Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2007 with funding from IVIicrosoft Corporation http://www.archive.org/details/corneliusneposwiOOneporich ^^^^pi^f^. -8: /r^* X • VT . €ORIEMUS lEPOS ANSWERED QUESTIONS, IMITATIVE EXERCISES, REV. THOMAS KERCHEVE^ ARNOLD; ivf.A., RECTOR OF LYNDON, AND LATE FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDaS. CAREFULLY REVISED, WITH NOTES BY E. A. JOHNSON, PROFESSOR OF LATIN IN THE UNIVERSITY OF THE CITY OF NEW-YORK. A NEW EDITION, ENLARGED, WITH A LEXICON, HISTORICAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX, ETC. NEW- YORK: D. APPLETON & CO., 200 BROADWAY, PHILADELPHIA I GEO. S. APPLETON, 164 CHESNUT-STREET. 18 5 0. £ a Entered, according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1846. By D. APPLETON & COMPANY, In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the Sonthen District of New York. ADVERTISEMENT. But little has been done to this edition save to add Notes on the Lives from Epaminondas (XV.), and onwards. A Lexicon has also been added, which is believed to be accurate. A Historical and Geographi- cal Index completes the additions which have been made. It is proper to state that the editor of the first edition of this work is not responsible for the addi- tions now made. They have been added owing to the pressing desire of teachers to possess the complete work. These additions will be found to be improve- ments, and serve to render the work as nearly perfect as the plan submitted permitted. N*w York, June, 1848. PREFACE, The English edition of this little work was accom- panied by the following brief announcement : " Should the plan and execution of this little volume meet with the approbation of able instructors, it will probably be followed by a similar ona on selected por- tions of Xenophon's works. " For the answers to the questions I am principally indebted to the excellent editions of Cornelius Nepos by Bremij Ddhne, and Jaumann, i' Lyndon, Jan. 31, 1845. x . xv. a. In this American edition the alterations will be found to consist principally in a more full and correct citation of illustrative passages, in frequent references to the recent reprint of Zumpt's Latin Grammar, to confirm or silently modify the positions taken, and in the addi- tion of the notes at the foot of the page, which are re- ferred to by letters of the alphabet. Many other changes have been made in the correc- tion of errors, which appear to have been the conse- quence of haste, of which it is hoped this edition will be comparatively free. With these brief statements of what the editor is responsible for, he leaves this little volume to win for itself, both with teachers and pupils, the favor which it deserves. E. A. J. N. Y. University, Aug 6, 1846. CONTENTS. Paok PRiBFATIO 7 Questions and Exercises Ill 1. MiLTIADES 9 Questions and Exercises 116 2. Themistocles 14 Questions and Exercises 135 3. Aristides # 20 Questions and Exercises 161 4. Pausanias 22 Questions and Exercises 166 5. CiMON 25 Questions and Exercises 179 6. Lysander 27 Questions and Exercises 187 7. Alcibiades 29 Questions and Exercises 195 8. TlIRASYBULUS 36 Questions and Exercises 214 9. CoNON 38 Questions and Exercises 219 10. Dion 41 Questions and Exercises 223 11. Iphicrates 47 Questions and Exercises 236 12. Chabrias 48 Questions and Exercises 239 13. TiMOTIlEUS 50 Questions and Exercises 243 14. Datames 53 Questions and Exercises 246 1* 6 CONTENTS. Pagi 15. Epaminondas 59 Notes 256 16. Pelopidas 65 Notes 258 17. Agesilaus. 