-^Aouj. .^3- c/ccan^-e^^y). 
 
 BENGAL CIVIL SS-HVICK. 
 
 
 REESE LIBRARY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA. 
 
 Cld, 
 
 
W^V 
 
HERZEGOVINA 
 
 AND THE LATE UPRISING: 
 
 THE CAUSES OF THE LATTER 
 
 AND THE REMEDIES. 
 
 FROM THE NOTES AND LETTERS OF A SPECIAL 
 CORRESPONDENT. 
 
 B Y W. J. S T I L L M A N, ' 
 
 AUTHOR OF " THE CRETAN INSURRECTION 
 OF 1866-8," &C., &C. 
 
 LONDON : 
 LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 
 
 1877. 
 

 REESE 
 
 CHISWICK PRESS : — C. WHITTINGHAM, TOOKS COURT, 
 CHANCERY LANE. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 |F the numerous maps which the events of the past 
 year and a half have called out, unfortunately, 
 there is not one which, in the region particularly 
 involved by the operations of the insurrection in Herzegovina, 
 is trustworthy in its details. The best is that of the Austrian 
 Staff; but even this, in the mountain region about Baniani, 
 &c., is extremely inaccurate. That of Kiepert is in general 
 clear and correct, but apparently has not been founded on 
 actual survey in any of the sections bordering on Montenegro. 
 The only entirely accurate one of this section is that made 
 for the Montenegrin Government, but never published. For 
 a general notion of the relations of Dalmatia and Monte- 
 negro to Herzegovina — the exposition of which has been one 
 of the principal objects of my book — any of the maps will 
 suffice, and the miHtary strategy hardly requires explana- 
 tion. 
 
 The question of pronunciation of Slav names is one which 
 seems to create a confusion I cannot flatter myself I shall 
 be able to clear up. For the final syllable of all patronymic, 
 &c., names, ordinarily written as ich or itch^ the latter method, 
 clumsy though it seems, is the only one which leaves no 
 doubt as to the approximate sound; but, as this combination 
 represents three recognized sounds in the Serb language, we 
 
 1 dt>1 79 
 
iv Preface, 
 
 can only approximate. In the Croatian these three are re- 
 presented by the letter c with accents. This simple expedient 
 is forbidden by our scholastic traditions ; and in my spelling 
 I have had recourse to a form which is as capable as the ich 
 of being mispronounced — viz., ics ; but the soft sound of 
 ch qualified by s will give the nearest approach to the 
 sound I can contrive. The triple c, represented in the 
 Cyrilian alphabet by three letters, is incommunicable by 
 English signs. The nearest idea I can give is as cs^ as above, 
 y//, and ch as in rich. The name of the town which I have 
 written Niksics has thus been printed: — Nicksitch, Nich- 
 sitch, Nicsich, Niksic, Nichsic, Nichsich, and Niksics. The 
 ^' Illyrian ^^ is Niksic. The final consonant is always soft, 
 whatever may be the spelling. 
 
INTRODUCTORY. 
 
 HE principal purpose of publishing this fragment 
 of history is to place in clearer light certain 
 motives and causes for the Herzegovinian insur- 
 rection which are not generally accepted by, or were not 
 visible to, the general public, and which were hardly to be 
 given in journalistic narrative while events were in pro- 
 gress, either because learned subsequently, or because they 
 became known to me rather from regard for a certain reputa- 
 tion acquired in years gone by, during an insurrection in 
 Crete, of being a sympathizer and active friend of the Rayahs, 
 than because I was correspondent of an English journal j and 
 in some cases were only open to me on the understanding 
 that they were not to be alluded to in correspondence. 
 
 Having been in 1866-8 thoroughly conversant with the 
 Turkish manner of making war under similar circumstances, 
 and personally acquainted with many Turkish functionaries, 
 civil and mihtary, I had, naturally, formed very decided 
 opinions as to the merits of that struggle between humanity 
 and the desire for progress on one side and barbarism and 
 an intolerable oppression on the other, which is the element of 
 uncertainty in what is known as the Eastern question. If the 
 
 B 
 
2 Introductory, 
 
 having entered the field with these opinions, so defined, dis- 
 quahfied me for the office of a candid historian, my readers 
 must judge. I am conscious of no bias but that which my 
 painful and costly experience of Turkish customs and cha- 
 racter has enforced me to, and I have endeavoured in my 
 narration to avoid all discoloration of the events; as to 
 the sympathies with which I followed them, I imagine no 
 really unprejudiced person could expect that they would not 
 be on the side which was substantially right, and which had 
 every claim to the sympathy of right-minded men. 
 
 As events are hurrying on, my story may be useless as a 
 lesson before even it is printed — at least, it is to be hoped 
 that the civilized world will never be called on again to ad- 
 judicate between the Rayah and his master ; but even so, it 
 may be worth while to see how completely the old despotism 
 is responsible for its own downfall, and how little any outside 
 agency had to do with a revolt which might have been 
 developed at any moment into insurrection, by any circum- 
 stance that gave the Rayahs a hope, even momentary; and' 
 how many opportunities to allay it were thrown away. 
 
 The condition of the Christian Herzegovinian was the 
 most intolerable of all the subjects of Turkey, for the 
 poverty of the country gave little solace for his slavery, and 
 the nearness of Montenegro and Dalmatia made the contrast 
 between his condition and that of his near kinsmen the 
 greater. Certainly in no country in w^hich I have ever been 
 was the state of life of the people so wretched as his, and 
 the still not entirely tamed mountain spirit made the endur- 
 ance of oppression more vexatious, and the eagerness to 
 seize any opportunity or real encouragement to rise much 
 more keen. 
 
 The visit of the Emperor of Austria to the Dalmatian 
 
Introductory, 3 
 
 coasts (which are the coasts also of Herzegovina), and the 
 marked interest thus for the first time shown in the Slav 
 population of this section, stimulated the ferment continually 
 going on there, and led the CathoHc Herzegovinians to 
 anticipate an Austrian intervention. The insurrection in 
 its early stages was mainly amongst the Catholic population 
 between Popovo and Gabella, not less oppressed than the 
 Orthodox, but more controlled by the clergy (who have a 
 lively apprehension of any movement which has its basis in 
 Servian, Russian, or Montenegrin intrigues), but at the same 
 time, far less individual and warlike by reason of this control. 
 The insurrection spread because the whole country was ripe 
 for it, and because the military conduct of the Turks was 
 inefficient and unintelligent, and perversely directed, as far 
 as it went, to provoke rather than subdue or allay the insub- 
 ordination. Under governments which give no basis or motive 
 for loyalty, insurrection is chronic even if latent ; and under 
 the rule of the Turks, there is never peace, only a truce 
 between conqueror and conquered, in which no law has ever 
 intervened to limit the right of the victor over his victim. 
 It is only the law of force in its first and uncrystallized or 
 uncodified state — an extended brigandage, a long time feared 
 by all Europe, and since respected as a fatt accompli^ with 
 the respect men pay to the work of four centuries, even 
 when, as in this case, that work is in itself utterly evil. This 
 truce is liable at all times to be broken by any individual 
 Mussulman on his own responsibility,^a condition which 
 naturally involves the corresponding one of a readiness of 
 the Rayah to revolt at all times. 
 
 Every incident therefore which gives a hope of successful 
 revolt, or which increases the normal injustice of the oppres- 
 sion, is at once followed by revolt. Those who have read 
 
4 Introdtutory, 
 
 the interesting book of Mr. Evans on Bosnia and Herze- 
 govina at the moment of the outbreak will know what was 
 the ordinary condition of those provinces. The latter has 
 never been long quiet — the interval of peace since 1862 is 
 probably the longest which has obtained since the conquest, 
 and this was probably due to the fact that in the repres- 
 sion of that year the Austrian Government took an active 
 part, and so efficiently that the impression remained that 
 nothing was to be done until Austria was favourably dis- 
 posed. Montenegro even owed the only considerable 
 defeat of the century past to the merciless blockade which 
 Austria established along her whole frontier, cutting off 
 entirely suppHes of ammunition, so that in the last battles 
 between the Turks and Montenegrins the latter had only 
 five cartridges per man, powder was worth its weight in 
 silver, and a single percussion cap cost tenpence ! and the 
 men ceased fighting because they saw that to go into battle 
 with only their handjars against rifled muskets and artillery, 
 was an useless sacrifice of life. The Herzegovinian allies 
 had been conquered by Austrian troops acting with the 
 Turks — there was no sign of encouragement from any side, 
 and Servia, in spite of pledges given long before, had taken 
 concessions from the Porte, and was hopelessly tranquil. 
 
 Turkey had therefore been victorious under circum- 
 stances which made her victory precarious ; she owed it to 
 Austrian assistance, and achieved it, even at that, with forces 
 demorahzed to a great extent by several bloody disasters, 
 which only the utter recklessness of human life, which cha- 
 racterized Omar Pasha's strategy, enabled them to retrieve ; 
 and if the Montenegrins had been able to obtain, even at the 
 last moment, supplies of ammunition, they would have 
 turned the event of the war completely, for the Turks had 
 
Introductory , 5 
 
 secured no position of vital importance, and had accom- 
 plished only a small part of the work to be done to really 
 conquer Montenegro.^ 
 
 The Cretan insurrection had since that time given the 
 Ottoman empire a blow from which, in its decaying con- 
 dition, it had never been able to recover. The expenditure 
 of that war — over 50,000 men and ;^i 0,000,000 ! — was too 
 much for its diminishing vitality to recuperate, while the Mussul- 
 man populations had become equally demoralized by the disas- 
 trous drain on their able-bodied men. Towards the end of 
 the Cretan insurrection the soldiers who were being embarked 
 for Crete w^ere so infected with the dread of this service that 
 desertions were very numerous and disaffection general,^ and 
 the supreme effort which the Porte has since made to meet 
 the Servian revolt and create a religious enthusiasm has not 
 restored the old morale of the Mussulman population, or 
 effaced the great discouragement which the Cretan insur- 
 rection produced. And whatever may have been the case 
 with the Turkish troops before Alexinatz, and against the 
 Servians, I have no kind of hesitation in saying that in 
 Herzegovina and before the Montenegrin lines they showed 
 anything but good morale — such, in fact, as could only be 
 found with decaying military power, their best battalions 
 
 ^ Omar Pasha in his reports pretended to have reached Cettinje, but 
 in fact his anny was never in sight of that place, and the positions to be 
 taken before reaching it were so strong that his army, enfeebled as it was, 
 would possibly have been unable to reach it even against the discouraged 
 resistance of the Montenegrin force. Omar himself said at Constanti- 
 nople to a friend of mine, that if the Prince had sent 5,000 fresh men 
 against his army when it had reached Rieka he could not have offered 
 an effectual resistance, and would have been obliged to abandon his 
 conquest. 
 
 2 See Blue book on Cretan insurrection, despatches of Consul at 
 Beyrout. 
 
6 Int7'oductory, 
 
 not being comparable to those which came to Crete in 1867, 
 while the mismanagement and demoralization in the higher 
 ranks were still more striking. I feel confident, looking at 
 the matter with impressions not materially modified since 
 then, that the Cretan insurrection made the Herzegovinian 
 revolt practicable and successfiil, and that firom the two the 
 independent existence of the Ottoman empire is hence- 
 forward impossible, even if Russia should not succeed in 
 breaking it down completely. The Slavs have been pro- 
 gressing in political knowledge as well as moral force, in 
 spite of oppression, and the Mussulmans have followed the 
 usual course of nations which govern without regard to 
 justice or political economy, and destroy the sources of 
 their own power, growing weaker and less coherent with 
 each generation, according to the law 
 
 ** Which makes the crime its own blindfold redresser." 
 
 I have purposely avoided any mention of the agitation in 
 Bosnia, not only because I saw nothing of it, but because it 
 was evidently a reflection from that in the Herzegovina, and 
 had never any great force or coherence. In Croatia, how- 
 ever, it presented the peculiarity that it showed the pugnacity 
 and irrepressibility of the Catholics, as in Herzegovina it 
 did that of the Orthodox Christians. 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 
 |N arriving at Trieste at the end of August, 1875, 1 
 found that there was very little knowledge of, or 
 interest in, the Herzegovinian movement there. 
 Bands were known to be hanging about Klek, Trebinje, and 
 Zubci, but there seemed to be nothing known of the upper 
 Herzegovina. Two or three bands were formed in Piva, 
 Baniani, and other districts on the immediate borders of 
 Montenegro, in which was a certain element of Monte- 
 negrins proper, and many Crivoscians (Austrian subjects from 
 the Bocche di Cattaro), most of which were under the com- 
 mand of Herzegovinians, the sole exception being that of 
 Peko Pavlovics, an old Montenegrin Turk-fighter, whose 
 courage had been tried in more than sixty battles, and whose 
 presence was an unfailing element in any war or revolt 
 against the Ottoman empire on or near the borders of 
 Montenegro. 
 
 There was a committee at Trieste for aiding the movement 
 by supplying arms and forwarding volunteers. The greatest 
 deficiency was that of arms and ammunition, and the Trieste 
 committee could at that time only send old muzzle-loaders 
 of all models, contributed more than purchased. There was 
 no concert and no plan as to any definite object in the 
 insurrection, and all the animus I could perceive was the 
 
8 The Beginnmgs of the Insurrection, 
 
 chronic sympathy with a people who were known to be 
 grossly oppressed, and who were fighting against their 
 masters. What political tone I could find was distinctly 
 Austrian, and the members of the committee were all 
 Dalmatians, with whom, as with the Dalmatian patriots 
 generally, the best end of the affair would be the union of 
 Bosnia and part, at least, of Herzegovina to Dalmatia. There 
 was no Russian leaning or influence. 
 
 My Cretan experience hardly left me to conjecture on 
 the immediate causes of discontent, and inquiry going down 
 the coast, and wherever I saw any of the local committees, 
 confirmed, circumstance by circumstance, the old story. The 
 Christian had neither justice, security, nor the common rights 
 of humanity. No court sat for him, but all against him ; 
 no tenure of land held against the declaration of a Mussul- 
 man, and even the sanctity of the family was constantly 
 invaded by the carrying off of the young girls for the harems 
 of their masters. Everywhere and from the lips of the most dis- 
 passionate men I heard the same confirmations. In Bosnia the 
 slavery was more abject, but in Herzegovina the population 
 was poorer and less able to support exactions like those 
 endured by the Bosnian, and the energy with which the 
 Herzegovinian occasionally resists extreme oppression made 
 it not so safe to the Mussulman; so that on the whole 
 Herzegovina was less repressed than Bosnia. Perhaps 
 the downright killing of Christians was more common in the 
 former province, but, in revenge, more Mussulmans were made 
 to pay this last penalty of a law which comes sometimes to 
 redress lawlessness ; and so a certain balance was struck. 
 
 A single case of judicial injustice, one of whose victims I 
 saw and questioned, and of which I obtained ample con- 
 firmation at Mostar, may be adduced as a sample of the 
 
The Begin7iings of the Insurrection. 9 
 
 status quo which we have been often told leaves no real 
 justification for insurrection. A certain young man from the 
 neighbourhood of Trebinje had, in a quarrel, killed an Aga^ 
 and fled to Montenegro. His nearest male relations^ were 
 therefore arrested, to the number of six, and thrown into 
 prison, being tortured in various ways to compel confession 
 of complicity ; two being put in long wooden boxes, like 
 coffins, and rolled downhill, others being stood upright with 
 their heads in a hole in the floor of the prison, which allowed 
 them to rest on their shoulders, having splinters of wood 
 driven under their finger-nails (the boy I saw in Ragusa gave 
 a minute account of the operation, sickening in its fidelity 
 to detail). The father of the murderer died in prison, and 
 one of the cousins was taken out of the prison in Mostar, 
 just ^Nt days before the Consular Commission arrived, and 
 hung before one of the mosques to calm the excitement of 
 the Bashi-bazooks, the ruffians who, to show their sense of 
 such occasional luxuries, had, in the beginning of the war, 
 planned a general massacre of the Christians of Mostar, and 
 were only dissuaded from their scheme by being assured by 
 one of the more prudent Agas that such a feat would only 
 result in the Austrian army taking possession of the country. 
 In general when any Herzegovinian became obnoxious ta 
 the authorities, or, which amounted to the same thing, to the 
 Agas or Beys, he fled to Montenegro, if he could escape. 
 I have heard several incidents described as the immediate 
 cause of the outbreak, but the fact is that there was scarcely 
 
 ^ The practice of imprisoning or otherwise punishing relatives of an 
 offender who cannot be captured is universal in all Turkish jurispru- 
 dence. I myself came across cases of it in Crete, perpetrated by Ismael 
 Pasha, a highly reputed functionary, who had been educated in Paris. 
 I believe that every impartial European consul in the whole empire will 
 have known cases of the same abuse of power. 
 
lo The Beginnings of the Insurrectioft, 
 
 a district in Herzegovina which had not sent its representatives 
 to that city of refuge, the free Montenegro. In one village 
 three Turks had violated two women, and the relatives had 
 killed one or more of the violators, and, with their immediate 
 male relatives, fled to the usual asylum ; in another, a man 
 had resisted illegal collection of taxes, and killed an official 
 who attempted to levy them by force ; another was driven 
 out of the country by attempts to kill him as a dangerous man 
 — i.e.^ one who had a great moral influence on his fellow 
 villagers (of this Socica was a remarkable case) ; and one of 
 the most prominent incidents in this flint, steel, and gun- 
 powder arrangement was that of a local tax farmer at 
 Nevesinje, who, on occasion of the marriage of his son, 
 attempted to compel his clientele to pay supplementary tax 
 in the shape of wedding presents, — a form of extortion which 
 was obstinately resisted, whereupon the farmer sent the 
 ^apties to enforce the levy. The recusants fled as usual. 
 
 The collection of fugitives in the dominions of Prince 
 Nikita became so serious a consideration, that remon- 
 strances were made to the Government at Seraievo; and, 
 after prolonged negotiations, a promise was made to the 
 Prince, that the exiles should return on guarantees of their 
 personal safety, and come to Seraievo to discuss their com- 
 plaints. Amongst these men were the pope Simonies, since 
 a prominent leader of the insurgents, from Gatschko, and 
 Gligor Millecivics of Bilek, also a captain of note. In con- 
 sequence of this arrangement, the chief of all the refugees 
 returned to Herzegovina via Baniani en route for Seraievo, 
 and were stopped by a patrol of zapties ; but the Christians 
 refusing to recognize the right of arrest, a fight ensued, in 
 which several of them were killed. This, of course, drove 
 the rest back into Montenegro, when the agitation became 
 
The Beginnings of the Insurrection. 1 1 
 
 serious over the whole province, and a number of the 
 Nevesinje refugees returned home and began hostilities. 
 Luka Petcovics of Shuma, near Trebinje, an old and expe- 
 rienced insurgent, exiled for many years, came to take part; 
 while from Servia came another exile of the insurrection of 
 1862, Ljubibratics, who was accompanied by several Ser- 
 vians and Dalmatians. 
 
 The then governor, Dervish Pasha, was openly accused 
 of stimulating discontent, in order to distinguish himself in 
 the repression, like Ismael Pasha, in Crete, in 1866. A 
 body of troops, with another of Bashi-bazooks, were sent 
 out, who burned a number of villages, and murdered the 
 people they found on the road, armed or unarmed; and 
 Constant Efifendi, an Armenian in the service of the Porte 
 (since more known as Constant Pasha), sent an invitation 
 to the principal malcontents to come to a conference and 
 state their griefs. When they came near the rendezvous, 
 they found Constant Effendi's assembly tent pitched within 
 short range of an old fortification, where was concealed 
 a body of troops ; and, accusing him of treachery, they re- 
 fused to approach nearer, and thus ended this effort at 
 conciliation. 
 
 Meanwhile the insurrection had caused anxiety in Monte- 
 negro, for the principality was not prepared for an outbreak, 
 to which it could not rest alien, and which would surely draw 
 the Montenegrins in. Peko Pavlovics was sent to pacifyit. 
 This the old Turk-fighter did modo siio by capturing Ljubi- 
 bratics, and marching him bodily across the frontier to 
 Ragusa with his hands tied behind his back. I am inclined 
 to think that the matter would have stopped there if the 
 Turks had shown the slightest disposition to conciliation, 
 as the encouraging elements were largely wanting. Russia 
 
1 2 The Beginnings of the Insurrection, 
 
 was not yet ready, and the whole affair, so far as committees 
 and moral influence were concerned, was entirely in the 
 hands of the Austrian Slavs, the committees of Zara and 
 Ragusa being the chief. The Catholic districts along the 
 frontier were the most enthusiastic in the revolt, while the 
 Austrian authorities showed an extraordinary amount of 
 complaisance to the insurgents. But the Catholics were 
 tindery fuel, quickly kindled and quickly spent; help did 
 not come as they had hoped for it, and fighting for them- 
 selves was what they were not used to, and all the stimuli of 
 the friendly Dalmatians were needed to keep the fire up. 
 
 According to all the testimony I have been able to collect 
 from the day of my arrival to the present, there was no diffi- 
 culty in pacifying the province at this time, and no Govern- 
 ment seemed disposed to stimulate the insurrection; and if 
 the Porte had been capable of securing immunity from per- 
 sonal oppression to the Christian there would have been no 
 grounds for prolonging it.* Neither Russia nor Montenegro 
 
 ^ Consul Holmes to the Earl of Derby. 
 My Lord, Mostar, September 24, 1875. 
 
 I have the honour to enclose copy of a despatch and its enclosures, 
 addressed to Sir Henry Elliot on the loth, just before leaving Mostar to 
 endeavour to communicate with the insurgents. At present the depar- 
 ture of the post only allows me time to add that my Russian and French 
 colleagues and myself returned here on the 22nd, having entirely failed 
 to persuade the insurgents we met to submit, and to bring their com- 
 plaints before Server Pasha. We did not, however, see any of the 
 prihcipal chiefs of the insurrection, who were all in the neighbourhood 
 of Trebinje. 
 
 Our colleagues of Austria, Germany, and Italy returned on the 23rd, 
 having been equally unsuccessful. They, however, saw the leaders of 
 the insurrection near Trebinje, who demand an armistice, and a Euro- 
 pean intervention to guarantee the reforms which may be adopted. I 
 would here remark that, contrary to what is asserted in so many news- 
 papers, the people of the Herzegovina neither demand, nor have ever 
 desired, an impossible autonomy, as Servian agitators would have per- 
 
The Beginnings of the Instir^^ection, 1 3 
 
 could be indifferent to any similar movement at any time, but 
 Russian influence had already suffered too much from pre- 
 vious checks and withdrawals to risk either idle excitement 
 of insurrection, or indifference to it actually excited. Mon- 
 tenegro may profess neutrality as much as it pleases, but 
 neutrality in the sense demanded of it, is, and always was, 
 morally and politically impossible. But Montenegro was in 
 no position to run the grave risks of war with Turkey, 
 and though no international obligation held the Prince to 
 prevent individuals from going into the war, his failure to 
 do so was a convenient casus belli, and his declarations that 
 he had kept them back w^ere politic indulgences in a species 
 of evasion which the persistent habit of diplomacy prevents 
 us from characterizing when practised by governments as 
 we should if used by individuals. There is no room for 
 denial that Prince Nikita did allow his subjects to go to 
 the aid of Herzegovina, and that later many followed 
 Peko, and that no one was ever punished, but that some 
 were rewarded by medals for distinguished bravery. But 
 this does not affect the fact, that at the juncture when Con- 
 stant Effendi went to meet the insurgent chiefs, and the 
 Catholic population had become discouraged and abandoned 
 the war, the Turkish authorities might have pacified the 
 province had they been so willed. But this was perhaps one 
 of the very incapacities of the Ottoman organization — it 
 cannot pacify except by force — there is no element of con- 
 
 suaded them to do. They only ask to remain subjects of the Sultan, with 
 reformed laws, and a proper and just administration of them. How to 
 secure this is the difficulty. 
 
 I^ext week I hope to forward a detailed report of my mission, the 
 failure of which I have already telegraphed to Sir Henry Elliot. 
 
 I have, &c., 
 (Signed) W. R. Holmes. 
 
14 The Beginnings of the Insurrection, 
 
 ciliation or good faith in it ; and Constant Effendi, in trying 
 to entrap the chiefs, took the only precaution in his power. 
 The wrong and its consequences had so accumulated, that 
 perhaps the strain to the system of administration, of doing 
 justice to so much injustice, would have brought another 
 explosion in the attempt to avoid this. What was possible 
 and even i:)robable was^ that the refugees should have 
 returned to Montenegro and Dalmatia, Austria securing 
 immunity for the CathoHcs, and things might have been 
 patched up until another explosion and a riper opportunity. 
 And this bade fair to be the solution of the affair as its first 
 phase ended. 
 
 At this juncture (Aug. i8) came the Consular Commission. 
 I do not know to whom its formation is due, but it is toler- 
 ably certain that to it was due the reawakening of the insur- 
 rection. It was a partial recognition by the Powers of the 
 wrongs of the Herzegovinian, and an indication that the 
 eyes of official Europe were on his state, — sufficient encour- 
 agement at any time to make him revolt, and to stimulate the 
 spirit of combativeness in the mountain regions bordering 
 Montenegro ; and owing to this the whole aspect of the 
 affair changed rapidly. 
 
 When^ early in September, I arrived at Ragusa, the pre- 
 liminary phase of the war was over. The bands that had 
 been infesting the plain country about Trebinje, nominally 
 besieging the city, had made only a kind of demonstration. 
 There were few troops in the place, and the insurgents had 
 taken up their quarters in the Monastery of Duzi, between 
 Trebinje and the frontier. As soon as Turkish reinforce- 
 ments arrived from Stolatz, the monastery was attacked, and 
 the insurgents, abandoning it, fled across the frontier or to 
 the mountains. A considerable body of them came across 
 
The Beginnings of the Insitrrection, 1 5 
 
 to Ragusa, and came on board the Lloyd's steamer by 
 which I was a passenger, and proceeding to Castel Nuovo in 
 the Bocche di Cattaro, landed with their arms and crossed 
 the frontier to Zubci, where they had made rendezvous with 
 their companions who, stronger on foot, had made the 
 journey by land. Their arms were openly landed from the 
 steamer, and no questions were asked by any one. 
 
 [This was the policy until after the refusal of the insur- 
 gents to accept the Andrassy Note the following winter.] 
 
 The war in those parts was only a frolic for the volunteers, 
 who went and came as they liked, going to Castel Nuovo for 
 a change from camp -life, the mayor of that city being head 
 of the committee which was charged with the distribution of 
 arms and suppHes, and the channel of communication with 
 the world was now by Sutorina. 
 
 The so-called siege of Trebinje was merely a coup de 
 theatre; no serious attack had ever taken place, and only in 
 the regions near Montenegro and where an element of Monte- 
 negrinism existed in the bands was there any serious fight- 
 ing. During August Socica had raised the standard in the 
 district of Piva, north of Niksics, and defeated the Turks in 
 several small affairs, destroying many blockhouses, while 
 Peko, finding that peace had not been made by his heroic 
 treatment, and that Ljubibratics had returned, went over 
 to the insurgents, and a number of Montenegrin volun- 
 teers, with several hundreds of the pugnacious and Turk- 
 hating Crivoscians, had joined the movement. The whole of 
 Zubci, Yezero, Piva, Gatschko, Baniani, Rudini and Dabra, 
 were under arms, and they possess a population of a 
 different temper from those of Gabella, Popovo, and others- 
 bordering on Dalmatia, and are comparatively free from the 
 vexations of the Turkish rule. But, on the other hand, they 
 
1 6 The Beginnings of the Insurrection, 
 
 are exceedingly prone to fight for the sake merely of fight- 
 ing the Turks. 
 
 Great devastation was already being wrought, the Turks 
 burning and destroying everything before them in the lower 
 country, killing and plundering in all the Christian villages, 
 and the insurgents naturally retaliating to their best on the 
 Turkish. The trans-frontier districts were crowded with 
 refugees — old men, women, and children. 
 
 In the Bocche di Cattaro there was intense excitement 
 and sympathy for the insurrection. From Crivoscie the 
 whole able-bodied male population had gone to the war, 
 and Zupa ^ prepared to follow. The Bocchesi have always 
 made common cause with their Montenegrin kinsman as 
 well as with the mountain Hezegovinian, being all of 
 the same stock, combative habit, and religion. At Cattaro 
 it was believed that Montenegro was on the point of de- 
 claring war, and it was only in Montenegro one could 
 ascertain what was being done. 
 
 ' Crivoscie and Zupa are two of the most warlike districts of the 
 Bocche di Cattaro and at opposite ends of the territory, the former 
 .bordering on Herzegovina, the latter on Albania. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 I^HE difficult, dizzy road from Cattaro seems to be 
 a great labour for little fruit when, after four hours 
 of climbing, you enter the outermost plain of the 
 Crnagora, and find a few arid acres in the midst of a great 
 amphitheatre of grey, glistening rock, the interstices of 
 which hardly give rooting to a chance shrub. Here and 
 there a dwarfed evergreen is to be seen, and only on one 
 side a strip of forest, of starveling, dwarfed, and gnarled 
 beeches, more Hke a copse than a forest ; but with this 
 narrow exception, all round the circle the desolation is like 
 that of a silent volcano, arid as if internal fires had burnt 
 out the juices of the earth. In little patches here and there 
 along the edge of the hills, where the soil has been held by 
 basins of rock, the husbandman has made his opportunity, 
 and the little walled-in fractions of a rood, some of them not 
 larger than 6 feet by lo feet, make their best, though poor, 
 return of maize, potatoes, wheat, or grass. Where the space 
 to be reclaimed permits it, the earth is terraced and protected 
 from the wash of the torrents. It is a poor, gravelly soil at 
 best, even in the plains, and little of it, at that, in comparison 
 with the expanse of bare rock, and certainly nothing but 
 liberty could make any people fight for it or care to keep it 
 The Valley of Njegush, the natal place of the Prince of 
 c 
 
1 8 Njegtcsh, 
 
 Montenegro, is the first ^halting-place. A score or two of 
 small stone houses, mostly of two rooms each on the ground 
 floor, with two or three of two stories, one of which was the 
 residence of the family of the Prince, compose the tale of 
 Njegush, the village ; and the soil around seemed hardly 
 sufficient to support the few people in it. Few men were to 
 be seen ; women carrying heavy loads, and children peering 
 round the corners and doors to watch the unwonted stranger, 
 were all that we saw. To say that the people were poorly 
 dressed is little ; the garments of some of them were in tatters 
 already, and in any civilized country they would, most of 
 them, have been better off as beggars. But no one thought 
 himself, or herself, the worse for it, and all saluted us with 
 gravity and respect, but with no trace of servility. 
 
 From Njegush to Cettinje the road is still more difficult — 
 from a defensive point of view, much better; and I could 
 hardly avoid the conviction that bad roads are an article of 
 faith with the Montenegrin ; he will hardly see the poHcy of 
 opening his country to artillery with the other modern im- 
 provements until his independence is secured by an Euro- 
 pean guarantee. The road between Njegush and Cettinje 
 is so bad that there are places where one must dismount to 
 descend safely ; but in a walk of four hours from the Austrian 
 frontier we enter the Plain of Cettinje, the central plain of 
 the Crnagora proper. 
 
 The residence of the ruler of Montenegro is worthy its 
 Lacedaemonian prototype. There is one straight, wide 
 street, with about forty houses on each side, low, stone- 
 built, and covered, some with tiles and some with thatch, 
 and without chimneys ; none with more than one floor above 
 the ground, some with only a ground floor, all nearly alike 
 in accommodation and in pretension. In one is the Tele- 
 
Cettinje. 19 
 
 graph and Post-office, in another the Ministry of Communi- 
 cations ; but no external sign indicates any difference between 
 this and the meanest man's home. The end of the street is 
 blocked by a larger house, also of two stories, which was 
 built for an hotel, and which, lately, has been the best I 
 found south of Trieste along the whole Slav country ; and 
 a cross street leads down to the Prince's residence — a plain 
 building which it would be courtesy only to call a palace ; 
 it is merely the largest house in Cettinje. Opposite is the 
 former residence of the Prince, made later a seminary, and 
 then used for the accommodation of the few strangers who 
 came here, the ground floor for Government offices. At the 
 foot of the hills close by is a monastery, without occupants, 
 except one or two old priests ; a few outlying houses, and 
 this is all of Cettinje, except its people. In this, as in the 
 other plains of Montenegro, beside the central village proper, 
 a fringe of occasional houses runs round it built on the hill- 
 slopes for economy of tillable land. Around is the same amphi- 
 theatre of grey hills, only here the more friable rock permits 
 the cHnging of scanty and impoverished trees in their inter- 
 stices. The productions of the plain are mainly potatoes 
 and maize, a few trees — either willow, poplar, or mulberry — 
 and opposite the palace one elm-tree of considerable size, 
 beneath which is a circular raised platform of stone, with 
 two or three stone blocks, which serve as seats, and here 
 the Prince administers justice. His body-guard, in the pic- 
 turesque costume of the whole people, stand or sit around 
 this tree, according as the Prince is present or not, or pass 
 the time in athletic sports on the sward beside it. On meet- 
 ing the Prince walking, with his guard following or walking 
 beside him, a stranger finds it not easy to distinguish the 
 ruler from his guard. One sees only a mass of three or four 
 
20 The Montenegrin. 
 
 score Montenegrins in ordinary costume. They all chat 
 together, and I only learnt which was the Prince by his re- 
 turning the salute. 
 
 There is a simplicity and dignity in the Montenegrin 
 which strikes almost all who know Scotland as resembling 
 strongly the Highlander — grave, taciturn, and yet friendly if 
 occasion offers — canny, soldierHke, and singularly reserved 
 in expression of emotion by any outward sign. The 
 moment was one in which the national temper was tried 
 and displayed to the utmost. Servia had promised to enter 
 the field, and the signal of her movement was to be that for 
 the entry of the Montenegrins into Herzegovina to settle 
 old scores with the Turk. Everybody was anxious to fight, 
 but nobody wished it to appear that he was so — the whole 
 of the three to four hundred men in Cettinje were in the 
 streets, and the only sign of agitation one saw was perpetual 
 movement. There was certainly something grand in this 
 attitude of the smallest independent nation in the bounds of 
 civilization chafing in the leash, and only caring to be free 
 to attack, regardless of consequences or war alliances, its 
 old-time enemy. Nobody thought what Europe or Russia 
 would say or do : they only wanted to know if Servia was 
 going to lead the way, and they be free to move. Finally 
 came the day on which the telegram must arrive which would 
 tell the course Servia was to follow, and one could feel the 
 pulse of the whole principality on that main street, and the 
 approaches to the palace. 
 
 The population of Cettinje is not, it is true, large enough 
 to be considered numerically as representing the opinion of 
 Montenegro ; but it must be remembered that it includes all 
 the highest functionaries, a body guard of picked men from 
 all the principality, and many persons had come here to 
 
The Servza7t Crisis, 21 
 
 await the decision of the Servian Skuptchina, including 
 many chiefs of the insurgents. That afternoon these were 
 all in the streets as if waiting for a proclamation. All along 
 the side of the street which leads to the palace was a solid 
 line of men composed of the elements I have named. The 
 Prince had gone the day before into the mountains — to 
 hunt wolves, it was said — and that afternoon was to return. 
 The rumour was current everywhere that Servia had yielded 
 to diplomatic pressure, and that the rising was to be aban- 
 doned. Dejection was on the face of everybody. The 
 voivodes whom I knew, avoided conversation and even 
 contact, and the Prince's aide-de-camp and those about his 
 person, who had been in general communicative, kept away 
 from us. I had, however, information enough to convince 
 me that the Prince at an earlier period had had great pressure 
 brought on him by the chiefs of the people to take up arms 
 independently of Servia. It was beheved that with armed 
 neutrality on the part of the Servian Government, and the 
 passes of Novi Bazaar in the hands of Montenegrins, Klek 
 could be made good against any force the Turks could 
 bring against the Christians, and that in this w^ay the few 
 battalions then in Herzegovina and Bosnia could be 
 disposed of before any great force was brought up to effect 
 a diversion unless they were marched through Servia, the 
 neutrality of which would thus serve as a potent aid. Mean- 
 while the insurgents, mixed and disciplined with Monte- 
 negrins and armed, would become in a short time an effective 
 force, increasing the strength of the defence faster than the 
 attacking force would be increased. 
 
 This initiative movement was favoured by some of the 
 Prince's advisers, and he himself was known to be desirous 
 of action, so that the temptation to give the word must have 
 
2 2 Disappointment. 
 
 been very great, and, whatever may have been his engage- 
 ments or apprehensions, he was blamed by many for having 
 lost an opportunity which might not return. Of course 
 Russian influence goes for much, and if Russia had exerted 
 it in a positive sense, the Prince might have gone into the 
 war even alone, but Russia was utterly adverse, and I think 
 I can say with certainty that this influence was then much 
 weakened, and I heard bitter complaints of repeated dis- 
 appointment from Russia having on former occasions given 
 hopes which she took no pains to see fulfilled. I was told 
 with acrimony the stories of the old wars when Russia had 
 drawn Montenegro into war with Turkey, and then made 
 peace alone, leaving the Montenegrins to the vengeance 
 of the Turks. The opinion generally held was that the 
 moment was the ,most favourable possible for a general move- 
 ment, and its loss by diplomatic pressure was to be attri- 
 buted either to Russian weakness or indifference, for no one 
 had any very profound faith in a sincere interest on the part 
 of Russia as to the fortunes of the people of Herzegovina. 
 
 It then seemed to me beyond a doubt that if the Powers 
 should assure Herzegovina a substantial liberty such as was 
 recommended by *' The Times " at the beginning of the 
 movement, the Prince would gladly accept the solution, and 
 withdraw his moral influence from the insurgents if they 
 were inclined to hold out, and this would have been con- 
 clusive. I had the Prince's most earnest assurance that he 
 would support with all his influence any arrangement 
 of an equitable nature, which at that moment would have 
 been decisive, because the withdrawal of such support as the 
 principality had given would have compelled the submission 
 of the most formidable section of the insurrection. The 
 personal tendencies of the Prince, unlike his predecessors, 
 
Disappoi7itnient. 2 3 
 
 were to attain his ends by patience and peaceful ap- 
 pliances if possible, but his people have a very different 
 way of regarding the matter, and the most that could be 
 done was, the least possible yielding to the national feeling, 
 but without losing sight of the national aspirations. 
 
 Looking back on the matter after a much fuller acquain- 
 tance with Montenegro, I believe that it would have been 
 unsafe and futile for the Prince to have attempted to cut off 
 all aid for the insurgents. Thousands of them had fought 
 for Montenegro in 1858 and 1862, and the strong tendency 
 of the whole people was to throw itself into the war. The 
 position of the Prince was a most difficult one. Obliged to 
 identify himself with his people's feeling, he had no other 
 control over them than their personal devotion, and must 
 be careful how he exposed this to too great a strain. At the 
 same time he must protect his future interest and keep his 
 influence over the surrounding Slav populations, and as long 
 as Dalmatian (J.e, Austrian) and Servian sympathizers were 
 in the field for them, it was impossible that Montenegrins 
 should not be there too, and equally so that they should not 
 maintain their supremacy of courage and military efficiency, 
 and I have no hesitation in saying that the Prince would have 
 endangered his throne sooner or later by indifference to the 
 struggle in Herzegovina. 
 
 As to the public enthusiasm, so utterly damped, it was 
 easy to estimate it by the dejection which followed the 
 Servian defection and the pacific decision of the Prince. In 
 fact, communication became difficult with any of the official 
 people, and the Prince himself for days would see no one. 
 
 Under the circumstances it was of course still more diffi- 
 cult to restrain the Montenegrins, and there is no doubt that 
 .a very considerable increase of Dg^fmaLJij^ty was conse- 
 
 DIVERSITY 
 
24 Nikita, 
 
 quently accorded. Before leaving Cettinje I had an 
 audience of the Prince, in which he expressed freely his dis- 
 appointment. He most strongly repudiated any Russian 
 direction or dictation, or intention to be pushed by Russia 
 further than his own interests led him. He said that if he 
 should decide to allow any aid to the insurgents compatible 
 with international law, he could maintain it perfectly well 
 until his own funds and suppHes were exhausted, and as 
 many of his subjects as he was disposed to give co7ige to, 
 would at once join the insurrection. All this he could 
 easily do without visibly going further than Austria, and the 
 utmost result to him or his country would be, that Turkey 
 would declare war, for which he was quite prepared. The 
 Prince expressed great disappointment at the inaction of 
 Servia, and said that he was ready and willing to move with 
 her had she moved, but that he did not feel justified, in 
 spite of the desire and pressure of his people, in declaring 
 war on Turkey alone. His soldiers were well organized and 
 armed with breechloaders and artillery, whereas in 1862 
 they had only old-fashioned Albanian smoothbores. His 
 supplies of ammunition were ample, and he did not 
 apprehend defeat in the mountains from all the Turkish 
 troops now in the field ; but the part of a faithful ruler was 
 to spare useless shedding of blood of his people, and he 
 remembered that, though in 1862 they defended their 
 valleys against 60,000 Turks and fought for eight months 
 alone, they were finally obliged to yield to the greater re- 
 sources of the Porte, their ammunition being exhausted and 
 3,000 of their number killed without any result whatever ; 
 and if now they were left to fight alone they would probably 
 ultimately meet the same fortune, which he would not take 
 the responsibility of provoking by a declaration of war singly. 
 
