C UN 7 
 
 V_ 
 
 /tijijuitmjafMjft f xaKSfkvs/ f .'J f K/^tf.ifiMja.'JWfUJJJ. 
 
 -'^:^^i?^^^%a%%-%%%^g:
 
 THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES

 
 jOndorL:Lons?mans 2c Cf
 
 RECOLLECTIONS 
 
 LAST HALF-CENTURY 
 
 BY 
 
 COUNT OESI 
 
 LONDON 
 LONGMANS, GEEEN, AND CO. 
 
 1881 
 
 All rights itserved
 
 D 
 
 PEEFACE. 
 
 The maeked favour bestowed by the public and 
 the press on the papers contributed by me to 
 ' Fraser's Magazine ' a short time ago, in furtherance 
 of the object I had in view of rectifying incorrect 
 notions prevailing hitherto in reference to some of 
 the most important events in the life of Prince 
 Louis Napoleon prior to his advent to the Pre- 
 sidency of the French Kepublic, has encouraged 
 me to include them in this volume, and to add 
 accounts of various affairs in which I have borne 
 a part since 1828, when I became acquainted with 
 Prince Napoleon Louis, the elder brother of the 
 late Emperor, Napoleon III. 
 
 I have trusted, not merely to my memory, but 
 mainly to my diary, in which I recorded from day to 
 day accounts of important occurrences and of the 
 
 106SC98
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 conversations which passed between various persons 
 of note and myself. 
 
 I am aware that in the eyes of many I have laid 
 myself open to the charge of dwelling on details 
 having but slight connexion with matters of more 
 general interest. Against this I shall not defend 
 myself, as I write under the conviction that details 
 of a private nature are sometimes more useful to 
 futm'e historians than documentary evidence, which 
 often lacks the insight to unveil the real causes to 
 which great events are mainly due. 
 
 I wish the reader to understand that I simply 
 narrate what I myself have seen, heard, or done, 
 with a view of recording actual facts as well as 
 opinions and ideas prevailing at that time, upon 
 which I was requested by Prince Louis Napoleon at 
 various times to speak my mind freely. 
 
 If the imperfections of this work, of which I am 
 myself conscious, are not compensated in his mind 
 by the perusal of its contents, I hope he will think 
 leniently of them, and kindly make some allowance 
 for my writing in a language which is not my own.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 My First Journey to London in 1829 , . .16 
 
 Revolution in France of 1830 . . . . 31 
 
 My Interview with Prince Napoleon Louis . . 56 
 
 My Departure for Philadelphia . . . . 87 
 
 Our Arrival at Burdentown .... 106 
 
 Prince Louis Napoleon's Expedition to Boulogne, 
 
 August 1840 . . . . . . ik; 
 
 Interview with Prince Louis Napoleon . . .117 
 
 Preparations and Anxieties . . . . . 129 
 
 On Board ....... 138 
 
 Landing and Struggle . • . . . . 150 
 
 The Citadel of Doullens .... 163 
 
 The Escape of Prince Louis Napoleon from the 
 
 Fortress of Ham . . . . . 171 
 
 My Interview with H.R.H. the Duke of Brunswick, 
 
 December 3, 184.5 . . . . .171 
 
 The Escape . . . . . . . 189
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Lui 1 ! ! . . . . . . .221 
 
 Prince Louis Napoleon's First Visit to Paris (1848) . 221 
 The Prince's Departure for Paris as Kepresentative of 
 
 Five Departments in the National Assembly . 246 
 
 An Interview vs^ith the Prince President . . . 249 
 
 Mexico . . ..... 255 
 
 My Life in Paris during and followinc4 the Com- 
 mune . . . . . . . 278 
 
 The Emperor and the Empire . . . . 312
 
 EECOLLECTIONS 
 
 IjASt half CENTUEY. 
 
 On September 28, 1759, Pope Clement XIII. raised 
 Giuseppe Agostino Orsi, of the Dominican brother- 
 hood, to the exalted dignity of Cardinal, in recognition 
 of the eminent services rendered by him to the Holy 
 See, and of the vast learning displayed in his Storia 
 Ecclesiastica, a work unequalled for its accm-acy of 
 information, to which he had devoted the greater 
 part of his laborious life. 
 
 In those days the Church of Eome was, in Italy, 
 the chief som-ce of wealth, consideration, and power. 
 It was generally believed that outside the ecclesias- 
 tical ring, there was but a faint chance for gentlemen 
 of good family to promote their own welfare ; and so 
 rooted was this conviction, that in almost every family 
 of distinction one of the sons, as a rule, was brought
 
 2 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 up to be an Ahate^ in order to have a permanent link 
 with the power of the day. 
 
 No wonder, therefore, that I should be pressed 
 to embrace the career which was to ensure me 
 honours and influence. But every attempt to entice 
 me into it proved abortive. I resisted both the 
 entreaties of my family and the seductive prospects 
 of futm'e grandeur held out to me by cunning, 
 clever, and plausible priests. My aversion for it was 
 intense, insurmountable ! 
 
 Despairing to prevail upon me to go to the 
 Seminary, my mother most warmly begged me to 
 embrace the legal profession, for which I had no 
 great propensity ; but so deep was my respect and 
 affection for her, that, yielding to her tender, gentle, 
 but pressing request, I left Florence on September 1, 
 1824, to repair to the university of Siena, there to 
 devote four years of my life to study the icy intri- 
 cacies of the law, against which my mind rebelled all 
 the while, as it clashed with my vocation for scientific 
 pursuits. 
 
 Notwithstanding my dislike for it, I stood my 
 ground firmly enough, went through all my examina- 
 tions successfully, and after receiving in 1828 my 
 degrees, hurried back to Florence, on learning that 
 my dear mother was in a very precarious state of
 
 THE COMTE DE ST. LEU. 
 
 health. Gladdened at my having succeeded in 
 attaining the object she had in view, she rallied a 
 Httle, but soon relapsed beyond human power to 
 save her life. Her death brought forcibly a change 
 in my resolve. Instead, therefore, of remaining a 
 member of the legal profession, which would probably 
 have been the case had my mother lived, I joined 
 my elder brother in the management of the bank, 
 established many years before by our father, under 
 the name of Donat' Orsi & Co. 
 
 It was about that time that Prince Napoleon, the 
 elder son of the ex-king of Holland, the Comte de 
 St. Leu, became one of the largest depositors in our 
 bank, after his marriage with his cousin. Princess 
 Charlotte, the only daughter of Joseph Bonaparte, 
 his uncle (the ex-king of Spain\ who retired to 
 America soon after the disaster of Waterloo under 
 the title of Comte de Survilliers. 
 
 Partly owing to the frequent opportunities I had 
 of visiting the young Prince on business, and partly 
 owing to the similarity of om views respecting the 
 political events of the day, the Prince and I felt a 
 reciprocal gratification in our intercourse ; and this, 
 by growing stronger every day, brought us at last to 
 open our minds more freely on every subject Hkely 
 to attract our attention. 
 
 b2
 
 4 COUNT ORSPS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 To any ordinary observer of French politics, it 
 was evident that in the year 1829 the ill-feeling of 
 the people had reached its climax. It had widened 
 the chasm already existing between the country at 
 large, longing for liberty, and the King (Charles X.) 
 contemplating its destruction, to enjoy arbitrary 
 power, and it was not difficult to see that sooner or 
 later a desperate struggle between the two would 
 ensue. 
 
 At that time republican principles were not in 
 favour with the nation. The Napoleonic legend 
 was at its highest pitch : it was more than a principle, 
 it was a sort of religion for the people which nothing 
 could dispel. Compressed though it was by threats 
 of fines, imprisonment, or even death, it was ready to 
 burst out at the first opportunity. The son of Napo- 
 leon, Napoleon II., the Duke of Reichstadt, still at 
 Vienna, was his living representative. The French 
 people worshipped his very name. The court of 
 Charles X. was in constant anxiety and dread of him. 
 Italy was a volcano. Austria had a complete sway 
 over the Peninsula, and was down at once upon any 
 of the ruling sovereigns who showed the slightest 
 tendency to liberal ideas. Meanwhile the scaffold 
 was doing its work at Bologna, Eimini, and other 
 parts of Italy where the spirit of patriotism had
 
 SECRET SOCIETIES. 
 
 not sufficient self-possession to avoid committing 
 itself. 
 
 The organisation of secret societies, which began 
 in 1821, had developed itself in every part of Italy 
 to such an extent as to form a nucleus in the remotest 
 and poorest villages of the country. As these societies 
 were the ouly means of communication left to the 
 people, every possible device that could be invented 
 to avoid detection was resorted to by their leaders. 
 Their mode of subdividing their power and of dele- 
 gating it to sub-committees was so cleverly estab- 
 lished, that should the police happen to get a clue to 
 one of them, their information never went further 
 than a given point, beyond which they soon found 
 the link broken, with no possibility for them to 
 grasp at the other end of the chain. Everything 
 was done in the dark. Political news, foreign papers, 
 communications of every kind, were copied on flying 
 sheets by thousands of hands, read in the secret 
 meetings, and distributed over the country by 
 invisible agents, sworn under penalty of death. 
 The most powerful of these societies was that called 
 ' Carbonari,' of which Prince Napoleon Louis and 
 his brother, Prince Louis Napoleon, had become 
 members. 
 
 To understand thoroughly the future attitude
 
 6 COUNT ORSPS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 of the two Princes in Italian affairs, it is as well 
 that I should give an outline of the divergency of 
 opinion, entertained by patriots of all shades, con- 
 cerning the means of securing what they called the 
 Inde'pendence of Italy, a word bearing at that time, 
 as it did some time afterwards, a different meaning 
 from that of the Unity of Italy. 
 
 For the partisans of the Inde'pendence of Italy 
 the expulsion of the Austrians from the country by 
 the force of arms or otherwise was not a sine qua 
 nan condition. They imagined that Italy would 
 consider her aspirations fully complied with if they 
 succeeded in prevailing upon the sovereigns reigning 
 at Naples, Turin, Modena, Florence, and so forth, to 
 grant a liberal constitution to their people, to form 
 a confederation among themselves, and to solicit the 
 Pope to agree to the incorporation of his States into 
 the confederation, of which he, the Pope, would be 
 the President. They deluded themselves with the 
 idea that the joint representations of the sovereigns 
 forming the confederation, coupled with the influen- 
 tial power of the Holy See, would be sufficient to 
 induce the Austrian ruler to give up all interference 
 in the affairs of the Peninsula, and to let Italy and 
 her sovereigns act as they thought best for their 
 commou interest. As to the possession by the
 
 THE INDEPENDENCE OF ITALY. 7 
 
 Austrians of the Lombardo- Venetian provinces, and 
 of the famous Quadrilateral, not a word. It seemed 
 as if the whole of Europe had taken it for granted 
 that the Lombardo-Venetian provinces were indisso- 
 lubly annexed to the Austrian dominion. Thus the 
 programme of the champions of the Independence 
 of Italy was quite different from that set forth by 
 the champions of the Unity of Italy ; and although 
 it would have been hailed in those days by every 
 true patriot as a great boon, and a great step towards 
 a government more suitable to the progress of the 
 times, still it was far from satisfying the general 
 aspirations of the people, of the rising generation in 
 particular, more ardent, more enlightened, and more 
 daring than that which was on the decline, both as 
 regards energy and intellectual development. 
 
 The partisans of the ' Unity of Italy ' formed 
 two camps quite distinct, both as regards the 
 means of exciting an insurrection, and the form of 
 government to be afterwards established. Mazzini 
 was the soul and mover of one of them. His pro- 
 gramme was a general rise of the people by every 
 possible revolutionary plan, bordering upon a Avar of 
 extermination, with a view of ridding the country of 
 the ruling sovereigns, and of driving the Austrians 
 from the Lombardo-Venetian provinces.
 
 8 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 The establishment of a republic, confederate 
 or otherwise, was to be the crowning of the edifice. 
 
 All this was to be accomplished without foreign 
 aid, and in the very teeth of all Europe united against 
 us. 
 
 The other camp had the same object in view, 
 but differed on two points of material importance. 
 The first and foremost of the two was to drive the 
 Austrians from the Lombardo- Venetian kingdom, 
 even though this was to be accomplished by, or with 
 the assistance of a foreign army ; and the second was 
 the necessity of giving to the revolution the leader- 
 ship of a crowned head, in order to quiet the alarms 
 of foreign powers. 
 
 The patriots who advocated the latter programme 
 were acting on the conviction, backed by the experi- 
 ence of a great many years, that it was most erroneous 
 and even criminal to presume that Italy, alone, 
 divided, imperfectly armed, with a population priest- 
 ridden to a frightful extent, without chiefs, without 
 organisation, could succeed in the hard task of driv- 
 ing out of the country a power like Austria, who 
 could pour into it 300,000 or 400,000 soldiers in a 
 few hours, and recruit herself in case of defeat 
 behind the Quadrilateral. I said criTmnal, and so 
 it was : because the number of noble victims which
 
 THE UNITY OF ITALY. 
 
 were sacrificed in the pursuit of chimerical plans 
 since 1815 is appalling; and if the sufferings of 
 those martyrs have contributed to keep alive in the 
 mind of the people the hatred against the Austrians 
 and their satellites, it is not the less true that most 
 precious blood has been shed wantonly and without 
 any great practical result. The leadership of the 
 Italian revolution by one of the crowned princes 
 ruling in Italy was also, for this party, a sine qua non 
 condition of success. 
 
 From whatever point of view the question of the 
 Independence and Unity of Italy was looked at, the 
 difficulty of the undertaking seemed to be tantamount 
 to an impossibility. If we revert to the state of 
 Europe in 1828, to the spirit then pervading all the 
 crowned heads against liberal ideas, to the merciless 
 persecution and cruel treatment the patriots met 
 with at the hands of their oppressors, sanctified for 
 their work by the court of Rome, we shall soon 
 forget the errors of judgment by which so many lives 
 were lost, and be filled with admiration at the faith, 
 perseverance, and heroic com'age displayed by them 
 in the pursuit of an object which seemed to go away 
 from us as we thought we were approaching it. 
 
 The opinions and views of Prince Napoleon 
 Louis on the Italian question were at variance with
 
 lo COUNT ORSPS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 my own. On the evening of August 19, 1829, during 
 a long interview I had with him on the subject, he 
 argued against me in the following way. 
 
 ' I cannot agree with you,' said he, ' when you 
 contend that what 1 propose doing towards the 
 Indejpendence of the country will not answer the 
 expectation of liberal and moderate patriots. I 
 am in daily communication with my brother Louis,' 
 who is at Rome, and from what he writes to 
 me, I can see that the practical solution of the 
 question lies in our advocating by every available 
 means the possibility of an understanding among 
 the different sovereigns of Italy to yield to the as- 
 pirations of the populations, and to form a confeder- 
 ation of the different States under the presidency of 
 the Pope. Pray look at the advantages of this com- 
 bination, which excludes the possibility of civil war, 
 of foreign intervention, of ill feeling between the 
 sovereigns and their subjects. Who will dare to 
 upset by the force of arms a state of things headed 
 by the Holy Father, whose dominions are amalga- 
 mated with the rest of Italy ? Speak your mind 
 freely. What are your objections to it? ' 
 
 ' Allow me to ask you,' said I, ' by what means you 
 
 ' Afterwards Napoleon TIT.
 
 PRINCE NAPOLEON LOUIS. ii 
 
 contemplate bringing the sovereigns of Italy to ad- 
 here to your plan ? Is it through the press ? There 
 is none ! Is it through gigantic petitions from all 
 parts of Italy ? For my part, I should not like to 
 put my name to any of them, as I am sure I should 
 be imprisoned for the rest of my life. What will 
 you do in the event of a refusal ? Will you excite 
 the population to rise, and to obtain by violent 
 means what they cannot accomplish amicably ? 
 What becomes of the Pope ? ' 
 
 ' You take the worst view of everything. By so 
 doing we shall never be able to make a step forward. 
 But admitting what you say, why should we not 
 have recourse to violent measures to force them to 
 do what they will not otherwise agree to ? ]My 
 name would be of some use if I took an active 
 part in the strviggle. I know this to be a fact.' 
 
 * I admit that your presence in the ranks of the 
 insm-gents will give great encouragement and spirit 
 to the insurrection, but it will not better the position 
 — quite the reverse.' 
 
 ' Why ? ' 
 
 'Because Austria, fully aware of the influence 
 your name has on the people, will step in at once 
 and crush the insurrection in the bud. She possibly 
 might hesitate to interfere if she saw a real entente
 
 12 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 between the sovereigns of Italy and the Pope to 
 form a confederate state of the whole Peninsula, 
 with liberal institutions ; but on your appearing on 
 the scene, she will hurry to strike a blow before it 
 is too late, and in this she will have France on her 
 side. Pardon me if I speak with some bitterness of 
 Austria, of the Pope, and our rulers, who after all 
 have no will of their own, and dare not move one 
 way or the other before they get leave from Vienna 
 to do so. Your views, which ju-e those of the most 
 enlightened, moderate, and well-to-do portion of 
 the Italian community, are generous, and inspired 
 by that sense of justice and true patriotism which 
 you suppose to exist in the same degree in their 
 hearts and minds. You will find that this is not the 
 case. So long as Austria has a kreutzer in her coffer 
 and a man alive, she will fight to prevent Italy 
 from being endowed with free institutions, however 
 moderate they may be. Nothing is more contagious 
 than liberty. She dreads it, because she knows that 
 her own people will exact as much. As to the court 
 of Eome, I shall never be made to believe that she 
 will run the risk of losing the support of Austria by 
 joining the confederation.' 
 
 ' It is all very well for you to set forth all the 
 evils of the situation, but where is your remedy ?
 
 ITALY AND AUSTRIA. i^, 
 
 By what means do you expect Italy will be made 
 independent ? ' 
 
 ' Not by half measm-es, at any rate.' 
 
 ' What kind of radical measm-e do you propose ? 
 A republic ? ' 
 
 'No.' 
 
 ' What then ? ' 
 
 ' I will tell your Highness what my inner 
 thoughts are in reference to this Italian question, 
 the most intricate, the most difficult to solve that 
 ever history could record. From my earliest youth 
 I have been meditating upon it, and after reading 
 all that was said and done since Dante to make Italy 
 free, I came to the conclusion that there was but 
 little hope for her until some extraordinary event 
 brought a man to the head of a great military power, 
 who, either in his own personal interest, or from reasons 
 of state, should be led to pick a quarrel with Austria, 
 beat her out of the field, and leave the Italians to 
 settle their own affairs without further outside in- 
 terference. The Italian question now lies in a nut- 
 shell — Aust7'ia — and nowhere else. I am afraid 
 you turn your eyes too much towards Italy, and not 
 enough towards France. I cannot divest myself of 
 the idea that our deliverance will come from that 
 quarter. In what way I cannot say, but in no other
 
 14 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 country is public sympathy more vividly called into 
 play than it is in France, whenever they hear of some 
 fresh horrors taking place in the dungeons of Spiel- 
 berg, Civita Castellana, or Naples. I confess my 
 deep anxiety about your Highness's future prospects 
 being marred by the direction you seem to give to 
 your mind, which I think is not the one I should 
 recommend you to follow in the present state of 
 Europe. You may be called upon by circumstances 
 to play a most important part in France : who knows 
 what may take place ? Eeserve yourself for con- 
 tingencies that no man at this moment can foresee.' 
 
 ' There is in what you say a good deal that 
 deserves consideration, but you appear to forget that 
 Napoleon II. is still living, and that I have no right 
 to anticipate his views, or to put myself forward in 
 his stead.' 
 
 ' Napoleon, your cousin, is a prisoner at Vienna: 
 you know that he is never lost sight of. Possibly 
 he is unconscious of his being a most important 
 element in the foreign Austrian policy, especially as 
 regards France ; and unless the Emperor of Austria 
 has some great inducement to let the Prince cross 
 the frontier, he will never be allowed to do so. 
 It is much to be regretted that the Imperial family 
 never considered it advisable to have in France
 
 NAPOLEON II. 15 
 
 a paper well informed and exclusively directed, to 
 keep up in the mind of the people the recollection 
 of the great epoch of glory and greatness to which 
 Napoleon I. had raised the country. Although the 
 people revere the memory of your uncle, the great 
 cause of Imperialism has no representative, no 
 centre of action, no organ to plead in its favour. 
 Should a revolution take place in Paris, there is 
 not a man, just now, that could rally half a dozen 
 gentlemen to establish a Provisional Government on 
 behalf of Napoleon II.' 
 
 It was nearly two o'clock in the morning when 
 I spoke the last words. The Prince was evidently 
 much fatigued and very thoughtful. 
 
 ' On what day do you start for London ? ' said he. 
 
 ' On Thursday next.' 
 
 ' Shall I see you again ? ' 
 
 ' If your Highness will allow me to call before 
 I leave Florence, I shall feel grateful for the honour.'
 
 i6 COUNT ORSPS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 MY FIRST JOURNEY TO LONDON IN 1829. 
 
 I DO not think that at any epoch of the history of 
 the world the mind of man has been more busy and 
 inquisitive concerning the mysteries of Nature, or 
 more deeply absorbed in discoveries and inventions 
 useful to mankind, than it has been for the last fifty 
 years. 
 
 During this interval a striking change has taken 
 place simultaneously, both as regards rapid motion, 
 now so pleasantly indulged in by us all, and the 
 lightning-like speed with which our mind is eager 
 to stride over the space that obstructs its expansion. 
 
 Railways and steamers have widened the area of 
 our activity, and enabled us to perform in a day the 
 work of months, of years perhaps; while electricity 
 has wound up society to such a state of excitement 
 as to make it difficult to understand how our fore- 
 fathers could exist who did not possess these power- 
 ful agents.
 
 TRAVELLING IN 1829. 17 
 
 If any one of the present generation were told 
 that, to go from Florence to London by the means 
 available in 1829, he would have to take a seat in a 
 dusty diligence to reach Marseilles after two days' 
 journey, and to be five days going from Marseilles to 
 Paris, and two and a half days more from Paris to 
 London, at an outlay of 750 francs (30Z.), he would 
 certainly give himself up to despair or forego the 
 trip altogether. Such was the case in those days 
 for the generality of people, save the wealthy, who 
 could pay for post-horses, driving their own carriages. 
 
 Travelling by French diligences was a real tortiu-e 
 and very expensive. Besides the discomfort of being 
 packed up in a narrow compartment for days and 
 nights consecutively, without the possibility of turn- 
 ing to the right or left, there was the hateful ordeal 
 of the passports to go through, which we were obliged 
 to exhibit at every stoppage. 
 
 My journey to London was looked upon as a 
 great event by my family : all was stir and confusion 
 at home. 
 
 Luggage more than sufficient to meet the require- 
 ments of three among the most punctilious passengers 
 was prepared with the greatest care ; and as regards 
 letters of introduction, I had so many both for Paris 
 
 c
 
 1 8 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 and London, that it would have taken me an immense 
 time to deliver them all. 
 
 I arrived in Paris on August 26, 1829, after seven 
 days of the most fatiguing journey. My only visit 
 was to the famous banker, M. Jacques Lafitte, who 
 was our correspondent, and who had been so for 
 many years past. 
 
 The reception he gave me was most affectionate. 
 He had transacted business with my father, for whom 
 he had always felt the warmest friendship, and ' was 
 very glad,' said he, ' that my journey to Paris offered 
 him the opportunity of doing for me all he could to 
 render it as profitable as possible.' My interview 
 with him was a great event for me. I was facing a 
 man who, besides being one of the wealthiest bankers 
 on the Continent, was the leader of the opposition 
 during the reigns of Louis XVIII. and Charles X. 
 
 His high position as a banker, as a liberal, and a 
 thorough gentleman, had inspired universal con- 
 fidence in his judgment and patriotism ; and not only 
 was he respected and esteemed in France, but 
 throughout the world his name stood foremost, as 
 the representative of the opposition to the Eoyal 
 Government, inimical to the liberties of the people. 
 
 Having played a conspicuous part under the 
 Empire as a financier, he made no mystery of his
 
 M. LAFITTE. 19 
 
 sympathies for the fallen dynasty, but went no fui*- 
 ther. His mind, like that of many other distin- 
 guished Frenchmen, was at that time imbued with 
 principles aud ideas of constitutional government 
 that had sprung up and made their way in conse- 
 quence of the too long protracted strain put on 
 French society by the late wars. Too far-sighted 
 not to perceive that the country was drifting rapidly 
 towards a revolution, and that there was no hope of 
 bringing the King and his advisers to their senses, 
 he made his intimacy with the Duke of Orleans 
 (Louis Philippe) the pivot of his political move- 
 ments, a course he bitterly repented having pursued 
 shortly afterwards. 
 
 After dwelling some little time on matters 
 relating to the business of the finn, M. Lafitte put a 
 few questions to me respecting the state of Italy. 
 
 ' Are things,' said he, ' still going on as badly in 
 your country as it is reported in the public papers 
 and in the private conesj^ondence ? ' 
 
 ' They are worse than it is represented. Italy is 
 waiting for some great event to take place that will 
 give her the opportunity of attempting another in- 
 surrection. It seems impossible that the political 
 state of Italy could remain what it is. Our eyes are 
 turned towards France.' 
 
 c 2
 
 20 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 ' Do not rely on the French Government for any 
 assistance, or you will deeply regret having clone so.' 
 
 ' In Italy we look to France, not as she is now, 
 but as we hope she will be ere long. We follow very 
 attentively every phase of whatever goes on here, both 
 in and out of the Chamber of Deputies ; and ' . . . 
 
 Here M. Lafitte interrupted me, and said, ' Is 
 not ex-king Louis, the Comte de St. Leu, residing in 
 Florence ? Are his two sons with him now ? ' 
 
 ' The eldest. Prince Napoleon, resides with his 
 father. Prince Louis is now in Rome.' 
 
 ' Do you know them well ? ' 
 
 ' I have the honour of being acquainted with the 
 Comte de St. Leu and the Prince his son, both keep- 
 ing an account at our bank. I happen, however, to 
 be more in communication with Prince Napoleon 
 than with the Comte de St. Leu, owing to the lively 
 interest he takes in Italian affairs, which form the 
 main object of our interviews.' 
 
 ' Ah ! Grod knows what these two young Princes 
 may be called to, by the course of events. When do 
 you start for London ? ' 
 
 * To-morrow.' 
 
 ' Let me give you a letter of introduction to 
 Messrs. Coutts. It will serve you. Your firm has 
 informed us of your arrival in Paris, and opened a
 
 PARIS TO LONDON. 21 
 
 credit on your behalf, against which you may draw at 
 any time.' 
 
 I thanked M. Lafitte for his kind reception, and 
 after promising him another call on my return from 
 London, I took leave of him, highly pleased with my 
 interview. 
 
 On September 3, 1829, at seven o'clock in the 
 morning, I left Paris for London, having secured the 
 previous day (a most essential precaution in those 
 days) a seat in the coiijpe, the best and the dearest 
 of the three compartments into which the diligence 
 was partitioned, with room for three passengers only. 
 
 The day happened to be cold, but very fine, and 
 as the ponderous machine was rattling on the pave- 
 ment with a tremendous noise, made more so by the 
 deafening smacking of the postillion's whip, we were 
 hailed, here by volleys of epithets from low pedes- 
 trians who stood in the way, and there by the good 
 wishes of others, better humoured, both being com- 
 pelled to stop and lie close to the wall, to prevent 
 their being run over. The frame of mind I was in 
 received additional spirit from the fleeting of every 
 object round me, the excitement of the motion, the 
 incidents, and last, though not least, from the smiling 
 countenances with which I was welcomed by my two 
 fellow-travellers in their compartment, a circum-
 
 22 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 stance which struck me favourably, as generally 
 speaking the coupe was taken, in preference to any 
 other part of the vehicle, at greater expense, for the 
 very purpose of avoiding the company of objection- 
 able people, or of being alone, to enjoy it undisturbed. 
 This good reception on the part of mes comjxignons 
 de voyage, coupled with my own disposition to look 
 at everything in the most acceptable light, brought 
 an exchange of cards. ]\'Ir. Barry (the name on the 
 card) was an Irish gentleman, and Mrs. Barry an 
 English lady, both on their way home from a trip 
 to the south of Italy. They did the honours of the 
 journey to my heart's content, for seeing that I was 
 a foreigner, on my way to London for the first time, 
 they offered to pilot me as long as they remained in 
 town, which with thanks I most gladly accepted. 
 Nothing took place during our joiurney that is worth 
 noticing, except the keeping up a sympathetic in- 
 tercourse between Mr. and IMrs. Barry and myself, 
 that became intimate by the time we had reached 
 Calais next day at five o'clock in the afternoon. 
 As the vessel was to sail next morning for Dover 
 at nine o'clock, we had to go to the hotel for the 
 night. 
 
 The passage was rather fatiguing, the wind blow- 
 ing very strong, with a heavy sea. "We were three
 
 THE CUSTOM HOUSE IN 1829. 23 
 
 hours and a half crossing the Channel — we reached 
 Dover about half-past one. My first impression was 
 far from being pleasant. I had been nurtured to the 
 idea of perfection respecting the notion Englishmen 
 had of their own personal dignity, and it will be no 
 wonder if I felt disappointed when, on my reaching 
 the Custom House, I was put between two fellows who 
 endeavoured to discover the contents of my pockets, 
 hat, and even of my boots, by pressing them in every 
 way with their hands. Mrs. Barry and two other 
 ladies were dealt with in the same manner, the only 
 difference being that they were shown into a room, 
 to undergo the operation under the management of 
 a female attendant. 
 
 These humiliating proceedings have been done 
 away with ever since the establishment of railways and 
 the great increase in the flow of Englishmen to the 
 Continent and of foreigners to England, coupled 
 with the reduction of duties upon many articles 
 which were a great temptation to smuggling. The 
 only people who benefited by this state of things 
 were the InforTYiers, whether they carried on their 
 vocation by order, or en amateurs^ for in either case 
 they were remunerated in proportion to the value of 
 the goods disclosed. The following anecdote, illus- 
 trating the immorality of the practice, took place on
 
 24 COUNT ORSPS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 this very occasion. I had the details of the occur- 
 rence from the party who had been the victim of it. 
 
 Among the passengers who landed on that day 
 from the steamer, there was a gentlemanly looking 
 man and a neatly dressed woman, whose appearance 
 was respectable. While travelling in the dihgence 
 from Paris to Calais, she foolishly entrusted to her 
 companion, in the course of conversation, the secret 
 of wearing round her body a large quantity of valu- 
 able lace, worth many thousand francs, which she 
 intended to smuggle, and sell in London for a con- 
 siderable sura. 
 
 The man listened to what she said, and after 
 many friendly warnings about the danger she was 
 running, which would cost her the loss of the whole 
 property and a fine into the bargain if detected, he 
 dwelt most minutely on the precautions to be taken 
 by her to avoid this misfortune. 
 
 On arriving at the Custom House, the woman 
 was at once searched, the whole of her lace was 
 taken from her, and a heavy fine had to be paid by 
 her there and then, or be committed to gaol. The 
 poor woman was barely left with sufficient means 
 to pay her fare to London. 
 
 A few months after my arrival in London I met 
 her in the Strand, when she related to me all that
 
 A SMUGGLER DETECTED. 25 
 
 had occurred at Dover. However, as she did not 
 appear to have broken down under the loss she had 
 sustained, I asked whether she had been more for- 
 tunate in her business afterwards, ' which I suppose 
 must have been the case,' said I, ' as you seem to be 
 in very good spirits and quite content.' 
 
 ' Well,' said she, ' the old adage, " 'Tis an ill wind 
 that blows nobody good," proved to be true as regards 
 myself. As one fine evening I was at home, moaning 
 and groaning and crying for the loss of all my lace, the 
 gentleman with whom I had travelled from Paris to 
 Calais called upon me, and sent up word that he 
 wanted to see me on business. I received him in a 
 small parlour, when he asked me whether I had recon- 
 ciled myself to the loss of my lace ; and after a few 
 commonplace remarks on my misfortune, and hope- 
 ful prospects of a better future, he gently said : 
 
 ' " Now, dear madam, let me see whether I can 
 do anything to relieve yom' present position. Tell 
 me frankly and honestly what is the extent of 
 your loss." 
 
 ' I stared at him. 
 
 ' " Do not mind what I say. Simply answer my 
 question." 
 
 'I told him the amount of my loss, including the 
 fine I had paid. Without saying a word, he drew
 
 26 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 out of his pocket-book a bundle of bank-notes, to 
 which he added several gold pieces, to make up the 
 sum required, and putting it in my hands, said : 
 
 ' " Allow me to give you this sum of money in 
 compensation of the loss of your property, of which I 
 was the cause, and in acknowledgment of the service 
 rendered to me, unwittingly I am sure. To avoid 
 being searched by the Custom House officers, I turned 
 an * Informer,' in consequence of which you lost your 
 property and I saved mine ; besides making a consider- 
 able projBt, that enables me to give you now a value 
 for your goods which, however well they might have 
 been sold, you would never have received. Before 
 parting, allow me to recommend you more caution 
 another time when you travel with people whom you 
 know nothing about. May this lesson serve you for 
 the future. It is not likely you will meet with 
 another man so scrupulous as I have been to you." 
 
 'In saying this, he rushed out of the room, before 
 I had time to recover from my astonishment or to 
 thank him for what he had done.' 
 
 By the time we got clear of the Custom House 
 the stage coach had left Dover for London. 
 
 Another coach was to leave Dover at seven in the 
 evening, but Mrs. Barry having an objection to night 
 travelling, we put up at an hotel, purposing to start
 
 FIRST IMPRESSIONS OF LONDON. 27 
 
 by the first coach at eight o'clock next morning, and 
 to that effect we booked at once three places inside, 
 and after sipping a most comfortable tea, retired t ) 
 our rooms. 
 
 Next morning we left Dover at eight o'clock, and 
 reached London about seven o'clock in the evening. 
 We put up at the Craven Hotel, Craven Street, 
 Strand. 
 
 To acquire the greatest amount of knowledge 
 about the political, commercial, or social conditions 
 of the country dm-ing the eighteen months I was to 
 reside in it, was my main and most cherished object. 
 I found soon enough, however, that I presumed too 
 much on my power to do so. On landing at Dover, 
 I felt as if I had been separated from the rest of 
 the world, and cast helpless on a spot where nothing 
 resembled what I had been accustomed to. When I 
 arose in the morning I fancied I had a leaden cap on 
 my head. 
 
 The southern liveliness so natural to me had 
 deserted my frame, to make room for a sudden, 
 thoughtful, inelastic mind, that clashed with my 
 nature and could not be shaken off. 
 
 Thus it was that many weeks elapsed ere I found 
 myself fit for any work at all. It was already very 
 trying to have to contend with a harsh chmate, un-
 
 28 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 palatable food, and a sudden change in almost every- 
 thing I had been nursed in ; but what upset me most 
 unpleasantly was the stiff, icy reception I at jirst 
 met with, in striking contrast with the easy and 
 unceremonious access to private life as practised on 
 the Continent. I felt shocked at the roughness of 
 manners, which led to daily fights in the streets, to 
 the extreme delight of the passers-by, who hastened 
 to form a ring round the two combatants, to see that 
 the play was fairly carried out. I was surprised at 
 the inefficiency of the police, so badly organised, and 
 composed of men stintily paid and generally too old 
 to do their duty well. They were called 'watchmen.' 
 The beat of a watchman was limited, as it is now, to 
 certain streets, from nine or ten o'clock in the 
 evening until dawn, to watch, and bawl, as he went 
 joggling along, the ' time ' and the ' weather.' 
 
 The first night I slept at the Craven Hotel I heard 
 one of these men shouting under my window, in a 
 slow sepulchral voice, ' Half-past twelve, fine weather !' 
 and he went on repeating it till he reached the end 
 of the street ; when some time after another watch- 
 man, or probably the same, came again and cried out, 
 < Half-past one, fine weather ! ' On inquiring next 
 morning what it meant, I learned that these watch- 
 men were the only force the citizens of London could
 
 LONDON FIFTY YEARS AGO. 
 
 rely upon during the night for the protection of 
 their lives and property. I could not help thinking 
 that the authorities could hit upon no better device 
 to warn, in good time, the thieves, burglars, and 
 garrotters, that the watchman had just gone by, to 
 leave them undisturbed in their work. 
 
 Among various improvements and changes for the 
 better that have taken place since 1829, 1 cannot help 
 noticing, for the sake of comparison with the new state 
 of things, what were the arrangements of the Post- 
 Office respecting inland or foreign correspondence. 
 
 In that year there were no adhesive postage 
 stamps; no letter-boxes at the stationers' shops; no 
 pillar post in the streets to accommodate the public. 
 In the West End they must either have gone to 
 the General Post-Office, or else (for foreign letters 
 in particular) they had to wait for the postman, who 
 at 5 P.M. came regularly at a quick pace through 
 the main street, ringing a bell, to warn such of the 
 inhabitants as had letters to post to come out and 
 pop them into his bag, through an opening left for 
 that purpose. One could see at almost every door 
 and window, a woman or man watching for the post- 
 man ; and those who were too late, were seen 
 running after the red coat, and returning home 
 laughing and breathless fi,'om the fun of the chase.
 
 30 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 I did my best to turn to my personal advantage 
 the eighteen months I resided in London. The field 
 was vast enough, and the ground to run over full of 
 valuable information. As however the most of it 
 would be irrelevant to the main object of this book, 
 I shall use the privilege of leaping over this space 
 of time, and say that the amount of matter which 
 filled this gap bore chiefly on the life I spent in the 
 best English society both in London and the country, 
 and of which I shall ever retain the most pleasant 
 and grateful recollection. Now I shall bid farewell 
 to the sweet allurements of those charming days, to 
 the bright hopes I indulged in, and to the paths I 
 thought were to be strewn with flowers. 
 
 The sunny portion of my life was gone. The 
 dark one was rising on the horizon.
 
 LONDON IN 1830. 31 
 
 REVOLUTION IN FRANCE OF 1830. 
 
 In the evening of July 27 of this year, one of the 
 hottest days in the season, I was loitering in Hyde 
 Park, resolving in my mind how, and by what agency, 
 it would be possible to dissuade the party of action 
 in Italy from having recourse to revolts, which always 
 ended in sacrificing the most precious lives in the 
 country. My private correspondence, both from 
 France and Italy, was daily strengthening my con- 
 viction that the fire of insurrection would spread all 
 over the surface at the first opportunity, and that 
 such overt manifestations of universal discontent as 
 oozed out, now and then, in both countries, although 
 compressed by iron hands, could but ultimately end 
 in a most desperate struggle. With all that, I was 
 not sanguine of success as regarded my own country, 
 and I clung to the idea that Italy could do nothing 
 alone. 
 
 As I was about leaving the park I met a friend
 
 32 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 of mine, intimately connected with the Sardinian 
 Legation in London. He came straight to me, and 
 in great excitement said : 
 
 ' Have you heard of an insurrection in Paris ? ' 
 
 ' No ; not a word. I remained at home all day, 
 so no wonder I did not, but am not surprised at the 
 news.' 
 
 ' Let us go to my club,' said he ; 'we may pos- 
 sibly meet Count , who is one of the 'personnel 
 
 of the French Embassy.' 
 
 On reaching the club, we saw half a dozen 
 members standing on the steps, and talking of the 
 reported events. Their number soon swelled to a 
 crowd, from the addition of those who were going in 
 and of those coming out. 
 
 It was not without some difficulty that we could 
 
 get in to inquire after Count , who had left the 
 
 club a few minutes before. The best we could do 
 under the circumstances was to try and pick some 
 scraps of information by listening to what was said 
 in the four or five groups into which this gathering 
 outside the club was subdivided. Each of these 
 groups was addressed by a speaker. The intelli- 
 gence received by the first speaker we happened to 
 listen to was, he affirmed, the most accurate and 
 authentic. The King, Charles X., had issued the
 
 REVOLUTION IN PARIS. Z2> 
 
 ordonnances against the liberty of the press, an 
 attempt at an insurrection had been made in which 
 the Grovernment had had the upper hand. Half-a- 
 dozen scoundrels had been shot, and there the matter 
 ended. The second speaker agreed on the main 
 point of the rising, but said that no one had been 
 shot, that it was but a riot, and the whole a miserable 
 flash in the pan. 
 
 The third appeared better informed ; at any rate 
 more disposed to allow the wish to be father to the 
 thought. 
 
 The speaker was a fine fellow, a splendid orator, 
 and more an fait of French politics than the rest. 
 
 ' The Bourbons are done for ever,' said he. ' The 
 ordonnances against the liberty of the press were 
 in the mind of the King and his advisers long before 
 this, and the reason why they were put off for a 
 while was their anxiety respecting the expedition 
 against the Bey of Algiers, under Admiral Duperre 
 and Marshal Bourmont. This having now proved 
 to be a grand success, they imagined that the en- 
 thusiasm created by this glorious conquest, most 
 flattering to the French arms, would enable the 
 Government the more easily to carry out their 
 wicked design of doing away with the liberties of 
 the nation. But they will be thwarted in their 
 
 D
 
 34 COUNT ORSPS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 plan, I hope,' he added, * and sooner or later they 
 will have to settle then- accounts with the French 
 people.' 
 
 To follow these different groups in all they said 
 or prophesied would be irrelevant to my object. I 
 will only say that on this very evening (the 27th), 
 and on every one of the four or five successive days, 
 the English public, both high and low, evinced such 
 an interest in the news coming from Paris (through 
 pigeons, the only expeditious way at that time for 
 Enghshmen to communicate with the Continent), 
 that, to most unacquainted with English or French 
 politics, this state of public feeling seemed unaccount- 
 able. At last it came to be known that after three 
 days of the most desperate fighting, the people of Paris 
 had gained a complete victory over the royal troops ; 
 that the King had been escorted to a sea-port ; and 
 that everything seemed to be conducted in a most 
 orderly way, although the people had been left armed 
 to the teeth. All I could say to depict the frantic 
 explosion of joy and satisfaction with which this in- 
 telligence was hailed in London would be inade- 
 quate and much under the mark. 
 
 Numerous meetings were held passing votes of 
 congratulation for the French who fought so bravely 
 foar the defence of their rights ; subscriptions were
 
 FEELING IN ENGLAND. 35 
 
 opened in every quarter for the relief of the wounded, 
 of their families, of the many oqjhans (left without 
 resources) ; nothing was left undone that could show 
 the sense of the people. 
 
 The fair sex did not grudge their sympathy. 
 
 Ladies were most prominent in the manifestation 
 of their feelings, and ever}i:hing was made fashionable 
 by them that was tri-coloured — dresses, bonnets, 
 parasols, stockings, ribbons, and a variety of articles 
 impossible to enumerate, came out streaked with 
 the three colours. 
 
 A general earthquake could not have shaken and 
 convulsed the Continent to its very foundation 
 more than did the Revolution of 1 830. 
 
 Every country felt its effects. England itself, 
 the country 'par excellence most adverse to adopting 
 innovations not thoroughly sifted by endless dis- 
 cussions and pondered upon by the public, was not 
 strong enough to stem the wind and tide that 
 seemed to cany her away. The great Reform Bill, 
 under the administration of Earl Grrey, was the first 
 echo of the French Revolution, which resulted in 
 the enlargement of the constituencies so much de- 
 sired by the Liberal party. 
 
 Germany, Belgium, Italy, felt the shock, and 
 were roused up to hope for a better future. 
 
 D 2
 
 36 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 At this juncture I foresaw that realities could at 
 no distant period replace what I was pursuing as a 
 dream. All I had told Prince Napoleon Louis, and 
 to my political friends, about the state of public 
 feeling in France had begun to take place. 
 
 The main object of my journey to London having 
 been attained, I took leave of all those whose 
 hospitality and great kindness had been for the last 
 eighteen months a source of infinite gratification to 
 me, and prepared to start for Paris, when to my 
 utter disappointment and indescribable grief, I 
 learned that, on July .30, Louis Philippe Orleans, 
 propped to popular favour through the influence of 
 General Lafayette and Jacques Lafitte, the two great 
 leaders of the Liberal party, had been proclaimed by 
 the Chamber of Deputies King of the French ! 
 
 I arrived at Paris on August 3, and found it 
 enlivened by an extraordinary influx of people who 
 had flocked there to inspect the battle field on which 
 despotism and clericalism on one side, liberty and 
 religious freedom on the other, had fought des- 
 perately to assert their claim to the government of 
 France. 
 
 Just then, of all the colonies of political refugees 
 in the French capital, the Italian was the most 
 numerous and boisterous. Their place of meeting
 
 POLITICAL REFUGEES. 2,7 
 
 was the Cafe du Cardinal, at the corner of the Eue 
 Richelieu and the Boulevard des Italiens. 
 
 The persecutions of the Liberals of all shades by 
 the various Governments of Italy had been carried 
 on lately on such a large scale as to give emigration 
 formidable proportions. 
 
 England and Switzerland had the largest num- 
 ber ; France, Belgium, and a few of the Hanseatic 
 towns had many scattered about. 
 
 The roaring of the cannon in Paris and the news 
 of the downfall of the dynasty of Divine Eight 
 having roused their hearts to fresh hopes, in they 
 swarmed from all parts of the world to wait for a 
 chance of dealing with their own Government in the 
 same way the Parisians had done with theirs. 
 
 Most of them were known to me. I had saved 
 the lives of several of them by hiding them in safe 
 places, and by supplying them with money to effect 
 theii" escape. Corsica was the nest where young 
 gentlemen of the best families had repaired through 
 me to avoid an ignominious death. My business 
 and private connections with Leghorn enabled me 
 to do much towards this end ; like all places addicted 
 to commercial pursuits, Leghorn was patriotic and 
 liberal, and as such, one of the best abettors for things 
 of this kind ; and the facility with which, owing to
 
 38 COUNT OKSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 the sea, political refugees could be smuggled to 
 Corsica, rendered it the most eligible place for such 
 purposes. 
 
 Many were the meetings convened by a com- 
 mittee directed to collect every possible information 
 referring to the Italian question. 
 
 It was hardly possible for me to a\oid attending 
 them, but, when compelled to do so, I never refrained 
 from pointing out the folly and danger of attempting 
 again to raise the standard of revolt against any of 
 the Italian Governments before it was ascertained 
 what the foreign policy of the French Government 
 was. 
 
 At one of these meetings I happened to di-aw 
 upon me the most violent attacks on the part of 
 the partisans of Mazzini, who were numerous, im- 
 patient, and carried away by an ardent patriotism, 
 blended with erroneous notions respecting the 
 political education of the country and the material 
 means at our disposal to secure success. 
 