68 Notes 259 18. EUMENES 72 Notes 261 19. Phocion 80 Notes 264 20. TiMOLEON 82 Notes 265 21. De Regibus 85 Notes 266 22. Hamilcar 87 Notes 266 23. Hannibal 89 Notes...., 267 24. M. Fortius Cato 96 Notes 269 25. T. PoMPONius Atticus 9"! Notes 270 Lexicon 275 Historical AND Geographical Index 354 Index 397 PRiEFATIO. ARGUMENTUM. Auctor scripturcB genus, quo usus est, et rerum, quas per- secutus est, levitaiem excusat morum GrcBcorum et Ro- manorum diversitate. ' I. NoN dubito, fore plerosque*, Attice, qui hoc ^^rue 1 scripturae leve et non salis digriumsnrornorum vii'ariifn personis judicent, quum relatum legent, quis musicaia docuerit Epaminondam ; aut in ejus virtutibus comme- morari, saltasse eum commode scienterque tibiis can- tasse. Sed hi erunt fere, qui, expertes litterarum 2 Graecanim, nihil rectum, nisi quod ipsorum moribus conveniat, putabunt. Hi si didicerint, non eadem omni- 3 bus esse honesta atque turpia, sed onmia majonun insti- tutis judicari, non admirabuntur, nos in Graiorum virtu- tibus exponendis mores eorum secutos. Neque enim 4 Cimoni fuit turpe, Atheniensium sununo viro, sororem germanam habere in matrimonio : quippe quum cives ejus eodem uterentur institute. At id quidem nostris moribus nefas habetur. Magnis in laudibus tota fere fuit 5 Graecia, victorem Olympiae citari ; in scenam vero pro- dire et populo esse spectaculo, nemini in eisdem genti- bus fuit turpitudini. Qua? omnia apud nos partim 8 PRiEFATIO. infamia, partim humilia atque ab hone state remota 6 ponuntur. Contra ea • pleraque nostris moribus sunt decora, quae apud illos turpia putantur. Quern enim Romanorum pudet uxorem ducere in convivium? aut cujus non materfamilias primum locum tenet aedium 7 atque in celebritate versatur ? Quod multo fit aliter in . Graecia. Nam neque in convivium adhibetur, nisi pro- pinquorum ; neque sedet, nisi in interiore parte aedium, quae ywaix^^vTrig appellatur, quo nemo accedit, nisi pro- 8 pinqua cognatione conjunctus. Sed hie plura persequi, turn magnitudo voluminis prohibet, tum festinatio, ut ea • « e?:plicem, quae, Qxorsus sum. Quare ad propositum Vfeniemus 'el; ih liofc*eXponemus libro de vita excellentium ► : lirip^ifcitomso: ; ,\ '*'. I. MIL TI ADE S. ARGUMENTUM. CAP . I. Dux colonorum in Chersonesum mtttitur. Irrt- detur a Lemniis. 11. Chersoneso potitur . Lemnum captt et Cyclades. III. Pontis in Histro custos a Dario^ qui • Scythas hello petebat, constituitur . Dat consilium liber- talis recuperand(B . Ab HisticBo impeditur. IV. Suis est auctor, ut ingentibus copiis, a Dario ad puniendos Athe- nienses missis^ obviam eant. V. Ante sociorum adven- turn vincit Darium. VI. Pr(Bmium victoricB. VII. Omittit oppugnationem Pari. Damnatur et in vinculis moritur. VIII. Vera ejus damnationis causa. I. Miltiades, Cimonis filius, Atheniensis, quum et 1 antiquitate generis, et gloria majorum, et sua modestia unus omnium maxime floreret, eaque esset aetate, ut jam non solum de eo bene sperare, sed etiam confidere cives possent sui, talem futurum, qualem cogni- 515 tum judicarunt : accidit, ut Athenienses Cherso- »• c. n. nesum colonos vellent mittere. Cujus generis quum 2 magnus numerus esset, et multi ejus demigrationis peterent societatem: ex his delecti Delphos deliberatum missi sunt, qui consulerent Apollinem, quo potissimum duce uterentur. Nam [que] tum Thraces eas regiones tenebant, cum quibus armis erat dimicandum. His con- 3 sulentibus nominatim Pythia praecepit, ut