Nikita, 25; 
 
 but his position was such that he could not recoil from any 
 consequence of his strong sympathy, and that of his people,, 
 with the Herzegovinians. The event of war might be the 
 same in either case, but while he was wiUing to risk the 
 event, he was not willing to assume the responsibility before 
 Europe of inviting it by a declaration of war. 
 
 He disclaimed any ambition in connection with the in- 
 surrection, and was willing, in case the Powers should 
 decide to guarantee an autonomy to the Herzegovinians, 
 to exert his utmost influence towards the speedy cessation 
 of the insurrection, though without some such guarantee 
 being given to the insurgents it would be impossible for him 
 to take any pacificatory action in the matter. The insurgents- 
 were a kindred people; they looked 'to him for his moral 
 support at least, and he could not refuse it. His own people 
 would support him unanimously should he go further even ; 
 but in view of all the circumstances he regarded the cessa- 
 tion of bloodshed as the most important object if accom- 
 panied by concession of the requisite security of the Rayahs. 
 He said that the mission of the Consuls would be fruitless, 
 because it was based on Turkish promises of redress, and 
 the experience of the people with regard to these promises 
 was such that they had no value whatever in their eyes. 
 He was confident that the insurrection would hold out at 
 least through the winter, which he believed would be very 
 trying to the Turkish troops from warmer regions, as the 
 cold of the mountain districts is very intense, while the 
 mountaineers being accustomed to it would suffer, much 
 less. He begged me finally, in case war should break out, 
 which he still regarded as possible, to come up again and 
 accompany him during the campaign. 
 
 It was impossible not to sympathize with a ruler placed 
 
26 To G7^akovo. 
 
 in this position, keenly awake to all its dangers and re- 
 sponsibilities, and devoted to his people with a really 
 paternal devotion. 
 
 I left Cettinje with the feeling of having extended my 
 own horizon by the discovery of a people of the old heroic 
 type— a survival of the Homeric age, doubtless with heroic 
 vices which also survive elsewhere, but with some virtues 
 which hardly survive the larger civilization. I think that few 
 Englishmen could resist this impression, and most would 
 entertain a wish that Montenegro might be preserved intact 
 and unchanged by civilization as a study of what mankind 
 has once been. 
 
 Anxious to see something of the condition of the refugees, 
 and, if possible, of Montenegrin preparation, I decided to 
 go to Grahovo, the chief place of the canton of the same, 
 name north of Cettinje. There is a direct road, but the 
 Prince advised me, for greater faciHty and economy of time, 
 to go by way of the Bocche di Cattaro, the direct road being 
 so difficult; and for Montenegrins, indeed, the usual route 
 is to return to Cattaro and then by boat to Risano, whence 
 a good Austrian road leads to Dragal on the frontier, whence 
 a fair one continues to Grahovo. Leaving Risano by early 
 light, there is barely time to see what was to be seen at 
 Grahovo, say two to three hours, and get back by dark. 
 The route lies through Crivoscie, scene of disaster to the 
 Austrian arms in 1869; and even an eye without military 
 training can see enough to say it were no shame to the 
 best troops in the world to be defeated by bellicose peasants 
 with the country in their hands. The road winds along 
 slopes more awful and dizzy than those of the Cettinje road 
 even, and where, from its tortuousness, artillery is useless ; 
 and bands of courageous men might stop all passage by 
 
Grahovo, 27 
 
 rolling stones down on the troops. The limestone rock is 
 upheaved in vertical dykes, which are like interminable 
 walls, each of which is difficult to climb for an unencum- 
 bered pedestrian; — making any movement, except by the- 
 road, impossible to men who cannot run and jump like 
 goats, and who know the ground imperfectly. Sharp angles 
 in the face of the mountains would suddenly expose the 
 head of a column to the fire of any number of men at close 
 quarters. My plan had been to return to Ragusa by way of 
 Trebinje, but the road that way was still worse. From 
 Grahovo to Trebinje the distance by map is about fifteen 
 miles ; but I was told that, for all, the easier way was to 
 Risano, thence by boat again to Castel "Nuovo, and thence 
 via Zubci, the direct road being very difficult even for the 
 mountaineers. 
 
 We had a witness of the reality of the war early in the 
 journey, in an old couple escaping from Herzegovina with 
 what remained of their goods, and who had travelled from 
 Lubimir, one hour beyond Trebinje, all the way on foot, 
 carrying burdens which 1 should have been sorry to shoulder 
 for a mile. They could not have been less than seventy 
 years old; and, judging from the general appearance of old 
 people here, I should say they were more likely to be eighty. 
 Further on we met a whole family, loaded also with their 
 remaining substance, the mother carrying her youngest in 
 its cradle strapped on her back, all loaded except a little 
 fellow of three, who skipped along the rocky road barefooted 
 in great glee. The father had remained behind ; the grand- 
 father, too old to fight, accompanied the family to security. 
 A few sheep and goats went ahead, their present sole sus- 
 tenance. Next was a wounded Bocchese, just from Gatschko, 
 where he had lost a couple of fingers in a recent fight, and 
 
28 Grahovo, 
 
 taken his revenge by cutting off the head of the Turk— an 
 Aga of that country, whose sword, heavily mounted with 
 silver, pistols of the same richness, and jacket covered with 
 buttons and ornaments of heavy silver, he wore. His horse 
 and all it carried were plunder. He told us that Dervish 
 Pasha, with seven battalions of regulars (the battahon, I 
 heard from best Austrian authority, not ranging higher in 
 force than about 400 to 450 men), with two or three bat- 
 talions of irregulars, had succeeded in re-victualling Piva, the 
 body of Christians (to whom the informant belonged) being 
 only 300 strong, and unable to hold the ground. The local 
 authorities at Grahovo informed me that a convoy of provi- 
 sions was in a day or two expected from Ragusa, at Trebinje, 
 and that a grand attack was to be made. This was the 
 reason, probably, that the forces which were around Gatschko 
 were so small. 
 
 From every side I gathered confirmation of the opinion, 
 that the insurrection was not prepared by outside intrigues ; 
 that the committees did not expect it, and were unprepared 
 for it — unprepared to aid it efficiently. The number of good 
 rifles was small in comparison with that of insurgents, and I 
 saw numbers who carried the old-fashioned ticfek. They com- 
 plained that they were unable to attack the Turks with effect, 
 on account of their guns not having any range, so that they 
 had to choose positions where the troops came to close 
 quarters. Rifles were, however, slowly arriving, and it was 
 clearly impossible, with the sympathy existing for the insur- 
 gents in the Slav population of Austria, to devise or carry 
 out measures which should prevent the introduction of arms 
 and munitions in Herzegovina ; and any attempt to follow 
 up such rigorously, would then have made incalculable 
 trouble for the Government. Some people in the Bocche di 
 
Crivoscians. 29 
 
 Cattaro were contributing as much as the sixth of their 
 income to the support of the insurgents. 
 
 The Crivoscians again, who formed by much the largest 
 foreign element in the insurrection, were not to be restrained 
 by any governmental order ; and with the greatest resolution 
 so to do, the Austrian authorities could not have prevented 
 them from crossing the frontier when they pleased. The 
 Montenegrins at Grahovo spoke highly of the fighting capa- 
 city of the Crivoscian, but said that he was invariably a thief. 
 The men of the lower Herzegovina again were honest ; but 
 though the first to rise, indifferently good insurgents. The 
 value of a man as a fighter depends apparently on his geo- 
 graphical position — the nearer the Montenegrin frontier the 
 better the man ; and in the lower country, where the predomi- 
 nance of the Mussulman element has been more complete, the 
 character of the people is correspondingly debased. The 
 people of that section, to use the words of a Montenegrin offi- 
 cial, " think of nothing but the stick of the Turk ;" while with 
 the Montenegrin, the Crivoscian, and their kindred mountain- 
 eers, courage is the dominant quality, and the highest ambi- 
 tion is to die fighting : so that they only say of a man that 
 he has died when he dies a natural death; they say of a 
 man who has been killed in battle that '*he is missing," 
 and his family regard the peaceful death as a proper cause 
 for mourning — not that in battle. 
 
 We met on the road, or were overtaken by, a number of 
 men going home with booty, or wounds, or returning to fight, 
 and the number of men visible other than those was very 
 small. The number of women and children was very con- 
 siderable, however. The *' political captain " of the village 
 said that there were about 1,000 distributed among the 
 houses, the church, and camping out ; some having brought 
 
30 Reftigees. 
 
 their flocks, and some nothing but the rags on their backs. 
 He said that those who had their flocks received nothing 
 from the Government ; but those who had nothing, had a 
 small allowance. He had that morning given out the last 
 provisions in store, and until something more came there 
 was nothing to give them, except the ungathered maize 
 in the fields. Others were continually arriving, and some 
 of the fighting men were engaged in hunting out and 
 bringing in, wandering individuals or families from the moun- 
 tains of Herzegovina. Here, too, -was a rude hospital, where 
 such of the insurgent wounded as were near the Montene- 
 grin frontier were brought as to the nearest point of safety. 
 
 We went to see some of the refugees — for the most part 
 women, and in such a state of rags and misery that they 
 would not have been allowed to beg in the streets of London, 
 with two or three old men past the fighting age even for this 
 country. [We overtook one going to the war from Crivoscie, 
 who had forgotten whether he was seventy-five or seventy-six.] 
 My companion asked what made them leave home to come 
 here. They did not seem to have any definite idea, except 
 that it was to escape from the Turks. It was evidently a 
 general panic, usual in insurrections in the Turkish pro- 
 vinces. Long experience has taught the Christians that the 
 repression of an insurrection is always accompanied by 
 general and murderous barbarity ; and that once fighting 
 begins, there is no safety for Christians, women or children, 
 any more than men, except in flight across the borders, or 
 into the inaccessible mountains. The whole of Turkish 
 history justifies the apprehension — the habit of the Turk 
 being to strike without distinction of persons or criminality. 
 W^hen questioned as to their special grievances, they all said 
 the same thing — the Turks robbed them, took whatever 
 
Refugees, 3 1 
 
 they wanted — their animals, what they had in their houses, 
 and even their daughters when they took a fancy to them, 
 and they never saw them any more. Into this grievance we 
 inquired most particularly, because it will be found to be 
 the true tide-mark of Turkish oppression. In some pro- 
 vinces taxes may be intolerable and justice unattainable, 
 and yet the Mussulman will not venture to carry away the 
 women. They all assured me, both women and men, that 
 it was common, and they complained bitterly of their 
 bishops, who, when their girls were carried away, showed na 
 zeal to reclaim them. One tall, haggard old woman, about 
 sixty, stood listening like a statue of misery, and the tears 
 began flooding her eyes and running down her wrinkled 
 cheeks, not a muscle moving, watching my friend who inter- 
 preted, until finally, with the recital of some kindred suffer- 
 ing, the stone melted, and she buried her face in her ragged 
 robe and burst into violent weeping. She had no soul left 
 of all her family. By one way or another she was alone. 
 It was brutal to question her further. My own eyes had 
 tears too near for me to speak without giving way. I turned 
 away, not to betray myself, and walked to the high road. 
 Down by the church, they said, was the" great assemblage — 
 would I go to see them ? These were only the hungry ones 
 who had come for the bread no one had to give them. No, 
 I didn't care to see or know anything more; I could do 
 nothing, not even if my pockets were full. So I went to 
 see the wounded, in smoky cabins, lying on the ground, their 
 wounds unwashed, in dirty bandages ; no water to sj^are here^ 
 for all that they had was brought a mile on women's backs^ 
 the long drought having dried up all running water, and cis- 
 terns being all exhausted ; no surgeon either, and all grave 
 wounds these. Outside one young man with a ball through 
 
32 Castel Nuovo. 
 
 his foot was bargaining for a gun to go back to the war with. 
 He showed me laughingly the pieces of bone he had taken 
 from his foot, and which he kept carefully wrapped in paper, 
 as if something talismanic were in them. We went to two or 
 three houses, all alike, except that some of the patients had 
 beds. I learnt at Risano with great pleasure that an Austrian 
 surgeon was going up to Grahovo to attend to the wounded, 
 and that the Government intended sending food for the 
 refugees. We reached Risano late in the evening, taking 
 the steamer thence for Castel Nuovo the next morning. 
 
 At Castel Nuovo was the depot and direction of the 
 insurrection, arsenals, and storehouses, and seat of the dis- 
 tributing committee. The little strip of territory belonging 
 to Turkey, which here comes down to the sea, afforded the 
 most important facilities to the insurgents, and to reach it 
 from Castel Nuovo was only a half-hour's walk. Here 
 volunteers, rifles, ammunition, provisions, &c. were landed 
 ad libitum, as I had the evidence of my own eyes to prove, 
 and the insurgents had the freedom of the frontier, coming 
 and going in absolute freedom. No concealment was prac- 
 tised whatever in conducting any kind of military operations 
 which circumstances permitted. 
 
 I found that sharp fighting had been going on in the 
 neighbourhood of Zubci, and that my hope of visiting the 
 insurgent camp via Trebinje, or vice versa, was vain, for no 
 communication that way was practicable, as I had got no 
 escort, and I was assured that the country was most unsafe, 
 even with the best escort I could have obtained. Besides, 
 the insurgents w^ere in motion, nobody knew where, and I 
 was again compelled to make a flank movement to find them. 
 I had, however, an opportunity of examining the fortress 
 and barrack of Sutorina, destroyed by the insurgents, and 
 
Sutorina. 33 
 
 the destruction of which called down on the authors of it a 
 great deal of denunciation. It seemed to me, however, 
 a measure admissible in a military point of view, if it 
 had been complete, as the building was really a strong 
 fortress, unassailable by any means in the hands of the 
 insurgents, if once occupied by a Turkish force. Besides, 
 the Christians were in entire uncertainty whether the Austrian 
 Government might not at any day have allowed troops to 
 land at Sutorina, as they had at Klek, in which case their 
 most available and natural source of supplies would be cut 
 off. I was able also to visit the place near Sutorina where 
 the cartridges were manufactured, and got here an indication 
 of the disorder and want of common sense in the conduct of 
 their affairs, which told its story even more clearly than the 
 fact that the insurgents could not be depended on to obey 
 orders when their fancy led them in another direction. 
 These cartridges were made for the whole insurrectionary 
 force; and as the men were armed in part with rifles and 
 part with tufeks, &c., and the ammunition distributed indis- 
 criminately, it was clear that one-half must be badly served 
 in any event; but as the ball in the cartridge was made 
 small enough to suit the smallest calibre, and round, or as 
 near round as bad casting brings it, the consequence was 
 that the much-valued rifles w^ere used with round balls, half 
 filling the bore, the extreme range of which would certainly 
 not be above 200 yards, doing small damage at that. In 
 fact, the members of the committees in 'general seemed to 
 think that to keep up an insurrection, it is only necessary to 
 get as many men together as possible, and send in bread, 
 rifles, and ammunition, anyhow and anywhere, trusting to 
 the chapter of accidents to keep things all right. The com- 
 mittees were badly organized ; and though they contained 
 
 D 
 
34 Insttrrectionary Eqtcipme^it, 
 
 men of unquestionable ability and devotion to the cause, 
 there was not one man, so far as I saw, who had any concep- 
 tion of what insurrectionary organization ought to be. In 
 fact, what I saw at Castel Nuovo alone would have been 
 sufficient to assure me that there had been no preparation 
 for insurrection, or definite purpose in direction. 
 
 This was the greatest weakness of the movement. There 
 was no want of men — there were more than could be armed ; 
 nor is the want of military organization and discipline of 
 great importance in a war where no regular operations are 
 possible, and where, from the difficulty of the country, no 
 great danger of surprises by the troops is to be apprehended. 
 Even the question of provisions is one of less importance 
 than in regular operations ; and these m.en were accustomed 
 to go two or three days without bread, and sometimes thirty- 
 six hours without water; they rarely drink coffee, or even 
 raki, in their movements, and are gay under privation which 
 would paralyze any regular troops. But men who have not 
 ammunition fit for their use, and are obliged to expose them- 
 selves to the fire of the Turkish breechloaders for a certain 
 time before they can get near enough to do any harm in 
 return, must have more than ordinary military courage to 
 effect anything beyond closing difficult passes, and keeping 
 the troops on the qui vive. To inflict any material damage 
 on the regulars, they needed not only rifles, but ammuni- 
 tion for rifles, and this the committees had not had expe- 
 rience enough to understand the meaning of 
 
 To see anything of the Turkish side of the question, it 
 was necessary to get back to Ragusa^ and to Ragusa I went 
 by steamer again. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 URING my absence in Cettinje the bands of the 
 upper Herzegovina had come down and taken 
 possession of the road to Trebinje, and had 
 captured a provision train and carried it off to their camp at 
 Glavski-dol. Hussein Pasha had sent out a battalion, with 
 a strong squad of Mussulmans of Trebinje, to attack the 
 camp, and they had been drawn by Peko Pawlovics into an 
 ambush and utterly defeated, leaving eighty dead bodies 
 behind them, amongst whom were several leading Beys of 
 Trebinje, the main force escaping to the shelter of the block- 
 houses in uncontrolled panic. The Pasha organized another 
 expedition, which, however, after a slight skirmish on the 
 main road, retreated to Trebinje again, and the insurgents 
 held undisturbed possession of the road. 
 
 When I proposed to go to the beleaguered city there had 
 been for several days no news, the foot postman being inter- 
 dicted. But a Ragusa fiacre and an undaunted coachman 
 were found equal to the occasion, and in company with 
 correspondents of an American, a French, and an Italian 
 journal, furnished with the Turkish visa, and with the in- 
 surgents well warned that we were not enemies, I started. 
 For three or four miles the road is either in Austrian territory 
 or close to it, and protected by two blockhouses. Czarina 
 
36 To Trebmje, 
 
 and Drien. This position is very wild, but^ Drien once 
 passed, we had before us a drive of three hours, through a 
 country not nearly so difficult as any part of Montenegro 
 which I have seen, and found the whole country, with the 
 exception of the hills just about Drien on the frontier, and 
 three or four miles near Trebinje, entirely abandoned to the 
 insurgents. The guard over a store of flour, &c. on the 
 Austrian frontier, assured us that for five days not even the 
 post had passed over the space so given up. The outposts 
 were sufficiently on the qui vive to justify one in thinking 
 that the enemy had been sighted. Three Austrian peasants 
 from Brieno, waiting a chance to go to Trebinje, begged the 
 protection of our shadow, in abject fear of finding themselves 
 alone face to face with the terrible " Montenegrins." 
 
 Not a long rifle-shot from the outposts the driver pointed 
 out the locality of the beginning of the "great fight" where 
 the convoy was taken. The ground was still red with blood 
 in spots along the road, and the Brienesi assured us that 
 half an hour further on we should find the " Greeks." The 
 country gives capital cover, though not precipitous. It seems 
 from the hills at Drien to be a plain, but when we get down 
 into it we find it cut up by numerous shallow ravines, and 
 studded with crags and spurs of limestone from three to ten 
 feet high, between which, in the interstices, were rooted 
 scrubby oaks and other bushes. A thousand men might lie 
 within a hundred feet of the road and not show a cap. The 
 whole region was deserted by every Hving creature, so far as 
 we could see. Watching carefully, I saw finally, a short rifle- 
 shot from the road, a human head above a rock, but in a 
 moment it had disappeared. Half-way through this dreary 
 waste, which I can only compare to a vast glacier turned 
 into stone, where a wretched vegetation had found a myste- 
 
Trebinje, 37 
 
 rious raisoji d'eti'e^ the peasants pointed out to us a dead 
 Turkish soldier lying by the roadside, his face in the mud 
 left by the recent rain, divested of every article of clothing 
 but his shirt, but in no wise mutilated. He was a corporal, 
 we aftenvards found, killed in the last skirmish, and had lain 
 there ever since, the troops not daring to venture so far to 
 recover the body. 
 
 We saw no other sign of humanity until, with our frantic 
 escort of Brienesi racing ahead of the carriage at its best 
 speed, we fell in with the outposts of the Turks not far from 
 Duzi, where a battalion had come out to protect the wood- 
 cutters. They were keeping a very lively look-out from every 
 little eminence, but asked us no questions. 
 
 Trebinje is a dull place to be blockaded in, and, as no 
 news had come from the outside world for five days, we were 
 much stared and wondered at. The surgeon of the Pasha met 
 us at the entrance of the city and led us to the Konak, where 
 his Excellency received us with all the politeness and gravity 
 of a true Turk, and gave us the official version of all the 
 recent affairs, in all of which he assured us, except the one 
 in which the convoy was taken, the troops had been vic- 
 torious. In this he admitted that they had been drawn into 
 an ambuscade, and had some twenty or thirty men killed. I 
 did not say to him that a friend of mine visiting the insurgent 
 camp had counted eighty heads stuck up on poles, nor did I 
 ask why, if the insurgents had been so triumphantly scattered 
 in the last affair, according to his account of it, the troops 
 had not brought away their dead corporal. The poor fellow 
 was so amiable and courteous, and seemed so despondent 
 and so really unable to understand why the insurgents should 
 try to do them so much harm, that I had not the heart to 
 dispel the least of his illusions, but consoled him with the 
 
38 Htcssien Pasha. 
 
 assurance that diplomacy would soon settle the question. 
 He informed us that he had 2,000 troops, but that bands 
 of the insurgents, instigated by foreign emissaries, were 
 fomenting the movement and drawing the peaceable people 
 into it, overrunning the country and burning the villages of 
 those who refused to join them, so that it was impossible for 
 the troops to go from one place to another. It was evident 
 that he really believed this version of the whole matter, and 
 we left his faith undisturbed. His soldiers were evidently 
 not starving, but luxuries were not rife. We got some eggs, 
 a couple of boxes of sardines, and some bread and Dutch 
 cheese, and this was all, except half-dried grapes and sour 
 wine, that Trebinje could command. 
 
 The Pasha spoke a little French, and manifested some 
 acquaintance with European matters, asking, amongst other 
 things, how many people were employed on *' The Times." I 
 repHed, "a tabor" (battalion), knowing that a tabor meant, 
 with them, anything from one to eight hundred men. He 
 asked me if there were not other journals of great circulation 
 printed in London, and on my replying in the affirmative, 
 wondered why they did not consolidate and make one much 
 greater. He could not understand the value of an oppo- 
 sition. There was something really pathetic and touching 
 in his manner of regarding the persecution of the insurgents 
 and the grievance and uncomfortableness of his situation — 
 something accordant with the popular idea of oriental civili- 
 zation : dreamy and poetical ; intensely unpractical, at least. 
 
 The sole European official in the city, the Austrian Con- 
 sular Agent, Vercevics, invited us to coffee, and welcomed us 
 with a cordiality which was in itself an expression of the 
 en7iui of his position. He had been fourteen years there, 
 he said, and his heart was sickened more at what he saw the 
 
Vercevics. 39 
 
 unhappy Christians of the country suffer than from his 
 solitude. The story he told fully confirms all I have said of 
 the condition of the Rayah. 
 
 On one point I think his opinion valuable to the public, 
 the more as he is, from his position, his years, and his 
 constant relation with the common people and those with 
 whom the casual traveller has no intercourse, and who only 
 will tell their feelings to one they can thoroughly trust, a 
 most competent witness in a matter on which people even 
 here differ much — i.e. the probable fate of the Mussulman 
 Slav population if the provinces fall into other hands. He 
 said that the real antagonism is not so much between the 
 Rayah and the Mussulman as between the Rayah and the 
 Mussulman landlord, and that the mass of the Slav Mussul- 
 mans are poor, and indifferent to the distinctions which lie 
 at the root of the difficulty with the Agas. There is, he 
 said, a small number of fanatical Mahometans who will leave 
 the country if it pass under Christian domination, and some 
 of the old aristocracy who will fight hard against the change; 
 but the mass will be better content under any Government 
 which gives them justice than they are now without it, and 
 will not be disturbed by any political change. Of this, he 
 said, he could furnish strong confirmation if we had the time 
 to look into his documents, but, as we had only a short time 
 at our disposal, we were unable to do so. The difficulties, 
 he said, of a solution of this question are much exaggerated 
 by those interested in keeping up the status quo, but he was 
 absolutely certain that for the great mass of the Mussulman 
 population, almost as poor and oppressed as their Christian 
 compatriots, the change would be a welcome one. 
 
 The troops were a good-looking set of fellows, cheerful, 
 patient, and full of life and even frolic, but almost as ragged 
 
40 Turkish Soldiers, 
 
 as the insurgents, while as to the irregulars they were neither 
 better looking nor better armed. The Turkish regulars are 
 a fine body of men physically, but it seemed pitiful to send 
 them, with such organization and in such leading as they had, 
 to fight where nothing but perfect discipHne can make head, 
 even if that could, and where every element of military 
 morale is requisite to secure solidity, not to speak of success. 
 In all cases where I have been amongst Turkish regulars I 
 have found my favourable personal impression confirmed. 
 Brutal and bloodthirsty they can be at times, when Christians 
 are concerned, but apart from this they seem docile, cheerful, 
 gay even. It seems to me that nothing can account for it, 
 except a total want of intellectual excitability, accompanied 
 with abundant animal life. As for Christians, they are always 
 accustomed to consider them as of less value than dumb 
 brutes, and generally a Turk will treat a dog with a tender- 
 ness as remarkable as his brutality towards a Christian. One 
 can only say that at heart he is a good fellow, and that his 
 religion is to blame. 
 
 Our return to Ragusa was made with as little incident as 
 our journey out. We found the next day that the rebel 
 sentries had taken account of us and sent in an accurate 
 description of the whole party. 
 
 The new arrivals of Turkish troops at Klek, and the 
 descent of the insurgent bands into Lower Herzegovina, 
 consequent on the decision of Montenegro not to enter into 
 the aftair, led to an expedition to close the road from the sea 
 at Klek. Unfortunately for the plan, it was know^n to the 
 committees and their friends, and so, finally, to everybody, 
 including the watchful Turkish officials at Ragusa; and 
 when, after junction of the bands of Ljubibratics and Peko 
 with those of the Zubci, &c. they started for Klek, the Turkish 
 
JNIVERSITY 
 
 Utovu. 
 
 commanders were on the look-out vnXh full knowledge of 
 the insurgent plans, which were to take possession of Klek 
 as a permanent position and make it the base of operations. 
 Of the whole number of insurgents in the bands, about 
 2,000 were selected, and, by long, rapid marches, went from 
 Glavski-dol through the Popovo plain, intending to attack 
 Ljubinje, a strong Mussulman village, where were great 
 quantities of supplies, to take possession of these, and carry 
 them off to Klek to serve as provisionment for their camp. 
 
 At one of the Popovo villages where they stopped, they 
 were informed that a large Turkish force was at Ljubinje, 
 but nothing at Klek, where a convoy was to arrive next day, 
 and the chief of the village, who gave the information, ad- 
 vised that the insurgents should not go to Ljubinje but to 
 Klek, where there were no troops. Following the advice, 
 they found at Utovu a body of troops coming from Klek 
 holding the road in front of them, and had scarcely engaged 
 them when they heard the trumpets of - another column 
 coming from Stolaz on their rear. A sharp attack by Peko's 
 men on the right wing of the Turks drove them back and 
 opened the way to the insurgents, who had barely cleared 
 the hills on the Popovo side of the road when the first shots 
 of the advancing troops from Stolaz fell amongst their rear 
 harmlessly ; they lost four killed, and brought their wounded, 
 seventeen, to Ragusa, They brought away fifty-eight noses 
 of Turks killed, and as compensation for the treachery 
 burned the village at which they had been falsely informed, 
 on their way back. 
 
 Returning, the chiefs made their main station at Grebci, 
 three hours from Ragusa and just across the frontier, con- 
 venient for supplies, and easily defensible from the Her- 
 zegovina side. 
 
4 2 Ljubih^atics, 
 
 I decided to go up at once and spend a few days in the 
 camp, but Ljubibratics coming into Ragusa with an attack 
 of fever, I paid him a visit at the hotel, and received from 
 him a summary of the general desires and aims of the un- 
 political Herzegovinian, /. e. a partisan of none of the 
 external combinations, but of the freedom, as far as might be, 
 of the people of the province. Without attaching greater 
 importance to him than is his due, I think he said what his 
 compatriots really desired at that time, and which was more 
 than would have pacified them a month earlier. 
 
 When I entered his room he was on the point of sending 
 a message to me, and we at once entered on a discussion of 
 Herzegovinian affairs and of public opinion in England in 
 reference to the movement. He was strongly opposed to 
 .any foreign domination of the Slav organization, and especially 
 to that of Russia ; but he said that he and his compatriots 
 •were decided to put an end to Turkish misgovernment of 
 their province, by driving out the Turk or leaving the 
 country depopulated and ruined. They had tried before 
 and had experience of Turkish promises and reforms, and 
 now they were resolved to make the struggle conclusive : if 
 they could not live free in their own country, free from this 
 horrible system of slavery, which made the Herzegovinian 
 nothing more than a brute, without instruction, without 
 hopes, and without the commonest rights of humanity, they 
 would drive their famiHes out of the country and leave the 
 Turk nothing but the bare and impoverished land — they 
 would fight while they could hold together, and, when 
 nothing more was possible, would divide into small parties 
 and ravage and harry the Turks until they themselves were 
 exterminated. In reply to what would content them in the 
 way of concessions, he said, promptly : *^ From the Turk 
 
Ljubibratics. 43 
 
 nothing less than autonomy ; we have had enough of their 
 promises, and will listen to no more. We cannot live under 
 Turkish administration." " But," said I, " if the Powers in- 
 tervene and guarantee reforms, would you refuse them ? " 
 ''Certainly," he replied, ''we would accept under the 
 guarantee of the Powers, if all united in it, any reforms 
 which assured us personal liberty and security, if the execu- 
 tion of them were intrusted to the Prince of Montenegro or 
 some of the Christian Powers. The reforms must be radical, 
 and we know that such will not be put in execution by the 
 Turks." 
 
 The departure for the camp was postponed for one day 
 longer, as there were consultations with the committee, &c. ; 
 and it was finally two p.m. before Ljubibratics left Ragusa, 
 and, going by way of Gravosa and the river of Ombla, we 
 began our ascent of the mountain road, which, after passing 
 through the narrow strip of Dalmatia which divides Herze- 
 govina from the sea, leads into the valley of Grebci just 
 across the frontier. As far as Ossoinics the road was fair, 
 always steep, between bare, slippery rocks — two or three little 
 villages on the way, with some level land with vineyards and 
 olive-trees, but for the most part rugged declivities without 
 other herbage than scanty and scrubby trees — getting 
 more and more steep and broken as we approach the fron- 
 tier, and finally so bad that it was like mounting a staircase 
 with huge steps. We passed the frontier after sunset, and 
 entered by the twilight into another of those huge broken 
 amphitheatres of desolation of which I described one in 
 Montenegro, down the slope of which we descended in the 
 increasing obscurity, the light barely sufficing to show us the 
 ya^vning clefts in the limestone-rock, among which the path 
 led, zig-zag, here and there, between crags and sharp-cornered 
 
44 T"!^^ Insurgent Camp, 
 
 ledges, and when we reached the last declivity, and came in 
 sight of the camp-fires, we found that it was barely possible 
 to see where to put our feet. The pickets were going out 
 for their guard of the passes, merry as children. Grebci is a 
 fair type of the villages of the Herzegovinian hills, and a 
 village of forty or fifty houses, mostly of one story, with the 
 ground for floor, the walls of uncut stone, without mortar, 
 and the roofs of stone or thatch, laid on small tree trunks, 
 the whole most primitive and inexpensive. There are no 
 chimneys, and the fire is made in the middle of the floor. 
 Scarcely any glazed windows, but a hole in the w^all, shut by 
 a door when need is, plenty of holes in the roof for ventila- 
 tion and escape of smoke. The night being bright and still, 
 all the world was out-of-doors, every house having its squad 
 of ten to twenty men, its separate camp-fire in the little 
 garden or in the street. We found each fire surrounded by 
 a circle of insurgents, all talking, laughing, and clamouring 
 for the news as we came by. 
 
 We stopped for the moment at the Italian head-quarters, 
 where the '^Squadra Italiana'" (sifted down from its original 
 fifty or more of dubious material to a dozen resolute fellows, 
 with one Frenchman, Barbieux^) were merrier and more 
 musical than all the rest. Like the others, they were in 
 wretched plight as to their externals. Their shoes were 
 patched, of all constructions, most of them hardly keeping 
 their feet from the rocks, and the rest of their equipment 
 made up to correspond. The voivode spoke in the highest 
 terms of their courage and endurance. They were, he said, 
 
 ^ One of the few foreigners who adhered to the movement throughout, 
 dying at Grahovo of diphtheria in the Montenegrin campaign, just after 
 the battle of Vucidol, a brave man, a good soldier, and a lover of human 
 freedom. Those who knew him well will ever remember him with 
 regret at the untimely end of his career. 
 
G rebel, 45 
 
 the life of the camp, and greatly respected by the actual 
 insurgents, whose great delight was to get round their 
 quarters at night and listen to their songs. Near by theirs 
 were the quarters of ten Russians, who had just joined — 
 tough, solid-looking fellows ; beyond these the Zubcians 
 and the men of the confines of Montenegro. I might go 
 on and make a catalogue like Homer's if I had a care. 
 These were the picked and solid material of the force under 
 Ljubibratics and Peko, about 900 men, to whom, under 
 emergencies, were added several hundred more. Of these 
 about 250 were Montenegrins, the rest mainly Herzegovinians. 
 We were introduced to Peko ; Melentie, the fighting Archi- 
 mandrite of Duzi; Luka Petcovics and the popes Bogdan 
 Simonies, Minja, and Milo. We were passed from hand to 
 hand, and when salutations were over, went to a sort of 
 granary, where assembly was held, and where, while we lay 
 on a couch of straw spread on the ground, or sat on rude 
 log seats, the Italians held their usual evening's entertain- 
 ment, and while, at our backs, the half of a goat was roasting 
 for our supper, we listened to the songs of many nations — 
 French, Italian, Servian, Polish, with some of incompre- 
 hensible patois between. 
 
 When the meat was roasted it was laid on a heavy plat- 
 form, which served for bedstead at night and table by day, 
 and was hacked to pieces by the yataghans which had 
 served at Utovu. It was late, and we were all tired, which, 
 with other reasons needless to enumerate, made my appetite 
 slight, and after supper the correspondents were called off, 
 and, salutation made, we were shown our quarters, one of 
 the upper rooms of the chief house of the village. There 
 were two rooms on the story, and in the outer a huge fire 
 was blazing in the middle of the tiled floor, which filled the 
 
46 G^'ebci, 
 
 place with blinding smoke. In the other was spread some 
 fresh, clean straw, also on bare tiles, and here, as in the 
 choicest quarters they could give us, w^e five lay down to 
 sleep, the room hot and smoky ; but, weary as we were with 
 our four hours' hard and rapid climb, even the thin straw 
 which allowed us to recognize the tiles too well, seemed a 
 grateful bed. Scarcely, howeyer, had we begun to doze 
 when we were aware of invading armies more numerous 
 and less easily repulsed than the Bashi-bazooks, who left no 
 chance for sleep. If, in sheer exhaustion, I dozed for a 
 moment after a successful chase, I was awakened by a 
 sharp attack in another quarter. At length, in sheer des- 
 peration, I sat up, put my back to the wall, and lighted a 
 cigar, abandoning all hope of repose. 
 
 Long before daybreak we got up, called our giant Her- 
 zegovinian keeper, and bade him make us some coffee. He 
 blew the fire into a flame, and, as the good we desired w^as 
 plentiful in camp — Peko having, the day before, captured a 
 convoy of six mules loaded with coffee and sugar, on the 
 Trebinje road — we had two cups each. By this time day had 
 begun to break, and I walked out. The camp fires were 
 still burning, and around every fire lay the squad it belonged 
 to stretched on the bare ground in a sleep so sound that even 
 our walking among them scarcely waked one. The clear 
 October night was not tropical, and I found my overcoat 
 necessary; but many of the insurgents had not even a 
 blanket, and most of the Italians and all the Russians were 
 sleeping under the stars. 
 
 I had intended to pass two or three days in camp, but 
 found myself incapable of the degree of endurance required. 
 The voivode went off to the council of war, and then to 
 examine the condition of the squads who were to take part 
 
Grebci. ' 47 
 
 in a movement that day, and we strolled about till breakfast. 
 We left at eight a.m., Ljubibratics walking with us part of 
 the way to talk of the politics of the question. He is a man 
 of education and of political knowledge, and understood the 
 value of public opinion in England, and easily accepted what 
 I said to him of the importance of moderating the demands 
 of the insurgents to the standard of reasonable and prac- 
 ticable concession, if they wished England to interest herself 
 in a favourable settlement of the affair. " If England in- 
 terests herself in our condition, I have a hope that it may be 
 bettered," were his last words. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 ^S Ljubibratics appears to the public a principal 
 figure in the record of this affair, and as in sub- 
 sequent military matters he had little importance, 
 I will at this point show what part was his in a movement 
 the spontaneity of which has been so much denied. Native 
 of a village near Trebinje, he in early life came to Dalmatia, 
 where he is remembered as a shop-boy. When the affair of 
 1862, known as the insurrection of Luka Vukalovics, broke 
 out, Ljubibratics (an assumed name ; his real one I have 
 forgotten) joined it, and was well spoken of for bravery. 
 
 A dreamer and enthusiast, with little practical knowledge 
 of men and none of military matters, the part he took in the 
 present insurrection was one of agitation, and as he. spoke 
 fluently both French and Italian, he drew round himself all 
 the foreign volunteers, and by his hostility to all barbarous 
 customs, and attempt to follow those of civiHzed warfare, he 
 secured their adherence and a certain consideration beyond 
 Herzegovina, while he alienated most of the mountaineers, 
 who had no respect for those refinements. When energetic 
 military operations began he found the most valuable fighting 
 element deserting him, and he was left at Grebci with his 
 volunteers and the men of the plain, who were better insurgents 
 when no fighting was to be done than when the Turks were 
 
Ljicbibratics. 49 
 
 in sight. The mountaineers (Montenegrins, Banianici, 
 Zubcians, Pivans, Crivoscians, &c.) had sufficient acumen to 
 see that he was too irresolute and ideal to have any miHtary 
 success, and his proclamations and moral influence they had 
 no use for. He played the part, very much in miniature, 
 which Kossuth had in Hungary in 1849. 
 
 But this was not his real value to us. The part he took 
 and the influence he exerted were greatest at the beginning 
 of the outbreak, and his hostility to Russian, and even Mon- 
 tenegrin, influence in the insurrection, which finally led to his 
 being driven out of the camp and Upper Herzegovina by 
 Peko and the party which favoured Montenegro ; as well as 
 the control he had over the movement in its early phases, 
 showed that he was, as he declared (and, whatever his faults, 
 I have never doubted his entire honesty), and as I had other 
 and sufficient later reasons for believing, no emissary of either 
 Russia or Montenegro, and if of Servians, only of a party, 
 or of individuals, and anxious that Herzegovina should be 
 organized independently of any foreign influence. 
 
 He showed as little political sagacity as military talent ; 
 for he could not have failed to understand, with tolerable 
 political good sense, that the only part of Herzegovina 
 capable of resisting the Turk was exactly that which was, and 
 must necessarily be, under the sole influence of Montenegro. 
 But the facts, that he obeyed no instructions from Monte- 
 negro, and finally even threw ofl" his Servian advisers j that 
 he was always kept in the field through the eflbrts of the 
 Zara committee, hostile always to Montenegro; that the 
 moment the Montenegrins took control and direction of the 
 movement he was driven out and compelled to go beyond 
 the Narenta ; and that with all this he was the most influential 
 person connected with the revolution in this early phase, 
 
50 Popovo Massacre, 
 
 shows with sufficient conclusiveness that at least Russia had 
 not then anything to do with the matter. The animosity of 
 Ljubibratics to the Russian influence was as open as it was 
 bitter, and of this I had ample evidence at all times. 
 