 ' I must emphatically contend,' said I, ' in oppo- 
 sition to the opinion of anyone else, however high 
 his reputation of patriotism may stand, that any 
 attempt at an outbreak at this moment against any 
 of the existing Governments in Italy would be a 
 criminal folly, unjustifiable, and fraught with disas-
 
 REVOLUTIONARY DISCUSSIONS. 39 
 
 trous consequences. Let us wait, at all events, a few 
 weeks, a few months, in order to see what the new 
 French Grovemment is made of. I do not believe 
 in Louis PhiKppe's love of liberty or pluck. However, 
 I do not mean to run to rash conclusions. He may 
 turn out a better king than I give him credit for, 
 but I repeat, " let us wait ! " Something may happen 
 meanwhile that will throw more light on the situa- 
 tion.' 
 
 The storm raised by these words threw the 
 majority of the meeting into a state of frantic rage. 
 
 'Your policy,' said one of the most virulent of 
 the set, ' is one of milk and honey ; a policy of 
 expectation ; a policy which the country could not 
 understand. 
 
 'Extreme evils require violent remedies, and 
 when you give out as yom' opinion that twenty-four 
 millions of Italians cannot, if left to themselves, 
 send all these petty sovereigns about their business, 
 then I maintain that what you say is not worth 
 being hstened to.' 
 
 ' And pray,' said I (putting a break to my 
 patience), ' what will you do if some one else steps 
 in to prevent your carrying your programme ? ' 
 
 ' And pray,' retorted he, ' who will dare to inter- 
 fere ? '
 
 40 COUNT ORSPS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 ' Austria ! ' 
 
 ' We are a match for her ! ' returned the speaker. 
 At these words the meeting rose almost to a 
 man, to protest against what they called my luke- 
 warm patriotism, and acting up to their words, they 
 instructed the secretary to put on record the 
 resolution of the meeting, that measures should be 
 taken without further delay to collect funds for 
 purchasing arms and defraying the travelling 
 expenses of those who were willing to enlist as 
 volunteers for the national cause. 
 
 The better to initiate the reader into the causes 
 which originated most of the events recorded in this 
 book, I think it will not be considered out of place 
 to make a few remarks on the accession of Louis 
 Philippe to the throne of France. 
 
 It was quite natural that the wars of the first 
 Republic and Empire should have worked such a 
 strain on the nerves of the French people as to give 
 them a longing for peace, at least for some time to 
 come. The ideas of liberty and self-government 
 advocated by philosophers and politicians, before 
 and since 1789, had been put aside for a while, to 
 afford full scope to the warlike spirit which the safety 
 of the country required being kept up to a proper 
 standard.
 
 THE ACCESSION OF LOUIS XVIII. 4 
 
 As the disasters befel the Imperial arms, the 
 blast of liberty, which had been kept in check, blew 
 with such irresistible force as to compel the Emperor 
 himself to give in, by granting the Articles Ad- 
 ditionnels, which were a slight step in the direction of 
 constitutional government. 
 
 Although Louis XVIII. had been brought back to 
 France by the aid of foreign bayonets (a fact which 
 was never forgiven to any of the Bom-bons), still his 
 granting the Gharte to the French people, acted to 
 a certain extent in his favour, and had he boldly 
 and in good faith followed a true liberal policy, we 
 may reasonably suppose that France would have been 
 spared the many trials she has gone thi'ough for so 
 long. 
 
 Under an apparent tranquillity which was mis- 
 construed into a general satisfaction, there was still 
 a complete misunderstanding between the bulk of the 
 nation and the small number of statesmen, jomTial- 
 ists, leaders of opposition, and tutti quanti, who 
 were inoculated with the fixed idea of establishing 
 constitutional government in France. Let it be 
 understood that I only mention this desaxicord as a 
 fact which was fraught with consequences that no 
 one believed in or took heed of. 
 
 The Napoleonic legend was as strong and firmly
 
 42 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 rooted in the country as ever, and reached its climax 
 when the feelings of love and admiration for the 
 Emperor culminated into a general mourning at the 
 thought that he was cast as a martyr on a far-away 
 rock never to appear again ! 
 
 So true was this, that Louis XVIII., who was a 
 clever man, hastened to give some kind of satisfac- 
 tion to the yearnings of his people by surrounding 
 himself with marshals, generals, and other high civil 
 officials who had served under the Empire with dis- 
 tinction. 
 
 The history from 1815 to 1830, if read with 
 impartiality, is a proof of what I say, viz., that during 
 those fifteen years a wide chasm had constantly 
 existed between the governing classes and the bulk 
 of the French people, a chasm which would easily 
 have been filled up if the former, headed by the 
 Sovereign, had yielded in proper time to the longing 
 of the nation, greedy for reasonable progress in the 
 way of liberty, the only panacea by which the recol- 
 lection of a glorious past could have been made to 
 grow weaker every day, if not forgotten altogether. 
 
 Charles X. ascended the throne after the death 
 of Louis XVIII. Under his reign matters went 
 from bad to worse every day, until at last the
 
 LOUIS PHILIPPE. 43 
 
 Revolution broke out and swept away the dynasty 
 like chaff before the wind. Beranger, the immortal 
 poet of the people, had been at work for fifteen years 
 to dig the grave of the two last kings of the Bourbon 
 line. 
 
 When a man has taken to indulge in the pursuit 
 of some favom-ite idea and made it his hobbyhorse, 
 he generally ends by assimilating it with a tenacity 
 of pui-pose fostered by his peculiar nature, his 
 character, or his education ; theory is his only guide 
 — what is applicable to one case must be good for 
 another. Public opinion goes for nothing to warn 
 him that he is wrong, he is closeted with his own 
 fancies, and imagines that every living soul must 
 think as he does. 
 
 This remark is applicable to the majority of 
 deputies, statesmen, and liberals, who took upon 
 themselves to decide how and by whom the country 
 was to be governed after the people had made away 
 with Charles X. 
 
 Louis Philippe was elected King of the French 
 by the Chamber of Deputies, regardless of what 
 could possibly be the feeling of the country. Louis 
 Philippe's acceptance of the throne at the hands of 
 those who had no authority to confer it was the
 
 44 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 main weak point, the original sin, that told against 
 him during his reign. The misunderstanding be- 
 tween the governing classes and the people which had 
 existed under the Kestoration became intensified every 
 day. The deputies acted in accordance with their 
 ideas, the majority of the Liberal party in accordance 
 with their principles ; their views being identical, 
 they must be right in what they did, whether the 
 people approved or not ; so they argued. But they 
 overlooked the fact that the Napoleonic legend had 
 outlived these petty intrigues, and had been suffi- 
 cient to create an army of combatants in the capital, 
 ready to shed their blood in the expectation, nay, 
 in the firm belief, that one of the members of the 
 Imperial family, or some of those who had been 
 raised to honom-s and wealth by the Emperor, would 
 come forward to form a provisional government 
 on behalf of the son of Napoleon, the Duke de 
 Eeichstadt, then at Vienna. The conspiracy headed 
 by Louis Philippe and his friends had the upper 
 hand. The people were coaxed, gradually disarmed, 
 and a National Guard established. In less than three 
 months Louis Philippe had lost most of his pristine 
 popularity, which he ex^>ected to recover by having 
 recourse to a bold stroke of policy. His Grovernment 
 proclaimed the principle of non-intervention, which
 
 LOUIS PHILIPPE. 45 
 
 meant that France would not only refrain from in- 
 terfering with the internal affairs of other States, 
 but would oppose by force of arms any attempt on 
 the part of any other power to venture doing so. 
 Louis Philippe had a three-fold object in view in 
 proclaiming this principle. The first was to rid Paris 
 of a numerous contingent of refugees of every 
 nationality ; the second to retrieve popular favour, 
 which in France is never grudged to any Grovemment 
 showing a spirited policy abroad ; and thirdly, to 
 foment insurrections here and there, so as to divert 
 for a time the attention of the country from himself 
 and his Government. This unforeseen step, which 
 had no precedent in history, struck a deadly blow 
 to the heart of every potentate — of Austria in par- 
 ticular — while it raised the hopes of the people in 
 every country to the highest climax. Belgium was 
 the first to rise against Holland, and to proclaim 
 its independence ; Poland and Italy did the same. 
 It was sheer waste of time to exhort the Italian 
 patriots to prudence and caution. Any attempt to 
 force warnings about the genuineness of this 
 warlike attitude of the French Government was 
 construed into pusillanimity and fear. To let out 
 the suspicion, even the sHghtest hint, that it might 
 possibly be a bonfire to blaze for a time, with a \dew
 
 46 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 to attain an end which could not as yet be defined, 
 was tantamount to being looked upon as a deserter 
 of the national cause. The bewilderment was so 
 great that I had to give in myself, and follow 
 the tide, despite the reluctance of my mind to 
 sanction the dictates of my heart. Previous to my 
 starting for Florence with instructions to the various 
 committees scattered all over Italy, I had a long in- 
 terview with Greneral Lafayette, then the Commander- 
 in-chief of the National Guard of the kingdom. The 
 general gave me the most positive assurance that 
 the French Grovernment meant to have the principle 
 of non-intervention respected, and that no time 
 should be lost for oppressed nationalities to rise, 
 and assert their own right to a good and libera] 
 
 government. After giving me a letter for M , 
 
 one of the most respected and liberal men in 
 Florence, I left Paris with a few friends, whom I 
 had to part with at the frontier, as they would have 
 been arrested had they attempted to cross it before 
 an insurrection had broken out somewhere that 
 could facilitate their stealthily joining the forces of 
 the insurgents. 
 
 I reached Florence towards the latter part of 
 September, after a tedious journey, marked by no 
 incident worth noticing. I found that the excite-
 
 INTERVIEW WITH THE COMTE DE ST. LEU. 47 
 
 ment produced by the French Revolution, far from 
 having subsided, had kept a steadier level than I had 
 expected. I was actually harassed by all parties to 
 report what I had seen or heard in Paris. The 
 local papers being silent except on what the authori- 
 ties allowed to be made known, there was actually a 
 dearth of the most important events of the day. 
 Hence the greatest anxiety to leam from me what 
 was the real state of affairs, especially as regarded 
 the foreign policy intended to be pursued by the 
 French Government. 
 
 The Comte de St. Leu (ex-king of Holland) re- 
 quested me to call upon him as soon as possible, 
 which I did. As a rule the Comte was very chary 
 about politics. Literary pursuits had ever been his 
 favomite craving. In the whole course of his life 
 he had shown a great aversion for political strife, 
 partly owing to the state of his health, which was 
 rather delicate, and above all, to his quiet and simple 
 nature, which made him always prefer the dulness 
 and monotony of retirement to the bustle of the 
 political world. I was therefore rather surprised at 
 his hurried way of putting questions to me respect- 
 ing the French Revolution, which were so numerous 
 and so varied as to make me feel positively at a 
 loss how to satisfy him.
 
 48 COUNT ORSPS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 ' Were you in Paris,' said he, ' when the Eevolu- 
 tion broke out ? ' 
 
 ' I was not, M. le Comte. I arrived there on 
 August 3, but during the two months I have spent 
 in Paris I have gathered a good deal of information 
 about it.' 
 
 ' Tell me what your impression is regarding the 
 spirit in which the Kevolution was effected by the 
 people of Paris ? ' 
 
 ' My impression is that the ordonnances against 
 the liberty of the press were the spark that set fire 
 to the gunpowder, and that more, indeed, was not 
 required to raise the storm that swept away the 
 dynasty, in the frame of mind the people were in at 
 that time. The people rushed to do the work of de- 
 struction, feeling it to be a duty to do so, in defence 
 of their liberties, but when the work of reconstruction 
 had to be gone through it was adroitly taken up by 
 those who stepped forward to do it (on the danger 
 being over) without consulting the wishes of the 
 country. The Liberal party in France is, as you 
 well know, divided into two distinct classes. The 
 first is imbued with principles of constitutional 
 government as framed in the Charte granted by 
 Louis XVIIL, and their leader is Jacques Lafitte. 
 The second is composed of Liberals of a deeper
 
 THE DUKE OF ORLEANS. 49 
 
 dye, with a tendency to Kepublieanism, and they 
 have General Lafayette as their chief. The Duke 
 of Orleans has drawn almost the whole of the Liberals 
 to his side by fifteen years of persevering cajoleries 
 and promises, and being on the spot pending the 
 Eevolution, has been able, through well paid agents, 
 to make the bourgeoisie believe that he was the 
 right man to elect. The Liberals, believing in his 
 honesty, have sided with him. But the people knew 
 nothing about the Duke of Orleans. They were no 
 party to the conspiracy. The misunderstanding was 
 evident. The people fought in the hope that a 
 provisional government, representing the Imperial 
 dynasty, would have been formed, while the Liberal^ 
 urged them to fight for the Charte, without telling 
 them who was screened behind it.' 
 
 ' But supposing,' added the Comte, ' the country 
 had been called upon to say, Eepublic, Constitutional 
 Monarchy, or Empire, which of the three do you think 
 would have come out of the poll ?"' 
 
 ' 1 have no hesitation in saying that had a pro- 
 visional government been established to represent 
 Napoleon II., the country would have acquiesced in 
 any form that would have secured the regular working 
 of liberal institutions, without which, nowadays, it 
 
 E
 
 50 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 is impossible for any Government to hold long in 
 France. The Eepublican form has just now very 
 few partisans, owing to recollections which are still 
 vivid in the minds of the people, especially in the 
 provinces ; yet I contend that it would have been 
 accepted under the presidency of one of the Imperial 
 family, so strong is the feeling still existing for 
 the name of Napoleon. During my stay in Paris 
 I could ascertain how keenly the want of a central 
 permanent committee of respectable gentlemen, 
 representing the political interest of the Imperial 
 family, and advocating through the press the Im- 
 perial rule with liberal institutions, was universally 
 felt, and I am of opinion ' 
 
 The Comte de St. Leu, interrupting me, 
 said: 
 
 ' There were a great many in Paris who owe 
 everything to my brother ; honours, wealth, political 
 standing. Why did they not put themselves for- 
 ward to do what you propose ? We always thought 
 that to keep a political focus in Paris, which would 
 have been construed by our enemies into plotting 
 conspiracies against the existing Government, was 
 not the right thing for us to do. We will not excite 
 to civil war. We are ready to serve France, but 
 under the reserve of being recalled from our exile and
 
 THE NAPOLEONIC FAMILY. 51 
 
 ofifered to be placed at the head of the Government, 
 whatever its form may be.' 
 
 The tone in which the last words were nttered 
 was bitter and animated. He paused a few minutes. 
 
 I seized the opportunity to say : 
 
 ' It is a fact, and a most honourable one, M. le 
 Comte, that the attitude of the Imperial family, 
 since the disaster of Waterloo, has been noble and 
 full of self-abnegation. It has commanded respect 
 in every part of the world, whether the State that 
 gave them hospitality was a republic, a kingdom, or 
 an empire. There is no denying it. But how far 
 their reminding in a legal way the country of the 
 glory and prosperity it enjoyed under the Emperor 
 could have clasbed with their self-respect, is a thing 
 which rests enth'ely with personal feelings and 
 opinions. However, I beg leave to remark, M. le 
 Comte, that political questions are not always gauged 
 by strictly moral considerations of the kind you 
 have been actuated by, and which are beyond the 
 comprehension of the people ; besides, is it sure the 
 Imperial family would have acknowledged the self- 
 assumed authority of any committee professing to 
 represent them and having no power to that effect ? 
 I doubt it. I should even venture to say that there 
 was some danger for the future political prospects 
 
 £ 2
 
 52 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 of the Imperial family in the fact of some un- 
 authorised person starting a paper professing to 
 uphold principles possibly injurious to their cause, 
 and likely to force upon them a disavowal of both 
 the promoter and the ideas he advocates. Pray 
 consider the confusion such an event would create 
 in the mind of the people, and the harm it would 
 do to their cause, if, for instance, it came to a dead 
 lock and ceased to appear, from insufficient means 
 to provide for the regular working of the paper.' 
 
 ' There is some truth in what you say, and curi- 
 ously enough I received this very morning a letter 
 from Paris, stating that a cavalry officer, by name 
 Count Lennox, had just issued a newspaper called 
 " La Eevolution de 1830," puiporting a revival of the 
 Imperial rule under Napoleon II. with liberal insti- 
 tutions, and attacking the present Government with 
 the greatest virulence. Did you hear of it while in 
 Paris ? ' 
 
 ' I did ; but my brother having summoned me to 
 Florence rather suddenly, I lost the oj^portunity of 
 being introduced to that gentleman, as promised by 
 a friend of mine. However, I read the daily issues 
 of the paper, which seemed to be met with general 
 favour, as the policy it upheld was conservative and 
 liberal at the same time. All I know about Count
 
 COUNT LENNOX. 53 
 
 Lennox is, that during the reign of Charles X. he 
 had shown a great spirit of opposition, to which he 
 owed his popularity amongst his brother officers. He 
 was spoken of in Paris as being an excellent cavalry 
 officer, very wealthy, and having a stock of know- 
 ledge, both in politics and science, that rendered 
 him a conspicuous enemy to Louis Philippe's Govern- 
 ment. He was Commander of the " Ecole de Saumur" 
 at the time the Ee volution broke out, but on his 
 taking the editorship of that paper he hastened to 
 send in his resignation, which was accepted.' 
 
 ' Do you know who his poHtical friends are ? ' 
 
 ' I was assured that he was on very friendly terms 
 with Greneral Lafayette, Audry-de-Puyraveau, and 
 other leaders of the Eepublican party, but the 
 tendency of his paper is decidedly Imperialist. 
 Napoleon II., or a provisional government acting in 
 his name, is the culminant point of his policy.' 
 
 ' Ah ! Grod knows what is in store for that poor 
 boy ! I am afraid Austria will keep him under strict 
 surveillance in Vienna for a long time, if not for 
 ever.' 
 
 ' I am of the same opinion,' M. le Comte. ' The 
 Duke of Reichstadt, while in the hands of Austria, 
 is the great pivot on which turns the whole foreign 
 policy of the empire, and that is particularly true
 
 54 COUNT ORSPS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 as regards France. It is generally believed that 
 Louis Pliili})pe will prove a most formidable bugbear 
 for Europe, on account of his Eevolutionary hue. 
 They are mistaken. Should he venture to push 
 matters further than (in the eyes of the other powers) 
 is necessary to give some kind of satisfaction to the 
 spirit of the times, Austria will soon check him by 
 sending Napoleon II. to the French frontier under an 
 escort of half-a-dozen soldiers.' 
 
 ' Indeed I believe such would be the case. There 
 is no saying what will take place the next few 
 months. Italy is a volcano. I apprehend some 
 great catastrophe. My son is unfortunately con- 
 nected with most of the leaders of the Liberal party, 
 and I dread the consequences of his love for this 
 country. I wish I could prevail upon him to avoid 
 committing himself in any foolish enterprise, doomed 
 beforehand to a miserable end. He wants to see 
 you, I know, so please call upon him as you go down- 
 stairs. He will be very glad to gather from you 
 such particulars of the French Eevolution as it is in 
 your power to give him. Ey-the-bye, has this Eevo- 
 lution brought any change in your business ? I 
 have heard of many disasters having occurred by 
 which most respectable firms have been brought to 
 grief. I hope you have been spared.'
 
 FINANCIAL TROUBLES. 55 
 
 ' I am sorry to say, M. le Comte, that our firm has 
 been sorely tried by the late events. Three failmres 
 of the oldest and best established bankers in Italy, 
 two in France, and one in England, have caused us 
 irreparable injury. We are afraid that further com- 
 plications may interrupt for some time our commu- 
 nication with foreign countries, w^ith England in 
 particulai", in which case we should be diiven into a 
 comer.' 
 
 ' I hope you will be able to hold your ground. You 
 have all my sympathy, and may rely on my good 
 wishes.'
 
 56 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 MY INTERVIEW WITH PRINCE NAPOLEON 
 LOUIS. 
 
 Prince Napoleon Louis was remarkably handsome ; 
 somewhat taller than a middle-sized man, he was in 
 shape and gait perfection. An expression of great 
 intelligence and sweetness, a keen look in his eyes 
 mingled with simplicity and kindness that was most 
 fascinating, had made him the idol of Florentine 
 society and the pet son of the Comte de St. Leu. His 
 education had been carefully attended to, and his 
 stock of knowledge and proficiency in classics, 
 foreign languages, and in sciences particularly, had 
 brought the most eminent men in Florence to coiut 
 his acquaintance and friendship. 
 
 In manly and bodily exercises he had no equal, 
 but in none did he excel so conspicuously as in 
 horsemanship, for which he had an uncontrollable 
 predilection. 
 
 Determined to the utmost stretch of his powerful
 
 PRINCE NAPOLEON LOUIS. 57 
 
 mind, familiar with danger and hardships, strong 
 willed and unchecked by fear, the Prince was a hardy 
 tilter to deal with in matters upon which he had 
 decided to stand or fall. 
 
 I was aware of his opposition to my views, and 
 I was afraid that the turmoil of the French Eevolution 
 would so far excite his vivid imagination as to make 
 my representations of little or no avail. Still, deeply 
 impressed with his father's anxiety about him, I felt 
 it doubly my duty to do all I could to dissuade him 
 from ventming into any rash enterprise. 
 
 On my being shown into the library, I found the 
 Prince stretched over a large map of Italy, displayed 
 on the carpet, and intent upon measuring the 
 distance between the localities in the Eomagna 
 which he considered to be the most appropriate for 
 strategic purposes. Eising on his knees from his 
 recumbent position, the Prince gave me his hand and 
 shook mine in a most cordial way, and begged I 
 would allow him a few seconds to put a computation 
 to rights, lest it should slip out of his memory. In 
 the interval I cast my eyes round the room, and 
 among a variety of books, drawings, and arms, some 
 of which were hung on the wall, I saw a model of 
 an aerostat to which was fitted some mechanism the 
 object of which was evidently to revolve two archi-
 
 S8 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 medean screws fixed to the two sides of the car with 
 a view to propel it. The apparatus was very 
 ingeniously got up, and the idea quite original. 
 
 As I was admiring and examining it, the Prince 
 got up, and coming to where I stood, said : 
 
 ' Well ! what do you think of it ? ' 
 
 ' I find the application of the screw quite a novelty, 
 and as far as I can judge, most efficient for pro- 
 pelling it, if rapidly revolved. I object however to 
 the form of the aerostat being round.' 
 
 ' I agree with you,' said the Prince ; ' I go farther, 
 and say that what are called balloons, of what- 
 ever shape, will be ultimately done away with, 
 when a motive power light and cheap is discovered 
 that will make a man in the air to be assimilated to 
 a bird and not to a fish. But enough of that ; we 
 have other matters to discuss at present. 
 
 ' Now,' said he, pointing to a sofa on which we 
 both sat down, ' let me ask you a few questions. To 
 begin with, when did you arrive from Paris ? ' 
 
 ' The day before yesterday.' 
 
 ' You have already seen my father, have you not ? 
 How could he so soon have heard of your arrival ? ' 
 
 ' Most likely he heard of it at the Bank where he 
 sent for money. I have just left him. I was struck 
 with the interest he seemed to take in the events that
 
 PRINCE NAPOLEON LOUIS. 59 
 
 have lately occurred in France, a subject he usually 
 refrained from dwelling upon. He apprehends great 
 disturbances everywhere, in Italy most particularly, 
 and makes no secret of his great anxiety about 
 you.' 
 
 ' Ever since your departm'e for England,' said 
 the Prince, 'the tide of national feeling has been 
 swelling slowly, but without interruption, throughout 
 Italy, and the French Eevolution has given a new 
 and irresistible start to the aspirations of the country. 
 Reforms more or less willingly assented to by the 
 ruling powers in Italy would not be considered 
 sufficient. We want more than that. At no epoch 
 of Italian history were circumstances more favourable 
 to make Italy free and independent than they are 
 now.' 
 
 ' Will you kindly tell me on what foundation 
 rests your opinion ? ' 
 
 ' On the French Government proclaiming the 
 principle of non-intervention, which checks the action 
 of the Austrian Government and gives free scope to 
 the Italians to settle their own affairs as they think 
 best. And you wonder at my believing that the 
 deliverance of Italy is now more than ever in our 
 hands ! I will confide to you what I know to be a 
 positive fact. One of the reigning Princes (I am
 
 6o COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 not as yet at liberty to mention his name) will shortly 
 take the initiative in a proposal, with the object of 
 forming a Confederation of such States of Italy as 
 will adhere to it; and it is expected that all will 
 consent to form part of the projected independent 
 State, ruled by a constitution framed by and common 
 to all. Should the scheme prove successful, Eome 
 will be the ca.pital of the Italian Confederation, dis- 
 charging its duties under the supreme presidency of 
 the Pope. Secret but active negotiations have been 
 progressing most satisfactorily up to this day. The 
 principle of non-intervention has been the starting 
 point on which the whole plan is resting. Austria 
 being thus checked, nothing will mar the expecta- 
 tions of the country. When the time comes to join 
 our exertions for securing success, I will lay before 
 you all the particulars, and the way we mean to go 
 to work.' 
 
 This unexpected declaration on the part of the 
 Prince made me speechless. He remarked my 
 silence and said ; 
 
 ' You do not appear to be pleased with what is 
 being done to obtain our object? ' 
 
 ' I confess I am not,' said I ; ' and what renders 
 me utterly miserable is to see you. Prince, carried 
 away by a patriotism, most praiseworthy assuredly,
 
 PRINCE NAPOLEON LOUIS. 6i 
 
 but unguarded against promises and allurements, 
 which in my opinion are captious devices, set forth 
 to gain time for some foul pm-pose, and in which I 
 have no faith whatever. The principle of non-inter- 
 vention would certainly be our salvation if honestly 
 carried out and acted upon ; but believe me, this 
 will never be. Louis Philippe is not the man to 
 risk his long-coveted throne in a war with Austria. 
 He will give in at the first summons of the 
 Austrian premier. He will become cowed. Austria 
 will sweep us awa}^ before we are in the battle-field, 
 and the French King will be the better for his 
 treacherous policy. When in Paris I had an inter- 
 view with General Lafayette on this very subject. 
 I am confident he was true and honest in the as- 
 surances he gave me of the intentions of the French 
 Grovemment to have the principle of non-intervention 
 respected, but I was not shaken in my convictions 
 that we should be left to fight our own battle in the 
 best way we could. General Lafayette has been 
 coaxed into pledging himself to a policy which is 
 the negation of his past career. From being the 
 leader of the extreme Liberal party, he has allowed 
 himself to be made the accomplice of a policy 
 adverse to the principles he has professed all his 
 life. He will regret, just as M. Lafitte shortly
 
 62 COUNT ORSPS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 will, the sacrifice he has made of his straightforward 
 political situation and popularity, to prop the power 
 of a man whose first step will be to get rid of him 
 as soon as his services are not required to strengthen 
 his position. What I have told my friends, I openly 
 and unreservedly tell you, namely, that I do not 
 consider it safe or conducive to any result, that we 
 should on such hollow promises raise an army and 
 foster an insurrection, the end of which will be failure 
 and the loss of precious lives. As regards your 
 personal interference in the Italian cause, I must 
 emphatically say that it will do no good to the country 
 you wish to benefit. Austria will rejoiceat it of course, 
 because it will offer her the opportunity of saying to 
 the French Grovernment, " I might have possibly 
 respected the principle of non-intervention in Italian 
 affairs so long as Italians alone were concerned in 
 them ; but here is a Prince, a Bonaparte, taking an 
 active part in the insurrection, which owing to his 
 name may take unexpected proportions, how can I 
 remain impassible and refrain from crushing it in 
 the bud ? The Prince may become a very popular 
 leader, and as such a formidable enemy even to 
 yourself eventually. Under these circumstances, 
 I march my troops against the rebels, whether you 
 like it or not." '
 
 PRINCE NAPOLEON LOUIS. 63 
 
 'I am very sorry to see you in this frame of- 
 mind at this most important juncture of the Italian 
 cause. Your conception of Austria seems to dim 
 your judgment. I have great faith in our strength, 
 at any rate I have pledged my word to my political 
 friends to stand by them in the horn* of danger, and 
 that I shall and will do, whatever may be the con- 
 sequences.' 
 
 ' I will say no more, Prince, on the course you 
 seem determined to pursue, and pray forgive me the 
 liberty I have taken in opposing your views with 
 the stubbornness of a rooted conviction. What^ 
 ever I do, I cannot divest myself of the idea that at 
 no very distant period France will do away with the 
 Bourbons altogether, and that you are the only man 
 upon whom most likely will devolve the duty of one 
 day exercising the supreme power in the name of 
 Napoleon II., or eventually in your own. Then 
 your assistance would be most valuable to the unifi- 
 cation of Italy.' 
 
 ' Do not for a moment think that I take amiss 
 your opposition to my views. I like controversy, and 
 never dispute the right of anyone to speak his mind 
 freely. There is much good in what you said in 
 my interest, although I fear you are labouring under 
 certain illusions. Eespecting the duration of the
 
 64 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 present regime in France, we will revert to it at a 
 more expedient time ; at present we have other 
 matters to attend to. In a few days I will let you 
 know what we mean to do. I am waiting for my 
 brother, with good news from Rome.' 
 
 I took leave of the Prince, ostensibly in good 
 spirits, but inwardly most sorrowful. 
 
 In the evening of February 15, reports were cir- 
 culating in Florence that a formidable insurrection 
 had broken out in the Romagna, and that the papal 
 authorities had been made prisoners in, or had fled 
 away from the localities where the insurgents had 
 the upper hand. On my retm-ning home at night 
 I found a letter from Prince Napoleon, requesting 
 me to call upon him next morning without fail, 
 which I did. 
 
 ' I hope,' said he, ' that you were pleased last 
 nififht to learn the success of our friends in the 
 Romagna. This is the opening of the campaign, 
 to be followed by an event of greater import- 
 ance, and of which I promised you the particulars. 
 The Duke of Modena is at the head of the national 
 movement. Giro Menotti, his friend and con- 
 fidential agent, is working with him to excite 
 revolutions in every part of Italy, to drive the dif- 
 ferent ruling princes out of the country, and then
 
 THE DUKE OF MO DEN A. 65 
 
 to amalgamate their dominions with the Duchy of 
 Modena, and proclaim the Duke King of Italy. 
 Menotti is acting in perfect accord with Louis 
 Philippe, on the basis of the principle of non-inter- 
 vention. 
 
 ' We may now go headlong into the movement 
 with certainty of success. The brother of Giro 
 Menotti arrived last night, bearer of excellent news. 
 Fom- delegates have also come fi'om other parts of 
 the country to devise the best means of connecting 
 the movement at Modena with those in other parts 
 of Italy. I made your house our place of meeting 
 as the safest. We shall meet at nine o'clock to- 
 morrow night. My brother will be with me.' 
 
 ' How do you mean to deal with the Pope ? ' 
 said I. 
 
 ' I have no doubt he will go hand in hand with 
 the Duke. We shall know something more about it 
 to-morrow night.' 
 
 The day fixed for the meeting which was to take 
 place at my house began under very unhappy auspices 
 both for Italy and myself. Early in the morning it was 
 rumoured the Austrians had been sending reinforce- 
 ments to the fortress of Ferrara for several nights. 
 Ferrara formed part of the papal dominions, but the 
 Pope had given the Austrians the right to garrison 
 
 F
 
 66 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 the fortress commanding the town, with a strong 
 force ready at hand. 
 
 This mustering of Austrian troops on the very 
 borders of the insurgent provinces augured no good 
 for us. It was evident we were fast approaching a 
 most formidable crisis. Business was at a standstilL 
 Florence, formerly the place of rendezvous of distin- 
 guished English, Eussian, and French families, had 
 been deserted, and left dull and anxious. The news 
 we received on that day of numerous stoppages of 
 payment and bankruptcies of the highest leading 
 firms in several parts of Italy were so appalling as 
 to leave us but a slight hope that our bank could 
 hold its ground any longer, having had no prospect 
 of friendly assistance to fall back upon. Our losses 
 were very heavy already. Ruin and misery were 
 threatening me in the spring of my life, whether the 
 insurrection was successful or not. In either case it 
 was bad enough, but still more so if it became a 
 failure, as I should be obliged to escape to avoid 
 being arrested or shot by the Austrians, bent upon 
 avaiUng themselves of their easy victory to thin the 
 ranks of the Liberals by all possible means. It was 
 in this dejected and spiritless frame of mind that I 
 attended the meeting convened by Prince Napoleon 
 Louis at my house on the night of February 26,
 
 THE MEETING. (fj 
 
 at which were present his brother Prince Louis 
 Napoleon, Giro Menotti's brother, three delegates 
 from various provinces, and myself. 
 
 The clock had just struck nine when Prince 
 Napoleon and his brother, accompanied by Menotti, 
 entered the room. A few minutes after, the three 
 delegates arrived, and were introduced to the two 
 Princes and me by Menotti, whose friends they were. 
 
 ' Gfentlemen,' said Prince Napoleon, ' we have 
 met here this evening for the pm-pose of concerting 
 matters in reference to the plan to be adopted de- 
 finitively for a common mode of action in the insur- 
 rection that has begun in the Eomagna, and which I 
 hope will soon extend to all parts of Italy. Circum- 
 stances appear to favour our undertaking. From 
 what I know, 1 have no hesitation in saying that I 
 never felt so assured of success as I now do, and 
 I also feel confident that the explanations our 
 friend Menotti will give us in the name of his 
 brother respecting the insurrectionary forces already 
 in action, and the support, quite unexpected, upon 
 which we may rely, will bring home to you the con- 
 viction that it is now the time for us to act up to 
 our words. I will now leave to Menotti to lay 
 before you the plan that must bring us safe to the 
 haven so long desired and never attained ! ' 
 F 2
 
 68 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 Deeply penetrated both with the gravity of the 
 situation and with the importance he attached to the 
 success of his mission, Menotti kept our attention 
 rivetted to the subject in a most impressive speech, 
 of which the following is the compendium, faith- 
 fully recorded by me after the breaking up of the 
 meeting. 
 
 ' The prospects,' said he, ' for our national emanci- 
 pation which current events seem to make brighter 
 than they ever were at any time of our struggles, 
 are, I regret to say, most unexpectedly marred by the 
 discrepancy of views which divides the Liberals as to 
 what is to be done under existing circumstances. 
 Some will maintain that nothing can be attempted 
 now with any prospect of success, and advocate 
 complete abstention. Others are willing to share 
 the responsibility and dangers of an insurrection, but 
 imagine the proper time for it has not yet arrived, 
 while a third party of which my brother is the mind 
 and arm, and whose views are, I do not hesitate to 
 say, identical with those of the majority of the people, 
 insist and urge for immediate action, lest lukewarm 
 suggestions or mezzo terniine schemes should have 
 time to spring up for cooling the first ardour of 
 enthusiasm so essential to a popular rising. In 
 deputing me to meet at Florence the Prince and
 
 MENOTTFS VIEWS. 69 
 
 the delegates from other parts of Italy, my brother 
 gave me the following instructions, and put but one 
 reserve to what I thought would be desirable for you 
 to know before you took an active part in it. First 
 and foremost, he instructed me to lay before you 
 the plan elaborated by him in complete accord 
 with the man who has willed to head the national 
 movement. The form of government to be es- 
 tablished hereafter is not even mentioned. A war 
 of independence needs only dictatorship. This will 
 be exercised by the Prince who stakes his throne 
 and life upon the enterprise. Gentlemen, let it be 
 announced at once. The leader of oui* revolution is 
 the Duke of Modena. He alone can make us an 
 independent nation. Independence is the first 
 object every real patriot must have in view ; libera 
 institutions will follow afterwards. The understand- 
 ing between the Duke of Modena and my brother is 
 complete, and the King of the French is secretly 
 abetting all that is concocted for a war against 
 Austria, under protection of the principle of non- 
 intervention solemnly proclaimed by him. The 
 only information I am bound to withhold from you, 
 and which from its delicate and underhand work- 
 ing nature must not and cannot be disclosed, 
 refers to the negotiations pending between the
 
 70 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 Duke and the other Princes of the Peninsula, in 
 view of a Confederation to be formed between them 
 both for an offensive and defensive purpose. The 
 knowledge of what is elaborated with that object 
 would not further much, if it did at all, the great 
 point at issue, namely, first, what help, financially 
 speaking, can my brother rely on before he begins 
 to act ? He has already secured by patriotic gifts a 
 sufficient sum of money to meet several unavoidable 
 outlays. As he wishes to increase that fund he has 
 volunteered personal sacrifices, and appeals now 
 through me to you for whatever you can put at his 
 disposal. Of the money so raised, he requires 
 little or nothing for the work he has to do. The 
 whole, or most of it, has been or will be sent, as 
 soon as collected, to the little army of insur- 
 gents in the Komagna, which numbers between 
 10,000 and 12,000 men, some of whom are badly 
 armed. Secondly, is Tuscany prepared to follow 
 the movement which is being prepared, and if 
 so to what extent ? Our forces in Eomagna are 
 commanded by Armandi, a good soldier and true 
 patriot, but they lack proper direction. I need not 
 dwell any longer on the details of what is going 
 to be performed elsewhere. I wish to have an 
 answer to my queries before I start. To-day is
 
 THE PRINCIPLE OF NON-INTERVENTION. 71 
 
 February 26. On the 4tli of next month the rising 
 is to take place simultaneously in the Duchies of 
 Modena, Parma, Piacenza, and extend as far as it is 
 possible, until we join the forces already manoeuvring 
 in the Eomagna. Bear in mind, gentlemen, that 
 the whole plan rests on a fact which cannot be 
 questioned now — the principle of non-intervention. 
 Austria is shut up in her fortresses ; she is forbidden 
 to move. She is doomed to be the simple spectator 
 of what we do. Such an event could never have been 
 hoped for, or even dreamed of, by the most sanguine 
 on earth. If we let this opportunity escape without 
 making a desperate attempt to free our country, 
 posterity will be right in its judgment to stamp 
 the Italians with the stigma of "cowards" and 
 " slaves ! " ' 
 
 Exuberantly pleased at hearing Menotti pro- 
 pound his own views and those of his brother so 
 rividly and in such perfect unison, the Prince tm'ned 
 to me as though he had taken it for granted that I 
 had been converted to them by the patriotic speech 
 of his friend. 
 
 ' Have you anything to say ? ' asked the Prince. 
 
 ' I have, your Highness,' said I ; ' and although 
 my task is most painful and liable to be miscon- 
 strued, still I shall not fail to give utterance to
 
 72 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 what I consider to be my duty, namely, to discoun- 
 tenance the projected insurrection as useless, and 
 fraught with the most serious consequences. I have 
 no hesitation in repeating to you, and before the 
 whole world, that the so-much-vaunted principle of 
 non-intervention is a decoy, which its originator 
 means to render serviceable to other purposes, I 
 do not believe in it. Louis Philippe, though possibly 
 a good king in ordinary times, is too wise to make 
 a stand against Austria, and possibly against the 
 whole of Grermany, for the sake of supporting by 
 the force of arms a principle from which he can 
 derive no benefit whatever. He is not a man to 
 risk the throne he has coveted for so many years by 
 throwing down the gauntlet to a first-class Power on 
 behalf of any nationality. You know my opinion on 
 the subject, and nothing can alter it. I emphatically 
 condemn the present attempt at insurrection, which 
 must assuredly end in a useless waste of life, and in 
 a harsher treatment of the vanquished by the very 
 Princes who have seemingly made common cause 
 with the people. When I heard our friend Menotti 
 lay bare before us that the pivot upon which the 
 whole frame is to turn for achieving our indepen- 
 dence is the King of 3Iodena, I confess I felt my 
 blood congealing within me at the startling news.
 
 THE DUKE OF MO DEN A. 73 
 
 The Duke of Modena ! But do you know who 
 the Duke of Modena is ? Have you not read the 
 history of his doings since he ascended the throne 
 of Modena ? There is not a man or child, friend or 
 foe, not a country, however far away it may be, that 
 has not heard of his standing the most conspicuous 
 champion of absolutism, cruelty, and lust for money. 
 His wealth is equal to the greediness of his nature. 
 His blind subserviency to the will of Austria and to 
 the bigotism of Kome is notorious, and how your 
 brother can have pinned his faith to the liberalism 
 of the Duke and made him the leader of the Italian 
 resurrection, I am at a loss to understand. Tell him 
 that the Duke is a master in treachery, not to be 
 relied upon, and ready to sacrifice his best friend to 
 save his throne. Tell him that he is completely 
 mistaken in the assumption that Austria will stand 
 quietly a looker on of what is taking place in Italy, 
 and let him bear well in mind the responsibility 
 and grief that will overwhelm his chivalrous nature 
 at the wanton loss of so many lives should the in- 
 surrection prove a failure, which I dread it will. 
 I am aware that my opinion will be construed 
 into an excuse for my not taking part in the pro- 
 jected movement ; but I am not to be deterred by 
 that from speaking my mind freely, regardless of
 
 74 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 the approval or disapproval of those whose convictions 
 I do not share. When the right time arrives for 
 me to give my life for my country I shall not fail to 
 do my duty, but not till then. As regards Florence, 
 do not expect any rising worth mentioning. The 
 people are not sufiSciently dissatisfied with the 
 government of the Grand Duke to be prevailed 
 upon to rise against him ; besides, they have no 
 arms, and any attempt at insurrection would soon 
 be put an end to. As regards the financial help 
 your brother requires, I am willing to do all in my 
 power to answer his expectations, and, addressing 
 the Prince, I said, I will gladly meet your views 
 on the subject, and do the needful.' 
 
 One of the most remarkable features of this 
 meeting was the complete silence of Prince Louis 
 Napoleon (the late Emperor Napoleon III.). He 
 had just arrived from Kome, and the information he 
 was to give us concerning the real position and plan 
 of the insurrectionary forces already in the field was 
 the very thing I had been anxiously awaiting. Not 
 a word was uttered by him. I could not account 
 for it, nor did I deem it advisable to appear to 
 notice it. INIy last words made everybody speechless 
 for a while. Menotti got up first, and plucking up 
 his hair in a feverish state of animatiouj began
 
 FINANCIAL ARRANGEMENTS. 75 
 
 pacing the room, muttering words that were only 
 heard indistinctly by us. Prince Xapoleon followed 
 him, evidently to soothe the impression left on his 
 mind by what I had said, and also to make some ar- 
 rangements respecting the money required. 
 
 The Prince called me to him in the presence of 
 !Menotti, and asked me what amount T could dispose 
 of. I said that under the circumstances I could not 
 command more than 5,000L The Prince said, 
 'That will do; I will add 10,000^. to it.' Menotti 
 was pleased, and made aiTangements with the Prince 
 to get the money next morning, after which he 
 would start to meet his brother at Modena. 
 
 * Before we part, my dear Menotti,' said I, hold- 
 ing both his hands in mine, ' let me say a few words 
 more. I grieve for giving utterance to what at this 
 momentous juncture has thrown your mind into a 
 state of doubt or uneasiness, but my opinions on the 
 subject are so rooted that it is i7}ipossible for me 
 to change them. I repeat that I deeply regret it, 
 and had the Prince given me the slightest hint of 
 what was to be displayed before me, I should have 
 respectfully declined attending the meeting. I wish 
 your brother success, which is tantamount to wishing 
 my country liberty and independence. One only 
 thing I recommend to him. No half measures ; no
 
 76 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 shrinking from having recourse to remedies which, 
 however hard, must secure success. " Medico pie- 
 toso fa la piaga puzzolente " is more applicable to 
 revolutions than to anything else.' 
 
 Menotti shook hands with the two Princes and 
 left the room, followed by the three delegates. 
 
 The two Princes having expressed the wish to 
 remain with me a little longer, I foresaw something 
 more was in store that had not yet been revealed 
 to me. 
 
 ' The frame of mind you are in,' said Prince 
 Napoleon Louis, addressing me, ' respecting the 
 active part every true patriot should consider it 
 a duty to take in the forthcoming struggle for 
 Italian independence is most distressing to me, 
 and the more so as I feel sm-e you will be painfully 
 startled at what I am going to confide to you. In 
 the midst of the turmoil which seems to set Europe 
 topsy-turvy, it is hateful to my brother and myself to 
 remain idle spectators of current events, and to shut 
 ourselves out from the rest of the world. The name 
 we bear, the spirit that enlivens us, coupled with a 
 great desire of being useful to this country that 
 gave our family the most heartfelt hospitality, inspire 
 us not to resist the opportunity of joining the in- 
 sm"gents in the Komagna, to fight with them the
 
 THE PRINCES RESOLVE. 77 
 
 battle of independence, or to die in the struggle. 
 We are aware of the dangers that surround us, of 
 the difficulty of our task, but no other field seems 
 open to us for the exercise of mental and bodily 
 exuberant activity, which faihng to be ever required 
 in our country may be serviceable to the welfare of 
 the one we have adopted. Whether we start before 
 Menotti has begun his movements at Modena or 
 after is a question depending on what will occur 
 within the next few days. No one else but you 
 knows anything of our resolve. Pray consider this 
 as a private and confidential communication. I 
 should be most miserable if it ever came to the 
 knowledge of my father.' 
 
 To be entrusted with a secret of such importance 
 was more than I could bear. I was actually made 
 speechless, and burst into tears, when the Prince 
 took me kindly by both hands and tried to alleviate 
 my agony by saying, ' Come, come, do not be so cast 
 down ; perhaps something may turn up to defer or 
 put off our departure altogether.' 
 
 After recovering from the shock, I said : ' It is 
 no use for your Highness to give me false hopes as 
 regards what you have made up your mind to per- 
 form. Your fate, for good or evil, is sealed. But 
 let me only repeat to you what I always said of the
 
 78 C0UN7 ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 mistake you have constantly been labouring under 
 in forgetting that you both are French Princes, 
 bearing a great name, and in duty bound to look to 
 France, and to France alone, as the country to whose 
 welfare you owe your time, your thoughts, your very 
 life did my best to impress you with the fact 
 
 that, sooner or later, and at no distant period, the 
 reign of the Bourbons in France will be at an end 
 for ever, and that the Imperial family will be called 
 upon by the people to preside again over the des- 
 tinies of the country. All my arguments went to 
 show that it was your duty to watch the daily events 
 in France, and to keep aKve in the recollection of 
 the nation by all possible means the great name of 
 yom* uncle. They went also to show that your 
 taking an active part in Italian affairs was rather 
 injurious than beneficial to the country, inasmuch 
 as Austria would make pretext of it for interfering. 
 When you said the Duke of Eeichstadt, Napoleon II., 
 was still alive, and that you had no right to act in 
 his place, I answered that Naj)oleon II., being a 
 prisoner of Austria, it was even on that score more 
 imperative that you should keep yourself in readiness, 
 in the event of the Duke's death, or of some other 
 diabolical political device of Austria to detain him a 
 prisoner. Louis Philippe is on the throne only to
 
 PRINCE LOUIS NAPOLEON SPEAKS. 79 
 
 stop a gap. France aspires to something else, and 
 rather than submit to a Bourbon again she will try 
 and accommodate herself with a Eepublic. It is 
 time yet, Prince, to alter your mind. Believe me, 
 great destinies are in store both for yourself and 
 brother. Do not waste your precious health in rash 
 adventures. My rooted conviction is that Italy can 
 never conquer her independence imless some great 
 friendly Power comes to her assistance, and my 
 dream is, that only France, ruled by a Napoleon, 
 can effect it. I implore you to listen to me.' 
 
