniculofa Celtiberia. And Bochart fays, that the name of Spain came from the Phcenician Spanijiam, which fignifies the land of rabbits. Fish is fcarce ever (ten in the interior parts of the country; and what does come there is ufually brought in /now. They have great multitudes of craw-filh at Madrid. — But their chief fupply of fifh is fent them by the Englifh from Newfound- land, t\\Q fait Jijh, or what they call the Bacalao. The Spaniards themfelves indeed, near Calls, fait no inconliderable quantity of the Thunnus, or 'Ton-fifh ; and very excellent it is ; though this is no new pradlice, but as old as the Roman times ; for the Elder Pliny tells us, ** Optima autem omnium in " Europa funt Gaditana Salfamenta*'' L E T- [ 292 ] LETTER XVI. 'To the Reverend Dr. Kennicott, &c. &c. TO thofe, Sir, who, like you, are great proficients in the Hebrew and eaftern languages, there are perhaps few- countries in the world that would afford them more pleafure than this of Spain, could they but have free accefs to all the oriental manufcripts it is known to contain. You need not be informed, that when the empire of the Moors flourifhed here, they had univerfities of note, at a time when all the Chriftian world, and the reft of Spain in particu- lar, was buried in the moft difgraceful ignorance. The Chrifli- ans themfelves made no difficulty of going to ftudy in thofe femi- naries, to learn aftronomy and philofophy. This country was the refidence of thofe learned Arabs, Avi- CENA, AvERROES, Almanzor, and Messahallah. It was here thofe able Jews wrote their comments, the Rabbins Aben Ezra, Moses Ben-Maymon, A. Zacuth, Benjamin, Mo- ses KiMCHi, and his fons David and Joseph; with others, whofe names and works are fo humoroufly defcribed in that beautiful poem, your Oxford Aublio Davifiana. But though there certainly are great colledions of Hebrew, and other On'e?2taI MSS. remaining in Spain, )^et let me intreat you, Sir, not to raife your expedations too high, or fanguinely I to LETTER TO Dr. KENNICOTT. 293 to imagine, that you can derive any great acce/lions to your jtew Edition of the Bible, from this part of the world. Not that I am without hope of obtaining fome valuable collations for your ufe hereafter : but that mufl be the work of much time and applica- tion : patience and perfeverance are moil elTentially neceffary ia all your tranfadions with a Spaniard. You no doubt are v/elf aware, that thofe who glean after fucli men as Ximenes, Montanus, and Pere Houbigeant, in this country, cannot exped: to find much left, which they have not collated. But ftill I am perfuaded, from knowing the genius of thefe people, that a fkilful and diligent enquirer would dif- cover fome Hebrew MSS. which tjiefe great men never faw : fome have doubtlefs been brought hither iince their time, and fome probably efcaped their fearch. But, in order that you may fee the flate of this matter more compleatly, I fend you inclofed two Letters, tranllated from the original, written by a very learned and intelligent Spaniard. The jirji will give you a full view of the ftate of the Hebrew and Ara- bic learning in this country; and i\\Q fecond contains a mofl exad: account of the Comphitenjian Polygktt. Having ufed my utmofi: endeavours to procure you fome col- lations of fuch ancient Hebrew MSS. of the Bible, as I could eet intelligence of in Spain, it is but reafonable, that I fhould give you. Sir, as fatisfad:ory an account as I can of the fteps I took for that purpofe. There are hut two principal obftacles to your procuring the <7(:'/Z:z^/^y^ of the Hebrew MSS. in Spain : thefe are, the abfolute neceffity of his Catholic Majefty's permiffion ; and the difficulty of finding perfons of ability, learning, leifure, and what is more, humility fufficient for fuch a work : for, fliould you find out an ecclefiaftic able enough to go through this dry tafk, he may pof- fibly have too much pride to receive your pay 3 and then, what motive have you left to engage him with ? But 294 LETTER TO Dr. KENNICOTT. But how difcouraging foever thefe obftacles may appear, yet notwithftanding, if there breaks out no war, and I have the op- portunity of another year's flay in this country, I am perfuaded I fliall have the fatisfac^ion of being inftrumental in removing them in great meafure. Upon receiving advices from England in regard to your un- dertaking, I immediately wrote to fome of the Spanifli literati up- on that fubjcdt, and among others to Don Fr. Perez Bagar, a canon and treafurer of the church of Toledo : he fent me word, that he had by him between * twenty and thirty Hebrew MSS. of the Bible, written poflibly in the Xllth century, or not much later; and that there was one in particular, dated 1 144. This account of his, however, proved erroneous ; for he told me afterwards, that he had only eight MSS. by him of the Hebrew Bible, with another in the church library : for, not having fuffi- ciently examined the reft, he found that feveral, which he ima- gined to have contained the text, v/ere only Rabbinical com- ments. In obedience to my directions from England, I informed the Earl of Bristol of the nature, ftate, and utility of your under- taking, and endeavoured to induce him to move in it : but his Lordfliip replied, that he could not ; that his office was only po- liticaU and that he had nothing to do with what was foreign to his commiffion. Upon this I wrote to England, advifing an application to be made to the Count De Fuentes, in order to obtain his Catholic Majefly's permiffion, that the Hebrew MSS. of the Bible in Spain might be collated for your work. That Count's chap- lain called upon me foon after at Segovia, and allured me, that the Count De Fuentes had promifed to procure an applica- tion from the Romiili college of Cardinals to the King of Spain, for the Englifn to have the fame permiffion here, which they had in the Vatican, This I have heard no more of fince ; and to tell you the truth, I did not believe at that time. • See above, p. 83. LETTER TO Dr. K E N N I C O T T. 29.*; You will fee in my -f catalogue of the Escurial MSS. what there is in that place. While I was there, I had the good fortune to meet with the Count Gazola, one of his Catholic Majefty's great favourites, a Lieutenant-general, and his principal Engineer. He having afked me, if I hadfucceeded in obtaining accefs to the He- brew and other MSS. in Spain ? I replied, that I had feen thofe of the Escurial, in a very curfory manner, but none elfe; that as to fuch an accefs as I wanted, for the purpofes oi coUatiGny I de- fpaired of ever feeing that point accompHfhed. He replied, ** Cou- " rage, mon ami, a mon retour a Madrid, je vous fcrois cette " grace moi meme." This I looked upon as a moft favour- able incident ; and accordingly, when I returned to Madrid, I drew up the inclofed Latin epilHe to Count Gazola, ftating the nature of your propofals, and defiring his affiftance in obtaining the King's permiffion. After this, I faw Bager at Madrid, who came to defire me to fend to England for fome books, which would be necef- fary to him in finifliing a work he had almoft compleated, en- titled an Explanation of the Samaritan coins, to which will be added an account of the Spanifh coins, called defconnocidas . At this interview we made a mutual agreement; I undertook to pro- cure the books, provided he would collate and fend me the varioui readings of thofe nine MSS. at Toledo. So that you have no- thing more to do. Sir, than to write a letter to him in form, re- queuing the collation of thofe MSS. for your work, in order that he might lay that letter before the chapter of Toledo, to obtain their permiffion. P. S. Since my return to England, I have little more to add. Sir, to this account. When I faw the Honourable Mr. Hay at Lisbon, he very warmly cfpoufed the caufe of your undertaking; and was fo obliging as to offer to keep fuch a literary correfpon- dence open during the war, if neceffary. But as we have now the profpedl of peace before us, we are under no reftraints of that fort; and whenever you would have any correfpondence m Spain f See above, Letter VIIJ, p. 155. ^-^q renewed 296 O F T H E C O L L A T I O N renewed upon this fubje