 In the lull which followed the defeat at Utovu, the incon- 
 gruous elements of which Ljubibratics and Peko wxre repre- 
 sentatives, broke into open dissension, each accusing the 
 other of being the cause of the defeat, and Peko with all the 
 Mountain, thro wing off all respect for Ljubibratics' s authority, 
 and breaking up the camp at Grebci, went off to Zubci, and 
 Ljubibratics followed, only controlling, however, a few reliable 
 volunteers, the indifferent war material of Popovopolje, and a 
 quantity of drift-wood, always at the distribution of bread, 
 and never at a skirmish. General discouragement ensued. 
 At this time there was great discord, and no power of resis- 
 tance, except in the mountain country; and if the Turkish com- 
 manders had had any energy they would have followed up 
 their advantages by occupying all the strategical points of 
 the plain country, and by an effective movement on Zubci. 
 Shefket Pasha, subsequently known better in Bulgaria, found 
 it more to his taste to make military promenades and send 
 despatches of victories where he had never even fought a 
 battle j and the opportunity passed with two or three unim- 
 portant skirmishes, and the wanton devastation of the 
 Popovo plain, at which, and the massacre which accom- 
 panied it, Shefket officiated in command of the column. By 
 this act of barbarity five thousand refugees who had, on the 
 guarantee of the Imperial Commissioner at Mostar, gone 
 back to their homes, accepted the protection of the Porte 
 and resumed the tillage of their fields, were driven back in 
 w^ild panic across the Dalmatian frontier, all the men of the 
 villages who fell into the hands of the troops, being either 
 
Anarchy, 5 1 
 
 killed or taken prisoners to Trebinje, the rest, with the 
 women and children, escaping to Austrian territory, leaving 
 behind them their effects, which were pillaged and carried off 
 by the troop and Bashi-bazooks, who also defiled and ruined 
 all the churches. This characteristic treatment of the first 
 section of the country which had accepted the pacification 
 of course made further attempts to induce the Christians to 
 return, useless. The Turkish army showed the least possible 
 inclination to pacific conduct, and very little to active 
 hostiUties. The whole country was kept in panic by in- 
 dividual cases of barbarity and murder, but no military 
 efficiency helped to an issue. They would accept no peace 
 and could make no war. The Christians who had not joined 
 the revolt were, from the beginning, robbed, beaten, often 
 killed, numerous cases of such murders coming to my 
 knowledge, some by personal invesdgation : the consular 
 Commission finding, at the early date of their journey, dead 
 bodies by the road-side where they travelled, which the 
 troops would not even bury or permit the Christians to 
 bury, and on one occasion when the consuls had made a 
 rendezvous with a body of insurgents, the authorities sent a 
 body of troops to attack the Christians, under circumstances 
 which satisfied the Commission that the intention of the 
 Pasha was to compromise them and provoke the insurgents 
 to attack them, or to catch the latter thrown off their guard 
 by the consular visit, and capture or kill them. Herze- 
 govina was an infernal chaos. Neither Turk nor Christian 
 showed any evidence of organization or control. The Aus- 
 trian committees sent aid in a hmited and irregular way, but 
 the people at large took a faint-hearted part in the wars, 
 and a concession which would have secured simply personal 
 security, and justice before the tribunals, would have left the 
 
52 Popovo. 
 
 agitators in hopeless isolation. Servia and Montenegro had 
 failed them, and no hope was held out. Diplomacy, if it 
 ever did any good might have been expected to do so here. 
 But it failed, as it always fails, because it finds in humanity 
 only a kind of chessmen, and thinks that it can control 
 them as though there were no flesh and blood — no passion 
 or ambition, but that they must move by order like 
 automata. It regards the fictions of its own creation as 
 realities, and expects a treaty to control those whom not 
 even their own interest will always control, like children 
 who draw a line in the sand, and agree not to pass it, and if 
 a bold one defies the fiction, the game is broken up, and 
 nobody knows what to do next. It is only when the 
 diplomat has the sword girt on, that he has any vital 
 existence for irrational organizations like the Porte. 
 
 The Popovo affair showed not only a new opportunity 
 lost, but a radical incapacity in the organization of the 
 Ottoman Government to employ an opportunity for retrieving 
 the blunders which its local administrators might make. 
 The return of the people of Popovo was an important event, 
 and one which the Porte felt the full importance of, as was 
 shown by the congratulatory despatches exchanged on the 
 subject. The Turks had only to keep away from the 
 district to secure the full effect of the new adhesion to their 
 promised reforms, but even this they were incapable of. 
 Shef ket Pasha must in some way show the solicitude of the 
 Porte over its returning children, and his military promenade 
 showed that neither reform nor justice was possible. The 
 elements on which his authority and that of his government 
 rested were utterly uncontrollable, and opportunity was irre- 
 sistible — violence was the natural state. 
 
 What was particularly instructive in this affair was that 
 
Popovo. 53 
 
 the Popovo villages, though long* time deserted by the 
 majority of their proper inhabitants, had not been pillaged 
 or otherwise molested, with the exception of one which was 
 burned by Ljubibratics after Utovu, as described. The 
 Christian insurgents had passed by them, and left them un- 
 disturbed, and the Bashi-bazooks of Trebinje or Stolatz had 
 never dared come so far without the protection of the 
 regulars. As soon, therefore, as a regular force went, the 
 Bashi-bazooks made their opportunity, and, unchecked by 
 the discipHned forces, or their officers, did what pleased 
 them. And flagrant as waS' the case, and strong as were the 
 reclamations, no notice w^s ever taken of the authors of 
 the outrage, or punishment inflicted on the responsible in- 
 dividuals. Some time after, Shefket was sent away in dis- 
 grace for being defeated, and went to Bulgaria to repeat on 
 a larger scale the experiment of Popovo. The massacre 
 took place October- 14th, and on the strength of my repre- 
 sentations to Mr. Holmes at Mostar, the consul-general of the 
 Porte at Ragusa was ordered to make an inquiry, which he 
 did, and he reported confirming my statements, when his re- 
 port was rejected by the government at Constantinople, and 
 Constant Pasha was ordered to make a new inquiry, which 
 he did in the most convenient manner, and with the most 
 satisfactory results. He paid no attention to the evidence, 
 and reported that the outrage had never occurred. From 
 such seed what could be expected but the harvest of 
 Batok and PhilHpopolis ? A reference to the blue book will 
 show the efficacy of diplomatic interference.^ Shefket is 
 
 * Sir H. Elliot to the Earl of Derby. 
 My Lord, Therapia, November, 23, 1875. 
 
 I directed Mr. Sandison to remark to the Porte that, although a con- 
 siderable time had elapsed since the report had been received of the 
 massacre at Popovopolje of a number of the Christian refugees who had 
 
54 Popovo, 
 
 always equal to the opportunity, and when Constant is not 
 at hand Edib Effendi will do quite as well. The system is,, 
 has been, and will be while it exists, the same; for its 
 foundation is a democracy of ignorance, fanaticism,, 
 sensuality, and brutality. 
 
 returned to their homes, we had not heard of any one having been 
 punished for the outrage. 
 
 Mr. Sandison having to-day spoken in this sense to the Grand Vizier, 
 His Highness at oiice telegraphed to the Governor-General of Bosnia to 
 inquire what had been done to insure the punishment of those concerned 
 in the murders. 
 
 I have, <S:c., 
 (vSigned) Henry Elliot. 
 
CHAPTER V, 
 
 fHERE being a complete lull in military opera- 
 tions, I determined to see what was passing at 
 the Turkish head-quarters, and in company with 
 the correspondent of '^ Le Temps " and a Belgian engineer 
 returning to his road-making between Mostar and Seraievo, 
 I went to Mostar. 
 
 The journey by diligence from Ragusa to Metkovich is 
 one which has a twofold interest. The tourist finds a suc- 
 cession of enchanting views, passages of rare picturesque 
 material, little nooks of sea-coast, with fringes of plain, where 
 the olive and vine flourish, and the palm puts forward a 
 claim to naturalization, if not to utiHty; jutting crags of 
 rock, headlands of massive limestone, where, with a good 
 south-west wind blowing, the marine painter would find his 
 best themes before him ; an alternation of garden and desert 
 and sea; the Adriatic, with its many islands on the one 
 side, and the grey, bare range of mountains which forms the 
 boundary between Dalmatia and European Turkey, full of 
 exquisite hues and tints, on the other, and the road follow- 
 ing all the sinuosities of the coast, making a whole of an 
 attractiveness I have never seen surpassed. 
 
 But the economist can only be reminded that this range 
 of barren mountain is merely the fringe of a great fertile 
 
56 The Dalmatian Coast, 
 
 country inland, and that these bays and ports, with which 
 the coast is favoured, are the natural outlets of that country ; 
 that along the crest of that ridge runs the boundary between 
 two empires, and that in this division, the result of mere 
 political chances, Hes the secret of the poverty of both 
 countries : Dalmatia, with all its marvellous maritime facili- 
 ties on one side, without a country to open into or give 
 egress to ; and Bosnia and Herzegovina, with all their inte- 
 rests, shut out of the world of commerce for want of the 
 commercial enterprise which languishes on the other side of 
 the line. I have often thought of the economical absurdity 
 of this situation, but never realized it so well as when wind- 
 ing in and out from early dawn till evening on this post- 
 road, and thinking that if the Austrians could only make the 
 post-road on the other side of the mountains, we should 
 have made the distance on it in less than half the time, and 
 that it would become a great highway of commerce and 
 travel. These two artificially separated provinces are lan- 
 guishing, impoverished, for want of union under one Govern- 
 ment, which can make roads and develop in tranquillity the 
 resources which are now idle in the earth, as well as lift 
 into comparative comfort and prosperity a people ground 
 down in a misery and poverty which has no adequate com- 
 parison in our English experience. 
 
 The knowledge of this necessity is one of the most vivid 
 impressions in the minds of the Slav population on both 
 sides of the frontier, and supplies one of the most powerful 
 elements in that tendency to agitation for the freedom of 
 Bosnia, &c., in the Dalmatian population. 
 
 We had to pass the strip of Turkish country at Klek, and 
 here had another occasion to see the administrative incom- 
 petence of Turkish officials. The road is a good one on 
 
To Most ar. 57 
 
 both sides of this territory, but here falls off into indifference; 
 and at one part we were obliged • to get out and walk up a 
 long steep hill, while the diligence was drawn up by half-a- 
 dozen oxen, being absolutely impracticable to the horses, 
 simply because the Porte, in its mere suspicion or intolerance 
 of any change, or of any foreign interference, forbade a 
 slight change in the road, which would have made the grade 
 €asy. At Klek we saw the usual battalion encamped, the 
 few steamers in the narrow bay, and the desolation of Her- 
 zegovina, every house by the road being burnt. We were 
 told that 2,000 troops had gone up the day before, but all 
 figures in this country have only comparative meaning, and 
 are by no means to be taken as the expression of a definite 
 idea. 
 
 Metkovich is a wretched little place, which might be a 
 flourishing port if there were not a Turkish custom-house 
 a rifle-shot above it on the Narenta, and a Turkish adminis- 
 tration beyond. Below it the Narenta widens out into 
 enormous marshes, and loses much of its character as a 
 river; but when the projected dyking, deepening, and drain- 
 ing are accomplished, the marsh will be a fertile plain, and 
 the Narenta navigable for considerable vessels up to Metko- 
 vich. It is navigable now for schooners, but there seems to 
 be Httle trade. Here we made a bargain with an araba to 
 take us to Mostar (nine hours); and your readers w^ho know 
 what it is to be jolted in a farm cart over a road, rocky or 
 paved with unassorted pebbles, without being able to get 
 refreshment of any kind on the way, can imagine the plea- 
 sure we found in these hours, of which at least seven were 
 passed in a country without the slightest picturesque interest, 
 every village by the way, except one Turkish, being burnt 
 or demoHshed, or both; scowling Bashi-bazooks along the 
 
58 Mosiar. 
 
 way in the hungry temper of mid-Ramadan, and we the only 
 Christians in sight. Among these irregulars were boys of 
 twelve and fourteen years of age, with tufek and pistols, and 
 all the swagger of incipient brigands. We had a large tract 
 of forest to pass through, here and there a little tract being 
 under a semi-cultivation. The body of a dead Christian lay 
 by the roadside, covered over with stones and boughs ; and 
 the engineer pointed out to us by the roadside a Mussulman^ 
 who kept a raki shop near by, who had a few weeks before 
 deliberately butchered and decapitated before his eyes a 
 Christian engaged in cultivating his maize field, not a word 
 having passed between the murderer and his victim previous 
 to the attack. The engineer made a complaint to the 
 authorities, and the Mussulman was put in prison for three 
 days ! 
 
 Descending the long slope into the valley, at the upper 
 entrance of which, in a gorge where the Narenta passes, is 
 Mostar, the whole character of the landscape changes, and 
 we come on a fertile plain where war has left no trace, and 
 where vineyards and olive orchards reappear. Surrounded 
 on all sides by mountains, grey and bare as those of the 
 other parts of the province, with running streams fringed 
 with trees, the grand lines of mountain sweeping away and 
 bending down to the pass where the city lies, with its- 
 minarets thin and white, the valley seemed like an oasis of 
 Italy in the wilderness of grey rock. I don't remember a 
 city among all I have ever seen so completely pictorial as 
 Mostar. The mountains close in on it, and the rapid 
 Narenta rushes eddying through the gorge on both sides of 
 which the city lies, and both above and below lies a plain^ 
 circled by mountains, the upper one (which we only see 
 after having entered the city and climbed up the heights on 
 
Mostar, 59 
 
 which it rises) being still more luxuriant, fertile, and pic- 
 turesque even than the lower, through which we had passed. 
 Numerous mosques add to the beauty of its external ensemble, 
 and over the river is a high, single-arched bridge, dating 
 back from centuries before the Turks came in. Tower and 
 gateway, jalousies and bazaars, dirty and narrow streets 
 crowded with soldiers and officers, pack-horses and Bashi- 
 bazooks, fez and turban — what every Turkish town is in 
 eifect, Mostar is, but poor and shabby inside as beautiful 
 and pictorial from without. The houses are all mean and 
 small, the bazaars filled with trashy and Brummagem wares, 
 and it was impossible not to be disappointed and disgusted 
 with the contrast between the outside and inside of the 
 city. 
 
 The khans are as poor and dirty as can be, and we only 
 found lodgings on the ground-floor of the principal one, in a 
 room ordinarily devoted to the stable boys, with mattresses 
 spread on the ground, which for our special use and luxury 
 were covered first with an old dirty carpet. Remembering 
 my experience in the insurgent camp, I had brought with 
 me a supply of insect powder — fortunate prevision ! — for, 
 before I had even retired, I was in a worse condition than 
 chez Ljubibratics. 
 
 I had been told before leaving Ragusa, by a recent arrival 
 from Mostar, that there was great irritation among the popu- 
 lation, and report was, for once, not in the least exaggerated. 
 Scowling faces were common, and in more than one, undis- 
 guised malediction was visible, and by more than one mouth 
 spoken, as the new Ghiaours edged their way through the 
 crowd to the consul's quarters. We found Mr. Holmes and 
 Signor Durando in rooms in the Casino — a sort of hotel — 
 dirtier, if possible, than the khan, but a sort of European. 
 
^O Mosta7\ 
 
 formality and ugliness, which was not to be compared with 
 the picturesque filthiness of the khan. 
 
 Five minutes satisfied me that there was nothing to be 
 learnt in Mostar about anything but Turkish incompetence 
 and mendacity. The reports the consul had of affairs in 
 the interior were the " Arabian Nights," compared with the 
 exaggerations of Ragusa and the Slav press. We learnt on 
 the most solemn assurance of Server Pasha, that at the time 
 when we were with the insurgent chiefs in quiet, if not com- 
 fort, at or near the Dalmatian frontier, the same were being 
 beaten near Zubci, ^^ a plat couture," with a loss of 1 60 killed 
 and many wounded.* I fortunately knew the exact location 
 of the corps of Ljubibratics, and that when this attack was 
 said to be made, there could not have been a hundred 
 insurgents at Zubci, and I had as positive and trustworthy 
 intelligence as any one can get, that there was no fight at all 
 at that time, only a few random shots being fired by the 
 small guard left there. But worse than this were the fables 
 concocted about battles at points which cannot be identified, 
 with corps of insurgents which never existed. 
 
 Of the affair at Popovo Server Pasha had not heard a 
 word, or, at least, declared that he had not, and, moreover, 
 that he could not believe a word of the report we brought, 
 and no member of the Commission had heard anything of 
 
 • I had informed your Highness on the 25th instant that, according 
 to a telegram from the Consulate-General at Ragusa, General Shevket 
 Pasha had arrived at Trebinje, and had achieved a success over the 
 rebels. It appears from a letter of the said General that, by clever 
 strategy, over 2,000 insurgents have been surrounded by the Imperial 
 troops at Grap (Grab), in the neighbourhood of Ojanpitcha (?) and com- 
 pletely routed. The insurgents were compelled to fly and to enter 
 Montenegro, leaving 160 dead on the field of battle. — Server Pasha to 
 the Grand Vizier. 
 
Mostar, 6 1 
 
 it until our arrival ; the Pasha, on the contrary, having assured 
 them that the people of Popovo had returned to their homes, 
 and that troops had been sent to protect them from the 
 insurgents, and this, eight days after the exodus of the 
 Popovites ! 
 
 In fact, several of the consuls assured me that Mostar 
 was the worst place in the Herzegovina, or vicinity, to learn 
 what was going on in the interior, and that for all they knew 
 they were dependent on Ragusa ; that though there might 
 be much exaggeration in the reports from insurgent sources, 
 they were not, at least, sheer fabrications, like those sent to 
 Constantinople to keep the Sultan content and the Pashas 
 in their places. It did not take me two days, indeed, to see 
 that the Turkish administrators there and in Constantinople 
 alike were lapped in a fool's Elysium, seeing and believing 
 what was agreeable, and that, in fact, almost nothing was 
 being done towards the real work of repressing the insurrec- 
 tion. Troops were sent on to the interior, and accumulated 
 in masses at the most convenient points ; but there appeared 
 to be no man in the least capable of efficient military opera- 
 tions, and the only ones attempted were the revictualling 
 of the forts. To send tw^enty wounded men from Gatchko 
 to Stolatz required the escort of two battalions, and nothing 
 moved without strong escort. 
 
 The number of troops was uncertain, doubtless not known 
 by the authorities even, but estimated at the highest at forty 
 battalions. One of the officials, who had kept as careful 
 note as possible of the arrivals, said that there were thirty- 
 three, and that in one battalion which he took the trouble 
 to count there were barely 200 men, as they set out for the 
 interior. There were already 2,000 in the hospitals, with an 
 immense camp on the edge of the marshes of the Narenta,. 
 
62 Mo star. 
 
 and in the higher country nothing but tents for the mass of 
 the troops to live in, nearly all the houses being destroyed 
 in the line from Mostar to the Baniani mountains. 
 
 Of the condition of the beasts of burden, what I had heard 
 at Ragusa was not in the least exaggerated The supply of 
 horses was running short, and it became difficult to get them 
 for common use. All those of the neighbouring districts 
 had been used up, or were in service, and the fine Hun- 
 garian ones imported via Klek broke down rapidly. The 
 number of horses dead already was estimated at 3,000 ; and 
 the most exhausting service was required to keep up the 
 supplies of food for the troops. The rations were only meat 
 and flour, with no facilities for baking the flour, and the sup- 
 plies of firewood in some sections were very precarious. In 
 the higher regions the snow was half-knee deep, and the 
 condition of the battalions crowded into Gatschko, Stolatz, 
 and other interior stations, with very limited accommodation, 
 not to speak of those camped out in intervening stations, 
 where the whole force must be under canvas, can be ima- 
 gined when I say, on authority unquestionable and most 
 friendly to the Porte, that the apathy which reigned over the 
 soldiers was so complete, that no movements were made for 
 days together, and that the men were in rags, and wretchedly 
 provided with every necessary for comfort. As to the rags, 
 I needed no evidence but that of my eyes ; and as to the 
 condition of the provision trains which passed through Mostar, 
 I can say, without exaggeration, that there was not a horse 
 in some of them that the Society for Prevention of Cruelty 
 to Animals would allow to go in harness in the streets of 
 London. There was neither hay nor barley left ; and the 
 supply of food on hand was always so small, that when at 
 one time the insurgents stopped the way from Klek for two 
 
Reform. 63 
 
 or three days, the Government was obliged to make requisi- 
 tion on private stores in Mostar, and all such were searched 
 out thoroughly. 
 
 Add to this that the administrative condition of the city 
 approached the chaotic, that no Christian went out at 
 night, and the streets were left to the bands of native Mus- 
 sulmans, who patrolled the town in these nights of Ramazan 
 with unrestrained liberty to do what they pleased, and the 
 authorities took no notice, even on the complaint of the con- 
 suls, of any barbarities they committed ; that outside of the 
 city there was no plan in operations, and no appearance of 
 general direction ; that no one in command knew anything 
 about the country, and that the troops were extremely dis- 
 heartened, and only desired to be let alone by the insurgents; 
 that nobody in the Government knew what was passing 
 anywhere else, and most of the officials believed that the 
 insurrection was near its end, and. that the Imperial and 
 responsible Commissioner himself was possibly the worst in- 
 formed of the whole, and you have the sum of what was 
 to be known in Mostar. 
 
 The members of the Consular Commission were unani- 
 mous in the opinion that the Government was absolutely 
 incompetent to meet the emergency, and that the only pos- 
 sible solution was a foreign military occupation of the 
 country until order should be restored and the entire native 
 population disarmed. From this opinion there was only 
 one dissentient in the Commission — the representative of 
 Austria — who held that though the only certain solution was 
 that above indicated, there was another possible if the Porte 
 would accept it, and which he was preparing to submit to 
 the Commission and the Governments. 
 
 But the proposed change was an operation unprecedented 
 
64 . He7'r Wassics Plan, 
 
 in the annals of Ottoman reform, and as the last word of 
 the Austrian representative, anxious to avert a catastrophe, 
 and enjoying a reputation second to none of his colleagues 
 for familiarity with the subject, it was to my mind a more 
 convincing argument against Turkish reform than if the 
 author had accepted simply the general judgment of the 
 Commission. 
 
 Herr Wassics hoped to avoid the necessity of a foreign 
 occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and for this purpose 
 he proposed the convocation of an Assembly consisting of 
 representatives of the populations of those provinces, Chris- 
 tians and Mussulmans, who should themselves consult and 
 decide on their own future condition and the reforms to be 
 extended to the country. But this would be simply amputa- 
 tion behind the ears. It first proposed to deprive the Porte 
 of the initiative in the reforms to be granted, and then de- 
 prive the Mussulman population of its supremacy, and even 
 of any kind of superiority over the Christian ; would compel 
 the Turk to lay down the yataghan and take up the latest 
 weapons of civilization and progress, in order to maintain 
 even his equality with the infidel — the dog on whom he is 
 accustomed to wipe his feet; to save himself from being 
 voted out of legal existence by abdicating every privilege of 
 tradition, and that social and political superiority which 
 alone have enabled him to exist in the land. Whatever 
 modifications of this general conclusion might be effected, 
 either in the way of recognizing minorities or protecting 
 vested interests, its execution struck me as equally difficult 
 with any other proposed. It certainly would be less likely 
 to succeed and more troublesome to apply than occupation 
 pure and simple. It is a remedy which, whatever diplomatic 
 pressure might bring the Porte to say of it, the wealthy and 
 
Server s Refoi^ms, " 65 
 
 privileged classes of the Mussulman population would only 
 accept, under strong compulsion, and which no force, except 
 an armed foreign one, could guarantee the operation of. 
 
 It seems to me, however, worth recording here as an indi- 
 cation of the exhaustion of all the means of conciliation, in 
 the opinion of the people best acquainted with the country, 
 even at that early period of the struggle, and a justification 
 for the radical policy of reforming from the outside the 
 Ottoman administration. 
 
 I called at the earliest available moment on Server Pasha, 
 whom I had known in Crete, and from whom I had, in 
 common with European public opinion, hoped much. He 
 had the repute of being one of the most intelligent and 
 hberal of Turkish functionaries. I found him in real or 
 assumed ignorance of the actual condition of matters, and per- 
 suaded that the reforms he projected would effectually 
 remove the dangers of the future. To him there was no 
 more an insurrection, and all that remained to be done was 
 to induce the people to return. Old acquaintance justified 
 me in attempting to undeceive him on the former point, and 
 though I could not flatter myself that he would admit, even 
 if he believed, the statements I made to him concerning it — 
 at any rate, he expressed himself freely and at length on 
 the plans and hopes he entertained, without denying the 
 difficulties of the case. 
 
 The measures he proposed were, firstly, the reformation of 
 the Councils in such a way as to secure proper representa- 
 tion of the Christian interests, with a publication of the 
 Civil Code in Slav and Turkish, as well as of the laws on 
 the election of the members of the Councils, so that the 
 population may clearly understand its rights ; modification 
 of the regulation of the service to be rendered by the people 
 
 F 
 
66 Server s Reforms, 
 
 in making and repairing the roads, so that none shall be 
 obliged to work out of the districts in which they live ; the 
 sentences of the courts to be published in both languages, 
 and signed in both by all the members; formation of a corps 
 of secret inspectors of all administrative details, the names of 
 these to be known only to the Government at Constanti- 
 nople and the Governor-General; suppression of the existing 
 system of conscription of horses — all such service to be ren- 
 dered on terms of compensation to be agreed upon by the 
 parties concerned; transformation of the tithes into land- 
 tax;^ formation of a corps of Christian and Mussulman 
 inspectors and collectors of taxes ; obligation both for pro- 
 prietor and tenant to have all leases written and to submit 
 them to official registry ; and finally, reorganization of the 
 
 ^ Acting Consul Freeman to the Earl of Derby. 
 My Lord, Bosna Serai, May 26, 1876. 
 
 I have the honour to inform your Lordship that new arrangements 
 had latterly been made for the collection of the " Aashr," or tithe on 
 agricultural produce. The system of farming the tithe was entirely 
 abolished, and officials styled "Aashr Mudiri " had been appointed in 
 all the sandjaks, at a salary of 2,5cxd piastres a month each, with a con- 
 siderable staff of subordinates to assess and collect the tax. Instruc- 
 tions, however, were received yesterday by telegraph from Constanti- 
 nople to annul this arrangement, and it was publicly announced in the 
 *' Idareh Medjliss," or Administrative Council, that the tithes would be 
 immediately offered for sale at public auction as heretofore. This will 
 undoubtedly produce a very bad impression in the country. 
 
 The Commission of Control continues to hold its sittings daily, but 
 its labours have as yet borne no fruits. 
 
 No decision has yet been come to as regards the '^ Bedel-i-Askerieh," or 
 tax in lieu of military service, although much time has been spent in 
 discussing the matter. It was announced that the tax was only to be 
 paid between the ages of 20 and 40, but the Government persists in 
 demanding the same gross amount as heretofore, and it is naturally 
 rather difficult to reconcile such conflicting instructions. 
 
 I have, «&c., 
 (Signed) Edwd. B. Freeman. 
 
Servers Reforms, . 67 
 
 police, which is to be composed of both Christian and 
 Mussulman zapties. Most of these, he assured me, are in 
 course of execution. Yet I venture to say that to this day- 
 Herzegovina has not realized the slightest practical benefit 
 from all his plans and labours. Non possumns is in the water- 
 mark of every Turkish edict of reform, no matter who the 
 Sultan, or who his Grand Vizier. The abolition of the con- 
 scription of horses was the first measure attacked : the Aga 
 was summoned to furnish them instead of the peasants, and 
 he took the first he could lay his hands on — the horses were 
 the same, and the pay. 
 
 In fact, the illustrations of the working under Server 
 Pasha's own eyes were very curious. The local medjlis was, 
 after nominal promulgation of the above reforms, called on 
 to sign a memorial to the Porte praising and endorsing the 
 administration of the province. The Christian members 
 were presented the memorial, written in Turkish, which 
 none of them could read, for signature, with the assurance 
 that it was in reference to the administration of the hos- 
 pitals; but, versed in Turkish wiles, they took it to be 
 translated, and declined signing when they found out what 
 it was. They were iim7iediately dismissed from the Medjlis, 
 So much for independence of councils. 
 
 I made the acquaintance of an army surgeon who had 
 been attending a Christian boy of thirteen, wantonly shot in 
 broad daylight by a Mussulman boy of twelve. The young 
 assassin was carried in triumph around the neighbourhood 
 by his comrades, and the wounded youth to the hospital. It 
 seemed that the young Turk had had a present of a rifle 
 {army pattern), and had gone out to try it. Seeing the 
 Christian lad gathering grapes in his mother's vineyard, he 
 took deliberate aim, and shot him through the body at close 
 
68 Avd Aga Biscevics, 
 
 quarters. He was a long time in a very critical state, but 
 finally recovered, the family being obliged to pay all the ex- 
 penses of his illness. I had all the particulars from the 
 surgeon, and the facts as to investigation from the consuls, 
 on whose complaint an investigation by the Turkish officials 
 was ordered ; a report, fully recognizing the facts, was 
 made, and there the affair ended. ** Making a report " is, ta 
 the Turkish mind, the ne plus ultra of judicial investigation 
 into any matter in which Mussulman deeds are called inta 
 question. The Pasha was astounded when the consuls pro- 
 tested against this trivial manner of treating the incident,, 
 and replied, '^ Have we not made a report ?'' The culprit 
 never was molested. The Turks divide their judicial pro- 
 ceedings in a manner ingenious, if not just ; they investigate 
 Mussulman offences without any punishment, and punish the 
 Christian without any investigation. 
 
 Nor is it only the Christian who receives injustice. Mus- 
 sulmans who are lax in their duty share in the treatment 
 due to the Christian. Of this I had a striking instance in 
 the case of Avd Aga Biscevics, which proves that a Hberal 
 Mussulman may just as well be a Christian. The story in 
 brief is as follows : — 
 
 A certain Christian of Mostar, one Tripacuics, being a 
 man of influence, and in the way of certain Moslem in- 
 terests, the Chaoush (non-commissioned officer of Zaptiehs)^ 
 Osman Deinics, a chief of the fanatical Mussulman party, 
 was employed to kill him, which he did. The family of 
 Tripacuics demanding justice on the murderer, and witnesses 
 testifying that it was the Chaoush Deinics, the Mussulman 
 authorities declined to entertain the complaint, and subse- 
 quently one Georgio Civics, a relative of Tripacuics, took 
 up the case so im.portunately that the parties interested 
 
Avd Aga Biscevics. 69 
 
 determined to get rid of him, and for this purpose they sent 
 to the inn which he kept a professed bravo, by the name 
 of Pivodics, a Mussulman, in company with another Mussul- 
 man, Melencic^ Jussuf. The two desired beds, but the inn 
 being full, they were refused, and so contented themselves 
 with drinking in company with several others already in the 
 guest-room, among whom was Biscevics. After that night 
 Pivodics was seen no more in Mostar, but was seen by many 
 next day in Metkovics, whence he went to Ragusa, where 
 also he was seen by acquaintances, and whence he went to 
 Constantinople. His family demanding him at the hand of 
 justice, Melencics Jussuf deposed that he was last seen at 
 the inn of Civics in company with certain other people, who 
 were all summoned as witnesses, but who all testified that 
 lie left the inn in good health, and these were thrown into 
 prison till they should be willing to testify conformably. 
 Among them, of course, was Biscevics, who, although a 
 Mussulman, was equally refractor}'-, and from that day, three 
 years before, the honest fellow had lain in prison (except at 
 intervals when he was brought out to testify in the case, 
 and, refusing to give false witness, was remanded again), 
 .until Bairam of the third year, 1875, when, according to a 
 Mussulman usage, he was released on security, and after 
 twenty days' liberty in Mostar he escaped with the aid of 
 two Christians and came to Ragusa, not long after my 
 return from Mostar. He was a captain of the Reserves, and 
 besides imprisonment was degraded, and was anxious to get 
 a rifle to join the insurgents, and to let the whole world 
 know what justice is at Mostar. I may say that Aga Bis- 
 cevics was in haste to get to Cettinje, as the only place of 
 perfect security and justice; and when I assured him he 
 was as safe in Ragusa as I was, he kissed the skirts of my 
 
yo The Case of Civics, 
 
 coat in raptures of gratitude and joy. He had not dared 
 to show himself for fear of being captured and carried back 
 to Mostar. 
 
 Now, a curious feature in the case, whic)i illustrates the 
 value of Turkish reform and Turkish sincerity in the execu- 
 tion of them, at the moment when everything was being done 
 that the Porte coidd do to satisfy Europe of its capacity to 
 render justice to its Christian subjects, is this : Civics had 
 been taken out of prison to be tried by the newly organized 
 mixed council, by which Server Pasha was to show how 
 well things could be done in Mostar, and as the case was 
 clearly one of unjust imprisonment, he was acquitted ; but 
 as the council subsequently was found to derange the course 
 in which justice was in the habit of running, it was soon 
 dissolved, and then Civics was rearrested, tried by the Kadi,, 
 and sentenced to five years' imprisonment, and was still in 
 prison when I took down from the lips of the hero, Avd 
 Aga Biscevics, the above details, the case itself having been 
 briefly related to me by one of the consuls in Mostar. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 ) URING the remaining part of the autumn (and 
 indeed after Utovu, Sept. 30, 1875), until the 
 middle of November, military operations were 
 limited to the movements of the Turks to keep open com- 
 munication with the various fortresses in the mountain 
 country about Piva, Niksics, &c. The insurrection was 
 without head or general direction from any side. The 
 chief of Piva, Lazar Socica, had since the outbreak distin- 
 guished himself above all his fellow captains by the energy 
 and daring of his raids, his attacks on the blockhouses dis- 
 tributed through the mountain country, and the exceptional 
 discipHne he obtained in his corps. Of the line of works 
 which protected the road from the plain of Gatschko to 
 the valley of the Tara he had destroyed all except that of 
 Goransko, which was defended by artillery. In this cam- 
 paign he used various devices, the most successful of which 
 was a portable blockhouse, borne by the men, and which 
 being thick enough to prevent the rifle-balls from penetrat- 
 ing, was carried up to the walls, where a mine under the 
 the foundation was the means, generally, of bringing the 
 garrison to surrender. Socica distinguished himself by his 
 humanity as well as by his bravery, all the troops who sur- 
 
72 Socica, 
 
 rendered being conveyed in safety to the nearest fortress, 
 and the barbarous practice of cutting off heads being en- 
 tirely prevented in his command for a long time, and only 
 finally given way to, owing to the fury excited in his men by 
 the Turks exhuming some of the Christians killed in a skir- 
 mish and buried by their comrades, and decapitating the dead 
 bodies. " After that," said Socica to me long subsequently, 
 *• I could not prevent my men from cutting off the heads of 
 the Turks." 
 
 Socica held Garansko closely blockaded, and to relieve it 
 Shefket Pasha set out with 3,000 regulars, artillery, and irre- 
 gulars, convoying a train of provisions. Socica made his 
 arrangements to oppose him at the Pass of Muratovizza, 
 and sent to the chiefs of Baniani, Rudini, Zubci, &c., to ask 
 them to unite in the defence. The number of insurgents 
 collected was about 1,500, not much more than half of whom 
 were present when the fight began. The road that leads 
 through the Pass of Muratovizza is flanked on the left by 
 three hills, more or less conical and abrupt, and on the right 
 by a long, not precipitous, mountain slope with tolerable 
 cover of boulders and forest. On the latter the insurgents 
 were posted to await the entry of the troops. The first day, 
 the attack of the insurgents was made as the Turks entered 
 the pass, and resulted in stopping them, when they with- 
 drew and waited till the following morning, the insurgents 
 gathering, in the meanwhile, in greater force every hour. 
 When the troops, on the second day, had entered the ravine, 
 they were attacked along the whole line simultaneously, and 
 took up positions on the conical hills, throwing up stone 
 breast-works for protection, the Pasha on the central hill in 
 the ruins of an old Palanka (one of the larger class of block- 
 houses), and the centre round them, the van and rear-guards 
 
Muratovizza, 73 
 
 on the hills at either end of the pass. The Pasha, finding 
 the passage impossible, sent the artillery and what besides 
 was saved, to the rear under cover of the hills, unobserved, 
 during the fusillade, the insurgents having neglected to close 
 the defile behind him, and in the course of the day and 
 night managed to save the bulk of his army, the positions of 
 the centre and vanguard being carried by assault by the 
 insurgents. The position of the rear-guard was maintained 
 through the night, the Pasha having told them to hold 
 on to the last and he would go to attack the insurgents in 
 the rear. The unfortunate rear-guard was entirely cut off, 
 all but 100, who surrendered, being killed in the assault at 
 daylight next morning. The pursuit of the Turkish main 
 body was kept up to Gatschko by the bands which were 
 arriving from more distant sections, and who were not in 
 time to take part in the main battle. The total loss of 
 the Turks in killed was 760, and 900 wounded, most of 
 whom, as I learned later from the Turkish surgeons, 
 died of want of care and hospital accommodation, there 
 being no fuel obtainable without constant fighting, and 
 the men having to remain in tents, with deep snow on the 
 ground. 
 
 The loss of the Christians was 57 killed and 96 wounded, 
 amongst the former being Vule Agios, one of the most pro- 
 mising and bravest of the chiefs, the lieutenant of Socica, 
 treacherously shot while negotiating for the surrender of a 
 body of Turks who were surrounded. 
 
 This splendid victory revived immensely the courage of 
 the Christians, while the arms and ammunition captured 
 armed more and armed them better. Raouf Pasha, who 
 had replaced the fussy Achmet Hamdi in command in Her- 
 zegovina, made a strong effort to restore the morale of the 
 
74 Montenegrin Neutrality, 
 
 army and Turkish population, and collected as rapidly as 
 possible a new and imposing force to relieve, not only 
 Goransko but Niksics, which was now in great straits. He 
 collected all the disposable troops from Mostar, and beyond, 
 even, and called for reinforcements from Sienitza. The 
 Turkish generals made loud accusations of violations of 
 neutrality against Montenegro, and orders were sent 
 from Constantinople to cross the frontier and attack the 
 principality if the aid to the insurgents was maintained, 
 and as the insurrection was (and is still) supposed by 
 many to be merely the work of the Montenegrins, I de- 
 termined to go into Montenegro and ascertain the 
 proximate truth, and, if possible, penetrate to the field of 
 hostilities. 
 
 The relations between myself and the Montenegrin 
 authorities were such at this time, that I am morally certain 
 that no attempt was made to mislead me on the real con- 
 dition of things. The information I received, mainly from 
 the Prince himself, was that no more than 500 Montenegrins 
 were in Herzegovina, including the killed and wounded, nor 
 was there in fact any need for a considerable number. The 
 corps of Pivans was equally efficient with the best Monte- 
 negrin, and the whole Mountain furnished material quite 
 good enough in quality for the purposes of this warfare, the 
 great difficulty being to furnish them with arms, of which the 
 Prince had not enough to arm all his own people. I had 
 absolute confirmation from the chiefs Ljubibratics, Socica, 
 Peko, and Petkovics, as well as from foreign volunteers and 
 friends who had been in the camp at various times, that at 
 no time previous to that of which I am speaking was there 
 a greater number than the Prince represented, and at no 
 subsequent time before the declaration of war did it ever 
 
Insurgent RolL 75 
 
 pass about 700, and during the series of battles about Duga, 
 in which Muktar figured later, there was even great exas- 
 peration against the Prince for having left the insurgents to 
 fight alone, when he might so easily have made the struggle 
 decisive. The actual number of combatant population which 
 Herzegovina alone offered, and who might be classed as 
 effective, the Prince gave me, as follows, with their chiefs, be- 
 ginning at the south-east corner of the Montenegrin terri- 
 tory — numbers being approximate, and including all able- 
 bodied males : — Vasoivics (Turkish), Panto Zemovics with 
 500 ; Mitar Vacovics, 500 ; Vaso Zaicics, 300 ; Panto 
 Fenics, 300 ; Sharanzt, Archimandrite Busies, 200 ; Josef 
 Knezevics (Voivode), 300 ; band of Tripko Zacovics (killed), 
 300; Yezera, Zifko Sibalia, 300; Duzt^ Niko Malovics, 
 200; Fiva, Lazar Socica (voivode), 800; Gatschko, Bogdan 
 Simonies (pope and voivode), 600; Golia, Gioco Visnics, 
 300; Bamani^ Maxime Bacevics (voivode), 500; Chefko 
 Peiovics, 200 ; Bacio Miconovics, 200 ; Rudini^ Rud 
 Alexics, 200; Bavics, 100; Dabra, Jovan Zombeta, 300; 
 Gligor Milecevics, 100; Luka Miscovics, 300; Jovan 
 Angelics, 200 ; Zubd, Bela Spaics, 400 ; Cnizcoitza, Somo 
 Somascevics, 200. Besides these there were, from Nevesinje, 
 Shuma, &c., about 2,000, making a total of not far from 
 10,000 men, of which, probably, one-half were never 
 assembled on one occasion, and rarely more than 2,000 
 were involved in any actual batde, while the utmost efforts of 
 the committees were unequal to the task of arming, muni- 
 tioning, and, above all, provisioning, the numbers actually 
 mustered. There was never a lack of men, but always of 
 means, and I doubt if ever men in war suffered privations 
 like theirs. 
 