 Speaking for the first time. Prince Louis Napoleon 
 added : 
 
 ' You lose sight of the engagements we have 
 entered into, which we swore to perform.' 
 
 ' Engagements ! With whom ? ' said I. 
 
 ' With the secret society of Carbonari, of which 
 we are members,' answered the Prince. 
 
 ' I was not aware of it,' said I ; ' such being the 
 case, I cannot help feeling even more anxious than 
 I did before.' 
 
 It was three o'clock in the morning when we 
 parted, our minds beset with thoughts of no bright 
 hue. 
 
 Meanwhile our bank was tottering from many 
 stoppages of payment of other banks in different
 
 8o COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 parts of Italy, and we were in constant dread of 
 some great and sudden calamity happening to preci- 
 pitate our ruin. 
 
 In the evening of February 28, a large crowd 
 stood assembled on the Piazza del Granduca, com- 
 menting on the news just arrived, that the Austrians 
 bad crossed the Po, 20,000 strong. 
 
 The invectives against the French Government 
 can be more easily guessed than described. The 
 police had to interfere to disperse the gathering. 
 
 I rushed at once to Prince Napoleon's house to 
 convey him the information, in the hope that it 
 would alter his mind. I was told the Prince was not 
 at home or his brother either. I thought this strange, 
 and said to myself, ' I will call early to-morrow 
 morning.' 
 
 Meanwhile the tragical part of the plot had already 
 commenced at Modena. 
 
 On learning that the Austrians had entered 
 the Romagna, an evident proof either that Louis 
 Philippe had given up the principle of non-inter- 
 vention or that the Austrian Government had deter- 
 mined to march their troops against the insurgents 
 in spite of it, the Duke of Modena, perceiving the 
 danger of his position, hastened to inform Menotti 
 that the intervention of the Austrians having
 
 FAILUBE OF THE REVOLT. 8i 
 
 altered the state of affairs, he declined to do any- 
 thing further. 
 
 Giro Menotti and his confederates, undaunted 
 by the desertion of the Duke, and acting on the 
 assumption that they had to deal with a traitor, rose 
 in arms against him and took possession of several 
 parts of the town. The Duke brought his troops 
 to bear upon the insurgents, who being dislodged 
 from the places they occupied, took refuge in a 
 house which they barricaded. The Duke ordered the 
 artillery to storm the house, and to spare no one. 
 The fight was long and bloody. The house being 
 built on pillars became shaky. Some of the insur- 
 gents jumped out of the windows and were shot 
 dead in the street. Giro Menotti fell dangerously 
 wounded, and in that state was carried to the ducal 
 palace, there to be secured in the carriage that 
 was to take the Duke to Mantua under the protection 
 of the Austrian bayonets. A few weeks after the 
 insurrection was completely quelled the Duke took 
 JNIenotti back to Modena in his own carriage, and 
 ha\dng caused a scaffold to be erected in front 
 of Menotti's house, had him executed without 
 trial. 
 
 Whilst this wholesale slaughter was indulged in 
 by the Duke at Modena, the Austrian troops had 
 
 G
 
 82 COUNT ORSPS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 routed the forces of the insurgents in the Romagna, 
 unable to make a stand of any consequence against 
 them. The breaking up of the little army of 
 volunteers was soon effected. Some of them escaped 
 the fate that attended the less fortunate of their 
 brothers in arms, who tried in vain to save their 
 lives by taking to such small boats as they found on 
 the seaboard, for they were soon captured by the 
 Austrian cruisers scouring the Adriatic waters for 
 that purpose ; an evident proof that the plot had 
 been well concocted in order to make at one dash a 
 clean sweep of as many patriots as circumstances 
 would allow. The fate of those who were made 
 prisoners was too dreadful to dwell on. The Court of 
 Rome vied with the Austrians for claiming the 
 privilege of torturing or executing those among the 
 prisoners who were Roman subjects, while Austria, 
 asserting the right of priority consequent upon her 
 having fought to save the papal dominions from 
 destruction, refused to give them up. Between the 
 two, the difference was rather in favour of Austria as 
 regards the treatment to be expected by the un- 
 fortunate victims who were doomed to imprisonment. 
 Those who were not shot at once underwent a 
 sham trial before corrupted tribunals, and were 
 plunged, loaded with irons, in dark prisons, there
 
 DEATH OF PRINCE NAPOLEON LOUIS. 83 
 
 to outlive a few of their comrades, in the hope of 
 seeing one day the light, and breathing the air of 
 liberty, that happily for them began blowing over 
 Europe again in 1847-48. 
 
 Both Princes (Napoleon Louis and Louis Na- 
 poleon) had joined the insurgents. They had left 
 Florence the same night I called at their house. 
 They fought bravely in the ranks of the patriots, but 
 like the rest they were obliged to look to their safety. 
 When at Forli the two Princes were seriously ill. 
 Prince Napoleon, the elder brother, died, some say 
 from poison, others from over-fatigue and ague. The 
 younger brother, Prince Louis Napoleon, was also 
 so ill that it was feared he could not rally. His 
 mother. Queen Hortense, rushed to Forli through the 
 Austrian troops to save the only son now left her, and 
 was fortunate enough to get him away under a 
 disguise. She then ventured to enter France, and 
 lay herself on the mercy of the French Grovem- 
 ment. 
 
 Notwithstanding the repeated defeats and 
 misfortunes that assailed Italy in 1831, hope, kept 
 up at a high standard by compressed indignation and 
 universal mourning for the martyrs that had suc- 
 cumbed in the struggle for the independence of the 
 country, was still the great lever at work in the hands 
 Q 2
 
 84 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 of those who had been spared the scaffold or 
 imprisonment. So it was with me ; but my position 
 had become untenable in Italy, especially in Florence, 
 where I was obliged to hide myself to prevent being 
 arrested. Besides, the stoppage of the bank, by 
 leaving me without available resources, had thrown 
 both my brothers and myself into the wide world, 
 to provide for our existence in the best way we 
 could. 
 
 In the midst of the great turmoil and ruin that 
 beset us, we could not help feeling comforted by the 
 idea that at any rate the assets of the bank were 
 more than sufficient to meet its liabilities, which 
 owing to the hasty departure of the English families 
 who had already withdrawn their deposits, were 
 considerably reduced in amount. 
 
 Among the depositors, the Comte de St. Leu and 
 his son were the largest. 
 
 To secure them from any contingency was my 
 constant thought, and with this view I called upon 
 the Comte, whom I found in a most desolate state of 
 mind in consequence of the sudden departure of his 
 two sons for the seat of war. During my interview 
 I enlarged on the disastrous state of Italy, and on 
 our anxiety respecting the safety of the money he 
 had deposited in our bank. The Comte at first
 
 AfV ESCAPE TO CORSICA. 
 
 appeared not to understand my real meaning. He 
 put many questions to which I returned no answer, 
 and as I knew he would feel very unhappy about me 
 had I told him all the truth, I refrained from entering 
 into fm'ther details. The Comte then said: 'I am 
 very sorry for what is taking place. I appreciate 
 your delicacy regarding the money you return to me, 
 and the more so as the reticence on your own posi- 
 tion leads me to surmise that it is more disastrous 
 than you have represented it.' In saying these last 
 words he gave me a discharge in full both for himself 
 and his son. 
 
 My first object was to effect our escape. The 
 difficulty of procuring a passport to leave Tuscany 
 was insurmountable, and pointed forcibly to the only 
 means by which we could attain our end, namely by 
 smuggling ourselves out of the country by hiring a 
 small boat at Leghorn, seemingly for a pleasure party. 
 This was effected through the agency of two Corsican 
 friends, Santelli and Semidei, to whom I felt much 
 indebted for our salvation. Having got out of the 
 harbour somewhat disguised and quite unnoticed, we 
 made straight for Corsica. To avoid being suspected 
 we took cai^e to have a deckless boat; a small sail and 
 four oars were om' propelling power to reach Bastia, 
 some ninety miles from Leghorn, The passage was
 
 86 COUNT ORSPS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 not free from danger, but go we must, and go we did. 
 Shortly after I left Bastia, and went to London 
 through Paris, where I received a small sum of money 
 proceeding from the sale of my piano and of a few 
 odds and ends I had left behind. I reached London 
 with my brother in the latter part of April, and 
 put up at an old friend's house where I met with 
 the most cordial and hospitable reception. What a 
 change for me since I was in London three years 
 before ! 
 
 It was some time before I could overcome the 
 gloom and despondency consequent upon the desolate 
 and penniless position I was then in. I felt it 
 keenly I confess, and notwithstanding the kind 
 words with which my friend tried to cheer and keep 
 up my spirit by holding before me bright prospects 
 of a better future, I could not rally from the terrible 
 blow I had received, both from the winding up of 
 our bank and the political disasters we had met 
 with.
 
 M. GO U BAUD. 87 
 
 MY DEPARTURE FOR PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 About the middle of November 1831 I happened 
 to meet in the Strand M. Groubaud (with whom I 
 had become acquainted in Paris in 1829), a most 
 distinguished artist, whom the Emperor Napoleon I. 
 had entrusted with the difficult task of representing 
 the christening of the presumptive heir, the King of 
 Eome, at the Cathedral de Notre Dame de Paris. 
 This picture, entirely drawn in i^encil, was one of the 
 Tiost wonderful and perfect works of the kind ever 
 seen. It measured six feet and a half in length by 
 four feet in width. The portraits of the four hundred 
 personages, dignitaries of the Church, State diploma- 
 tists, and foreign ministers, that filled the church, 
 were admirably executed. The vicissitudes of this 
 work of art are worth noticing. When Louis XVIII. 
 was restored to the throne of France in 1814, the sight 
 of this picture in the Tuileries was obnoxious to
 
 88 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 the followers of that Sovereign, and as such was 
 removed by them from the Palace to please their 
 idol. 
 
 It was lost sight of until it came to be sold by 
 auction in London, and bought by Hamlet, the 
 famous goldsmith and jeweller, whose establishment 
 at that time was in Coventry Street. Mr. Hamlet 
 happening to be at an auction room where many 
 pictures were on sale, had his attention called by his 
 agent to this picture, which was hung up in a 
 dusty and neglected state. 
 
 * What ! ' said Mr. Hamlet, ' do you want me to 
 buy that old engraving ? Preposterous ! It is not 
 worth more than a few shillings ! ' 
 
 ' I beg your pardon,' said the agent. Then pro- 
 ceeding to remove with his wet finger the dust that 
 covered the signature, he said : — 
 
 ' Bid for it, sir. It is a most valuable work of art. 
 It is not a 'print. It is the original drawing by 
 Goubaud, representing the Christening of the King 
 of Kome.' 
 
 Mr. Hamlet bought it, had it cleaned, richly 
 framed, and was proud to exhibit it to many of the 
 nobility and gentry who had heard of it. At the 
 death of Hamlet, the picture was sold again, and 
 bought by Mr. John Waller, a friend of mine, whom
 
 M. GOUBAUD. ?9 
 
 I introduced to the Prince a few months before the 
 expedition of Boulogne. 
 
 On Prince Louis Napoleon being elected Emperor, 
 Mx. Waller begged he might be allowed the honour 
 of presenting it to him. The Emperor having ac- 
 cepted the offer, the picture was taken by me to 
 St. Cloud and delivered to the Emperor in the name 
 of my friend. 
 
 When the palace of St. Cloud was reduced to 
 ashes during the Franco-German War, many valuable 
 pictiu:es, among them being this cmious and inter- 
 esting one of the Bapteme dn Roi de Rome., were com- 
 pletely destroyed. 
 
 ' I have heard of your misfortunes,' said Goubaud, 
 ' and of your departm'e from Florence. Good God ! 
 how badly things have gone in Italy ! The death of 
 the unfortunate Prince Napoleon Louis has been a 
 gi'eat blow to Queen Hortense, and I am afraid she 
 will not be able to stand the shock much longer. 
 What are you doing here ? ' 
 
 ' I am trying to get employment, until I meet 
 with some one to join me in business with some 
 capital.' 
 
 ' That's all very well, but it is not so easy as you 
 think to succeed in either of these things, and you 
 may exhaust the few resom'ces you have before you can
 
 90 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 procure a suitable berth and meet with an honest 
 and responsible partner. I am rather pressed for 
 time just now. Let us meet this evening. I will 
 lay before you a proposal likely to answer your 
 purpose. I will be at your house at eight o'clock.' 
 We met as agreed, when Groubaud said : 
 
 ' I am going to America to have an interview with 
 the Comte de Survilliers (Joseph Bonaparte) who 
 was as you know King of Spain. Queen Hortense 
 and Prince Louis Napoleon, whom I have visited at 
 Arenenberg, have given me letters of introduction to 
 the Comte de Sxu"villiers, with a view to lay before 
 him their political views in the eventuality of another 
 revolution taking place against Louis Philippe, whose 
 popularity is already on the decline. The main 
 object of my mission is to obtain from him a 
 monthly subsidy to help Count Lennox, the man 
 who has revived the Imperialist party in Paris, 
 and the editor of the paper ' La Revolution de 1830,' 
 to hold his ground against the present Government, 
 and to pay the exorbitant fines he has been sentenced 
 to lately. If the Bonapartist party becomes strong 
 again, it will be owing to his energy and his personal 
 sacrifices, and to the almost open adhesion of Greneral 
 Lafayette and Lafitte to his ideas and principles. 
 I am an old man, you are young. I am in a
 
 / LEAVE FOR PHILADELPHIA. 91 
 
 delicate state of health, you are strong and doing well. 
 Should anything happen to me, you will replace 
 me. When on board I will tell you all you have to 
 do. Will you go with me to America ? I will pay all 
 your expenses. The Queen and Prince will be very 
 pleased to learn that I met you, and that you are 
 going to accompany me. "What do you say to my 
 proposal ? ' 
 
 ' I accept,' said I ; ' when shall you start ? ' 
 
 ' As the packet sails for Philadelphia on Thursday 
 morning, we had better leave London to-morrow 
 morning and have a good night's rest at Liverpool. 
 I will call for you to-morrow morning at seven o'clock. 
 Be ready.' 
 
 The sailing packet was the ' Algonquin,' Captain 
 West, a ship of about 2,500 tons, which in those days 
 was looked upon as one of the best plying between 
 Liverpool and Philadelphia. 
 
 The cabins were tolerably good, but there was 
 nothing in her that could minister to the pleasure or 
 comfort of the passengers, as is the case nowadays 
 with the splendid steamers that have superseded 
 them. 
 
 To give an idea of the imperfection, I should 
 rather say of the irrational way the different parts of 
 the service were carried on, as a particular instance
 
 92 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 I shall mention the kitchen, which was located on 
 deck next to the mainmast. The whole of the 
 culinary apparatus, with all its appurtenances, was 
 aiTanged in a wooden box nine or ten feet long by 
 six feet wide and six high. It was fastened to the 
 deck with strong iron chains to prevent its being up- 
 set. In stormy weather the misery the poor black 
 cook had to endure was really pitiable, and when a 
 heavy sea washed on board, it was not a rare thing 
 to have our mutton and barlej' broth somewhat 
 diluted. The milk was provided by a cow, encaged 
 between strong planks under a boat keel up. Then 
 came a large cage of wickerwork containing poultry. 
 The small stock of live sheep was stored in the hold, 
 where they were slaughtered. 
 
 It was very fortunate that the number of first- 
 class passengers was only fourteen. This circum- 
 stance rendered the discomfort of the ship less felt 
 than if we had been more numerous on board. 
 
 We sailed at 5.30 p.m. with a strong N.W. 
 wind which made every one of us unmistakably 
 sick. 
 
 The cargo consisted of 900 tons of wrought iron 
 and steel, besides other heavy goods in large 
 quantities. 
 
 This caused the ship to biu-y herself so deep.
 
 A STORM AT SEA. 93 
 
 that by bending over the taffrail a man could touch 
 the water with his hands. Nothing particular 
 occurred during the first week except a few light 
 gales that proved to be of bad omen. 
 
 On the morning of the twelfth day the barometer 
 stood very low, and the situation changed altogether. 
 The sea became dark grey, and the gloom cast upon 
 the air by its deep hue, coupled with a heavy black 
 swell that was rolling fast towards the ship, made us 
 alive to the forthcoming peril. At first the wind 
 was rather high, but all at once it failed, while the 
 swell seemed to increase, causing the vessel to roll 
 about as if there was a want of buoyancy owing to 
 the enormous dead weight of the freight. The 
 clouds collected in a dark mass over our heads, the 
 spray that arose from the swell dashed over the 
 deck unremittingly, and the horizon seemed to have 
 hills for its confines, so huge were the waves afar 
 off. 
 
 During the night of December 15 it blew another 
 gale, raging with incredible violence. It rose to 
 such a fearful height as to strike the ship full 
 on her broadside, causing every passenger to rise 
 from his couch, fearing she was going to founder- 
 Before the ship could again right herself, a tre- 
 mendous sea broke on her and washed away the
 
 94 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 kitchen, its fastenings being snapped as if made of 
 straw. Another, still heavier than the first, carried 
 away the cow and cage of poultry. The waves 
 increased in height and force to such a degree, 
 and the mass of water falling over the deck was 
 so overwhelming, that the crew had to collect in a 
 crowd near the wheel with as many of the pas- 
 sengers as dared venture on deck. Another danger 
 which had not before shown itself made the captain 
 and crew despair of our safety. It was the frightful 
 rattling of the iron and steel, that had been laid 
 loose in the hold, and which at every roll of the 
 ship were tumbled from side to side with such vio- 
 lence as to make them, possibly at any moment, 
 dart through the hull. 
 
 On the 22nd the storm abated, the black 
 clouds gave place to a bright sun, and with it a 
 fair wind, which made everyone look hopeful and 
 happy. 
 
 The loss of the kitchen was felt by us most 
 acutely, as our pittance became very poor and 
 unpalatable. Almonds were crushed to make a 
 liquor to replace the milk, of which we had been 
 deprived by the loss of the poor cow. All hands 
 were turned up to put the vessel in as good trim as 
 was possible under the circumstances, and Captain
 
 IVE LAND IN AMERICA. 95 
 
 West announced his intention of making for the 
 coast for the purpose of falling in with a pilot boat, 
 in order to ascertain whether he could sail up the 
 Delaware to reach Philadelphia, as he apprehended 
 that owing to the severe frost prevailing he would 
 be obliged to go to New York. 
 
 As we were within a few miles of the coast, a 
 pilot boat came to us, and confirmed what the cap- 
 tain had surmised about the river being frozen. 
 
 The dread of remaining on board a few days 
 longer was not agreeable either to Goubaud or my- 
 self, and still less so to another passenger, an 
 American clergyman, Mr. Davis, who originated the 
 idea of being landed somewhere at any price. 
 
 ' I know that part of the country well,' he said, 
 *and I shall have no difficulty in finding a shelter 
 for the night in some peasant's house.' 
 
 We asked Captain West whether it would be 
 possible to get on shore, as we were very much 
 pressed for time, consequent upon our having been 
 forty-two days at sea. 
 
 The captain questioned the pilot, who agreed to 
 put us three on shore on payment of 20 dollars a 
 head. The money having been paid at once, we 
 jumped into the pilot boat, and in about three 
 quarters of an hour's sailing we arrived within a few
 
 96 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 yards of the beach, which the pilot, from his perfect 
 knowledge of the locality, had admirably hit upon as 
 the most appropriate for our purpose. Two men of 
 the crew having tucked up their trousers, took us 
 upon their shoulders, and without great difficulty 
 made their way through the surf (not very strong at 
 the time), and put us safely on shore. Our luggage 
 was carried by the two men in the same way, after 
 which the pilot boat made again for the ' Algon- 
 quin,' that was lying-to a few miles off awaiting her 
 retm-n. i^ 
 
 To be landed on a barren beach at 6 o'clock on 
 an American winter frosty evening, without food or 
 even a prospect of procuring any, in such a solitary 
 place, from which no house or hut could be seen for 
 us to apply to, was a sorry plight to be in. 
 
 ' Now,' said I to our worthy clergyman, ' is the 
 time for you to show yourself as hospitable to us in 
 your country as you possibly can under existing 
 circumstances. I see no other way for us to get out 
 of this trial except by your starting to scour the 
 neighbourhood, with which you are acquainted, to 
 find a shelter for the night. M. Goubaud and I 
 will await your return here to take care of the 
 luggage, which I foresee will have to be carried on 
 our shoulders if you do not succeed in coming to
 
 OUR LANDING. 97 
 
 our rescue with a vehicle of some kind and a man 
 to help us.' 
 
 ' I will most certainly,' replied the reverend, and 
 after sipping a few drops of fine cognac I took out of 
 my bag to comfort him, he wended his way towards 
 a small village, where, said he, ' I know a man that 
 is under some obligation to me.' 
 
 Vainly had we already waited an hour for the 
 clergyman's return. I began to feel anxious, not 
 for myself, as I was young and in good health, but 
 for my friend Goubaud, who, besides being over 
 sixty years old, was labouring now and then under 
 violent attacks of asthma. The cold temperature of 
 the night had just provoked a severe sudden attack, 
 which was followed by a dry spasmodic cough really 
 alarming. While I was thinking what would become 
 of us if my friend Goubaud became worse during 
 the night, I saw a light moving in our direction, 
 and I called my friend's attention to it to keep up 
 his spirits. Presently I heard a noise resembling 
 that of a vehicle rolling on the shingle, with the 
 addition of roars of laughter, which I fancied were 
 indulged in at our expense for the plight we 
 were in. I was not mistaken. The reverenb 
 gentleman had succeeded in obtaining the assistance 
 of two peasants, supplied with what turned out to be 
 
 H
 
 98 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 a wheelbarrow, upon which was heaped our luggage, 
 luckily not over voluminous. The night being 
 exceedingly dark we directed one of the men to 
 carry the light before us, whilst the clergyman and 
 I were helping the other to push the wheelbarrow 
 forward whenever it was obstructed in its course. 
 We had to walk five-and-twenty minutes through a 
 rocky road before we reached the cottage, which 
 was the property of one of our men, and whose wife 
 came to the door as we arrived, and with a smiling 
 face that told much in her favour, welcomed us 
 most cordially, apologising in her rustic way for her 
 inability to offer us a more comfortable reception. 
 As we entered the room we hailed with joy a 
 sparkling fire made up with large logs of wood 
 heaped under the flue of a brick fire-place, eight feet 
 wide by five feet high, and deep enough to allow 
 a large bench to be hooked under it on two sides 
 for the accommodation of three persons on each of 
 them. A large copper kettle, containing a piece 
 of pork intended for the family supper, was hanging 
 by a chain over the burning timber, which illu- 
 minated the little room so brightly as to require 
 no other light. After devoting some little time to 
 warm our limbs, benumbed by the freezing tempera- 
 ture to which we had been exposed for many hours.
 
 OUR RECEPTION. 
 
 99 
 
 we thought of satisfying our hunger with the simple 
 food partly prepared for us. 
 
 ' We have,' said the good housewife, ' a nice piece 
 of boiled pork and red cabbage which you will relish, 
 I am sure ; a few eggs, and roasted Indian corn ; tea 
 or coffee as beverage. We have no wine or beer, as 
 we are teetotallers.' 
 
 This last statement of the honest woman gave a 
 jerk to the frame of our reverend friend, and stamped 
 on his rosy cheek a perceptible twitch significant of 
 great disappointment, which however passed un- 
 noticed. 
 
 ' Well ! ' said I, ' this will do famously.' In less 
 than half an hour we sat down to a comfortable hot 
 supper to which we did full justice, the only unpal- 
 atable item of it being the dish of roasted corn so 
 much praised by our hostess. As our supper was 
 gradually coming to a close, the scene had assumed 
 a novel aspect. The comforting warmth of the 
 room, the good family meal we had freely indulged 
 in, the cheerful hospitality we had met with, and 
 last, though not least, the thankful feeling of having 
 escaped a great danger at sea, the horrors of which 
 our present safety contributed to dispel, were the 
 main elements of our loquacity and mirth. Our 
 hearts were buoyed with hope for better times, our 
 
 H 2
 
 loo COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 minds became more elastic, and our readiness to 
 join in the merriment and chaffing of the family at 
 the sad plight we should have been in had we not 
 met with their timely assistance, was a great factor 
 in the general satisfaction. 
 
 This state of comparative bliss did not last long, 
 for the question of how^ we should spend the night (it 
 was then ten o'clock) was raised, and different sugges- 
 tions were proposed, none of which seemed acceptable, 
 as the principal difficulty was the entire want of bed- 
 ding, or any substitute like hay or straw to lie upon. 
 
 Whilst we were deliberating, the clergyman asked 
 his friend by what means we could reach next 
 morning a small place (the name of which I forgot 
 to record at the time) situated on the Delaware, and 
 from which we were to cross the river to reach 
 Philadelphia. 
 
 ' I know,' said our host, ' a man who has a couple 
 of horses and a cart on springs, with which he goes 
 to market. I have no doubt he will let you have it 
 at a price, the distance to .... is only thirty miles, 
 and sure enough you can reach the place in a few 
 hours. He lives within half an hour's walk from 
 here, and, if you choose, I am willing to call upon 
 him to-morrow morning at dawn, and make arrange- 
 ments for your trip.'
 
 AN EARLY START. loi 
 
 ' To-morrow ! to-morrow ! ' interrupted om' clergy- 
 man, ' why not this evening ? What prevents your 
 running to him now, and returning with the con- 
 veyance ? We might start at once, and by so doing 
 be able to cross the river early in the morning ! ' 
 
 I objected to this sudden resolve on the plea that 
 the road was not very good, and that the snow which 
 had just commenced to fall would render it still 
 more unsafe. Unfortunately my friend Groubaud had 
 sided with the promoter of the scheme, and prevailed 
 on me to give in. 
 
 The man set off at once, and in about a couple of 
 hours di'ove back with his friend in a cart having 
 two boards strapped across, and a good bed of straw 
 at the bottom of it. 
 
 The good woman's expressive lamentations at our 
 determination to start so suddenly, at such an hour 
 and in such weather, were really touching, but there 
 was no helping it. A few seconds before leaving, 
 my friend Goubaud, without waiting for the bill, put 
 two pounds into her hand, at which she demurred, 
 saying it was only a few shillings she was entitled to. 
 However, the joint solicitations, bordering upon com- 
 pulsion, on our part, succeeded in overcoming her 
 resistance. 
 
 It was one o'clock in the morning when we left
 
 I02 COUNT ORSPS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 the cottage. Mr. Davis and Groubaud sat on the 
 hind board, and I and the driver on the front one. 
 
 The cold was extreme, the road rather slippery, 
 and the wind most piercing. "We were moving on at 
 a rate of five miles an hour on an average. All went 
 pretty well so long as there were subjects for general 
 conversation, which our driver (an Irishman) kept up 
 with sparkling wit, but it was not of long duration. 
 It began relaxing from exhaustion of sufficient 
 material to enliven it, and ended completely when 
 an insurmountable drowsiness, brought on by the 
 freezing temperature, took possession of us all. 
 
 The narrow road we were in was fenced on the 
 left by a thick hedge, which ran the whole length of 
 it. The right side offered no protection against 
 rolling down into a field which was four feet below 
 the level of the road. On emerging from this 
 narrow road to turn into a larger one, the horse, left 
 to itself, went so near the edge that the vehicle was 
 upset and rolled down with a tremendous crash. 
 Goubaud had his face scratched by a shrub, Mr. Davis 
 was slightly bruised, and the driver got kicked in 
 the neck by the horse, that was trying to rid itself 
 of the shafts, one of which had been broken and 
 stuck in its ribs. I was found to be in a worse plight 
 than the rest of the party, for having fallen on the
 
 A TROUBLESOME ACCWEXT. 103 
 
 stump of a tree that had been cut slant ways, my 
 right shoulder was so severely injured as to make 
 me fear it was either dislocated or broken altogether. 
 The pain was intense. 
 
 My coats had been cut through, and a sharp point 
 of the tree had entered the flesh, fi'om which the 
 blood was flowing abundantly. The agony I endured 
 from the extreme cold of the night was indescribable. 
 The driver, assisted by Mr. Davis, righted the poor 
 horse easily enough, but it was impossible for them 
 to bring the cart on the road again. Mercifully, we 
 were almost in sight of a small village, where 
 JNIr. Davis went to claim assistance, which he had 
 some difficulty to procm'e, as it was still so early as 
 four o'clock, A.M. 
 
 The offer of a liberal remuneration, coupled with 
 the entreaties with which oSIr. Davis worked on 
 their feelings to do a kind act, produced the desired 
 effect. The whole family of a small inn was up in a 
 moment. Two men came to the spot with Hghts 
 and ropes, and in half an hoiu" the horse and cart 
 were brought into the village. A great fire was lit 
 to warm our frozen limbs, and the good wife, who 
 seemed to possess some knowledge of nursing, care- 
 fully washed my wound, and dressed it in the best 
 way she could. My arm became so swollen as to
 
 104 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 render it impossible to put it in the coat sleeve again. 
 I was in great agony, made still worse by a choking 
 thirst. 
 
 What was to be done under the circumstances ? 
 The opinion of the innkeeper that we should remain 
 at the inn till seven o'clock in the morning was 
 agreed to by us all. We had to travel fifteen miles 
 more to reach the place from which we were to cross 
 the Delaware. At the appointed time we left the 
 hospitable shelter, after partaking of a cup of coffee, 
 which we should not have thought much of if 
 offered to us at any other time. The manner of 
 crossing the river Delaware (completely frozen) 
 struck me by its novelty. 
 
 A boat provided with sails, as if intended to be 
 propelled by the wind on water, took us on board, 
 and after a few minutes' skating as it were (for the 
 boat had actually a steel ice spur running the whole 
 length of the keel) we reached the opposite shore, 
 from which we drove to the hotel so much longed for 
 by me. The doctor who attended me was of gentle 
 manners, and clever in his profession. After a 
 thorough examination of the injiu-ed part, he declared 
 that although the wound would cause extreme pain 
 for some time, owing to the deep laceration of the 
 flesh and to the bruises caused by the blow, still it
 
 COMFORTABLE QUARTERS. 105 
 
 was not in itself so bad as to create any serious un- 
 easiness. But in his opinion the danger lay elsewhere, 
 namely in the possible inflammation of the left lung, 
 consequent upon the concussion. He therefore 
 advised the greatest caution, and above all to remain 
 in bed for a few days, feeling siu-e fever would super- 
 vene. On my telling him that I should have to go 
 to Burdentown in two or three days, he objected to 
 the idea, but perceiving I was determined to start, 
 he ordered me not to leave my bed until necessary to 
 start, promising to visit me every day. 
 
 My friend Goubaud had already informed by 
 letter the Comte de Sm-villiers (Joseph Bonaparte) 
 that he had arrived at Philadelphia, and was awaiting 
 his commands respecting the day to be appointed for 
 delivering his credentials. Thi-ee days after, a 
 splendid sledge, made warm and comfortable by a 
 variety of skins and woollen rugs, and drawn by two 
 horses full of mettle, was sent to drive us in a few 
 hours through a rather savage-looking country to the 
 Comte's residence.
 
 io6 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 OUR ARRIVAL AT BURDENTOWN, 
 
 THE COUNTRY RESIDENCE OF THE COMTE DE 
 SURVILLIERS. 
 
 Joseph Bonaparte was the eldest of the Bonaparte 
 family. His likeness to his brother, Napoleon I., 
 was most striking, and yet there was in his features 
 that mild sweet expression which, coupled with a 
 fair complexion, made him one of the handsomest 
 men of his time. Nature had bestowed upon him a 
 kind and benevolent disposition, and although his 
 mind was bent more on literary than warlike 
 pursuits, still when called upon by his brother to fill 
 dangerous positions, he knew how to discharge his 
 duty in a bold and manly way. To sidt the 
 Emperor's political views, he assented to become 
 King of the Two Sicilies, and later on. King of Spain, 
 where he won the sympathy and good will of the 
 superior classes from the wise and conciliatory manner 
 in which he governed the country. The disasters of
 
 JOSEPH BONAPARTE. 107 
 
 the Eussian Campaign of 1812 thatbefel the French 
 army prevented the Emperor from attending per- 
 sonally to the Peninsular War, which, owing to the 
 mismanagement of his generals, ended in the 
 flight of the King and the restoration of the 
 Bourbons. After the battle of Waterloo, he retired 
 to America, where he met with the most generous 
 hospitality. 
 
 The personal esteem in which he was held in the 
 United States, the respect he inspired for the noble 
 manner he bore his misfortunes in his exile, induced 
 the Americans to offer him the Presidency, notwith- 
 standing his not being a naturalised American — 
 which he declined. 
 
 The Comte was leading a most retired life at 
 Burdentown. The house in which he had collected 
 most valuable pictures, and papers of great impor- 
 tance referring to the Imperial era in general and to 
 his career in particular, was burned to the ground a 
 short time after his an'ival. On the same gi'ound 
 he built another of a smaller size, and in this he 
 spent most of his days in quiet retirement, inter- 
 rupted now and then by a few of his former friends 
 who crossed the Atlantic to pay him a visit in 
 remembrance of the glorious bygone days. 
 
 Such was the remarkable man to whom I was to
 
 io8 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 be introduced by Goubaud, as a friend of Prince 
 Louis Napoleon, and his compagnon de voyage. 
 
 To see the Comte, to converse with him, to listen 
 to the narratives of the events and episodes in which 
 he had played so conspicuous a part, whether as a 
 soldier or as a statesman, to hear the real causes that 
 produced certain facts, upon which neither party 
 spirit will, nor history can speak the truth as yet, 
 expounded by him whose grace and fluency of 
 elocution was one of the greatest secrets of his 
 successful career, were the many intellectual gratifica- 
 tions I had fancied looming in the distance for me, 
 and nothing in the world appeared more delightful 
 to me than the prospect of embodying in a diary 
 every word flowing from his lips. Unfortunately the 
 accident I had met with had taken a more serious 
 turn than had been anticipated, in consequence of 
 the cold weather which prevailed at that time and 
 the rapidity with which we had travelled from 
 Philadelphia. 
 
 On arriving at Burdentown we were immediately 
 shown into most comfortable apartments, con- 
 sisting of two bedrooms, separated by a sitting-room 
 provided with a good stock of books. The first 
 thing my friend Goubaud did was to write to the 
 Comte to apologise for my not being able to present
 
 MY ILLNESS. 109 
 
 my respects to him in consequence of the state I was 
 in. The Comte immediately sent upstairs his con- 
 fidential steward to express his regret, and to inquire 
 more particularly about the accident. At the same 
 time he sent for his doctor, who attended upon me at 
 once. We were now in the month of January 1832. 
 My illness had really taken a serious turn, and for 
 more than two months I was laid up, and when at 
 length nearly convalescent, the doctor still would 
 not permit me to leave my room. Therefore all this 
 time I had been deprived of the pleasure of dining 
 with the Comte, and of the still greater pleasure of 
 passing the evenings in his society, which was the time 
 when the Prince used to delight in the review of 
 the glorious days of the Imperial epoch, with that 
 easy flowing eloquence which in itself had an inexpres- 
 sible charm. But most unfortunately the state of 
 my health prevented my enjoying these delightful 
 evening reunions in the small family circle (con- 
 sisting of Monsieur Sari, the Comte's secretary, and 
 his amiable wife), except on two or three occasions, 
 before we left Burdentown at the end of March. 
 The mission entrusted to my fiiend Groubaud by 
 the Queen Hortense and Prince Louis Napoleon had 
 not proved so successful as it was expected. The 
 Comte de SurvilKers was imbued with the same ideas
 
 no COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 as his brother the Comte de St. Leu (the ex-king of 
 Holland) with reference to active exertions being 
 made to revive in France the Bonapartist spirit. 
 
 On the day we left Burdentown I was present at 
 the last interview my friend had with the Comte, 
 who, on taking leave of us, said, ' Bear well in mind 
 that, if they (the French people) want any of our 
 family to establish a provisional government in the 
 name of the son of Napoleon I. (the Duke of 
 Keichstadt), they know where we are ; but as to our 
 agitating the country by underhand proceedings or 
 conspiracies, or by abetting military revolutions 
 likely to create civil war, never shall we lend our- 
 selves to anything of the kind. United Europe has 
 vanquished my brother the Emperor. His downfall 
 has brought our own. He gave up the throne 
 rather than foster civil war, which he had a horror 
 of. We must not act at variance with his principles. 
 We do not think much of power acquired by illegal 
 means. As to my granting a regular monthly 
 subsidy to Count Lennox for the paper (" La Eevolu- 
 tion de 1830") of which he is the owner, I am not 
 justified in doing it, for the reasons I now give you. 
 However, in consideration of his having taken up 
 our cause so chivalrously, and of his finding him- 
 self in pecuniary difficulties fi'om the heavy fines he
 
 WE LEAVE BURDENTOWN. 
 
 has been sentenced to, I have, as I told you before, 
 given instructions to pack eight valuable pictures, to 
 be shipped to London, and you are authorised by me 
 to sell them, either by auction or otherwise, and to 
 hand the proceeds to Count Lennox, that he may 
 extricate himself from his present embarrassments ; 
 but further than that I will not go.' Then tm-ning 
 to me in a smiling affable way, he added, ' I was 
 extremely sorry to have been deprived of your pre- 
 sence at our daily family gatherings owing to your 
 illness, which I trust will have no ill consequences. 
 I grieve the more as some days ago I received a 
 letter from my brother Louis, to whom I wrote after 
 your arrival here, mentioning your name. He ex- 
 patiated so very warmly on your personal character, 
 and on the honourable way you dealt with him at a 
 moment when a sum of money ^ would have been a 
 most tempting resom'ce under the peculiar circum- 
 stances in which you were then situated both 
 financially and politically, that I should have felt 
 quite at home with you. Kest assured of my 
 sympathy for your misfortunes, and of my good 
 wishes for your future welfare. I have a favour to 
 
 ' The Comte alluded to the discharge given to me by his 
 brother, the Comte de St. Leu, for the money he had deposited 
 in our bank.
 
 112 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 ask of you. On your landing at Plymouth, and not 
 before, you will open this letter, which contains some 
 important papers you are requested to deliver to the 
 party whose name is mentioned therein. I trust it to 
 your honour.' In saying this he handed me a thick 
 letter, which I put in my pocket, and we parted, 
 not, I must add, without feelings of deep regret. 
 
 From Burdentown we went to New York, whence 
 we sailed. A steady westerly wind carried us in 
 twenty-one days to Plymouth, where I opened the 
 letter entrusted to me by the Comte. 
 
 I found in it five banknotes for one hundred 
 dollars each, addressed to me. 
 
 Groubaud and I arrived in Paris on the 7th of 
 March, 1832, and having called on Count Lennox to 
 report the result of our journey to Burdentown, we 
 found that he had been sued for the recovery of a 
 sum due by him on account of the paper of which he 
 was editor, and imprisoned at Ste. Pelagic. 
 
 Count Lennox declined receiving the proceeds of 
 the sale of the pictures sent to Europe, and collect- 
 ing all his available resources, paid his debts 
 and was set at liberty. He requested me to ac- 
 company him to Manheim, where Queen Hortense 
 and Prince Louis Napoleon were then residing. The 
 Prince was very much disappointed at the resolve of
 
 DEATH OF THE DUKE OF REICHSTADT. 113 
 
 his uncle the Comte de Sm'villiers to keep quiet in 
 America, and to refrain from any political propaganda. 
 I found the Prince very much altered. The serious 
 illness he contracted in Italy after the death of his 
 brother, and the collapse of the Italian insurrec- 
 tion, had told upon him so severely as to make his 
 mother very anxious about his ultimate recovery. The 
 Prince having agreed to make such arrangements 
 with Count Lennox as were necessary to secure the 
 daily issue of the ' Eevolution de 1830,' the only 
 organ devoted to the Bonapartist cause, intimated 
 to the Count that he intended retiring to Arenenberg 
 with his mother to recruit his health by perfect rest 
 and quiet. 
 
 On July 23, 1832, the news of the death 
 of the Duke of Reichstadt, involving possibly 
 momentous changes in France, reached Paris un- 
 expectedly, to spread dismay in the heart of the 
 majority of the French people and undisguised 
 exultation among the partisans of Louis Philippe's 
 Government. The son of Napoleon, the King of 
 Eome (Duke de Reichstadt) had expii-ed at Vienna 
 on the 22nd, after a lingering illness which the 
 doctors had been unable to check. His death was 
 hailed by the Court, the courtiers, and a small 
 nucleus of short-sighted Republicans with unfeigned
 
 114 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 joy. Louis Philippe was at once relieved from the 
 harassing bugbear with which the existence of the 
 presumptive heir to the Imperial throne was con- 
 tinually besetting his mind. 
 
 Having got rid of the Prince whose rights to the 
 throne were indisputable, he considered himself 
 safe from any conspiracy on the part of the elder 
 branch of his family, turned out of the country by 
 the recent Eevolution, as well as from any outbreak 
 of the Kepublican party, "in no great favour at that 
 time in France. 
 
 The joy of the Court party was somewhat checked 
 for a while by the bold step taken by Count Lennox 
 of having the portrait of Prince Louis Napoleon 
 scattered by thousands of copies all over France, with 
 the title under it of Napoleon III. ! The persecutions 
 endured on that account by the editor of the 
 'Eevolution de 1830' were of the most violent 
 character. The paper had to bear fines to an 
 enormous amount, owing to the verdict of the 
 jury, resting by law on the majority of "/;.^, having 
 always gone against him. 
 
 The agitation in Paris had already re:.. ' ed alarm- 
 ing proportions, from the universal kn')v> ledge that 
 Lafitte and Greneral Lafayette, to whose popularity 
 Louis Philippe owed his throne, wer.- at variance
 
 ARREST OF COUNT LENNOX. 115 
 
 with him respecting his internal and foreign policy, 
 and had thrown themselves again into the ranks of 
 the oppositioii. To check the spreading of popular 
 feehng, and to put an end to the ' Revolution de 1830,' 
 the Bonapartisfc paper, Count Lennox was arrested, 
 tried, and sentenced to two years' imprisonment. 
 The Court gained the day, and rejoiced in the 
 captivity of Count Lennox, the bold representative 
 of the only political party they dreaded. 
 
 From that day there was a lull in the cause of 
 the Imperial family, owing to the suppression of the 
 paper and other eventful occm-rences that occupied 
 the public mind for a considerable time. 
 
 I 2
 
 ii6 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 PRINCE LOUIS NAPOLEON'S EXPEDITION 
 TO BOULOGNE, AUGUST 1840. 
 
 In this narrative I will refrain from commenting upon 
 what has already been made public both in England 
 and France, and enlarge upon such details as seem 
 to me now, as they did at the time, so far to re- 
 deem from ridicule ^ a daring adventure which rested 
 on more reasonable chances of success than most 
 people are aware of, and which was in reality the 
 starting-point of Prince Louis Napoleon's extra- 
 ordinary career. 
 
 I will relate how it happened that I was ap- 
 pointed by the Prince to be the principal actor in the 
 expedition ; how difficult and dangerous was the task 
 that had to be performed amidst the many chances 
 of detection ; and finally the real cause of the sudden 
 
 ' ' Une folle et ridicule aventure,' were Guizot's words at the 
 time ; words, however, which he afterwards confesses in his 
 Memoirs, vol. v. p. 258, that he read ' with some embarrassment.'
 
 INTERVIEW WITH PRINCE LOUIS. 117 
 
 and unexpected collapse of the attack made on the 
 French territory. 
 
 In handling so delicate a subject, I will abstain 
 from any remark or disclosure which I consider to be 
 irrelevant to it ; and as I am probably now the only 
 survivor (at least to my knowledge) of all those who 
 were on board the ' Edinburgh Castle ' on August 5, 
 1840, I shall feel doubly bound never to swerve 
 from the most scrupulous historical accuracy. 
 
 I. INTERVIEW WITH PRINCE LOUIS NAPOLEON. 
 
 It is unnecessary to describe the circumstances 
 following the Strasbing affair (October 1836)^ under 
 which Prince Louis JSapoleon returned to England 
 in the autumn of 1838, after closing his mother's 
 eyes at Arenenberg. It is enough to say that he 
 left Switzerland voluntarily after the Federal Go- 
 vernment had refused the imperious demand of the 
 French Government for his expulsion, rather than be 
 the cause of an unequal struggle which would have 
 ended in useless bloodshed. 
 
 I was at that time in Paris, where I had been 
 
 ' I was not with the Prince at Strasburg. He had requested me 
 to join him at Arenenberg. Unfortunately I was in Spain at that 
 time, and while at Barcelona his letter, which had gone the round 
 of the Peninsula, reached me on the very same day on which I 
 read in the public papers the failure of the military outbreaks
 
 ii8 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 watching the comphcations likely to arise from the 
 critical position of P'rench politics and the obvious 
 instability of Louis Philippe's dynasty. 
 
 Having been summoned by the Prince to join 
 him in England, I started at once, and found that he 
 had gone to Leamington (Warwickshire), in order to 
 avoid personal demonstrations, and to ponder quietly 
 and in perfect rest of mind, on what he should do 
 under the circumstances. Persigny was staying 
 with him. 
 
 A few months later the Prince settled in London 
 at Carlton House, Carlton Terrace, where he began 
 writing the ' Idees Napoleoniennes.' This book at- 
 tracted a wide and unprecedented attention to his 
 views and aspirations. Carlton House was the rendez- 
 vous of the most ardent partisans of his cause. 
 Deputies of the Opposition were constantly coming 
 from Paris to visit the Prince, and reporting what 
 they considered to be the favourable feeling of the 
 country. They kept up his excitement and raised 
 his expectations beyond the possibility of resistance. 
 
 It was on May 15, 1840, that the Prince first 
 confided to me his resolve to make another at- 
 tempt against the Government of Louis Philippe, 
 then evidently declining in popularity owing to the 
 adverse turn of affairs in Algeria and also in Egypt.
 
