r 
 
 V2W3 
 
 UC-NRLF 
 
AMERICAS DEBT 
 
 TO 
 
 THOMAS PAINE, 
 
 BY 
 
 L K. WASHBURN. 
 
 BOSTON: 
 
 Press of Coburn Bros., 15 Water Street. 
 
 1878. 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 
 in 2007 with funding from 
 
 IVIicrosoft Corporation 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/americasdebttothOOwashrich 
 
ViM 
 
 America's Debt to Thomas Paine. 
 
 No nation at the present time has a grander destiny 
 folded within its powers and opportunities than the 
 United States of America. Our very name stands for 
 a freedom and fellowship, surpassing in possible achieve- 
 ment the brighest hopes of man. We are a free people. 
 We love liberty. There is, in the breast of every Amer- 
 can citizen, an instinct of freedom which resists any and all 
 attempts to encroach upon human rights. The men who 
 made freedom a fact in America, and united the States in 
 one purpose, have been eulogized with every word of praise 
 that gratitude could coin or affection employ. We have 
 spoken the names of Washington, Jefferson, Franklin and 
 Adams — our four great Americans — with all the fondness 
 that the world has for countrymen, and all the love that 
 mankind has for heroes. But there was no man who threw 
 into the struggle for American Independence a clearer head, 
 a braver heart, and a more tireless energy than the man 
 who, though born in England, took the whole world for his 
 country, — Thomas Paine. 
 
 This man, whom America to-day is ashamed to honor, 
 did as much to put the crown of Liberty upon the forehead 
 of our nation as any of those men whose names are enshrined 
 in hallowed remembrance, from Maine to California. Would 
 we realize the power that Paine possessed, we must turn 
 back the pages of history and read over this man's life and 
 the record of his services in the cause of liberty. Paine's 
 name has been covered with obloquy by the Christian 
 church, and the bold patriot, the brilliant writer, the fear- 
 less friend, the man, has been forgotten, while the creation 
 
 M3420S0 
 
of a church's hate and a people's wrong has borne his 
 name, and that name has been banned in all pious circles 
 as the name of an infidel, an atheist, an inebriate, and a 
 bad man. Paine's name ; that was a terror to the royal 
 powers of England ; Paine's name ; that was an inspiration 
 to the American forces fighting for liberty and peace; 
 Paine's name ; that lighted up the councils of our nation 
 in those dark hours when defeat seemed certain and the 
 dream of freedom about to end in despair ; Paine's name ; 
 that was applauded by the public voice and spoken with 
 love and gratitude in private where his generosity and kind, 
 ness had alleviated sorrow and want, has been hooted and 
 scorned by a populace that should have been taught to 
 speak it with pride, and honor it with reverence. It is little 
 to give honof to such a man as Thomas Paine at this late hour, 
 the man to whom Americans should erect a monument of 
 praise. No voice so truly proclaimed our rights, no voice 
 so nobly defended our cause. No man, et home or abroad* 
 was more fearless for political and religious liberty, and it 
 is due the memory of this great man, this true friend of 
 human liberty, this brave champion of human rights, that 
 Americans should bury in oblivion the foul stigmas that 
 Christian ministers in their narrowness and bitterness have 
 fastened to his name. 
 
 Paine's pen did as much as Washington's sword to 
 drive from our land the hired troops of British tyranny. 
 The pamphlets of this man's brain were supplied to the 
 patriot army as regularly as were powder and balls. Paine's 
 soul too high for falsehood ; his mind too bright for error ; 
 well might England with her royalty and ritualism denounce 
 this revolutionist ; but it is not the part of a free citizen of 
 the United States of America, whose independence he la- 
 bored to win, and whose liberty is surer for his existence — 
 to join in the denunciation. " Well has Thomas Paine been 
 called the 'man of three countries and disowned by all.' 
 England, where he was born, cotild not forgive his love of 
 
liberty ; America, whose liberties he helped to achieve, 
 could not forgive his love of truth ; and France, whose lib- 
 erties he labored in vain to fix on sure foundations, could 
 not forgive his love of mercy." 
 