 It was to be expected that the Turks would misstate the 
 
76 Raouf Pasha. 
 
 facts, but that they would find such easy dupes amongst 
 diplomats was incredible.^ 
 
 The day after I arrived at Cettinje there came some 
 wounded from Muratovizza. Their escort reported snow 
 middle deep in Herzegovina, and movements difficult, and 
 that Raouf Pasha was assembling at Gatschko forces for the 
 revictualling of Niksics, which place, as well as Goransko, 
 was in very great want of supplies. The latter place was by 
 a treaty of some kind between a portion of the chiefs and 
 Raouf supphed with a limited quantity of provisions, but 
 >Socica declared that if he must fight alone, the Turks 
 
 ^ Sir H. Elliot to the Earl of Derby. 
 My Lord, Pera, January 30, 1876. 
 
 The following account of the system pursued by the Montenegrins in 
 aid of the Herzegovina insurgents has been communicated to me from a 
 person in position to obtain the best information : — 
 
 All the men (in Montenegro) capable of bearing arms are considered 
 to be soldiers, and are made into battalions of 600 men. The Com- 
 manders and Majors of these battalions, who are called Commanders 
 and Pod-commanders, receive pay ; the remaining officers, non-commis- 
 sioned officers, and men, are unpaid. When an expedition is contem- 
 plated, each man takes with him potatoes and bread, if he has any, for 
 five days, and a reserve of provisions from each village is carried by 
 women or baggage horses. 
 
 The Austrian committees having provided surgeons and medicines, 
 hospitals and ambulances have been organized in some villages on the 
 frontier. 
 
 The Prince furnishes all those who join the insurgents without authori- 
 zation, but he sends about a fifth part of his effective forces into the 
 Herzegovina. Not to overtire these poor people, His Highness takes 
 care to change them at the end of each expedition or when their pro- 
 visions are exhausted. 
 
 Reforms alone, it is stated, will never put an end to the insurrection, 
 and force is of no avail so long as the insurgents and their Montenegrin 
 friends have only to cross the frontier to be in safety. 
 
 I have, &c., 
 (Signed) Henry Elliot. 
 
Panorama of Montenegro, 77^ 
 
 should not go to Niksics, and a council of the chiefs had 
 refused propositions made by Raouf Pasha to permit him 
 to pass unopposed, and decided to hold out on the Duga 
 coiite qui coute. The battle of Muratovizza was fought about 
 the middle of November ; Goransko was reHeved by the 
 treaty for two months, and the attack on Niksics w^as 
 imminent. I decided to go to Niksics if possible, and 
 watch the result. 
 
 While in Cettinje I did what I advise all who go there to 
 do, ascend the hills to the south of the village, and study 
 the land; for one may see nearly the whole principality at a 
 glance, with much of Albania, the mountains of the Vasoivichi 
 (children of Vaso) and the intervening Kutchi, and below 
 them, spread out, like an eternal temptation to turn Turk, the 
 ancient Montenegrin possession — the beautiful plain of the 
 Zeta — stretching from Podgoritza all the way to the city of 
 Scutari, though every year, owing to the thriftlessness of the 
 Turk, some part of it is buried under the rising lake. Here 
 Hotti, brother of Vaso, did settle, and kept his land by 
 obedience to the Pashas and embracing Catholicism, which 
 the Turks would tolerate. 
 
 One could see how well the border Commissions had 
 done their work in putting and carving for the Turk, by 
 throwing all the districts which agriculture would claim out- 
 side the Montenegrin's boundary, and leaving him only 
 what he could always defend. At our right was the canton 
 of Zermnitchka ; to the left, the Katunska, and Garatsch 
 beyond, which overlooks the plain of Danilograd, and on 
 one side protects it ; in front, at our feet, the pretty valley 
 of Dobrotskoselo, with the road winding through it to the 
 valley of the Rieka beyond, and then a glimpse of the Rieka 
 itself, winding through a band of meadow towards the lake. 
 
78 Montenegro, 
 
 On the edge of the plain, crowning an isolated volcanic- 
 looking hill, was the ancient fortress of Jabliak, looking like 
 the rather formal cup of the crater. This fort, the scene of 
 some of the most daring feats of Montenegrin heroism, is 
 still included in the principality by the map of Kiepert, 
 though the Commission for defining the boundary threw it, 
 like every other point the Turks could hold, on the Turkish 
 side of the frontier. 
 
 It was easy to see from this point the greater part of 
 what the Montenegrins have fought for these centuries — a 
 poor, rocky waste of limestone, which nothing but the sheer 
 spirit of domination should provoke any one to invade. In 
 no other land I have ever seen is there so little earth for so 
 much rock. In the crevices of the crumbHng grey lime- 
 stone stunted shrubs and trees find root, and among the 
 fragments of the stone, slowly being split up by frost and 
 rain, cling bouquets of wild sage and thyme, with little 
 flowers strange to me, but which the bees know, and here and 
 there, where a little real earth had clung or formed, clumps of 
 a magnificent autumn crocus and scattered cyclamens. 
 There was nothing approaching a forest and nothing resem- 
 bling a plain in the whole district north of Dodosh, the 
 frontier village under the guns of Jabliak. Down in the 
 valley of Dobrotskoselo, at our feet, one could see how 
 systematically the Montenegrin works for his little land : 
 every band of earth a few feet wide being held up by a stone 
 terrace, and the fields were really only long strips of land 
 circling round and round to the very centre of the valley, 
 and even there is no plain, but still terraces and terraces 
 continually. This is one of the gardens of the principality ; 
 but there is not land enough for the amount of stone to 
 induce an Isle of Wight gardener to pay 6^. an acre rent for 
 
Montenegrin and Turk. 79 
 
 it, if he had to do the work on it which here has been done 
 by past generations. Down by Rieka village is, as I have 
 said, a strip of meadow land ; but, as the Turks will not 
 drain the Scutari plain, it is being flooded with every rainy 
 spell, and fevers depopulate the villages along it, as well as 
 those along the lake itself, which are half the year in a 
 swamp. This, again, is still being converted into lake, so 
 that the boatman can see on a still day, as he floats along 
 the surface, the villages of past generations, roads and 
 bridges, beneath him ; and along the shore are still ruins of 
 other villages abandoned and waiting for the rising flood 
 to bury them— after the fever the flood. And the lazy 
 Turk, festering there in Scutari, with the water rising twice 
 a year to his windows, has no conception that Government 
 has duties as well as privileges, or even that his revenues 
 would be greater by wise administration ; but lets the fever 
 eat up the people and the floods devour the land till popula- 
 tion and desolation curse the earth for his sake. If any 
 rational man doubts who should govern this fair scene — 
 fair in spite of its barrenness on one side and its neglect on 
 the other — I ask him to stand on that summit of Dobrshnja 
 with me and see what the Montenegrin and the Turk are 
 doing under his eyes. 
 
 Away across the plain, beyond the Zeta, rise the moun- 
 tains of the Kutchi, as I have said, and there with a glass 
 one may see'Medun. From the plain rises a table land, the 
 road up to it winding through a ravine, an ascent, perhaps, 
 of 200 feet, and then an easy sloping pasture land, with here 
 and there a house visible among the trees, and at the upper 
 side, on a crag overlooking a torrent on the edge of the 
 table land, stands Medun, looking like a crystallization of 
 the rock it is built on. Reading of the battles which have 
 
8o 
 
 Medun, 
 
 made the locality famous even in Montenegrin annals one 
 imagines awful ravines like the Duga, or gorges like Klek^ 
 but there was nothing here which in the distance one could 
 consider as a formidable position — a gently sloping valley 
 across the table land, easy heights on both sides, until it 
 reaches Medun, where one side is sunk in the ravine over 
 which the town looks. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 ?ITH all Prince Nikita's devotion to road-making, 
 to which he seems as much inclined as his pre- 
 decessor was to military organization, it seems 
 hardly possible that in his own day Montenegro will be a 
 comitry lit for carriages, and they who would see some of 
 the wildest and most picturesque parts of Europe must be 
 good mountaineers, for even on horseback some of these 
 roads are scarcely passable. The road from Cettinje to 
 Rieka, though a tolerable zigzag and paved after a fashion, 
 is in some parts so precipitous that 'the guide invites you, in 
 your own interest, to dismount in going down, as a false step 
 on the part of your pony would certainly send you over his 
 head. The descent is so rapid that within an hour from 
 Cettinje we enter the valley of Dobrotskoselo, where figs are 
 abundant, the vine is luxuriant, the vegetation still green, 
 and wild flowers in blossom, long after everything in the 
 plain about Cettinje is dead and bare.' 
 
 Everywhere are the same steep, rocky slopes which we 
 found on entering the principality, and after a continuous 
 descent for three hours we arrive at the head of the valley 
 of Rieka proper, and see a view worth the trip. The river 
 Rieka, after the habit of Montenegrin rivers, bursts out of the 
 mountain already a respectable stream, and winds through a 
 
82 Rieka, 
 
 narrow plain away into the distance, where spreads the Lake 
 of Scutari, mountain-surrounded, with the snowy peaks of 
 the main Albanian range in the central distance. Those 
 who visit Cettinje without the idea of penetrating further 
 into the country should at least devote one day to Rieka, if 
 they can get a fine one. The views are unique, and the 
 river itself, a fountain gushing from the heart of the 
 mountain, and its rapid course down to the winding valley 
 beyond, with the peculiar and intense green of the waters, 
 makes the site one to be remembered. 
 
 Rieka itself, a semi-commercial village, built along the 
 quay, at the head of boat communication with the lake, is 
 not especially inviting. The Prince had kindly offered me 
 his little house to pass the night in, and as we left Cettinje 
 after midday we entered the village only towards sunset, 
 and, taking possession of our quarters, had a blazing fire 
 lighted to drive out the damp. The balcony of the house 
 overhangs the river and the curious old arched bridge, and 
 while I sat waiting for supper and watching the sunset effect, 
 there came a burst of merry laughter from the hill across the 
 stream, where, with the church and its belongings, stands 
 the school-house. School was out, and down the zigzag 
 leading to the bridge came the liberated youngsters, sturdy, 
 full-voiced, as rollicking a troop as ever poured out on an 
 English village green, each one as he passed me lifting his 
 cap with a sudden hush of awe at the foreign face and dress 
 on the balcony. It was a finishing incident to the picture, 
 without which justice would hardly have been done to the 
 ensemble, for wherever I have been so far the school-house is 
 almost a perpetual presence. 
 
 The morning came with a drenching rain, but a break of 
 blue sky in the south deluded me with the hope of its 
 
Montenegi'in Travellmg, 83 
 
 clearing away, and we started about nine for Danilograd, my 
 train consisting of a Montenegrin medical student as guide 
 and interpreter ; a servant who could speak a little Italian ; 
 one of the Prince's body-guard, delegated with enough of 
 his authority to answer my needs, and the usual horseboys. 
 I take the occasion to caution all travellers in this country 
 not to make much count of Montenegrin estimates of time, 
 for as a rule the stranger will find any journey longer by half 
 than the time they assign to it, and so we, starting on a 
 journey which we supposed was an easy day's ride, at nine in 
 the morning, came in for an experience I hope never to 
 repeat. 
 
 From Rieka the road rises rapidly, still following the 
 river, which here is like a miniature Bosphorus, only more 
 winding, and utterly wild. The way for hours after leaving 
 the river is as monotonous as a hilly country can be : grey 
 rocky ridges bristHng with scrubby oaks, without a village 
 for miles, and when at one o'clock we reached a kind of khan 
 half-way on the journey, I decided to stop and rest, having 
 a natural hope that the remainder of the trip would occupy 
 no longer time. Our train was increased en route by a deaf- 
 mute porter with a huge basket containing provisions and 
 luxuries not to be hoped for from the resources of the 
 country — tea and a samovar, white bread, and canned eat- 
 ables, a kind afterthought of the Prince. The rain continued 
 to pour, and after warming ourselves as best we could round 
 the smoky fire built in the middle of the floor, as is Monte- 
 negrin usage, we resumed our march. The road grew more 
 rocky, with intervals of mud, but late in the afternoon, as 
 we came up on the ridge at Koumani before beginning the 
 descent into the valley of the Suchitza, the clouds lifted by 
 a fortunate coincidence to show one of the loveliest valley 
 
84 Montenegrin Travelling, 
 
 landscapes I ever saw. The wide and fertile plain at our 
 feet, with the mountains of Piperi beyond, and beyonci them 
 again the deep blue Berdas, whose summits still kept the 
 clouds, was cut by two rivers, the Suchitza and the Zeta^ 
 which, united, flow into the Lake of Scutari, and which were 
 then in flood, so that the plain was a succession of Uttle 
 lakes. In the south, where the plain belongs to Turkey, 
 are the towns of Spush and Podgoritza, and here the setting 
 sun, through an opening in the clouds, poured a great band 
 of golden light across the plain, illuminating Podgoritza and 
 the spurs of the mountains of the Kutchi beyond, with the 
 flat lands to the east of the lake. To the north lay the 
 plains of Bjelopawlitzje, the garden of Montenegro, and in 
 the extreme distance, still cloud-capped, the mountains 
 about Ostrog and Niksics. The view included the whole 
 breadth of the principality from north to south. 
 
 The promise of fine weather was treacherous. The road 
 lay down a long, rocky slope, zigzag and difficult for the 
 horses, and the rain recommenced, so that we alternately 
 floundered through soft mud and struggled over sharp rocks- 
 — the pedestrians far outstripping the quadrupeds, and 
 between them came our unfortunate carrier. We had con- 
 tinually to wait for the horses to overtake us, and I could 
 easily conjecture the pace of a Turkish army, and how 
 hopeless would be a movement, when our guard could,, 
 without effort, make two miles to our actual one, while we 
 moved without any encumbrance save our horses. We 
 reached the plain and crossed the Suchitza by late twilight. 
 The rain grew heavier and changed to a thunderstorm. The 
 soil was a heavy clay, in which the animals were in great 
 difficulty, but the pedestrians in greater, for their sandals- 
 stuck in the mud. The poor carrier, almost unable to hold 
 
Danilograd. * 85 
 
 oip under his load, moaned and cried like a child in the in- 
 articulate manner of his kind, and we had often to wait to 
 -extricate and assist him. We had two hours' nominal 
 travel after crossing the river, and these two we prolonged to 
 more than double. The dense rain-clouds made the darkness 
 at times so profound that I could scarcely see my hand 
 before my face, and it was possible to recognize the road 
 only by the rare poplars at the roadside and the telegraph 
 poles which now and then showed against the sky. Brooks 
 had become torrents, and flat land one slough, in which at 
 length our carrier quite broke down, when, fortunately, we • 
 discovered a light shining through the crevices of a roadside 
 cottage, where we deposited him with his load, and, mount- 
 ing our guardsman on the horse of the domestic, we com- 
 mitted the impedimenta of all kinds to the scanty shelter of 
 the hovel and pushed on, we three, for Danilograd. By 
 this we were drenched, weary, and, but for the quicker 
 sense of our horses, lost. Night had become utter darkness, 
 .and the rain, unmitigated, deluged everything, the road 
 itself becoming, if possible, still more obscure by passing 
 through tracts of forest, and there was nothing for it but to 
 trust to our guard's general knowledge of the country and 
 the horses' instinct of the way, give them the bridle, and 
 commit ourselves to Providence. It was only when flashes 
 of lightning lighted up the path that we knew we were on it, 
 and I have no knowledge of how the time passed, for it 
 seemed hours while we were making the last two or three 
 miles of the way. Our horses carried us into Danilograd, 
 however, before all the village had extinguished its lights, 
 and the only functionary we could arouse committed us to 
 the hospitality of a more prosperous neighbour, who gave us 
 a cordial welcome, a supper of trout from the Zeta, and a 
 
86 Danilograa, 
 
 bed on the floor, where I passed a night even more miser- 
 able than the day. 
 
 Danilograd is a new village, reminding one of the new 
 towns in Western America, with a large ground plan and 
 a very slight filling-up, and will, no doubt, one of these 
 days, be the central and most important city of Montenegro. 
 A fine carriage-road is in construction from Cattaro, branch- 
 ing from the Cettinje road at Njegush, and a good bridge 
 crosses the Zeta, the road passing over which branches: 
 south to Spush and north to Ostrog. The valley is fertile^ 
 and seems to favour the vine and maize, while figs are 
 abundant, and fields of a most luxuriant tobacco were still 
 fresh and in bloom. The village is the seat of an agricul- 
 tural school, the first of its kind in Slavonia. The whole 
 valley of the Zeta is charming, and affords fine trout fishing,, 
 like all the streams which empty into the lake of Scutari. 
 The fish here run as high as 40 lbs., while in the lake they 
 have been caught as heavy as 60 lbs. The way to Ostrog 
 follows the river nearly to its source, which, like the Rieka^ 
 is an immense fountain. There are no brooks by the road- 
 side, but huge water-sources here and there gushing out of 
 the apparendy solid rock, the issue of the katavothra, 
 through which the waters of the table lands above disappear. 
 The valley narrows until it ends in a vast, irregular semi- 
 circle of mountains, high up on one of which, like a mud 
 swallow's-nest, in a cavity of the perpendicular cliff, is the 
 Sanctuary of Ostrog, the upper convent, it is generally 
 called ; but it is now only a hermitage and sacred place,, 
 tenanted by an old priest, whose duty it is to watch the 
 body of St. Basil, which lies here in a sarcophagus of carved 
 wood, and to administer the rites to the crowds of the faith- 
 ful who climb up here on the great fetes, especially that of 
 
Ostrog, 8 7 
 
 the Virgin. The actual convent is about two-thirds of the 
 way up to the shrine, and is a most comfortable and hospi- 
 table retreat. It cost us an hour and a half s hard climbing 
 to get to it by the muddy road, and the sun had already set 
 when we entered the gates. 
 
 Monks are famous for the admirable selection of their 
 convent sites, and Ostrog is one of the best chosen I have 
 visited. It looks down on the valley from an elevation of 
 about 2,000 feet, and is open only to the west wind. The 
 land about it is the richest mountain land I have seen in 
 Montenegro, the rock being a very rotten slate, and broken 
 into a succession of plateaux, which form so many little pas- 
 ture lands or arable fields. Above the convent all is forest 
 of oak or chestnut until we reach the foot of the limestone 
 cliif in which is the sanctuary. For picturesque variety of 
 rock and tree, mountain and valley, for the abundance of 
 material such as a painter would delight in — rock of massive, 
 grandiose form, and trees quaint and weather-tormented, the 
 hill-side about Ostrog surpasses anything I know. The 
 lower convent is now of more importance in a political point 
 of view than a religious, for there are only two monks, both 
 of whom are of an order more militant than devotional, and 
 Ostrog is the frontier fortress, and the terminus of the tele- 
 graph, by which comes all the intelligence from the region 
 beyond the Tara, the district between Plevlie and Novi- 
 Bazaar. It is four hours from here to Niksics. 
 
 Upper Ostrog was the scene of one of the most heroic 
 defences of Montenegrin history. Here, in 1853, Mirko, 
 father of the present Prince, with thirty-two of his voivodes 
 and chiefs, was driven and besieged for nineteen days by 
 a large Turkish army. The hermitage was then a fortress 
 as well, when need was, and contained supplies of arms, 
 
 ^ or THE '^^^ 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
 .OF 
 
88 Ostrog. 
 
 provisions, and ammunition, in addition to which Mirko 
 employed all his men during the time that the Turkish army 
 was closing in on them, in carrying huge stones up to the 
 gallery. The only way to get at the Montenegrins was by 
 direct assault on a narrow staircase cut in the solid rock. 
 Those who attempted the entrance were either crushed in 
 the mass by the stones thrown from above, or shot through 
 the loopholes or from the head of the staircase. One of 
 the defenders was killed early in the siege, and finding it 
 necessary to dispose of the body, they let it out of the win- 
 dow by cords, and to prevent the Turks from mutilating it, 
 they let down one of the chiefs to bury it. The assailants 
 discovering him before he could be drawn back, he ran for 
 it, made his way through the besieging army, and carried the 
 news to Danilo, who raised an army and relieved his general 
 and his comrades. Two of the little garrison were killed, 
 and 750 Turks, partly in a battle between two detachments, 
 each of which in the darkness mistook the other for a body 
 of Montenegrins. This was regarded as the effect of the 
 intervention of St. Basil, and of course the whole defence 
 was largely attributed to the favour of the saint. This 
 shrine enjoys an extensive reputation as a miraculous agent. 
 At the gxtdXfesta of the Virgin, thousands came here from 
 all parts of the Balkan. The cures reported are of Turks as 
 well as believers, and the reverence of the saint by the Mus- 
 sulmans of Herzegovina and Albania is almost, if not quite, 
 as profound as that of the Christians. We were allowed to 
 see the body in its wrappings, and one hand was uncovered 
 as a special favour. 
 
 I hoped to have penetrated to Niksics from here, but the 
 Superior told me that it was to the last degree unsafe, as the 
 plain about the town was infested by bands of Mussulmans 
 
To Albania. 89 
 
 in great want of everything a stranger would be likely to 
 have with him, and who pay no respect to any authority, 
 or any distinction, except that of greater military strength. 
 I was obliged to renounce entirely any movement beyond 
 here, not only for the reason above given, but from a heavy 
 snowfall, which made the mountain roads utterly imprac- 
 ticable. 
 
 The day of our ride to Ostrog was the one fair-day oasis 
 of our journey. All the time we remained there the rain 
 fell in the valley, and the snow on the high mountains, 
 until, in sheer despair, we started to return, still in drench- 
 ing rain, which accompanied us to Danilograd, whence I 
 intended to make the detour round by the lake to Scutari. The 
 sirdar in command at Danilograd assured me, as the Prince 
 had before leaving Cettinje, that it would not be possible for 
 Montenegrins to accompany me through Albania, as the 
 journey would probably be ended for them by decapitation, 
 and really I found that no Montenegrin w^ould consent to 
 accompany me only as far as Podgoritza, as even if my 
 presence protected him while going, he had slender chance of 
 returning, alone. Nor would they even let me horses to go 
 with. My interpreter, a venturesome young fellow, decided 
 to go on, and run the risk; and, if possible, see Scutari 
 before dying. To shorten the journey I telegraphed to 
 Cettinje to ask the Prince to send me his little steam-launch 
 to the lake shore, then found a Rayah of Podgoritza, who 
 had come to market at Danilograd, and rigging substitutes for 
 saddles, with the Rayah himself as guide, and, changing 
 Gosdanovics' Montenegrin cap for a felt hat, and putting him 
 under charge to diminish his knowledge of Serb to the 
 minimum of our needs, to notice nothing, and only reply 
 when there was absolute necessity, I set out for Spush 
 
90 Albania^ Spush. 
 
 (pronounced Spuss), the frontier Turkish town on the south. 
 The road changed from mud and overflowed meadows to an 
 ancient causeway, so worn and dilapidated that the horses 
 preferred the worst side-path to keeping on the stones. 
 There had been no repairs made on it since it was made, I 
 conjecture, and there were actually portions where the ridge 
 of pavement rose, like a lean hog's back, to an isolated 
 elevation of several feet above the more trodden paths on 
 each side. 
 
 At the entrance of the town we were stopped by the 
 guard, curious to know what was our business, where we 
 came from, &c. There was no gate, only a guard-house by 
 the wayside, an exaggerated sentry-box, under cover of 
 which the sentinel stood and made merry over our ridiculous 
 plight, as we sat on our muddy horses, ourselves splashed 
 and dripping, the rain pouring down all the time in torrents. 
 We must wait there until the slow-going messenger could 
 walk to the other end of the town, where the chief of the 
 Zapties held his court, and ask what was to be done with us. 
 One of the guard did me the honour to ask about passports, 
 and looked at mine much as a magpie might look at a piece 
 of bright metal, turned it over and returned it to me with 
 an uncomprehending " Peki," and then we waited in silence. 
 Presently, the messenger returned, saying that we were to 
 go to the Zaptieh. Here we found the usual Turk — a 
 Binbashi, but as grave and polite as a Pasha; the same 
 courteous and impassible person a Turk always is when he 
 is not '' put out "—sympathetic and interesting. Quite the 
 contrary were two secretaries, Mussulmans of the country, 
 whose frank and unabated malignity did not wait for words, 
 but glared out at their eyes in a manner not at all unfamiliar. 
 I took my seat on the divan, made my salaam, and replied 
 
Spusk, 91 
 
 by dumb show to the questions of which I could gather 
 the import from the circumstances, and keeping the interdict 
 on the tongue of my companion, gave the Binbashi to under- 
 stand that I was from England and going to Podgoritza, and 
 thence to Scutari. We tried English, French, and Italian • 
 in vain, and then he bethought himself of sending for the 
 Doctor, an Italian, when a bright-looking Lieutenant stand- 
 ing by bethought himself of Romaic, which was an immense 
 relief, though he understood very little of it, as it enabled 
 me to say that I was from London, the correspondent of an 
 English journal, and that my companion was my gram- 
 maticos; that I had come from Ragusa, as the Turkish 
 visa on. my passport obtained there showed, only it was in 
 French, and none of them could read anything of it but the 
 seal, if they could that ; but the Romaic did not allow of 
 our going into the philosophy of travel far enough to make 
 any of them understand why I had come to that out-of-the 
 way place at such a time and in such weather, and, above 
 all, from Montenegro. However, it enabled me to expatiate 
 on the old friendship of England for the Porte, and mollified 
 matters considerably. Then the Doctor came, and we were 
 enabled to appease the suspicions of my trustworthiness by 
 explaining the nature of newspaper correspondence and the 
 interest England took in the state of the country, and 
 gratified everybody with my opinion that diplomacy would 
 soon interfere and stop the fighting ; for here, as elsewhere, 
 I found the Mussulmans weary of the war, whether the 
 ordinary population or the military classes. 
 
 Meanwhile, and while the Romaic was going on, my 
 Montenegrin was mute, and understood nothing of the prin- 
 cipal performance, but heard the by-play of the Serb 
 Mussulmans. *'Bah," said one of the secretaries to the 
 
92 Podgoritza, 
 
 other, "I could, with a stick, kill twenty such men as these, 
 and would do it too, if I dared ; such rubbish as they are ! 
 I would like to send them all to the devil." The other . 
 rephed that he would like nothing better than just such 
 fun ; and then he added that I was certainly a stranger, but 
 he was sure that he had seen my companion somewhere, 
 and he had very grave suspicions of him that he was a 
 Montenegrin, especially as I had explained that I came via 
 Cettinje. ^' No," said the other, *^ that is not likely; no 
 Montenegrin dares come here now." The real cause of my 
 arrest and the annoyance I was put to was simply my 
 having come from Montenegro. Yet in June, 1876, the 
 Grand Vizier denied that any hindrance had existed.^ 
 
 When the Doctor came we launched into general politics, 
 drank another cup of coffee each, smoked another cigarette, 
 and begged to be allowed to retire with the visa of the Bin- 
 bashi, which being graciously accorded, we remounted our 
 steeds and filed through the streets to the bridge, and so 
 across and on our way to Podgoritza along the Zeta. The 
 river here runs through a deep channel cut through massive 
 conglomerate and a little lower down unites with the 
 Moratscha, famous for its trout, the best of the country. 
 
 Podgoritza, a straggling dilapidated town, much given to 
 ruin, is approached by curious circuitous ways, with excellent 
 defences as against old methods- of assault, but with walls 
 
 ' "I will finally say, my Prince, that our authorities have never had the 
 intention of preventing the communications of the principality with the 
 outside world. The proof of this is that they continue uninterrupted, 
 and that the Montenegrins go freely, and without being in any way 
 molested, to Spouze, to Podgoritza, and to Scutari. From what pre- 
 cedes your Highness will see that the Sublime Porte has not adopted any 
 measure which can pre-occupy or disquiet Montenegro." — Grand Vizier 
 to Nikita, June 2^, 1876, Blue Book. 
 
A Ttirkish Priso7i, 93: 
 
 crumbling and dilapidated. I had to show my passport 
 again in crossing the bridge over the Moratscha, and on 
 entering the town naturally went to the best and only clean 
 khan, one kept by an Orthodox Christian. We had to sleep 
 in Podgoritza, and start early next morning for Plamnitza, 
 on the shore of the lake, where the Prince of Montenegro- 
 had, in coraphance with my request, ordered the Kttle 
 steamer from Rieka to meet us and convey us to Scutari. 
 We were wet, cold, and fasting, and it was the middle of 
 the afternoon ; but we waited in vain for either fire or food 
 for half an hour, when our Podgoritzan guide returned and 
 informed us that we could not stay at that khan, that there- 
 was no room (it seemed to me quite empty, and we had 
 been told on arriving that we could stay), but that the Miralai 
 had appointed a place for us. G., who travelled under a 
 Russian passport, passed as a Muscovite, and was stated to 
 be such by the Podgoritzan, and this allowed a little know- 
 ledge of Serb, which now became indispensable. We passed 
 through the greater part of the town to a small, decayed, and 
 dirty khan, the head-quarters of the chief of police, who, with 
 many compliments, assured us that he was so anxious that 
 we should be comfortable, that he had assigned us quarters, 
 next his own (in the police office), and, inviting us to sk 
 down round his mangal and dry ourselves over his charcoal 
 fire, gave orders to clean out the room adjoining — a kind' 
 of closet, about 14ft. by loft., on the floor of which the 
 dust of months lay undisturbed. While the attendant 
 obeyed his orders, we were put through another inquisition 
 in his room, while he gave orders in Serb for our dinner and 
 treatment, to the keeper of the khan in such a way that, 
 while he seemed to be paying compliments he was really 
 consigning us to imprisonment. He had two or three 
 
94 A Turkish Prison. 
 
 persons in his suite who spoke Itahan, and so I was able to 
 explain fully all that I cared to explain of my business and 
 intentions. He took my passport and sent it to the Com- 
 mandant de Place, who returned it as all right ; but they 
 were not at all sure about my intentions in going to Scutari. 
 G., who now and then spoke a few words of very bad Serb, 
 was able to hear again all the by-talk and the orders given 
 to telegraph to Scutari as to the disposal of us, and for 
 putting a guard at the door of the khan to prevent any one 
 coming to see us. My boots had given out, and I asked to 
 have some sent in to try. The order was given by them 
 with great ostentation, but when they came there was only 
 one pair, and those not large enough for a boy of fourteen ; 
 there were no others, I was assured. I took it all in good 
 part, and humoured the fraud as if I saw nothing. 
 
 We had to answer for every step of our journey, and the 
 connection of our movements with Cettinje was what none 
 of them could understand. They did not believe that the 
 Montenegrin steamer was coming for us, and it was finally 
 settled that we were to go to Plamnitza, with a guide, as we 
 were informed, but, as we learnt from the by-talk, under the 
 custody of a guard, which was to keep us in sight, proceed to 
 extremes if we attempted to escape from them^ and if the 
 steamer was not there, to bring us back to the same quarters 
 immediately. I was courteously invited, therefore, to 
 return to Podgoritza in case I did not find the steamer 
 there, as it would be unsafe to cross the lake in a boat, and 
 was assured that I might count confidently on the attention 
 and protection of the Zaptieh. 
 
 We were then shown our room, on the floor of which was 
 spread a fragment of old carpet, with a dirty blanket for 
 mattress and another for covering, a mangal filled with 
 
I 
 
 A Turkish Prison, 95 
 
 lighted charcoal was brought in, and the supper followed-^ 
 a boiled fowl, with the water in which it was boiled 
 thickened with vermicelli, wine, and brown bread — and we 
 were left alone. The servant came in again and cleared away 
 our supper when we had finished. The prison routine was 
 finished all but locking up, yet we had not been ten minutes 
 by ourselves, when one of the Christians of the town (a 
 Catholic, moreover) came in, and in a stealthy visit managed 
 to tell me in Italian how miserable the Christian population 
 was, how blind {cieco was his word), and how hopeless. We 
 went to our blankets, having nothing else to do, and before 
 I had a chance to sleep I heard the bolts of our outside door 
 shot, and realized that we were really imprisoned for the 
 night ; but as the horses had been ordered for the early 
 dawn, I gave myself no anxiety. Naturally I slept little, 
 however, and all night it seemed to me that Podgoritza 
 was peopled by cocks, who continually insisted on making 
 believe that it was daybreak. We got off next morning 
 without further molestation, and had a weary ride of four 
 hours through the rain, which still poured pitilessly; and my 
 anxiety lest the steamer should not have come, or having 
 come should have gone again, and we so be compelled to 
 make all those weary miles of mud and rain again, back to 
 Danilograd and Rieka, or wait a few days under guard in 
 Podgoritza, can easily be imagined, and that it was not 
 decreased by G. understanding the dialogue of our two Mus- 
 sulman-Serb Zapties, which ran on the degradation of having 
 to make such a journey, in pelting rain, for a couple of 
 Ghiaours, whose heads they would have been much better 
 pleased at cutting off than protecting. The cutting off our 
 heads was, in fact, the burden of their conversation. 
 
 We found the engineer of the steamer waiting for us in 
 
96 Scutari, 
 
 the village, and, after an hour's canoeing out towards the 
 open water, discovered the steamer tied to a branch of a 
 tree whose tops alone showed above the water. Instead, 
 however, of taking us to Scutari, she was obliged to go back 
 for fuel to Rieka, where we passed the night, and started 
 afresh, this time in company with the French Consul at 
 Scutari, to whose presence I was indebted for being able 
 to land that night, as we were overhauled by a boat from the 
 man-of war oft' the city, which, finding the Consul on board, 
 landed us all without further question, though the rule of the 
 port forbade our steamer going up to the landing after the 
 sunset hour. The landing, indeed, was far up in the streets,. 
 for all the lower part of the town was underwater, and it was 
 late in the evening when we found a room in the dirtiest 
 khan I have ever been in, but the proprietor of which, an 
 Albanian, made amends for the meagreness of our supper 
 and the very indifterent character of his beds by cordiality 
 and an eftbrt to do his best. 
 
 So much for the itinerary of a journey which it would be 
 difticult to induce me to repeat under the same difficulties^ 
 and conditions, and of the latter part of which I only retaia 
 a general impression, the state of the weather, and the sus- 
 piciousness of the authorities, preventing me from learning 
 much of the country or anything of the disposition of the 
 people. The former is to a large extent under water, and 
 the latter, so far as I could judge from demeanour and ex- 
 ternals, would be better under ground. Montenegro showed 
 much poverty, but the transition to Turkish territory pro- 
 duced a painful impression of squalor and wretchedness — 
 listlessness in the people, obsequiousness, and want of that 
 self-confidence so marked in the Montenegrin. The thought 
 constantly recurred to me that the love of life must be very 
 
Eshref Pasha, 97 
 
 strong in these people to make them content to live such an 
 existence. I saw fields of magnificent tobacco standing 
 with the leaves rotting and stems crushed down, cattle 
 grazing through them, the fertile lands all round the lake 
 of Scutari from one to ten feet under water, roads all in an 
 extreme state of dilapidation, and even the fortresses crumb- 
 ling. Everything was toned by decay. 
 
 I called the second day after arriving on the Governor of 
 Scutari, Eshref Pasha, a most amiable and interesting man, 
 and, rara avis among Turkish Pashas, a man of letters and 
 a poet, the second in rank in Turkey, I was told. He 
 laughingly asked me, after salutations, if I had been at 
 Podgoritza, which gave me the opportunity to say that I 
 had not come to complain of that affair, but to pay my 
 respects to a fellow litterateur. His broad, good-humoured 
 face and keen black eyes lighted up with a natural pleasure, 
 and he asked how I had learnt that he was of the craft, 
 w^hich paved the way for more pleasant words ; and, for an 
 exception in my official visits, w^e did not talk politics or 
 military matters. Secretaries and messengers were con- 
 tinually running in and out with papers to sign and orders 
 to be made out. Conversation on poetry filled up the inter- 
 spaces, and I remarked that he must have very little time 
 for literary pursuits with all the official pressure on his time 
 and energies. " Yes," he said, " poetry is my refuge in the 
 night, when I am unable to sleep — I have no other time." 
 I hoped that I might have the pleasure some day of seeing 
 some example of his muse in an English dress, but he said, 
 what we all know, that translation is mostly destructive to 
 poetry. I begged him to favour me with a copy of a poem, 
 and said I would do my best to get it properly translated, 
 adding that London was rich in men of condition equal even to 
 
 H 
 
98 Eshref Pasha, 
 
 translating poetry, and that if something of the poem must 
 be inevitably lost, at least the substance of the thought 
 would remain. He finally read me very pleasantly a short 
 poem in Turkish, of which I understood not a word, but 
 the movement of which was certainly full of dignity and 
 possessed a marked and characteristic melody, and promised 
 to send a copy to my address next morning, but his official 
 character was fatal to any promise, and the poem was like 
 Turkish reforms, it never came. 
 
 The Pasha is evidently one of those misplaced links in 
 an unequal chain whose strength is no greater than its 
 weakest part. As we did not talk of politics, and I had 
 no desire to know the Turkish version of all the news, I 
 was not able to judge of his political capacity. He seemed 
 a well-meaning man, sympathetic, and capable, under a 
 good system, of doing routine work in Government ma- 
 chinery. There may be many such under the surface of 
 Turkish disorganization, buried out of sight and hope in 
 the mass of fanaticism and ignorant pride. 
 
 Scutari was in an extensively flooded condition, and the 
 question of the day was not of the barometer or exchange, 
 but of the increase of the water in the market-place. " It 
 rose four fingers' breadth yesterday," I heard one merchant 
 remark to another. I saw a man fishing in a roadside ditch, 
 who had a fine basket of carp to show as his take. And 
 all because the Drin has filled up its old way to the sea, 
 from the bar never having been dredged out, and sets back 
 into the Lake of Scutari and through the Boyana to the 
 sea. 
 
 It may be worth while to add, before leaving Eshref 
 Pasha, that when, some months later, the new Irade was 
 issued and ordered to be published in the provinces, he 
 
Eshref Pasha, 99 
 
 took it in good faith, and immediately put it into practice 
 by calling on the people to make their elections and state 
 the needs of their community. They replied at once by 
 indicating the reopening of the Drin, so as to drain the 
 Lake of Scutari, making of better roads, and construction 
 of a railway from Scutari to Antivari. Perhaps the contem- 
 plation of these actual consequences of the rash belief of a 
 Governor in the seriousness of the Irade led to Eshref s 
 removal. The Porte is not accustomed to being taken at 
 its word, and there is no knowing what might happen if the 
 poet had many imitators in his serious way of looking at 
 things. 
 
 Eshref was replaced by Hamdi, our old Bosniak func- 
 tionary, dismissed for doing nothing in Herzegovina. 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 ?AOUF PASHA occupied the whole of the latter 
 half of November and nearly all December get- 
 ting his expedition to Niksics organized, and then 
 attacked the Duga with forces reported at 12,000 to 16,000 
 men. The army was divided into two divisions, of which 
 one was to fight its way through, and when in possession of 
 the passes, the other, escorting the provisions, was to follow. 
 Raouf, commanding the former, made his attack, and was 
 met by Socica, who stopped him at Krstaz. Raouf took 
 strong defensive positions and waited two days, when Socica's 
 men, receiving neither aid nor provisions from Peko, who 
 commanded the main body of the insurgents, and on some 
 frivolous pretext held aloof from the fighting, were obliged 
 to evacuate the position they held, and Raouf went through 
 without further opposition. Peko took his revenge by an 
 attack on the cattle of the Turkish army at Plana, in the 
 rear of the two armies, and carried off an immense booty ; 
 but his defection from Socica at the critical moment pro- 
 duced an alienation between the two chiefs which lasted 
 for months, and was only healed finally by Socica's being 
 assured that Peko had only obeyed secret orders in not 
 attacking the. Turks, it being considered in certain official 
 quarters that it was inexpedient to bring matters to an issue 
 
RiLssian Ap-ents, i o i 
 
 -"^> 
 
 between the Porte and Montenegro ; but Socica was not 
 docile in these matters, and would not have accepted such 
 orders even directly from the Prince of Montenegro, while 
 these came from Russian authorities, for whom Peko had 
 unlimited reverence, and Socica at that time very little. 
 
 This was the first indication I had been able to get of any 
 direct intervention of Russian officials in the affair. This, 
 moreover, was certainly not hostile to the Turks, and could 
 scarcely be considered anything more than pacific interven- 
 tion, but it marked a change in the direction of affairs. It 
 coincided, moreover, with the sending of the important Rus- 
 sian and Swiss Red Cross expeditions to Cettinje, and the in- 
 creased recognition of the insurrection by the public opinion 
 of Russia. Large subscriptions were being made for the 
 insurrection, and the agents of the Slavonic committees ap- 
 peared in greater activity than we had dreamed of before. 
 I am of opinion that it was at this time that the Russian 
 influence became dominant over the others, and from that 
 day this influence increased. It was not, however, an official 
 direction, which was not apparent until about the date of 
 the presentation of the Andrassy note. At the time of 
 which I am now writing, the agents of the committees were 
 far from being agreed with the official agents, and I became 
 on several occasions witness of the hostility between the 
 two, and of the former I must say that they were for the 
 most part full of an enthusiasm which did its work with the 
 insurgents. The public opinion in Russia was, however, be- 
 ginning to produce its effect on the officials, the farthest 
 from the throne being soonest swept away by it; but the 
 movement once begun, it was impossible that the officials 
 should not be influenced in their conduct by it, and, as we 
 see, it finally involved the throne itself. Jonine, who was the 
 
102 Muktar Pasha. 
 
 immediate agent in any properly diplomatic dealings, was less 
 in favour at the camp of the insurgents than the agents who 
 were with them, fought with them, and shared their rations 
 with them, and between Jonine and certain of these there was 
 implacable feud. They are probably, more than any other cause, 
 responsible for the obstinacy of the insurgents in the interval 
 just previous to the Andrassy propositions being made. Men 
 don't require much encouragement to go the way of their 
 inclinations, and it was inevitable that the official agents 
 should in time overbid the unofficial, or lose control. 
 