 THE PRINCE CONSULTS ME. 119 
 
 My interview with the Prince was friendly, but not 
 without some ill-humour on his part. 
 
 * Does your Highness ask my opinion and advice 
 on the subject mentioned to me, or am I to consider 
 your communication as an order to follow you ? ' 
 
 ' I never thought I should meet with a refusal 
 from you whenever I required your co-operation. 
 You know my friendship for you, and the great in- 
 terest I take in the independence of Italy, your coun- 
 try, for which you fight by exposing your life for me. 
 On the other hand, I know your devotion to me, and 
 how willing you are to do all I think conducive to 
 our common object. As far back as 1831 we made 
 a compact between ourselves which I consider to be 
 binding on both sides, namely that you should help 
 me in my projects, however dangerous they may 
 be, and that I should fight for the unity of Italy if I 
 ever became the chief of the French nation. From 
 what I have said you must infer that I do not doubt 
 your willingness to follow me. I take it for granted. 
 Doubt is out of the question. It is your opinion 
 I want to know, as regards the opportunity, or even 
 the advisability, of doing or not what I meditate.' 
 
 ' I readily confess that I never was placed in a 
 more difiicult position than I am now in answering 
 your Highness's question. You may put a wrong
 
 I20 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 construction upon what I may say if my advice goes 
 against your wishes. If, on the other hand, I agree 
 with your decision, and you fail in the attempt, 
 my responsibility will weigh very heavy on me as 
 long as I live.' 
 
 ' Whatever may happen I hold you harmless ; but 
 remark, I do not say that I will carry out my pro- 
 jects, even if your advice tallied with my views, or 
 that I will abstain from it, if your advice went against 
 my decision. Nothing of the kind. I simply ask 
 your impression on the subject. I like to gather 
 everyone's opinions and to ponder on them quietly ; 
 you may sjieak your mind as freely as if the matter 
 was of comparatively trifling importance.' 
 
 ' As you wish me to speak my mind freely re- 
 specting the opportunity of renewing an attack on 
 the French Government, I will unhesitatingly say 
 that I consider it to be against your own interest to 
 attempt anything of the kind just now. Allow me. 
 Prince, to give you the reasons on which I ground 
 my objection. Whether it was to your advantage 
 to have written the " Idees Napoleoniennes," with a 
 view of making your political programme known to 
 the world in general and to the French people in 
 particular, is a question now irrelevant to the subject. 
 When you did me the honour to ask my opinion
 
 MV ADVICE TO HIM. 
 
 upon it, I respectfully laid before you the inexpediency 
 of committing yourself to a line of policy which the 
 course of events would cause you to regret. How- 
 ever, that there should be no mistake between the 
 French nation and yourself about the form of go- 
 vernment you thought the best for France, you have 
 boldly said Empire ! Be it so. But what necessity 
 is there for hurrying events by violent means, when 
 we see every day that the Government of Louis Phi- 
 lippe is on the eve of a catastrophe which sooner or 
 later will make the throne vacant ? After the fail- 
 ure of Strasburg I dread the consequences of another 
 attempt on your part. The dynasty of Louis Philippe 
 is in great danger. The country has had enough of 
 it ; it cannot last long. Meanwhile, let your friends 
 in France keep up an agitation on your behalf, which 
 will lose nothing of its efficiency because effected by 
 legal means. Let them be ready to seize the first 
 opportunity that offers itself for a popular demon- 
 stration. In a word, wait till you are called by the 
 voice of the country ; your name will carry everything 
 before it, and your character, your principles, your 
 courage, well known in France, will do the rest.' 
 
 ' Had my uncle followed a suggestion similar to 
 yours, the 18th Brumaire, that saved the country, 
 would never have taken place.'
 
 122 COUNT ORS/'S RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 ' I beg to remark that France is not at present in 
 the same distracted situation it was then. What- 
 ever may be said respecting the means by which 
 Louis Philippe got hold of the supreme power, he 
 had at least the semblance of an election — not a 
 direct election from the people, but a plausible one, 
 from the representatives of the country. If he has 
 been compelled on several occasions to put down 
 insurrections in the streets of Paris, he has done 
 so with the assent and concurrence of the National 
 Guard. I should not like to see you embark in an- 
 other perilous undertaking which would be stamped 
 a second time with ridicule, if unsuccessful, or would 
 give you a start, if successful, most dangerous to 
 your name, and fraught with the most serious con- 
 sequences for the future.' 
 
 The Prince was silent for some little time. As 
 he was taking his pocket-book out of a drawer, his 
 valet-de-chambre came in with a bundle of letters, 
 and told him that General Montholon wished to see 
 hirn. The Prince left me, saying that he would see 
 me again in a day or two. 
 
 My interview with the Prince made me very un- 
 easy. My personal knowledge of his character and 
 steadiness of purpose brought home to me the con- 
 viction that no amount of good reasons would deter
 
 PERSIGNY COMES TO SEE ME. 123 
 
 him froin doing what he had made up his mind to do. 
 Every day — I should say every hour — I used to meet 
 officers of rank and deputies, who had frequent and 
 long interviews with the Prince. Something was 
 evidently going on in Ijondon which could not be 
 accounted for in any other way than by the con- 
 coction of a plot intended to be carried out very 
 shortly. 
 
 I had not to wait long before ray surmise became 
 a certainty. Persigny called upon me the day after 
 my interview with the Prince, from whom he had 
 heard that I did not consider the idea of an armed 
 attack on the French Government to be a sound 
 one. 
 
 ' I am at a loss to understand why you are 
 opposed to the project of a coup-de-maiUf which we 
 have been preparing for the last twelve months, and 
 brought to that stage when success is secm'ed.' 
 
 I assured Persigny of my devotion to the Prince, 
 but explained the difficulties I felt. At the same 
 time I added, ' If the Prince tells me, " in half an 
 hour I shall want you," he will find me ready to 
 follow him, without any inquiry as to where we go 
 or what for. I have given my opinion because he 
 requested me to do so without reticence. I have 
 done what I consider my first duty in this emer-
 
 124 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 gency, as I will perform my second, by being at his 
 side in the hour of danger if he orders me to 
 do so.' 
 
 ' You seem to be under the impression that the 
 Prince is going to risk his own life and that of 
 his friends without good reason. You are mis- 
 taken.' 
 
 ' I am perfectly convinced that the Prince will 
 take good care this time to secm-e in France a 
 support without which he could expect no result. 
 But this does not lessen the gravity and inoppor- 
 tunity of the undertaking. You fancy the army will 
 rise to a man in favour of the Prince as soon as he 
 sets his foot on the French territory. Well ! I hope 
 so, but I doubt it. You will give rise to a civil war 
 if only a part of the army resists the enthusiasm of 
 the rest. 
 
 ' You do not know the French people so well as 
 I do. They do not care for constitutions, liberty of 
 the press, self-government, and so forth. The 
 Empire has left indestructible roots in the soil, and 
 whatever you attempt to do without the aid of the 
 magical name " Empire " will not last long. 
 
 ' I grieve to hear you speaking as you do ; you 
 will find things in France quite different from what 
 you suppose. Frenchmen are no more what they
 
 niDEE NAPOLEONIENNE. 
 
 were in former times ; they are more thoughtful, 
 more men of business than you imagine. Under the 
 apparent levity which is the distinctive character of 
 the nation, there is an underground work going on 
 which leads them to a positivism rather exaggerated. 
 They do not care for glory as they did.' 
 
 ' Well, we shall soon see who is right. I think 
 you take a wrong view.' And we parted. 
 
 For the last three months the Prince had issued 
 a monthly political review, called ' L'Idee Napo- 
 leonienne ; ' several of his friends were contributors 
 to it. It was published in London, where it made 
 a gi'eat stir owing to its presumed authorship. The 
 text was in French. The number for June contained 
 a long article written by the Prince, on the 'Strength 
 and the Stupendous ^Military Organisation of the 
 Prussian Army,' which he strenuously recommended 
 should be adopted at once by France to replace the 
 present system, which he thought most defective and 
 inefficient in the event of an invasion. The review 
 was ordered to be discontinued — there was to be no 
 issue for July, and we were in June. Evidently, 
 said I to myself, the Prince means business. Early 
 in the morning of June 21, the Prince called upon 
 me, for the purpose (he said jokingly) of convert- 
 ing me to his views.
 
 126 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 ' I have been considering what you told me a few 
 days ago resj)ecting my projects. You may be right ; 
 at any rate I appreciate the reasons for which in 
 my interest you are opposed to them. But I am too 
 far advanced to retrace my steps ; besides several offi- 
 cers whose expenses in London I defray as it behoves 
 their rank and position, I have some forty more persons 
 here, who know nothing about what they came for, 
 except that they will have to follow me whenever 
 required. Everything is rapidly preparing in France 
 to back me as soon as I arrive at Boulogne, on which 
 point the first attack Vyill be made. The time has 
 arrived for me to provide the means of crossing the 
 Channel. Unfortunately, I am poor just now. I want 
 money for immediate requu'ements, irrespective of 
 what will be wanted hereafter for the expedition. 
 Can you devise any practical means of raising it 
 somehow? I must be ready for the month of 
 August.' 
 
 * What is the amount you require ? ' said I. 
 
 *20,000?.,' answered the Prince: 'of which 10,000L 
 should be paid down at once, and 10,000^. on the day 
 previous to our departiue.' 
 
 ' I think,' said I, ' that if you don't object to the 
 terms on which the loan will be effected, I can get 
 it done, payable in two instalments.'
 
 A LOAN NEGOTIATED. 137 
 
 A fortnight of difficult negotiations enabled me 
 to comply with the Prince's wishes. On June 21 
 I handed him 10,000L in gold and bank notes. 
 The second payment of 10,000^ took place on 
 August 3. 
 
 I then suggested the scheme of hiring a steamer 
 as if intended for an excursion. He spoke of the 
 necessity of putting horses on board, and a van 
 heavily laden, containing sixty or seventy stand of 
 arms, swords, pistols, regimentals and saddles, and a 
 large quantity of printed proclamations. He also 
 spoke of providing me assistance, but I strongly de- 
 clined any co-operation except what I could myself 
 secure. I had my own alter ego, with whom I knew 
 I was safe in attempting arrangements as to a steamer, 
 and I promised to have it ready by the first days of 
 August. 
 
 Hesitation was now out of place. The Prince 
 having made up his mind to stake his all in the 
 enterprise, it was far better to act, and to act quickly, 
 than to repeat arguments which had evidently no 
 power to alter the tide of events. 
 
 The glory and popularity of the first Empire 
 seemed to be revived at that very moment in a 
 most extraordinary way, by the agitation which the 
 approaching arrival of the remains of the Emperor
 
 128 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 from St. Helena to France had occasioned among all 
 classes of French society. The demand addressed 
 to the British Government by the King of the French 
 for a grant which no one expected would be obtained 
 was on his part a stroke of policy which went against 
 the object he had in view. M. Thiers was then the 
 Premier of the French Administration, and to him in 
 particular, as the historian of the Consulate and of 
 the Empire, was attributed the idea of strengthening 
 the Orleans dynasty by the most popular and 
 national demonstration he could ever devise to 
 initiate. The effect produced on the French people 
 by this event was immense. The name of Prince 
 Louis Napoleon was associated with it by popular 
 instinct, and helped to increase the enthusiasm with 
 which the country thrilled throughout. Another 
 circumstance was deemed propitious by the Prince 
 for still more hastening the departure of the expedi- 
 tion : the recent garrisoning of the principal towns 
 in the north and west of France by the very same 
 regiments that had known the Prince at Strasburg. 
 Every incident, every circumstance, seemed to concur 
 for the accomplishment of what inflexible destiny 
 appeared to have decreed should take place again 
 sooner or later. The agitation both in London and 
 Paris was extraordinary. The landing of Prince
 
 THE 'EDINBURGH CASTLED 129 
 
 Louis Napoleon on the French territory was freely 
 and openly discussed as if it were a natural thing. 
 The only question to which no reply could be made 
 was, ' When ? ' 
 
 II. PKEPARATIONS AND ANXIETIES. 
 
 Numerous were the French detectives in London 
 at that moment whose mission it was to watch and 
 report to the French Ambassador every movement 
 of the Prince and of those known to call upon him 
 or to be his acknowledged partisans. 
 
 The time was running close for chartering the 
 required steamer. This however was done through 
 my friend in whose name the charter was drawn up. 
 The ' Edinburgh Castle,' one of the boats belonging 
 to the Commercial Steam Company, was the one 
 selected for the purpose. My friend had many ques- 
 tions to answer before he could secure her. In his 
 application he stated that she was intended for a trip 
 to Hamburg ; that a large party had contracted with 
 him for providing everything on board that was 
 necessary for the passage, and that as he was paid 
 very liberally for it, be wanted to have the boat made 
 comfortable in every respect. Captain Crow was 
 
 K
 
 I30 COUNT O RSI'S RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 ordered to follow strictly my friend's orders or mine, 
 if be happened to be on sbore. 
 
 On Saturday, August 1 , the ' Edinburgh Castle ' 
 arrived from Dieppe at Deptford. Sunday and 
 Monday (2nd and 3rd) she was getting ready for sea. 
 On Tuesday the 4th she came up the river and 
 moored alongside the wharf facing the Custom House. 
 
 Early on the morning of the 4th I accomplished 
 the task assigned to me, which was to ship nine 
 horses, a travelling carriage, a heavy van containing 
 seventy rifles, and as many military accoutrements 
 as were required for the officers and men, numbering 
 about seventy passengers. 
 
 The proclamations and other printed papers were 
 put in another box, in which a large sum of money 
 in English bank notes and gold was secured. A 
 ticket was pasted on the waggon as well as on each 
 box and package, on which ' Hamburg ' was printed 
 in large letters. At six o'clock in the morning the 
 steamer was ready to go down the river. At London 
 Bridge I took on board thirteen men. We left the 
 wharf at six o'clock exactly, and reached Greenwich 
 at 7.10 A.M. I went to the Trafalgar Hotel, where 
 Count d'Hunin and three men were waiting. Having 
 followed me on board, we left at once for Blackwall, 
 which we reached at 8 a.m. Here I took on board
 
 PREPARA TIONS. 1 3 1 
 
 Count Persigny, Charles Thelin (the valet-de- 
 chambre), Lombard, Carinas, D'Almbert, Duflot, Dr. 
 Conneau, Leon Cuis, Galvani, and four or five more. 
 At two o'clock we reached Gravesend, where I took 
 on board Colonel Parquin, Count Ornano, Captain 
 Desjardins, Faure, and eight men. I ordered the 
 steamer to anchor about 200 yards from the shore. 
 The Prince was expected to reach Gravesend about 
 that time. 
 
 Here we took on board a French pilot, who had 
 been sent from Boulogne to take charge of the ship 
 on her reaching the French coast. 
 
 Since our departure from London Bridge nothing 
 took place worth noticing until we reached Black- 
 wall, where I had fourteen persons to take on board, 
 who, besides being in excellent spirits, were somewhat 
 clamorous for want of a good breakfast, which I had 
 ordered to be ready for nine o'clock, and to be served 
 on two separate tables, one for the friends of the 
 Prince, and one for the men who were to form the 
 bulk of our armed contingent. 
 
 Count Persigny, Dr. Conneau, Charles Thelin, 
 and myself were the only persons in the secret of the 
 expedition. I was in constant fear lest the unusual 
 number of foreign-looking passengers, among whom 
 not one of the fair sex could be seen, should attract 
 
 K 2
 
 132 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 the attention of some inquisitive official to pry into 
 the destination of the steamer, which from the pecu- 
 liarity of the cargo on deck, from the distinctive and 
 characteristic features of the passengers, and also 
 from the complete absence on board of all that is 
 seen daily, even on the smallest emigration ship, as 
 trunks, portmanteaus, baskets, boxes, shawls, travel- 
 ling rugs strewed here and there, was altogether the 
 most extraordinary floating piece of work that ever 
 steamed down the river. August 4 turned out to be 
 the finest day imaginable. The air was refreshing 
 as it fanned over the ship in a gentle northerly breeze 
 — most invigorating both to mind and body. For 
 those who knew nothing of the object we had in view, 
 it was a trip to Hamburg, and a pleasant one too. 
 * Where are we going ? ' was the question from one 
 to another at every turn of the paddle-wheel. 
 
 Every steamer, every sailing vessel, every smack, 
 coming up or going down the river, was vociferously 
 hailed by many on board. In many instances I had 
 to entreat my friend Persigny to join me in prevail- 
 ing upon the most turbulent to keep quiet. 
 
 While anchored at GTravesend things became more 
 serious than I had even anticipated and dreaded. We 
 could see several ladies and gentlemen looking at us 
 with opera-glasses from the windows of Clifton Hotel.
 
 WAITING FOR THE PRINCE. 133 
 
 Two parties actually came in a boat to see who we 
 were, and to ask where we were going. One of them 
 wanted to come on board. I was in great anxiety. It 
 was then 3.30 p.m., and the Prince had not yet arrived. 
 
 At 3.45, whilst I was smoking a cigar, conversing 
 with Count Persigny, Captain Crow sent for me. He 
 was leaning on the bulwark, and was speaking to 
 some one in a boat alongside. 
 
 ' The Custom House officer, sir,' pointing to the 
 boat with a flag. ' What am I to say ? ' 
 
 Without answering his question, I saluted the 
 officer, and said, ' What is it ? ' 
 
 ' I want to know what you are doing here in the 
 middle of the river.' 
 
 ' I am waiting for the party who should have 
 arrived by this time.' 
 
 ' Where are you going to ? ' 
 
 ' Hamburg.' 
 
 ' Have you goods on board ? ' 
 
 ' None ; the steamer is chartered for a pleasure 
 trip, for which I am largely paid. Here is my 
 charter. Shall I show it to you ? ' 
 
 ' Xo, no. How many people have you on board ?' 
 
 ' I have several gentlemen on board already, and 
 I expect two more from London. I have three more 
 to take at Eamsgate. Every one of them has one or
 
 134 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 two servants who are on board. It is a lot of swells 
 I have to deal with.' 
 
 ' I suppose you have ladies on board ? ' 
 
 ' None as yet ; but I fancy there will be a few 
 engaged to join the party at Eamsgate.' 
 
 ' Ha ! ha ! that's the place ! I wish you a good 
 passage ; but be off shaq3, as the tide is running out.' 
 
 It was getting late, and still the Prince had not 
 arrived. Count Persiguj^ began to surmise, like my- 
 self, that something very serious had prevented the 
 Prince from starting from London at the appointed 
 time. We were deliberating on what should be done 
 in the emergency, when Colonel Parquin, a cavalry 
 officer, an old friend of the Prince and of the whole 
 family, came to me and said, ' I want to go on shore 
 to buy a few good cigars. Those we have on board 
 are detestable, I cannot smoke them.' 
 
 ' Gro on shore ? My orders, colonel, are not to 
 allow anyone to leave the steamer on any pretext 
 whatever.' 
 
 ' Do you mean to say that I am to be kept a pri- 
 soner here ? ' 
 
 ' What I do mean is, that I cannot comply with 
 your request, because I am bound to carry out the 
 wishes or rather orders of the Prince.' 
 
 The colonel made an appeal to Count Persigny,
 
 THE BOULOGNE EAGLE. 135 
 
 who, like myself, told him that it was impossible to 
 comply with his demand. The wrath of the colonel 
 was extreme. There was danger in this outburst of 
 anger. I consulted Persigny on the advisability of 
 allowing the colonel to go on shore, on the distinct 
 understanding that he should be accompanied by me 
 and Charles Thelin, the faithful valet of the Prince. 
 
 Persigny assented to the idea, and the colonel and 
 I got into the boat. Thelin was with us. As we 
 were walking to the cigar shop, the colonel remarked 
 a boy seated on a log of wood, feeding an eagle with 
 shreds of meat. The eagle had a chain fastened 
 to one of its claws, with which it was secured. The 
 colonel turned twice to look at it, but went on with- 
 out uttering a word. On our way back to the boat 
 we saw that the boy had left the spot, and had gone 
 within two yards of the landing place we had to go 
 through. The colonel went to him and, looking at 
 the eagle, said to the boy, Est-il a vendre ? 
 
 The boy, not understanding a word of it, turned 
 to me and said, ' I do not understand the gentleman.' 
 
 I guessed immediately what the colonel meant 
 doing, and said, ' My dear colonel, I hope you do 
 not intend to buy that eagle ? For God's sake do 
 not think of such a thing ! We have other affairs to 
 think of.'
 
 136 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 * Why not ? I %vill have it. Ask him what he 
 wants for it.' 
 
 ' I will not. Ask Thelin what Ae thinks of it.' 
 
 ' I do not care for anybody's opinion,' said he ; 
 ' I will have it. Combien veux-ht f ' 
 
 The boy shrugged his shoulders. At last the 
 colonel asked in broken English, ' How mooch ? ' 
 
 ' One pound,' answered the boy. 
 
 He ordered the boy to put the eagle in the 
 boat, and then Thelin and I jumped into it and 
 rowed to the steamer. On arriving on board, the 
 eagle was fastened to the mainmast by the boy, and 
 from that moment it was never taken notice of until 
 it was discovered and seized by the authorities at 
 Boulogne, who took it to the museum, from which it 
 fled away next morning, owing to some carelessness 
 on the part of the men who had it in charge. Such 
 is the real, unvarnished statement of the ' Boulogne 
 eagle,' on which so much has been said, written, 
 and even believed in by all parties, whether friends 
 or foes. Is it not most extraordinary that a fact 
 which had been witnessed by upwards of sixty people 
 on board the steamer, and contradicted a great many 
 times, should have been allowed to go the round of 
 every country and left to cast ridicule on the Prince, 
 who never saw or knew anything of the eagle on board
 
 THE BOULOGNE EAGLE. 137 
 
 the ' Edinburgh Castle ' ? How many events recorded 
 in history are to be put on a par with that of the 
 ' Boulogne eagle ' ! 
 
 It was getting late (six o'clock), and the Prince 
 had not as yet made his appearance. Count Per- 
 signy and Charles Thelin were as anxious as I was. 
 We held a council, in consequence of which it was 
 resolved that I should take a post-chaise and rush to 
 Ramsgate, where General Montholon, Colonel Voisin, 
 and Colonel Laborde had been sent by the Prince to 
 wait for him. Colonel Voisin was the only one of the 
 three in the secret of the real purport of the expe- 
 dition. It was feared they would attribute the delay 
 in the arrival of the Prince to some accident, which 
 would necessitate their return to London. Such, at 
 any rate, was the opinion of Count Persigny and Dr. 
 Conneau, which I did not share. I started for Rams- 
 gate, and arrived there at a very late hour. My 
 sudden appearance at the hotel startled them ; I was 
 not expected. To their inquiries I made no answer. 
 Colonel Voisin, finding that he could learn nothing 
 as long as General Montholon and Colonel Laborde 
 were up, proposed that we should all go to bed, and 
 deliberate next morning on what was to be done. I 
 agreed to this. On General Montholon and Colonel 
 Laborde leaving the room, Colonel Voisin asked me
 
 138 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS 
 
 what had happened to prevent the Prince from being 
 there at the appointed time. He was in the most 
 agitated state of mind, and nothing that T could say 
 to quiet him proved successful. It is now my duty 
 to record another fact, which no person but myself 
 is aware of, and which accounts for the utter failure 
 of the Prince's landing at Boulogne. 
 
 III. ON BOARD. 
 
 The Prince, in giving me his instructions for the 
 arrangements concerning the steamer, had par- 
 ticularly insisted on my being at Gravesend on 
 August 4 at three o'clock p.m. exactly, 'because,' 
 said he, ' we shall have to proceed to sea at once. 
 We must land at Wimereux, near Boulogne, at four 
 o'clock on the morning of the 5th.' 
 
 Colonel Voisin, in utter despair at the non-arrival 
 of the steamer, and almost out of his mind, said : 
 ' But do you not know that the success of our under- 
 taking depends entirely on our reaching the barracks 
 at Boulogne at four o'clock to-morrow morning (the 
 5th) ? The only man we dread is Captain Col- 
 Puygellier, commanding the battalion at Boulogne ; 
 besides being a man who will do his duty un- 
 flinchingly, he is a Eepublican, and we know that
 
 CAPTAIN COL-PUYGELLIER. 139 
 
 nothing will induce him to join an Imperial Pre- 
 tender.' 
 
 ' That will not alter the state of affairs regarding 
 this officer,' I said, 'for under these circumstances he 
 will be against us at any time we may arrive, whether 
 it is to-morrow or next day ! ' 
 
 ' You are mistaken,' said the colonel. ' Captain 
 Col-Puygellier will not be at Boulogne all day to- 
 morrow. The Prince has purposely fixed the 5th 
 for presenting himself before the battalion, because 
 he knows that Captain Col-Puygellier has been 
 invited to a shooting party at some distance from 
 Boulogne, and in all probability will not be back 
 until late at night. If we miss being there to- 
 morrow, we are doomed to perish ! ' 
 
 It was one o'clock in the morning. Colonel 
 Voisin opened the window to breathe the fresh air 
 blowing in from the sea, and walked up and down 
 the room in a most agitated frame of mind. The 
 night was bright and still. I was leaning on the 
 sill of the window, when I saw to the left, at some 
 distance, a black column of smoke slowly elongating 
 itself in opposite direction to the tide. I fancied I 
 could hear the uniform noise of the paddle-wheels of 
 a steamer, and I waited some little time before I 
 called the attention of the colonel to the circum-
 
 I40 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 stance, lest he should be disappointed, as the steamer 
 might be one of the many which leave the docks for 
 Calais, Hamburg, Eotterdam, and other parts of the 
 Continent. As the ship was steaming down, the 
 noise became more distinct. Presently I saw a few 
 sparks coming out of the funnel, which denoted her 
 being near at hand. As she was approaching that 
 part of the sea which faces the hotel, she slackened 
 her speed. 
 
 The colonel and I were watching all her move- 
 ments, but the night being dark, we could not 
 distinguish what was taking place on board. A 
 quarter of an hour had scarcely elapsed, when we 
 heard the bell of the hotel ringing hurriedly. I 
 opened the door of the room and rushed downstairs, 
 to see who it was that had come from the steamer. 
 It was Thelin. The Prince had arrived. I was 
 ordered to go on board at once with General Mon- 
 tholon. Colonel Voisin, and Colonel Laborde. 
 
 Thelin having entered the room of General 
 Montholon and Colonel Laborde, made them get up, 
 and requested them to follow him to the steamer in 
 the name of the Prince, who was waiting for them. 
 As we were going down-stairs, General Montholon 
 took me by the arm and whispered to me, ' I see 
 what it is — the Prince is about making a coii"^ de 
 tete ! '
 
 THE PRINCE ON BOARD. 141 
 
 In a few minutes we were on board the 
 ' Edinburgh Castle.' No one was on deck. The 
 Prince had assembled his followers below, and was 
 about addressing them when we entered the cabin. 
 
 The sudden and unexpected appearance of 
 Greneral Montholon was the occasion of a general 
 outbm'st of enthusiasm on the part of every one 
 there. His name had been associated for many years 
 with the Emperor at St. Helena, and had been the 
 object of universal admiration and popidarity for his 
 tried devotedness to the great man. He received 
 such a warm welcome from everyone as to make 
 him forget the bitter disappointment he had confided 
 to me, of not having been consulted by the Prince 
 on the advisability, or opportuneness, of such an 
 undertaking ! 
 
 The address of the Prince was admirable. 
 
 The enthusiasm which it raised was the more 
 exciting as it was compressed and restrained by the 
 entreaties of the Prince, who feared that the attention 
 of the captain and crew would be attracted by the 
 noise. 
 
 It was two o'clock in the morning. At the request 
 of the Prince, the cabin was cleared of everybody 
 with the exception of General Montholon, the 
 Colonels Voisin, Montauban, Laborde, Count Per-
 
 142 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 signy, Forestier, Ornano, Viscount de Qiierelles, 
 Gralvani, D'Hunin, Faure, and myself, who were 
 called by the Prince to deliberate in council on what 
 was to be done under the circumstances. 
 
 I have already stated that the Prince was due at 
 Gravesend between two and three o'clock (the 4th). 
 On that day in London the French police seemed to 
 have been more suspicious and active than usual. 
 Most likely some of the men who were to follow the 
 Prince let out at some coffee-room or public-house, 
 that the pleasure trip to Hamburg was to take place 
 next dfiy. The Prince's house was actually gardee a 
 vue, and wherever he went, he was followed and 
 closely watched. However quickly he drove, he was 
 not lost sight of. At twelve o'clock on that day, the 
 Prince was to start from my house, 18 Stockbridge 
 Terrace, Pimhco, attended by Montauban, who had 
 been left in charge of a large sum of money. A post- 
 chaise with two horses was kept ready in a yard 
 close by to come round to my door, jvist in time for 
 the Prince to step in. It wdll be easily conceived 
 how strongly drawbacks which even in the ordinary 
 events of life upset the best concocted and arranged 
 schemes, must have preyed upon the Prince's mind to 
 cause him to forget the point on which I had called 
 his most particular attention every day, — the tide !
 
 A COUNCIL OF WAR. 143 
 
 When the Prince came on board the steamer at 
 Gravesend it was quite late, — the night was dark. 
 We were expected to reach Boulogne at three o'clock 
 on the morning of the 5th. The four hundred men 
 of the 42nd Line Eegiment forming the garrison 
 were ready to proclaim the Prince, and everything 
 was prepared in the town for a popular rising to 
 follow the military demonstration. From our fail- 
 ing to be at Boulogne on the appointed day (the 5th), 
 the projected attack, which had been made to rely 
 for success upon some reasonable chances, had be- 
 come a most hazardous and difficult adventure. It 
 was evident we could not land at or near Boulogne 
 before the 6th, as nothing could be attempted in 
 the daytime. The Prince called upon every one of 
 us to give his opinion on what was to be done in the 
 emergency. Out of twelve, three advised the Prince 
 to retarn to London ! Nine insisted on the landing 
 taking place, and on a desperate dash being made 
 towards the barracks, in order to secure the adhesion 
 of the battalion at any price and by all available 
 means, and lea^^ng the town at once, reach by a 
 quick march St. Omer, where other formidable 
 elements of success were at hand. 
 
 The Prince appealed to me for information with 
 reference to what would occur if we went back to
 
 144 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 London. I said it was very difficult to say how it 
 would end : if the British Government took a bad 
 view of it, most likely we should be arrested and 
 tried for misdemeanour. It was true that those who 
 were on board might be landed at the different 
 points we took them up at, and by this dispersion 
 reduce to a minimum the number of those liable to 
 an indictment ; but what was to be done with the 
 arms, the uniforms, the printed proclamations and 
 other documents of a very insurrectionary tinge, 
 which the Custom House officers would find on board 
 on om- arriving at London Bridge ? ' We steer 
 between two great dangers. By going back to 
 London we become the laughing-stock of everybody 
 — ridicule will kill us ! If we cross the Channel we 
 run the risk of being shot, or imprisoned for a more 
 or less length of time. Of the two I prefer the 
 latter ! As regards yourself, nothing would be more 
 disastrous to yom* future prospects than being shown 
 up to the public as a man who, at the eleventh hour, 
 has been acted upon by considerations of a purely 
 personal character. Let us save at least our honour, 
 if we are doomed to lose everything else ! ' 
 
 The Prince, who had been imperceptibly nodding 
 at me all the time I was speaking, rose and said : 
 ' Gentlemen ! a show of hands from those who wish
 
 THE DECISION TO ADVANCE. 145 
 
 to be left behind, and prefer returning to London.' 
 A dead silence ! 
 
 The Prince paused a few seconds, and fixing his 
 eyes in rapid succession on every one of us round 
 the table, as if he tried to read on our faces what 
 would be the answer to his second question, said, 
 ' Grentlemen, a show of hands from those who are 
 willing to follow me and share my fate ! ' 
 
 The utterance of these words caused an inde- 
 scribable outburst of enthusiasm, mingled with 
 expressions of the most touching devotion, as if 
 every one of us dreaded even the appearance of being 
 the last to come forward. We sprang from our seats 
 as it were by an electric movement, and gave to the 
 Prince's appeal such a heartfelt recognition as to 
 render him powerless for a few moments to acknow- 
 ledge it, so deep was his emotion at such a scene. 
 
 ' I thank you, my friends,' said he, ' for the 
 readiness and high spirit with which you have 
 responded to my call. I never doubted your willing- 
 ness to aid me in the furtherance of my projects, but 
 the way you have now given vent to your devotion 
 to me has imparted a new vigour to my mind, and 
 bound my heart to you with a sense of deepest and 
 everlasting gratitude. Let us bear together the 
 consequences of this enterprise, whatever they may 
 
 I.
 
 146 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 be, with the calmness behoving men who act from 
 conviction. (^ur cause is that of the country at 
 large. Sooner or later success will be with us. I 
 feel it ! I have faith in my destiny ! I look forward 
 to the future with as full a confidence as I expect the 
 sun to rise to-day to dispel darkness. We shall have 
 adverse circumstances to struggle against, and obloquy 
 to face ; but the " hour " will come, and we shall not 
 have very long to wait for it.' 
 
 The time had arrived for a prompt decision 
 respecting the steps to be taken, in consequence of 
 our being twenty-four hom"S behind our time for the 
 landing at Boulogne. It was nearly three o'clock in 
 the morning (5th). It was resolved that Forestier, 
 the cousin of Count Persigny, should go at once to 
 Boulogne for the purpose of informing Lieutenant 
 Aladenize of the 42nd, and Bataille, of what had 
 occurred, and to get everything ready, as far as it 
 was possible, for the next day (the 6th). A boat 
 manned by two men was hii'ed — not without some 
 difficulty ; Forestier stepped into it and crossed the 
 Channel, reaching Boulogne at 11 a.m. 
 
 The next step that had to be considered was 
 whether we should remain at Eamsgate till night, 
 and commence crossing the Channel at such a time 
 as would enable us to reach Wimereux by two
 
 THE VOYAGE.. T47 
 
 o'clock on the morning of the 6th. Wimereux is a 
 little village at a short distance from Boulogne, and 
 was stated by the Prince to be the spot at which 
 the landing was to take place. After deliberating 
 for some time on the advisability of remaining at 
 Eamsgate the whole day of the 5th, it was unani- 
 mously resolved, in order to avoid the danger of 
 being pried into, either by the authorities consequent 
 upon information given to them by the French 
 police in London, or upon some unforeseen intrusion 
 on board the steamer, it was safer to go tacking 
 about at sea at such distances as could make us be 
 lost sight of till dark. 
 
 It was five o'clock. The weather was beautiful, 
 and the sea very calm. I ordered the captain to 
 bear towards Rye at a moderate speed, as we were 
 to be joined by another party coming from that 
 direction. We entered the bay, and remained there 
 a short time. Then we went back, keeping at a 
 considerable distance from the English coast. Then 
 I ordered the engine to be eased, as we wanted to 
 take our breakfast, and to steer very gently towards 
 the South Foreland. 
 
 Up to that moment things seemed to go right 
 enough on board, but my mind was terribly harassed 
 at the momentous disclosure I was about to make to 
 
 L 2
 
 148 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 Captain Crow of the ultimate direction of the ship. 
 In my perplexity, which was shared by no one else 
 on board, I stood on the paddle-box watching every 
 movement of the captain, and of the first mate, whom 
 I fancied was not so manageable as the captain 
 himself. 
 
 The Prince was evidently becoming as nervous 
 as I was respecting the measures the captain would 
 resolve to take on his being made aware of the final 
 destination of the ' Edinburgh Castle.' The Prince 
 wished me to at once disclose to him what we really 
 intended to do. I objected on the ground that it 
 was too soon. 'I must seize a better opportunity,' 
 said I ; ' I do not see my way to it just now.' 
 
 ' I fully rely on you,' he said, ' to act as you think 
 best.' I then ordered the steamer to cross the 
 Channel and make for Cape Grinez. It was getting 
 late. The time was approaching when our fate was 
 to be decided. While I was walking on deck, I 
 distinctly heard the first mate say to the captain, 
 ' Why do you allow yourself to be so dictated to by 
 one of the passengers ? ' 
 
 ' My instructions are that I am to go wherever I 
 am ordered,' answered the captain. ' I cannot act in 
 opposition to them.' 
 
 At length the time came when the communication
 
 A MOMENTOUS INTERVIEW. 149 
 
 of our purpose to the captain could no longer be 
 delayed ; 1 told Thelin to clear the main cabin at 
 once, as 1 must have an interview with him which 
 might be a stormy one. I requested the Prince to 
 wait for me at the door of the cabin, and to rush 
 downstairs on my coming up from it, as it would be 
 a sign that I had made a clean breast of the matter, 
 and that his presence was indispensable to secure the 
 result. 
 
 ' My dear captain,' said I, 'the object for which 
 we chartered this steamer was neither smuggling nor 
 a pleasm^e trip, but a political demonstration, which, 
 if successful, will probably cause great changes to 
 take place in France. Among the passengers there 
 is one to whom, under the circumstances, I must 
 introduce you' .... and rushing half-way upstairs, 
 I made a sign to the Prince to come down, which he 
 did. The introduction being made, I left the cabin 
 and stood at the door to prevent anyone from inter- 
 rupting the interview between the Prince and the 
 captain, which lasted half an hour. 
 
 On the Prince stepping on deck, followed by the 
 captain, he said in a low voice to me, ' All right ! ' 
 
 The news that we were going to land on the 
 French coast spread on board like wildfire, both 
 among our own men as well as the crew, without,
 
 ISO COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 however, giving rise to anything verging upon exces- 
 sive suq^rise or bitter disappointment. 
 
 We had still a last, though not least, trial to go 
 through before we could consider ourselves quite safe, 
 namely, the opening of the van, the distribution of 
 the arms, of the uniforms, and the reading of the pro- 
 clamations, all of which were an unexpected 7)iise-e7i- 
 scene for every one of our men, and for a few of the 
 small circle of the friends of the Prince. 
 
 The proclamation to the Fre-nch was first read, 
 and then distributed, and elicited marks of the 
 greatest enthusiasm. In less than half an hour the 
 steamer was strewed with garments of all sorts. As 
 it was dark, there was some difficulty in appropriating 
 to each individual whatever article was intended for 
 him, but this was accomplished. Lights were put 
 out. No light at the mast was allowed — complete 
 silence on board. 
 
 IV. LANDING AND STRUGGLE. 
 
 At three o'clock a.m. of August 6 we were at 
 Wimereux, as near the coast as possible, in two 
 fathoms of water. 
 
 The landing began at once, but as we had only 
 one boat on board it took some time to effect it. In
 
 THE LANDING. 151 
 
 the first journey there went on shore Viscount de 
 Querelles and eight men. At their approach two 
 coastguardsmen hallooed to them ' Qui vive ? ' De 
 Querelles answered, ' A detachment of the 42nd 
 coming from Dunkerque to join the battalion at 
 Boulogne. Through some accident to the engine, 
 the steamer cannot go further.' 
 
 As all our men were clothed and armed exactly 
 like the French garrisons, the two coastguardsmen 
 welcomed them. 
 
 The second journey brought Colonel Voisin, 
 Mesonan, and eight more men. Then landed the 
 Prince, with General Montholon, Count Persigny, 
 and a few others. This sudden gathering of armed 
 men on the sea shore, at such an early hour, did 
 not attract much notice, as I was afraid it would. I 
 was the last to leave the steamer. Before landing, I 
 ordered the captain to go near the harbour, but not 
 to get in until I made him a signal to that effect with 
 a white flag. At five o'clock we were within fifty 
 yards of the barracks. At the sight of this armed 
 force the sentinel cried ' Qui vive ? ' and ' To arms !' 
 One of our men, who had been in the army, was sent 
 forward with the watchword, which we knew, while 
 we halted at a distance. This formality having been 
 gone through, the gate of the barracks was thrown
 
 15^ COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 open, and the Prince, at the head of his friends and 
 followed by his little troop, entered the yard. 
 
 The soldiers forming the garrison were just 
 getting out of their beds. The few who were already 
 downstairs on different duties were soon made to 
 understand who we were and what we came there for. 
 The name of the Prince was familiar to them. These 
 rushed upstairs to convey to their comrades the news 
 of what was going on, which spread wonderfully 
 quick in every corner of the building. Soldiers 
 looking out of the windows were shouting ' Vive le 
 Prince ! ' Others were running downstairs, half- 
 dressed. In less than half an hour every soldier was 
 under arms and formed in battalion. Our little 
 troop was facing it. The Prince and his friends 
 stood between the two. 
 
 The address of the Prince to the soldiers produced 
 the most magic effect. The enthusiasm was immense ! 
 
 We were about leaving the barracks with the 
 whole battalion, for the purpose of executing in the 
 town the task assigned to us, in accordance with the 
 printed instructions we had received on board, when 
 we heard a great bustle outside. Colonel Voisin had 
 posted sentinels at every corner of the street leading 
 to the barracks, previous to our getting into the 
 building, for the purpose of preventing the officers
 
 THE ALARM GIVEN. 153 
 
 who were not in the secret of the conspiracy, and 
 who lived in lodgings in the neighbonrhood of the 
 barracks, from attempting to counterbalance by their 
 presence the effect of that of the Prince on the 
 battalion. 
 
 This step had to some extent the desired effect ; 
 but one of them rushed to Captain Col-Puygellier's 
 house to inform him of what was taking place at the 
 barracks. Without losing a moment the captain put 
 on his uniform, and came right on the first sentinel, 
 who crossed his bayonet on him. Undaunted by this 
 hostile reception, he drew his sword, and dashing 
 through the crowd assembled before the barracks and 
 followed by a few officers who had joined him, forced 
 his way into the middle of the yard, and brandishing 
 his sword, heedless of the resistance opposed to him 
 by our men, succeeded at last in coming in sight of 
 his battalion. When they saw the danger their 
 captain was in, owing mainly to Lombard unwisely 
 threatening to shoot him dead by pointing a revolver 
 at his head, the soldiers to a inan, who had a few 
 minutes before shouted ' Vive le Prince ! Sortons ! 
 sortons ! ' (Let us be off! let us be off !), turned 
 against us, crying ' Vive notre Capitaine ! ' 
 
 Meanwhile General Montholon, addressing Cap- 
 tain Col-Puygellier, said : ' Here is Prince Louis
 
 154 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 Napoleon ! Follow us, captain, and you will get 
 anything you like ! ' 
 
 The captain answered, ' Prince Louis or not, I do 
 not know you. Napoleon, your predecessor, has 
 overthrown Legitimacy, and it is not the right thing 
 for you to attempt vindicating it in this place. 
 Evacuate the barracks at once.' 
 
 The pressure practised on the captain was 
 frightful. 
 
 ' Murder me if you like,' said he, ' for I will do 
 my duty to the last.' 
 
 Mercifully, at that momentous juncture, Lieu- 
 tenant Aladenize, who had been the chief actor in 
 that part of the conspiracy which referred to the 
 battalion, rushed to the rescue of his captain, and 
 shielding him with his body, said : ' I answer for his 
 life ! Do not touch him.' By so doing he saved 
 Captain Col-Puygellier's life. 
 
 It became evident that no resistance could be of 
 any avail. Had the fight begun in the barracks, a 
 terrible catastrophe would have ensued. 
 
 Lieutenant Aladenize was mad with despair. 
 He drew his sword and tried to break it in two. 
 Captain Col-Puygellier seized him by the arm and 
 endeavoured to detain him, but Aladenize preferred 
 sharing the fiite of his friends, and freeing himself
 
 FAILURE OF THE ATTEMPT. 155 
 
 from the grasp of the captain, took up his sword and 
 followed the Prince out of the barracks, which were 
 shut at once by order of the captain. Then a rush 
 at the cartridge store took place inside the barracks, 
 after which Captain Col-Puygellier ordered the arms 
 to be loaded ; but having pledged his word to the 
 Prince that he would not pursue him, waited for in- 
 structions from the civil authorities. 
 
 The Prince and his little troop tried to enter the 
 old town. They found the gate closed. We attempt- 
 ed to pull it down, but it resisted our united power. 
 
 The failure was complete. The chiefs of the 
 popular movement which were to support the military 
 rising having surmised, by the non-arrival of the 
 Prince on the morning of the 5th, that something 
 had taken place either in London or at sea which 
 had given a clue to the French authorities, had 
 decamped from the town, and had left the people 
 to take care of themselves. jNIons. Forestier, who 
 had reached Boulogne late on the oth, bringing the 
 news that the Prince would land on the 6th, could 
 not communicate with any of them. 
 
 The only one he saw was Lieutenant Aladenize, 
 who, knowing Captain Col-Puygellier was to be in 
 town next day, prophesied an unfavourable issue to 
 the undertaking.
 
 156 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 Nothing else was possible but to endeavour to 
 save the Prince. We directed our steps towards 
 the Column with a view to reach the shore on that 
 side, and to seize the first boat at hand for the Prince 
 to step in, and make for the steamer. 
 
 It is impossible to give an idea of the state of 
 mind the Prince was in. He grasped the iron 
 railings round the Column with such vigour that 
 many of us were required to force him to let go his 
 hold, so determined was he to be killed. We took 
 him on our shoulders and carried him down the 
 cliff, not without the greatest difficulty. Meanwhile 
 we could hear the drums beating ' la generale ' in 
 every part of the town, calling to arms the National 
 Guard. 
 
 I then gave the signal to the ' Edinburgh Castle ' 
 to come near the shore. As she did not answer it, 
 I inferred that she was already seized by the autho- 
 rities and under their control. 
 
 At last we reached the sea. On the sand we 
 found a small boat. The Prince was still opposing 
 the greatest resistance. Time was precious. The 
 ridges of the cliffs w^ere already covered with gen- 
 darmes, followed by the National Guard. The sol- 
 diers of the 42nd Kegiment had been kept shut up 
 in the barracks, and only made use of after the
 
 FLIGHT ATTEMPTED. 157 
 
 Prince was arrested. The work of pursuing us was 
 
 left to the National Guards and to the gendarmes. 
 
 The former behaved like savages. The firing soon 
 
 began from the height of the hill, and increased as 
 
 they were coming near us. We could hear the 
 
 whistling of the bullets, but not one of us had been 
 
 hit yet. The Prince at last got into the boat with 
 
 Colonel Voisin and Count Persigny and Galvani — 
 
 Ornano and I were pushing to make her float, which 
 
 we did not succeed in doing, owing to her being 
 
 overloaded. Seeing that. Colonel Voisin jumped into 
 
 the sea to join his exertions with ours to bring the 
 
 boat into deep water ; this was done in a few seconds. 
 