Miltiadem sibi imperatorem sumerent : id si fecissent, incepta prospera 10 I. 2, 3. {Miltiades) 4 futura. Hoc oraculi response Miltiades cum delecta • manu classe Chersonesum profectus quum accessisset Lemnum, et incolas ejus insulae sub potestatem redigere vellet Atheniensium, idque Lemnii sua sponte facerent, 5 postulasset : illi irridentes responderunt, turn id se fac- turos, quum ille, domo navibus proficiscens vento aqui- lone, venisset Lemnum. Hie enim ventus, ab septen- trionibus oriens, adversum tenet Athenis proficiscenti- 6 bus. Miltiades, morandi tempus non habens, cursum direxit, quo tendebat, pervenitque Chersonesum. 1 n. Ibi brevi tempore barbarorum copiis disjectis, tota regione, quam petierat, potitus, loca castellis idonea com- munivit, multitudinem, quam secum duxerat, in agris 2 collocavit, crebrisque excursionibus locupletavit. Neque minus in ea re prudentia, quam felicitate, adjutus est. Nam quum virtute militum hostium devicisset exercitus, summa sequitate res constituit, atque ipse ibidem manere 3 decrevit. Erat enim inter eos dignitate regia, quamvis carebat nomine ; neque id magis imperio, quam justitia, consecutus. Neque eo secius Atheniensibus, a quibus erat profectus, officia praestabat. Quibus rebus fiebat, ut non minus eorum voluntate perpetuo imperium obti- neret, qui miserant, quam illorum, cum quibus erat pro- 4 fectus. Chersoneso tali modo constituta, Lemnum rever- ^■. titur, et ex pacto postulat, ut sibi urbem tradant. Illi enim dixerant, quum, vento bore a domo profectus, eo pervenisset, sese dedituros ; se autem domum Chersonesi 5 habere. Cares, qui tum Lemnum incolebant, etsi prae- ter opinionem res ceciderat, tamen, non dicto, sed secunda fortuna adversariorum capti, resistere ausi non sunt atque ex insula demigrarunt. Pari felicitate ceteras insulas, quae Cyclades nominantur, sub Atheniensium redegit potestatem. 1 HL Eisdem temporibus Persarum rex Darius, ex 514 Asia in Europam exercitu trajecto, Scythis a. c. n. bellum inferre decrevit. Pontem fecit in Histro flumine, qua copias traduceret. Ejus pontis, dum ipse abesset, custodes reliquit principes, quos secum ex Ionia et bolide duxerat ; quibus singulis ipsarum 2 urbium perpetua dederat imperia. Sic enim facillime putavit se Graeca lingua loquentes, qui Asiam inco- lerent, sub sua retenturum potestal^^,-' si amicis suis I. 4. {Miltiades.y 11 oppida tuenda tradidisset, quibus, se oppresso, nulla spes salutis relinqueretur. In hoc fuit turn numero Miltiades, cui ilia custodia crederetur. Hie quum crebri : afFerrent nuntii, male rem gerere Darium, premique ab Scythis, Miltiades hortatus est pontis custodes, ne a for- tuna datam occasionem liberandse Gra^cia; dimitterent. Nam si cum his copiis, quas secum transportaverat, interisset Darius, non solum Europam fore tutam, sed etiam eos, qui Asiam incolerent Gra3ci genere, liberos a Persarum futuros dominatione et periculo. Id et facile effici posse ; ponte enim rescisso, regem vel hostium ferro, vel inopia paucis diebus interiturum. Ad hoc con- silium quum plerique accederent, Histia^us Milesius, ne res conliceretur, obstitit, dicens : non idem ipsis, qui summas imperii tenerent, expedire et multitudini, quod Darii regno ipsorum niteretur dominatio ; quo exstincto ipsos potestate expulsos civibus suis poenas daturos. Itaque adeo se abhorrere a ceterorum consilio, ut nihil putet ipsis utilius, quam confirmari regiium Persarum. Hujus quum sententiam plurimi essent secuti, Miltiades, non