 Early in January, 1876, winter suddenly set in with great 
 rigour at Ragusa, and on the sea-coast the weather was the 
 coldest remembered by any living person. The sufferings 
 of the insurgents were grave, but those of the Turkish 
 troops frightful. In the high country about Gatschko snow 
 impeded all movements, and many soldiers were found 
 frozen to death. I saw at Ragusa deserters from the army 
 of Shefket Pasha, who described their condition as so bad 
 that the bulk of the army would have deserted if they knew 
 that they could get to Austria and not be remanded to their 
 standards. Operations were entirely paralyzed. 
 
 Towards the end of January the winter began to moderate, 
 and the bands prepared to take the field again, while Raouf 
 Pasha was recalled and replaced by Achmet Muktar, for the 
 reason, it was said, that Raouf not only told the Porte that 
 its army was not in condition to attack Montenegro, but 
 even that the insurgents were to a great extent justified by 
 the misgovernment which they had suffered under, in rising 
 in revolt. He was sent to Crete in more or less disgrace. 
 
 Muktar came, breathing fire and the sword, menacing the 
 population with all the horrors Bulgaria has since expe- 
 rienced. He made a military promenade through Herze- 
 
Radovan- Zdrielo. 103 
 
 govina, saw nothing, and went back for the remainder of the 
 winter to Mostar. The time had come, however, when the 
 Montenegrin Government, acting under the menace of the 
 Turks to take the principality in hand when they finished 
 the insurrection, and encouraged (or excited) by the Russian 
 committees and volunteers, and probably by officials as 
 well, felt emboldened to allow a more efficient aid to the 
 movement, and the remnant of the original Montenegrin 
 corps, reduced by death and wounds to about 150, was 
 recalled and replaced by several hundred new men ; and the 
 Prince, by his attitude towards the insurgents, showed that 
 he was disposed to yield to the popular feeling, by taking 
 more or less the control of the affair into his hands — at 
 least, advising it in its policy and diplomacy ; and Vukotics, 
 the oldest Montenegrin captain, took the direction of its 
 affairs. The bands were advised to leave the Montenegrin 
 frontier, and descended, to the number of about 1,500 men, 
 to the Trebinje plain, under the command of Peko. He 
 established himself at the old camp of Grebci, driving out 
 Ljubibratics and his entourage; and on the Greek New 
 Year's Day (12 th January), I met him with two or three 
 others of the chiefs at the midnight supper at the house of 
 Monte verde, in Ragusa, his only visit to the city during the 
 whole insurrection, and the only one of either of the proper 
 chiefs of the Mountain, except Milecevics, whom I met 
 •several times. Socica remained at Piva. 
 
 Peko disposed his force on the road between Trebinje and 
 Ragusa, and a provision expedition coming from the latter 
 place was, on January 17th, compelled to turn back to pre- 
 vent capture. The next day, the Turks — five battalions, 
 with 400 indigenes and six guns, as I learned from the Aus- 
 trian military authorities — marched out from Trebinje, and 
 
1 04 Radovan-Zdrielo . 
 
 leaving their guns, for greater security, with a detachment 
 on the Trebinje side of Duzi, the rest came as far as the 
 positions indicated to be occupied for the protection of the 
 provision train to come through next day; and having 
 posted two companies, believed to be a total of 180 men, 
 and constructed breastworks for them, set out on their 
 return to the city. It had been the intention of Peko to 
 allow the troops perfect liberty of movement until the provi- 
 sion train came out from Ragusa; but seeing this fortifica- 
 tion of the positions taken, he concluded at once that the 
 thing must be stopped, and marched with the men at hand 
 to the position from which the battle is named — Radovan- 
 Zdrielo — an inconsiderable hill about midway between the 
 fortress of Drien, near the Austrian frontier, and that of 
 Duzi; somewhat less than half the distance between Ragusa 
 and Trebinje from the latter place. Here he gave the signal 
 for the attack, which began with about 250 men, increasing, 
 as the other bands came up, to about 800. But at the first 
 shots fired, the troops began a precipitate retreat, and, firing 
 a few shots behind them, fled in utter disorder back towards 
 Trebinje, the insurgents pursuing and cutting them down. 
 The pursuit continued until the fortress of Duzi was reached, 
 when the flying column communicated the panic to the 
 reserve, and the fight continued to the city, the pursuit 
 stopping at Duzi. The number of Turkish dead left on 
 the road, according to the tale of the noses brought to 
 Peko, was 250. 
 
 Peko now turned his attention to the force posted to hold 
 the road, and, finding the defences too strong for direct 
 assault, he placed a strong cordon around it, and waited 
 until the next day. Tripko Vukalovics was sent down the 
 road with his men, to watch any movement from Trebinje, 
 
Radovan- Zdr tela. i o$ 
 
 and another party towards Drien. With the exception of a 
 slight fusillade nothing was done the next day. 
 
 When the news came in to Ragusa, Colonel Monteverde 
 (correspondent of the " Russki Mir," and agent for the Sla- 
 vonic committees of St. Petersburg), and myself decided at 
 once to go out to the battlefield, and, if possible, witness the 
 expected sortie from Trebinje; but delay in starting and 
 then in finding horses at Ombla kept us until it was too late 
 to reach the camp before dark, and we therefore prepared 
 for an early start next morning. We left at early light ; and 
 after a seven hours' walk over the hardest ground I have 
 ever seen, even in that hard country, we began to hear, far 
 off, the muttering of musketry. On reaching Vukovics, the 
 general head-quarters, we found an ambulance, which owed 
 its existence to the "Russki Mir" and its correspondent, 
 and the preliminary attention being given to some wounded 
 by a young Russian medical student, who, when his dress- 
 ings were done, took his rifle and accompanied us to Peko's 
 temporary quarters near the beleaguered positions. The 
 scouts who joined us on the way reported that a column had 
 just debouched by the Popovo-polje, coming from Stolatz to 
 Trebinje, which would arrive at the latter place about 
 2 p.m., making it certain that no movement in reHef would 
 be made that day. We arrived about half-past two at the 
 abandoned village — hamlet rather, for there are not above 
 ten houses in it — which was the quarters of Peko and as 
 many of the insurgents as could sleep there. Here we 
 halted a few minutes to depose all superfluous loading and 
 make inquiries. The fusillade echoed through the moun- 
 tains with an unintermitting roar, and the cries of the chiefs 
 of the insurgents exciting their men could be heard above 
 the sound of the musketry. 
 
•io6 Radovan- Zdrielo. 
 
 I think I was never so utterly fatigued in my life ; but the 
 hope of seeing the position of atTairs, and getting horses in 
 time to get back that night, drove us on, without stopping 
 to rest, over the mountain which shelters the village from 
 the Trebinje road, from the further slopes of which we could 
 ^ee what was going on. As we cHmbed the slope, a nearly 
 spent rifle-ball sang over our heads and down into the valley 
 beyond the village, indicating tolerably our distance, and 
 that we were in the line of somebody's fire. We hurried on 
 beyond the ridge, and came in sight of the beleaguered hill. 
 It was the first of a series of conical undulations which cul- 
 minate, in the direction of Ragusa, at Drien, not above 
 ICO feet high, with two peaks, between which ran the Tre- 
 binje road. The wind, which was very light, blew from us, 
 and we could see every flash of the rifles on our side of the 
 slope and on the ridge. The mass of the insurgents were 
 on the side furthest from us, and theirs were the balls which, 
 passing over the hill, reached as far as where we were. The 
 summit was encircled with a line of smoke ; and when we 
 first came in view, the downward flashes extended down the 
 side seen in profile, the upward jets of smoke not being so 
 plainly distinguished. It was clear that there were no insur- 
 gents to speak of on our side of the hill itself, but that on 
 -the further side and on the slopes seen in profile the upward 
 fire was climbing. The fire of the garrison was incessant ; 
 but as both parties were fighting from cover, we could not 
 distinguish individuals, nor amid the grey rocks which cover 
 the hill distinguish the men from the rocks. We could see 
 the tents on the summit, however; and while we were 
 watching, suddenly the flashes of upward smoke appeared 
 halfway up the slope, and the fire seemed to break out into 
 new vigour, and the cries and the fusillade mingled again 
 
Bacevics, 107 
 
 with intensified rage. The line of assault had moved up to 
 the lower breastwork, and there was a hand-to-hand fight 
 across it, and then the fire of the assailants and defenders 
 could be distinguished again, the former converging from a 
 distance, apparently not above fifty yards, on the diminished 
 circle of defence, the insurgents having reversed the breast- 
 work, and used it in attacking the upper work. Here was 
 killed one of the bravest of the brave, Maxime Bacevics, 
 voivode of Baniani, shot through the breast ; and here were 
 men wounded on the insurgent side, for the first time, so far 
 as I can learn, by bayonet or sword. Some of the assailants 
 were wounded fearfully by stones thrown down on them, 
 and the wounded began to come in past where we were sit- 
 ting. One man came along walking slowly, but alone, with 
 both hands cut across at the back, a gash in the neck, and 
 a ball through the thigh, just clearing the hip joint. He 
 showed us with a grim satisfaction the nose of the Turk who 
 had given him the cuts, as did several others of the wounded. 
 The afternoon was magnificent — nothing could be finer 
 than the weather, in fact — sky cloudless, just a breath of 
 northerly wind, and the crocuses and snowdrops in bloom 
 on the sunny side of every elevation, while the snow lay 
 undisturbed in the shade. In the distance were the snow- 
 covered peaks of the Cmagora, and all around us the grey 
 hills of Herzegovina, scantily flecked with the brown-leaved 
 trees and shrubs which find occasional existence, or low, 
 broad juniper bushes. Beneath us was the plain through 
 which the Trebinje road runs, and at our right the slope on 
 which the road rises to the ridge where the fort of Drien 
 stands, on the platform of which we could distinguish with 
 the naked eye the garrison moving uneasily about. At the 
 left the road wound through the rolling ground, and was lost 
 
io8 Radovan- Zd7delo, 
 
 to sight; but beyond, we could distinguish the blockhouses at 
 Duzi, and at the end of the plain, where it seemed to be 
 hemmed in by the hills, was Trebinje, its grey houses shin- 
 ing in the sun, and the river gleaming in sudden turns here 
 and there. Still further to the left was the Popovo-polje, 
 and here and there we could catch the cries of the shepherds 
 and goatherds to their flocks. Whether from the strange 
 and violent contrast between the sunny, tranquil nature and 
 the shouting of the excited combatants below me, the know- 
 ledge of the slaughter going on at the moment, the occa- 
 sional reminder in the moaning balls that wandered our way 
 that the whole affair was dread earnest, the sight of the 
 wounded men coming in — perhaps even in part from the 
 natural sympathy with the hapless garrison, around whom a 
 pitiless death was closing slowly, and who still held out with 
 heroic obstinacy, or whether from the nervousness of the 
 position, exaggerated by excessive fatigue — the whole thing 
 excited in me a disgust and horror I never before in my life 
 experienced, though it was neither my first experience under 
 fire nor of this kind of fighting. The most vividly conscious 
 feeling in all this fnelange was pity for the brave men on the 
 hill. 
 
 The afternoon was closing in, and there was no sign of 
 movement from Trebinje. The wounded were coming in 
 faster, and the path was marked with blood drops, and those 
 who came in with the wounded confirmed the opinion that 
 no assault would be given that day, although the fire was 
 still unslackened. Almost every wounded man had an 
 amputated nose to show, and they all said that there were 
 m^ny killed and wounded, and more of the former than the 
 latter. Most of the wounded we saw were hit by balls in 
 the head and neck. Perovics — a Herzegovinian priest, who 
 
Radova7i-Zdrielo. 1 09 
 
 distinguished himself for gallantry at Muratovizza — here 
 received a wound in the head, and his brother one in the 
 neck. I felt ashamed to do nothing for the wounded, but 
 I was scarcely able to drag myself along, and I doubt not 
 they were, in spite of their wounds, as able-bodied as I for 
 the moment, and in fact they took the matter in extreme 
 nonchalance, only one or two whom I saw showing any 
 symptom of suffering ; but we went back to the village with 
 a number of them, who told us the details of the fight. 
 
 Peko still remained on the battlefield. There were no 
 horses but his, and these no one dared send for without his 
 permission, and, beside, they were at Vukovics; so we 
 slowly settled down to the conclusion that the only thing to 
 be done was to pass the night in camp. The firing ceased 
 at sunset, and the body of Maxime was brought in before 
 . dark, amid general and evidently heartfelt lamentation. 
 His own men wept like children, and it was very easy to see 
 there was an extraordinary devotion felt towards the man by 
 his followers and his fellow-captains. "A thousand Turks 
 dead would not pay us for Maxime" — was the wail of old 
 Peko, and his men swore a bloody vengeance for the morrow. 
 All the long evening the men were coming in from the 
 battlefield clamorously discussing the feats of this man and 
 that other, the heroism of one or the other chief; the reliefs 
 arming and going out, and, our cabin being the head- 
 quarters, all the chiefs came in one by one through the 
 evening, and Peko and Luka about eleven, when we got 
 the report of the day's doings. The Turks had occupied 
 and fortified both peaks, and made a double line of stone 
 wall around the higher one. The lower peak being closely 
 approached, and the force on it, seeing capture inevitable, 
 evacuated the summit and ran for the higher, about sixty 
 
1 1 o Radovan-Zdrielo, 
 
 being caught and killed en route by the insurgents. The 
 lower barricade was then attacked in the same way and 
 finally carried, and all the dispositions made for an assault 
 early next morning. Peko judged that there were about 
 fifty of the garrison still alive, but these could with their 
 breech-loaders do a great deal of damage before they 
 were overpowered. However, it was necessary to finish 
 with these before the troops came out from Trebinje, 
 so he should order an attack a Panne blanche early next 
 morning. After eating their supper of beef, roasted on 
 sticks before the fire, and drink:ing raki, they went on dis- 
 cussing the deeds of the day, until, stunned by the clamour 
 of voices, which all seemed going at once, and each trying 
 to drown the others, I wrapped myself in my shawl and lay 
 down on the stone platform which surrounded the fireplace, 
 and served, without even straw, as bed, and went soundly to 
 sleep, in spite of smoke almost stifling, shouting, snoring, 
 and all physical discomfort. 
 
 When I woke it was daylight, and Peko came in to say 
 that the scouts had come in reporting that the remnant of 
 the garrison had escaped during the night ; as he then sup- 
 posed, going to Trebinje, but, as we afterwards found, 
 partly going to Drin, and being nearly all cut down by the 
 insurgent guard on the road, others wandering off into the 
 hills, and three or four came into Ragusa. 
 
 In the two days^ fighting, /. ^., that on the road and the 
 attack of the fortified position, the total Turkish loss was 
 about 400 killed and 300 wounded who arrived at Trebinje, 
 every one who did not being put to the sword, after the 
 manner of those battles on both sides. The insurgent loss 
 was about 100 killed and badly wounded, the latter being 
 all brought to Ragusa. 
 
Bacevics. iir 
 
 The loss of Maxime Bacevics was a very grave one, though 
 he had never taken a leading part in military affairs owing 
 to his youth, as he was related to the Prince of Montenegro- 
 Can immense element of moral authority with his people), 
 and was a hero of that type which always most strongly 
 dominates such a warlike race — brave to rashness, politic, 
 with exceptional physical powers, and the son of a brave 
 man killed, as Maxime was, fighting with the Turks. His^ 
 body was brought to Ragusa, where the demonstration and 
 honours given to it at the funeral became the subject of 
 diplomatic remonstrance.^ The streets were hung with 
 
 * Sir H. Elliot to the Earl of Derby. 
 My Lord, Constantinople^ February 14, 1876. 
 
 The account of the encouragement and countenance given to the in- 
 surgents at Ragusa greatly exceeds all that I was prepared for. 
 
 The Russian Consulate is the open resort of the insurgent chiefs; 
 their correspondence is sent to the Consul, who is a party to all their 
 projects, and associates himself intimately with them. 
 
 He does not appear to make an attempt to conceal the part he is 
 playing, for on the occasion of the death of the Chief Maxime, in one 
 of the late encounters, the Russian flag at the Consulate was hoisted at 
 half-mast, and M. Jonine himself joined the funeral procession (!) 
 
 With such acts as these it is not surprising that the insurgents should 
 suppose their attempt to be fully approved by the Russian Government, 
 for they can hardly be expected to believe that an accredited agent would 
 venture upon them without knowing that it meets with the approval of 
 his superior authorities. 
 
 Some of the wounded when asked why they continue to struggle, when 
 the Porte is ready to grant all their demands, have answered plainly that 
 they are bound to go on as long as they are told by Russia to do so ( ! !) 
 
 The assurances given at St. Petersburg of the wish of the Imperial. 
 Government that the insurgents would lay down their arms, must 
 naturally go for nothing as long as its official representative, with 
 whom they are in communication, encourages them to go on. 
 
 I have, &c., 
 (Signed) Henry Elliot. 
 
 The above is a fair example of the curious misrepresentation which, 
 perplexed public opinion. None of the insurgent chiefs were allowed tO' 
 
1 1 2 Bacevics, 
 
 the Slav tricolour, and the popular demonstration was as 
 imposing as that which had welcomed the Emperor to 
 Dalmatia. 
 
 visit the Russian Consulate at any time — if they met Jonine it was at 
 Monteverde's, and this very rarely, so far as I know or believe only once 
 — the Greek New Year. Jonine did not join in the funeral procession, 
 for I myself accompanied it, and saw him on his balcony as it pa'ssed. 
 The funeral was on Sunday, and all the consuls, except the Turkish, 
 had their flags hoisted, as is the custom in honour of the day; but as the day 
 was one of absolute calm, the flags hung to the masts like ropes, and 
 Jonine distinctly denied half-masting his flag. A similar complaint was 
 made of the English Consul, and he received a despatch from Sir Henry 
 ElHot asking an explanation, though I am able to declare, on the evidence 
 of my own eyes, that the flag was quite up to the masthead. Nor was 
 there any more truth in the statement as to the wounded. The whole of 
 these incidents were the shameless fictions of the Ottoman Consulate at 
 Ragusa. W. J. S. 
 
'i^n 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 'he Turks remained quiet in Trebinje until the 
 29th, the road being in undisturbed possession 
 of Peko. Muktar, stirred out of his confident 
 slumbers 'at Mostar, began collecting all the disposable 
 forces from the various fortresses, and concentrating at 
 Trebinje for an irresistible attack on the insurgents, who 
 held the position taken from the Turks on the 21st. Un- 
 fortunately for the insurgents, the counsels of some young 
 Russian officers who were serving as volunteers with Peko 
 induced him to attempt a regular defence of the entrench- 
 ments — a fatal mistake, which gave Muktar the only victory 
 ever achieved under his personal command during the insur- 
 rection. 
 
 The generalship on both sides was bad, but on that of 
 the Turks atrocious. Peko, whatever qualities he may 
 possess as a partisan, had no appreciation of strategical 
 points, and those who counselled him to offer pitched battle 
 to the Turks on an almost level plain, opposed as he was by 
 nearly five times his numbers, were responsible for what 
 would have been a great disaster if the Turks had any con- 
 ception of how to profit by it. The insurgents were formed 
 across the road, holding the two hillocks fortified by the 
 Turks in the previous affair, with a left wing at right angles 
 
 I 
 
114 Muktars Revenge, 
 
 to this line and parallel to the road, and no right wing what- 
 ever. The peak to the south of the road was held by Peko, 
 that on the other side by Simonies (Bogdan), and the left 
 wing, composed of the men of Nevesinje and Zubci, by 
 Tripko Vukalovics, nephew of the chief of the insurrec- 
 tionary forces in 1862. The whole force was about 1,700 
 men. The bands represented were those of Petkovics, 
 Peko, Simonies, that of Maxime being united with Peko's 
 for want of a chief, and those of Vukalovics and Milecivics 
 (Gligor), though of those of Peko and Simonies only about 
 half had descended from the Baniani and Piva districts. 
 
 The Turks moved out of Trebinje on Monday night, 
 taking positions behind Duzi, and in the morning moved 
 slowly down the road, the principal force being on the road- 
 way, with flanking columns in the open plain on either side. 
 All day was occupied in this movement of about two hours* 
 march, and as soon as the strength of the insurgents was 
 ascertained together with their position, the force was halted 
 just out of rifle-shot, and bivouacked in their places. The 
 insurgents, meanwhile, had taken up their positions without 
 ammunition, having received none since the late battle, and 
 waited for it to arrive on the field. Some of them had not a 
 single cartridge ; some had three or four, and a very few, 
 who had not been engaged in the last aflair, had their full 
 allowance. At eleven a.m. arrived ammunition enough to 
 distribute about fifteen cartridges to each man in the line, 
 and about two p.m. the Turks moved on, their artillery, two 
 pieces, firing sixty shells, of which only five were sent in any 
 known relation to the insurgents, and of these one only 
 killed a man, a splinter of stone thrown off by it hitting him 
 on the head. The fire of musketry was incessant, but so 
 far over-head as to be quite harmless. The column on the 
 
Insttrgent Defeat, 115 
 
 road moved in close order with great steadiness, in spite of 
 the insurgent fire on their dense mass, where it must have 
 been very deadly, up to about 150 yards, when it halted 
 and threw out a strong column to the left, which marched 
 through the plain round the hill on the south of the road. 
 
 Here appeared a curious evidence of Peko's incapacity 
 to comprehend strategical considerations. There was in 
 advance of his position a slight elevation, which the insur- 
 gents had occupied in the morning, but abandoned, to con- 
 centrate their forces in the entrenched positions. This was 
 about to be occupied by a body of the advancing troops ; 
 on seeing which Peko, calling on his men to follow him, 
 charged up one side of the hill while the Turks were going 
 up the other, and met them on the summit ; but, to his sur- 
 prise, he found only four of his men behind him. He turned 
 to fly, but in the advance the Turks had got between him 
 and his men, and with three followers, the fourth regaining 
 the entrenchments, he was obliged to make a detour of 
 several hours' march and pass between Czarina and Drien 
 to get back to his camp at Vukovich, late in the day, after 
 the battle had been fought and lost. He was beheved to 
 have been killed or in the hands of the Turks. His men, 
 without a commander and discouraged by his supposed loss, 
 abandoned their works as soon as the Turkish column had 
 begun to menace their rear, and fled precipitately across the 
 road, drawing with them those of Simonies, who all fell back 
 on the elevations to the north of the road. The left wing, in 
 the steadiest and most deliberate manner, fell back, keeping 
 up a steady fire until positions were gained which checked 
 pursuit, and which were those along the ridge from which I 
 had looked at the former affair. Behind this it will be re- 
 membered was the temporary camp ; but as this was in a 
 
ii6 Pekds Retreat, 
 
 most exposed position, the plain half-circling it on the east, 
 it was abandoned as soon as the wounded had been properly 
 cared for and the dead carried away, with the exception of 
 four, which fell into the hands of the Turks and were be- 
 headed. 
 
 The whole force fell back on Vukovich, and the Turks, 
 who followed at a respectful and leisurely distance, burned 
 the deserted village, which was, of course, abandoned by 
 the inhabitants, with the exception of three women, who 
 were murdered. All the villages in this section up to Vuko- 
 vich were then burned, and the Turks advanced to the ridge 
 overlooking that village, where they waited, without any 
 attempt to accelerate the movements of the insurgents, or 
 discommode them in any way, until the village should be 
 evacuated, when they would burn it. It was evacuated 
 next day after a council, in which some move was decided 
 on ; and the whole band, with the exception of the wounded 
 and their carriers, the camp-followers, and some of the timid 
 or weak ones who had not nerve or muscle for the new 
 undertaking, perhaps 300 or 400 in all, leaving a solid force 
 of about 1,200 men, who made their final preparations, 
 received their ammunition, &c., and dined gaily at Grebci, 
 the Turkish force waiting respectfully on the heights oppo- 
 site, at about 2,000 yards' distance. At about four p.m. they 
 filed ofi" with cheers for unknown parts, the inhabitants of 
 Grebci meanwhile making frantic haste to get their worldly 
 goods across the frontier before the Turks should enter and 
 bum the village. 
 
 The escape of Peko and his band was a real masterpiece 
 of irregular warfare. While Muktar Pasha waited till he 
 should ascertain the movement of the insurgents, not even 
 daring to attack Grebci, where a score or so of men only 
 
Andrassy Note. 1 1 7 
 
 remained, Peko reached the Trebinishitza on the Popovo 
 plain, crossed it, and marched on Ljubinje, where he cap- 
 tured a provision train, and then, making a wide circular 
 march through an entirely undefended country, passed 
 between Bilek and Trebinje, and reached Zubci without 
 molestation. There he was rejoined by the balance of his 
 corps, most of whom had passed through Ragusa, or by the 
 Lloyd steamer to Castel Nuovo. 
 
 Muktar burned all the villages along the Austrian frontier 
 between Czarina and Grebci — eleven in number — none of 
 them pr^iously molested, their population going to swell the 
 number of the refugees in Dalmatia. His movement, which 
 had only been accomplished by a concentration of all the 
 disposable forces in Herzegovina, had been a draught of the 
 seine come to shore empty j and Peko, instead of being driven 
 over the frontier, had gone to ravage the country from which 
 the troops had been withdrawn. The road to Ragusa was open, 
 and the population of Trebinje preserved from starvation ; 
 for they were so far reduced that crowds followed the army 
 out, unable to wait till the provision train could arrive from 
 Ragusa. But now all was to be begun over again, and 
 another long interval of inefficiency and inactivity followed, 
 broken by the necessity of organizing another expedition to 
 provision Niksics, now again reduced to short allowance. 
 
 The negotiations connected with the Andrassy Note 
 (Appendix A) now began to complicate the military posi- 
 tion, the impotence of the Porte to conquer the insurrec- 
 tion having long been clear to everybody on the ground. An 
 armistice was proposed, to enable the parties to discuss 
 tranquilly the conditions of pacification ; but the terms pro- 
 posed by the Andrassy Note were, in advance even of their 
 official notification to the insurgent chiefs, rejected by a 
 
1 1 8 Meeting at Stctorina. 
 
 manifesto prepared at Sutorina, where most of the chiefs 
 were encamped owing to the severity of the winter in the 
 mountains, small detachments only of the various corps 
 being kept at Duga. 
 
 Receiving information of the deliberations on February 
 1 8th, I went to Sutorina, and there saw Socica and the prin- 
 cipal chiefs, and, learning that the reply to the Note had been 
 prepared, requested a copy for publication. This was pro- 
 mised for the next day. The steamer of the next morning, 
 however, brought Colonel Monteverde, who, on learning 
 that a manifesto was prepared, and that I was going to get 
 a copy for publication, galloped ahead of us to Socica's 
 head-quarters, got possession of the document, and per- 
 suaded (as he supposed) the chiefs to renounce any antici- 
 pation of the official communication of the Note. In this, 
 as I ascertained, Monteverde acted in obedience to official 
 indications ; and when, some days later, I received at Ragusa 
 the copy of the manifesto promised me (Appendix B), 
 and communicated it to the Russian Consul-General there, 
 it was received with unmistakable demonstrations of great 
 irritation, and strong efforts were made to induce the chiefs 
 to disavow it ; and the Russian agency published a telegram 
 denying its authenticity (see "Times," Feb. 21st); but no 
 threats or pressure could induce them to retract, Socica dis- 
 tinctly and publicly declaring that he would lose his head 
 before he would take back a word of it. It was signed by 
 Socica and Simonies as the voivodes of Herzegovina, and 
 Melentie as the representative of the Church; Peko as 
 a volunteer was not included, but gave me his assurance, as 
 did all the others, that they agreed with Socica in repelling 
 all overtures on the basis of the Andrassy Note. The 
 document has a certain value under the peculiar circum- 
 
Replies to the Andrassy Note, 119 
 
 stances, and as showing, when put side by side with the 
 subsequent reply (Appendix C), the real effect of Russian 
 influence, and the degree to which, under it, the insurgents 
 were induced to bend their previous determinations. That 
 Russia was anxious to terminate the affair there, is to my 
 own mind beyond question, but there was no reason why 
 she should require the insurgents to renounce all the benefit 
 of their own struggles and advantages. There was a clear 
 and easy solution of the problem offered by the subsequent 
 propositions of the insurgents in the conference at Sutorina, 
 and the comparison of them with the former note, shows how 
 far the insurgents had yielded to conciliation, and what 
 direction the Russian official influence took : the first being 
 their independent detennination ; the second^ the determina- 
 tion under Russian persuasion. 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 ^ N the beginning of March the Turkish expedition 
 to relieve Niksics and Goransko being about to 
 start, the camp at Sutorina was broken up, and 
 the whole force was concentrated between Baniani and 
 Duga. The Turks concentrated at Gatschko, while ostenta- 
 tious preparations were being made at Bilek, as if the army- 
 were to start via Rudini by the upper road to Niksics. 
 Selim Pasha in command at Gatschko, having neither mules 
 nor horses for the commercial service, the insurgents were 
 still more thrown off their guard, and Socica making a tour 
 of inspection the morning of the 6th of March, perceived to 
 his surprise a division of Turkish troops returning from 
 Goransko. They had marched the night before from 
 Gatschko; a thousand of them carrying sacks of flour on 
 their backs, had reached Goransko, and set out to return 
 immediately. 
 
 Sending off runners to the other corps, he threw himself, 
 with the two hundred men with him, across the intervening 
 hills, and fell on the flank of the Turkish rear-guard. Peko 
 with his band, about equal in strength, followed quickly, 
 and the home guard of Piva came up in the rear, being 
 by chance near at hand. The rear-guard faced about, 
 and had fired two rounds in platoon when the firing was- 
 
Second Muratovizza. 121 
 
 heard in front of them, other bodies of insurgents having 
 come in on the main body. Thereupon the rear-guard, fearing 
 to be cut off, faced about and marched rapidly forward, 
 harassed by the insurgent fire, and speedily breaking into 
 a run. 
 
 As the different bodies of the insurgent force heard the 
 firing, they took up the march towards the road, falling con- 
 tinually on the flank of the long column with fresh men, and 
 the troops making scarcely any resistance ; but, having the 
 road open before them, they made for Gatschko rapidly. 
 The garrison at that fortress, hearing the firing and that it 
 approached them, sent out another battalion with two guns 
 to meet the fugitives and cover their retreat. These met 
 the flying column, and were instantly enveloped by it. One 
 gun was taken on the spot, the gunners being all cut down 
 and the mules captured ; the other, on the carriage ready to- 
 fire, was dragged by the troops along the road two or three 
 miles at least, when, the snow being nearly middle deep, in 
 a melting and sodden state, and the wheels being up to the 
 axles in it, it was overtaken by the insurgents and captured. 
 
 Near Lipnik is a river, dry in the summer, like the others 
 of Herzegovina, but then swollen so high, and so rapid as 
 to make the ford dangerous, and here the troops huddled 
 together in a dense mass, crowding the ford, many being 
 carried away by the torrent and drowned, and the whole ex- 
 posed to the furious onslaught of the insurgents concentrat- 
 ing around them. It was ten o'clock at night when the 
 pursuit ceased, with a bright moon, and those who had suc- 
 ceeded in fording the river escaped to Lipnik. The loss on 
 the Turkish side was never exactly known, but one of the 
 Russian volunteers wrote that it was a veritable St. Bartho- 
 lomew — simply butchery. The number of " heads " taken 
 
122 Second Mttratovizza, 
 
 <the nose being technically a "head") was above 800. 
 The Kaimakam of Goransko, who had availed himself 
 of the opportunity to try to return to Gatschko, was 
 killed, and two women of his harem were taken prisoners. 
 With the guns were taken four boxes of ammunition for 
 4:hem. Over six hundred rifles were taken, and the am- 
 munition in the cartridge-boxes of the men killed alone, 
 was over 100 cartridges per man. In the early morning 
 the commander at Gatschko sent out a strong column to re- 
 cover the guns, and as in the night the insurgents had not 
 been able to collect all the rifles thrown or dropped by the 
 way, the Turkish troops were able to carry off many rifles and 
 ihe bodies from the part of the road nearest Lipnik ; the 
 bones of the rest still lie along the road as far as Smeretchna, 
 where the fight began. 
 
 The second Muratovizza brought Muktar Pasha himself 
 forward again, and another and again unsuccessful attempt 
 to pass the Duga was made, the troops reaching Zlostop, 
 the first block-house in the Duga, and then, either from the 
 depth of the snow or inability to face the insurgents, re- 
 turned to Gatschko^ Simonies attacking the rear-guard as 
 it withdrew, and pursuing it to the Turkish lines again. In 
 this affair Djellaledin Pasha was wounded and lost all his 
 baggage, and the pursuers found 122 Turkish dead on the 
 line when they came to count the losses. The snow in the 
 pass was middle deep and melting; negotiations continued 
 for an armistice, which the insurgents refused to accept 
 from the Austrian s, while the Porte forbade Muktar to open 
 direct negotiations with them. It was again the politic con- 
 duct of the Prince of Montenegro which postponed the 
 crisis by allowing Niksics to be provisioned from Monte- 
 •negrin territory. There is no doubt but that Niksics must 
 
Provisioning of Niksics, T23 
 
 have surrendered this time if the Prince had not aided the 
 Porte, much against the interests of the insurrection.* 
 
 Orders were, however, sent to the Pasha to go to Niksics 
 at any cost, as a question of military amour propre appa- 
 rently, and at the same time the Prince of Montenegro 
 undertaking to negotiate a truce which Muktar appeared 
 to be willing to treat for, while he made all his preparations 
 to push his provision trains through, when the insurgents, 
 deceived by the armistice negotiations,^ were off their guard, 
 and mostly absent to avoid the discomforts of the mountain 
 positions about Duga, the Pasha made a dash, and, before 
 
 ' Mr. Monson to the Earl of Derby. 
 My Lord, Ragusa, March 28, 1876. 
 
 Muktar Pasha, Commander-in-chief in the Herzegovina, is holding 
 daily conferences with Baron Rodich, on the means of arranging with 
 the insurgents a suspension of hostilities. 
 
 The Austrians seem to think that the Turks are treating the question 
 from quite an erroneous point of view, and that, instead of talking as if 
 they had won a succession of victories, they should be as moderate in 
 their language as befits their want of success in recent military opera- 
 tions. 
 
 The difficulty seems to consist chiefly in the pretension of the Turks 
 to have the right of sending provisions into Niksics during the truce, to 
 which the insurgents will not consent. It would appear that Niksics is 
 now receiving small occasional supplies of provisions from Montenegro, 
 where it is not desired that such a catastrophe should be allowed to 
 happen as the fall of a frontier town from starvation. 
 
 I have, &c. 
 (Signed) Edmund Monson. 
 
 ^ During several days the most active correspondence was exchanged 
 between Vienna, Constantinople, and Cettinje, respecting the resump- 
 tion of the negotiations, of which a new truce was to be the prelude. 
 Continuing to give proofs of his good will, the Prince of Montenegro 
 offered spontaneously to insure the passage of the provisions for Nik- 
 sics by a new route, traversing the heart of his territory, and gave orders 
 that this transport should take place without obstacle. The Sublime 
 Porte, through the Austrian Ambassador, gave the most favourable 
 
124 operations in the Duga. 
 
 the insurgents were aware of the movement, he had taken 
 possession of positions which enabled him to move his pro- 
 vision trains to the fortified barrack of Presieka, garrisoned 
 by 800 men and armed with artillery. 
 
 The insurgent chiefs at once began an attack, and sending 
 forces to the north end of the pass, and sending off to recall 
 the absentees, beset Muktar with an energy which almost 
 compensated for their previous negligence. Their entrench- 
 ments, previously prepared at the almost impregnable portion 
 of the pass, held the Turks absolutely powerless while the 
 forces were increasing behind them. The position was so 
 desperate that even at Gatschko the army was believed to be 
 lost. When, however, nightfall set in, the Turks remaining 
 
 assurances, and Muktar on his side, declared to the Governor of Dal- 
 matia that he was ready to conclude an armistice, provided that Niksics 
 was provisioned. 
 
 The event has proved how deceitful were these appearances. It is not 
 in our province to judge of the impression which it has produced on the 
 Powers ; but we do not fear to say aloud that we have been trifled with, 
 and what is much more painful, that we have helped in deceiving the 
 Herzegovinians at the very time that they had confided to us the defence 
 of their interests. The discussions which put them ofl" their guard were 
 only a feint to facilitate a second surprise ; and, it appears, it was from 
 Constantinople itself that the formal orders went for a new attack. This 
 last succeeded, at least in part, in attaining its principal object, the re- 
 victualling of Niksics. Muktar Pasha succeeded, in fact, on the 
 28th of April, in covering the entry of a portion of his convoy, the insur* 
 gents not finding themselves sufficiently numerous to prevent it. The fol- 
 lowing day, and the day after, it is true, being reinforced by the arrival 
 of several of their corps, they made him suffer considerable losses, and 
 nearly cut off his retreat on Gatschko. Some thousands of dead and 
 wounded, and the provisioning of a place for a few days, are the only 
 results of a diplomatic manoeuvre, the characterizing of which we leave 
 to the judgment of Europe. There is as yet no appearance that the in- 
 surrection is enfeebled by it ; the Herzegovinians are, on the contrary, 
 more animated than ever. — Memorial of the Prince of Montenegro, May 
 %th. 
 
operations in the Duga, 125 
 
 in their defensive positions, the insurgents retired to their 
 camps and lighted their fires a mile away, whereupon Muktar, 
 conjecturing justly the position of matters, gave orders to 
 move on the entrenchments, which were found completely 
 abandoned, and secured all the positions necessary to 
 protect his movements the next morning. The insurgents, 
 finding their strongest positions lost, contented themselves 
 by fighting to retard the Turkish movements, and inflict 
 such losses as they could. Muktar reached the entrench- 
 ments at Gatschko by a frightfully harassed retreat on the 
 2 1 St, with losses amounting to 2,800 men killed and wounded. 
 
 Scarcely returned to Gatschko, the Pasha made energetic 
 efforts to retrieve the affair and finish the provisioning. 
 On the 28th, having cleverly deceived the spies of the in- 
 surgents, and collected a force of about twenty-eight bat- 
 talions, with 2,000 Albanians and 3,000 other irregulars, he 
 made another of those rapid movements which so distin- 
 guished him above all the generals who had appeared in 
 Herzegovina ; and while the insurgents who were about 
 Niksics, waiting the arrival of provisions from Montenegro, 
 did not anticipate any movement for several days, suddenly 
 arrived at Presieka and took possession of the heights at the 
 exit of the pass, besides taking posession of the principal 
 points in the ravine. 
 
 The garrison of Niksics, with part of the population, im- 
 mediately made a sortie under the protection of Muktar's 
 left wing, and carried into the city about 15,000 pounds of 
 suppHes ; but Muktar, aft€r a flying visit to Niksics, set out 
 on his return with the same expedition and energy which . 
 had marked his arrival, and the sa?ne day left Presieka for 
 Gatschko. His return was harassed continually, and occu- 
 pied the remainder of the 28th and 29th. The insurgents 
 
126 Operatio7is in the Duga, 
 
 had hoped that aid would come from Montenegro to pre- 
 vent Muktar's escape, and that so the whole army would 
 be destroyed, but they were in this disappointed, as no 
 help came, and their force was totally insufficient to resist 
 the numbers which Muktar commanded, favoured as they, 
 were by possession of the road. Muktar himself stated 
 the insurgent force at 14,000,^ but I know from Osman 
 Pasha, who commanded immediately in the fight of the 1 8th 
 to the 2 1 St and superintended the re-provisioning, subse- 
 
 ' Consul Holmes to Sir H. Elliot. 
 (Extract.) Mostar, April 20, 1876. 
 
 I have the honour to inform your Excellency that Muktar Pasha has 
 returned to Gatschko, without having been able to succour Niksics. He 
 reported having had six encounters with the insurgents, whom he reckons 
 to have amounted to 7,000, aided by as many more regular Montenegrin 
 troops. Ali Pasha has received telegrams also fromTrebinje and Ragusa 
 informing him that bodies of Montenegrins had marched to assist the 
 insurgents, so that it would appear to be certain that some thousands of 
 Montenegrins really did take part in the opposition offered to Muktar 
 Pasha, though I imagine the number of 7,000 to be exaggerated. Ali 
 Pasha thinks that Montenegro desires to acquire Niksics and its rich 
 plain ; but he says that, if she gains her object, Turkey would not be 
 able to retain or occupy the Duga Pass, and that the Herzegovina would, 
 in future, be at the mercy of the Principality. He seems to think the 
 pacification of the Herzegovina will not take place without war with 
 Montenegro, as in 186 1. 
 