 On seeing the boat leaving the shore, the National 
 
 Guards opened a brisker fire upon us. Ornano and 
 
 I lay flat on the sand watching the boat, as we hoped, 
 
 getting safely off, when we heard two dreadful 
 
 screams proceeding from her. Galvani and Colonel 
 
 Voisin had been wounded, Galvani in the right hip 
 
 and Colonel Voisin had the elbow of his left arm 
 
 completely shattered. Both were powerful, heavy 
 
 men. The pain must have been excruciating, as 
 
 they caused the boat to capsize, which made the 
 
 Prince and his friends disappear under her. Here 
 
 the Prince and his friends had a most miraculous 
 
 escape, for scarcely had the boat turned bottom up-
 
 158 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 wards than a shaq) discharge of musketry, evidently 
 directed on the same point, cut open the bottom of 
 the boat, fracturing the keel into matchwood. 
 
 Had not the boat capsized, death must have been 
 inevitable for the Prince and his friends. 
 
 Presently we saw Colonel Voisin and Galvani, 
 struggling for life and calling for help. Ornano and 
 I swam to Colonel Voisin's assistance, while two 
 other men went to save Galvani. Both were brought 
 on shore. We stopped the bleeding of the elbow 
 with a handkerchief. The firing had ceased after 
 the boat had capsized. The Prince and Count Per- 
 signy were still under water. We felt anxious, 
 when suddenly both appeared again at a considerable 
 distance from the shore, swimming towards the 
 ' Edinburgh Castle.' At the sight of the Prince 
 trying to escape by getting on board the steamer, 
 the National Guards began firing again at him as 
 they were coming down the cliffs. It was a miracle 
 that the Prince was not hit. At last, as he was 
 reaching the steamer (which was already in the 
 hands of the Boulogne authorities), a boat with 
 several officials coming out of the harbour cut off his 
 retreat, and the Prince and Count Persigny had con- 
 sequently no chance of escape. They surrendered, 
 were made prisoners, and taken to the Vieux
 
 CAPTURE OF THE PRINCE. 159 
 
 Chateau, at which place all those were confined who 
 could be discovered and arrested. We had to 
 deplore the death of two of our friends, M. Faure 
 and M. D'Hunin, a Pole, the brother of the Bishop 
 of Posen. The former was shot in the neck, the 
 latter was found floating under the pier, frightfully 
 wounded. The only one who succeeded in making 
 his escape was Viscount de Querelles, who was 
 fortunate enough to find refuge in a humble cottage, 
 and through the disguise of a sailor crossed the 
 Channel in the night, and arrived in London to 
 convey the sad news of our defeat. 
 
 The few days which followed the seizure of the 
 steamer, and the arrest of everyone who could be 
 found connected with the expedition, were passed by 
 the Boulogne judicial authorities in examining and 
 cross-examining Captain Crow and the English crew 
 about what they had seen, surmised, known, or sus- 
 pected to be oiu object, and also to ascertain from 
 them what was the part played on board by all the 
 party, especially as regarded the du'ections given to 
 the steamer. 
 
 One morning we were all brought together in a 
 room (the Prince excepted). Captain Crow, and 
 Fisher, the first mate, were requested to look at 
 every one of us, and to see if among the number
 
 i6o 
 
 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 they could distinguish the person who gave the orders 
 for the direction between Kamsgate and Wimereux. 
 As I expected, both carne up to me, and pointed at 
 me as the man whose orders they were directed to 
 execute. 
 
 PRINCE NAPOLEON BEFORE THE COURT OF PEERS. 
 
 The preliminary judicial formalities having been 
 completed at Boulogne, the Prince was conveyed to 
 Paris to be tried with his associates by the Court of 
 Peers (convened by Koyal Decree of August 9), for
 
 THE TRIAL. i6i 
 
 landing at Boulogne an armed force with a view of 
 upsetting the existing Grovernment. A few days 
 after his departure, all those who had not been set at 
 liberty by the Boulogne authorities were sent to 
 Paris, and lodged au secret at the Prefecture de 
 Police. 
 
 There we remained for two months. At last the 
 day for our trial arrived. The sentences passed by the 
 Court were — for the Prince and Lieutenant Aladen- 
 ize, imprisonment for life ; for General Montholon, 
 Persigny, Colonel Parquin, Colonel Voisin, Com- 
 mandant Mesonan, imprisonment for twenty years ; 
 for myself and others, imprisonment for five years. 
 
 Thus ended the adventurous Boulogne expedition, 
 against which so much has been said by friends and 
 foes, on small evidence, considering how little was 
 known respecting the means by which the great 
 end was to be attained. 
 
 Judging the enterprise as an historical matter of 
 fact, irrespective of all moral considerations, it is not 
 imreasonable to suppose that had the Prince been 
 able to reach St. Omer with the 400 men of Bou- 
 logne, matters would have taken quite a different 
 turn, because Lille with her garrison of 1 5,000 men 
 was near at hand. The whole undertaking hinged 
 on our being successful at Boulogne, nnmely, on our 
 
 M
 
 1 62 COUNT ORSPS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 arriving there on the 5th instead of the 6th of 
 August, when we were no longer expected to arrive, 
 and people had lost confidence in the reports of the 
 Prince's agents. 
 
 However conflicting, ridiculous, or exaggerated 
 may be the remarks of party spirit, the culminating 
 fact which history will record is that the wonderful 
 career of the Prince and his advent to the supreme 
 power was conspicuously affected by two enterprises, 
 which, however wildly conceived, served to keep his 
 name before France, and to stir the popular heart 
 regarding him. 
 
 Prince Louis Napoleon proved his prophecy to 
 be true, ^ J arriverai de chute en chute J 
 
 The Prince, General Montholon, and Dr. Con- 
 neau were to be confined in the fortress of Ham. 
 Colonel Parquin, Colonel Montauban, Commandant 
 Mesonan, Persigny, Aladenize, Bataille, Ornano, 
 Lombard, and myself in the fortress of Doullens. 
 Colonel Voisin being severely wounded in his arm, 
 was allowed to remain a prisoner sur parole in a 
 maison de sante.
 
 jwv PR/son. 163 
 
 Tffi: CITADEL OF DOULLENS. 
 
 The citadel of DouUens, situated in the departe- 
 rtient de la Somme, was the place fixed upon by the 
 Government for the imprisonment of Colonels Par- 
 quin and Montauban, of Commandant Mesonan, 
 Persigny, Aladenize, Lombard, Ornano, Bataille, and 
 myself. 
 
 It was about fifteen leagues fi-om Ham, where 
 the Prince was confined with General Montholon, Dr. 
 Conneau, and Charles Thelin, the Prince's faithful 
 servant. 
 
 The citadel, erected by Vauban on a height com- 
 manding the small town of Doiillens, being con- 
 sidered unfit to answer the requirements of modern 
 warfare, had been left in a comparative state of 
 neglect, both as regards the outward fortifications 
 and the internal building, of which the two lateral 
 wings, forming the prison, were surrounded by two 
 high walls, ten feet apart one from the other, to 
 leave a space (called chertiin de ronde) for the 
 
 M 2
 
 1 64 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 sentries to circulate freely round it, and be on the 
 watch by night and day. 
 
 The left wing had already 110 occupants, all Re- 
 publicans of different shade and position. 
 
 The right wing was assigned to us ; we were 
 granted the privilege of having each of us a separate 
 room, into which we were locked at nine o'clock in 
 the evening. 
 
 The Grovernor, whose discretionary power for the 
 accommodation of the prisoners entrusted to his 
 vigilance was almost unlimited, had kindly allowed 
 Colonels Parquin, Montauban, and Commandant 
 Mesonan, in consideration of their age and military 
 rank, to occupy a separate room in the central 
 part of the building, overlooking our yard, which 
 was as comfortable as they could expect under the 
 circumstances. 
 
 With the exception of the loss of our liberty and 
 the few restrictions inflicted upon us, which in my 
 opinion political prisoners have no right to complain 
 of, the treatment we received at the hands of our Go- 
 vernor was kind and gentlemanly, and although the 
 rules of the prison were strictly and equally enforced 
 both as regards ourselves and the Republicans, who 
 were nearly all workmen in various handicrafts, still 
 he knew how to make his duties tally with perfect
 
 MV LIFE IN PRISON. 165 
 
 impartiality and fair dealing, by an intelligent dis- 
 crimination of the concessions he deemed acceptable 
 to both parties, taking into consideration their com- 
 parative stations in life and their superior education, 
 There was no distinction between the two respecting 
 the rooms, the food or clothing supplied by the Go- 
 vernment J a good bed, deal table and two chairs, 
 completed the furniture of our cells. The food was 
 sufficient, but of a very indifferent quality. 
 
 Early in the morning a loaf of bread and half a 
 litre of wine were brought to each of us. Five days in 
 the week, at ten o'clock, we were supplied with a large 
 bowl containing a piece of boiled beef floating in 
 broth, which with a dish of stewed vegetables brought 
 in at three o'clock, completed our food for the day. 
 On Sunday and Thursday we had a large roasted 
 joint of beef, mutton, or veal, with potatoes. 
 
 The clothing was the same for all the inmates. 
 A suit of dark blue cloth, consisting of a pair of trou- 
 sers, waistcoat, jacket, and cap. On every Sunday 
 we were supplied with clean linen. It must not be in- 
 ferred that we were bound by compulsory disciplinary 
 regulations to wear the clothing or eat the food of 
 the prison allowance. It was optional for us to order 
 a better dinner from the town, or cook it ourselves 
 in our rooms if we chose to do so, provided we
 
 1 66 COUNT ORSPS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 paid for it, and contented ourselves with quenching 
 our thirst with our half litre of wine, more or less 
 diluted with water, as not a bottle of wine or spirits 
 could enter the precincts of the prison without an 
 order from the Governor. 
 
 The same may be said of the clothing. However, 
 with the exception of Christmas Day, New Year's 
 Day, Easter Sunday, and the 15th of August, upon 
 which occasions we dressed in our own clothes, to 
 gather round a friendly dinner in Colonel Montau- 
 ban's room, with a special permission from the Go- 
 vernor to allow each of us to indulge in one bottle of 
 any wine we preferred, never did we cease wearing the 
 "[jrison uniform or living on the prison allowance of 
 food, and we soon found from experience that a spar- 
 ing diet was far better for our health, and that the 
 warm coarse clothes supplied to us, with a pair of 
 thick wooden shoes, were best suited to the damp cold 
 climate of Doullens. 
 
 To turn to some advantage the long weary days 
 we were doomed to spend within those walls, I ini- 
 tiated the idea of giving lessons in English and 
 Italian to those who felt inclined to improve them- 
 selves. My idea was endorsed by Bataille, a civil 
 engineer, who had come out of the Ecole Polytech- 
 nique with flying colours. He otfered to give lee-
 
 PRISON LIFE. 167 
 
 tures in arithmetic and geometry. Scarcely had he 
 and I commenced to carry out om* programme, than 
 some of the most respectable Republican workmen 
 of the left wing asked us the favour of being allowed 
 to attend our lessons. The Governor, to whom of 
 course they applied for leave to do so, referred to me, 
 and after securing my assent and that of my friends, 
 gave permission to seven of them to join us, and 
 learn whatever they considered would be most useful 
 to themselves, either in arithmetic, geometry, or 
 English. 
 
 My time was very much engaged in preparing my 
 lessons in the two languages, but success crowned 
 my exertions, for I had the satisfaction of enabling 
 Persigny, Aladenize, and one of the Republicans to 
 speak English pretty well, and to translate extejnpore 
 the leading articles of the * Times,' the only foreign 
 paper we were allowed to read in addition to the 
 ' Journal des Debats.' 
 
 As far as I was concerned, days were passing 
 away quietly, smoothly, and made short by the 
 occupations which I devised. The Governor, whose 
 duty it was to read our correspondence, had re- 
 laxed from his stringency, the Prince's letters, that 
 came from Ham, being the only ones undergoing 
 examination.
 
 1 68 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 This kind intercourse between the Grovernor and 
 ourselves received a great check from the foolish 
 attempt made by Persigny to escape from the for- 
 tress by means of a silk ladder, found by the gaoler 
 hidden in a hole worked out between the wall and 
 one of the beams supporting the roof. 
 
 The ill-feeling created by this incident lasted 
 some time, but subsided at last on Persigny pledging 
 his word not to repeat a similar attempt. 
 
 The intervals of time left to me by the daily oc- 
 cupation of teaching were mainly devoted to chemi- 
 cal and mechanical pursuits, with a view of carrying 
 out (if possible) the scheme of Prince Napoleon 
 Louis, of applying the archimedean screw to pro- 
 pelling aerostats, of which I had seen a model in his 
 library at Florence in 1829. 
 
 M. Diey, the Governor, was a man of education 
 and of no slight literary information. He had taken 
 a fancy to me. Now and then he used to come to 
 my room under pretext of inquiring whether I had 
 anything to complain of on the part of the attend- 
 ants. One day I seized the opportunity offered to me 
 by his inquiries about what I was doing, to ask him 
 whether I could be allowed to construct a small 
 aerostat, and to have it tried outside the walls of 
 the prison on the glacis of the citadel.
 
 MY SCIENTIFIC EXPERIMENT. 169 
 
 ' I have no objection to it myself,' said he, ' but I 
 could not comply with your request before I received 
 from the Minister the authority to do so.' A fort- 
 night after, the Grovernor brought me the good tid- 
 ings that the Minister had given his consent, not, 
 however, without holding him personally responsible 
 for the possible escape on that occasion of any of the 
 prisoners under his charge. 
 
 I set to work immediately. Within six weeks I 
 had completed the mechanism and constructed the 
 aerostat (in the shape of an %gg somewhat elongated). 
 On the day appointed I filled it with gas, and having 
 secured it with cords, floated it above the walls of 
 the prison in the open space of the citadel. 
 
 The experiment, which succeeded beyond my ex- 
 pectation, took place in the presence of the Prefet, 
 the Maire, the Garrison, and of a few visitors invited 
 by the Governor to attend it. Ornano and Bataille 
 were the only prisoners permitted to be my assis- 
 tants in the operation. The Governor was so pleased 
 with my success, that, on August 28, 1842, he re- 
 ported the Minister as follows : 
 
 ' M. le Ministre, — The experiment has taken place 
 and has fully succeeded. On its being kept in equili- 
 brium at a short distance from the ground by means of
 
 170 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 a proper weight, the aerostat was lifted up to a height 
 of 300 yards, and brought down again by the sole action 
 of the mechanism, set in motion by the same weight 
 which, as soon as it was let loose, acted as the moving 
 power to make the two archimedean screws revolve 
 with the greatest rapidity. The experiment was re- 
 peated to give the aerostat a horizontal direction, 
 which proved as successful as the first, the aerostat 
 having gone a considerable distance in a line perfectly 
 parallel to the ground, both with and against wind. 
 I thought, M. le Ministre, that you would feel some 
 interest in the success of a scientific experiment, and 
 I have the honour to inform you of it. 
 
 ' DiEY, Gfovernor of the Prison of Doullens.'
 
 / REGAIN MY LIBERTY. lyr 
 
 THE ESCAPE OF PRINCE LOUIS NAPOLEON 
 FROM THE FORTRESS OF HAM. 
 
 MY INTERVIEW WITH H.R.H. THE DUKE OF 
 BRUNSWICK, DECEMBER 3, 1845. 
 
 At the expiration of five years I was set at liberty, 
 with the option of my submission either to perpetual 
 banishment from the French territory, or to a com- 
 pulsory residence in a French town designated by 
 the Minister of the Interior. 
 
 As I could be of no use to the Prince so long as 
 I was under the surveillance of the French autho- 
 rities, I informed the Minister of my intention to 
 return to England, and applied for a passport, which 
 was delivered to me at once. 
 
 The Prince was aware of my movements, and no 
 sooner was my presence in London known to him, 
 than he wrote me about his intention of making an 
 escape from Ham, at any price and at all risks and 
 hazards he might be personally exposed to, as he
 
 172 
 
 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 had been formally and most peremptorily refused 
 leave by the King to go and see his dying father at 
 Florence, despite the repeated applications made by 
 a large number of deputies and peers to King Louis 
 Philippe to that effect. 
 
 EXTERIOR OF THE BUILDING WHERE THE PRINCE WAS 
 CONFINED. 
 
 The Prince had been offered secretly many plans 
 to effect his escape. Not one of them seemed 
 practicable to him ; and fearing that the suggestions 
 emanated from the authorities, to sound his real
 
 COMMUNICATIONS WITH THE PRINCE. 173 
 
 intentions, he openly eschewed and condemned all 
 idea of making his escape from the fortress. 
 
 The Prince was keeping, all this time, a secret 
 correspondence with me, through his faithful valet- 
 de-chambre, Charles Thelin, who was allowed to go 
 to Ham to buy whatever the Prince required. At 
 last, having made up his mind to follow the plan 
 he had adopted to recover his liberty, the Prince 
 urgently requested me to find some one willing to 
 advance him five or six thousand pounds, on the best 
 terms possible. 
 
 In his anxiety to be free, he sent me letters of 
 introduction to several of his former friends in 
 London, with a view of obtaining the necessary funds. 
 Not one responded to his application. Twelve 
 months of unceasing exertions had nearly exhausted 
 and discouraged me. One day, among the different 
 personages I had the opportunity of applying to, I 
 happened to call on an M.P., formerly a bosom friend 
 of the Prince, who plainly told me that if he could 
 ever be induced to lay out 6,000^. on account of the 
 Prince, it would be on the distinct understanding 
 that the money should serve to keep him a prisoner 
 for life. This sudden burst of charitable feeling on 
 the part of this gentleman was not likely to be 
 quietly acquiesced in by me, in the agitated state of
 
 174 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 mind I was in. I said that although he had the 
 unquestionable right to decline making any advance 
 to the Prince, I contested the propriety of adding to 
 his refusal a remark of such bad taste, the more so 
 as his well-known professed observance of the 
 Sabbath and the strict open fulfilment of his religious 
 duties had led me to suppose that he would have 
 been inspired with more Christian feelings towards 
 his old friend the Prince. 
 
 It was the evening of that very day (December 
 1, 1845) that in my utter despair I determined 
 to write to H.R.H. the Duke of Brunswick for an 
 audience. The next day the Duke wrote as follows : 
 
 ' Le Due Souverain de Brunswick recevra 
 monsieur Orsi demain (3 decembre) a 4 heures de 
 
 I'apres-midi. 
 
 ' Brunswick House, ce 2 decembre 1845.' 
 
 The outward appearance of Brunswick House is 
 far from being attractive, and from the heavy gloomy 
 aspect of the exterior building, one would fancy it 
 more fit for a prison than for the residence of a 
 gentleman. 
 
 The Duke had made it still more unsightly. 
 From the entrance-gate to the house, which stood 
 in the middle of a large courtyard, nothing struck
 
 BRUNSWICK HOUSE. 175 
 
 yom- eyes that was cheerful or comfortable. Every- 
 thing was stiflf, dull, and as silent as a graveyard. 
 Two large dogs chained to the wall were the vigilant 
 guardians of the place. Twice had I to show the 
 letter of audience before I could get in. I was at last 
 ushered into a dark cold room, having a round table 
 in the centre, and four chairs, two of which were 
 arm-chairs by the fireside. A single candle was lit 
 on the table, the walls were bare, and no vestige of 
 comfort could be seen, as I expected. 
 
 Twenty minutes had already elapsed, when I saw 
 a slight movement in a thick curtain hanging over 
 the side door of the room. All of a sudden the head 
 of a man covered with a huge black plush hood, 
 which concealed all but the nose, peeped in through 
 the curtains. The hood formed part of a long gown, 
 also of black plush, which was fastened to the waist 
 by a thick silk cord. It was the Duke of Brunswick. 
 His hands were plunged in the two side pockets of 
 his robe de chambre, grasping a revolver in each of 
 them, as I learnt from himself a few days after my 
 first interview. 
 
 The Duke came right to the table, which stood 
 between us as a sort of barrier. His eyes were 
 flashing through the narrow opening of his hood, as 
 if he imagined I was planning to commit a murder.
 
 176 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 We looked at each other for a few seconds, which 
 seemed to me to be a long time ; at last he broke 
 out: 
 
 ' You asked for an audience ; what is it you 
 want ? ' 
 
 ' Your Highness will, I hope, allow me to say 
 that the object for which 1 came here to-day is such 
 as to require some little time, and I shall consider it 
 a favour if you will let me explain it while your 
 Highness is seated.' 
 
 By a movement of his hand he pointed to an 
 arm-chair by the fireside. The Duke sat opposite to 
 me. 
 
 'I entreat your Highness to make some allowance 
 for the agitated state of my mind, owing to the 
 delicate and difficult mission entrusted to me ; and if 
 what I am going to say is unpalatable to you, I crave 
 most earnestly your pardon for having so intruded 
 upon your Highness. Remembering with pleasure the 
 friendly relations which existed between your High- 
 ness and Prince Louis Napoleon during his stay in 
 this country, and acting under the impression that 
 political interests of the greatest magnitude might 
 find a favourable issue in the combined efforts of 
 your Highness and himself, the Prince, now a 
 prisoner at Ham, has requested me to make an
 
 THE DUKE OF BRUNSWICK. 177 
 
 appeal to your Highness's generosity, for a loan he 
 requires to effect his escape from the prison.' 
 
 Scarcely had I uttered the last words, than the 
 Duke, pulling back his hood with both his hands by 
 a frantic movement, showed his denuded head, and 
 with a sort of indescribable yell, exclaimed : 
 
 * What ! A loan ? Did I understand you right ? 
 Say it again, say it again ! ' 
 
 This sudden burst of fury did not take me by 
 surprise. I was fully prepared to stand it unmoved ; 
 I remained silent a few seconds. 
 
 The Duke looked at me without uttering a word. 
 
 * It is quite natural that your Highness should 
 feel surprised at an application which is one of no 
 ordinary character, but no one better than yourself 
 could see at a glance the political interests at stake, 
 in refusing or complying with the request of the 
 Prince for the loan of 6,000^.' 
 
 The Duke rose as pale as a ghost, and stretched 
 his arm to lay hold of the bell-rope. Before he 
 could ring, I rose and said : 
 
 ' For Grod's sake, please your Highness, listen to 
 me. I have much to say that can alter your mind. 
 I implore you to hear me for a few seconds.' 
 
 The Duke flung the bell-rope against the wall, 
 and in a stout, stern voice, said : 
 
 N
 
 178 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 ' I do not know which I have to admire the most 
 — my own patience or your unheard-of impudence. 
 A loan of 6,000Z. to Prince Napoleon, indeed 1 
 How likely that I should agree to it ! Your Prince 
 seems to be unaware that I am a staunch republican. 
 I am the friend of Cavaignac, of Marrast, and of 
 all the chief leaders of that party ; I am the largest 
 shareholder in the ' National,' which I supply with all 
 the money it requires. Backed by the republican 
 principles, I will and shall wage war against all mon- 
 archical powers, and Germany in particular. Your 
 Prince's advent to France means nothing if it does 
 not mean royalty or empire. I will not betray my 
 new friends. I refuse the Prince the 6,000^. you 
 ask in his name.' 
 
 This declaration of republican principles on the 
 part of the Duke of Brunswick took me aback. I 
 did not expect that. I had never heard of his being 
 now mixed up with the ' National ' party. I saw at 
 once that my task was more difficult than I had 
 anticipated. 
 
 One may be more or less successful in appealing 
 to the feelings of a man on behalf of another, or in 
 causing a political man to abdicate his former opinions, 
 either by dint of argument or by the tempting vision 
 of his private interests. But what are the chances of
 
 / REASON WITH THE DUKE. 179 
 
 success in trying to bring back to his former faith a 
 convert to principles the antipodes of those which 
 are the very essence of his raison d^etre, and thi? 
 convert to be the Duke of Brunswick— a member of 
 the most aristocratic dynasty in Europe ? However, 
 it flashed through my mind that, as some great 
 incentive had worked upon the Duke to open his 
 arms to the republican party, a still greater 
 inducement offered to him might possibly bring 
 him back to the ideas he had imbibed from his 
 infancy. 
 
 'How far your Highness will benefit by an 
 alliance with the republicans, is a matter which has 
 been assuredly taken into serious consideration by 
 you. But you will allow me to remark that the 
 conflict of interests certain to arise between your 
 principles and those of your new allies will not make 
 it a desirable compact, and a split will soon take 
 place, as is always the case in every political 
 alliance resting on one-sided hopes and expecta- 
 tions. 
 
 'Your alliance with the republicans, unnatural 
 though it is, offers them at any rate a tangible bene- 
 fit, the only one they requii'e from you — money. 
 
 ' In the supposition of their cause being trium- 
 phant, they will, the day after their victory, perse- 
 
 s 2
 
 i8o COUNT ORSPS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 cute you and fail in all their engagements. The 
 present leaders of the republican party are gentlemen 
 of position and education. I know them personally. 
 But they have the people behind, to whom they are 
 and must be subservient, and to whom they have 
 held out promises which must be kept, whether they 
 like it or not. But what is your gain in all this ? 
 Your Highness's object, if I understand you right, 
 is to extend your influence in Germany. It is not 
 France that you may hope to govern. Your alliance 
 with the republicans can only have in view a general 
 revolution, enabling you through the turmoil to 
 foment a general rise in Germany. This too your 
 Highness will find to be a complete fallacy. The 
 German republicans are more solidly republican than 
 the French, and they will prove as much if not 
 more adverse to any monarchical chief than the 
 French. You will disappear in the vortex of a great 
 catastrophe, and you will not even elicit the interest 
 generally felt for those who sacrifice their all for the 
 promotion of noble and patriotic views.' 
 
 The Duke rose quickly, and said : ' You have my 
 answer to the application of the Prince. I beg you 
 will convey it to him. I feel deeply for his position, 
 but I see no reason for me to alter my decision.' 
 
 I saw it was all over. There was a moment of
 
 DISCO URA CEMENT. 
 
 dead silence on both sides. We were face to face 
 for a few seconds. At last I took my hat and 
 walked to the door, which I opened and held by the 
 knob. 
 
 ' I hope your Highness will forgive my intruding 
 upon you as I have done. In giving me the mission 
 of appealing to you for the means of recovering his 
 liberty, Prince Louis Napoleon meant something 
 more than putting himself under any pecuniary 
 obligation towards you as a friend. His views were 
 broader, and, under existing circumstances, were 
 more conducive to the political welfare of both. In 
 accepting this mission, and on your granting me this 
 audience, for which I shall ever be grateful, I felt sure 
 of having at last met with the only man capable, by 
 his lofty position, to understand the advantages to be 
 derived by linking his future political prospects to 
 those of a man whose popularity was then at the 
 highest point. I had imagined that your Highness 
 was aware of the true state of public opinion in 
 France as regards the name of Napoleon. Had I 
 been allowed to converse freely with your Highness, 
 I would have brought home to you the irresistible 
 conviction that the prisoner of Ham was destined to 
 mark the milestone at which the old world will finish 
 and the new will begin. I own that my disappoint-
 
 1 82 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 mert is extreme. May your Eoyal Highness not 
 think me too presumptuous in predicting that in 
 less than two years you will regret the refusal made 
 to the demand of the Prince.' 
 
 I bowed and was retiring, when the Duke said : 
 ' Restez, je vous prie. I never believed in prophecies, 
 and still less do I believe in the one referring to the 
 prisoner of Ham. In fact, I have as great a reluct- 
 ance in believing in prophecies as I have in doing any- 
 thing of importance on any day bearing in its number 
 the figm"e 7. Had you asked me for an audience on 
 the 7th, or the 17th, or the 27th, I would have taken 
 no notice of it. However, your prophesying to me 
 the futm-e advent to power of the Prince in such 
 glowing colours has awakened my curiosity. I should 
 like to see whether yoiu- prophecy will tm-n out true. 
 Mind, I make no engagement by speaking thus ; 
 but as you seem to know the state of public opinion 
 in France better than I do, I may be induced to do 
 something for the Prince if you can show me in a 
 tangible and comprehensive way that the advent of 
 the Prince to the supreme power in France is simply 
 a question of time.^ 
 
 It took me one hour and a half to lay before the 
 Duke the real state of French politics. He never 
 interrupted me. At last he got up, and after walk-
 
 SUCCESS. 183 
 
 ing across the room backwards and forwards for some 
 time, like a man who awakes from a dream, he said : 
 ' Write to the Prince that I put 6,000^ at his 
 disposal on the following terms : 
 
 ' 1. That the Prince shall accept three bills for 
 2,0OOL each, payable in five years at 5 per cent. 
 
 ' 2. That 800^. out of the 6,000L shall be taken 
 by him in shares of the " National " and at par. 
 
 ' 3. That an offensive and defensive alliance 
 shall be entered into between him and me, by 
 which the Prince, in the event of his coming to be 
 elected king, president, or emperor, will engage to 
 assist me in my views on Germany, I undertaking 
 to do the same on his behalf in the event of my 
 advent to power in Germany before he succeeds in 
 France. 
 
 ' 4. That you shall start immediately for Ham 
 with ]VIr. George Thomas Smith, in order to ascer- 
 tain the state of atfairs and carry out the programme 
 in its entirety.' ' 
 
 • Treaty between His Royal Highness the Duke of Brunswick 
 and His Imjjerial Highness Prince Louis Napoleon Bona- 
 parte. 
 
 We, C. F. a. G. Duke of Brunswick, and we, Prince Louis 
 Napoleon Bonaparte, hereby settle and agree as follows : — 
 
 Article I. — We promise and make oath, on our honour and
 
 1 84 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 I agreed, in the name of the Prince, to the terms 
 proposed by his Highness. Two days afterwards I 
 started for Paris, where I met Mr. Smith, who had 
 left London the day before. 
 
 the gospel, to assist one another ; we, Charles Duke of Bruns- 
 wick, to be reinstated on the throne of the Duchy of Brunswick, 
 to effect, if possible, the unity of Germany, and to grant her a 
 constitution adapted to her temperament, requirements, and 
 progress of the times ; and we, Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, to 
 restore France to her own right of sovereignty, of which she was 
 deprived in 1830, and to enable her to pronounce in full liberty 
 upon the form of Government she prefers to adopt. 
 
 Article II. — He who first attains the supreme power, under 
 whatever title it may be, undertakes to supply the other with 
 arms and money, and to authorise and facilitate the enlistment 
 of such a number of volunteers as are considered sufficient for 
 the execution of his project. 
 
 Article III. — Pending our exile we engage to help one 
 another on every occasion, with a view to regain possession of 
 our political rights wrested from us, and should one of us suc- 
 ceed in returning to his own -country, the other shall uphold the 
 cause of his ally by every possible means. 
 
 Article IV. — We engage never to promise, to enter into, or 
 sign any renunciation or abdication injurious to our political or 
 civil rights, but to consult and help one another like brothers in 
 every circumstance of our lives. 
 
 Article V. — Should we think proper hereafter, and when in 
 full enjoyment of our liberty, to modify the present treaty as 
 may be prompted by our respective positions, or by our common 
 interest, we hereby engage to revise by mutual accord any 
 clauses in this compact which might be found deficient from the 
 circumstances under which they were framed. 
 
 Approved, in the presence of 
 
 Count Joseph Orsi and 
 G. T. Smith.
 
 / SEE THE PRINCE. 185 
 
 I had great difficulties to overcome before 1 
 could obtain the permission to see the Prince. 
 Having been a prisoner myself for five years, I was 
 suspected in liigh quarters. After fifteen days of 
 solicitation, I received the necessary leave to see the 
 Prince with Mr. Smith ; but as no one was allowed 
 to see the Prince except in the presence of the 
 Governor, I was obliged to make it appear that jNIr. 
 Smith was the purchaser of valuable pictures be- 
 longing to the Prince. The interview referred only 
 to this transaction. The bills (three in number) to 
 be accepted by the Prince were given to him while 
 we were shaking hands. They were returned to me, 
 with the treaty written on satin, in the afternoon, 
 on taking leave of the Prince. 
 
 On parting from him he handed me a small box, 
 
 and a letter of which the following is a copy, both 
 
 addressed to my wife : 
 
 ' Ham : 1845. 
 
 ' My dear Madame Orsi, — I entrust your husband 
 
 with a gift which I hope will be gladly accepted by 
 
 you, as it will recall to your mind the great service 
 
 Orsi has rendered to me during my captivity ; and 
 
 I know too well from your devotedness to me how 
 
 happy you feel at anything that can soothe my 
 
 position.
 
 1 86 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 ' Believe, dear Madame Orsi, in my sincerest 
 friendship. 
 
 ' Louis Napoleon Bonaparte.' 
 
 Mr. Smith and I arrived in London two days 
 after, and the money having been paid to Messrs. 
 Baring Brothers to the account of the Prince, the 
 transaction was completed. 
 
 We read in the ' Life and Correspondence of 
 Thomas Slingsby Duncombe,' late member for Fins- 
 bury, by his son, vol. ii. p. 10, the following state- 
 ment: 
 
 ' Mr. Duncombe set to work in another way. In 
 the first place he secured the co-operation of the 
 wealthy Duke of Brunswick, who wanted a Bonaparte 
 to assist him to maintain important claims, and 
 then having obtained the sanction of the prisoner to 
 the conditions on which his freedom might be ob- 
 tained, sent his own secretary to Ham with instruc- 
 tions to negotiate the following treaty.' 
 
 These assertions are at complete variance not 
 only with the facts I have related and substantiated 
 by documents, but also with what the Duke told me 
 on the day following my first interview, when I 
 called upon to him to lay before his approval the 
 draft of the treaty I had prepared by his order. '
 
 MR. BUNCOMBE. 187 
 
 As I was ushered into his private room, I found 
 the Duke in excellent humour and highly pleased 
 with what he had resolved doing on behalf of the 
 Prince. 
 
 ' Well,' said he, in a cheerful and almost facetious 
 way, ' you may report to notre cher prisonnier, that 
 he has been very much favoured by destiny as re- 
 gards the money he requires for his deliverance, for, 
 besides his great luck of your not having applied to 
 me for assistance on any day bearing iu its number 
 figm'e 7, he has had the good chance of securing 
 through you my formal promise of letting him have 
 the money, before T was worked upon to refuse it. 
 Last night I asked my friend Duncombe whether 
 he could spare, for a few days, his secretary Gr. T. 
 Smith, whom I wanted to send to Ham to transact 
 some business for me.' 
 
 ' WTiat can your business be with a Bonaparte ? ' 
 said he. 
 
 ' For a while I hesitated to say w^hat it was, but I 
 gave in at last, and told him what I meant doing.' 
 
 ' " You shall not do anything of the kind, my 
 dear Duke. In fact," added he, " you cannot ; your 
 new line of policy forbids you to do it." 
 
 ' And he went on clamouring against my decision, 
 until I put a break to his utterances by saying :
 
 1 88 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 " Whatever happens, I must, I will, and shall keep my 
 promise. Let not a word more be said about it." ' 
 
 I think it is as well that I should correct some of 
 the following statements contained in the ' Life of 
 Napoleon the Third,' by Mr. Blan chard Jerrold, 
 p. 386, vol. ii. Book vi. 
 
 He says : ' It was also while he was at Ham that 
 the Prince received the visits of Mr. G-. T. Smith, 
 Mr. Thomas Slingsby Buncombe's secretary, and 
 that according to Mr. Buncombe's son and biographer, 
 a convention was agreed to between the Prince and 
 the Duke of Brunswick under which the two exiles 
 were to work in common for their restoration to their 
 respective countries. The conditions were not stated 
 in the copy of the treaty which the younger Mr. Dun- 
 combe has printed, nor is there any trace of them in 
 the papers in the possession of the Imperial family.' 
 
 From an historical point of view, the above 
 statements are contradicted by the facts I have 
 related in connection with my interview with 
 the Duke of Brunswick. Mr. G. T. Smith went 
 to Ham with me for the only purpose of ascer- 
 taining, on the part of the Duke of Brunswick, 
 whether the Prince was the real borrower of the 
 6,000^., and if so, to sign the bills and to execute the 
 convention. It was through my interest in Paris
 
 MR. BUNCOMBE. 
 
 that ]\ir. Smith got the permission to see the Prince, 
 as the following letter addressed to me by Baron 
 Baude, Councillor of State, and friend of Count 
 Duchatel, the I[ome Minister, will prove : 
 
 'Dear M. Orsi, — I have applied to Count Duchatel 
 for the permission you require to repair to Ham with 
 Mr. Gr. T. Smith. He has ordered a report to be 
 laid before him on the subject. It is probable 
 that Mr. Smith will be permitted to go, but as 
 regards yourself there will be some difficulty in the 
 way, owing to the past events you have been con- 
 cerned in. 
 
 ' Baude, 
 
 ' Paris, June 20, 18i5.' ' Councillor of State. 
 
 On the 25th, INIr. Smith and I started for Ham 
 with the written authority my friend obtained from 
 the JNIinister. 
 
 THE ESCAPE. 
 
 From the day the Prince received the informa- 
 tion that the sum of 6,000^. had been paid to his 
 account at Messrs. Baring Brothers, there was a lull 
 in our mutual correspondence, lest it should give a 
 clue, however slight, to what was being planned at 
 Ham.
 
 I90 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 Although it was a remarkable feature of the times 
 to see French people brought to honour the memory 
 of the Grreat Napoleon in the person of his nephew, 
 still it was more illustrative of the sympathy the 
 Prince had inspired, to see that even from Central 
 America he was receiving marks of the deepest 
 admiration for his noble qualities and the great 
 fortitude with which he bore his misfortunes. The 
 probable contingency of the Prince recovering his 
 liberty in consequence of the so-much-talked-of 
 amnesty, had led the people beyond the Atlantic to 
 hope that he would, when free, emigrate to their 
 more hospitable shores, to avoid future persecutions 
 on the part of his enemies. 
 
 The Prince, while fully aware of the difficulties 
 he would have to overcome to be allowed to go near 
 his dying father, was hesitating as regards his resolve 
 to go so far away to pass the rest of his life. He 
 hinted that if ever he made up his mind to cross the 
 Atlantic, it would be only for the pur};)ose of devoting 
 all his time and energy to the accomplishment of 
 great public works, as, for instance, the construction 
 of a canal connecting the two oceans. Following 
 this idea, the Prince gave instructions to a French 
 engineer to study this gigantic operation with 
 reference to the possibility of utilisiiig the great lakes
 
 THE NICARAGUA CANAL. 191 
 
 which are near the Isthmus for the construction of 
 the canal. 
 
 In 1844 M. Castellan was sent by the States of 
 Gfuatemala, San Salvador, and Honduras, as Minister 
 Plenipotentiary to King Louis Philippe, with a view 
 of claiming for the canal the protection of the French 
 Grovernment in exchange for large commercial 
 advantages in favour of France. This application 
 having met with a refusal, M. Castellan received 
 leave to visit the Prince at Ham, with whom he had 
 a long interview, which ended in M. Castellan offer- 
 ing to put the Prince at the head of the undertaking 
 on the basis agreed upon. M. Castellan was much 
 struck with the perfect knowledge the Prince had 
 of the colossal work ; and being impressed with the 
 importance Central America would have on some 
 future day, he requested the Prince to write a book 
 (which the Prince did some time afterwards) show- 
 ing the possibility of constructing the canal at no 
 great outlay, by making the two lakes, De Leon and 
 De Nicaragua, available for the purpose. On hearing 
 of the projected scheme, and of what was going on 
 between the Prince and the representative of their 
 country, the inhabitants of those States applied to 
 their respective Governments for leave to entrust the 
 Prince with the conduct of this great work.
 
 192 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 In consequence of this decision, M. Castellan 
 wrote the Prince the following letter : 
 
 * Leon de Nicaragua : 
 ' December 6, 1845. 
 
 ' Prince L., — I received with the greatest pleasure 
 your favour of August 12, conveying to me the ex- 
 pression of your friendship and esteem, for which I 
 feel highly honoured. You have embodied in it the 
 development of your ideas respecting the canal of 
 Nicaragua, which seem to me to be most suitably 
 directed towards the attainment of the prosperity of 
 Central America. You inform me at the same time 
 of your more favourable disposition to come to this 
 country, to give by your presence and your co- 
 operation a great impulse to the execution of this 
 large undertaking, which would suffice to satisfy the 
 greatest ambition, and of your readiness to accept 
 the direction of it, without aiming at anything else 
 but the accomplishment of a task worthy the great 
 name you bear. 
 
 ' Before going farther into the subject, so inter- 
 esting to my country, allow me to say that nothing 
 can give a more noble and benevolent idea of the 
 disposition of your heart, than the flattering way 
 your Highness has thought fit to allude to my slender 
 merits.
 
 THE NICARAGUA SCHEME. 193 
 
 ' When I came to France as Minister Plenipoten- 
 tiary, and before my departure for Em-ope, I felt 
 exceedingly desirous of paying you a visit at Ham. I 
 longed to see you, not only on account of the popu- 
 larity of your name in the world, but also because 
 I had been able to judge for myself of the high 
 esteem in which you were held in yom* native land, 
 from your noble character, and from the great 
 sympathy elicited in your behalf by your misfor- 
 tunes. 
 
 ' I admire. Prince, your resignation, and your 
 love for that France wherein you are a prisoner ; but 
 I felt a secret joy in seeing how vividly your mind 
 became exalted at the picture of the immense work 
 so eagerly taken up by my country, and likely to 
 promote so largely the progress of civilisation. 
 
 ' Both your intentions conveyed to me and the 
 memos contained in your letter have excited here 
 very great enthusiasm, joined with the deepest gra- 
 titude. 
 
 ' I am happy to inform your Highness that the 
 Government of this State, fully convinced that the 
 only means to provide for the capital necessary for 
 the undertaking is to put it under the patronage of 
 a name like yours, independent by fortune and social 
 standing, and which, while it inspires the confidence 
 
 o
 
 194 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 of both the worlds, divests it of all fear of foreign 
 domination — this Government, I repeat, has re- 
 solved to fix the choice upon your Highness as the 
 only person capable of answering the required con- 
 ditions. 
 
 ' Brought up in a Republic, your Highness has 
 shown by your noble behaviour in Switzerland in 
 1828, to what degree a free people may rely on your 
 abnegation, and we feel assured that if the Great 
 Napoleon has rendered himself immortal by his vic- 
 tories, your Highness may acquire in our country a 
 like glory by peaceful works which cause no tears to 
 be shed except those of gratefulness. 
 
 ' From the day you set your foot on our soil will 
 a new era of prosperity begin for its people. 
 
 ' What we ask of your Highness is not unworthy 
 of your solicitude, for in 1830 King William of 
 Holland had accepted a similar proposal. 
 
 ' If we are not in a position to empower you at 
 once to commence operations, it is owing to the 
 recess of the Legislature, to which we are bound to 
 apply for the examination of the treaty executed by 
 me last year with Count de Hompesch, the chairman 
 of the Belgian Colonisation Company. This treaty 
 having been less favourably entertained than we 
 expected, it is more than probable that the Govern-
 
 THE NICARAGUA SCHEME. 195 
 
 ment will be authorised to apply to you, and by so 
 doing will act in accordance with the national 
 wishes. 
 
 ' The Government seems determined to give me 
 the necessary instructions enabling me to come to an 
 understanding with your Highness respecting this 
 object. 
 
 'The recent popular commotions of this country 
 have also caused delay, but as the insurgents are in 
 a great minority, and the Government is supported 
 by public opinion, I think that the revolution will 
 soon be at an end, and that the restoration of order 
 "vrill enable us to set at work as promptly as possible. 
 Besides, the Government is convinced that the con- 
 struction of the canal will call for the employment 
 of those out of work, and will be the means of 
 pacifying and bringing welfare to this country and 
 people, tried by the horrors of civil war for such a 
 long time. 
 
 'As much excited by the impatience of seeing a 
 work commence to which I mean to devote all my 
 time and energy, as I am by the wish of seeing your 
 Highness rule the destinies of my country, 1 lono- for 
 the moment when I shall be able to see you at Ham, 
 were it only for a few hours, and in the hoj)eful 
 expectation of being present at your deliverance, for 
 
 o 2
 
 196 COUNT ORSPS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 which I constantly ofifer to Grod my most heartfelt 
 prayers. I beg your Highness to accept, &c. &c., 
 
 ' Castellan.' 
 
 A few months after this communication, the 
 Prince of Montenegro, Minister for Foreign Affairs, 
 forwarded to Prince Louis Napoleon the necessary 
 powers to form a company in Europe, and informed 
 him that the Government, by decree of January 8, 
 1846, had resolved that the canal connecting the two 
 oceans was to be called the 'Canal Napoleon de 
 Nicaragua.' M. Marcoleta, Charge d'Affaires of the 
 Kepublic in Belgium and Holland, went to Ham with 
 instructions to sign a definitive treaty with the Prince. 
 Presently we shall see how it happened that the 
 projected scheme was not carried into effect by the 
 Prince. 
 
 A new phase in the captivity of the Prince 
 sprang up suddenly by the news he receiv^ed from 
 Florence respecting the health of his father, the ex- 
 king of Holland, who resided in Florence under the 
 name of Comte de St. Leu. A complete invalid in 
 a foreign land, the father of the Prince was much 
 distressed at the thought of being alone and sepa- 
 rated from his son, upon whom were centred all 
 the feelings of his soul. The Prince, whose affection
 
 APPLICATION FOR RELEASE. 197 
 
 and sense of duty towards his father were extreme, 
 felt acutely the pangs of his situation, and regardless 
 of any fmlher consideration, made up his mind to 
 carry out his resolves. 
 
 In the month of August 1845 the Comte de 
 St. Leu laid a request before the French Government 
 that his son should be set at liberty. To that effect 
 he sent M. Poggioli, an intimate and devoted friend 
 of his, to Paris with letters for Messrs. Decazes, 
 Mole, and Montalivet, entreating these gentlemen 
 to persuade M. Duchatel (then Minister of the 
 Interior) to comply with his request. M. Poggioli 
 having failed in his mission, immediately informed 
 the Prince of the result of his application. In this 
 emergency the Prince wrote to the Minister of the 
 Interior, and declared that should the French 
 Grovernment grant him the favour of going to 
 Florence to see his dying father, he would pledge 
 his word of honour to come back and to put himself 
 at the disposal of the Government on his being 
 summoned to do so. 
 
 The Minister, after reading the letter of the 
 Prince, promised to lay the matter before the 
 Council of Ministers, and requested M. Poggioli to 
 call for the answer on the day appointed. 
 