dubitans,tam multis consciis ad regis aures consilia sua perventura, Chersonesum reliquit, ac rursus Athenas demigravit. Cujus ratio etsi non valuit, tamen magno- pere est laudanda, quum amicior omnium libertati, quam suae fuerit dominationi. IV. Darius autem, quum ex Europa in Asiam redisset, hortantibus amicis, ut Graeciam redigeret in suam potes- tatem, classem quingentarum navium comparavit, eique Datim praefecit et Artaphernem ; bisque ducenta pedi- tum, decem milia equitum dedit : causam interserens, se hostem esse Atheniensibus, quod eorum auxilio lones Sardis expugnassent, suaque pracsidia interfecissent. Illi praefecti regii, classe ad Euboeam appulsa, celeriter Ere- triam ceperunt, omnesque ejus gentis cives abreptos in Asiam ad regem miserunt. Inde ad Atticam accesse- runt, ac suas copias in campum Marathona deduxerunt. Is abest ab oppido circiter milia passuum decem. Hoc tumultu Athenienses tam propinquo tamque magno per- moti auxilium nusquam, nisi a Lacedaemoniis, petiverunt, Phidippidemque cursorem ejus generis, qui tjjuls^o^^ojuuoi vocantur, Lacedaemonem miserunt, ut nuntiaret, quam celeri opus esset auxilio. Domi autem creant decem prae- 12 I. 5, 6. (Miltiades.) tores, qui exercitui praeessent, in eis Miltiadem. Inter quos magna fuit contentio, utrum mcenibus se deAmde- ' rent, an obviam irent hostibus, acieque decernerent. 5rUnus Miltiades maxime nitebatur, ut primo quoque tempore castra fierent. Id si factum esset, et civibus animum accessurum, quum viderent, de eorum virtute non desperari, et hostes eadem re fore tardiores, si animadverterent, auderi adversus se tarn exiguis copiis dimicare. 1 V. Hoc in tempore nulla civitas Atheniensibus auxilio fuit praeter Plataeenses. Ea mille misit militum. Itaque horum adventu decern milia armatorum completa sunt : 2 quae manus mirabili flagrabat pugnandi cupiditate. Quo factum est, ut plus, quam coUegae, Miltiades valuerit. Ejus auctoritate impulsi Athenienses copias ex urbe 3 eduxerunt, locoque idoneo castra fecerunt. Deinde pos- tero die sub montis radicibus, acie e regione instructa, nova arte, vi summa prcelium commiserunt. Namque arbores multis locis erant stratae, hoc consilio, ut Qt montium tegerentur altitudine, et arborum tractu equi- tatus hostium impediretur, ne multitudine clauderentur. 4 Datis, etsi non aequum locum videbat suis, tamen, fretus numero copiarum suarum, confligere cupiebat : eoque magis, quod, priusquam Lacedaemonii subsidio venirent, dimicare utile arbitrabatur. Itaque in aciem peditum centum, equitum decem milia produxit, proeliumque 5 commisit. In quo tarito plus virtute valuerunt Atheni- enses, ut decemplicem numerum hostium pro- Sptbr. fligarint; adeoque perterruerunt, ut Persae non ^^^ castra, sed naves petierint. Qua pugna nihil adhuc est nobilius ; nulla enim umquam tam ex- igua manus tantas opes prostravit. 1 VI . Cujus victorise non alienum videtur quale prae- mium Miltiadi sit tributum, doc ere, quo facilius intelligi 2 possit,eamdem omnium civitatum esse naturam. Ut enim populi nostri honores quondam fuerunt rari et tenues, ob eamque causam gloriosi ; nunc autem effusi atque obsoleti : sic olim apud Athenienses fuisse reperimus. 