 Sir H. Elliot to the Earl of Derby. 
 (Extract.) Constantinople, April 20^ 1876. 
 
 Upon going to the Porte this afternoon, I learnt that the Sultan was 
 greatly incensed by the report received from Muktar Pasha of the part 
 taken by Montenegro in opposing the expedition sent to the relief of 
 Niksics. 
 
 His Majesty had at once ordered troops to be despatched to Scutari 
 with a view to the adoption of immediate operations against the Princi- 
 pality ; even whilst I was with the Grand Vizier an aide-de-camp 
 arrived from the Palace with a message reiterating His Majesty's' pre- 
 vious orders, and a military council was about to be held to deliberate 
 upon the position of things. 
 
Conciliatory Efforts, 127 
 
 quently, being engaged in the whole series of operations^ 
 that the total was not above 2,000, and that he himself re- 
 ported it at from 1,500 to 2,000 to his chief in the report 
 which was the basis of that of Muktar, in which he also- 
 declared that ^' 7,000 Montenegrins openly fought with the 
 insurgents," who also numbered another round 7,000. 
 Osman Pasha assured me that he was astounded at the 
 magnitude of the exaggeration, but the Marshal replied 
 that " he had his own sources of information," and persisted 
 in his assertion. Osman Pasha farther said that in all that 
 was to be seen of the rebels, which was very little, there was- 
 no kind of distinction to be observed ; all were dressed in 
 the same manner, and no one could have said whether there 
 were Montenegrins or not. The fight was, however, main- 
 tained until the insurgents had entirely exhausted their 
 ammunition. 
 
 This was, I believe, the last of the serious contests about 
 Duga ; the final provisioning of Niksics took place without 
 opposition on the 4th of May, the insurgent forces having 
 been withdrawn to the lower country, and an armistice was 
 arranged for the peace negotiation. 
 
 Meantime Baron Rodich had not succeeded in making 
 any impression on the refugees or the small deputation of 
 the chiefs, whom he had requested to meet him at Sutorina. 
 They distinctly declined to enter into any negotiations 
 having, for their starting point, the return to the stains quo 
 even considerably ameliorated. Returning from Sutorina, 
 he met at Ragusa deputies from all the villages of that dis- 
 trict where the Herzegovinians were quartered, and old Luka 
 Petkovics and Melentie on behalf of the fighting men of 
 the lower country. They all distinctly and unhesitatingly 
 refused to return to their homes to accept the Turkish pro- 
 
128 Conciliation Fails, 
 
 tection under any other condition than that of a guarantee 
 of Christian troops. When menaced with having all their 
 suppHes withdrawn, they replied that it was better to starve 
 in a Christian land than under the Turks. To Luka and 
 Melentie the Governor addressed himself with great severity, 
 if not violence, and especially the latter, as a Churchman, 
 he reproached with bringing the sins of the people on his 
 head. The priest replied that his conscience reproached 
 him more for what he had done as member of the Medjlis 
 of Trebinje, where he had often been compelled to sign his 
 nam*e to judgments which he knew to be unjust, and take 
 part in transactions which were more wicked than fighting 
 for the freedom of his people. 
 
CHAPTER XI. 
 
 ^HIS act finished, the curtain fell on inaction 
 again for a brief interval, when another attempt 
 was made by the Austrians to find some means 
 of arriving at a pacification. Rodics invited the Turkish 
 functionaries to a conference at Ragusa. The insurgent 
 chiefs at the same time were called together at Grahovo of 
 Montenegro, by the Montenegrin authorities, who had at 
 this time adopted the same rigorous measures against 
 foreign volunteers crossing their frontier, which the Austrians 
 had initiated. It was evidently done with reluctance, but 
 it was done, and the foreigners in Montenegro after the 
 order, were sent back to Trieste. Ljubibratics, chased from 
 upper Herzegovina, had crossed the Narenta with 500 men, 
 and marching towards Livno was incautious enough to 
 approach the frontier to receive arms, &c., which were to 
 have been sent from the committee at Sebenico or Spalato, 
 and halting at a village which is part Turkish and part 
 Austrian, the commander of the district frontier guard 
 arrested him and his staff, and sent them in custody to 
 Spalato. The arrest was unquestionably on Turkish soil; 
 but it answered the purpose, and the band of the insurgent 
 chief was broken up, a fragment remaining to haunt the 
 district, under the command of a sub-chief, Yaksics. 
 
 K 
 
130 Andrassy Note. 
 
 Both Austrian and Montenegrin Governments seemed, in 
 fact, doing all they could to discourage the insurrection. At 
 Niksics the latter had impeded the sending of supplies to 
 the insurgent forces, and had made the passage of the Duga 
 not only possible, \iM\. facile^ to the Turks, and had consequently 
 to suffer opprobrium from the insurgents and the insurrec- 
 tionary committees, which accused it of betraying the move- 
 ment ; and the Russian Government most unequivocally, 
 and as energetically as possible, put its direct pressure on 
 the chiefs to induce them to accept the Andrassy Note, at 
 least with certain modifications, which would still respect the 
 suzerainty of the Porte. I suppose there can be no doubt 
 that Russia promised to support these modifications, which 
 were substantially embodied in the Berlin Note, but their 
 acceptance implied an effective pacification. A truce was 
 recognized on both sides for the upper country without the 
 formality of an armistice; and there seemed ground to hope 
 that a basis of pacification would be found, the more that 
 the Turkish authorities had already promised to restore the 
 villages, &c., of the Herzegovinians,^ and the Russian 
 
 ^ Consul Taylor to the Earl of Derby. 
 My Lord, Ragusa, April 7, 1876. 
 
 The terms offered by AH and Wassa Pashas to the insurgents are : — 
 
 1. The refugees can within four weeks from 24th March return to their 
 homes. 
 
 2. The refugees will be supplied with grain till harvest. 
 
 3. The rebuilding of their houses will follow at Government (Turkish) 
 cost. 
 
 4. Those who will return will be exempt from tithes for one year, and 
 from other taxes for two years. 
 
 5. A general amnesty for all who return within four weeks. 
 
 6. Those who, in spite of these concessions, do not return, will have 
 their lands confiscated. 
 
 These are generous terms, but the refugees are tardy in accepting them, 
 fearing a renewal of hostilities between the insurgents and Turks, in 
 
Conference at Ragusa. 131 
 
 Government and officials showed themselves strongly in 
 favour of a settlement. 
 
 The meeting of the superior Turkish functionaries at 
 Ragusa was of the highest importance in its consequences 
 on the negotiations. The cordiality of the reception 
 accorded to the Turks by the Austrians was in itself an 
 indication to the bystanders and the friends of the insur- 
 rection, as well as those of the Turks, that the Austrian 
 Government was desirous to arrive at a soluti9n, and, in my 
 opinion, the degree to which the Austrian officials strained 
 their inclinations to meet the Turkish views was in itself 
 destructive to any concessions on the part of the Porte. In 
 place of the munificent promises of reconstruction, main- 
 tenance, and compensation, and the anxious desire to 
 conciliate the Christians, they assumed,, on the contrary, a 
 show of complete indifference on the latter point, and 
 on the former, made public a retractation of almost all 
 the promises made.^ It became clear to me, from my inter- 
 
 which case, if they return, t^y will, as heretofore, be again the real 
 sufferers. - I have, &c. 
 
 (Signed) J. G. Taylor. 
 
 ^ Mr. Monson to the Earl of Derby. 
 My Lord, Ragusa^ March 30, 1876. 
 
 Muktar Pasha left Ragusa for Trebinje yesterday morning, and AH 
 Pasha started this morning for the same town. 
 
 From all that I can learn, the impression produced upon Baron Rodics 
 by the two Pashas is that the Porte has no desire to conciliate the in- 
 surgents. Baron Rodics and General Jovanovics called on me yester- 
 day, and said that the Proclamation issued by Wassa Eflfendi (of which 
 I have not as yet the translation, having only seen it in the Slav text) 
 contained no reference to guarantees, reforms, or anything else, except 
 the clemency of the Sultan to those who submitted within four weeks, 
 and the threat of confiscation of the property of those who did not. 
 That, not only did the Pashas show no conciliatory spirit, but that a 
 fresh massacre of seven Christians (three men and four women) had just 
 
132 Conference at Ragusa. 
 
 views with the Turkish Commissioners, that nothing was to 
 be hoped for from them in the way of conciliation. 
 
 From what I had heard of Wassa Effendi and Ali Pasha^ 
 I had formed expectations of liberality and seriousness of 
 intention in regard to the insurrection, and the manner of 
 dealing with it, which were entirely dispelled by a very brief 
 conversation with each of them. It was not necessary to 
 go into a lengthy discussion of affairs with either of them ta 
 find that either they did not know, or would not be 
 allowed to act on the fact if they knew it, that the insur- 
 gents were in a position to defy the Porte and its means of 
 making head against them, and that the dangers were 
 increasing in a manner which none but those wilfully blind 
 could fail to appreciate. If their attitude was due to a mot 
 (Tordre from Constantinople, the case was hopeless; if^ 
 which seemed to me more likely, it was due merely to the 
 habit of shiftlessly waiting on events and hoping for what the 
 
 taken place in the vicinity of Bilek; and a raid across the frontier near 
 Trebinje had been committed within the week upon some sheep belong- 
 ing to Austrian subjects, who had, however, beaten off the Turks, and 
 saved their property. In the face of outrages such as these, how could 
 it be expected that any good could be done either with the refugees or 
 the insurgents ? 
 
 I saw Wassa Effendi shortly before this conversation, and he abso- 
 lutely repudiated the idea that any one had the right to ask the Porte for 
 further guarantees, his argument being that the acceptance of Count 
 Andrassy's Note, and the Sultan's Proclamation of Amnesty, were 
 guarantees enough ; and that the Porte was entitled to claim that confi- 
 dence should be reposed in the intention of the authorities to carry out 
 the reforms, and fulfil the promises of succour for the returned insur- 
 gents and refugees. He declared, in the most solemn manner, that he 
 himself would not retain his position as President of the Reform Com- 
 mission for a day if he found that he was unable to act honestly in this 
 sense. ^ 
 
 I have, &c. 
 (Signed) Edmund Monson. 
 
Wassa Effendi. 133 
 
 Powers might do for them, it was scarcely more hopeful. To 
 what seemed to me the crucial question, of what they were 
 prepared to do to guarantee personal security to the refugees 
 in case they could • be induced to return to their country 
 {homes they could not be said to have), neither of them 
 had any better reply than that they must trust to the 
 promises and good intentions of the Imperial Government 
 and the protection of the Ottoman troops. In Wassa 
 Effendi I could see nothing but a very acute specimen of 
 those Christian functionaries whose subservience to the 
 Mussulman authority and supremacy makes their position a 
 mere cloak and blind, behind which the old system can be 
 carried on a little longer. He was not able even to discuss, 
 without losing his temper, the suggestion of removing the 
 Ottoman troops from the country, or either of the alter- 
 native projects of disarming the Mussulmans or allowing 
 the Christians to go armed. The insurgents were expected 
 to lay down their arms, and return to a country garrisoned 
 by the troops whom they had lately so disastrously defeated, 
 while the native Mussulmans, with all the new blood-feuds 
 on their minds, were to be still allowed to retain their arms ; 
 and he did not seem to have the slightest conception that 
 this was not personal equality before the law, much less that 
 it was a condition no prominent insurgent would dare to 
 accept if he valued his tenure of life. 
 
 Wassa Effendi got angry, and abruptly broke off the dis- 
 cussion ; and, with more hope, I went to Ali Pasha, for I 
 have known really just and liberal Mussulmans in the 
 Turkish service, and I had heard that he was much impressed 
 with the difficulty of the work before him. I was disap- 
 pointed both with his tone and the views which he had of 
 the matter. 
 
134 AH Pasha. 
 
 His liberality was of the same kind as Server Pasha's^ 
 and, of the two, I think I should expect more of the latter. 
 AH was equally glib, and even more polite, but he was far 
 less considerate in discussion than hi^ predecessor. He 
 smiled and was cordial, and talked very frankly, but paid 
 very little attention to what was said on the other side. He 
 showed simply as an adroit fencer, on the defensive in argu- 
 ment, evading with great dexterity every embarrassing ques- 
 tion, but impressing me as quite incapable of a serious view 
 of the matter, or of conceiving of his own position that it 
 was any other than that of one who must cover a matter 
 which could not be defended openly. 
 
 He did not, like Wassa, lose his temper, but he assumed 
 the same tone, and, to the same questions, made the same 
 replies. The Sultan's proclamation was in his eyes a 
 guarantee for all liberties and security ; if the insurgents 
 wanted anything beyond, they were likely to want, for they 
 would not be offered any other. And when I assured him, 
 from my personal knowledge of the people, that some 
 decided and tangible guarantee would be required, they not 
 considering life sufficiently assured under the old conditions 
 to induce them to venture back, he said — Wassa had said 
 the same — that was their affair ; it was quite indifferent to 
 the Porte whether they came back or not. Further, he said 
 that this point had not been placed before him, and he had 
 not given it any consideration ; that it was, doubtless, before 
 the Great Powers when they discussed the matter, but he 
 was not aware if they had decided it to be worth making 
 stipulations about. " Lord Derby had," he said, " had the 
 point under consideration, and if he had thought it worth 
 dwelling on, we ought to know it from himself. It had not 
 been mentioned to him (Ali Pasha), and he did not know 
 
Turkish Conciliation, 135 
 
 that anybody had thought it worth examination." With 
 regard to the question of assistance to returning refugees, he 
 was expUcit enough ; the Porte did not mean to reconstruct 
 the houses destroyed — only to give facilities to the returning 
 refugees to do so for themselves, and to give food until 
 autumn, and nothing more. 
 
 These were the three capital points for the temptation of 
 an exiled people. It happened in the course of the two 
 days AH was in Ragusa that three facts came to my know- 
 ledge which served as commentaries to the points respec- 
 tively. Wassa Effendi, on leaving for Mostar, insisted on 
 having means to begin his work with. He was assured that 
 two milHons of piastres would meet him at Mostar. After a 
 time one million arrived from Seraievo, all in base coin, 
 beshliks, loaded on donkeys, the transport of which, I am 
 assured, had cost 38,000 piastres, and within a few days 
 scarcely a remnant of it was in the treasury — it had gone to 
 pay the salaries of the starving employes. So much for 
 pecuniary assistance. As to the food, the captain of the 
 *^ Lloyd " Levant steamer just previously arrived assured me 
 that he had a quantity of the grain sent by the Porte on 
 board his ship — wretched, damaged stuff, not fit to give to 
 horses ; much of it, having lain long exposed to the 
 weather, was actually sprouting through the sacks. As to 
 personal security, that very week one of the Christian villages 
 which lie under the protection of the strong place of Bilek, 
 was entered, and seven of the inhabitants were massacred 
 in cold blood by the protectors of the population garrisoning 
 Bilek, who entered the town afterwards, carrying the heads 
 of the murdered — three men and four women — on the 
 points of their weapons. I had not heard it when I saw 
 Ah Pasha, and could not, therefore, ask him what clever 
 
136 Conference of Sutorma, 
 
 reply he had to such an argument. He would, as is usual, 
 have simply denied it. 
 
 As I anticipated, and as I imagine Rodics himself fully 
 expected, the conference with the Turkish delegates resulted 
 in nothing — they resolutely declined to give any guarantee 
 of security to the refugees beyond the firman, or any pledge 
 either to disarm the Mussulman or allow the Christian to 
 carry arms; and the only effects of the meeting were to 
 paralyze the Austrian efforts to pacify; and increase the dis- 
 trust and determination of the insurgents. 
 
 Hostilities were carried on in the lower country in a de- 
 sultory sort of way, mostly by raiding, &c., during another 
 month. The Austrians as a last inducement withdrew the 
 supplies hitherto given to the families ; but finding even this 
 compulsion ineffectual to induce any one to return, revoked 
 the withdrawal after a few days. 
 
 The final conference between Rodics and the insurgent 
 chiefs to discuss pacification was appointed for April 5th. 
 Prior to this meeting, however, they were met by Mr. 
 Wesselitzky, a Russian of Herzegovinian descent who had 
 been engaged in philanthropic labour in behalf of the 
 refugees in Croatia and Dalmatia, and who, under the 
 correct hypothesis that his labours had given him a certain 
 moral influence amongst the insurgents, was requested by 
 the Russian Government to use that influence to induce 
 them to accept the Andrassy Note. Mr. Wesselitzky was 
 in no other sense a Russian diplomatic agent, nor was he, 
 as I have good reason to believe, in the confidence either of 
 the Russian or the Montenegrin Government, or employed 
 for any other reason than that stated, and because he was 
 not a Russian agent in the responsible sense of the term. He 
 was a philanthropist, with perhaps some diplomatic aspira- 
 
Wesselitzky, 
 
 137 
 
 tions born of the position in which he found himself, but 
 with no diplomatic capacities which would have induced the 
 Russian or any other Government to repose in him any- 
 grave responsibility. He was personally opposed to the 
 extension of the authority of the Prince of Montenegro over 
 Herzegovina, and regarded autonomy as the most desirable 
 solution, but no one doubted his interest in the people, owing 
 to which he was intrusted with considerable sums of money 
 by the Russian committees for the refugees, and later for the 
 insurgents ; he may have been also so charged by the Rus- 
 sian Government, but I never saw any proof of this being the 
 case. His importance and functions were much overrated 
 by a portion of the press, which attributes mysteries and 
 powers to Russian intrigues far beyond what human nature 
 w^ould sustain. The only fact of any real importance in his 
 connection with the insurrection is, that he was requested to 
 advise the acceptance of the Andrassy Note, and did so. ' 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 \HE reply of the chiefs to Rodics, who met them 
 the day after, was to the following effect. They 
 accepted the pacification under Turkish sove- 
 reignty under the conditions : — 
 
 1. That one-third of the land they held in lease should 
 become the property of the Christians. {See Note, Appen- 
 dix C.) 
 
 2. That those who returned should receive assistance to 
 enable them to rebuild their houses and churches, provide 
 seed, &c., and subsistence for one year, and be freed from 
 the tithe for three years. 
 
 3. Th-at the Turkish troops should be limited to garrisons 
 in Niksics, Trebinje, Stolatz, Mostar, Fotcha, and Plevlie. 
 
 4. That the Christians should be allowed to retain their 
 arms until the Mussulmans were disarmed. 
 
 5. That the chiefs sjiould, jointly with the authorities, 
 choose the new councils. 
 
 6. That Austria and Russia should have commissioners in 
 the garrison towns to superintend the measures of pacification. 
 
 The Porte, so far as I could learn, never condescended to 
 consider or reply to these propositions, which it charac- 
 terized as " unheard of demands," and yet the question of 
 
Insurgent Propositions. 139 
 
 peace or war lay in their acceptance or non-acceptance.^ 
 There was nothing in the conditions laid down by the chiefs 
 which was not reasonable and absolutely necessary to the 
 security of the returned population, and there was no reason 
 for their non-acceptance but the pride of the Turkish Govern- 
 ment and governing class. The blind and stiff-necked 
 amour propre of an incapable and irrational despotism, 
 raised into real importance only by the less rational respect 
 paid it by certain of the European Governments, threw away 
 this new opportunity for the peaceful and gradual solution of 
 the question which Europe had been simmering over for fifty 
 years. The insurgents had been, by the united influence of 
 
 ^ Her Majesty's Government have been informed that the Porte has 
 been advised through the Turkish Ambassador at St. Petersburg to 
 express its readiness to examine the counter proposals of the insurgents, 
 in which case Prince Gortchakoff would advise the Chiefs to open com- 
 munigations with the Turkish authorities. As the Porte, however, is of 
 opinion that an assent to this suggestion would be sanctioning in some 
 degree Russian intervention, Cabouli Pasha has been instructed to 
 express the regret with which his Government have learnt that the 
 Governments of Austria and of Russia, after having approved as suffi- 
 cient the offers of the Porte, should now recommend it to examine new 
 demands put forward by the insurgents, and of which the Porte has re- 
 ceived no official communication. — Memorandum of Sir A. Buchanan 
 to Andrassy, April 20. 
 
 Prince Gortchakoff then entered into an explanation of his late inter- 
 view with Cabouli Pasha, and of the sensation which the Pasha's telegram 
 relating to it had caused at Constantinople, and read a letter he had 
 addressed to General Ignatieff on the subject. 
 
 In that letter Prince Gortchakoff informed General Ignatieff that, on 
 being asked to support the advice given to the insurgent chiefs by 
 General Rodics, viz., to refer their counter-proposals to the Turkish 
 authorities, he (the Prince) had replied that he would willingly do so, 
 provided that he was certain that the Porte would consent to receive 
 those proposals, and to treat with the bearers of them. But the Porte 
 had declined all negotiations, and had appealed to arms. — Augustus 
 Loftus to Lord Derby ^ April 22. 
 
140 Berlm Note. 
 
 Russia and Austria, brought to reduce their terms of submis- 
 sion to Turkish authority to the last concessions which safety 
 and justice permitted, as will be admitted by all who know the 
 internal condition of the Turkish provinces \ and Montenegro 
 was ready to support, with all its influence and appliances, 
 pacification on those terms. The responsibility lies with the 
 Porte and its advisers that this crisis, like the others, passed 
 without result. 
 
 The news which came on the 8th of May, that Muktar was 
 assembling forces to attack the insurgents as soon as the 
 armistice expired, and that several battalions more had 
 arrived at Klek, dissipated any idea of peace which might 
 have been entertained, and the Herzegovinians went to the 
 section of country between Baniani and Trebinje, where a 
 desultory warfare was carried on, no feat of arms at all note- 
 worthy being recorded. The Berlin Note, which followed 
 the failure of the Conference at Sutorina and Ragusa, 
 brought the action of the Powers into the principal position 
 in the affair j and its final rejection by England, and conse- 
 quent abandonment by the three Empires, brought matters 
 to a crisis, from which there was no escaping without a war. 
 The Porte was utterly unable to suppress the insurrection, 
 and the Pashas accused the Prince of Montenegro of shel- 
 tering the insurgents when beaten and allowing them to 
 recruit their forces and strength in his territory, and return ; 
 though the fact is, that in no case had the Turks been able 
 to drive a single insurgent across the frontier, or even to 
 approach it. On the other hand, the violent menace 
 against the principality, reinforcing his own tendencies, 
 induced the Prince to undertake at Berlin and with the 
 friendly Powers, to protect the interests of the insurgents 
 diplomatically, and, in consequence, they formally put 
 
Position of Monteneg7'o, 141 
 
 themselves entirely under his guidance, and established 
 obligations which made it impossible for him to withdraw 
 the moral and even the military support which had hitherto 
 been permitted or accorded. The Prince, in his memorial, 
 stated these considerations fairly, and, I think, accurately, 
 though in justice I must say, that that document is not as 
 veracious in its statement of what had been done at an 
 earlier period to prevent aid reaching the insurgents.^ 
 
 But the position was a trying one for the principality. To 
 withdraw was impossible in the actual temper of the people; 
 for although in diplomatic calculations a people always does 
 what the Government says must be done, we find in actual 
 practice that the strongest Governments have someti77ies to 
 take account of public opinion, even where there is a good 
 police and standing armies. To use efforts to suppress the 
 insurrection without any substantial concession on the part 
 of the Porte was quite out of the question ; to endure the 
 burden and expense of the actual condition was to invite 
 ruin ;2 to expel the refugees impossible, and I am satisfied 
 
 ^ " He has assured himself of the numbers of those who have dis- 
 obeyed him (two or three hundred), and punished each of them with the 
 utmost rigour of the law." — Memorial, ^c. It is safe to say that no 
 one was punished. 
 
 2 This struggle, perpetually renewed, places Montenegro in an in- 
 tolerable position, which its Sovereign submits pressingly to the urgent 
 and serious consideration of the Great Powers. 
 
 His subjects, habituated as they are to obey the laws, cannot forget 
 that the Herzegovinians are their brothers in race and religion ; that 
 they are, in fact, a part of the same nation, divided by a line of demar- 
 cation merely political. The recent history of the most civilized nations 
 shows that with the best organized means of action great Governments 
 may find themselves powerless long to restrain the explosion of over- 
 excited national sentiment. 
 
 To preserve order they have been obliged, willingly or unwillingly, to 
 yield to the current of public opinion, and yet such opinion has been 
 
142 Blockade of Montenegro, 
 
 that the public opinion of any liberal and enlightened 
 country, without interest in the question, would applaud the 
 course the Prince actually followed. 
 
 To add to the stringency of the position, the Turks 
 massed large numbers of troops on the southern frontier of 
 Montenegro, and blockaded the whole line. The Prince 
 
 nowhere exasperated by the spectacle of horrors and devastations such as 
 those of which Montenegro is, so to say, the ocular witness. 
 
 Her territory is full of refugee families, whose dwellings have been 
 destroyed, and whose means of living have been annihilated. Such a 
 state of misery must have been seen to be imagined. The charity of 
 Europe and the generosity of the Emperors of Austria and Russia have 
 powerfully contributed to the maintenance of these unfortunate beings, 
 but the heaviest part of this daily work none the less falls to the charge 
 of Montenegro. This people, small and poor, shares what it has with 
 the exiles, whose number, already nearly equal to half its own, seems to 
 increase every day. What it does, it does heartily and without regret ; 
 but the moment approaches when it will be materially incapable of doing 
 anything ; it will have nothing left to share. 
 
 The very configuration of our frontiers, badly defined and irregidar, 
 is an inevitable source of conflicts, the possible gravity of which, under 
 present circumstances, cannot be ignored. 
 
 Again, the Christian villages in the Herzegovinian districts of Piva, 
 Baniani, Gatschko, and Zubci, whose situation places them outside the 
 zone occupied by the Turkish troops, shelter a population of refugee 
 families like that which has fled to us, equally deprived of all, and main- 
 tained more or less well by the same resources. The movements in 
 advance of the Ottoman anny menace these localities ; now, occupation 
 by it simply means pillage, fire, and massacre, above all since it has 
 been reinforced by Arabs and Bashi-bazooks, whose reputation for want 
 of discipline and for ferocity is nothing new. Quite recently, for ex- 
 ample, the Albanian irregulars turned out of their road to sack and fire 
 the Christian village of Golia. Europe does not certainly expect us to 
 allow such ravages to be committed at our very gates without trying to 
 prevent them. 
 
 These are only a few of the points of the situation as it presents itself 
 from the Herzegovinian side ; they are certainly sufficient to inspire the 
 most serious apprehensions. They only represent, however, a part of 
 the dangers which menace peace. — Memorial, ^c. 
 
Attack on Kutchi, 143 
 
 had, from various motives, strongly discouraged any insur- 
 rection on that side, and, except as a menace to him, there 
 was no object in the gathering of troops at Scutari and 
 Podgoritza. 
 
 The murders at Salonica, the affairs of Bulgaria, and the 
 consequent confusion of Turkish affairs may well serve as 
 excuse for the absolute paralysis which prevailed in Herze- 
 govina through May and June, the troops only massing at 
 Gatschko, as if to menace to enter Montenegro via Niksics 
 The insurgents were concentrated mainly at Baniani, with 
 some flying bands in the plain and towards Stolatz, and only 
 unimportant raids broke the monotony of the situation. It 
 was evident that the time was rapidly approaching when the 
 character of the struggle was to change. The Russian in- 
 fluence on Cettinje (I can say nothing of Servia), in place of 
 being a restraining one as before, became a neutral one ; 
 and though the Prince was clearly informed that he had no 
 territorial advantages to gain by going to war, and had no 
 ground to hope for aid from Russia in such a contingency, 
 he was left free to act as he saw fit, bearing the entire 
 responsibility of his actions ; and I have what I consider 
 most reliable assurances that to the final councils and deci- 
 sions the Czar was absolutely a stranger. 
 
 But that there might be no doubt that Turkey was pre- 
 paring to attack Montenegro, the Kutchi, a Serb tribe in 
 Upper Albania, conterminous with the Berdas, were sum- 
 moned to find hostages to keep the peace, and submit to 
 the Turks. The Kutchi are closely akin to the Montene- 
 grins, and were, before the last boundary commission put 
 them beyond it, within the frontier, but have never accepted 
 Turkish functionaries, though the Turks held a fortress, that 
 of Medun, in their territory, and early in the spring several 
 
144 Approach of War, 
 
 of the chiefs had been made prisoners by the Turks as they 
 came to the bazaar at Podgoritza and carried to Scutari^ 
 but were afterwards released, and nothing more was 
 attempted for the moment in that direction. In the latter 
 part of June the new requisition to the tribe to send in hos- 
 tages for good behaviour excited the most determined oppo- 
 sition. The Kutchi in themselves were entirely unobnoxious 
 to the Turkish Government, and were a peaceful people ; 
 but their kindred with the Montenegrins, and the position 
 of their country, which stands on a great flanking bastion to 
 the plain of Bjelopawlitje, which, it will be remembered, 
 nearly divides Montenegro, and leads to Niksics, were strong 
 reasons for securing the submission of the tribe, and the road 
 through their country, before attacking Montenegro : and the 
 large concentration of troops at Podgoritza was opposed by 
 two battalions at Rogami. 
 
 The insurrection, as such, had in the latter part of June 
 assumed the quiet of a chrysalis about to burst its old 
 envelope and spread its wings. Servia was (as she sup- 
 posed) preparing for war, and Montenegro had completed 
 her simple armament by the addition of 6,000 old breech- 
 loaders and some hundred thousand cartridges. Half the 
 fighting force of the principality was on the frontier when I 
 again reached there in the last days of June, 1876. 
 
 I found the same doubts, and hopes, and fears at work 
 as when I was there a year before. Nobody believed in 
 Servia, and yet she had promised to declare war : the Prince 
 himself felt confident, such were the obligations entered into, 
 that the sister (and rival) principality could no longer 
 refrain, and my own information leads me to believe that a 
 revolution in Servia would have follow^ed a definite refusal 
 to declare war on the Porte. 
 
Battle of Medun, ' 145 
 
 The declaration of war struck me as impolitic. Suppos- 
 ing war intended, the actual position was ruinous to Turkey, 
 and by relaxing a little further the restrictions of the pre- 
 vious policy, a larger outlet to the popular agitation would 
 have been provided, and the Porte driven into a critical 
 condition from which it could only liberate itself by conces- 
 sions or provoking the catastrophe which Europe depre- 
 cated. The Prince had only to relax his restraints to send 
 ten thousand men across the frontier ; and if the Porte saw 
 fit to declare war, the responsibility would have been on it. 
 The declaration of war, though less politic, was more in 
 accordance with the temperament of the Prince and his 
 people, and at the same time more honourable ; and the 
 popular feeling was such that there was no trifling with it. 
 If Servia had declared war, and Montenegro had not fol- 
 lowed instantly, the Prince of Montenegro must have ab- 
 dicated. If the voice of the people be not the voice of God, 
 it is sometimes the voice of destiny, which, as a general thing, 
 is the only form that Governments recognize Him in ; and 
 Fate spoke on that day, July 2nd, when the fires so long 
 smouldering burst out into open conflagration, and the last 
 word was said of the insurrection in Herzegovina, which 
 disappears in the war between Turkey and the Princi- 
 paHties. 
 
 The last act of the insurrection, through the fatal blunder- 
 ing of the Porte, coincided with the first of the war, by the 
 attack on the Kutchi on July ist, resulting in the first battle 
 of Medun, in which the Turks were disastrously defeated 
 and Medun placed under the blockade, which resulted, after 
 many fruitless attempts to relieve it, in its surrender some 
 months later, most of the fighting and unparalleled disasters 
 
146 
 
 Beginning of the War, 
 
 to the Turkish army on the southern frontier arising from 
 this faithless and needless war against an indomitable but 
 inoffensive shepherd tribe. It may be said that the Porte 
 began the war by an act of aggression and supreme in- 
 justice. 
 
CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 ^HILE these words are being written, the conse- 
 quences of that war are still pending, and all 
 Europe is watching the solution of the grave 
 <iifficulties involved, hoping that that solution may be a final 
 one. To be such it must be radical ; and it appears to me 
 that the proper way of arriving at the solution in the general 
 interest, is to lay aside for the moment all the particular in- 
 terests, and begin with the vital element in the question. 
 
 This is the demonstrated incapacity of the Ottoman 
 Government to secure the conditions of progress or even 
 favourable existence to its subjects. The reason of that in- 
 capacity is in the raison d'etre of the government — the right 
 to govern without a reciprocal obligation to protect — a right 
 inherent in the true believer to dispose, without any restric- 
 tion, of the earth and all that is on it, without any other 
 obligation than such as the Koran contains, and the Koran 
 recognizes no obligation towards an infidel other than that 
 of a master to a slave. It is the nature of this sacred right, 
 which no temporal combination or convention can impugn, 
 which throws the Mussulman out of the comity of Chris- 
 tian nations, and makes his government in its very inception 
 a relation of owner and rayah (or herd). 
 
 We are not obliged to go to Mohammedanism to learn 
 
148 Reconstruction. 
 
 that while men readily accept all the license any religion 
 may give them, they are slow to accept the self-denial which 
 may be coupled with it in the precept : it is not surprising that 
 while Mussulmans universally claim the privileges of their 
 faith, there should be very few who accept the finer virtues 
 which the Koran may point out. The fact is, that the 
 Mussulman has always held, and still holds, his power and 
 dominion as Mussulman^ and whatever theory may suggest, 
 practice demonstrates that that dominion is, in Europe at 
 least, an evil mitigated only by entirely alien interests ; as 
 between the ruler and the ruled in Turkey, there is no miti- 
 gating relation. The Turkish Government is bad mainly 
 because it is a Mussulman Government, and because, with 
 such a people, a Mussulman Government must, in all pro- 
 bability, necessarily be bad. It is an intolerable slavery, in 
 all respects as bad, and in some much worse, than American 
 black slavery was. The only good that the governed derive 
 from it is that they sometimes arrive at the patience and 
 rest of the martyrs. 
 
 The only cure for it is, that it should cease to be Mussul- 
 man — and this is equivalent to its ceasing to exist. It is 
 impossible to reform it, because the very principle of its 
 organization must be changed to admit any reform. The 
 men who constitute the Government hold their places not 
 because of their fitness, but because they are Mussulmans ; 
 and while this principle is admitted the better elements of 
 the population are excluded from any share in government. 
 It will be useless to insist on this Mussulman caste admit- 
 ting the Christian to equal rights ; and those who regard this 
 as a possible solution have studied carelessly history and 
 human nature. We may find an individual sovereign capa- 
 ble of an abdication of his rights for the general good ; but 
 
Reconstruction. 149 
 
 that a caste should voluntarily abandon its privilege does 
 not come within human probabilities. The difficulty of it 
 may be conceived by supposing that the people of England 
 three hundred years ago had been called on to admit Jews 
 to the fullest privileges of citizenship, — nobility, legislation, 
 the bench — and all at once. Yet this would have been a 
 trifle compared with what is demanded of the Turk, because 
 at best the Jews would have been a small minority in Eng- 
 land, while the Mussulman reformer must admit an immense 
 majority, which, as majority^ must rule him. A nearer illus- 
 tration would have been to suppose that in the year i860 
 the population of the Southern American States should have 
 been called on to admit the negro population to civic rights 
 and equal privileges with the whites. Is it conceivable that, 
 with all their higher civilization, the caste of masters would 
 have yielded to any other consideration than force? On 
 what basis can we found a supposition that the more igno- 
 rant, fanatical Mussulman, lifted by both caste and creed 
 into rule, shall abdicate under persuasion, or, if compelled 
 by greater force, will not look for his opportunity to conspire 
 and revolt against this usurping lower caste ? Is it not clear, 
 then, that equaHty in self-government is merely bottling up 
 anarchy in the empire ? Is it more, indeed, than a substitu- 
 tion of a two-handed anarchy for the one handed which 
 now exists ? Is it not clear that this caste government will 
 neither abdicate voluntarily nor submit patiently to de- 
 position ? It is a system which theory and practice alike 
 indicate as an utterly inflexible one — an old bottle which 
 will not hold a new wine. For five centuries it has not 
 changed, except for the worse, in the midst of Governments 
 everyw^here changing for the better, and races growing wiser 
 and stronger. Should it grow so weak as to fall under the 
 
150 Reconstruction. 
 
 control of another Government, it will but be the auto- 
 maton whose wires shall be the intrigues of the nearest, the 
 most interested, and most crafty. 
 
 The interests of civilization — of Europe entire— demand 
 its replacement by a new Government, which shall be amen-^ 
 able to those interests and to progress, and which shall at 
 least prepare for a permanent one ; and the greatest security 
 for that common amenableness is that all Europe shall 
 participate actively in its foundation and watch over its deve- 
 lopment. The religious question must be treated with the 
 utmost toleration ; but the interests of everybody concerned 
 demand that toleration should not be extended to cover 
 intolerance, especially in favour of a creed essentially de- 
 grading and antagonistic to progress. There is no sound 
 reason, political, religious, or social, for the preservation of 
 the Mussulman empire, and many for its overthrow — no 
 difficulty in the solution of the problem could it be attacked 
 by united Europe. 
 
 " Yes," it is said, " but with what shall we replace it ? " 
 
 It seems to me in the highest degree probable that having^ 
 once admitted the necessity for its cessation, we shall more 
 quickly find an accord over the manner of replacing it. It is- 
 in attempting to reform it that the danger lies ; and I feel 
 strongly that once Europe is agreed to aboHsh the Mussul- 
 man Government in the European provinces, the common 
 sense and common interest of Europe will find a solution 
 which shall definitely avert what is, after continuance of 
 that Government, the worst thing which could happen — an 
 European war on this question. 
 
 It is universally asserted that the Turk, in his popular 
 character, is an excellent creature. Let us believe, then, that 
 he will be a submissive and orderly subject, as excellent 
 
Reconstruction. 1 5 1 
 
 people always are — we shall have no trouble from him. 
 The Pashas are mostly ignorant or corrupt, or both (with ex- 
 ceptions, mainly of renegades), and the mass of the Christian 
 employes are even less trustworthy for any purposes of re- 
 construction. Foreign administrators are the only agents 
 capable of commanding the respect of all classes, and the 
 only conceivable material with which to fill the void made 
 by the banishment of the Pashas and Eifendis ; and while 
 Europe may well be governed by diplomatic considerations 
 in choosing the responsible heads of the new Government or 
 Governments (in which the most disastrous error would be 
 the choice of some incapable younger son to be the mask of 
 intrigues and the shelter of new forms of Byzantinism), it is 
 but common sense to insist that the local administrators 
 should be those who know the people, their ways, and 
 language. Self-government, in the sense in which it has 
 been given to Greece and Servia, is as impracticable to the 
 Rayah now, as it was disastrous to the Rayah of those 
 States. The freed slave is not fit to be at once master even 
 of himself. The less change made in the condition of the 
 Bulgarian or Bosniak the better ; and the least change from 
 a bad despotism is that to a beneficent one. The experience 
 of Greece and Servia proves most conclusively that the too- 
 quick transition from despotism to popular self-government 
 (even to the former, which by all its popular instincts is de- 
 mocratic) has been a disastrous boon — has proved mainly 
 the source of political intrigue and corruption j and the 
 Slav, whose character is more in sympathy with patriarchal 
 than popular institutions, can at once be more easily led and 
 less safely loosed than even the Greek. 
 
 The capital error in Europe was the not aiding and 
 encouraging the Turkish provinces to rise entirely and 
 
152 Reconstruction, 
 
 simultaneously, and helping them even, if necessary, in their 
 self-liberation as she has helped the Turks, with arms and 
 means, leaving the discipline of war and military organiza- 
 tion to establish the bases of political organization. The 
 process would have been costly, but would have been 
 profitable in the end; for it would have made of these 
 slaves, men, as it has, to a certain extent, done in Herze- 
 govina and Bosnia — would have brought forward their 
 natural chiefs and established a moral authority of the 
 highest importance in the new state of things. War and 
 death are not so dreadful as slavery and corruption ; and it 
 remains to be seen if the solution to be adopted will not in 
 the end cost more bloodshed than the natural solution by a 
 general insurrection. 
 
 That solution, from which the timid conservatism of the 
 day revolts, would have obviated the great present difficulty 
 of " who shall reorganize ? " by allowing the organization to 
 take its natural bent. Liberty has not always had a nursing- 
 mother, and the nations which profit most by their free- 
 dom have earned it by sacrifice and voluntary subjection. 
 Analogy allows us to suppose that the condition of Bosnia 
 under complete autonomy would be worse than that of 
 Servia, since the latter did substantially organize herself, 
 just as Servia is in a worse state politically than Montenegro, 
 because the latter again completed its organization entirely 
 in accordance with the habits of its people. The less 
 foreign interference (and the less alien the interferer) in such a 
 process the better, whether of institution or individuals, and 
 therefore Eastern ways are safer to trust than Western, since 
 the representative system, to which the West has grown 
 habituated, is the worst possible for the present condition 
 of the East. The more personal the new Government there- 
 
Reconstruction, 153 
 
 fore the better (even Servia and Greece I believe to be 
 more injured than benefited by their popular representations 
 and legislatures, and I make no question that for any people 
 escaped from such a bondage a mild despotism is the only 
 safe agent for reorganization), and for the Slav the work of 
 personal government is both more useful and more easily 
 applicable. 
 