 ' Tell the Prince,' said the Minister, ' that I have
 
 198 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS . 
 
 laid his request before the Council of Ministers, who 
 consider it is not in their power to comply with it, as 
 no pardon can be granted that does not emanate 
 directly from the Eoyal prerogative.' Under these 
 circumstances the Prince resolved to write directly 
 to the King, and on January 14 he accomplished by 
 this letter the greatest sacrifice which filial affection 
 
 could exact from him : 
 
 'January U, 1846. 
 
 ' Sire,. — It is with the deepest emotion that I 
 address your Majesty, to ask the favour of being 
 allowed to quit France, if it were only for a very 
 short time. 
 
 ' For the last five years, the happiness of breathing 
 the air of my own country has been for me a great 
 compensation for the pangs of captivity, but the age 
 and infirmities of my father imperatively require my 
 filial care. He has made an appeal to those who are 
 well known for their devotion to your Majesty, and 
 I feel it my duty to join my exertions to theirs. 
 
 ' The Council of Ministers was of opinion that the 
 subject is not within the limits of their decision. I 
 therefore address your Majesty, fully sensible of the 
 kindness of your feelings, and venture to lay my re- 
 quest before your generous consideration. 
 
 ' Your Majesty will appreciate, I hope, the step I
 
 THE APPLICATION REFUSED. 199 
 
 take, which engages my gratitude ; and moved by 
 the loneliness of an exile, who when on the throne 
 deserved the esteem of all Europe, your Majesty will 
 be induced to comply with the prayer of my father 
 and myself. 
 
 ' I beg your Majesty will accept the expression of 
 my deep respect. 
 
 'Louis Napoleon Bonaparte.' 
 
 The King appeared to be pleased with this letter, 
 and stated that he considered the guarantee offered 
 by the Prince to be sufficient; but the Ministers 
 maintained their refusal, by resolving that in order 
 to leave to the King the full and spontaneous exercise 
 of pardoning, pardon should be deserved and frankly 
 asked for. 
 
 A few weeks after this communication the Prince 
 wrote me the following letter : 
 
 'Ham: March 2, 18i6. 
 
 ' Dear Orsi, — Both yom" letters and papers duly 
 to hand. I thank you very much for your zeal in 
 executing my commissions. 
 
 ' Now I must tell you what is going on, that you 
 may report it to our friend.^ 
 
 ' The Duke of Brunswick.
 
 200 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 ' We must acknowledge first and foremost that 
 by nobody are you better served than by your own 
 enemies. The fact is that, politically speaking, 
 nothing could be more advantageous to me than what 
 has taken place. Xo sooner was the refusal of 
 M. Duchatel known to me, than I wrote to the most 
 influential deputies. The consequence was, that 
 the Chamber appeared sympathetically moved, and 
 thirty-two members of the House, among whom were 
 Dupont de I'Eure, Arago, ^larie, Abatucci, Odillon- 
 Barrot, Lamartine, and Dupin, met in a bureau to 
 read my letter, and resolved that Odillon-Barrot 
 should be deputed to go to the King, who, while 
 giving de Veau henite de cour, disowned formally 
 his own ^linister. Xow I hope the matter will be 
 taken up by the deputies, with whom, at any rate, I 
 have been corresponding. 
 
 ' 'SL Thiers has also written to me a most amiable 
 letter, in a political point of view, and I have every 
 reason to be pleased, although my heart bleeds at not 
 being able to go and see my father. 
 
 ' Tell Lord M. on my part that Lord Londonderry 
 has promised to speak of me before the House of 
 Lords, and that I should feel happy if he would 
 second the motion. 
 
 ' I also should be very glad if you could find an
 
 THE PRINCE WRITES TO ME. 201 
 
 opportunity of reverting to the shares,^ and ask for 
 
 the amount in cash on another document. 
 
 ' Good-bye, my dear Orsi. Many affectionate 
 
 things to Madame Orsi, and rely always on my 
 
 sincerest friendship. 
 
 ' L. X. B. 
 
 ' P.S. — Could you let me know in a most authentic 
 manner what is the insurance of a merchantman 
 going to Lima by the Cape Horn, and the insm-ance 
 of a similar ship bound to Vera Cruz in the Gulf of 
 Mexico ? What I ask is not very urgent, but I 
 should like to have the most correct information 
 about it, in order to ascertain the difference with 
 reference to the ships crossing the Isthmus of 
 Panama, supposing a canal between the two oceans 
 were constructed.' 
 
 There was no other channel left to the Prince 
 but to apply to the Chamber of Deputies through 
 the most influential members of the deputation. 
 ^Messrs. Dupont, Arago, Lamartine, Odillon-Ban'ot, 
 and several others joined with the greatest zeal on 
 behalf of the Prince. M. Thiers himself offered his 
 influence to further the views of the Prince ; but all 
 this proved of no avail. Xo hope for the Prince to 
 ' The Prince alludes to the shares of the National.
 
 202 COUNT ORSPS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 recover his liberty, not one chance left save — 
 Escape ! This bold attempt was full of danger ; there 
 were many things to be dreaded in the event of its 
 failing. Besides an increase in the severity of more 
 stringent measures of precaution prescribed by the 
 Grovernment, there was the idea of being ridiculed 
 which would assuredly have followed the failure of 
 this most hazardous undertaking. 
 
 The man who had boldly faced the danger of 
 being shot at Strasburg and Boulogne was actually 
 trembling at the thought of the endless insults and 
 mockeries that would have awaited him if recaptured 
 and brought back to prison. But his mind being 
 made up to it, the following plan was concocted, as 
 the most practical and safe in its execution. 
 
 The Governor of the fortress of Ham was an 
 honest and distinguished officer, whose sense of duty 
 was very keen, and of soldier-like strictness. His 
 kindness to the Prince was manifested on various 
 occasions. Every evening he used to play whist 
 with the Prince, Greneral Montholon, and Doctor 
 Conneau, who were the Prince's companions in his 
 captivity ; but it would have been useless for the 
 Prince to attempt drawing the Governor into any 
 dereliction of his duty. 
 
 The Governor was watchful, and never entrusted
 
 THE CITADEL OF HAM. 203 
 
 to others the care of ascertaining twice a day that the 
 Prince was his prisoner. The first part of the 
 Prince's plan was to impress the Governor with a 
 false security regarding the idea of his escape ; and 
 to attain this object he caused a great many letters 
 to be addressed to himself (which the Governor was 
 ordered to read) conveying the contingency of an 
 amnesty for all political prisoners to take place next 
 June. These letters coming from Paris, where both 
 public opinion and the press were unanimous in 
 calling for it, produced the desired effect. The event 
 of an amnesty was plausible, as new elections were to 
 take place shortly after June, and the Government 
 seemed anxious to secure them in their favour by 
 every possible device. The next part of the pro- 
 gramme consisted in adopting a plan, simple in its 
 conception and as easy as possible to carry out 
 in its details ; but to understand how this could be 
 effected, a description of the locality, and of other 
 particulars relating to the regulations of the fortress, 
 are necessary. 
 
 The citadel of Ham forms a square, and on each 
 of the four angles is erected a round tower. The 
 towers are connected together by narrow ramparts. 
 There is only one gate, on the north-east side, which 
 is protected by a strongly built square tower, made
 
 204 
 
 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 to correspond with a similar one on the north-west 
 side. The ramparts on the south and east sides are 
 surrounded by the canal of St. Quentin. The river 
 Somme is not very far from it. On both sides of the 
 inner yard there are two barracks built of brick. At 
 
 LOUIS NAPOLEON WALKING ON THE KAMPARTS OF THE 
 CITADEL OP HAM. 
 
 the farther end of one of them stands the prison : a 
 sad-looking, damp, low building, having close at its 
 back the outward ramparts which intercept both light 
 and air. Such was the place where Prince Louis 
 Napoleon was condemned to s^^end the rest of his life.
 
 THE CITADEL OF HAM. 205 
 
 One of these ramparts became his whole world. 
 There, in a little comer, he found sufficient ground for 
 cultivating a few flowers of which he was very fond. 
 There he could take his daily walks, thinking of his 
 friends, and waiting for the delivery of his letters, 
 which, although read by the Governor before being 
 handed to him, afforded him indescribable gratifica- 
 tion. 
 
 The garrison of Ham was 400 men strong. Sixty 
 of them were always on duty at the citadel. There 
 was besides a host of gaolers and warders, to whom 
 the sm'veillance of the Prince was more particularly 
 entrusted. The room occupied by the Prince during 
 the first few days of his confinement was in a most 
 deplorable state of repair. The ceilings were per- 
 forated, the paper falling in shreds, the flooring 
 broken to pieces, the doors and windows so shaky as 
 to let the draughts of air through them ; but I must 
 not omit to state, that owing to the many complaints 
 and representations made to the Minister, the Gover- 
 nor was at last ordered to lay out 600 francs in repairs 
 and to purchase the few things considered indispen- 
 sable for the health of the Prince. The sum allowed 
 for the daily expenses of the Prince was seven francs : 
 a mean provision certainly for the nephew of the 
 great Emperor, which shows by what feelings the 
 Government was actuated towards him.
 
 2o6 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 The Prince at this time, when arranging for his 
 escape, had been five years a prisoner in the fortress 
 of Ham. Thus, after the most mature consideration 
 he made up his mind to adopt the simplest plan, 
 which consisted in finding a pretext for introducing 
 workmen into the prison, so that by finding an oppor- 
 tunity of dressing himself in the garb of one of them, 
 he might in such disguise go out of the gate of the 
 citadel. Just as the Prince had decided to ask for 
 some urgently required repairs in his room, the Go- 
 vernor brought him the good news that he had re- 
 ceived orders from Paris to have the staircase nnd 
 corridors painted and repaired at once. 
 
 The Grovernor had never allowed the strictest 
 precautions of surveillance to relax. The guard on 
 night duty was always doubled, and on the clock 
 striking ten the game of whist was invariably inter- 
 rupted. The warders were constantly sitting at the 
 bottom of the staircase : a precaution which the 
 Governor himself never failed to ascertain before 
 shutting the outer door and putting the key in his 
 pocket. The Prince was now watching every step, 
 every movement of the two warders. He remarked 
 that on certain days of the week one of them was in 
 the habit of going out to fetch the newspapers, 
 thereby leaving his comrade alone for a quarter of
 
 2o8 COUNT O RSI'S RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 an hour. It was most important for the success of 
 the operation that this short space should be made 
 available by drawing the attention of the warder to 
 something else. 
 
 The Prince had little or nothing to fear on the 
 part of the sentinels, no escape being considered 
 possible except by outside co-operation. The autho- 
 rities had given strict orders to prevent people from 
 approaching the fortress ; all persons allowed to enter 
 the citadel were carefully searched, but everyone 
 was let out without suspicion. 
 
 The following arrangements were made in conse- 
 quence. Charles Thelin, the devoted valet-de-cham- 
 bre of the Prince, would ask for leave to go to St. 
 Quentin for a cab. It was quite natural and usual 
 that he should go out. The Prince, in a workman's 
 garb, would go out of the same gate and at the same 
 time. This plan had the double advantage of giving 
 Thelin the chance of drawing to himself personally 
 the attention of the soldiers and warders by playing 
 with 'Ham,' the Prince's favourite dog, so well 
 known by the whole garrison, and moreover it gave 
 Thelin the opportunity of preventing anyone from 
 going near the disguised workman as he crossed the 
 large square to reach the gate. The repairs in the 
 building had already been continued eight days,
 
 THE PLAN. 209 
 
 diu'ing which time the Prince had been able to 
 ascertain the nature of the surveillance to which the 
 workmen were submitted. He had remarked that 
 on their arriving in the prison they were searched 
 one after the other, first by a sergeant on duty, and 
 then by the warders. In the evening, on their leav- 
 ing the place, they were searched again in the pre- 
 sence of the Governor himself. The Prince also 
 remarked that a keen look-out was also kept on every 
 workman loitering about in some isolated part of the 
 citadel, but that no attention was paid to those who, 
 in a natural and easy way, were going in the direc- 
 tion of the gate to fetch tools or materials. 
 
 This proposed mode of effecting his escape was 
 simple, but very bold. The Prince made up his mind 
 to carry it out at once. It was decided the attempt 
 should be made in the morning, not only because the 
 Grovemorwas never up early, but besides the advan- 
 tage of having to deal with one guard only, it had also 
 the advantage of affording the Prince the chance of 
 catching the four o'clock train at the Belgian railway. 
 
 Everything was ready for the 23rd of May. Un- 
 fortunately, in one sense, the Prince was visited on 
 that very day by some friends whom he had known in 
 England, and whom he had expected long before, 
 but he had the clever idea of asking one of the visi- 
 
 p
 
 2IO COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 tors to lend his passport to Thelin, which was readily 
 complied with. 
 
 We shall presently see how useful this passport 
 was for the success of the undertaking. Early on 
 the morning of May 25, when everything was calm 
 and silent within the citadel, the Prince, Dr. Con- 
 neau, and Thelin were watching from behind the 
 curtains of the window the arrival of the workmen. 
 It was most unfortunate that the only private of the 
 garrison whom they disliked should be on duty that 
 morning at the very door of the Prince's prison. 
 This man was exceedingly watchful, and never failed 
 questioning the workmen on what they heard or saw 
 in the prison. Luckily, however, on that day a re- 
 view of the troops took place, and the grenadier was 
 obliged to join his battalion and to be replaced. The 
 
 workmen arrived at last; they were all masons 
 
 and painters, which was another source of disappoint- 
 ment, as the Prince had made his arrangements to 
 
 simulate a joiner ; but there was no time to be lost. 
 The Prince at once shaved his moustache, which 
 
 produced a very marked change in his appearance. 
 He took a dagger with him and two letters, with 
 
 which he never parted : one of his mother and the 
 
 other of the Emperor. Both these letters the Prince 
 
 always kept as a talisman.
 
 THE ESCAPE. 21 r 
 
 The Prince having dressed as usual, put over his 
 waistcoat a thick linen shirt, then a blouse, not only 
 clean but well shaped. Then a blue pair of trousers, 
 worn out seemingly by working. Over the first 
 blouse he put on another, but a very bad one, an old 
 apron of blue material, and a black long-haired wig 
 with a greasy cap, which completed the disguise. 
 Both his hands and face were soiled with paint. 
 
 The Prince drank a cup of coffee, put on a pair 
 of wooden shoes, took in his mouth a clay pipe, and 
 with a shelf on his shoulders, kept himself ready to 
 go out. At seven o'clock in the morning Thelin called 
 on all the workmen who were repairing the stairs to 
 come and take the coii'p du matin (a glass of wine). 
 
 After desiring a servant to place wine and glasses 
 on the table of the dining-room, Thelin rushed up- 
 stairs to tell the Prince the moment had arrived to 
 start. Thelin came downstairs again to meet the 
 two warders, one of whom he drew a little farther in 
 the cori'idor under pretence of having something 
 important to say, and kept him with his back turned 
 to the Prince, who was coming downstairs. The 
 other warder, Dupuis, was ?i\\\ on the watch ; but 
 owing to the book-shelf earned by the Prince on 
 his shoulder being thrust between him and Dupuis, 
 the latter was obliged to make a rapid movement to 
 
 p 2
 
 212 COUNT ORSPS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 avoid it, thereby preventing the face of the Prince 
 from being noticed by him. 
 
 The Prince stepped through the door into the 
 yard without being noticed ; a workman was following 
 him as if he wanted to speak to him ; Thelin called 
 him, and ordered him at once to go to the dining- 
 room to do a job there. On the Prince passing 
 before the first sentinel he let his pipe fall from his 
 mouth ; the Prince quietly removed the shelf from 
 his shoulder, picked up the pipe, struck a light and 
 lit his pipe again, whilst the soldier looked at him 
 and then continued his beat. Close to the door of 
 the cantine he came near the officer, who was read- 
 ing a letter ; a little farther on a few privates were 
 sitting on a wooden bench in the sun. The lodge- 
 keeper was on the threshold of his lodge, but only 
 looked at Thelin, who was following the Prince with 
 the dog held by a string. The sergeant whose duty 
 it was to open and shut the gate turned quickly his 
 looks to the supposed workman, but a movement the 
 Prince made with the large shelf compelled him to 
 make a step backwards. He opened the gate ! 
 The Prince was free! Thelin was following him 
 very close. 
 
 Between the two drawbridges the Prince met two 
 workmen coming right upon him on the side of his
 
 THE PRINCE IS FREE. 213 
 
 face unprotected by the shelf. They looked at him 
 very attentively, as if they were surprised at not 
 knowing him. The Prince acting as a man who is 
 tired of carrying a weight on the right shoulder, 
 whirled it round on the left one, and just as he was 
 in terror of being questioned, he heard one of them 
 say, ' Oh, it is Berthon ! ' 
 
 The attempt turned out to be a complete suc- 
 cess. 
 
 The Prince hastened to join Thelin on the main 
 road leading to St. Quentin, where he was waiting 
 with the cab he had hired the day before. As the 
 Prince was about flinging away the plank off his 
 shoulder, he heard a cab coming from St. Quentin, 
 which he let go by to avoid being remarked. He 
 then jumped into the vehicle (an open one), shook 
 the dust off his clothes, threw his wooden shoes into 
 a ditch, and darted away, himself taking the reins to 
 look like a driver. 
 
 A few minutes had scarcely passed when they saw 
 two gendarmes coming out of the village called St. 
 Sulpice, but they turned in the direction of Peronne 
 before they came near the carriage. The five 
 leagues which separated St. Quentin from Ham were 
 rapidly accomplished. Every time they changed 
 horses Thelin hid his face as much as he possibly
 
 214 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 could in his handkerchief, pretending to cough or 
 blow his nose ; but notwithstanding his precaution, 
 several persons knew him, and an old woman ex- 
 pressed her surprise at seeing him keeping company 
 with a man so shabbily dressed. 
 
 Before entering St. Quentin the Prince threw 
 off his rough clothes, but kept on his wig, and on 
 leaving the carriage followed the road which runs 
 along the walls of the town leading to Cambrai, and 
 waiting for Thelin, who had gone to M. Abric's, the 
 postmaster, to hire a chaise with two horses, in order, 
 said he, to reach Cambrai in good time. He would 
 leave there both cab and horse, which he would 
 fetch on his way back. M. Abric being absent, 
 Madame Abric did what was required with the 
 greatest promptitude, and as she knew Thelin well, 
 she made him accept a good slice of pate, which he 
 promised to eat very soon. This turned out to be 
 most acceptable to the Prince, who made a good 
 breakfast of it a little later. The Prince had. been 
 some time on the main road waiting for the arrival 
 of Thelin, who had been detained longer than 
 was anticipated. In the Prince's anxiety at having 
 missed him, he asked a passer-by whether he had 
 met a post-chaise on his way. ' No,' said he, and on he 
 went. It was the Procureur du Roi of St. Quentin.
 
 FLIGHT. 215 
 
 At last the post-chaise came in sight, the joyful 
 barking of the dog ' Ham,' who was with Thelin, 
 made the Prince aware of its near approach. It was 
 then nine o'clock. 
 
 Supposing the Prince's escape could be known in 
 the citadel at that moment, it was impossible for the 
 authorities to take the necessary steps, in the dis- 
 order attending such an event, without affording the 
 fugitives sufficient time to be out of their reach. 
 The post-chaise entered Valenciennes at 2.45 p.m. 
 ' Your passport,' asked the guard. Thelin exhibited 
 the one which the Englishman had given to the 
 Prince at Ham. ' All right ! ' 
 
 As there was no train for Brussels before fom* 
 o'clock, the Prince felt tempted to hire another 
 post-chaise to reach the frontier, but gave up the 
 idea, as he remembered it would look suspicious to 
 travel in such an unusual way. 
 
 Both the Prince and Thelin therefore waited as 
 patiently as they could at the station, the eyes of 
 Thelin being constantly turned to the only side 
 whence the gendarmes could come. ' Ah ! here is 
 Thelin,' said an old man in plain clothes. Thelin 
 turned round, and to his great terror recognised a 
 gendarme who had given up the service to fill a 
 situation in the Chemin de Fer du Xord. The man
 
 2i6 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 asked how the Prince was, little dreaming he was so 
 near him. 
 
 At last the train came in, and they took their 
 seats. 
 
 The Prince soon reached Brussels, Ostend, and 
 England, and arrived in London on the Derby Day 
 of 1846 ('May 27). The Prince immediately came 
 to my house. I hardly knew him when he entered 
 the room, so great was the change in his appearance 
 by the shaving off his moustaches. Our first meet- 
 ing was one of mutual joy, gratification, and thank- 
 fulness at the happy result of his bold attempt, to 
 which the Prince warmly and gratefully insisted that 
 I had mainly contributed. 
 
 It was from his own lips that I received the details 
 of his most wonderful escape. 
 
 No sooner was the Prince safe on the British 
 soil than he wrote letters to Sir Robert Peel, Lord 
 Aberdeen, and the French Ambassador. 
 
 To the latter (le Comte de St. Aulaire) the 
 Prince wrote the following letter : 
 
 ' London : May 28, 1846. 
 
 ' Sir, — I come frankly to declare to the man who 
 was the friend of my mother, that in escaping from 
 my prison I never intended to repeat against the 
 French Government the attempts that have proved
 
 LETTER TO THE FRENCH AMBASSADOR. 217 
 
 so disastrous to myself. My only object was to see 
 my aged father a^ain. 
 
 ' Before making up my mind to have recourse to 
 the last extremity — flight, I exhausted every means 
 of entreaty to be allowed to go to Florence, giving 
 at the same time every possible guarantee compa- 
 tible with my honour. All my solicitations having 
 met with refusal, I have done what the Due de Gruise 
 and the Due de Nemours did under Henry IV., in 
 similar circumstances. 
 
 ' I beg you will make known to the French Go- 
 vernment my peaceful intentions, and I hope that 
 this declaration, utterly spontaneous, will have the 
 effect of shortening the time of captivity of those of 
 my friends who are still in prison. 
 
 ' L. N. BONAPAETE.' 
 
 The narrative of the escape would remain incom- 
 plete if I did not relate what passed at Ham after the 
 departure of the Prince. 
 
 Dr. Conneau, whose devotedness to the Prince 
 filled his whole life, had undertaken the difficult 
 task of making it appear, as long as possible, that it 
 had not taken place. 
 
 The very first thing he did was to shut the door 
 of the bedi'oom next to the sitting-room, where he
 
 2i8 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 had a great fire made, despite the heat of the day, 
 alleging the indisposition of the Prince. At eight 
 o'clock A.M., breakfast being ready, the doctor or- 
 dered it to be laid in his own bedroom, the more so as 
 General Montholon was also ill in bed. He added 
 that the Prince had been taking medicine, and to 
 convince everybody that what he stated was true, he 
 manufactured a mixture of coffee and roasted bread, 
 with the addition of a quantity of nitric acid, which 
 being boiled for a few minutes, filled the rooms with 
 such a sick-room odour as to give the warders the 
 conviction that there was no mistake about it ! 
 
 The Governor soon came to inquire for the Prince. 
 
 The doctor said that he was rather better, and 
 was taking a little rest on the sofa in the sitting- 
 room. 
 
 All went right until seven o'clock in the evening, 
 when the Governor came again, and on the doctor 
 telling him the Prince was better, the Governor said, 
 ' As the Prince is better, I must see him ; I must 
 speak to him.' The simulated form of a man had 
 been adroitly arranged in the bed, having what 
 seemed to be his head tm-ned towards the wall. The 
 doctor called the Prince. ]So answer. Turning to the 
 Governor, he said, ' The Prince is fast asleep.' The 
 Governor did not appear quite satisfied with this pro-
 
 THE ESCAPE DISCOVERED. 219 
 
 longed pantomime. ' I will take a seat in the next 
 room,' said he, ' till his sleep is over. By the bye, 
 how is it that Thelin is not back yet? The dili- 
 gence has arrived and Thelin not here. Strange, 
 very strange ! Let us see.' 
 
 The doctor rushed into the room, and coming out 
 again, said, ' No, no, he is still sleeping ; ' but the 
 Governor could stand this anxious suspense no longer. 
 He entered the room, and pulling the bedclothes 
 right off, discovered the trick. 
 
 ' Good God ! ' said he, ' the Prince is gone ! ' 
 
 The reader will easily imagine his state of bewil- 
 dered distraction. 
 
 In the course of the next day the order came to 
 arrest the Governor, the doctor, and all the warders. 
 Doctor Conneau was handcuffed and sent to Peronne 
 to be tried, and sentenced to three months' impri- 
 sonment. Charles Thelin was sentenced by default 
 to six months of the same penalty. 
 
 The first thing the Prince did was to fulfil the 
 sacred duty which had induced him to undertake 
 such a daring adventure. The illness of his father 
 making rapid progress, the Prince had no time to 
 lose if he wished to bid his father a last farewell. 
 He applied for a passport to the Austrian Ambassador 
 in London, who was at the same time the accredited
 
 220 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 representative of the Grand Duke of Tuscany. The 
 passport was refused on the plea that it was a matter 
 concerning the French Government. The Grand 
 Duke of Tuscany was solicited by various members 
 of the family to grant the request, but he answered 
 that he could not tolerate the presence of the Prince 
 twenty- four hom's in the Duchy, owing to the French 
 influence opposing it. The Belgian Government was 
 still harsher, as it inscribed the name of the Prince 
 among those who were condemned to extradition by 
 the clauses of the treati^^s.
 
 1848. 
 
 LUI ! ! ! 
 
 PRINCE LOUIS napoleon's FIRST VISIT TO PARIS 
 (1848). 
 
 The two years spent by the Prince in London, from 
 1846 to 1848, were devoted almost exclusively by 
 him to finishing the work on the Canal of Nicaragua 
 which had been his favourite occupation during his 
 captivity at Ham. As he wished it to be published 
 in England, he directed me to translate it into 
 English, which I did. 
 
 The pamphlet was distributed only among a 
 limited number of his friends, most of whom were 
 members of Parliament ; but the Prince was not 
 long before he turned his mind again to French 
 politics, which in the latter part of 1847 showed 
 unmistakable signs of restlessness and dissatisfac- 
 tion. The obstinate refusal of King Louis Philippe 
 and his Ministry to give in to the legitimate 
 wishes of the country, longing and asking for a
 
 222 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 reform in the electoral law, had brought matters to 
 such an unsatisfactory state as to create in the 
 minds of the majority of the people grave appre- 
 hensions respecting the safety of the dynasty. The 
 ranks of the Opposition grew more numerous every 
 day, as they felt that the country was at their back, 
 and their influence increased in an inverse ratio to 
 the moderation of the people, whose aspirations, had 
 they been complied with in a timely legal form, 
 would have averted the catastrophe which was sure 
 to take place sooner or later in the shape of a regu- 
 lar revolution. It would be somewhat unfair to 
 assert that the French people could have obtained by 
 constitutional means what they required, instead 
 of resorting to violent measures for the attainment 
 of their object, when we consider that the number of 
 electors in a country like France, numbering 
 35,000,000 of inhabitants, was only about 250,000, 
 landowners for the greater part, paying a certain 
 amount of land and real property taxes, to the ex- 
 clusion of any other class, however great their popu- 
 larity, their services, their professional merits, or 
 their natm-al genius were. The consequence of this in- 
 judicious way of ascertaining the will of the country 
 was the composition of a Chamber of Deputies 
 entirely devoted to the King's personal views, and
 
 DISSATISFACTION IN FRANCE. 223 
 
 exclusively addicted to framing laws strengthening 
 the hands of the executive against manifestations of 
 public opinion, or establishing privileges in their 
 own behalf to accumulate wealth. 
 
 Every outlet to enable the people to make their 
 voices heard was done away with ; meetings were 
 suppressed, the press gagged. 
 
 The Opposition, with Odillon-Barrot at its head, 
 undaunted by the coercive measures of the Gfovern- 
 ment, resorted to banquets, where they thought they 
 could as private individuals invite whomsoever they 
 chose, to discourse on any subject they deemed best. 
 This, too, was considered a sort of delinquency by the 
 Government, and severely prohibited. The patience 
 of the people was thus put to a severe test, and it 
 burst at last with compressed fury. On February 
 24, 1 848, began that terrible fight in Paris which 
 after raging for three days ended in the flight of 
 Louis Philippe to England, the complete upset of 
 his Grovemment, and the establishment of the second 
 Republic. This revolution shook Europe to its very 
 foundations. Milan, single-handed and badly armed, 
 rose against the Austrian rule supported by a gar- 
 rison of 15,000 men, and after a desperate fight of 
 three consecutive days, drove them out of the town. 
 The liberal aspirations of Pio Nono had taken the
 
 224 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 whole world by surprise, and given the Italians the 
 hopeful prospect of his being a champion of that 
 independence and liberty of Italy against which his 
 predecessors had constantly set their minds, in sub- 
 servience to the dictates of the Austrian potentate. 
 
 Unmoved by the turmoil which seemed to con- 
 vulse Europe from top to bottom, patient, impassible, 
 all-daring, and instinctively keen to seize the right 
 moment to do what he thought the right thing, 
 Prince Louis Napoleon was looking on, watching the 
 course of events, complacently smiling at every hint 
 that he was in popular favour, and mentally spanning 
 the distance which separated his place of exile from 
 that of supreme power. 
 
 The fact of the Republicans having succeeded in 
 proclaiming the Republic without meeting with any 
 resistance, was easily accounted for, from their party 
 being the only one which at that time could rely on 
 a proper organisation, and on a nucleus of men, 
 capable, respectable, and to some extent popular. 
 But with all that, the country at large had not been 
 consulted. To the great majority of the people the 
 Republican form of government was odious, not 
 because of the principles on which it rests, but from 
 the recollection of all -the horrors entailed on the 
 nation by the Revolution of 1789. It is still a
 
 THE REPUBLIC. 225 
 
 matter of great doubt whether the people of Paris 
 fought in February with the idea of establishing a 
 Eepublic or an Empire. Subsequent events proved 
 that it was not the Eepublican form they would have 
 preferred ; still they would have submitted to it, in 
 the expectation of having at the helm of the state a 
 man like the Prince, bearing a glorious name, pro- 
 fessing liberal ideas, and capable of keeping in check 
 the other parties, and giving the country peace 
 and prosperity. No sooner was the Eepublic pro- 
 claimed in Paris, than the Prince, then residing in 
 King Street, St. James', was actually overwhelmed 
 with letters from all parts of France. No man I 
 think had such a voluminous correspondence to 
 attend to since February 24. 
 
 Communications of all kinds reached him every 
 morning, which were sorted with the greatest care. 
 They were all in the same strain. The Prince was 
 pressed to act. No end of suggestions were laid be- 
 fore his consideration, but only a few bore a pure 
 political character. The most numerous contributors 
 to this coiTcspondence were fanners, tradesmen, 
 professional men, clergymen, workmen, and all such 
 as live by constant mental or bodily toil. They 
 implored him to step forward, to issue a proclamation, 
 and to rely on their support whenever required. 
 
 Q
 
 226 COUNT ORSPS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 His own friends were more cautious in writing 
 from Paris, where a vigilant eye kept them in awe. 
 Their advice was to wait, and to watch events. The 
 Prince remained calm in the midst of this tantalising 
 state of things. 
 
 The agitation in the west end of London was 
 considerable owing to what had just occurred in 
 Paris, and French affairs soon became the principal 
 subject of conversation in the clubs, where men were 
 already speculating on the possible consequences of 
 a Revolution which had swept away a dynasty and 
 thrust upon the country a form of government they 
 cordially disliked. To an attentive observer the 
 Prince was evidently looked up to everywhere as 
 a man whom destiny had marked out for some 
 exalted, although as yet unknown position in the 
 world. 
 
 On the night of February 26, I had scarcely 
 retired to rest after a day's hard work done for the 
 Prince, when a hurried rap at the street door startled 
 me. JNIy first impression was that my house or that 
 of my neighbour was on fire, and that a policeman 
 had knocked to give the alarm. 
 
 I rushed to the door, and found myself face to 
 face with Charles Thelin, the Prince's faithful servant, 
 by whom I was requested to repair at once to the
 
 INTERVIEW WITH PRINCE. 227 
 
 Prince's house. Whilst I was dressing I enquired 
 whether the Prince was ill. ' No,' said Thelin, 
 ' the Prince is quite well, but has received from 
 Paris very important news, which he wants to see 
 you about. He looks in high spirits, but his ex- 
 citement is too great for him to stand it very long. 
 I dread the consequences. Do make haste, sir, for 
 God's sake ! Don't you think I had better go back 
 alone — you will soon follow me, won't you ? ' 
 
 ' I will,' said I. ' Tell the Prince that I shall be 
 with him in five minutes.' 
 
 The clock was just striking midnight when I 
 reached the Prince's door. 
 
 Before I could utter a word, the Prince, who was 
 pacing the room in a feverish state of mind, rushed 
 to me and said : 
 
 ' My dear Orsi ! It is marvellous to see how 
 well things look in France. I must start for Paris 
 without losing a moment. I have asked two or 
 three friends to accompany me, but they screen their 
 hesitation behind so many " ifs " and " huts " that I 
 am bound to consider it as a disguised refusal. I 
 thought of you — will you go with me ? ' 
 
 ^ Yes,' said I, ' most emphatically yes ! But you 
 will allow me to feel somewhat offended at your 
 applying (under the circumstances) to anybody else 
 
 Q 2
 
 228 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 instead of calling upon me at once to follow you, 
 which you well know I am ready to do at any time 
 and anywhere.' 
 
 ' I thank you with all my heart,' said the Prince. 
 ' I never doubted your willingness to stand by me 
 whenever I wanted you.' 
 
 ' When shall we start ? ' 
 
 ' To-morrow night.' 
 
 ' How shall we manage at Calais ? ' 
 
 ' I have provided myself with an English pass- 
 port. You must be here early to-morrow morning, 
 say half-past six, or we shall miss the train ; take no 
 luggage, as the line I am told is broken up between 
 Amiens and Paris — a small bag will do. Now go 
 home and have some rest, for we shall have none, 
 or very little, on the other side of the Channel.' 
 
 It was past one o'clock when I reached home. 
 My wife was waiting for me, to learn the object of my 
 interview with the Prince. On my telling her that 
 the Prince wished me to accompany him to Paris, 
 she could not help expressing with tears her anxiety 
 for our safety. My five years' confinement in the 
 fortress of Doullens for having taken an active part 
 in the Boulogne expedition was still vivid in her 
 recollection, and it was quite natural that she should 
 apprehend some fresh calamity befalling us, but her
 
 START FOR CALAIS. 229 
 
 devotion to the Prince and his cause was too deeply 
 rooted in her heart not to make her soon recover 
 from that momentary despondency which the dread 
 of a similar contingency, if not a worse one, had 
 caused her. 
 
 As it was already very late, I thought it better to 
 sit in my arm-chair by the fire, in order to be ready 
 to start at six o'clock. A cup of strong coffee and a 
 couple of good cigars kept me all right during the 
 rest of the night. I wrote a few letters, and after 
 bidding adieu to my wife, whose spirits I tried to 
 keep up as well as I could, I wended my way to the 
 Prince's house. 
 
 We left King Street in pretty good time for the 
 train to Dover. No incidents worth noticing occurred 
 during the journey there, and as I had done the 
 needful to secure for ourselves a peaceful retreat in 
 one of the carriages, no intruder had the opportunity 
 of interfering with us. 
 
 On board the steamer some caution on the part 
 of the Prince became necessary, for although there 
 were at that time very few who felt disposed to visit 
 Paris, still there was a sufficient number of foreigners 
 and Englishmen who might have known the Prince, 
 and it was to be feared that through some indelicate 
 busybody the name of the Prince would be dropped
 
 230 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 in the ear of some of the officials at Calais. I there- 
 fore advised the Prince to keep quiet in the cabin 
 below, and to lie down in one of the remotest berths, 
 to avoid being noticed by inquisitive individuals. I 
 remained on deck the whole time, the weather being 
 splendid, a fortunate circumstance for us, as it kept 
 everyone upstairs to breathe the fresh mild air, 
 leaving the Prince in exclusive possession of the 
 cabin. 
 
 We were about thirty on board. The almost 
 general topics of the conversation referred to the 
 French Revolution, to the consequences of the 
 establishment of a Republic in the very heart of the 
 Continent, and on the chances of its vitality. I was 
 moving from one group to another, to ascertain 
 whether anyone had the faintest idea of the Prince 
 being on board. Not one had, but different were 
 the ideas of the passengers on the events of the day. 
 
 * Now is the time for Prince Louis Napoleon to 
 come forward and show what stuff he is made of. 
 Believe me, a Republic in France will never do ! ' 
 
 ' You are mistaken,' interrupted a Frenchman, 
 ' the Republic is the form of government we prefer, 
 and we will fight for it against all pretenders.' 
 
 ' I am of opinion,' said another, ' that the best 
 thing for Prince Louis Napoleon to do is to bide his
 
 THE VOYAGE TO CALAIS.. 231 
 
 time, and not to jeopardise by a rash act the splendid 
 chance he has of becoming chief of the State.' 
 
 ' The workmen are all in his favour,' said a young 
 Frenchman, an engraver by profession, ' and if the 
 name of the Prince was ever polled, he would carry 
 the day with an immense majority.' 
 
 ' Nonsense ! ' cried out a rough-looking man 
 wearing spectacles. ' He has failed twice, at Stras- 
 burg and Boulogne ; he is no good. We don't want 
 masters ; we have had enough of them. Vive la 
 Republique ' he shouted, ' and let us fight and die 
 for it ! ' 
 
 ' But what will you do if the nation proclaims 
 him an Emperor by an overwhelming majority ? ' 
 
 ' I'll fight him still ! ' 
 
 ' And if he is elected President of this very 
 Republic of yours — what then ? ' 
 
 * I'll fight both of them, as tlds is not m/y ideal 
 of a Republic ! ' 
 
 Such were the comments made right and left by 
 most of the passengers, who on the whole appeared 
 to know but little about the state of public opinion 
 in France to form a right judgment on what was 
 likely to take place. 
 
 ' Alongside, sir ! ' said the steward to the Prince, 
 who was fast asleep. The Prince hurried up on deck.
 
 232 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 after putting a thick comforter round his neck to 
 hide his moustaches, and stood behind me as we 
 were stepping on the quay, where the official asked 
 whether he was an Englishman ; the Prince said he 
 was, and gave his name. As we had no luggage, we 
 had nothing to do with the Custom House, but there 
 was a formality to go through which has been done 
 away with ever since, the inspection of the pass- 
 port. This was a real nuisance. I felt rather nervous 
 about it for a few seconds, but everything went 
 smooth enough. Without losing one moment we 
 entered the station and took possession of a first- 
 class carriage, to wait therein till the hour of de- 
 parture. Thelin went to fetch some sandwiches, 
 cold fowl, and two bottles of wine, to save the an- 
 noyance of going to the refreshment room, which 
 was crammed at that moment. 
 
 We had a quiet dinner, and did honour to it in 
 a goodly spirit indeed. We left Calais at half-past 
 eleven and reached Amiens at 2.30. The train was 
 not to leave for Paris before four p.m., we therefore 
 gently strolled to the cathedral and back again in 
 good time for our departure. 
 
 We were already seated in the carriage, waiting 
 for the signal from the official's whistle to start, 
 when a number of men, apparently dressed somewhat
 
 AT AMIENS. 233 
 
 eccentrically, and led by one of them whom they 
 appeared to obey as if of a superior class or mind, 
 were coming straight into the station, some of them 
 shouting ' Vive la Republique ! ' some others ' Vive 
 I'Empereur ! ' and one and all running as fast as 
 they could to arrive in time for the train. Most of 
 them wore wooden shoes, and the rest of their 
 clothes were of the same pattern and shape. The 
 noise made by these men running with wooden shoes 
 on the pavement attracted the attention of the 
 station-master, who thinking that they were coming 
 to do mischief to the property of the company, 
 ordered the doors to be closed. The bustle and 
 confusion that followed this order, increased by the 
 vociferous imprecations of these men, hammering 
 the main door as hard as they could to get in, baffle 
 description. 
 
 Their threat of setting fire to the buildings if 
 they were not let in, induced the station-master to 
 comply with their demand, in the hope of bringing 
 them to their senses by dint of arguments. It was 
 a very critical moment for the Prince to be in the 
 middle of such a row. I resolutely got out of the 
 carriage to see what was going on, and amved just 
 in time to stem the rush of these infuriated men, 
 who at the sight of me slackened their onward
 
 234 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 movement as if by magic ! I knew them all, and 
 they knew me. They were all political prisoners, 
 whose mate I had been for five years in the citadel 
 of Doullens. These men had been set at liberty by 
 an order of the Minister of the Interior, and had 
 walked to Amiens in their prison garb in order to 
 proceed by train to Paris. 
 
 Providential indeed was my resolve to meet 
 them, as the first man I saw leading the others was 
 Lieutenant Aladenize, of the 42nd, who had been 
 sentenced by the Com"t of Peers to death (which was., 
 commuted to imprisonment for life), for the part he 
 took in the expedition of Boulogne in 1 840. On per- 
 ceiving me, he threw himself into my arms, and the 
 rest having gathered in a circle, began to greet me 
 as heartily as if I had been one of their family. The 
 danger was averted as regarded the station, but the 
 difficulty remained the same in reference to the 
 Prince, who, had he been discovered in the carriage, 
 would have been forced by them to put himself at 
 their head to foster some local insurrection. In this 
 predicament I took Aladenize out of the crowd, and 
 confided to him the whole truth. Hearing that the 
 Prince was in the carriage, he wanted to see him. 
 I resisted this, and made an appeal to his mind, to 
 his heart, to his own interests, and entreated him to
 
 WE LEAVE AMIENS. 235 
 
 prevail upon his men to let the train go, promising 
 to have another ready to take them to Paris. The 
 station-master, grateful to me for my having averted 
 a great calamity, promised these men to put a 
 special train at their disposal as soon as the one 
 ready to start had left the platform. He kept his 
 promise. 
 
 At the same time I assured the men that the 
 train about to start was not going further than 
 Creil. 
 
 This being done I jumped into the carriage. The 
 station-master smiled graciously at me, and quickly 
 putting the instrument to his lips, gave a most 
 deafening whistle. 
 
 The train left the station at 4.20 p.m. Owing 
 to the unsafe condition of the line, which had been 
 cut up between Amiens and Paris, and also from the 
 service of the company being badly attended to in 
 consequence of the loose authority that was left by 
 the head office to bear upon its management, in the 
 midst of the confusion into which the Revolution had 
 thrown both business and social connections of every 
 description, the train was ordered to go at a speed 
 not exceeding ten or twelve miles an hour. Nothing 
 worth notice occmred between Amiens and Breteuil 
 station, when a passenger of gentlemanly appearance,
 
 236 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 and whose luggage pointed to his being of a superior 
 class, entered our carriage and took a seat in one of 
 the corners without uttering a word. 
 
 This unexpected intrusion made the Prince 
 sulkj ; in his looks, in the few words he said, 
 he showed his disappointment. The Prince had 
 gathered himself up in the happy expectation of 
 being, left alone in his carriage, and here was a man, 
 completely unknown to him, seating himself com- 
 fortably in the same carriage and listening to our 
 conversation. There was at the same time a contrast 
 between the stern contracted features of the Prince, 
 and the placid, nay smiling face of this gentleman, 
 who seemed to say to himself all the while, ' I do not 
 see why you should be afraid of me ; I'll make your 
 mind easy ere long.' It was evident to me that he 
 was watching for an opportunity to make himself 
 agreeable to the Prince, and to dispel his anxiety as 
 regarded himself. The train happening to pass by 
 a chateau brilliantly illuminated, the Prince said 
 to me, ' Do you know who is the owner of that 
 splendid abode ? ' The gentleman immediately 
 answered : 
 
 ' That chateau, monseigneur, belongs to the 
 Marquis . . . .' 
 
 The word ' monseigneur ' startled the Prince, who
 
 A RECOGNITION. 237 
 
 saw that his incognito was unveiled. He turned 
 quietly to him and said : 
 
 ' I have not the pleasure of knowing you. May 
 I ask to be favoured with your name ? ' 
 
 'My name is B — . You are Prince Louis Napo- 
 leon, whom I have seen several times in London. 
 On one occasion I was to have been introduced to 
 you, but my friend left London before he could do 
 so. I am a large manufacturer in this neighbour- 
 hood, and keep 1,500 men constantly at work.' 
 
 * I recollect,' said the Prince, ' having seen your 
 name mentioned in the debates that took place in 
 the Chamber of Deputies some time ago concerning 
 tariffs on goods to be exported to England. If I am 
 not mistaken, you wrote a very clever work upon 
 the " Industry and Commerce of France," which is 
 considered exhaustive of the subject. May I ask 
 whether you are going to Paris ? ' 
 
 ' I am. And yom* Highness will find it very 
 strange when I tell you by what event I am now on 
 my way to Paris.' 
 
 'I suppose it is something connected with the 
 recent Eevolution.' 
 
 ' So it is. When it broke out in Paris I thought 
 it my duty to offer what assistance I could to any of 
 the family of the King who had not been able to
 
 238 COUNT ORSPS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 leave the capital. The Duke of Nemours having 
 expressed his wish to go to England, I offered to 
 accompany him, which I did. As soon as I saw him 
 safe there, I started for Paris. Now it seems to me 
 a most curious coincidence that after travelling with 
 the Duke of Nemours from Paris to London, I should 
 return to Paris with Prince Louis Napoleon by my 
 side ! ' 
 
 The Prince smiled at this remark. 
 
 ' Is not your Highness afi-aid of being recognised, 
 and of finding yom'self in trouble ? ' 
 
 ' I merely go to Paris for the pm-pose of judging 
 for myself of the state of things — not as they are 
 represented to me, but as they really are. I shall 
 only stay a few days. I do not mean to do any- 
 thing that will attract attention. My great friend 
 M. Vieillard . . . .' 
 
 ' Do you know Vieillard ? He is my most 
 intimate friend. We were both members of the 
 Chamber of Deputies, and sat on the same side of 
 the House, and although our political opinions were 
 not of the same shade, we never parted with an 
 angry word. I knew how devoted he was to the 
 Imperial family, and he was aware of my affection for 
 the Orleans family.' 
 
 The conversation between the Prince and ]\I. B.
 
 ARRIVAL AT PARIS. 239 
 
 continued to be as friendly as possible. It was very 
 late when we arrived at Creil, where we were in- 
 formed that the rails had been taken up and the 
 communication with Paris by the line interrupted. 
 We had no other alternative but to pass the night 
 in the railway carnage. Early next morning we 
 hired a conveyance, the best we could get under 
 the circumstances, well horsed, and reached Paris at 
 eleven o'clock a.m. We got out of the carriage at 
 the Barriere St. Denis and dismissed it, having no 
 luggage except a small hand-bag. 
 