 This man has been the sport of as cruel a fate as ever 
 pursued the path of mortal. His native land had for him 
 only a prison ; his much-loved France carried him with 
 shouts of triumph and pride through the streets one day, 
 and the next threatened him with death, while our country 
 refused him the grave he desired. Paine had but to hear 
 the cry of liberty to rush to her rescue. His manhood could 
 not stoop to king or priest. His loyalty to truth made him 
 an enemy to the church, and his love of man made him hate 
 the priest. If ever a man wore through life the breast-plate 
 of truth, this was the man. If ever a man was buried in the 
 shroud of ingratitude, then was Thomas Paine. 
 
 It was Paine^s work on " Common Sense" that made 
 the American Colonies the United States. On this work 
 Jefferson pointed the pen that declared our independence* 
 and Washington whetted the sword that achieved it. All 
 honor then to the memory of him who was our nation's friend 
 when she needed one, and dishonor be to those who refuse 
 to do justice to his memory. 
 
 It is not my purpose to give the life of Thomas Paine, 
 only to give enough of it to show the man and to point out 
 in some measure his great services to our country. 
 
 We do not care to show Paine a saint. We do not 
 labor to paint an object of worship for the world's sentiment 
 to kneel to ; our task will be to show how brave and true a 
 man he was, and with what heroism and sacrifice he labored 
 for liberty. I do not like perfect men (they do not live here 
 on earth), much less do I like a great man perfect. There 
 were faults in the subject of this sketch which we have no 
 wish to hide or cover up, but there were virtues which or- 
 nament human life, which have been denied him by the 
 world too long. 
 
6 
 
 Thomas iPaine was born in Thetford, England, on the 
 ^ 29th day of January, 1737. 
 
 We will pass over the first years of his life, as they 
 were not marked by any events which possess historical inter- 
 est. In the Fall of 1774 Paine sailed for America with letters 
 of recommendation from Franklin, who was then in London. 
 ^Almost immediately upon his arrival in Philadelphia he 
 was made editor of the Pennsylvania Magazine, and it is in 
 this periodical that some of Paine's most beautiful writings 
 are found. Of Paine*s literary abilities much has been said, 
 his enemies as,serting that he was a coarse writer, with some 
 boldness of thought and originality of expression, but with- 
 out literary culture or taste, while his friends have ranked 
 him with Goldsmith, Congreve and Addison for elegance of 
 diction, and point of utterance. His style is clear, forcible, 
 and independent. He had no master in literature more 
 than in politics or religion. He spoke what he thought, and 
 his language as well as his thought was his own. One is con- 
 stantly reminded in reading the works of Paine that he cared 
 only to be sincere to his idea. He wanted no false robes of 
 rhetoric to adorn the form of truth. He used plain speech, 
 and dealt in simple, but chaste language. 
 
 The charm of a literary life to such a man as Paine was 
 a temptation hard to resist, but his great love of humanity, 
 which was intensified to a passion as he beheld it suffering 
 from tyranny and superstition, turned his mind from con- 
 templation of nature and more congenial habits to the vio- 
 . lent but useful course of political pursuits. Paine's char- 
 / acter, as the world best knows it, is that of a revolutionist* 
 He was a man of convictions ; such a man as turns the 
 world from its course ; such a man as stands ready in some 
 crisis to direct and command. Paine was not one of those 
 negative characters that are borne about by the force of 
 events, and floated into notice on the noisy surface of popu- 
 lar excitement, but he was a positive man ; one who had 
 the power to shape and control events. This was the part 
 
he played in the great revolutionary drama that was acted 
 on this Continent a century ago, and if his brave, manly 
 figure be not as prominent on the stage of military action, 
 it is because he was filling a higher place and performing a 
 greater service. We have not space to give the history of 
 the events which brought the American people to the morn- 
 ing of the 17th of June, 1775. We can merely assert what 
 is matter of common knowledge — that previous to this time 
 the idea of National Independence had gained no considera- 
 ble hold upon the minds of the people. 
 