3 Namque huk Miltiadi, qui Athenas totamque Graciam liberarat, t^is honos tributus est in porticu, quae IIojxiXt] vocatur, quum pugna depingeretur Marathonia, ut in decem praetorum numero prima ejus imago pone- I. 7, 8. (Miltiades) 13 retur, isque hortaretur milites, proeliumque committeret. Idem ille populus, posteaquam majus imperium est 4 nactus, et largitione magislratuum corruptus est, tre- centas statuas Demetrio Phalereo decrevit. VII. Post hoc proelium classem septuaginta navium 1 Athenienses eidem Miltiadi dederunt, ut insulas, quae barbaros adjuverant, bello persequeretur. Quo imperio plerasque ad officium redire copgit, nonnullas vi expug- navit. Ex his Parum insulam, opibus elatam, quum 2 oratione reconciliare non posset, copias [e navibus] eduxit, urbem operibus clausit omnique commeatu pri- vavit ; delude vineis ac testudinibus constitutis, propius muros accessit. Quum jam in eo esset, ut oppido poti- 3 retur, procul in continenti lucus, qui ex insula conspicie- batur, nescio quo casu, nocturno tempore incensus est. Cujus flamma ut ab oppidanis et oppugnatoribus est visa, utrisque v^iit in opinionem, signum a classiariis regiis datum. Quo factum est, ut et Parii a deditione 4 deterrerentur, et MiUiades, timens, ne classis regia ad- ventaret, incensis operibus, qurc statuerat, cum totidem navibus, atque erat profectus, Athenas magna cum oflen- sione civium suorum rediret. Accusatus ergo prodi- 5 tionis, quod, quum Parum expugnare posset, a rege cor- ruptus infectis rebus discessisset. Eo tempore aeger erat vulneribus, quae in oppugnando oppido acceperat. Itaque quoniam ipse pro se dicere non posset, verba fecit frater ejus Tisagoras. Causa cognita capitis abso- 6 lutus, pecunia multatus est, eaque lis quinquaginta ta- lentis aestimata est, quantus in classem sumtus factus erat Hanc pecuniam quod solvere in praesentia 488 non poterat, in vincula publica conjectus est a. c. n. ibique diem obiit supremum. VIII. Hie etsi crimine Pario est accusatus, tamen alia 1 fuit causa damnationis. Namque Athenienses propter Pisistrati tyrannidem, quae paucis annis ante fuerat, om- nium suorum civium potentiam extimescebant. Miltiades, 2 multum in imperiis magistratibusque versatus, non vide- batur posse esse privatus, praesertim quum consuetudine ad imperii cupiditatem trahi videretur. Nam Cherso- 3 nesi omnes illos, quos habitarat, annos perpetuam ob- tinuerat dominationem, tyrannusque fuerat appellatus, sad Justus. Non erat enim vi consecutus, sed suorum 2 14 II. 1. {T/w//usiOcles\) roluntate, eamque potestatem bonitate retinebat. Om- nes autem et habentur et dicuntur tyranni, qui potestate sunt perpetua in ea civitate, qus3 libertate usa est. Sed in Miltiade erat quum summa humanitas, turn mira com- munitas,* ut nemo tarn humilis esset, cui non ad eum aditus pateret ; magna auctoritas apud omnes civitates, nobile nomen, laus rei militaris maxima. Haec populus respiciens maluit eum innoxium plecti, quam se diutius esse in timore. 11. THEMISTOCLES. ARGUMENTUM. CAP. I. Adolescenslihenusvivit. Exheredatusreipuhl.se dedit. II. Clarus CorcyrcBO et Persico hello. Inter- pretatur oraculum de muris ligneis in hello Persico II ad servandos eorum cives. III. Secundum proelium ad Artemisium. IV. Dolo Xcrxem vincit juxta Sala- mina. V. Callido nuntio Xerxem decipit, quo Grceciam liherat. ^I. Pirceei portum et muros Athenarum ex- struit. LacedcBmonii repugnant. VII. LacedcBmonios arte deludit, eosque reprehendit. VIII. Ostracismo i?i exsilium ejectus, varia fuga agitatur. IX. Ad Arta- xerxem litter as dat salutis causa. X. Multis muneri- hus ah eo ornatur. MagnesicB moritur. I. Themistocles, Neocli filius, Atheniensis. Hujus vitia ineuntis adolescentiae magnis sunt emendata virtuti- Dus, adeo ut anteferatur huic nemo, pauci pares putentur. Sed ab initio est ordiendum. Pater ejus Neocles genc- rosus fuit. Is uxorem Acharnanam civem duxit, ex qua natus est Themistocles. Qui quum minus esset pro- batus parentibus, quod et liberius vivebat, et rem fami- liarem negligebat, a patre exheredatus est. Quoe con- tumelia non fregit eum, sed erexit. Nam quum judi- casset, sine summa industria non posse eam exstingui, totum se dedidit reipublicae, diligentius amicis famaeque * Al. comitas. II. 2, 3. {Themistocles.) 