 As we entered Paris we found a huge barricade 
 extending the whole length of the Barriere. It was 
 about ten feet high, and made of granite paving 
 blocks. 
 
 At the foot of both sides of the barricade stood 
 three armed National Guards, whose duty it was to 
 prevent anyone from coming in or going out of Paris 
 before he had picked up a paving block from the 
 barricade and put it down close to the others in the 
 unpaved road. This we learned was ordered to 
 enable the paviom's to do their work quicker. The 
 Prince complied with the injunction, and I and 
 Thelin did the same. Smmising, however, that this 
 kind of work would be thus forced upon us at the 
 corner of every street, we left the Faubourg and got
 
 MO COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 into a back street to consider, out of sight of the 
 crowd, what could be done to avoid such an oc- 
 currence. A hackney carriage with two horses hap- 
 pening to pass by, I hailed it, and asked the driver 
 whether he would take us to the Boulevard des 
 Italiens. 
 
 ' Certainly, mon Bourgeois ! Only, you know, in 
 time of Revolution — fares are — what we choose them 
 to be ! ' 
 
 ' All right, old fellow,' said I ; ' never mind the 
 fare. The only thing I want to know is whether you 
 can drive us safely to the Boulevard without alight- 
 ing from our carriage to place paving blocks on the 
 road, as we have been compelled to do at the Barriere 
 St. Denis ? ' 
 
 ' Oh ! leave that to me,' said the driver ; ' I am 
 too old to be done by a lot of good-for-nothing 
 fellows.' 
 
 The old driver kept his word; at 12.45 we were 
 at the Hotel des Princes. The main entrance of 
 the hotel is in Rue Richelieu, but most of the best 
 apartments look on the Boulevards. The Prince 
 took one of them. 
 
 No sooner had the Prince arrived than he 
 wrote to the Provisional Grovernment the following 
 letter :
 
 LUI! 241 
 
 ' To the Members of the Provisional Government. 
 
 ' Paris : February 28, 1848. 
 ' Gentlemen, — The people of Paris having de- 
 stroyed by their heroism the last vestiges of foreign 
 invasion, I hastened from the land of exile to place 
 myself under the banner of the Republic just pro- 
 claimed, without any other condition than that of 
 serving my country. I announce my arrival to the 
 members of the Provisional Government, and assure 
 them of my devotion to the cause they represent, 
 as well as of my sympathy for their persons. 
 
 ' Napoleon Louis Bonaparte.' 
 
 The arrival of the Prince spread in Paris like 
 wildfire. A few hours later his portrait appeared as 
 by magic in every shop window and kiosque on the 
 Boulevards. There was no name under them. The 
 only word, that puzzled many at first, but was soon 
 guessed by the multitude, was Lui ! ! as if it meant 
 ' It is he we want ! ' 
 
 Between nine and ten o'clock in the evening an 
 immense crowd assembled between the comer of the 
 Rue Richelieu and the Rue Laffitte, evidently with a 
 view of catching a glance of the Prince, who was 
 known to be at one of the hotels in the neighbour- 
 
 B
 
 242 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 hood. The crowd grew thicker and thicker, but 
 silent and collected. The police stood watching and 
 listening to what was said in the crowd, so compact 
 as to stop the traffic. The only words uttered by the 
 police were ' Move on, gentlemen,' and this was 
 done in the most civil manner possible. 
 
 On the morning of the 29th the Prince was 
 waited on by a large number of politicians, some 
 of whom left their cards and others were received by 
 the Prince, with whom they remained closeted for a 
 more or less length of time. The agitation was 
 assuming a formidable proportion, the least incident 
 might have been the cause of a sudden and dan- 
 gerous explosion, the consequences of which no one 
 could foresee. The portrait of the Prince with the 
 word lui was in everyone's hand ! 
 
 The Provisional Government became alarmed. 
 They were wavering as to the course to be pursued 
 in this grave emergency. Some of the members were 
 of opinion that the Prince should be arrested and con- 
 veyed to the frontier under the escort of some officials. 
 This mode of solving the difficulty was objected to by 
 the more wise portion of the Provisional Grovernment, 
 who dreaded the effects of a rash step, which, if it 
 were known, would become a pedestal for the Prince 
 if an opportunity offered for the display of popular
 
 DECISION OF PRO VISIONAL GO VERNMENT. 243 
 
 sympathy, most difficult to check under the circum- 
 stances by the force of the army. 
 
 In this predicament, the Provisional Grovernment 
 had recourse to the only step likely to avert fm-ther 
 complications. They wrote a letter to the Prince 
 requesting him to act up to his words, and trusting 
 to his expressed devotion to his country, entreated 
 him to quit Paris for a time, and not to increase by 
 his presence the difficulties by which the Provisional 
 Grovernment was just now surrounded. At the same 
 time General Montholou, the intimate friend of 
 the Prince, was deputed to prevail upon him to 
 comply with the request of the Provisional Govern- 
 ment, and to return to England without a moment's 
 delay. 
 
 The Prince received the intimation with perfect 
 calm, though apparently mingled with a slight feel- 
 ing of disappointment. Persigny, whose reluctance 
 for half-measures was well known, m-ged the Prince 
 to rebel against the request of the Provisional 
 Government, which he considered tantamount to an 
 order to quit France. 
 
 His views were seconded by others, who con- 
 tended that the best thing that could happen to 
 promote the political prospects of the Prince would 
 be his forced expulsion from the country by a hand- 
 
 s. 2
 
 244 COUNT ORSPS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 ful of men who had seized the supreme power 
 without the assent of the people. The majority 
 advised a stubborn resistance. 
 
 The Prince, after listening to the pros and cons 
 of both parties, and seemingly unmoved by any of 
 their arguments, rose suddenly and said : 
 
 ' Grentlemen ! — I have resolved to start to-night! 
 I feel grateful for all you said with a view of pro- 
 moting the cause I represent, but in this instance 
 I do not think I should be right in following your 
 advice. The Provisional Grovernment, though merely 
 a de facto one, is the only safeguard of the country at 
 present. It would be criminal on my part to shake 
 or upset it. I do not wish to throw obstacles in 
 their way. I came to Paris to offer my services' to 
 the Government, and I do not intend swerving from 
 my word. The elections are about to take place for 
 a National Assembly, and they will soon show the 
 feelings of the country. It would be a bad begin- 
 ning for me to excite a revolt at a moment when 
 everybody is bound to make the existing Govern- 
 ment respected ! ' 
 
 These few words were uttered in a firm and de- 
 termined tone of voice that precluded every attempt 
 to contradict them. 
 
 On March 2 the Prince left Paris, and arrived at
 
 DEPARTURE FROM PARIS. 245 
 
 Folkestone the next morning, attended bj myself 
 and Thelin. 
 
 The depailm'e of the Prince from Paris was 
 commented upon from two different points of view 
 by his partisans. By many it was construed into an 
 act of submissiveness unbecoming his great name 
 and political importance. They contended that he 
 ought to have refused to quit Paris, and forced the 
 Provisional Government to act violently for his ex- 
 pulsion. As he had come to Paris, he ought to have 
 made the most of it in the way of increasing his 
 popularity through some bold step. Others main- 
 tained that the Prince had acted most judiciously 
 in complying with the request to go back to England, 
 and by so doing had attained twofold objects of 
 great value ; the hrst, by bringing his name to the 
 front again ; and secondly, by showing that he did not 
 choose to make his popularity a tool for revolt 
 against the Government, but was rather desirous of 
 serving through it the cause of legality and even his 
 own. Besides being patriotic, the course adopted by 
 the Prince was exceedingly politic, as in the elections 
 which were to take place very shortly for a National 
 Assembly he stood a great chance of being retm-ned 
 a member by one or more departments, and of 
 securing a footing in his own country by constitu-
 
 246 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 tional means, which would be most conducive to the 
 attainment of his object. 
 
 The view the Prince took of his position was 
 perfectly right. By submitting to the injunction of 
 the Provisional Grovernment he drew upon himself 
 the respect and consideration of his countrymen, who 
 as a token of their attachment to the cause he 
 represented gave him a seat in the Assembly by 
 returning him a member in five of the largest de- 
 partments in France. 
 
 THE prince's departure FOR PARIS AS REPRESENTA- 
 TIVE OF FIVE DEPARTMENTS IN THE NATIONAL 
 ASSEMBLY. 
 
 The Prince was just then in great want of money. 
 He knew that his presence in Paris as a member of 
 the National Assembly would attract great attention, 
 and compel him to incur heavy expenses attending 
 his new position. He therefore requested me to call 
 in his name upon the Duke of Brunswick, for the 
 purpose of getting from him 20,000 francs, either as 
 an additional loan, or in exchange for the 20,000 
 francs of the shares of the ' National ' accepted by 
 the Prince in part payment of the 6,000^., which 
 were entirely valueless to him.
 
 MONEY DIFFICULTIES. 247 
 
 The Duke refused any further advance, notwith- 
 standing my making it clear to him that the offen- 
 sive and defensive treaty he had entered into with the 
 Prince was binding on him to support his cause in 
 the only way he could, the more so as it was evident 
 that the Prince was making strides in the desired 
 direction more rapid than was anticipated. 
 
 This refusal made the Prince exceedingly angry, 
 and was the main cause of the Emperor's never being 
 reconciled with the Duke of Brunswick when he was 
 in Paris. 
 
 Even before his escape from the citadel of Ham 
 
 the Prince endeavoured to exchange the shares of the 
 
 ' National ' for a sum of 20,000 francs he then required 
 
 very much, but the Duke having been firm in his 
 
 refusal, the Prince wrote me from Ham the following 
 
 letter : 
 
 'Ham : December 9, 18i5. 
 
 ' My dear Orsi, — I see from your letter of the 4th 
 that you have done all you could to get for me the 
 20,000 francs I require. I thank you for it. Should 
 the Duke ask what my answer was, tell him that his 
 refusal has led me to infer that I was completely 
 mistaken, and that our agreement is nothing more 
 than a purely commercial transaction. 
 ' Yours ever, 
 
 ' L. N. Bonaparte.'
 
 248 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 Before starting for Paris, the Prince requested 
 me to remain in London for the pm-pose of settling 
 some of his private affairs and putting all matters 
 straight. 
 
 After being proclaimed President of the Eepublic 
 on December 10, 1848, he sent for me to come to 
 Paris. The first time I had the honour of seeing him 
 at the Elysee I could not help feeling unaccountably 
 proud and happy at his glorious attainment of the 
 exalted position for which he had endangered his 
 life, suffered exile, obloquy, and long imprisonment. 
 In his kind and easy way he passed in review the 
 extraordinary events we had gone through together, 
 and which had culminated in the greatest success that 
 could have been imagined or hoped for, and while 
 dwelling on the happy result of his perseverance and 
 energy, he referred in the most grateful and affec- 
 tionate manner to what I had been fortunate enough 
 to accomplish for him, both in reference to the 
 Boulogne expedition and his escape from Ham, 
 which latter he could not have effected without the 
 means I had succeeded in obtaining for his deliver- 
 ance. 
 
 The Prince having expressed the wish that I 
 should settle in Paris, I hastened to comply with his 
 request, which I did the more eagerly as I could see
 
 THE PRESIDENT. 249 
 
 that his advent to the Presidency had taken place in 
 direct opposition to the wishes of the Eoyalists, 
 Orleanists, and Eadicals, and that the task he had 
 to perform was a difficult one, and not likely to be 
 gone through without the greatest energy and firm- 
 ness on his part. 
 
 AN rXTERVIEW WITH THE PRINCE PRESIDENT. 
 
 In the evening of September 20, 1851, 1 received 
 a note from Dr. Conneau, requesting me to call upon 
 the President without fail next evening at nine 
 o'clock. 
 
 The position of political affairs was at that very 
 moment most alarming. The attacks on the power 
 conferred by the country upon the President were 
 becoming so formidable as to make a conflict sooner 
 or later inevitable. 
 
 The Legislative Assembly, mainly composed of 
 Orleanists, Legitimists, and Ultra-Eepublicans, were 
 doing all they could to obstruct the Government, to 
 render it unpopular, and to overthrow the President 
 himself. The Eoyal factions were busy plotting for 
 their respective candidates ; the Orleanists were can- 
 vassing for the Prince de Joinville, the Legitimists 
 for Henry V. The Democrats and Socialists had
 
 2 50 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 appointed agents all over the country to spread anar- 
 chical doctrines, sedition, and disorder. The very- 
 Ministers of the President were not to be trusted. 
 The crisis was proved to be at its climax when it be- 
 came evident that no modus vivendi could be de- 
 vised between the President and the Assembly, 
 despite the efforts made by the former to esta- 
 blish it. 
 
 The enemies of the President were the more 
 furiously bent upon getting rid of him as the country 
 was giving daily unmistakable signs of looking upon 
 him as the only man capable of extricating the 
 country from the dangerous and ruinous situation in 
 which the hostile parties wanted to keep it, to serve 
 their selfish purposes. Other facts that had recently 
 taken place, as the recess of the Assembly, the re- 
 tirement of the Ministry, and the formation of a 
 new Cabinet with Greneral St. Arnaud as Minister of 
 War, pointed to some great event likely to take 
 place shortly by the initiative of the President, 
 before it was too late. 
 
 Such was the state of affairs on September 21, 
 when I had the honour of being shown into the pri- 
 vate cabinet of the President, whom I found in 
 excellent spirits and remarkably calm. 
 
 ' I have read,' said he, 'yom' report respecting the
 
 INTERVIEW WITH PRESIDENT. 251 
 
 arrangements you made in London for the final settle- 
 ment of such matters as had been left in suspense 
 by me previous to my departure for Paris. I thank 
 you for the zeal and care with which you have com- 
 plied with my wishes. It is time for me to see what 
 I can do for you, and I hope I shall soon be able to 
 prove how grateful I feel for all you have accomplished 
 to carry out my views. Meanwhile, let me give you a 
 mark of my great affection and esteem.' 
 
 In saying these words, the Prince took out of the 
 button-hole of his coat the riband of Chevalier of 
 the Legion of Honour, and handing it to me desired 
 me to adjust it on my own. 
 
 ' The distinction you are good enough to confer 
 upon me,' said I, ' fills my heart with the greatest 
 gratitude, and I prize it the more as it was an act 
 of spontaneous consideration on your part. I thank 
 you for the honour you have done me to-day, and 
 which I consider to be the highest reward for my de- 
 votion to your Highness.' 
 
 ' I thought,' added the Prince, ' of giving you 
 letters of naturalisation. What do you say to 
 that ? ' 
 
 ' I should be proud, most assuredly,' said I, ' of being 
 naturalised a Frenchman, but this I beg your High- 
 ness will not think of. People would say that I gave
 
 252 COUNT ORSPS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 up my nationality to serve my private interests, and 
 such a supposition would be very painful to me. 
 Besides, if you ever hold the destinies of this country 
 altogether in your hands, you will, I hope, remember 
 that Italy has not forgotten your sympathy for her, 
 and that you will seize the first opportunity to 
 make that country the grateful ally of France in 
 helping to deliver her from the hateful yoke of the 
 Austrians.' 
 
 ' I respect yom* motives,' answered the President. 
 ' What is your opinion,' continued he, ' about the ulti- 
 mate end of the conflict existing between the As- 
 sembly and myself? ' 
 
 ' The conspiracy,' I replied, ' of the Eoyalists and 
 Republicans against your Government and yourself 
 personally is evident, and my fear is that, although 
 the country sides with you, your enemies will, if they 
 are left alone, lay violent hands upon you when they 
 are ready to substitute some one else in the place 
 you occupy.' 
 
 As the President remained silent, and was still 
 looking at me, as if waiting to hear what more I had 
 to say, I continued, ' Of course I should not venture 
 to speak my mind as I used to do in London.' 
 
 ' Pray do, by all means,' said the President ; ' tell 
 me your impressions frankly and unreservedly.'
 
 THE SITUATION. 253 
 
 ' ]My impression is that the position, as I see it, 
 is becoming more and more alarming, and my 
 dread is that you will be taken by surprise ; every 
 one sees the danger you are in. Fortunately, a 
 general feeling of entire confidence in your energy 
 and persistency of purpose is prevailing. No one can 
 be brought to believe that you will quietly submit to 
 be overthrown without a struggle. I have no doubt 
 you will caiTy the day, and be armed by the country 
 with the fullest powers. How this result will be ob- 
 tained it is difficult to foresee, but should you suc- 
 ceed in securing the power you require to save the 
 country from anarchy, I should most respectfully 
 suggest that you hold it firmly, and use it to carry 
 out with a high hand the so much needed reforms 
 in every part of the state machinery. By putting 
 into practice the principles you have so nobly advo- 
 cated for the welfare of the country, in which, when 
 quiet and prosperous, aspirations for free institutions 
 and public liberties will make their way among all 
 classes of society as a necessity of the times, the 
 constituencies will be brought to see, by the acts of 
 your Grovernment, that the fostering on their part 
 of a rebellious instead of a strictly constitutional 
 opposition, will be suicidal and unpatriotic. ' 
 
 The President listened to what I had been saying
 
 2 54 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 without letting a single twitch of his brow betray 
 his thoughts. 
 
 An aide-de-camp having just entered the room to 
 inform the President of the arrival of the JNIinister 
 for Foreign Affairs, I retired, in great apprehension 
 and anxiety regarding his personal safety.
 
 THE NEW WORLD. 255 
 
 MEXICO. 
 
 In the latter part of September 1866, three Ame- 
 rican gentlemen sailed from New York to Havre, 
 and put up at the same hotel where a friend of 
 mine, Mr. Francis, late editor of the 'Morning 
 Chronicle,' had taken up his quarters for some days. 
 Political controversies and other matters con- 
 nected with the New and Old World brought 
 naturally the two parties to exchange their views on 
 the questions at issue. Not many days elapsed be- 
 fore their intercourse became intimate owing to the 
 good feeling which pleasure trips in the environs of 
 Havre had contributed to create. The object of 
 their journey to Europe had been kept a secret all 
 the while ; but on one occasion, as the Mexican 
 question became the topic of the day, one of the 
 three gentlemen asked Mr. Francis whether he 
 knew anyone in Paris who could lay before the 
 Emperor himself a scheme of vast importance, and
 
 2 56 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 likely to suit his views. Mr. Francis immediately 
 thought of me, answered in the affirmative, upon 
 which they made up their minds to repair to Paris 
 at once. 
 
 Mr. Francis having left Havre at the same time, 
 called upon me the next day to ask whether I would 
 consent to be introduced to these gentlemen, leaving, 
 of course, to me full liberty of action should their 
 proposal appear sufficiently important to command 
 the attention of the Emperor. 
 
 The introduction having taken place, I gave them 
 to understand, in as gentle a way as possible, that 
 before I went further into the affair, I should con- 
 sider it a duty on my part to get from them some 
 satisfactory evidence that they were what they 
 represented themselves to be, and that they had the 
 authority of laying before the Emperor the project of 
 which they were the bearers. I must say that my 
 remark was met in the most cordial spirit, and that 
 everything was done to satisfy me of their honourable 
 position. 
 
 These preliminaries having been disposed of, I 
 asked what was the object of our interview. 
 
 One of the party took a paper out of his pocket, 
 and before reading it said to me : 
 
 ' To enable you to understand thoroughly the
 
 MEXICO. 257 
 
 bearing of the proposal we wish you to lay before 
 the Emperor, and to make you acquainted with the 
 intricacies of our political strifes, of which it is not 
 likely you have as complete a knowledge as you pos- 
 sess of those which take place on this side of the 
 water, allow me to read this paper, which frames the 
 complete adjustment of the Mexican question by 
 peaceful means to the satisfaction of all parties. The 
 perusal of this document will be suggestive of many 
 remarks both on the part of the Emperor and your- 
 self. It is therefore highly important that you should 
 have a perfect knowledge of the raison d'etre of its 
 contents, and at the same time that you should be 
 supplied with the means of answering any objections 
 raised against it.' 
 
 Treaty draiun by the Diplomatic Association for 
 the Adjustment of the Mexican Question and 
 the Settlement of National Geographical Bound- 
 aries ivith the United States. 
 
 The United States will not be content until 
 natural geographical boundaries are fixed to New 
 Mexico, securing to the former railway routes con- 
 necting the Gulf States with the Pacific Ocean and 
 California. 
 
 s
 
 258 COUNT ORSPS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 A line starting at a point on the Rio Grrande del 
 Norte, two leagues below the mouth of the Rio 
 Sabinos, thence direct to Cape St. Lucas on the 
 Pacific, being the southern extremity of the State of 
 Lower California, would satisfactorily secure the 
 object. 
 
 The lands, minerals, harbours, and everything of 
 material value north of this line were granted to 
 American companies by the Mexican Governments 
 under Comonfort, Miramon, and Juarez, previous to 
 the occupation of Mexico by the French. 
 
 The United States Government are pledged to 
 maintain the rights of these companies under their 
 respective grants, therefore the Emperor Maximilian 
 has nothing to cede except sovereignty over a terri- 
 tory inhabited for the most part by wild roving bands 
 of marauding Indians. 
 
 It is owing to the support and encouragement 
 Juarez receives from these large and powerful com- 
 panies that he can stand his ground against the 
 Emperor Maximilian, and to them he is indebted 
 for the loan recently contracted by him of fifteen 
 millions of francs to defray the expenses of the re- 
 bellion. 
 
 The new character political events appear to take 
 in the United States, owing to the opposition met
 
 A DRAFT TREATY. 259 
 
 with by President Johnson in the Congress, have 
 materially altered the views entertained by the 
 wealthy and influential men who side with the Pre- 
 sident in reference to the Mexican question, which 
 they consider as the most powerful weapon in the 
 hands of the Opposition. 
 
 An association of men belonging to these land 
 and mining companies, and which has been joined 
 by other influential people having heavy claims 
 against the Imperial Government, has been formed 
 both in Paris and New York for the purpose of con- 
 veying to the French Government their views and 
 their projects as regards an understanding with the 
 American Executive calculated to solve practically 
 the Mexican imbroglio to the satisfaction of all 
 parties. 
 
 This powerful association, influential in the Con- 
 gress, in the press, and in the financial world, relying 
 on the support of the President, have determined 
 upon laying before the Imperial Government of 
 France the following proposal : — 
 
 I. The Imperial Government of Mexico will sell 
 and transfer to the United States the territories to 
 the north of the line, namely, the Lower California, 
 Sonora, Gueymas and Sinaloa, for 300 millions of 
 dollars in 5 per cent. American stock. 
 
 S 2
 
 26o COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 II. On the Mexican Government transferring the 
 above territory to the United Slates, the American 
 Government will recognise the jNIexican Empire. 
 
 III. From the day when these territories belong 
 to the United States, both the American Executive 
 and the land and mining companies whose grants 
 will then be secured will, either directly or indi- 
 rectly, cut short all supplies in money, arms, or 
 otherwise to the ex-President Juarez, and do all 
 in their power to discountenance others in the 
 rebellion. 
 
 IV. As soon as the French and Mexican Govern- 
 ments have consulted each other on the advisability 
 of entertaining the project laid before their consider- 
 ation, a secret and provisional treaty will be entered 
 into between the American and French Governments 
 to secure the loyal fulfilment of the clauses above 
 mentioned, on the Congress voting the sum of 300 
 millions of dollars as before mentioned. 
 
 V. The cession of the four provinces to the 
 United States shall be effected by means of a con- 
 tract or deed of sale, and not by treaty, which, accord- 
 ing to the American constitution, would require the 
 assent of two-thirds of the Congress, while a simple 
 majority is sufficient to sanction a transfer of terri- 
 tory by deed of sale.
 
 A DRAFT TREATY. 261 
 
 VI. The French Emperor and the President of 
 the United States agreeing on the adjustment of the 
 natural boundaries, a contract will be entered into, 
 subject to the approval of the Emperor Maximilian. 
 Upon notice of his approval, the President of the 
 United States will hand over to the French Govern- 
 ment 300 millions 5 per cent, stocks and take im- 
 mediate possession of the four provinces, protecting 
 the Mexican Emperor against all marauding ex- 
 peditions from the territories acquired. 
 
 VII. A treaty to be entered into by the con- 
 tracting parties, pledging the lands, minerals, and 
 all the resources of the territory acquired to the pay- 
 ment of the interest on the 300 millions scrip, until 
 Congress shall ratify the contract and appropriate 
 sufficient money out of the common treasury to pay 
 the interest and principal stipulated. 
 
 VIII. On the French Groverament receiving the 
 300 millions 5 per cent, stock, the Emperor Napo- 
 leon will make such arrangements with the Emperor 
 Maximilian as regards the share to be apportioned 
 out of it to him as will be agreed between the two 
 parties, and he will keep whatever is left to indem- 
 nify himself for the expenditure occasioned by the 
 expedition. 
 
 IX. A sum of 250,000 dollars to be paid by the
 
 ^2 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 French Government to Juarez on his leaving the 
 country at once, and signing a renunciation to any 
 future interference in the Mexican affairs. 
 
 'The scheme you have sketched out,' said I, ' is 
 of such magnitude as not to be embraced at once in 
 its entirety. It viiay raise many objections and 
 doubts on the part of the French Government. It 
 will be as well, therefore, that I should be in possession 
 of further information before I can put it in a tan- 
 gible way before the consideration of the Emperor. 
 In the iirst place, what is the object President 
 Johnson is supposed to attain, should the plan pro- 
 posed be carried out ? ' 
 
 ' Your remark,' said the gentleman (who seemed 
 to be the spokesman of his friends), ' is to the point, 
 as you could not understand thoroughly the bearing 
 of the proposal if I did not render it clear to your 
 mind beforehand what is the present situation of 
 ]\'L\ Johnson with reference to the Mexican question. 
 President Johnson is a Conservative both by prin- 
 ciple and personal interest. He strives to strengthen, 
 by means of popular measures, the Conservative 
 party, in order to prevent the Radicals from coming 
 to power. He had two objects in view, first his 
 re-election, second the complete and unconditional
 
 PRESIDENT JOHNSON. 263 
 
 return of the Southern States into the American 
 Union. A Southerner himself, Mr. Johnson is eager 
 to appease passions and to foster peace and harmony 
 among all the members of the community. The 
 most efficient means by which he can attain his object 
 is an extension of territory in the North and South 
 of the Union : in the North by the acquisition of 
 the provinces called Western British Temtory (for 
 which active negotiations are going on at this mo- 
 ment), in the south by that of the northern provinces 
 of Mexico. By the disbanding of the army President 
 Johnson finds some 700,000 or 800,000 men in array 
 before him, without resources, and ready to go where- 
 ever they think there is anything to fight for. They 
 form with the Fenians the greatest support of the 
 Eadicails, and are waiting for the signal of another 
 civil war to follow their favourite calling of marauding 
 and pillage. By acquiring the four Mexican provinces 
 President Johnson will attain three objects: — 1st. 
 He will promote by every possible means the emi- 
 gration to that territory of all the elements of dis- 
 order which are the strength of the Eadicals ; 2nd. 
 He will satisfy public opinion, anxious to get an 
 extension of territory in that direction ; 3rd. He 
 will increase the number of electors, who, he expects, 
 will vote for his re-election, or for members to the
 
 264 COUNT ORSPS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 Congress that are favourable to his policy. Another 
 advantage President Johnson will derive from the 
 purchase of the foiu- provinces consists in the sup- 
 port he will receive from the powerful companies 
 that covet their possession, and in the cessation 
 of hostilities on the part of Juarez, who, being 
 thus left without supplies, will be compelled to 
 retire.' 
 
 ' You make it very clear to me,' said I, ' that 
 President Johnson would better }iis position by the 
 acquisition of these provinces, but I do not see as 
 yet how Juarez is to be dealt with to get rid of 
 him.' 
 
 'President Johnson,'" answered my interlocutor, 
 ' to soften the hostility of the Eadicals, was not so 
 unfriendly to Juarez as he wished to be, but he has 
 been watching the moment when it would be possible 
 for him to break the good understanding existing 
 between the Eadicals and Juarez. This opportunity 
 offers itself now, by sanctioning the plan we propose, 
 and which Juarez has fully agreed to, namely, that 
 he should retire from Mexico on his receiving a sum 
 of money on the day he signs the treaty.' 
 
 ' At every explanation you are good enough to 
 give me, I feel my mind entering more clearly into 
 the full understanding and importance of the ques-
 
 JUAREZ. 265 
 
 tion, which at first was rather puzzling to me. Now 
 please tell me, by what means President Johnson 
 expects to have the project ratified by the Congress, 
 supposing it is agreed to by the French and Mexican 
 Emperors ? ' 
 
 ' There are now,' said the gentleman, ' two 
 opposite currents in the American Grovemment. On 
 one side the policy of the President, on the other 
 that of Seward — the policy that supports Juarez, and 
 that which supports Ortega ; Juarez backed by the 
 President, Ortega backed by Seward and the Con- 
 gress. This state of antagonism will last till March 4 
 next, when Congress and Minister will disappear. 
 From March 4 to December 1, 1867, when the new 
 Congress meets, the President will be the only 
 authority in the country. We must call your atten- 
 tion to the circumstance that it was with the greatest 
 reluctance that President Johnson acknowledged the 
 present constituted Congress. The new Congress of 
 December 1, 1 867, will give the President a different 
 position, from his having declared in the most 
 explicit manner that he will not acknowledge the 
 legal status of the Congress if the members of the 
 Southern States were to be excluded from the 
 representation of the country, whether the Congress 
 met on December 1, 1867, or at any anterior epoch.
 
 266 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 which could be done by a vote of the present Con- 
 gress in opposition to the will of the President. 
 This is the crisis dreaded by every one, as it will 
 decide which of the two contending parties will carry 
 the day. The negotiation which is progressing just 
 now between Juarez and the American Association 
 from whom Juarez constantly drew the sinews of war, 
 has already thrown into a great stir the camp of the 
 chiefs of the Mexican rebellion, who are aware that 
 on the four provinces forming part of the Union, 
 by purchase or otherwise, they become American 
 citizens, and, as such, powerless to keep up a rebellion 
 in Mexico.' 
 
 ' If President Johnson,' said I, ' is so interested 
 in the purchase of these provinces, how is it that he 
 has not communicated more directly on the subject 
 with the French Government ? ' 
 
 ' My answer to this,' he replied, ' is easy enough. 
 President Johnson could not communicate officially 
 with the French Government on the subject, because 
 he dreaded a refusal, remembering how the Emperor 
 had for the last four years been adverse to the 
 aggrandisment of the United States. It was therefore 
 resolved that a confidential communication of the 
 scheme should be made first by the Diplomatic 
 Association of which we are members. This was con-
 
 THE DIPLOMATIC ASSOCIATION. 267 
 
 sidered the best way to solve the difficulty, and as 
 we have been from the beginning the supporters of 
 Juarez, in arms, clothing, provisions, ammunition, 
 and money, it was quite natural that we should be 
 the confidential bearers of the project, before the two 
 Grovernments were called upon to communicate their 
 views in a more overt way.' 
 
 ' Allow me to ask you whether you can point to 
 any antecedent of a similar transaction having taken 
 place on the part of the United States Govern- 
 ment ? ' 
 
 ' Certainly I can,' was the answer, ' President 
 Polk gave Sant' Anna three millions of dollars and 
 a safe-conduct through our victorious fleets and 
 armies, simply to sign a treaty of peace ceding to us 
 Texas and California, already in the complete occu- 
 pation of our armies, but Sant' Anna proved false to 
 all his pledges, and preferred the prolongation of a 
 hopeless war to receiving one hundred millions 
 of dollars for these States, which compelled us to 
 drive him out of the country, and create another 
 Grovernment to sign a treaty of peace to enable us 
 to retire.' 
 
 ' I think,' said I, ' that I have now made myself 
 sufficiently acquainted with the object of yom- mis- 
 sion to be able to lav it before the French Government
 
 268 COUNT ORSPS RECOLLECTIONS 
 
 in a tangible shape. As regards the one million 
 francs to be paid to Juarez, how is it to be dealt 
 with ? ' 
 
 ' The French Grovernment,' he replied, * will have 
 to send to Washington a trustworthy agent of their 
 own with instructions to pay that sum to Juarez 
 in exchange for the treaty to be signed by Juarez 
 himself in his presence, of which he will have a 
 copy beforehand. The representative of the French 
 Government is not to part with the money entrusted 
 to him except for that purpose.' 
 
 Our interview had lasted ui:)wards of three hours 
 when I took leave of the three gentlemen, to whom 
 I promised to prepare a memorandum which I would 
 lay before them for their approval, previous to my 
 presenting it to the Emperor. 
 
 I was perplexed for a while respecting the course 
 I should pursue in fulfilment of my promise, whether 
 I was to apply directly to the Emperor or to the 
 Minister for Foreign Affairs ; in other words, whether 
 it would be wiser for me to give the Minister the 
 opportunity of taking the initiative in such a nego- 
 tiation, than that he should receive at the hands 
 of the Emperor the knowledge of what must go 
 through his department sooner or later. 
 
 The Emperor happening to labour under a slight
 
 MY MEMORANDUM. 269 
 
 indisposition, I made up my mind, to save time, to 
 ask an audience of the Minister. 
 
 On October 31, 1866, 1 had the honour of laying 
 before him the memorandum I had prepared for the 
 adjustment of the Mexican question. 
 
 His Excellency read it, and appeared deeply 
 struck with the importance of the subject, more so, 
 indeed, than I at first anticipated. All at once he 
 cooled down, as if he felt he had gone too far in my 
 presence, I being a perfect stranger to him. I saw 
 that at once, and said, 'M. le Ministre, you may rely 
 upon the genuineness of the document I have just 
 handed to you. If you will kindly mention Diy 
 name to the Emperor, as the person from whom you 
 have received it, you will have no reason to regret 
 the honour you have conferred on me to-day.' 
 
 ' The proposal you have so fully developed in your 
 paper,' said the Minister, 'throws a new light alto- 
 gether upon the Mexican question, I must confess. It 
 is a scheme that may solve difficulties by which we are 
 beset, if it is carried out as proposed. I will see the 
 Emperor to-day, and I have no doubt I shall have the 
 pleasure of another interview with you very shortly.' 
 
 On November 3 I was requested by the Chef de 
 Cabinet to call again upon the Minister at ten o'clock 
 in the morning.
 
 270 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 ' I saw the Emperor yesterday morning/ said the 
 Minister, ' and on my mentioning your name his 
 Majesty spoke to me in such warm terms of your 
 devotion to him, that I feel myself completely at 
 home with you in discussing this very important 
 matter, the success of which will avert from the Im- 
 perial Government many misgivings that loom in 
 the distance. Have you,' added he, 'gathered 
 sufficient information about the gentlemen who 
 form part of the Association ? Do you know who 
 they are, and what is their standing in the United 
 States ? ' 
 
 ' Yes,' I answered, ' and I have no objection to 
 give you their names if you pledge your word not to 
 mention them, as it would render the transaction an 
 impossibility for the reasons adduced in my memo- 
 randum. What I can safely say is that they are 
 personally well known to General Dix, although of 
 their mission to Europe he is completely ignorant. 
 I beg, M. le Ministre, to call your particular atten- 
 tion to the necessity of keeping as secret as possible 
 every step we take in the affair, or most assuredly 
 we shall fail.' 
 
 ' Am I to understand,' said the Minister, ' that 
 the appropriation of the 300,000,000 dollars 5 per 
 cent. American stock, to be paid for the four provinces.
 
 INTERVIEW WITH THE MINISTER. 271 
 
 is to be left to the private arrangements intervening 
 solely between the Emperor Maximilian and our 
 Emperor ? ' 
 
 ' That is so.' said I. 
 
 ' So far as I can judge, I do not apprehend any 
 opposition on the part of the Emperor Maximilian 
 to the fulfilment of this project. The only point 
 upon which I hesitate to give an answer is the sum 
 of 1,000,000 francs to be paid to Juarez on his 
 signing the treaty. Where are we to find such a 
 sum ?' 
 
 ' Assuredly, M. le Ministre, you cannot mean to 
 say that 1,000,000 francs for such a puipose as 
 this is out of the reach of the French Government. 
 The money is to be entrusted by you to a re- 
 sponsible agent of the Government, and to be paid 
 by him to Juarez personally in exchange of the 
 treaty. No treaty — no money ; you do not run any 
 risk of losing it.' 
 
 ' We will see about that,' said the ^Minister. 
 ' The Emperor is just now slightly indisposed, but 
 you will be summoned to the Tuileries in a day or 
 two. If necessary, will these gentlemen object to 
 an interview with me on the subject? ' 
 
 ' Quite the contrary — they will feel grateful for 
 the honour.'
 
 272 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 On November 11 I received through Charles 
 Thelin a communication from the Emperor to call 
 at St. Cloud at four o'clock. Owing to important mat- 
 ters requiring the Emperor's presence in Paris, the 
 council of Ministers had to meet at the Tuileries 
 instead of at St. Cloud as intended. 
 
 The Emperor, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, 
 and I sat for some time to consider what was to 
 be done towards the proposed scheme. The first 
 point which the Minister for Foreign Affairs dwelt 
 on, was the million francs to be sent out to 
 Washington, which he did not know how to procure. 
 
 Turning to address the Emperor, I said : 
 
 ' Sire, I humbly confess that I am at a loss to 
 conceive how the French Government, that has spent 
 perhaps 300,000,000 in sending an army to Mexico, 
 is powerless to find in some way or other 1,000,000 
 for such a great purpose. You might be suspicious 
 respecting the employment of this sum if you 
 were asked to trust it to some one not personally 
 responsible to the Grovernment, but we ask nothing 
 of the kind. Please to remark. Sire, that your 
 Grovernment can never be compromised by this 
 negotiation, which is secretly carried out. Your 
 Majesty has at other times entrusted me with the 
 management of as vital and secret affairs as this
 
 INTERVIEW WITH THE EMPEROR. 273 
 
 is ; therefore, should you desire it, I am at your 
 command to accompany to America the person se- 
 lected for the transaction. I will watch, and give 
 advice if required, and nothing shall be left undone 
 that is necessary to secure success.' 
 
 The Emperor, who was evidently in ill-health 
 and in low spirits, did not appear willing to oppose 
 his Minister on this point. 
 
 ' Then,' said I, addressing the Minister, ' we had 
 better give it up at once, as it would not be fair to 
 keep these gentlemen waiting here for what is not 
 likely to be fulfilled at any time.' 
 
 The Minister appeared stung with my remark, 
 and said to the Emperor : ' I beg your jNlajesty will 
 allow me a few days more to consider what can be 
 done. There are other circumstances connected with 
 the affair which I make it my duty to look after ; for 
 instance, I have no hesitation in saying that I have 
 written to M. Montholon to enquire whether he has 
 heard anything connected with this project, and 
 before I receive an answer I cannot advise your 
 Majesty to enter more fully into it.' 
 
 On hearing these words, I could not help re- 
 marking rather sharply : 
 
 ' Well ! M. le Ministre, you have entirely lost 
 sight of the nature of the negotiation, the success 
 
 T
 
 274 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 of which is impossible if it is not kept a secret 
 until Juarez is bound hand and foot by the treaty 
 we propose. You expect to receive from your 
 oflScial representative at Washington such informa- 
 tion in reference to this matter as you think will be 
 valuable for your guidance. Believe me, you will 
 get none but such as will mislead you. You appear 
 to forget the main point on which I insisted at my 
 first interview with your Excellency, namely, the 
 necessity of absolute secrecy. It is not always what 
 appears in daylight that takes place. Underground 
 action, in matters of this kind in particular, is much 
 more potent and safe, because one is not called upon 
 to fight against contending interests.' 
 
 A silence of a few minutes followed my words. 
 The Emperor then rose to lie on the sofa, evidently 
 in pain. 
 
 I took leave of him and of the Minister, who 
 promised to write to me in a few days. 
 
 I left the room in a desponding spirit at the 
 sight of the weak state of the Emperor, and at the 
 lukewarm way in which the proposed gi'eat scheme 
 had been met. 
 
 On December 21 I wrote the following letter to 
 the Emperor :
 
 LETTER TO EMPEROR. 375 
 
 ' Sire, — I have the honoiir to inform your Majesty, 
 that the Honourable William Maclay, the Mend of 
 President Johnson, one of the most eminent men 
 in the United States, and member of Congress 
 for the last twelve years, has just arrived from New 
 York, and solicits the honour of an audience with 
 your Majesty in reference to the Mexican question 
 previous to his return to America by the next mail. 
 
 ' I regret to state that I have received as yet 
 no communication from the Minister for Foreign 
 Affairs as exj^ected, and I am under the painful 
 impression that nothing will be done in this all- 
 impoiiant affair imless we act untrammelled by 
 official enquiries. 
 
 ' Sire, I entreat you to give credence to my 
 statements, which I can vouch for as being guided 
 by my entire devotion to your Majesty's interests. 
 You will soon find that before venturing to persevere 
 as I do on this occasion I had weighed the matter 
 well, not to mislead you. 
 
 ' Waiting the favour of your Majesty's commands, 
 I have the honour to remain, with deepest respect, 
 ' Sire, 
 
 ' Your most devoted servant, 
 ' Orsi.' 
 
 t2
 
 276 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 The Emperor did not grant Mr. Maclay the 
 audience he had solicited, and I was referred to the 
 Minister for Foreign Affairs, upon whom I was 
 requested to call on December 25. 
 
 My interview with the Minister took place at 
 ten o'clock in the morning of that day. Every 
 possible argument that human mind could elaborate 
 to bring him to a more favourable view of the matter 
 was set forth by me, but in vain ! I pointed out to 
 him in the strongest language the importance of 
 the advantages to be derived by the two Imperial 
 Governments from this proposal, and the fatal con- 
 sequences that would follow its rejection, as well as 
 the disastrous effect on public opinion, should the 
 Emperor Napoleon's ' Mexican enteq^rise ' prove a 
 ruinous failure, which was at that moment so greatly 
 dreaded. I also reminded his Excellency that the 
 secrecy with which the present scheme was intended 
 to be carried out would prevent any risk of its being 
 known or commented upon in case of mishap ; but 
 alas ! nothing would induce the Minister to change 
 his mind on the subject. 
 
 Our interview at last took a rather stormy cha- 
 racter in consequence of the state of excitement I 
 was in from the Minister's dwelling so much on the
 
 FAILURE OF THE PROJECT. 277 
 
 difficulty of procuring 1,000,000 francs to be paid to 
 Juarez, and his unwillingness to give the proposal a 
 fair trial, which the painful predicament the Govern- 
 ment was then in regarding Mexico rendered it 
 almost imperative for him to do.
 
 278 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 MY LIFE IX PARIS DURING AND 
 FOLLOWING THE COMMUNE. 
 
 To a keen observer, Paris in 1869 was daily falling ofif 
 from the brilliancy and gaiety of former years. The 
 Emperor's health was visibly on the decline, and the 
 general feeling of the community was one of un- 
 accountable despondency and anxiety for the future. 
 There was something more than change in the 
 political and social atmosphere ; there was a taint in 
 the air, so to speak. Mortality was increasing in 
 the capital, and the minds of the generality of 
 people seemed diseased, as if the power of self-pos- 
 session had come to nought. Reports of an alarming 
 nature were circulated daily in the Faubourgs, as 
 well as in the fashionable parts of Paris, respecting 
 the magnitude and efficiency of the Prussian army ; 
 yet these reports, whether they proceeded from the 
 correspondents of the press, or were foi-warded by 
 the French officials residing at Berlin, remained 
 unheeded or disbelieved. The idea of the Emperor,
 
 THE PLEBISCITE. ' 279 
 
 of strengthening his power by a plebiscite, failed to 
 secure the object he wished to attain ; for, although 
 it proved a great success numerically speaking, it 
 created the suspicion that he felt his power was 
 losing ground, and had resorted to a bold step with 
 the view of gauging the degree of his popularity 
 before attempting some great stroke of policy. It 
 was evident from the alacrity and unanimity with 
 which the plebiscite was carried, that the French 
 nation, witness of the incessant attacks of the 
 enemies of the Empire, had hastened to rally eagerly, 
 almost feverishly, round the Emperor, in the hope 
 of averting calamities looming in the distance, of 
 which it could neither define the nature nor foresee 
 the intensity. 
 
 Things went from bad to worse. The sudden 
 candidature of Prince Hohenzollern to the Spanish 
 thi:one was followed by a serious misunderstanding 
 between the Prussian and French Courts, which 
 ended in the declaration of war on July 15, 1870. 
 It is needless to naiTate the well-known course, and 
 the disastrous close for France, of the war so incon- 
 siderately begun. In less than a six weeks' cam- 
 paign, the Emperor and the whole of the French 
 army had been made prisoners at Sedan by the 
 Prussians.
 
 28o COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 I was then residing in Paris, 23 rue Royale : a 
 spot especially favourable for observing the course of 
 events. The first attack made against the Imperial 
 authority was efifected by some 400 or 500 ragged 
 and shoeless ruflBans led by a few better dressed 
 men, who marched past my house in column of six 
 abrea^, in the direction of the Place de la Concorde, 
 and actually crossed the bridge between two lines of 
 soldiers. These, having no orders to oppose this 
 inroad, allowed them to pass, and to enter the 
 Chamber of Deputies which at the sight of the 
 populace declared the cUcheance of the Emperor, 
 and dispersed, never to meet again. 
 
 The events which followed in rapid succession 
 are matters of history — the proclamation of the 
 third Republic, the formation of a Government of 
 National Defence, the investment and siege of Paris, 
 and its capitulation on January 28, 1871. The 
 National Assembly, elected at Bordeaux in the 
 following month, continued the Government of 
 National Defence, with M. Thiers as chief of the 
 executive power. It was decided that the Assembly 
 should sit at Versailles, and Paris was left to take 
 care of itself. The result was the insurrection of 
 the Paris populace, and the establishment of the 
 Commune on March 18, 1871.
 