 In October, I774,the American Congress then assembled 
 to see what answer should be made to the question, "Shall 
 we make common cause with Boston ?" in their resolutions, 
 "declare themselves His Majesty's loyal subjects. They 
 declare that they are Englishmen and want only English- 
 men's rights, and ask to be restored to the situation of 
 1763." No thought of Independence entered into the de- < 
 liberations of this Congress ; and the next spring, when the 
 battles of Lexington and Concord were fought, and the 
 Americans organized for resistance, with Washington as 
 chief commander, it was for the avowed purpose of regain- 
 ing their rights as loyal subjects, and not as free citizens of 
 an independent nation. The American Congress in July, 
 1775, published a declaration desiring reconciliation with 
 Britain, and also sent a petition to the King. After wait- 
 ing six months for a favorable reply to the petition and re- 
 ceiving no answer, but instead, being informed that a large 
 body of foreign troops was to be brought against the col- 
 onists, hope began to die out, and fear and anger excited 
 the hearts of the people. It was at this period that Thomas 
 Paine published his work on "Common Sense," in which 
 he "boldly proposed independence as the best way out of 
 the difficulties into which they had plunged, and as an ob- 
 ject alone worth fighting for." 
 
 This work seemed a stroke of fate. It went like a con- 
 viction to the people's heart. Opinion was changed. He 
 
showed that there could be a better government than the 
 British, and he opened the eyes of the Americans to a fu- 
 ture which we have since realized. "Common Sense" was 
 read wherever people could read ; in some places with fear 
 and trembling ; in others with fear and hope. A few ex- 
 claimed at once, "Independence for America !", while the 
 large majority were soon prepared for the arguments of 
 "Common Sense." The scene at Albany, as described by 
 Rickman, indicates the feeling that prevailed when this 
 bold pamphlet was first issued. . A perspiration of fear 
 seemed to start out all over the land, but it was soon suc- 
 ceeded by a thrill of patriotism that fired the veins of 
 America until the "Common Sense" of Paine was vindicated, 
 and the cry of liberty burst from every foot of soil in the 
 United States. 
 
 Rickman says, "When *Common Sense' arrived at Al" 
 bany, the Convention of New York was in session. General 
 Scott, a leading member, alarmed at the boldness and nov- 
 elty of its arguments, mentioned his fears to several of his 
 distinguished colleagues, and suggested a private meeting 
 in the evening, for the purpose of writing an answer. They 
 accordingly met, and Mr. McKesson read the pamphlet 
 through. At first it was deemed both necessary and expe- 
 dient to answer it immediately ; but casting about for the 
 necessary arguments, they concluded to adjourn and meet 
 again. In a few evenings they assembled, but so rapid was 
 the change of opinion in the Colonies at large that they 
 ultimately agreed not to oppose it." The popularity of 
 this work may be imagined when we read that not less than 
 one hundred thousand copies of it were sold. When Paine 
 saw the great demand for his work he gave the copyright 
 to every State, declaring that what he wrote was not for his 
 own selfish interest, but for the good of the world. When 
 we remember that Paine was a poor man, and that he could 
 have realized quite a fortune from the sale of his work, his 
 generous deed in giving to America his thoughts and re- 
 
fusing the ordinary profits from their publication, shows 
 the measure of his patriotism and the depths of the man. 
 On the 4th of July, 1776, Congress declared the Colonies 
 free and independent States, which was within a few 
 months after the publication of "Common Sense." Paine 
 immediately volunteered his services to the United States, 
 and enlisted as a private in the army. He accompanied 
 the army of Independence as an itinerant writer, and the 
 first number of the "Crisis" was published in December, 
 1776, after Washington's defeat on Long Island, and after 
 the loss of Forts Washington and Lee. The army of In- 
 dependence, so hopeful six months before, had met only 
 loss and defeat, and it was fast dwindling away, and the 
 cause of liberty with it, when, through the air like a bugle- 
 blast, sounded these opening words of the first "Crisis" : 
 "These are the times that try men's souls. The summer 
 soldier and the sunshine patriot will, in this crisis, shrink 
 from the service of their country, but he who stands it now 
 deserves the thanks of man and woman. Tyranny, like 
 hell, is not easily conquered ; yet we have this consolation 
 with us, that the harder the conflict the more glorious the 
 triumph." The historian of the Revolution tells us that 
 this pamphlet was read to every corporal's guard, and that 
 the effect was little less than magical. Hope and courage 
 were infused into the ranks ; deserters returned, and once 
 more the army, was ready to face the foe. The pen was 
 mightier than the sword in those days of the Revolution, 
 and Thomas Paine, with his brave words, was the power 
 that kept the fire of freedom burning in the hearts of the 
 people. The battle of Trenton was won within a month 
 after the first "Crisis" was issued, and enthusiasm filled the 
 country. Paine wrote the second number in January, 1777, 
 congratulating the States upon the victory of Trenton, and 
 ridiculing the proclamation of Lord Howe. On the 19th 
 of April follo'gring, the third number came out. A few 
 days previous Paine had been elected by Congress Secre- 
 
10 
 
 tary to the Committee for Foreign Affairs, which office he 
 held for two years. 
 