 So far as Bosnia and Herzegovina are concerned, there 
 could be no better administrators than some of the Aus- 
 trian Slav military commanders — particularly Rodics and 
 Ivanovics ; and no better system than that of the military 
 frontiers — the self-respect and subordination of military 
 discipline being elements of primary importance to these 
 people ; and I can conceive no permanent bettering of these 
 provinces, which shall not unite them under one organization 
 with Dalmatia, except such part as may be wisely united to 
 Montenegro. 
 
 What difference may exist between Bulgaria and those 
 provinces I cannot indicate. I have never perceived, how- 
 ever, any great difference between the Rayahs of different 
 race — whatever may be the original character, the burden 
 of its slavery leaves it but one shape — that which its bitter 
 necessity and narrow range of life enable it to preserve, and 
 this is everywhere nearly the same, the same vices, the same 
 virtues, with a difference of a greater or less capacity of 
 enduring before revolting. 
 
 I believe that the truest and least dangerous or costly 
 solution would be in the participation of England with 
 Russia, and the utilizing of the unequalled experience in 
 such work of English Indian administrators, which, judging 
 from my own experience, would give a confidence to the 
 populations such as I do not beHeve Russian administrators 
 
154 Reconstruction. 
 
 alone are likely to enjoy ; but failing that, there is nothing 
 but Russian or Austrian for every responsible position. 
 
 The Mussulman as a material for this purpose is mere dead 
 bone, and must be eliminated. There is no man of the 
 ruHng class capable of the radical change in habit of ruling 
 which is necessary — none so liberal that all the prejudices 
 of a lifetime will not fail to prevent his adoption of a new 
 and radically different manner of looking at his duties. 
 His political education is based on the inherent right to 
 govern according to his own pleasure and judgment. Sub- • 
 ordination of the governor to legislation never enters into the 
 conception of one of his race, not even those who have the 
 dubious advantage of European education. The absolute 
 extirpation of Mussulman heads of administration — bag and 
 baggage if needs be — is the essential basis of reorganiza- 
 tion, and total disarmament the next most imperious 
 necessity. 
 
 The substitution of foreigners as heads of provincial and,, 
 to a certain extent, of local administration, appears to me 
 the imperative yfrj-/ step, if future dangers and changes are to 
 be avoided ; but the existing order of things contains much 
 that is good, with strong conservative restraints on the per- 
 son which should not be withdrawn too rapidly if society is 
 not to be utterly disorganized. I conceive that the old forms 
 should be preserved for the present, and the substitution of 
 the lowest class of functionaries with whom the population 
 come into habitual and direct contact, and on whom de- 
 pends, in a great degree, the order of social existence,, 
 carried on by degrees. I would keep (if a peaceful solution 
 of the problem is still practicable) this lower organization as 
 it is, and the personnel as far as possible, retaining the 
 mechanism, and only rejecting piece by piece the old 
 
Reconstruction, 155 
 
 material as it may be found unworthy. The retention of a 
 Mussulman Kadi in his place, when he is a just man, would 
 disarm all Mussulman apprehensions, while the substitution 
 of a Christian, whenever the old one is found to be unjustr 
 would conciliate the Christian with the system and with the 
 Mussulman population. 
 
 But the social organization of the Slav is essentially a 
 family confederation ; and adherence to this system will 
 rapidly restore the proper restraints of authority, while the 
 natural separation which it would bring about between the 
 Christian and Mussulman communities would obviate any 
 occasion for hostility between the two. In this system the 
 minor differences between members of the same community 
 are judged by the head of the great family, who holds patri- 
 archal authority over the whole clan, as we should call it. 
 This system, at least, should prevail in Bosnia and Herze- 
 govina. 
 
 The condition of Montenegro shows the normal organiza- 
 tion of a Slav population, and so far as the authority of the 
 Prince of Montenegro will reach, no better settlement could 
 be made than its establishment. That the system is suc- 
 cessful is seen by the fact that all round the actual territory 
 of Montenegro the Prince is recognized as actual political 
 head ; and I have myself heard Turkish functionaries in 
 Albania praise his justice and trustworthiness in terms which 
 recalled Haroun al Raschid, while in any dispute in which 
 Turk and Christian are engaged near the frontier, and in 
 which the Turk believes he is in the right, the disputants go 
 to a Montenegrin judge in preference to a Turkish one. 
 
 This proves not only that the system of a patriarchal 
 despotism suits the people we have to deal with, but that 
 the question of a cordial co-existence of the Turk and the 
 
156 Reconshmction. 
 
 Christian is not one which need cause any difficulty. The 
 Turk who has passed his Hfe in the enjoyment of privileges 
 inconsistent with the rights of the subject people, will not 
 be able to submit to the change ; but the men of the Mus- 
 sulman population will not only submit to any fair govern- 
 ment, but will be in every way bettered by the change. That 
 this will be the case is confirmed to me by the opinions of 
 the most experienced foreign residents I met in or about 
 Herzegovina. But any attempt to introduce representative 
 government, dependent on a system of more or less universal 
 suffrage, will certainly develop an anarchy only less injurious 
 than the system which now exists. Experience in popular 
 government shows that with the ignorant, even when long 
 time emancipated, the possession of political power, far 
 from developing personal liberty, throws the whole power 
 into the hands of the professed politician, the demagogue, 
 or the conspirator. The power of choosing any of their 
 rulers given to the Rayahs, ignorant of everything but the 
 oppression of government, may well be considered a doubt- 
 ful boon ; the extension of that power beyond those lower 
 functionaries above mentioned, whose office and qualifications 
 the people can comprehend, would be preparing the ground 
 for an anarchy which will offer the opportunity to the most 
 insidious of the plans which (I believe unjustly) are at- 
 tributed to Russia. I should fear the Czar — dona ferentem 
 — offering constitutional government, more than carrying out 
 a military occupation, which would in time breed rebellion 
 and animosity, and weaken rather than strengthen his po- 
 sition. 
 
 But whatever may be the solution which the wisdom, or 
 the fears, of Europe shall impose, there is nothing, I must 
 repeat, but disaster, to be hoped for from compromise with 
 
Reconstruction. 157 
 
 the question of Ottoman Administrators. If in the debris of 
 the breaking-up ship of state there be a few planks of sound 
 material, experience only can tell with certainty ; but in any 
 case the preservation even of the smallest part of the adminis- 
 tration, local or general, in a position of responsibility towai'ds 
 the Sublime Porte will be but the patching a new coat with 
 old cloth \ the covering up of embers for future conflagra- 
 tion ; and the most of all to be apprehended is the appoint- 
 ment of the Christian governors bred by the Porte, adroit in 
 all the arts of the courtier, but tried in none of the virtues 
 of good government, whose career has been made by 
 sycophancy and betrayal of their co-religionists, by being 
 more Turk than the Turk himself, and by prostituting a 
 greater talent and higher political capacities to the support 
 of a misgovernment which would have perished long aga 
 but for them. Wherever we may look for the fidelity and 
 uprightness needed in the heads of administration, we shall 
 assuredly not find it in the time-serving Christian Pasha 
 who has won his grade only by a devotion to the profitable 
 barbarism which ** out-herods Herod," and leaves but one 
 doubt — whether he was ever capable of fideHty even to his 
 Mohammedan master. These men can only serve Europe 
 well when there is no interest but that of Europe to enHst 
 their devotion ; and as long as any trace of responsibility to 
 the old condition of things remains, no material can be so 
 untrustworthy to reconstruct with as this; and what is, 
 perhaps, of more immediate consequence, there is no one in 
 whom the Rayah has so little confidence, or for whom he 
 has so profound a hatred. There is not a province in the 
 Turkish empire, probably, which if left to choose would not 
 prefer a Turk as governor to any Christians in the Turkish 
 service. The latter are recommended neither by the 
 
158 Reconstruction, 
 
 popular nor the European interest, and the only motive for 
 retaining them would be to compromise with an interest 
 whose utter exclusion from the administration is the sinequd 
 non of a final settlement. England cannot safely leave her 
 interests in the hands of a class whose whole success has 
 been of that kind which a healthy and energetic national exis- 
 tence would speedily eliminate — a fungoid parasitic growth 
 which may be ornamental, but is more Hkely to be fatal. 
 Whatever the interests of England may be, let Englishmen 
 look after them; but 1 would sooner trust them to the 
 Russian than the Levantine, should the contingency arise 
 which demands a choice between the two. England can 
 afford to be generous, — she cannot risk a chance of 
 betrayal at a point where she has nothing to fear from open 
 force, but everything from intrigue. 
 
APPENDIX A. 
 
 The Andrassy Note. 
 
 Buda-Pest, December y^^ 1875. 
 
 Since the commencement of the troubles in the 
 Herzegovina, the European Cabinets interested in . 
 the general peace have been compelled to fix their 
 attention on the occurrences which threatened to 
 endanger it. 
 
 The three Courts of Austria- Hungary, Russia, and Germany, 
 after exchanging their views on this subject, have united for the 
 purpose of employing in common their efforts for pacification. 
 
 This object appeared too much in conformity with the general 
 wish for them to doubt that the other Cabinets, when invited to 
 associate themselves in the movement through their Represen- 
 tatives at Constantinople, would hasten to join their efforts to 
 ours. 
 
 The Powers have come to an agreement to make use of all the 
 influence at their disposal in order to localize the conflict, and 
 diminish its dangers and calamities by preventing Servia and 
 Montenegro from participating in the movement. 
 
 Their language has been the more effectual from being identic, 
 and has, consequently, testified the firm determination of Europe 
 not to permit the general peace to be imperilled by rash im- 
 pulses. 
 
 The Cabinets, moreover, have offered to the Turkish Govern- 
 ment the good offices of their Consular Agents to assist in 
 putting an end to the insurrection. In the pursuit of this object 
 they have been equally careful to avoid all meddling, and to 
 guard the dignity, rights, and authority of the Sovereign. 
 
 The Delegates were not authorized to constitute themselves a 
 
i6o Appendix A, 
 
 Commission of Inquiry, or to make themselves the advocates of 
 the wishes of the insurgent populations. Their mission was to 
 undeceive them as to any assistance to be expected from without,, 
 and to exhort them to disperse after setting forth their wishes 
 and grievances. The Powers merely reserved the power of 
 urging on the Turkish Government such of the demands of 
 the insurgents as should appear to be legitimate. This con- 
 ciliatory action of the Cabinets sufficiently testified to the 
 friendly intention which had inspired their good offices. It 
 showed that in their eyes there existed a complete identity in 
 the interests of Europe, of the Porte, and of the insurgent popu- 
 lations, to put an end to a ruinous and sanguinary conflict, and 
 to prevent its recurrence by serious reforms and effective im- 
 provements of a nature to reconcile the real necessities of the 
 country with the legitimate requirements of authority. 
 
 Such is briefly the history of the proceedings of the Powers 
 since the outbreak of the insurrection. 
 
 The Cabinets have till now been especially guided by the 
 desire to avoid everything that could be construed as an unsea- 
 sonable interference on the part of Europe. 
 
 Accordingly all the Cabinets have confined themselves to re- 
 commending the Sultan not to trust solely to military measures^ 
 but to apply himself to combating the evil by moral means, with 
 a view to avert future disturbances. 
 
 In acting thus, the Cabinets intended to furnish the Sublime 
 Porte with the moral support of which it stood in need ; and, 
 further, to give it time to pacify feelings in the revolted provinces, 
 hoping that all danger of ulterior complications might thus be 
 averted. 
 
 Unfortunately their hopes have been disappointed. On the 
 one hand, the reforms published by the Porte do not appear to 
 have had in view the pacification of the populations of the in- 
 surgent provinces, or to be sufficient for the attainment of this 
 essential object. On the other hand, the Turkish arms have not 
 been successful in putting an end to the insurrection. 
 
 Under these circumstances, we think that the moment has 
 arrived for the Powers to agree on a course to be pursued in 
 common, to prevent the peace of Europe being ultimately com- 
 promised by a continuation of the movement. 
 
 In common with the other Powers, we have applauded the 
 benevolent intentions which have inspired the recent manifes- 
 
Appendix A. i6i 
 
 toes of the Sultan. The Irad^ of October 2, and Firman of 
 December 12, contain a series of principles intended to intro- 
 duce reforms into the organization of the Ottoman Empire. 
 There is reason to, believe that these principles, if embodied in 
 wisely-conceived legislative measures, and if, above all, their 
 execution fully corresponds with the enlightened views which 
 have dictated them, will introduce real ameliorations into the 
 administration of Turkey. 
 
 We cannot, however, disguise from ourselves that the pro- 
 jected reforms cannot, by themselves, arrest, even momentarily, 
 the shedding of blood in the Herzegovina and Bosnia, still less 
 establish on a secure basis the future tranquillity of these por- 
 tions of the Ottoman Empire. 
 
 In fact, on examination of the contents of the Irad^ of October 2 
 and the Firman of December 12, one must acknowledge that 
 the Sublime Porte appears to be engrossed rather with general 
 principles which, when they have been formulated, will serve as 
 bases for the administration of the Empire, than with the pacifi- 
 cation of the provinces at present in revolt. 
 
 Now it is for the interest of the Ottoman Government that 
 peace should, above all, be assured ; for, so long as it is unse- 
 cured, it will be impossible to carry out even the principles which 
 the Porte has proclaimed. 
 
 On the other hand, the state of anarchy which prevails in the 
 provinces to the north-west of Turkey not only involves difficul- 
 ties for the Sublime Porte, but also conceals grave danger to the 
 general tranquillity ; and the different European States cannot 
 see with indifference the continuation and aggravation of a state 
 of affairs which already weighs heavily on commerce and in- 
 dustry, and which, by daily shaking more and more the pubhc 
 confidence in the preservation of peace, tends to compromise 
 the interests of all parties. 
 
 We, therefore, believe that we are fulfilling an imperative duty 
 in calling the serious attention of the Guaranteeing Powers to 
 the necessity of counselling the Sublime Porte to complete its 
 undertaking by such measures as appear indispensable for the 
 re-establishment of order and tranquillity in the provinces now 
 ravaged by the scourge of civil war. 
 
 After a confidential exchange of ideas, which has taken place 
 between ourselves and the Cabinets of St. Petersburg and 
 Berhn, it has been recognized that such measures must be 
 
 M 
 
1 6 2 Appendix A . 
 
 sought for in a twofold direction — tirst, on a moral, and secondly, 
 on a material ground. 
 
 In fact, the material condition itself of the Christian inhabitants 
 of Bosnia and the Herzegovina is primarily due to their social 
 and moral position. 
 
 In examining the fundamental causes of the painful situation 
 in which Herzegovina and Bosnia have been struggling for so 
 many years, one is at once struck with the sentiments of enmity 
 and rancour which animate the Christian and Mohammedan in- 
 habitants against each other. It is this frame of mind which 
 has rendered it impossible for our delegates to persuade the 
 Christians that the Turkish authorities could be sincerely disposed 
 to redress their grievances. Perhaps there is no district of Euro- 
 pean Turkey where the antagonism which exists between the 
 Cross and the Crescent takes such an acrimonious form. This 
 fanatical hatred and distrust must be attributed to the proximity 
 of populations of the same race in full enjoyment of that reli- 
 gious liberty of which the Herzegovinian and Bosnian Christians 
 see themselves deprived. The effect of the incessant compari- 
 son is that they feel oppressed under the yoke of a real servitude, 
 that the very name of rayah appears to place them in a position 
 morally inferior to that of their neighbours, and that, in one 
 word, they feel themselves slaves. 
 
 More than once Europe has had to occupy herself with their 
 complaints, and with the methods for terminating them. The 
 Hatti-Humayoum of 1856 is one of the results of the solicitude 
 of the Powers. But, even by the terms of this Act, religious 
 liberty is still limited by clauses which, especially in Bosnia and 
 Herzegovina, are enforced with a rigour which every year pro- 
 vokes new conflicts. The erection of buildings for religious and 
 educational purposes, the use of bells, and the constitution of 
 religious communities are still subjected in these provinces to 
 restrictions which appear to the Christians as so many tokens 
 always before their eyes of that war of conquest which makes 
 them see in the Mussulmans only the enemies of their faith, and 
 perpetuates the impression that they live under the yoke of a 
 slavery that it is their right and their duty to shake off. 
 
 The last Firman certainly touches this point of liberty of re- 
 ligion, as indeed the Hatti-Ch^rif of 1839, the Hatti-Houmayoum 
 of 1856, and other Acts emanating from the Sublime Porte, had 
 already done. It confirms the powers with which the patriarchs 
 
Appendix A, 163 
 
 and other spiritual heads are invested for the affairs of their 
 respective communities and the free exercise of their religions ; 
 but it assigns to them '*as limitations the rights and authoriza- 
 tions which have been accorded to them." It promises also 
 facilities for the construction of churches and schools — a promise 
 which has been more than once notified in official documents, 
 but which cannot be reassuring, because its realization depends 
 on provincial authorities, who, being exposed to . local pressure, 
 could not even carry them into execution, unless the principle 
 be clearly laid down. 
 
 The Firman, then, which has just been promulgated, goes no 
 farther than what has already been accorded by the Hatti- 
 Houmayoum, which, as I have already made apparent, sur- 
 rounds religious liberty with restrictions which, during the last 
 few years, have provoked numerous conflicts. With such re- 
 strictions, the concessions in question have always been insuffi- 
 cient to content the Christians. All the more will this be the 
 case now, after the events -which have happened to lacerate the 
 country, and which have only envenomed the antagonism which 
 separates the two creeds: the insurrection once suppressed, the 
 Mohammedan element considering itself as conqueror, will 
 doubtless seek to avenge upon the Christians the losses to which 
 so severe a contest has subjected it. A state of affairs which 
 should render possible the co-existence of populations who have 
 just been fighting with so much fury, can only be assured if the 
 Christian religion be placed in law and in fact on a complete 
 footing of equality with Islamism, and be openly recognized and 
 respected, and not merely tolerated, as it is at present. For 
 this reason, as it appears to us, the guaranteeing Powers 
 ought not only to demand of the Porte, but obtain from it 
 as the first and principal concession, full and complete religious 
 liberty. 
 
 Equality before the law is a principle expressly proclaimed in 
 the Hatti-Houmayoum, and sanctioned by legislation. Doubt- 
 less it is for this reason that the recent decrees of the Sultan 
 have omitted to mention it. 
 
 But, whilst legally obligatory, this principle is not yet gene- 
 rally applied throughout the Empire. As a matter of fact, the 
 evidence of Christians against Mussulmans is received by the 
 tribunals of Constantinople, and the majority of the large towns ; 
 but in some distant provinces, such as Herzegovina and Bosnia, 
 
164 Appendix A, 
 
 the judges refuse to recognize its validity. It would be impor- 
 tant, then, to take practical steps to relieve the Christians in 
 future from the fear of a denial of justice. 
 
 Another point which calls for prompt remedy is the farming of 
 taxes. Already the Hatti-Cherif of 1839, in speaking of this 
 system, has expressed itself in the following terms : — 
 
 " A deplorable practice still subsists, though its consequences 
 cannot fail to be disastrous ; it is that of the venal concessions 
 known under the name of Iltizan. By this system the civil and 
 financial administration of a district is handed over to the will 
 of an individual, that is to say, sometimes to the iron hand of the 
 most violent and avaricious passions." 
 
 And the Hatti-Houmayoum of 1856 contains the following: — 
 
 ^' The promptest and most energetic measures will be taken 
 into consideration for correcting the abuses in the collection of 
 the taxes, especially of the tithes. The system of direct collec- 
 tion will be substituted by degrees, and as speedily as possible, 
 for the practice of farming in all the branches of the State 
 revenue." 
 
 In spite of these formal declarations, the system of farming is 
 still in force to its fullest extent. 
 
 The Sublime Porte now^ foreshadows reforms in this direc- 
 tion, but without stating anything definitely. The Firman of 
 December 12th again styles as abnormal the system for the col- 
 lection of taxes actually in force. It orders the search for a 
 mode of unification of taxes. It further prescribes measures to 
 be taken " to prevent arbitrary proceedings in the collection of 
 the tithe by the intervention of farmers," but it does not abolish 
 farming. 
 
 If it is desired, then, to deprive the insurrection of an essential 
 and perpetual source of nourishment, one of the points which 
 must be demanded of the Porte is that she should clearly and 
 categorically declare that 'the system of farming the taxes is 
 suppressed, not only in law but in practice, for Bosnia and 
 Herzegovina, and this measure must be immediately applied. 
 
 One of the causes which still further materially aggravate the 
 burden, already so heavy, of the taxes in Bosnia and the Herze- 
 govina, is that the inhabitants believe themselves to be over- 
 burdened financially for the benefit of the capital. They enter- 
 tain the belief that the proceeds of the taxes are not devoted to 
 meeting the necessities of the province, but that the total of the 
 
Appendix A, 165 
 
 sum received is immediately sent to Constantinople for the use 
 of the Central Government. 
 
 It would then be necessary to alleviate morally the weight of 
 the burdens the province has to support, by securing that, 
 without any encroachment on that which the expenses of the 
 Empire require, a portion of the product of the taxes paid by the 
 province may be reserved for purposes beneficial to its peculiar 
 interests. 
 
 With this view, the Porte should declare that the revenue 
 from indirect taxation should, as heretofore, be applied to the 
 necessities of the Empire in general, but that the funds arising 
 from direct taxation should remain in the province, and be ex- 
 clusively applied in its interests to enlarge its resources and 
 augment its prosperity. 
 
 The execution of this regulation should' be placed under the 
 control of the Elective Council, of which mention will be made 
 in the course of this paper. 
 
 The unhappy condition of the Bosnian and Herzegovinian 
 Christians is caused in great measure by the nature of the 
 relations subsisting between the rural population and the land- 
 owners. Agrarian difficulties have always had a peculiarly 
 bitter character in the countries where the landlord class differs, 
 either in religion or nationality, from the bulk of the labourers. 
 There are but too many examples of the furious conflicts which 
 have resulted from such a situation. 
 
 In the provinces we are dealing with nearly the whole of the 
 properties not belonging to the State or to the Mosques are in 
 the hands of Mussulmans, whilst the agricultural class is corn-- 
 posed of Christians of both creeds. The agricultural question is 
 then complicated by religious antagonism. 
 
 After the suppression of the first insurrection of the Bosnian 
 Beys in 1851, slavery was abolished ; but, as often happens in 
 such cases, this measure, instead of alleviating the condition of 
 the peasants, has only aggravated it. They are no longer 
 treated with the same consideration as before. Now-a-days 
 there are only two antagonistic interests, and two religions face 
 to face. From the moment when the disappearance of the 
 feudal system effected the transformation of the former serfs 
 into farmers (or " metayers ")> the outrageous practices of the 
 landlords provoked numerous general or partial outbreaks. A 
 movement of this kind having broken out in 1858 in the north 
 
1 66 Appendix A . 
 
 of Bosnia, the Porte was prevailed upon to take into its con- 
 sideration the disputes which had occasioned it. Delegates 
 from both sides were summoned to Constantinople, and, after 
 long discussions, in which the officious intercession of the 
 Internuncio of His Majesty the Emperor and King had a share, 
 a Firman was obtained from the Sultan, the provisions of which 
 appeared at that time sufficient to conciliate successfully enough 
 the interests of the agricultural proprietors. However, this 
 Firman has never been carried into execution. 
 
 It would not be out of place to examine, if some of the pro- 
 visions of this document could not, even at the present time, 
 serve as the basis for an equitable arrangement suitable for the 
 amelioration of the condition of the rural population, or if it 
 would be practicable to call upon the pubhc treasury to 
 facihtate the execution of the measures to be taken with this 
 object, in imitation of what occurred twenty years ago in 
 Bulgaria, where the landlord's dues have been bought up 
 by means of the issue of public obligations ij) called " sekims.'' 
 We feel that the task is difficult, and that its accomplish- 
 ment cannot be the work of a day ; but we believe that it is 
 important to labour at it, so as to ameliorate the lot of the rural 
 population in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and to close thus one 
 of the open wounds in the social condition of these Provinces. 
 It would not seem impossible to us to find some combination 
 which should gradually permit the peasants to acquire, on easy 
 terms, portions of the waste lands which the State puts up to 
 sell. Whilst continuing, if they wished, to cultivate as farmers 
 the estates of their Mussulman compatriots, they would, by 
 degrees, attain to the possession themselves of a little real pro- 
 perty, which would assure them a certain independence, and 
 would provide for their imposts. 
 
 If one considers the distrust with which the promises of the 
 SubHme Porte are received by the Christians, it is impossible to 
 disguise from oneself that the published reforms can only 
 inspire the necessary confidence by the creation at the same 
 time of some institution capable of offering a certain guarantee 
 that these reforms will be executed in earnest. To content one- 
 self with confiding their execution to the discretion of the 
 Provincial Governments would not be sufficient to remove the 
 distrust of which I am speaking. It would be expedient then to 
 nominate a Commission of the notables of the country, composed 
 
Appendix A, 167 
 
 half of Mussulmans and half of Christians, and elected by the 
 inhabitants of the Province in accordance with a scheme to be 
 settled by the Sublime Porte. 
 
 I have now set forth the measures, the application of which to 
 the revolted Provinces must be obtained t6 enable one to enter- 
 tain a well-grounded hope of pacification. 
 
 These measures are as follows : — 
 
 Religious liberty, full and entire ; 
 
 Abolition of the farming of taxes ; 
 
 A law to guarantee that the product of the direct taxation of 
 Bosnia and Herzegovina shall be employed for the immediate 
 interests of the Province, under the control of bodies con- 
 stituted in the sense of the Firman of December 12 ; 
 
 The institution of a Special Commission, composed of an 
 equal number of Mussulmans and Christians, to superintend the 
 execution of the reforms proposed by the Powers, as well as 
 of those proclaimed in the Irade of October 2 and Firman of 
 December 12 ; 
 
 Lastly, the amelioration of the condition of the rural popula- 
 tions. 
 
 The first four points could and should be immediately carried 
 out by the Sublime Porte ; the fifth by degrees, as soon as 
 possible. 
 
 If, independently of these concessions, which appear to us the 
 most essential, Bosnia and Herzegovina obtain in addition the 
 following reforms indicated in the recent .Firman, a Provincial 
 Council and tribunals freely elected by the inhabitants, irre- 
 movability of judges, secular justice, individual liberty, security 
 against ill-treatment, the reorganization of the police, whose 
 conduct has excited so many complaints, the abandonment of 
 the abuses to which the levies for pubUc works give rise, an 
 equitahle reduction in the tax for exemption from miUtary 
 service, security for proprietary rights, — if all these reforms, the 
 communication of which we claim from the Porte, in order to 
 take formal note thereof, are applied in the insurgent Provinces, 
 which, to judge by the text of the Firman, would not appear as 
 yet to be in a position to benefit by them, one may hope to see 
 peace restored in these desolated districts. 
 
 To resume. The indefinite promises of the Irade of October 2 
 and Firman of December 12 can only excite aspirations without 
 satisfying them. On the other hand, it is clear that the Turkish 
 
1 68 Appendix A . 
 
 arms have not succeeded in putting down the insurrection. Winter 
 has suspended action, spring will see it revive. The conviction 
 is general among the Christians that, spring once come, fresh 
 elements will strengthen the proceedings ; that Bulgaria, the 
 Cretans, &c. will come to swell the movement. Be this as it 
 may, it is to be foreseen that the Governments of Servia and 
 Montenegro, who already, up to this time, have had great diffi- 
 culty in holding aloof from the movement, will be powerless to 
 resist the current, and for the future, under the influence of events 
 and of public opinion in their countries, they appear to have 
 accustomed themselves to the idea of taking part in the struggle 
 on the melting of the snows. 
 
 In this situation the task of the Powers, who in the interest of 
 the general peace desire to stave off ulterior complications, 
 becomes very difficult. Austria- Hungary and the two other 
 Imperial Courts, after a confidential exchange of ideas, are all 
 agreed that, were one merely to await the effect of the principles 
 enunciated by the last Firman — principles which, moreover, 
 according to the intentions of the Porte, do not appear to be 
 intended to be immediately applied to the revolted countries — 
 the only result would be to see the conflict widely extended at 
 the termination of the winter. The three Cabinets then think 
 that the only chance to avoid fresh complications is in a mani- 
 festation emanating from the Powers, and making clear their 
 firm resolution to arrest the movement which menaces to involve 
 the East. 
 
 Now this end cannot be attained by the simple method of an 
 injunction addressed to the Governments of the PrincipaHties 
 and to the Christian populations subjects of the Sultan. To give 
 this action, very difficult in itself, a chance of success, it is ab- 
 solutely necessary that the Powers should be in a position to 
 appeal to acts, clear, indisputable, practicable, and specially 
 suited for the improvement of the situation of Herzegovina and 
 Bosnia — in one word, that their action may be grounded on facts 
 and not on programmes. It is only by these means that the 
 Cabinets will find themselves in a position to turn to a proper 
 account their pacific counsels. 
 
 There is another difficulty — and it is the greatest — which must, 
 at all hazards, be overcome if one hopes to be able to reckon on 
 any sort of a favourable result. This difficulty is the deeply- 
 rooted distrust that every promise of the Porte's encounters at 
 
Appendix A, 169 
 
 the hands of the Christians. One of the principal causes of this 
 mistrust is discoverable in the fact that more than one measure 
 announced in the Sultan's latest rescripts has already been 
 announced in former Hatti-Chdrifs, without causing any ap- 
 preciable amelioration of the lot of the Christians. 
 
 The Cabinets think it therefore absolutely necessary to obtain 
 from the Sultan's Government, by means of an official Com- 
 mission, the confirmation of his intentions with regard to the 
 whole Empire, set forth in the Irade of October 2 and Firman 
 of December 12, and his notification to the Powers of his ac- 
 ceptance of the points specified above, the special object cff which 
 is the pacification of the revolted Provinces. 
 
 Undoubtedly the Christians would not, by this method, obtain 
 the form of guarantee they appear to demand at this moment, 
 but they would find a relative security in the very fact that the 
 reforms accorded would be recognized as indispensable by the 
 Powers, and that the Porte would have pledged itself to Europe 
 to carry them into execution. 
 
 Such is the firm conviction resulting from a preliminary ex- 
 change of ideas between the Cabinets of Austria, Hungary, 
 Russia, and Germany. . 
 
 Your Excellency is directed to bring this view of the case ta 
 the knowledge of the Court of St. James, and to obtain its con- 
 currence in the work of peace, the success of which our efforts 
 tend to assure. 
 
 If, as I hope, the views of the English Government accord 
 with our own, we should propose, out of consideration for the 
 dignity and independence of the Porte, not to address our advice 
 to the latter in the form of a collective note, but to confine our- 
 selves to inviting our Representatives at Constantinople to act 
 conjointly and in an identic manner towards the Sultanas 
 Government in the sense of what we have set forth. 
 
 You will be so good, M. le Comte, as to read the present 
 despatch to the Minister for Foreign Affairs, and to leave him 
 a copy of it, and I should be glad to know as soon as possible 
 the impression it has made on his Excellency. 
 
 Receive, &c. 
 
APPENDIX B. 
 
 Manifesto of the Insurgent Chiefs issued prior 
 
 TO THE Official Communication of the 
 
 Andrassy Note. 
 
 Insurgent Camp, Suiorina, Feb. 26. 
 'We wish to express ourselves simply and without any disguise. 
 We wish to reply to certain correspondences and programmes — 
 Jto our enemies as well as to our friends ; to those who are sym- 
 pathetic as well as to those who are antipathetic. 
 
 We Herzegovinians belong to a nation oppressed — a nation 
 enslaved for five centuries, a nation which has been, neverthe- 
 less, the source from which has sprung the noblest and purest 
 .Serbian blood. All Europe knows that this is the truth. 
 
 But when the sabre of the Osmans had conquered us in a 
 fheroic combat at Kossovo, we ourselves bound our liberty with 
 a heavy chain. Let us say that it was the will of God that the 
 .glory of Mahomet should shine out, and that the cross of Jesus 
 should shed tears. But we have not complained to Europe, nor 
 do we do so now ; it was the fortune of the Turkish arms and the 
 effect of our discords which, as it seems, still exist among us 
 (in some branches of our nation), and we may, wdthout fear or 
 shame, say that this discord touches our relation Servia. It is 
 very painful for us to say it, although we must recognize it, that, 
 if there were on the throne a descendant of the immortal Kara 
 George, or a direct descendant of Milosch, he could not hear the 
 cries of our martyrs without being touched. 
 
 In truth, the noble spirit of the dead Prince Milosch — if we 
 were as happy to have it as we are unhappy with not having it — 
 would not have counted by feet the depth of the sea nor the 
 iheight of the heaven in a critical moment. He would not have 
 
Appendix B, 171 
 
 looked about him to the right and to the left, but would have 
 taken the direct road to poor Bosnia and Herzegovina. Rut, 
 alas ! . . . . 
 
 On the other side we hear, but understand nothing of all these 
 projects of reform that some European Cabinets have formed, in 
 order that the oppressed Christians of Turkey should obtain 
 equaUty with Mussulmans. For it is not only uncertain, but im.- 
 practicable. In these projects of reform there is not a word said 
 as to real liberty — liberty, independent and securely guaranteed 
 by the Powers of Europe. 
 
 That is the project of reform we need. 
 
 Such reforms suit us ; if not, give us the tomb which will 
 bury us, and where we may go down, quitting the world. 
 
 The friends of our country, whether they are such or seem 
 as much so as possible, think that they have a reason or a right 
 to hear and support the barbarous savages from Asia who have 
 conquered us, have caused our discords, and who, among the 
 other nations, are only as leprous sheep in a healthy flock. 
 
 We repeat — only true liberty can disarm us, and to crush us 
 there is need of more numerous arms than those of the Osmans ; 
 and then the women will remain after us to avenge us, receiving 
 from our hands arms for our children that they may, even in 
 dying, defend the liberty and rights of our people. All the more 
 that the hand of the stranger is on us, we beg the friends and 
 defenders of our country to aid and to avenge us. 
 
 Aid us ! hear us ! now or never ! . . . . 
 
 Austria, in its position of neighbouring State, did and still 
 does good to bur children, our old men and our women. Eternal 
 gratitude to her from our chiefs and from our nation ! 
 
 The immortal Liberator, Italy's crown of glory, Garibaldi, 
 assists us energetically, and shows himself the protecting father 
 of our oppressed people. Blessed be he by us and our descend- 
 ants. 
 
 Powerful England, the greatest friend of the Turkish Empire, 
 held it in her arms believing that she held a worthy child, which 
 would grow into a honest man, magnanimous and useful to 
 other nations. But she has opened her eyes and perceives that, 
 instead of a man, she has supported a venomous serpent, which, 
 grown great and strong, and for the sorrow of humanity, endea- 
 voured to poison and devour it, and at last even would have bitten 
 the hand that had given it to eat. This powerful kingdom has 
 
1/2 Appendix B, 
 
 launched it into the deadly abyss, and, hearing our cries, has 
 given us its support, for which we owe it eternal gratitude. 
 
 Our brothers, our true brothers, the noble Serbian blood, the 
 proud sons of the Voivodina, watch day and night over and for 
 our liberty, as the mother and father over the cradle of their only 
 son or daughter, ill. To the noble line of this race, in the midst 
 of whom we see and hear the name of Miletich, we can say 
 nothing, but we counsel our descendants to honour it. 
 
 That which, however, we regret is that they do not endeavour 
 to inform our brothers in Servia that we are now in full combat 
 with the Turks, that our old men and women are falling victims 
 to a thousand woes, and that our country prays for their brotherly 
 aid, and that our blood while it flows demands vengeance of our 
 sister Servia. In truth, if they heard us they would help us, but 
 they are so far (not by measurement of earth) from us ! . . . . 
 Therefore we beg our brothers of the Voivodina to spread the 
 news everywhere and repeat to every one that the houses of 
 Montenegro are filled with our refugees, and that their number 
 has become greater than that of the population was, yet that they 
 nevertheless do not complain ; on the contrary, their fraternal 
 arms are always open. Nevertheless, we demand of Montenegro 
 as of Servia that it should enter openly into the field, and that it 
 should find out our spilt blood, which cries out for vengeance, 
 not looking towards Servia, apathetic and neutral, so far from us. 
 
 The combinations of diplomacy over which the world may de- 
 bate and agree are not our affair. Our true and holy object is 
 to-day to confront the enemy for our defence, and to watch on 
 every side lest fortune, which has hitherto protected us, should 
 betray us. We go on to fight, to burn, and to conquer. 
 
 We can only become tranquil under the happiness of the 
 liberty of which Montenegro shows us the example. 
 
 We look unitedly, we hope and wait that the powerful, strong, 
 and glorious Russia should appear as the protector of Slavo-Serb 
 liberty— now or never ! If she has ever loved or desired our 
 liberty, may our morning receive its light from the powerful 
 goodwill of her illustrious throne. It is from her that we hope 
 for the protection of our liberty, but we ask of the other European 
 nations that they give us our independence. And our arms, once 
 freed from all encumbrances, will write in bloody letters for the 
 Turks the reforms they have so often dictated to us. 
 
 As to Prussia, glorious and free, we do not doubt that she is 
 
Appendix B, 173 
 
 our friend, and we hope to find her among those who the first 
 will aid our liberty, for which we ask her pity. 
 
 Signed for the Army and the Chiefs of the Insurgents at 
 Sutorina, 
 
 VOIVODE LAZAR SOCICA. 
 
 Melentie Perovics, Archimandrite. 
 VoivoDE Pope Bogdan (Simonics). 
 
 Then appears, as a protocol, the following : — 
 
 Anew we call on the Power of Russia, which has conferred on 
 us benefits in offering us money to build our churches and our 
 schools ; which has given us crosses and gilded robes for the 
 Mass, &c. But while our poor priests celebrated the Mass in 
 those same robes, the Mussulmans dishonoured their women in 
 their houses. Because Russia cannot be deaf and cruel, she will 
 watch over our holy rites and our independence in order that we 
 may not rest eternally slaves. We desire only complete inde- 
 pendence, or death. We sign with our blood this declaration, 
 and accept no other proposition. 
 
 (Signed as before.) 
 
APPENDIX C. 
 
 Address of the Insurgent Chiefs to Baron Rodics,. 
 Subsequent to the Communication of .the 
 Andrassy Note. 
 Excellency, — 
 
 None can more appreciate the rectitude, nor recognize witb 
 more sincere gratitude the undertaking of powerful Austria in 
 thus attempting to amehorate the condition of the Christians in 
 Turkey, and of us insurgents — a condition so wretched as to 
 have become henceforth insupportable. 
 
 The Imperial Austrian Government may be assured that the 
 Herzegovinian nation is profoundly touched, and grateful for all 
 that that Government has done for our good. We, having been 
 obedient to the summons of Austria, and desirous of following 
 her counsels, ask permission of your Excellency, as of a friendly 
 intermediary with the Imperial Government, to say frankly what 
 we have at heart, and what we desire, especially as we think 
 and believe that no one in the world can expect that we shall 
 return into the power of the Turks, and into the condition in 
 which we have lived hitherto ; as also that no one in the world 
 can desire that we should so return. 
 
 Everything in our country is burned and laid waste. With 
 what spirit can we return to this unhappy country of ours ? 
 
 Austria has been so good as to interest herself about us and 
 our existence, and has informed us that she has obtained some 
 reform for us. In the words of Austria we have trust, and 
 therefore we accept these reforms, but only when they shall have 
 been put into execution, then will we return under the sovereignty 
 of the Sultan. 
 
 It is true Turkey has promised to execute them, and says that 
 the Powers have guaranteed them, but we cannot on any account 
 
Appendix C, 175 
 
 believe that Turkey means to or can execute them. Therefore, 
 no sincere friend of our unhappy nation will think we are wrong 
 in seeking for secure guarantees for our amelioration, which, 
 guarantees we submit and present to your Excellency : — 
 
 I. That to the Christians shall be given at least a third of 
 the lands as their property — lands which the Turks took and 
 usurped from the. Christians, and without which third the latter 
 will not be able to live.^ 
 
 II. That Turkey withdraws the troops in the Herzegovina 
 and shall only maintain garrisons which shall be recognized as 
 necessary in the following places : Mostar, Stolatz, Trebinje, 
 Niksics, Plevlje, and Fotcha. 
 
 III. That Turkey cause to be rebuilt the houses and churches- 
 that have been burned, provide for the Christians food for at 
 least a year, and agricultural implements, and exempt them from 
 taxation for three years from the date of their return. 
 
 IV. That the Christians shall not lay down their arms until 
 the Mussulmans shall have been disarmed, and until the reforms 
 are in process of execution. 
 
 V. The Christians having returned, their leaders shall come 
 to an understanding with the Government as to the execution of 
 the reforms. The said leaders shall compose an assembly with 
 the functionaries of the Government for the application and the 
 regulation of the said reforms, which latter must be extended to 
 the whole of Bosnia and the Herzegovina. 
 