 MARCH 1 87 1. 281 
 
 On the 21st I was crossing the Place of the 
 Grand Opera, when I saw several groups of respect- 
 able looking National Gruards holding a flag on 
 which was written, ' Friends of Order.' I followed 
 them as they entered the rue Kichelieu and the 
 Place de la Bourse, and I saw that they were re- 
 ceived with enthusiasm by everyone shouting, ' Vive 
 Fordre ! ' ' Vive I'Assemblee Nationale ! ' ' Down with 
 the Commune ! ' The number of National Gruards 
 increased to nearly 4,000. They were all armed. 
 As they were passing by the different spots occu- 
 pied by the federes, no resistance was made to 
 them. On the contrary, the insiurgents seemed 
 pleased with the manifestation. It seemed a good 
 omen. But on the following day all was changed. 
 The real power was concentrated in the hands of an 
 executive called ' Comite Central ; ' and when, on 
 the 22nd, the ' Friends of Order,' unarmed, repeated 
 their manifestation on which they relied to influence 
 the greater portion of the National Gruards (Federes), 
 and tried to go through the Place Vendome, they 
 were checked by a violent volley of musketry. The 
 Federes of the Central Committee strewed the pave- 
 ment with the dead and wounded, not only the 
 ' Amis de I'Ordre,' but also of innocent people, women 
 and children, who happened to pass that way. I had
 
 282 COUNT ORSPS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 barely time to lie flat on the ground and to crawl 
 into a "porte cochere, from whence I got out safely at 
 dusk. But suddenly Paris was, as by magic, again 
 joyful and hopeful. What was the cause of this 
 change ? — a proclamation from Admiral Saisset as 
 follows : — 
 
 'My dear Fellow-citizens, — I hasten to inform 
 you that, with the concurrence of the Deputies of 
 the Seine and the Maires of Paris, we have obtained 
 from the Government of the National Assembly: — 
 1. The complete acknowledgment of your municipal 
 franchises. 2. The right of electing all the officers 
 of the National Gruards, the general included. 
 3. A modification of the law respecting bills. 4. A 
 law on the rents favourable to the tenants, up to 
 1,200 francs rent. Until you rectify my appoint- 
 ment, or elect another in my stead, I will continue 
 to fill my post of honour, with a view of watching 
 the carrying out of the laws of conciliation we have 
 succeeded in procuring, and to contribute to the 
 strengthening of the Eepublic. 
 
 ' Admiral Saisset.' 
 
 This proclamation was hailed in Paris with the 
 greatest satisfaction. It seemed to show that the 
 Government at Versailles was prepared to take all
 
 ADMIRAL SATS SET. 283 
 
 due measures for the rightful government and pro- 
 tection of Paris. But this joy was not of long dura- 
 tion. The day following the proclamation was one 
 of complete discouragement and dismay, it having 
 been made known that the National Assembly had 
 positively refused to grant what had been applied 
 for by the Paris deputies and maires. Admiral 
 Saisset's proclamation was therefore either a most 
 unaccountable deception on his part, or the Govern- 
 ment of Versailles had reversed their decision on 
 some other ground. The character of Admiral 
 Saisset being above suspicion, the blame was left to 
 rest upon the National Assembly. 
 
 The consequences of this most injudicious step 
 were: 1. The resignation of Admiral Saisset, who 
 left Paris at once, and was followed by most of the 
 well-intentioned and respectable part of the com- 
 munity, whose flight left the population unprotected, 
 to do what they thought best for their owa safety. 
 2. The election of the Municipal Councillors under 
 the auspices of the Central Committee and of the 
 Commune, instead of under the direction of the 
 Paris deputies and maires, supported by the Na- 
 tional Assembly. On March 26 the election of the 
 members of the INIunicipal Council was a fait ac- 
 compli. Out of eighty members, seventy at least
 
 284 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 were quite unknown to the population. Paris was 
 in their hands ; daily life was as it were suspended, 
 paralysed ; no more tribunals, no more com'ts kept 
 their sittings, no judges ; 38,000 cases Avere in 
 abeyance. The reign of terror, which was increasing 
 at every defeat of the Federalists, was at its height. 
 On the following Monday Marshal MacMahon was 
 instructed to reduce the insurgent capital, and a 
 night of frightful anxiety ensued. The troops of 
 the National Assembly began the cannonades. 
 Mont Valerien opened a murderous fire against the 
 Courbevoie barracks occupied by the federes : Paris 
 became a desert. Men, women, and children were 
 running in every direction in frantic bewilderment 
 — loads of wounded men were brought in. INIean- 
 while, the city was covered with barricades, by order 
 of the Central Committee. The Place de la Concorde, 
 the Place de I'Hotel de Ville, and the Place Vendome 
 were formidable defences. 
 
 During the night of the 4th the ' generale ' was 
 drummed to call everybody under arms. Sixty 
 thousand men collected in defence of the Commune 
 — Cluseret acting as their general. At five o'clock 
 in the morning he took possession of the crossing 
 at Courbevoie, which had been evacuated by the 
 Versailles troops. The plan of Cluseret was to
 
 STREET FIGHTING. 285 
 
 march against Mont Valerien, and, after taking the 
 fortress, to go to Versailles through Rueil and 
 Nanterre. The vanguard was stopped by a most 
 terrific fire from the fortress. The army of the 
 Commune was thus cut in two. One took the 
 direction of Versailles, the other came back to Paris. 
 Between Sevres and Meudon the battle raged 
 fearfully. While the carnage went on, the Com- 
 mune issued decrees by which Thiers, Favre, 
 Picard, Simon, and Pothuau, the Ministers of th^ 
 Assembly, were to be tried, and their properties 
 confiscated. 
 
 Fighting was going on also at Clamart and 
 Meudon. General Duval, having been made prisoner 
 by Greneral Vinoy, was shot dead. The foaming 
 rage with which the fighting was carried on is in- 
 describable ! Two combatants, one of the regular 
 army and a federe^ had met at a bath establishment 
 on the Avenue Neuilly. They began fighting, until 
 by successive attacks made on one another, they 
 reached the roof of the house. When both there, 
 they threw away their rifles and began a hand-to- 
 hand struggle, the trooper trying to free himself 
 from the grasp of his enemy, and to make his escape. 
 Seeing this, the federe drew a knife from his pocket, 
 and, as he was going to stab him, the trooper lay
 
 286 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 flat on the roof, and by a rapid movement got hold 
 of one of his enemy's legs, and both fell on the 
 pavement, a height of twenty-five yards ! Neither 
 of them was killed, but the trooper had his face 
 besmeared with blood and dust. The federe having 
 fallen on the trooper's body had the best of it, and 
 killed him by stabbing him in the head. 
 
 One could not help being struck with the con- 
 trasts presented in the city itself, destruction and 
 death raging in some of its quarters, intersected by 
 barricades, while cannonade was levelling to the 
 ground its beautiful environs ; and at the same time 
 its fashionable boulevards crowded with elegant folks 
 loitering and smiling as if nothing was going on. 
 The theatres were open. Light-hearted people were 
 heard saying, ' Well ! they fight there, let us enjoy 
 ourselves here ! ' The cafes were ordered to be shut 
 at midnight : useless precaution — you could see the 
 lights through the interstices of the shutters, and 
 men and women chatting, smoking, playing, and 
 drinking, while the cannon was roaring in the dis- 
 tance, the mitrailleuses rattling incessantly, and the 
 musketry crackling without intermittance. That was 
 not all : after spending part of the night in these dens 
 of infamy, it was considered a good joke to spend 
 the rest in hiring a cab, and, the weather being
 
 CIVIL WAR. 287 
 
 fine, to drive to the Arc de Triomphe to see how the 
 fight was ' progressing ' ! 
 
 The troops of the National Assembly, reinforced 
 by the arrival of the prisoners made by the Prussians 
 at Sedan, grew in strength, and their assaults against 
 the forts occupied by the federes^ and the walls of 
 the city, became more successful. Confusion and 
 despair began to reign in the camp of the Commune. 
 They tried to check the advance of the regular army 
 by deeds of violence and cruel retaliation. They 
 arrested, during the night of the 5th, Monsieur 
 Dugerry, the cure of the Madeleine, the Archbishop 
 of Paris and several other dignitaries of the Church, 
 and political men of high standing. The same night 
 the Archbishop's residence was pillaged. 
 
 A man named Eaoul Eigault had been ap- 
 pointed Prefet de Police : unprincipled, daring, and 
 unfeeling, this official issued a decree by which any 
 person suspected of being a partisan of the National 
 Assembly should be immediately arrested and tried. 
 He might as well have stated, ^ Shot without trial.' 
 The delivery of letters was interrupted ; gas was cut 
 off : Paris was in the dark — with the exception of a 
 few lamp-posts supplied with mineral oil lamps. 
 
 To make good the deficiency by death or wounds 
 in the ranks of the army of the Commune, groups of
 
 288 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 armed men were ordered to enter the houses at 
 night, and to seize in their beds every man fit to 
 carry a rifle. Men above sixty were exempt. 
 Finding, however, that this method of recruiting 
 did not answer their expectations, owing to many 
 avoiding sleeping in their own houses, they had 
 recourse to the following stratagem, which I saw 
 myself from a window carried into effect with the 
 utmost brutality. Ten men were posted at each side 
 of the two ends of a street with their backs close to 
 the wall. The street had no other issue except by 
 the two extremities. As soon as the street was seen 
 to contain a sufficient number of passers-by worth 
 catching, the soldiers coming from both sides fonned 
 a barrier at both ends, and arrested everybody. 
 Women, children, and elderly men were set at 
 liberty ; all the others were armed and sent to the 
 front to fight against the regular army. Terror and 
 distraction were at the highest pitch. The in- 
 habitants of Neuilly, Courbevoie, and those who were 
 still in the military zone, had been left houseless. 
 With whatever they could get hold of, they took re- 
 fuge in Paris. Hundreds of small vehicles were seen 
 coming in loaded with mattresses, blankets, kitchen 
 utensils, &c., to take shelter wherever they could 
 find it.
 
 THE COMMUNE. 289 
 
 The Commune having issued a decree that 
 women and children and aged persons could leave 
 Paris by paying two francs a head, the Prefecture de 
 Police was actually taken by storm by thousands 
 and thousands of people eager to secure a pass to get 
 away. Both the Paris and Lyons, and the Orleans 
 railway terminuses were the natural outlets for this 
 wholesale exodus. The sight of the quays near 
 these two terminuses baffles description. Their im- 
 mense length and breadth was crammed with all 
 sorts of vehicles, loaded with luggage and household 
 articles. As it was impossible for the trains, however 
 numerous, to meet the requirements, people were 
 obliged to bivouac in the streets for several days and 
 nights to await their turn. 
 
 It was then that I resolved to take a step which, 
 however dangerous, seemed to me to be the wisest. 
 On reaching my house at midnight I found the 
 large iron gates open, and saw inside the coui't a 
 carnage with two bright lights. I crawled between 
 the carriage and the loge of the concierge to ask 
 what it meant. The wife of the concierge came out, 
 and, almost breathless from fear, begged me not to 
 enter my apartment, as six federea were at that very 
 moment arresting the Countess de Leon, who then 
 occupied the second floor. She added that the 
 
 u
 
 290 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 officer commanding the detachment had taken the 
 names of the other inmates, and that a mark was 
 made on his book when they wrote my name in it. 
 I told the concierge that I would remain in the 
 street to watch their departure, and that I would go 
 in on the carriage leaving the court. The Countess 
 was effectively arrested, and taken that night to the 
 Prefecture de Police. The carriage having left the 
 house, and the gates being locked, I went to bed, not 
 without some anxiety as to what would take place 
 the following day. Early in the morning I went to 
 the Champs Elysees, where there was not a soul to 
 be seen. I was wavering as to what I should do. 
 
 If I go home, I said to myself, I am sure to be 
 arrested sooner or later ; and as for my going else- 
 where, it is out of the question, as my wife, who was 
 very ill at the time, would have been left without 
 protection. After considering the pros and cons of 
 my resolve, I made up my mind to face the danger 
 at once. To that effect I took the direction of the 
 Prefecture de Police, determined to speak to the 
 terrible Eaoul Eigault. I had not imagined that the 
 crowd eager to get a pass for two francs could be 
 such as to prevent any approach to the Prefecture. 
 I was nearly three hours before I could get near it. 
 On my reaching the bridge, I tried to make my way
 
 THE PREFET DE POLICE. 291 
 
 a little nearer, but a cordon of federes intercepted 
 all communication with the Prefecture, that part 
 excepted where the passes were sold. A mounted 
 officer was standing in the middle of his troops, who 
 seemed to be under his orders. I pushed thi-ough 
 the crowd to get at the officer, but in vain ! ]My 
 scrambling attracted his attention at last. He 
 looked at me, and as my voice could not reach him, 
 I put a finger to my lips, to show that I wanted to 
 speak to him. 
 
 ' What do you want ? ' said he, after making me 
 come near him. 
 
 ' I want to speak to the Citizen Prefet.' 
 
 ' I cannot allow you to pass.' 
 
 ' I must- ' 
 
 ' I shall have you shot if you do not go away.' 
 
 ' If you knew how important it is for the Com- 
 mune that I should see him, you would ' 
 
 ' What do you mean ? ' 
 
 ' The salvation of the Commune requires ' 
 
 Scarcely had I uttered these words, when he 
 ordered a man to see me safe to the door of the 
 Citizen Prefet. 
 
 When there, I sent in my card. 
 
 ' The Citizen Prefet cannot see you now,' said 
 the orderly, ' but you may see his secretary. Citizen 
 
 TT 2
 
 292 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 Ferey. I will take your card in, if you wish to 
 speak to him.' 
 
 'Do.' 
 
 I waited five minutes — at last the bell rang : I 
 was ushered in. 
 
 Ferey was a mechanic : bodily, he was emaciated 
 and looked sickly. Though remarkably ugly, his 
 looks and the contracted muscles of his face, furrowed 
 with deep wrinkles, testified the havoc worked on 
 him by his thoughts, his passions, and the agitated 
 Ufe he was leading. It was he who, despairing of 
 his cause at the last moment, sent the famous mes- 
 sage ' Flamhez Finances ! ' (Set fire to the Ministry 
 of Finance !) He was seated with his back to the 
 door, writing. Hearing someone coming in, he 
 stretched in my direction his right hand holding a 
 pen, keeping all the while his eyes on the papers 
 before him, and by a circuitous movement of his arm 
 seemed to intimate that I should step forward, which 
 I did. He held up his head, and staring at me for 
 a second or two, said, ' What is it ? ' 
 
 ' Citizen Ferey, last night the Countess Leon was 
 arrested by your order in her apartment, 23 rue 
 Royale, and it came to my knowledge that I should 
 most likely have been served in the same way had I 
 been at home at that time. I thought that by
 
 CITIZEN FEREY. 293 
 
 putting myself voluntarily in your hands at once, 
 there would be no reason for you to take compulsory 
 steps against me. My opinions ' 
 
 ' Your opinions are known to us — but we also 
 know that you have taken no active part against us. 
 We fight for what we believe to be fair and just. 
 We do not kill for the pleasure of killing, but we 
 must attain our object, and we shall, at any cost. 
 As you are an Itahan, I recommend you to keep 
 quiet — you shall not be molested. However, I must 
 tell you that you have taken a very bold step in 
 calling on me on such an errand. It might have 
 taken a different turn. Yom- frank declaration has 
 served you. You may go.' 
 
 On May 12 the Commune issued the most un- 
 patriotic and impolitic decree that could have been 
 devised for its own destruction — the overthrow of 
 the Colonne Vendome. A crowd collected at the two 
 barricades, one of which stood in the rue de la Paix, 
 on the side of the Grand Opera, and the other in 
 the rue Castiglione, on the side of the Tmleries, 
 while in the Place Vendome only a few had been 
 admitted with tickets. At the four corners of the 
 square was placed a military band, waiting for orders. 
 At last the ropes which were fastened to the upper 
 end of the column were worked upon by the cap-
 
 294 COUNT ORSPS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 stans, and the monument fell with a tremendous 
 crash, causing the square to disappear for a few 
 minutes in an enormous and blinding cloud of dust. 
 To complete the disgrace of this savage act, the 
 Commune invited tenders for the purchase of the 
 ' Colonne,' which was to be sold in four separate lots. 
 This injudicious and anti-national measure inspired 
 the regular army of Versailles with such a spirit of 
 revengeful rage, that on their entering Paris they 
 lost all self-possession, and dealt with the insurrec- 
 tion brutally, and without any discrimination. The 
 time for retribution was fast approaching. 
 
 Discord and recriminations were in the camp of 
 the insurgents. A split in the Commune had already 
 taken place, by which twenty of the most respectable 
 members had sent in their resignation. The army 
 of Versailles had the upper hand everywhere. The 
 fort of Vanves was taken, that of Montreux dis- 
 mantled ; breaches were open at the Point-du-jour, 
 at Porte Maillot, at St. Ouen. There seemed no 
 option left to the insm'gents but an ignominious 
 flight or deeds of monstrous atrocity. The leaders 
 of the insurrection lost their senses, and gave way to 
 every species of madness and folly. 
 
 Fancy a Concert at the Tuileries under such 
 circumstances ! Who would believe this to have been
 
 A CONCERT. 295 
 
 possible ? — and yet so it was. On the evening of 
 May 16, as I was crossing the Place du Carrousel to 
 go to the Faubourg St. Gemiain, I saw the Tuileries 
 illuminated, and what seemed to me to be a large 
 attendance in the ' Salle des Marechaux.' I thought 
 I was dreaming. On my asking at the gate what it 
 was, I was told that it was a ' concert,' to do honour 
 to the recent success of the army of the Commune ! 
 
 ' Is admission free ? ' 
 
 ' No ; five francs for the ticket.' 
 
 I paid five francs, and got in. I shall never 
 forget the sight ! 
 
 The staircase was swarming with a few decently 
 dressed people, elbowing ragamuffins of every de- 
 scription, clad in uniforms, with three or four stripes 
 of gold lace on their sleeves and kepis, and as they 
 went upstairs were smoking and singing. There 
 were many women, some of whom were pretty, 
 neatly and modestly dressed, and well behaved. 
 The concert had been managed on an estrade in the 
 Salle des Marechaux. The chairs, sofas, and win- 
 dow cm-tains, all in red velvet, with golden bees, 
 were not, as might have been expected, the object 
 of much attention. The company were seated, and 
 enjoyed it as if the property was their own. Flirta- 
 tion was a matter of course, but I must say that it
 
 296 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 was indulged in with perfect decorum. The audi- 
 ence appeared to be pleased with the performance, 
 and gave unmistakable signs of approval, followed 
 in many instances by the roaring noise of the bat- 
 teries, both of the regular army and of the Com- 
 mune, which were busy at work under the very walls 
 of Paris, wherein the people were singing ! 
 
 Although I had made up my mind to see all I 
 could of what occurred in Paris, I could stand no 
 longer the distressing agitation I experienced at the 
 sight of the old palace of the Tuileries being doomed 
 to such a disgraceful desecration. The contrast 
 between what the palace was under the Empire and 
 what it became under the Commune was too great 
 for me not to be made most miserable by it ; I there- 
 fore walked into the garden, which, despite a few 
 Venetian lights, was dark and gloomy, and I hurried 
 out of it by the gate of the rue de Rivoli, where a 
 crowd was collected to see the ' swells ' coming out 
 from the ' concert ' ! 
 
 Paris was speedily entering on the last stage of 
 its agony. The army of Versailles had entered it 
 from different points. The fight was desperate and 
 frightful. Barricades were erected in almost every 
 street. Prisoners on both sides were shot in scores 
 at once. The Communists had set fire to the
 
 MY HOUSE OCCUPIED. 297 
 
 Tuileries, to the Ministry of Finance, the Legion 
 d'Honneur, the Hotel de Ville, and many other 
 buildings. Three of the largest houses in the rue 
 Eoyale were also on iire ; the one next to mine 
 was reduced to ashes. Soldiers of the regular army 
 began to make their appearance in the Faubourg St. 
 Honore. They soon reached the markets d'Agues- 
 seau and of the Madeleine. 
 
 On May 23 I heard the bell of my apartment 
 ring hurriedly. I opened the door, and found 
 myself face to face with twelve Voltigeurs of the 
 regular army, commanded by a lieutenant. The 
 officer ordered the soldiers to search the apartment, 
 and to shoot anyone wearing a uniform. He inti- 
 mated to me that he must occupy the drawing-room 
 looking into the rue Eoyale for the purpose of firing 
 on the insurgents holding the barricade of the 
 Faubourg St. Honore. My wife was seated on her 
 sofa. He ordered her out of the room ; she resisted. 
 The officer had her removed by force. 
 
 The soldiers then began firing on the insurgents 
 from the windows. The latter, seeing this, took 
 possession of the upper floors of the houses facing 
 mine, and fired on the soldiers, who were driven 
 from their post. The officer withdrew his men from 
 the drawing-room, and asked for a map of Paris, not
 
 298 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 knowing exactly where he was. I made a friend of 
 him by pointing to my pictm-es, every one of which 
 bore the sign of my being a partisan of the Emperor. 
 He asked me whether I had any wine to give his 
 soldiers, who had had nothing to eat or drink since 
 the previous night. I ordered a distribution to 
 them of bread and wine in the kitchen. Just as I 
 was talking with the officer in the dining-room, 
 separated by a thin wall from the drawing-room, a 
 shot fired from the opposite side of the street tra- 
 versed the drawing-room, and, penetrating through 
 the lightly built partition of the dining-room, struck 
 the officer in the temple. The officer fell as if shot 
 dead. The soldiers, hearing the fall of the body, 
 rushed into the room, and at the sight of their 
 commander seemingly dead, seized me to have me 
 shot at once; whereupon my servant, with great 
 presence of mind, mixed some vinegar and water, 
 and by bathing with it the temple of the officer, 
 brought him to recover sufficiently to enable him to 
 raise his hand and make a sign to the soldiers, who 
 had seized me by both arms, to keep quiet. By 
 God's mercy the officer had only been stunned, not 
 by the bullet, but by a piece of brick which had 
 been forced out of the wall. On the explanation 
 given by their officer I was released, but not without
 
 / AM ARRESTED. 299 
 
 some hesitation, as the soldiers persisted in thinking 
 the officer meant to palliate the fact with a view to 
 save my life. 
 
 The party of soldiers left my house in the even- 
 ing ; and after that the firing from the insurgents 
 against my windows increased to such a degree, that 
 everything I had in the apartment was smashed and 
 destroyed beyond hope of recovery. The front of 
 the house had been so much pulled down by the 
 incessant firing, that my bed could be seen from the 
 street. 
 
 On the morning of May 25, as I was searching 
 for some valuable papers amid the wreck of the 
 apartment, two men in plain clothes arrived, and 
 ordered me to follow them to the Prefectm-e de 
 Police, which was now temporarily located at the 
 Ministry for Foreign Affairs on the Quai d'Orsay. As 
 we were then completely under military rule, 1 was 
 examined by an officer, who asked me who and what 
 I was, and whether I had any papers. I answered I 
 had, but not knowing for what pmi^)ose I was called 
 there, I had left them at home. Thereupon the two 
 men were ordered to take me back in a cab, and, having 
 taken possession of many letters from the Emperor and 
 several others from different people, gave me to under- 
 stand that, as it was possible I should be detained
 
 300 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 for a few days, I had better make some provision for 
 my wife. I saw at once that my life was not worth 
 much, whether shot or transported, as many people 
 quite as innocent as myself had been shot on simple 
 suspicion or on a word imprudently uttered. It was 
 a reign of terror of a new kind, of which I had not 
 expected to become a victim. 
 
 As I was crossing the Place de la Concorde in 
 returning to the Prefecture I happened to witness a 
 most heartrending scene. Half-a-dozen soldiers had 
 seized four federes on the barricade close by. The 
 struggle between the former and the latter was evi- 
 dently for life or death. The soldiers having at last 
 overcome the resistance of their prisoners, tried to 
 drag them to the wall of the Ministry of Marine to 
 be shot. The poor wretches were imploring for life, 
 and in the hope of some unexpected incident likely 
 to come to their rescue, they lay down on the pave- 
 ment and refused to stand erect. Seeing this, the 
 soldiers shot them, one after another, while they 
 were on the ground. 
 
 Overwhelmed by the distressing sight and my 
 own situation, I was hurried into a large yard occu- 
 pied by soldiers, gendarmes, and marines. There 
 were stables and coach-houses on the right and left 
 crammed with prisoners, some in plain clothes and
 
 IN PRISON. 301 
 
 some in uniform. Sentinels were placed at the 
 doors to prevent escape. We were all packed to- 
 gether, without the possibility of even lying down on 
 the bare stones. Bread and water was our only 
 food. On the approach of night we were shut in 
 like cattle, with the intimation that any attempt to 
 revolt or otherwise would be followed by peremptory 
 execution. On the 26th, about six o'clock p.m., ten 
 soldiers of the Garde Republicaine, with an officer at 
 their head, began calling by name eight or ten 
 prisoners at a time from one of these places, and 
 dragged them, God knows where ! Utter dejected- 
 ness and despair were depicted on everybody's face, 
 especially of those who had been seized on the 
 baiTicades, or wearing a uniform. 
 
 I formed part of a batch of nine prisoners, mostly 
 in plain clothes. On that day rain had fallen in- 
 cessantly. As we were following the ' Quai ' which 
 leads to the Champ de Mars, we thought we were 
 going to be shot en masse without any further delay ; 
 but, on arriving there, the escort was ordered to 
 take us to the Caserne Dupleix, which is near to it. 
 On entering the barrack we met an officer, who first 
 took our names, and then had us locked up in a 
 room where seven more prisoners had already been 
 brought in. It would be too horrible and revolting
 
 302 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 to describe the filth and stench of such a place, which 
 would have been barely large enough for seven or 
 eight people — we were sixteen ! The room was 
 fitted with a board stretching between two walls, on 
 which seven people only could lie. This was occu- 
 pied by the seven prisoners we found there. The 
 consequence was, we were compelled either to stand 
 erect or to lie on the stones, which were damp and 
 dirty. We remained in this state for two full days. 
 
 On the 29th the scene changed. At seven in 
 the morning the door of the cell was opened. Eight 
 soldiers were drawn up outside, in two lines of four 
 each on both sides of the entrance. The sergeant 
 called out one of the prisoners named Lefevre, who 
 wore the uniform of the National Guard. The poor 
 fellow stepped out between the two lines of the 
 soldiers, and the door closed upon him. He was 
 taken before the colonel, who was instructed to 
 examine the prisoners, and had the discretionary 
 power of ordering them to be shot on the spot if 
 they had been made prisoners during the fight, or 
 of sending them to Versailles to appear before the 
 Superior Commission, by which tribunal they were 
 either set at liberty or sentenced to transportation. 
 
 Poor Lefevre was not heard of again. 
 
 We thought we heard a brisk volley of musketry
 
 LIFE OR DEATH. 
 
 in the large square of the barracks, but we had been 
 so accustomed to that sort of noise for the last few 
 months, that we paid no great attention to it. 
 Later in the day another prisoner was called in the 
 same way as the first, and he never came back again ! 
 This time the noise of the discharge was more dis- 
 tinct, which made us alive to the imminence of our 
 fate. On the third prisoner being called out, he 
 refused to go. Two soldiers had to take him out by 
 force. He struggled for his life desperately. At 
 last he was overpowered and carried away. The 
 door was shut again. We all kept our breath, the 
 better to hear what was going to take place outside. 
 We had not long to wait. The discharge of the 
 musketry re-echoed in our cell, which caused within 
 it such a scene of despondency and despair as 
 baffles description. We felt that it was all over 
 with us. Next day four more were taken out and 
 executed, which reduced om- number to nine. By 
 that time we had recovered fi-om the fii'st shock, and 
 heeded little what was going to take place, as every 
 one of us had bid adieu to the world and made our 
 peace with God. 
 
 On May 31 the door was opened again, and 
 twelve soldiers were drawn up before it. We were 
 all ordered out. We thought we were going to be
 
 304 COUNT ORSPS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 shot e.n masse, to make quicker work of us. To our 
 amazement we saw a large column of about 400 
 prisoners, four abreast, between two lines of grena- 
 diers. Evidently, we were intended to form the last 
 contingent to it. The soldiers having been drawn 
 in two long lines on both sides of the column, an 
 officer drew his sword, and having lifted himself up 
 on a large wine hogshead to make himself well 
 heard and understood by all, cried in a loud voice : 
 ' Soldiers ! load arms ! ' This being done, he added, 
 ' P"'ire on any prisoner who attempts to revolt or 
 escape ! ' We then took the direction of the West- 
 ern Eailway {rive gauche) on the Boulevard Mont 
 Pamasse, and having been crammed into goods vans 
 and cattle trucks with scarcely room to breathe, we 
 reached Versailles at about three o'clock p.m., where 
 we found a fresh detachment of soldiers, who escorted 
 the column to the Artillery depot at Satory. The 
 column marched in and halted. The gates were 
 immediately shut upon us. I happened to be the 
 first of the last four prisoners of the column, and to 
 have been by this circumstance within three or foiu- 
 yards only of the commander of the place, who stood 
 looking at the prisoners with his arms folded, and 
 with two officers beside him. I saw him staring 
 at me, which I attributed to my being the best
 
 THE LEGION OF HONOUR. 305 
 
 dressed man of the lot. Presently he walked 
 slowly up to me, and, measuring me from head to 
 foot with what I took to be a diabolical sneer, said : 
 * Oh ! oh ! the Legion of Honour ! You got it on 
 the barricade, I suppose ! ' As I did not know what 
 he meant, I made no answer, when of a sudden I 
 felt a pull at my coat. As quick as thought I 
 brought my hand on it and got hold of his firmly, as 
 he was trying to snatch the red ribbon of the 
 Legion of Honour from my breast, which, in my 
 agitated state of mind, I was not aware I had on. 
 
 ' You may shoot me at once, captain,' said I, 
 ' but you shall not wrest the ribbon from me.' 
 
 * Where did you get it ? ' 
 
 'The President of the Eepublic, Prince Louis 
 Napoleon, gave it to me.' 
 
 « WTien ? ' 
 
 *0n September 21, 1853.' 
 
 ' How is it then that you were arrested ? Was it 
 on a barricade ? ' 
 
 * No, captain — in my own apartment. It is not 
 likely that I should fight for the Commune after 
 being a devoted friend of the Emperor for forty 
 years.' 
 
 ' Your name ? ' 
 The captain looked at me again, and having 
 
 X
 
 3o6 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 joined the two officers, to whom he seemed to relate 
 what had passed, turned round, and in a loud voice 
 said to me, ' Come out of the ranks ! ' Then seeing 
 a gendarme close by, said, ' Do not lose sight of this 
 prisoner.' 
 
 The officer who was in command of the escort was 
 sent for, and I saw distinctly a mark being made on 
 a large sheet of paper which he produced, containing 
 the names of all the prisoners under his guard. The 
 column was divided into several batches of twelve, 
 fourteen, and twenty-four men, which were confined 
 in diflferent parts of the place. 
 
 On the column being dispersed, the captain 
 requested me to follow him to a small building close 
 by the entrance-door, which I found to be his office. 
 Hearing that I had not tasted any food for several 
 days save bread and water, he ordered some refresh- 
 ment to be brought at once, and with great kindness 
 questioned me on my past and present position. 
 
 He inquired whether I knew anyone at Versailles 
 to whom I could write and refer to. I named Mons. 
 Grevy (the present President of the Eepublic), who 
 had been my legal adviser for several years, as the 
 only man whom I was sure was at Versailles. He 
 made me write to half-a-dozen old friends on bits of 
 paper, which had little or no chance of being
 
 STILL IN PRISON. 307 
 
 delivered, as there was no post at that time. I spent 
 two days in a little room of the office, with a guard 
 at my door. I had a good bed of straw and tolerably 
 good food. The hope of being set at liberty flashed 
 through my mind, but it was of short dm-ation. An 
 order came to send to Versailles all the prisoners 
 who had arrived two days before. The captain came 
 to me and expressed his deep regret at being unable 
 to do more for me. I joined the column such as it 
 was before, and we walked to Versailles, where we 
 were shut up in the ' Caves du Roi,' forty-five steps 
 below the level of the ground, to share the fate of 
 two hundred more prisoners, who happened to be the 
 scum of the insurrection. 
 
 The place was damp and dark, as all cellars are. 
 The only light that came in was through a sort of 
 vent hole, some eight or ten feet from the ground 
 and on a level with the street. The cellars had 
 packed straw, six inches deep, spread all over. It 
 was the same straw which had served the Prussians 
 during their stay at Versailles, and it had been so 
 long trampled upon that it was more like dung than 
 anything else. One may easily imagine what this 
 horrible place looked like with six hundred men 
 in it, whose state of cleanliness was not of the first 
 description ! Every morning we were obliged to go 
 
 X 2
 
 3o8 COUNT ORSPS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 into a yard close by, six or seven at a time, to wash 
 in a stone trough, and fetch our loaf of bread and 
 jug of water sufficient for our daily meals. We were 
 packed so close together, that the torture we went 
 through, in the night especially, was beyond endur- 
 ance. 
 
 This state of things had already lasted ten days. 
 No news had as yet reached me from the different 
 persons to whom I had written the few scraps of paper 
 from Satory. It was evident that not one of them 
 had been delivered. Transportation was the only 
 mild form of the^na^e I saw looming in the distance 
 for me. 
 
 On June 9, as I was lying down in the fourth 
 cellar at some distance from the entrance door, I 
 heard my name flashing from one prisoner to another 
 as if I was asked for. I got up. ' You are wanted,' 
 said my companion (I had already made a friend in 
 that horrible place). I went to the stairs to inquire. 
 A non-commissioned officer asked my name, and re- 
 quested me to follow him. I was brought before 
 a superior officer, Colonel Gaillard, who questioned 
 me with the greatest kindness, and expressed great 
 surprise at my having been arrested without any 
 reason whatever. ' Besides,' said he, ' the papers 
 seized in your apartment are sufficient evidence of
 
 / AM RELEASED. 309 
 
 your political bent of mind to discard any idea of 
 your ever being a Communist. You shall be set at 
 liberty in a day or two. Meanwhile you will be 
 escorted by two guards to Satory, to enter the in- 
 firmary, while the foiTaalities are completed for your 
 prompt release.' 
 
 On June 15 1 was set at liberty by an order 
 signed by Colonel Gaillard. I could not account 
 for this change in my position, which, considering 
 the thousands of prisoners they had to deal with, 
 appeared to me to be rather exceptional, from the 
 readiness with which it was effected. It must have 
 been, I concluded, that one of the scraps of paper 
 on which I wrote from the Artillery depot to several 
 friends at Versailles had reached its destination ; 
 and so it was. One of these, on which I had written 
 ' Je suis prisonnier dans les Caves du Koi,' had been 
 handed to a soldier. The paper was addressed to 
 Mrs. W., an English lady, with whom I had been 
 acquainted for many years when I was in England 
 with my wife, and who was at that time residing 
 with her family at Versailles. 
 
 Mrs. W. had been a providence to all the poor 
 people who had had their homes pillaged and 
 bm'ned by the Prussians, and who received from 
 her all she could dispose of to alleviate their misery.
 
 3IO COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 Blankets, clothes, food, and money were generously 
 distributed l^y this really charitable lady to a large 
 number of the victims of the war. At last the 
 demands for assistance became so numerous, that 
 Mrs. W. found it impossible to meet them any 
 longer. Her charity was taxed to the utmost, and, 
 wishing to put a check to it, she ordered the en- 
 trance-gate of the house to be kept closed. The 
 boy, bearer of my note, rang the bell, and showed 
 the paper he held in his hand The servant who 
 answered the bell, thinking it was to ask assistance, 
 refused to take the paper, and sent him away. 
 Undaunted by this cold reception, he came the 
 day following, but with no better result. He 
 ventured a third time to come to the gate, when 
 another servant having followed the first, had the 
 presence of mind to take the paper through the 
 rails of the gate, and, having read it, ran to the 
 house, and gave it to Mrs. W., who immediately 
 called on the Italian Ambassador, his Excellency the 
 Chevalier Nigra, who took the necessary steps to 
 obtain my release. IMrs. W., on her side, was in- 
 defatigable in her exertions, and, thanks to her and 
 to the Chevalier Nigra, to whom I shall ever feel 
 grateful for the sympathy and great interest he 
 took in my position, I recovered my liberty.
 
 REASONS FOR ATY ARREST: 311 
 
 I was completely in the dark with reference to 
 what had taken place during my imprisonment. I 
 came to the knowledge of it only the day before I 
 left the infirmary, by receiving a letter from Mrs. 
 W. conveying to me the glad news, and forwarding, 
 at the same time, clothes, linen, and other neces- 
 saries. I was also indebted to her for the care she 
 took of me during my illness. Low fever was the 
 consequence of the foul air I had breathed so long 
 in the cellars, and which, from the exhausted state 
 I was in, made me an invalid for some weeks. 
 
 Anyone perusing these pages will wonder at 
 my having been arrested in such a manner and 
 without apparent reason. There was, however, a 
 special reason for my arrest, connected with private 
 circumstances no longer now of any consequence, 
 and which it is therefore unnecessary to exj^lain. 
 It is enough for me to have given an unvarnished 
 account of the sufferings I endured during those 
 terrible days, and to have enabled the reader, I 
 hope, to catch a glimpse of what Paris really was 
 during the Commune.
 
 312 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 THE EMPEROR AND THE EMPIRE. 
 
 It would be idle to disguise the difficulty of pass- 
 ing an accurate and dispassionate judgment on the 
 eventful career of Napoleon III., whether we dwell 
 on his advent to the Presidency of the Eepublic, on 
 the establishment of the Empire, or on the sudden 
 collapse of his reign. 
 
 To account for his rapid elevation to the supreme 
 power, it will not be out of place to revert to a fact 
 as indisputable as it was unprecedented, namely, 
 his immense popularity, which was the great lever by 
 which he worked his way to the accomplishment of 
 his designs. 
 
 During the thirty-three years that elapsed between 
 1815 and 1848, the ideas of liberty and self-govern- 
 ment had made enormous strides in the minds of 
 the great majority of Frenchmen, who never found 
 in the Grovernments that succeeded one another the 
 means of obtaining satisfaction to their aspirations. 
 
 On Prince Louis Napoleon appearing on the poli-
 
 THE PRINCE AND THE PEOPLE. 313 
 
 tical scene, they were startled at fii'st, and while 
 deprecating his daring attempts to upset the existing 
 Grovernment, could not help complacently admiring 
 his chivalrous and adventurous character, denoting at 
 any rate energy and pluck. 
 
 Meanwhile, the political ideas of the Prince had 
 made their way among the people, and were found by 
 them to tally with what they expected from a really 
 liberal ruler of their own choice. So it was that the 
 understanding between the Prince and the people, 
 that had begun by a tacit community of principles, 
 showed itself open and irresistible at the first oppor- 
 tunity. 
 
 There existed, however, between the Prince and 
 the people a discrepancy of views which, from being 
 slight at first, grew gradually wider until it became 
 a regretful divergency. While the great majority 
 of the people looked upon the Prince as a man un- 
 fettered by political compacts of any kind, as the 
 representative of a new policy, and the would-be ori- 
 ginator of liberal reforms, the Prince looked upon the 
 majority of the people as being all-favourable to him, 
 not from what they expected from him in compliance 
 with their wishes and cravings, but principally, if 
 not solely, for the prestige of his name. 
 
 So boundless was their trust in him that, notwith-
 
 314 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 standing his having chosen, when President, the first 
 Ministry from Orleanists and Legitimists, his born 
 enemies, they made every possible allowance for the 
 difficulties of his position with reference to the 
 National Assembly (personally inimical to him to a 
 man), and, confident in his loyalty, stood by and 
 believed in him. Later on, they condoned the expe- 
 dition against the Roman Republic, and sanctioned 
 by an overwhelming majority the couif) cVetat, that 
 dire and ever to be regretted necessity, to which he 
 was compelled to recur to save the country from an 
 imminent anarchy. It was then expected that he 
 would seize the helm of the State with an iron hand, 
 for the purpose of carrying out those great measures 
 he had advocated, to establish a true and national 
 rule. Despite of the Constitution which had kept 
 down their aspirations, the people gave no sign of 
 open discontent, as was proved by the seven mil- 
 lions of votes given for the establishment of the 
 Empire, which they instinctively felt to be, after all, 
 a mere form of Grovernment, which, like the Republi- 
 can, may be liberal or tyrannical, vicious or corrupt, 
 virtuous or contemptible. 
 
 Unfortunately the President, at the outset of his 
 exalted position, had allowed himself to be thrown 
 into the midst of a compact nucleus of men that had
 
 CHARACTER OF LOUIS NAPOLEON. 315 
 
 been in oflSee under former Governments, men whose 
 ideas were not in keeping with the aspirations of the 
 people and the progress of the times, retrograde, 
 riveted to routine, short-sighted, prone to repres- 
 sion, and adverse to the smallest expansion of public 
 liberties. 
 
 It may be permitted to ask how it was that. 
 President or Emperor, his will often appeared to be 
 set at nought. To the close observer, intimately con- 
 nected with the Emperor, it will have occurred to re- 
 mark that his highly superior mind, his chivalrous, 
 daring, fearless natm-e, were allied, in a wonderful 
 degree, with a most extraordinary power of harbour- 
 ing within himself the resolves of his mind, lest it 
 should be perplexed or disturbed by inopportune 
 suggestions. One could see that this self-acting 
 aptness to ' silence ' was the effect of his primi- 
 tive simple education, made still more vigorous by 
 his solitary life in the mountains of Switzerland, 
 where he devoted his time to making himself profi- 
 cient in military matters, and to writing books on 
 various subjects that made him known to the politi- 
 cal world. But by an unaccountable feature of his 
 temperament, he was labouring under a great tor- 
 ture whenever he had to stand against suggestions 
 or schemes urged on him on plausible pleas, and
 
 3i6 COUNT ORSrS RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 seconded by underhand influences. Worried by re- 
 peated attempts to obtain his sanction to what he 
 deemed to be in opposition to his own judgment, the 
 Emperor avoided as much as possible personal com- 
 munications which would have imperilled his de- 
 termination had he given to specious arguments 
 the opportunity of taking advantage of his kind, 
 gentle, and confiding nature. Thus it was that, of 
 the many memorable tasks, political, economical, or 
 military, undertaken by the Imperial Government, 
 the most important and successful bear the stamp of 
 having been cast in one and the same mould, as the 
 genuine and spontaneous offspring of a will and re- 
 solve unbiassed by contrary advice. Such were the 
 Abolition of Passports, the Crimean War, the Italian 
 Campaign, the repeal of the laws on Coalitions, the 
 Free-trade, all of which point to a great concep- 
 tion on his part, and throw in the darkest back- 
 ground the ]Mexican Expedition, the Garrisoning of 
 Eome, the Franco-German War, and last, though 
 not least, the fatal suggestion sent from Paris to the 
 Emperor at Chalons, not to retreat to the capital with 
 his corps d'armee, as he intended to do. 
 
 The unprecedented power given by the people to 
 the President of the Kepublic after the cowp d^etat 
 had made him the arbiter of the destinies of France,
 
 CHARACTER OF LOUTS NAPOLEON. 317 
 
 and any reform, however radical, initiated by him, 
 would have been hailed by the country as the fore- 
 runner of others equally important. By giving the 
 people free institutions with one hand, and by over- 
 coming with the other, all-powerful, the difficulties 
 and obstacles impeding the accomplishment of his 
 views, he would have silenced his enemies, caused 
 them to be regarded by the country as an unpatriotic, 
 factious, and revolutionary opposition, and as such 
 deserted and rendered unpopular. 
 
 Absolute power has much in its favour when 
 wielded with decision and firmness, guided by just ice, 
 of short duration, and softened by natural goodness; 
 but it has also its drawbacks, inasmuch as it is con- 
 sidered by the majority of the people to be a form 
 of government that makes them familiar and pleased 
 with a tutelage that stifles the spirit of initiative, 
 and throws them into the enjoyment of an indolent 
 selfish life, for which the practice of the duties in- 
 cumbent upon any man having the welfare of his 
 country at heart has no attraction whatever. 
 
 From the Emperor having at the outset of his 
 absolute power made no use of it towards the reor- 
 ganisation of the Army, in spite of the opposition of 
 the Council of State and of the Corps Legislatif, and 
 the establishment of free institutions, the working of
 
 3i8 COUNT O RSI'S RECOLLECTIONS. 
 
 which he would have been able to watch himself, the 
 spirit of the constituency, from being anxious and 
 eager to support the Grovernment by returning to the 
 Assembly members favourable to its policy, gradually 
 cooled down, and became careless and inditFerent to 
 the course pursued by it, and allowed a minority of 
 five to take such proportions as to keep the Govern- 
 ment in awe ever since. 
 
 On this particular point we may fairly say, in 
 justification of the Emperor, that the opposition 
 in the Corps Legislatif arose mainly from the 
 abstention of one half of the electors to take any 
 interest in the poll, a fact which not only constituted 
 a dereliction of duty, but evinced a most unjustifiable 
 want of patriotism, as it weakened the Emperor, by 
 leaving him face to face with an unprincipled Oppo- 
 sition. 
 
 It is asserted that the causes which led to the 
 fall of the Empire are to be attributed to the liberal 
 reforms of 1870. This, I think, is a great error. 
 
 To whatever causes the fact may be ascribed, 
 certain it is that the power of the Emperor had been 
 failing for some time, and had virtually passed away 
 into other hands. 
 
 The whole machinery of the State had been, and 
 still was, in the hands of men who had served other
 
 FALL OF THE EMPLRE. 319 
 
 Grovernments, and showing on every occasion how 
 little they sympathised with the Imperial Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 Had not the war of 1870 broken out so suddenly, 
 it is possible that the change effected in the form of 
 the Grovernment would have been successful for some 
 time ; but sooner or later the evil spirit that seemed 
 to fan the elements of dissatisfaction over the 
 country would have rendered the task most difficult. 
 
 The prestige of the Emperor had given place to a 
 feeling that was ominous-. 
 
 The day of the defeat was the touchstone of the 
 weakness of his Government. The Senate, the 
 Assembly, the Council of State, the Magistracy, the 
 Civil and Military powers were to be found — no- 
 where ! 
 
 The Empii-e fell without resistance, and with such 
 an appalling crash as not even to arouse a single mili- 
 tary man to a proper sense of his duty or patriotism 
 (as cataclysms sometimes do), to quell and disperse at 
 once an unarmed, misguided mob, headed by profes- 
 sional agitators, whose names will be handed down to 
 posterity with the stigma they deserve. 
 
 Spollistfoode & Co., Printers, Neuisireet Square, London.
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY 
 
 Los Angeles 
 This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. 
 
 «R1 
 
 tB ^ ''^ ^^"^9 
 
 Form L9-50m-9,'60(B361084)444
 
 I 076A2 Recollections oI| 1 1| |i||| i |||| || || ||i| |||| || lil|| !|| i||| || |||| |||| 1 1| ^^ 
 \ the last half- 3 1158 00431 9538 a^^ 
 
 % century 
 a 
 
 D 
 
 352.8 
 
 076A2