 In 1780, when the country was financially embarrassed, 
 Paine proposed to Congress the way of relief, and the fol- 
 lowing year he accompanied Col. Laurens to Paris, where 
 they obtained six million livres as a present, and ten mil- 
 lions as a loan. Nothing was too hazardous for Paine to 
 undertake ; nothing to bold for him to dare. There was no 
 sacrifice he would not make for freedom, and the first man 
 to step into the breach of duty, the place of sacrifice dur- 
 ing those "times that tried men's souls," was Thomas Paine. 
 When our country was almost bankrupt, before Paine went 
 to France ; when Washington feared the dissolution of the 
 army for want of pay, Paine started a private subscription 
 with five hundred dollars (all the money he had, including 
 his salary as Secretary), and raised over three hundred 
 thousand dollars. Throughout the entire seven years* 
 struggle his courage never faltered, his generous spirit nev- 
 er flagged ; and the "Crisis" continued to be published until 
 peace was declared, and the prize of national freedom won 
 forever. At the close of the war Paine retired to Borden- 
 town, where the grateful friendship of Washington found 
 him. The following letter to Paine shows in what esteem 
 
 Washington held him : — 
 
 "Rocky Hill, Sept. loth, 1783. 
 "I have learned since I have been at this place that you 
 are at Bordenrown ; whether for the sake of retirement or 
 economy I know not. Be it for either, for both, or what- 
 ever it may, if you will come to this place and partake with 
 me I shall be exceedingly happy to see you at it. Your 
 presence may remind Congress of your past services to this 
 country, and if it is in my power to impress them, command 
 my best exertions with freedom, as they will be rendered 
 cheerfully by one who entertains a lively sense of the im- 
 portance of your works, and who, with much pleasure, sub- 
 scribes himself, Your sincere friend, 
 
 G. Washington." 
 The country did not forget Paine's services. Two years 
 after peace was declared Congress ordered the sum of three 
 
11 
 
 thousand dollars to be paid to Mr. Thomas Paine for his 
 "early, unsolicited and continued labors" in behalf of the 
 United States of America. The Legislature of Pennsylva- 
 nia gave him twenty-five hundred dollars, and the Assembly 
 of New York voted him a large estate at New Rochelle. 
 
 Is it possible that in one century America has forgotten 
 the services of Thomas Paine ? Can ingratitude go so far 
 as to allow this man's name t© be the sport and scorn of a 
 superstition ? America's debt to Thomas Paine is a debt 
 of justice. Shall it be paid now, or is it too much to ask 
 America to be just while it is Christian ? Some day our 
 nation is to bend in humiliation over the dust of Thomas 
 Paine, and ask forgiveness of that silent ground that holds 
 his ashes, for its cowardly silence when his name has been 
 aspersed. There is the dust of a hero in our soil, and in 
 future years thousands will make a pilgrimage to the spot 
 where the marble shaft shall proclaim, "Here was laid the 
 body of Thomas Paine, the friend of right, truth and man." 
 
 In 1787, his work in America being finished, Paine went 
 to England to erect an iron bridge — which he had invented 
 during his leisure time in America — over the river Wear^ 
 partly at his own expense. 
 
 Shortly after the completion of this enterprise, Paine 
 published in England the first part of his great political 
 work, entitled, "Rights of Man," and in 1791 the second 
 part, for which quite an army of booksellers, together with 
 Paine, were fined and imprisoned. It was the next year> 
 when France was hastening forward to that insane period 
 of her national life, that Paine sailed for Calais. He took 
 sides with the oppressed in all lands, and he labored to do 
 for religious liberty in France what he did for political lib- 
 erty in America, and tried to do in England. When the 
 order of priesthood was abolished throughout France, 
 Paine saw that the people were in danger of forsaking all 
 religion, and he wrote his "Age of Reason," to show that 
 the religion of the priest was false, and to point out the way 
 
12 
 
 to a higher life than that of the church, and a better religion 
 than that of the priest. The world has not yet been able 
 to appreciate his effort. 
 