 VI. As the insurgents cannot trust to the simple promises of 
 the Porte, which it has never been known to keep, and as also 
 the Porte will with difficulty support its own troops, the insur- 
 
 ^ Since writing the above, I have seen the report which 
 M. Durando sends this day to his Government upon the Ad- 
 dress of the insurgents. He points out that the demand for a 
 third of the lands must not be considered as indicative of 
 communistic aspirations, but as a clumsily expressed desire for 
 the revocation of the agrarian regulations of 1851 and 1862, 
 which abolished the ancient feudal privileges of the tillers of the 
 soil.— Mr. MONSON (Blue Book). 
 
 The original tenure of land in Bosnia, &c., was communal, the 
 Beys having only a feudal right of contribution in return for 
 personal protection. The assumption of exclusive property in 
 the land was a usurpation favoured by Islam. — W. J. S. 
 
1 76 Appendix C 
 
 gents fearing that the money given by the Porte for the Chris- 
 tians may be lost in the hands of the Turkish employes, who 
 would distribute nothing, and would let the Christians starve ; 
 and as the insurgents know that they would get no help from 
 the Porte, even if the Powers should protest : — on these grounds, 
 we demand that the money shall be paid into the hands of the 
 Treasurer of a European Commission ; that this Commission 
 shall receive all the funds for the reconstruction by itself of the 
 houses and churches, and for the distribution of provisions to 
 the Christian families, erecting for that purpose central store- 
 houses in convenient places. 
 
 Finally, we demand that in the before-mentioned garrisons, 
 occupied by the Turks, the Governments of Austria and Russia 
 shall establish agents, who shall see that the reforms are exe- 
 cuted as we desire. 
 
 While we do not dare to ask for more, we cannot, on the 
 other hand, ask for less for our safety and tranquillity. 
 
 We submit these our desires to Austria through the medium 
 
 of your Excellency. 
 
 c. , . March 26 o-z: 
 Sutorina, ^^^^.^ ^^ 1876. 
 
APPENDIX D. 
 
 Berlin Note. 
 
 ^^^^ 2^r HE alarming tidings which come from Turkey are 
 of a nature to impel the three Cabinets to draw 
 
 closer their intimacy. 
 The three Imperial Courts have deemed them- 
 selves called upon to concert amongst themselves measures 
 for averting the dangers of the situation, with the concurrence 
 of the other great Christian Powers. 
 
 It appears to them that the existing state of affairs in Turkey 
 demands a double series of measures. It seems to them of 
 primary importance that Europe should consider the general 
 means necessary to guard against the recurrence of events 
 similar to those which have recently taken place at Salonica, 
 and the repetition of which is threatened at Smyrna and Con- 
 stantinople. To effect this the Great Powers should, in their 
 opinion, come to an understanding as to the measures to be 
 taken to insure the safety of their own subjects and of the Chris- 
 tian inhabitants of the Ottoman Empire, at all points w^here it 
 may be found to be endangered. 
 
 It would appear possible to attain this end by a general agree- 
 ment concerning the despatch of vessels of war to the menaced 
 points, and by the adoption of combined instructions to the com- 
 manders of those vessels in cases where circumstances might 
 require armed co-operation on their part with the object of 
 maintaining order and tranquillity. 
 
 Nevertheless, this end would be but imperfectly attained if the 
 primary cause of those disturbances were not removed by the 
 prompt pacification of Bosnia and Herzegovina. 
 
 The Great Powers have already united in this view upon the 
 initiative taken in the despatch of the 30th of December last, 
 
 N 
 
1/8 Appe7idix D, 
 
 with the object of obtaining an effective ameUoration in the con- 
 dition of the populations of these countries, without interfering 
 with the political status quo. 
 
 They demanded of the Porte a programme of reforms destined 
 to answer this double purpose. The Porte, deferring to this de- 
 mand, declared itself firmly resolved to execute these reforms, 
 and communicated this officially to the Cabinets. 
 
 The latter thereby acquire a moral right — that of watching 
 over the accomplishment of this promise, and an obligation — that 
 of insisting that the insurgents and refugees should second this 
 work of pacification by terminating the struggle and returning to 
 their homes. 
 
 Nevertheless, this programme of pacification, though it has 
 been adopted in principle by both parties, has encountered a 
 twofold obstacle. 
 
 The insurgents have declared that past experience forbids 
 them to trust the promises of the Porte, without a positive mate- 
 rial European guarantee. 
 
 The Porte, on its side, has declared that, as long as the insur- 
 gents were scouring the country in arms, and the refugees did 
 not return to their homes, it was materially impossible for it to 
 proceed to the new organization of the country. 
 
 In the meantime hostilities have resumed their course. The 
 agitation engendered by this strife of eight months has extended 
 to other parts of Turkey. The Mussulman populations have 
 been thereby led to conclude that the Porte had only apparently 
 deferred to the diplomatic action of Europe, and that at heart it 
 did not intend seriously to apply the promised reforms. Thence, 
 arose a revival of religious and political passions, which has con- 
 tributed to cause the deplorable events at Salonica and the 
 menacing over-excitement which manifests itself at other points 
 of European Turkey. 
 
 Nor is it doubtful that in its turn this explosion of fanaticism 
 reacts on men's minds in Bosnia and Herzegovina as in the 
 neighbouring Principalities. 
 
 For the Christians in these countries must have been keenly 
 impressed by the fact of the massacre of the European Consuls, 
 in open day, in a peaceful town, under the eyes of powerless 
 authorities ; how can they be induced to trust themselves to the 
 goodwill of Turks irritated by a protracted and sanguinary 
 struggle } 
 
Appendix D, 1 79 
 
 Were this state of affairs to be prolonged the risk would thus 
 be incurred of seeing that general conflagration kindled which 
 the mediation of the Great Powers was precisely intended to 
 avert. 
 
 It is most essential, therefore, to establish certain guarantees 
 of a nature to insure beyond doubt the loyal and full application 
 of the measures agreed upon between the Powers and the Porte. 
 It is more than ever urgent to press the Government of the 
 Sultan to decide on setting itself seriously to work to fulfil the 
 engagements it has contracted towards Europe. 
 
 As the first step in this direction the three Imperial Courts 
 propose to insist with the Porte, with all the energy that the 
 united voice of the three Powers should possess, on a suspension 
 of arms being effected for the term of two months. 
 
 This interval would enable action to be brought to bear simul- 
 taneously on the insurgents and the refugees, to inspire them 
 with confidence in the vigilant solicitude of Europe ; on the 
 neighbouring Principalities, to exhort them not to hinder this 
 attempt at conciliation ; and finally on the Ottoman Government, 
 to place it in a position to carry out its promises. By this means 
 the way might be opened for direct negotiations between the 
 Porte and the Bosnian and Herzegovinian delegates, on the basis 
 of the wishes the latter have formulated, and which have been 
 deemed fit to serve as starting points for a discussion. 
 
 These points are as follows : — 
 
 1. That materials fgr the reconstruction of dwelling-houses 
 and churches should be furnished to the returning refugees, that 
 their subsistence should be assured to them till they could sup- 
 port themselves by their own labour. 
 
 2. In so far as the distribution of help should appertain to the 
 Turkish Commissioner, he should consult as to the measures to 
 be taken with the Mixed Commission, mentioned in the note of the 
 30th of December, to guarantee the bond fide application of the 
 reforms and control their execution. This Commission should 
 be presided over by a Herzegovinian Christian, and be com- 
 posed of natives faithfully representing the two religions of the 
 country. They should be elected as soon as the armistice 
 should have suspended hostilities. 
 
 3. In order to avoid any collision, advice should be given at 
 Constantinople to concentrate the Turkish troops, at least until 
 excitement has subsided, on some points to be agreed upon. 
 
1 80 Appendix D, 
 
 4. Christians as well as Mussulmans should retain their arms, 
 
 5. The Consuls or Delegates of the Powers should keep a 
 watch over the application of the reforms in general, and on the 
 steps relative to the repatriation in particular. 
 
 If, with the friendly and cordial support of the great Powers^ 
 and by the help of an armistice, an arrangement could be con- 
 cluded on these bases, and be set in train immediately by the 
 return of the refugees, and the election of the Mixed Commission,, 
 a considerable step would be made towards pacification. 
 
 If, however, the armistice were to expire without the efforts of 
 the Powers being successful in attaining the end they have in 
 view, the three Imperial Courts are of opinion that it would 
 become necessary to supplement their diplomatic action by 
 the sanction of an agreement with a view to such efficacious 
 measures as might appear to be demanded in the interest of 
 general peace, to check the evil and prevent its development. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 ^CHMET Hamdi Pasha, 73, 99. 
 Aga Biscevics, 68. 
 Agics, death of, 73. 
 Ali Pasha, views of, 134. 
 Andrassy Note, 117 ; reply to, 119, 130, Appendix A ; insurgents reply 
 
 to, Appendix B and C. 
 Armistice, negotiations for, 122. 
 Austrian committees, 51. 
 Austrian influence, 8, 12. 
 
 Baniani, 7. 
 
 Barbieux, 44. 
 
 Bashi-bazooks, juvenile, 58 ; brutal outrage by, 58. 
 
 Berlin Note, Appendix D ; follows failure of conference at Sutorina, 14c. 
 
 Eilek, massacre at, 135. 
 
 Blue-book. Consul Holmes on the Consular Commission, 12; Sir 
 H. Elliot on the Popovo affair, 53 ; Server Pasha on Turkish 
 victories, 60 ; Consul Freeman on tax reforms, 66 ; Sir H. Elliot 
 on Montenegrin intervention, 76 ; Grand Vizier on the 
 blockade of Montenegro, 92 ; vSir H. Elliot on honours paid 
 to body of Bacevics, m ; Mr. Monson on conference at 
 Ragusa and provisioning of Niksics, 123; memorial of Prince 
 of Montenegro on the treachery of Muktar Pasha, 124 ; Consul 
 Holmes and Sir H. Elliot on Montenegrin intervention at 
 Niksics, 126; Consul Taylor on Turkish concessions, 130; Mr. 
 Monson on Turkish concessions, 131 ; Sir A. Buchanan on the In- 
 surgent propositions, 139; Lord Augustus Loftus on the same, 139. 
 
 Bocche di Cattaro, agitation in, 16. 
 
 Bosnia, insurrection in, 6. 
 
 Boyana, 98. 
 
 Castel Nuovo, debarkation of insurgents at, I, 532. 
 
1 82 Index. 
 
 Catholic participation in insurrection, 3. 
 
 Cattaro, 26. 
 
 Cettinje, description of, 18 ; place of refuge to Mussulmans, 69 ; second 
 visit to, 76. 
 
 Christian governors, 157, 158. 
 
 Civics, 70. 
 
 Committees, insurrecfionaiy, 7, 12, 32, 33, 49, 51, 75, loi, 102, 137. 
 
 Constant Pasha, attempt to entrap insurgent chiefs, li, 13 ; report on 
 Popovo, 53. 
 
 Conscription of horses, 67. 
 
 Consular commission, effect on the insurrection, 14; in favour of inter- 
 vention, 63. 
 
 Cretan insurrection prepares the way for the Herzegovinian, 5, 6. 
 
 Crivoscie, 16, 26. 
 
 Crivoscians, 7, 15, 29. 
 
 Crnagora, 17, 18. 
 
 Croatia, Catholic insurrection in, 6. 
 
 Czarina, 35. 
 
 Dalmatia, union with Bosnia necessary, 56, 153. 
 
 Danilograd, 85, 89. 
 
 Decapitation, 72. 
 
 Declaration of war by Montenegro and Servia, 145. 
 
 Dervish Pasha, 28, 11. 
 
 Djellaledin Pasha wounded at Duga, 122. 
 
 Dobrotskoselo,'78, 81. 
 
 Drien, 36. 
 
 Duga, unsuccessful attempt to pass by Muktar, 122 ; Socica decides to> 
 
 make stand at, 77 ; defeated at, 100 ; second attempt, 124; successful,, 
 
 125 ; final, 127. 
 Duzi, monastery of, 14, 37. 
 
 Emperor of Austria, visit of, to Dalmatia, 2. 
 Eshref Pasha, 97-99. 
 
 Fugitives in Montenegro, 10. 
 
 Gatschko, 28 ; retreat of Turks to, 73 ; concentration of the Turks at,, 
 
 76, 120-125. 
 Glavski-dol, 35. 
 
 Goransko, provisioned by treaty with insurgents, 76 ; relieved, 120. 
 Grahovo, 26. 
 Grebci, 41 ; insurgent camp at, 44. 
 
Index. i8j- 
 
 Herzegovina, mountain districts in insurrection, 15. 
 
 Herzegovinians, condition of, prior to insurrection, 8, 9, 10 ; military 
 
 value of, 29 ; grievances, 31. 
 Hostages, imprisonment of, 9. 
 Hotti, 77. 
 Hussein Pasha, 35, 37. 
 
 Insurgents, rule of, 75 ; again menace Trebinje, 103 ; defeat om 
 
 Trebinje road, 115 ; chiefs reply to Baron Rodich, 138. 
 Insurgent manifesto at Sutorina, Appendix B. 
 Insurrectionary equipment, 34. 
 Interests of England, 1 58. 
 
 Jabliak, 78. 
 
 Jonine, differences between, and the agents of the committees, 102, iii,. 
 112 ; accused of joining demonstration at Bacevics' funeral, iii. 
 
 Klek, 21, 33 ; expedition to, 40 ; visit to, 56, 57. 
 Koumani, 83. 
 Krstaz, battle at, 100. 
 
 Kutchi, 79, 84 ; summoned to give hostages, 143 ; chiefs of made pri- 
 soners by the Turks, 144. 
 
 Lake of Scutari, spreading of, 79. 
 
 Lipnik, 121. 
 
 Ljubibratics, 11, 42, 48, 50; imprisonment of, 129.. 
 
 Ljubinje, 41, 117. 
 
 Luka Petkovics, ii, 45, 114; L. Petkovics and Melentie refuse the 
 
 propositions of Baron Rodich, 128. 
 Luka Vukalovics, 48. 
 
 Maps of Plerzegovina. Preface. 
 
 Maxime Bacevics, death of, 109; funeral ceremonies of, ill ; diplo- 
 matic remonstrances connected with, ill; Turkish falsehoods con- 
 cerning, III, 112. 
 
 Medjlis, independence of, 67. 
 
 Medun, 79 ; first battle of, 145. 
 
 Melentie, Archimandrite of Duzi, 46; signs manifesto of Sutorina, 118.. 
 
 Metkovich, 57. 
 
 Milecivics, Gligor, of Bilek, 10, 1 14. 
 
 Military border system adaptable to Bosnia and Herzegovina, 153. 
 
 Montenegro, obligations towards the Herzegovinians, 23 ; panorama of, 
 77 ; assumes direction of insurrection, 103 ; expulsion of foreign 
 volunteers from, 129 ; difficult position of, 141 ; critical position of 
 affairs in Servia and, 144. 
 
1 84 htdex. 
 
 Montenegrins, 20 ; in Herzegovina, 74. 
 
 Montenegrin neutrality, 13 ; volunteers, 13, 15 ; contingent renewed, 
 103; authorities call insurgent chiefs together, 129; armament, 
 
 144- 
 
 Monteverde, 105, 112, 118. 
 
 Moratscha river, 92. 
 
 Mostar, journey to, 55, 58, 59. 
 
 Muktar Pasha assumes command, 102 ; returns to Mostar, 103 ; at 
 Trebinje, 112 ; destruction of villages by, 117, 122; ordered to 
 go to Niksics at any cost, 123 ; blockaded in Duga, 124 ; extricates 
 himself, 125 ; renews attempt to provision Niksics, and reaches 
 Niksics, 125 ; again assembles troops to attack insurgents, 140 ; 
 menaces to attack Montenegro, 1 43. 
 
 Muratovizza, first battle of, 72 ; second battle of, 121. 
 
 Nevesinje, oppressive tax-farmer in, 10 ; refugees from, 11. 
 Niksics, 74 ; preparations to relieve, 120 ; relieved, 125, 127. 
 Njegush, 17, 18. 
 Novi Bazar, 21. 
 
 Omar Pasha, 4, 5. 
 Osman Pasha, 126, 127. 
 Ostrog, %(> ; siege of, 88 ; festa of, 88. 
 'Ottoman administrators, 157. 
 
 Peko Pavlovics, his imprisonment of Ljubibratics, 11 ; joins insurrec- 
 tion, 15, 35, 41 ; celebrates Greek New Year's Day at Ragusa, 103 ; 
 strategetical qualities of, 113, 1 15; retreat of, after Radovan-Zdrielo, 
 116; approves Sutorina manifesto, 118; participates in second 
 Muratovizza, 120. 
 
 Piva, 7, 28. 
 
 Plamnitza, 95. 
 
 Plana, attack on, by Peko, 100. 
 
 Podgoritza, 84, 91 ; arrest at, 93 ; concentration at, 144. 
 
 Pope Milo, 45. 
 
 Pope Minja, 45. 
 
 Popovo affair, 50, 52. 
 
 Preservation of old forms advisable in reconstruction, 154. 
 
 Presieka, provision trains reach, 124. 
 
 Prince of Montenegro permits his subjects to go to Herzegovina, 13, 19; 
 favours declaration of war in 1875, ^^ j would have accepted the 
 *' Times" proposition, 22 ; unsafe to have forbidden aid for the in- 
 surgents, 23 ; interview with, 24 ; proposal of insurgents to intrust 
 reforms to, 43 ; gives information as to force of insurrection, 74 ; 
 
Index, 185; 
 
 devoted to road-making, 81 ; undertakes direction of the insurrec- 
 tion, 103; re victuals Niksics, 122; undertakes negotiation of truce 
 at Duga, 123 ; undertakes protection of the interests of the in- 
 surgents, 140. 
 
 Radovan-Zdrielo, first battle of, 104 ; second battle of, 106, 109 ;. 
 
 third battle of, 1 14. 
 Ragusa, 11, 14, 15, 34. 
 Raouf Pasha, 73 ; assembles forces for Niksics, 76 ; expedition to- 
 
 Niksics, 100 ; recalled, 102. 
 Rayah and Mussulman, relation between, 39. 
 
 Reconstruction, 147 ; foreign administrators indispensable for, 151. 
 Refugees, 30; decline Austrian proposition for repatriation, 127. 
 Rieka, 77 ;. river, 82, 83. 
 Risano, 26. 
 Rodich, Baron, negotiations of with insurgents, 127; calls conference of 
 
 Turkish authorities at Ragusa, 129 ; conference with insurgent 
 
 chiefs, 136. 
 Russia, 22 ; leaves Prince of Montenegro free to act, 143. 
 Russian influence, 8, 12, 13, 22; first occurrence of intervention, loi; 
 
 increased aid from, loi j Red Cross expedition to Cettinje, loi ;. 
 
 action of public opinion on the officials, 102. 
 Russian, Austrian, and Montenegrin Governments press insurgents to- 
 
 accept the Andrassy Note, 130. 
 
 vSaint Basil, %%. 
 
 Selim Pasha, 120. 
 
 Self-government impracticable in reconstruction, 151. 
 
 Server Pasha, 60 ; reforms of, 65, 67. 
 
 Servia, 21. 
 
 Servian crisis, 21 ; defection, 23. 
 
 Shefket Pasha at Popovo, 50, 52; sent away in disgrace, 53; deserters- 
 
 from the army of, 102. 
 Simonies, Pope Bogdon, 10, 45, 75, 114; signs Sutorina manifesto,. 
 
 118 ; defeats Djellaledin Pasha, 122. 
 Skuptchina, Servian, 20. 
 
 Slav, social organization of, 155 ; pronunciation of names. Preface. 
 Smeretchna, 122. 
 Socica, 10; joins insurrection, 15 ; operations of, 71; dissension with 
 
 Peko; signs manifesto of Sutorina with Simonies, 118; attacks- 
 
 Turks returning from Goransko, 120. 
 Solution, truest, participation of England with Russia, 153. 
 Spush, 84, 90. 
 
1 86 Index. 
 
 Suchitza river, 84. 
 
 Sufferings of insurgents and troops from cold, 102. 
 
 Sutorina, 33; manifesto, 118; attempt to recall manifesto by Russian 
 agents, 118 ; camp broken up, 120. 
 
 '* Times," proposition of, 22. 
 
 Tree of justice, 19, 
 
 Trebinje, siege of, 14, 15, 36; Turkish movement from, 114. 
 
 Trieste, 7 ; committee at, 7. 
 
 Turkish soldiers, 40; condition of at Mostar, 62; justice, 68; menaces 
 to attack Montenegro, 103; conciliatory propositions of Govern- 
 ment, 130; withdrawal of propositions, 131 ; pecuniary assistance 
 preferred by Government, 135; grain sent by Government for insur- 
 gents, 135 ; delegates decline to give any guarantee to refugees, 136 ; 
 troops blockade southern frontier of Montenegro, 142 ; troops con- 
 centrate at Podgoritza to attack the Kutchi, 144 ; incapacity of 
 Government to secure progress, 147 ; interests of Europe demand 
 abolition of Government, 150. 
 
 Utovu, battle of, 41. • 
 
 Vaso, 77. 
 
 Vercevics, Austrian consul at Trebinje, 39. 
 
 Vukalovics, 114. 
 
 Vukotics, director of insurrection, 103. 
 
 War of 1862, 4, 23, 24, 48. 
 Wassa Effendi, views of, 132. 
 Wassics, plan of, 64. 
 Wesselitzky, operations of, 136. 
 
 Yaksics, 129. 
 
 Zara, committee of, 12; hostile to Montenegro, 49. 
 Zeta river, 84, %(>. 
 Zlostop, 122. 
 Zupa, 16. 
 
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INDEX . 
 
 ACTON'S Modem Cookery « 
 
 AiRD'S Blackstone Economised 
 
 AiRY's Notes on the Hebrew Scriptures,., 
 
 Alpine Club Map of Switzerland 
 
 Alpine Guide (The) 
 
 AMOS's Jurisprudence 
 
 _ Primer of the Constitution 
 
 ANDERSON'S Strength of Materials I 
 
 Armstrong's Organic Chemistry 1 
 
 ARNOLD'S (Dr.) Christian Life 1 
 
 , Lectures on Modern History 
 
 Miscellaneous Works 
 
 ____^______ Sermons 1 
 
 School Sermons 1 
 
 (T.) Manual of English Literature 
 
 Atherstone Priory ^ 
 
 Autumn Holidays of a Country Parson 
 
 AYRJffi's Treasury of Bible Knowledge 5 
 
 BACON'S Essays, bj Whately 7 
 
 Life and Letters, by Speduing 5 
 
 Works, edited by Speddino 7 
 
 Bain's Emotions and Will 10 
 
 Logic, Deductive and Inductive 11 
 
 Mental and Moral Science 10 
 
 on the Senses and Intellect 10 
 
 Baker's 2 works on Ceylon , 22 
 
 Ball's Alpine Guide «o-^ 23 
 
 Bancroft's Native Races of the Pacific ... U 
 
 Barry on Railway Appliances 18 
 
 Becker's Charicles and Gallus 23 
 
 Black's Treatise on Brewing 27 
 
 Blackley's German-English Dictionary... 9 
 
 Blaine's Rural Sports 25 
 
 Bloxam's Metals 13 
 
 BOULTBEE on 39 Articles 20 
 
 Bourne's Catechism of the Steam Engine . 18 
 
 Handbook of Steam Engine 18 
 
 Improvements in the Steam 
 
 Engine 18 
 
 Treatise on the Steam Engine ... 18 
 
 BoWDLER's Family Shakspeare 25 
 
 Bramley-Moore's Six Sisters of the 
 
 • Valleys 24 
 
 - Brande's Dictionary of Science, Litera- 
 ture, and Art 1^ 
 
 Bray's Philosophy of Necessity 11 
 
 Brinkley's Astronomy 11 
 
 Browne's Exposition of the 39 Articles 20 
 
 Buckle's History of Civilization 3 
 
 Buckle's Miscellaneous Works ^ 
 
 BuCKTON's Health in the tiouse (Physio- 
 logical Lectures) _ 6 
 
 Bull's Hints to Mothers 26 
 
 Maternal Management of Children 27 
 
 Burgomaster's Family (The) 21 
 
 Burke's Rise of Great Families 5 
 
 Vicissitudes of Families 5 
 
 Cabinet Lawyer — f^ 
 
 Campbell's Norway 
 
 Cates's Biographical Dictionary » 
 
 and Woodm'ard's Encyclop»dia 3 
 
 Changed Aspects of Unchanged Truths 10 
 
 Chesney's Indian Polity o 
 
 ., Modern Military Biography ... 4 
 
 Waterloo Campaign 2 
 
 COLENSO (Bishop) on Pentateuch 21 
 
 on Moabite Stone, &c 21 
 
 Commonplace Philosopher, by A.K.H.B. ... 9 
 
 Comte's Positive Philosophy 6 
 
 CoNGREVE's Politics of Aristotle 6 
 
 CONINQTON'S Translation of the yEne/c? ... 24 
 
 Miscellaneous Writings 9 
 
 CONTANSEAU'S French Dictionaries 8 
 
 CONYBEARE and HowsON's St. Paul 20 
 
 Cotton's (Bishop) Memoir 4 
 
 Counsel and Comfort from a City Pulpit 10 
 
 Cox's Aryan Mythology 3 
 
 Crusades...,. 4 
 
 History of Greece 2 
 
 General ditto 2 
 
 Greeks and Persians 2 
 
 Tale of the Great Persian War 2 
 
 Tales of Ancient Greece 3 
 
 Crawley's Thucydides 3 
 
 Creighton's Age of Elizabeth 4 
 
 Cresy'S Civil Engineering 18 
 
 Critical Essays of a Coimtry Parson 9 
 
 CroOKES's Chemical Analysis 16 
 
 Dyeing and Calico Printing 16 
 
 Culley's Handbook of Telegraphy ^.... 18 
 
 .rD'AUBlGNE'8 Reformation 20 
 
 - Davidson's Introduction to the New Testa- 
 ment 21 
 
 Deoaisnb and Lb MAO UT'S Botany 16 
 
 Db Morgan's Budget of Paradoxes 11 
 
30 
 
 NEW "WORKS PUBUSHED by LONaMANS and CO. 
 
 Demosthenes' Oration on the Crown, 
 
 translated by Collier 7 
 
 De TocQUETiiiUE's Democracy in America 7 
 
 DiSBAELi's Lord George Bentinck 5 
 
 . Novels and Tales 23 
 
 DOBS0N©nthe Ox 26 
 
 Dove on Storms 12 
 
 DOWELL's History of Taxes 27 
 
 DOTLB'S Fairyland 17 
 
 Eastlake's Hints on Household Taste 17 
 
 EdytaRDS's Journey of 1,000 Miles through 
 
 Egypt and Nubia 22 
 
 Untrodden Peaks 22 
 
 Elements of Botany 16 
 
 Ellicott's Commentary on Ephesians 20 
 
 Galatians 20 
 
 Pastoral Epist. 29 
 
 Philippians.&c 2» 
 
 Thessalonians 20 
 
 Lectu res on the Life of Christ ... 20 
 
 Evans' (A. J.) Bosnia 22 
 
 (J) Ancient Stone Implements 14 
 
 Elsa ; a Tale of the Tyrolean Alps 24 
 
 EWALD's Antiquities of Israel 20 
 
 History of Israel „ ^. 20 
 
 FAIRBAIBN'S Applications of Iron „. 18 
 
 .^ — . Information for Engineers ... 18 
 
 Life 4 
 
 Mills and Millwork 18 
 
 FARRAR'sChapters on Language 7 
 
 Families of Speech 7 
 
 FiTZTfYGBAM on Horses and Stables 25 
 
 FORBES'S Two Years in Fiji 22 
 
 Francis's Fishing Book 25 
 
 Freshpield'S Italian Alps 22 
 
 Fboudb's English in Ireland 1 
 
 —— History of England 1 
 
 — Short Studies on Great Subjects 10 
 
 Gaibdner's Houses of Lancaster and York 4 
 
 Puritan Revolution 4 
 
 Ganot'8 Elementary Physics 13 
 
 Natural Philosophy 13 
 
 Gardiner's Buckingham and Charles 2 
 
 Thirty Years' War 4 
 
 Geffckbn on Church and State 5 
 
 German Home Life 9 
 
 GiBBS & Edwards's New Code 27 
 
 Gibson's Religion and Science 19 
 
 GiiiBBRT and Churchill's Dolomites 23 
 
 Girdlbstonb's Bible Synonymes „. 20 
 
 GOODBVB'S Mechanism 13 
 
 Mechanics 13 
 
 Grant's Ethics of Aristotle 6 
 
 Graver Thoughts (rf" a Country Parson 9 
 
 Greville's Journal „ „. 1 
 
 Griffin's Algebra and Trigonometry 13 
 
 Grohman's Tyrol and the Tyrolese 22 
 
 Grove on Correlation of Physical Forces ... 14 
 
 's (F.C.) Frosty Caucasus 22 
 
 GwiLT's Encyclopaedia of Architecture 17 
 
 Hale's Fall of the Stuarts 4 
 
 Harrison's Order and Progress 7 
 
 Hartley on the Air 12 
 
 Hartwig'S Aerial World 16 
 
 Polar World 15 
 
 Sea and its Living AVonders ... 15 
 
 Subterranean World 15 
 
 Tropical World 15 
 
 Haughton's Animal Mechanics 14 
 
 Hayward's Essays 6 
 
 Hkathcote's Reminiscences of Fen and 
 
 Mere 19 
 
 Heine's Life, Works, and Opinions, by 
 
 Stigand 5 
 
 Helmhotz on Tone 13 
 
 Popular Lectures IS 
 
 Hemsley's Handbook of Trees and Plants 15 
 
 Herschel's Outlines of Astronomy 11 
 
 HiNCHLiFP's Over the Sea and Far Away 22 
 
 Holland's Fragmentary Papers 11 
 
 Holms on the Army 3 
 
 Hullah'S History of Modem Music 13 
 
 Transition Period 13 
 
 Hume's Essays U 
 
 Treatise on Human Nature 11 
 
 IHNE'S Roman History 2 
 
 Indian Alps (The), by a LadyPLoneer 21 
 
 Ingelow's Poems 25 
 
 Jameson's Saints and Martyrs 17 
 
 Legends of the Madonna 17 
 
 Monastic Orders 17 
 
 Jameson and Eastlake's Saviour 17 
 
 Jelp on Confession in the English Church 21 
 
 Jenkin's Electricity and Magnetism 13 
 
 Jerram'S Lycidas of Milton 25 
 
 Jbrrold's Life of Napoleon 4 
 
 Johnston's Geographical Dictionary 12 
 
 JuKBS's Types of Genesis 21 
 
 on Second Death ^ 21 
 
 Kalisch's Commentary on the Bible 8 
 
 Keith on Fulfilment of Prophecy « 20 
 
 Kerl's Metallurgy 19 
 
 KiNGSLEY,'s Lectares delivered in America 9 
 
 KiBBY and Spence'8 Entomology 15 
 
 Kirkman's Philosophy 19 
 
 KN ATCHBULL-HUGBSSBN'a Higglcdy-Pig- 
 
 gledy. ; 2S 
 
 Knatchbull-Hugbssen's Whispers from 
 
 Fairyland 23 
 
NEW WORKS PUBLISHED BY LONGMANS and CO. 
 
 Landscapes, Churches, and Moralities, by 
 
 A.K.II. B ~ 10 
 
 Lang's Ballads and Lyrics 24 
 
 Latham's New English Dictionary 7 
 
 -Johnson's Dictionary .. 
 
 gnage 
 
 -Haaidbook of the English Lan- 
 
 Laxjghton's Nautical Surveying 12 
 
 Lawrenck on Rock§ 14 
 
 Lecky's History of European Morals 3 
 
 — Rationalism 3 
 
 Leaders of Public Opinion 6 
 
 Lefroy'S Bermudas 22 
 
 Leisure Hours in Town, by A.K.H.B 9 
 
 Lessons of Middle Age, by A.K.H.B 10 
 
 Lewes' History of Philosophy 3 
 
 Lewis on the Influence of Authority in 
 
 Matters of Opinion 6 
 
 LlDDBLL and Scott's Two Lexicons 8 
 
 LiNDLEY and Moore's Treasury of Botany 16 
 
 Lloyd's Magnetism 14 
 
 Wave- Theory of Light 14 
 
 London Series of French Classics 24 
 
 Longman's (W.) Edward the Third 2 
 
 Lectures on History of England 2 
 
 Old and New St. Paul's 17 
 
 Chess Openings 27 
 
 (F. W.) German Dictionary 9 
 
 Loudon's Agriculture 19 
 
 Gardening 19 
 
 Plants 16 
 
 Ludlow's War of American Independence 4 
 
 Lubbock on Origin of Civilisation 14 
 
 Lyra Germanica 21 
 
 Macaulay'S (Lord) Essays 
 
 -History of England . 
 
 —Lays of Ancient Rome 
 
 — Life and Letters 
 
 _ Miscellaneous Writings 
 
 -Speeches 
 
 -Complete Works 
 
 MACLEOD'S Economical Philosophy 
 
 Theory and Practice of Banking 
 
 Elements of Banking 
 
 McCULLOCU's Dictionary of Commerce ... 
 
 Mademoiselle Mori 
 
 MALET'g Annals of the Road 
 
 Malleson'S Genoese Studies 
 
 Native States of India 
 
 Marshall's Physiology 
 
 Marshman's Life of Havelock 
 
 — History of India 
 
 Martineau's Christian Liffe 
 
 . Hymns . 
 
 Maunder's Biographical Treasury 5 
 
 Geographical Treasury 12 
 
 Historical Treasury 3 
 
 Scientific and Literary Trea- 
 
 sury 15 
 
 Treasury of Knowledge 27 
 
 Treasury of Natural History ... 15 
 
 Maxwell's Theory of Heat ,», 13 
 
 May's Constitutional History of England... 1 
 
 History of Democracy 1 
 
 Melville's Novels and Tales 24 
 
 Menzies' Forest Trees ir> 
 
 Merivalb's Fall of the Roman Republic... 2 
 
 General History of Rome 2 
 
 ■ Romans under the Empire ... 2 
 
 Merripteld's Arit^imetie & Mensuration . 13 
 
 Miles on Horse's Feet and Horseshoeing ... 25 
 
 Horses' Teeth and Stables 26 
 
 Mill (J.) on the Mind lo 
 
 Mill (J. S.) on Liberty 
 
 on Representative Government 7 
 
 on Utilitarianism 7 
 
 's (J.S.) Autobiography 4 
 
 • Dissertations and Discussions 7 
 
 Essays on Religion &c 19 
 
 ^— Political Economy 7 
 
 System of Logic 7 
 
 Hamilton's Philosophy 7 
 
 Unsettled Questions 7 
 
 Miller's Elements of Chemistry 16 
 
 Inorganic Chemistry 13 
 
 MiNTO'g (Lord) Life and Letters 4 
 
 Mitchell's Manual of Assaying 19 
 
 Monsell'S Spiritual Songs 21 
 
 Moore's Irish Melodies 24 
 
 MORBLL's Mental Philosophy lo 
 
 MtJLLBE'S (Max) Chips from a German 
 
 Workshop 10 
 
 • . Lectures on Language 8 
 
 Science of Religion 19 
 
 Nelson on the Moon „ 12 
 
 New Reformation, by Theodorus 1 
 
 New Testament, Illustrated Edition 17 
 
 O'CONOR'S Commentary on Hebrews ......... 20 
 
 Romans 20 
 
 St. John's Gos- 
 pel 20 
 
 Odling'S Course of Practical Chemistry ... 16 
 
 0SB0RN*8 Islam 19 
 
 Owen's Comparative Anatomy and PhysiO" 
 
 logy of Vertebrate Animals 14 
 
 Paoke's Guide to the Pyrenees 23 
 
 Paget's Naval Powers 18 
 
 Pattison's Casaubon 5 
 
 Pa YEN'S Industrial Chemistry 18 
 
 Pewtner's Comprehensive Specifier 26 
 
 PiBRCK's Chess Problems 27 
 
 Pole on Whist 27 
 
 Preece and Sivewright's Telegraphy ... IB 
 
 Prendergast's Mastery of Languages 9 
 
 Present-Day Thoughts, by A.K.H.B 10 
 
 Proctor's Astronomical Essays il 
 
 Moon 11 
 
 New Star Atlas 12 
 
 Orbs Around Us 12 
 
 Plurality of Worlds 12 
 
NEW WORKS PUBLISKED BY LONGMANS AND CO. 
 
 rROCTOU's Saturn and its System 12 
 
 Scientific Essays 14 
 
 . Sun , 11 
 
 Transits of Venus H 
 
 Universe H 
 
 Public Schools Atlases (Tlie) 12 
 
 Jlodern Geograpliy 12 
 
 Bawlinsox's Parthia 2 
 
 Sassanian Mouarcliy 2 
 
 llecreartons of a Country Parson 9 
 
 IIKDGIUVVE'S Dictionary of Artists 17 
 
 PtBlLLy'8 Map of Mont Blanc i3 
 
 Reuf* jY's Memoirs 4 
 
 REYNAnusox's Down the Road £5 
 
 RlOH's Dictionary of Antiquities 8 
 
 KiVKUS' Rose Amateur's Guide I'... 16 
 
 ROGKKS'S Eclipse of Faith 10 
 
 Defence of ditto 10 
 
 Essaffi 9 
 
 RoGET's English Tliesaurus of Classified 
 
 Words and Phrases 8 
 
 •ifoNALUS's Fly-Fisher's Entomology 25 
 
 KoscoE's Outlines of Civil Procedure 6 
 
 Russell's (Lord) Recollections and Sug- 
 
 t'estious ^ 
 
 Sandars's Justinian Institutes 6 
 
 Savile on Apparitions 1^ 
 
 on Primitive Faith I'J 
 
 SCHELLES's Spectrum Analysis 12 
 
 Scott's Lectures on the Fine Arts 17 
 
 Poems, illustrated 17,24 
 
 Papers on Engineering ' IB 
 
 Seaside Musings by A. K. H. B 9 
 
 SEEUOUii's Oxford Reformers of 1498 2 
 
 Protestant Revolution 3 
 
 Sewell'S Preparation for Communion ...... 21 
 
 Questions of the Day 21 
 
 History of Fraiice 3 
 
 Tales and Stories 23 
 
 Thoughts for the Age ; 21 
 
 Shelley's Workshop Appliances 13 
 
 SUOKT'S Church History 3 
 
 Simpson's Meeting the Sun ; 22 
 
 SMITH'S (SYDNEY) Essays 10 
 
 Wit and Wisdom 10 
 
 (Dr. R. A.) Air and Rain 12 
 
 Southby's Doctor 8 
 
 Poetical Works 24 
 
 - Stanley's History of British Birds 16 
 
 Stephen's Ecclesiastical Biography 6 
 
 Stepping Stones (the Series) 27, 28 
 
 Stockman's McQioirs 4 
 
 Stonbhengb on the Dog 26 
 
 on the Greyhound 2G 
 
 Stoney on Strains 18 
 
 Sunday Afternoons, by A.K. H. B 9 
 
 Supernatural Religion 19 
 
 Swinbourne's Picture Logic 6 
 
 Taylor's History of India s 
 
 (Jeremy) Works, edited by Eden 21 
 
 Text-Books of Science 13 
 
 Thomson's Laws of Thought 7 
 
 Thorpe's Quantitative Analysis 13 
 
 Thorpe and Muir's Qualitative Analysis 13 
 
 TiLDEN's Chemical Pliilosophy 24 
 
 Todd (A.) on Parliamentary Government... I 
 
 Trench's Realities of Irish Life 4 
 
 Trevelyan's Selections from Macau- 
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 Trollope's Barchester Towers 24 
 
 Warden 24 
 
 TWLSS's Law of Nations during the Time 
 
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 Tyndall on Diamagnetism 14 
 
 Electricity , 14 
 
 Heat 13 
 
 Sound 13 
 
 American Lectures on Light . 14 
 
 Fragments of Science 14 
 
 Lectures on Light 14 
 
 ■ Molecular Physics 14 
 
 Ueberweg's System of Logic .,. 11 
 
 Ure's Arts, Manufactures, and Mines 18 
 
 Walker on Whist 27 
 
 Warburton's Edward the Third 4 
 
 Watson's Geometry ^ 13 
 
 Watts'S Dictionary of Chemistry 16 
 
 Webb's Objects for Common Telescopes ... 12 
 
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 Whately'S English Synonymes fi 
 
 Christian Evidences >..,.. 21 
 
 Logic 6 
 
 . Rhetoric 6 
 
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 WiLLlCH's Popular Tables 26 
 
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 Insects at Home 15 
 
 , Abroad 15 
 
 Out of Doors 15 
 
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 (J. T.) Ephesus 22 
 
 WYxVTT'S History of Prussia 3 
 
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 Youatt on the Dog ~. 26 
 
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