 Paine was elected a representative in the national con- 
 vention of France, and took his seat in the fall of 1792. 
 It was while in this convention that his love of mercy 
 gained for him the hatred of the ruling spirits of France, 
 and nearly cost him his life. Louis XVI. had been con- 
 demned to death by the Assembly, and Thomas Paine rose, 
 and with a courage inspired by his great love of right and 
 justice, protested in the name of liberty against the deed. 
 History has never been called upon to preserve nobler, 
 grander, manlier speech than the words of Paine on that 
 occasion. Facing enmity, persecution, and perhaps death, 
 yet caring more for the right than for himself, he cried out* 
 "Destroy the King but save the man ! strike the crown but 
 spare the heart !" 
 
 "These are not the words of Thomas Paine," exclaimed 
 a dozen voices from different parts of the hall. "They are 
 my words," said the brave man, and for speaking them he 
 was thrown into a dungeon, where he lay for eleven months, 
 during which time he was twice sentenced to the guillotine, 
 but escaped almost by a miracle. 
 
 The first part of the "Age of Reason," written while 
 Paine was imprisoned, was published in Paris in 1795. 
 Paine remained in France until 1802, when he embarked for 
 America. Seven years of old age were spared him in this 
 land, and in 1809 he died in Greenwich Village. His re- 
 mains were carried to his farm in New Rochelle, and there 
 buried. 
 
 Had Paine, like Jefferson, Adams, Franklin and others 
 r- of that period, suppressed his religious opinions, his name 
 would to-day be spoken with honor by those who now speak 
 it with contempt. Thomas Paine is hated to-day, Tiot be- 
 cause he was a bad man, but because he wrote the "Age of 
 Reason." Paine^s crime was- not against humanity, but 
 
13 
 
 against the church. He dared tell the truth in religion as 
 in politics. The true way for the Christian church to meet 
 Thomas Paine is to refute his arguments, not abuse his 
 name. It is easy to call a man an infidel, but it would be 
 more just to show that he is one. There was that in the 
 character of Thomas Paine which will endure when the 
 church which has maligned him will have no knee to bend 
 before its altar, and no lips to rehearse its prayers. This 
 man spoke what was true against the church's religion, and 
 that is why the church cannot answer him. Paine's religious 
 convictions must be those of every man who thinks for 
 himself. The Christian cries out, "Tom Paine had no re. 
 ligion." Not quite so fast, my Christian friend ; has a man 
 no religion because he has not yours ? We read in this 
 much*abused "Age of Reason " (and what we read there is 
 the language of a man whose identity cannot be mistaken) 
 " I believe in one God, and no more ; and I hope for happi- 
 ness beyond this life. 
 
 "J believe in the equality of man, and I believe that re- 
 ligious duties consist in doing justice, loving mercy, and 
 endeavoring to make our fellow-creatures happy. The 
 word of God is the creation we behold. The world is my 
 country ; to do good my religion." 
 
 This is the creed of the infidel Thomas Paine, and if 
 every Christian church in America were founded upon the 
 religious principles contained therein, there would be less 
 unhappiness in the world, and a brighter look in the faces 
 of men and women. The Christian church has branded 
 Paine as an Atheist. He says, "I believe in one God and 
 no more." 
 
 The Christian church has called Paine a man without 
 religion. His religion, he said, was " doing justice, loving 
 mercy, and endeavoring to make his fellow-creatures happy." 
 
 My Christian friends, let us tell the truth about this man. 
 He did not believe in the Deity of Jesus, but he did believe 
 in God. He did not accept the Bible as God's word, but he 
 
14 
 
 did accept God's creation. He did not practice the hypoc- 
 risy of the Christian church, and profess to believe what no 
 man of common sense can believe, but he practiced what he 
 believed to be right, and believed what to him was true. 
 Paine's religion had help in it, had brotherly love, kindness 
 and mercy in it, but it had no damnation for those who did 
 not accept it. That Paine had no patience with the pro- 
 fessing religionist is well known, and, that he often indulged 
 in bitter language against the Christian church, is evidenced 
 in his works. He always had a right word for the many 
 opponents who sought his conversion, and knew just how 
 to treat the pious sycophants and religious bores, that pes- 
 tered honest people then as they do now. 
 
 Passing through Baltimore he was accosted by the Rev. 
 Mr. Hargrove, minister of a new sect. " You are Mr. Paine," 
 said Mr. Hargrove. " Yes sir." " My name is Hargrove, I 
 am minister of the New Jerusalem Church here. We, sir, 
 explain the scripture in its true meaning. The key has 
 been lost above four thousand years, and we have found it ! " 
 * Then," said Paine drily, " It must have got very rusty." 
 
 It has been iterated and reiterated, especially by the 
 pulpit, that Paine changed his religious opinions before he 
 died. This is only another of those falsehoods told by 
 parties who imagined they were doing a service to the cause 
 of truth by uttering it. We have the testimony of Mr. Amasa 
 Wordsworth, who was present with him every day for six 
 weeks before he died, and stood by his bedside when the 
 angel of death put his cold arms around his form, and he 
 declares that the last words Paine ever spoke were these : " I 
 have no wish to believe on that subject," in answer to a 
 question put by Dr. Manly, " If he wished to believe that 
 Jesus Christ was the Son of God." Paine died as he lived, 
 true to his religious convictions. 
 
 There was no blot on the public life of Thomas Paine. 
 It was pure and white, without spot or blemish. His pri- 
 vate character was not withgutfiome flaws. He was at times 
 
15 
 
 provoked to words and deeds that in calmer moments he 
 never could have been guilty of. That he was not perfect 
 in temper is the testimony of his nurse. Paine was never 
 profane, immoral or untruthful. He could not tolerate pro- 
 fanity, and falsehood had no friend in Thomas Paine. 
 
 There is one charge against Paine that his friends have 
 feared was too true ; namely, that he drank intoxicating 
 liquors during the latter part of his life to excess. That 
 Paine used liquors in moderate quantities, is attested by 
 those who lived with and knew him, but those persons 
 declare that they never saw Paine intoxicated, and that he 
 never drank to excess. Mr. Lovett with whom he boarded 
 in New York said, that he drank less than any boarder in 
 his house, and Mr. Jarvis, his almost constant attendant 
 for years, said that Paine " did not and could not drink 
 much." Drinking was not a vice that marked an individual, 
 but one that marked the times. Almost everyone used more 
 or less spirituous liquors, and Paine was no exception to 
 the men of his age. 
 
 This slander, that Paine was a drunkard, has been ably 
 refuted by Mr. Vale, his biographer, who visited in 1840 
 the home of Paine, where all of the old inhabitants testified 
 that they never saw Thomas Paine worse for liquor. 
 
 Drinking in the last century was not looked upon with 
 that degree of abhorrence, with which this age regards it, and 
 the friends of Paine may, without fear, allow his life to be 
 judged just as it was. We know he had failings, enough 
 to make him human, but he was a rare man, endowed with 
 great natural powers, and a sincere man, one who was tried 
 in times when the weak went to the wall, and only the strong 
 could endure. Let us admit all his faults ; he had fewer 
 than most great men. As a man who loved truth, he ranks 
 with the truest ; as a man who loved liberty, he has scarcely 
 a peer ; and as a man who loved his fellow-man, he stands 
 with the great lovers of his race. 
 
 I venture to say, that the men and women who pronounce 
 
16 
 
 the name of Paine with detestation, would be ashamed to 
 acknowledge their ignorance of his life and history. I also 
 venture the assertion, that if those same men and women 
 would read the life of Paine, their prejudice would vanish 
 their hate turn to admiration, and their denunciation to honor 
 
 Such honest and honorable public service as Paine ren- 
 dered America would adorn i)ur nation with a personal 
 splendor that in this age has been sadly wanting. Such a 
 religion as Paine had would make our churches temples to 
 God and truth which now are on a level with the idol-houses 
 of India and China. 
 
 America must pay a tribute of respect to this man, or 
 forever stand condemned for injustice and ingratitude toward! 
 one of her braviest and noblest champions. 
 
 It needs no prophet-glance to see that the name of 
 Thomas Paine is to grow brighter and brighter as the years 
 wear away, and that as superstition loses its hold upon the 
 mind, and the age of reason dawns in the soul, this man is 
 to be judged by his fidelity to his opinions, and not by his 
 antagonism to the popular religion. 
 
 When in the distant future the names of those who 
 have best served the human race shall be written on the 
 world's scroll of honor, that of Thomas Paine will be 
 written near the head of the list. 
 
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