15 Borviens- Multum in jiidiciis privatis versabatur ; saepe in concionem populi prodibat ; nulla res major sine eo gerebatur, celeriterque, quae opus erant, reperiebat. Neque minus in rebus gerendis promtus, quam excogi- tandis, erat, quod et de instantibus (ut ait Thucydides) verissime judicabat, et de futuris callidissime conjicie- bat. Quo factum est, ut brevi tempore illustraretur. II. Primus autem gradus fuit capessendse reipublicae bello Corcyraeo : ad quod gerendum praetor a populo factus non solum praesenti bello, sed etiam reliquo tem- pore ferociorem reddidit civitatem. Nam quum pecunia publica, guae ex metallis redibat, largitione magistra- tuum quotannis interiret, ille persuasit populo, ut ea pe- cunia classis centum navium aedificaretur. Qua celeriter effecta, primum Corcyraeos fregit, deinde maritimos prae- dones consectando mare tutum reddidit. In quo tum divitiis ornavit, tum etiam peritissimos belli navalis fecit Athenienses. Id quantae saluti fuerit universae Grae- ciae, bello cognitum est Persico, quum Xerxes et marl et terra bellum universae inferret Europae cum 48i tantis copiis, quantas neque antea, neque postea "• ^- °- habuit quisquam. Hujus enim classis mille et ducen- tarum navium longarum fuit, quam duo milia oneraria- rum sequebantur; terrestres autem exercitus septin- gentorum milium peditum, equitum quadringentorum milium fuerunt. Cujus de adventu quum fama in Grae- ciam esset perlata, et maxime Athenienses peti diceren- tur propter pugnam Marathoniam : miserunt Delphos consultum, quidnam facerent de rebus suis? Deliberan- tibus Pythia respondit, ut mccnibus ligneis se munirent. Id responsum quo valeret, quum intelligeret nemo, Themistocles persuasit, consilium esse ApoUinis, ut in naves se suaque conferrent : eum enim a deo significari murum ligneum. Tali consilio probato, addunt ad supe- riores totidem naves triremes, suaque omnia, quae moveri poterant, partim Salamlna, partim Trcezena asportant ; arcem sacerdotibus paucisque majoribus natu, ac sacra procuranda tradunt, reliquum oppidum relinquunt. III. Hujus consilium plerisque civitatibus displicebat, et in terra dimicari magis placebat. Itaque missi ^ q j^^ sunt delecti cum Leoriida, Lacedsemoniorumrege, 480 qui Thermopylas occuparent, longiusque barbaros ^* °* 16 II. 4, 5. {Themistocles.) progredi rion paterentur. Hi vim hostium non sustinue- runt, eoque loco omnes interierunt. At classis communis Graeciae trecentarum navium, in qua ducentae erant Atheniensium, primum apud Artemisium, inter Euboeam continentemque terram, cum classiariis regis conflixit Angustias enim Themistocles quaerebat, ne multitudine circumiretur. Hie etsi pari proelio discesserant, tamen eodem loco non sunt ausi manere : quod erat periculum, ne, si pars navium adversariorum Euboeam superasset, ancipiti premerentur periculo. Quo factum est, ut ab Artemisio discederent, et exadversum Athenas apud Salamina classem suam constituerent. IV. At Xerxes, Thermopylis expugnatis, protinus accessit astu, idque, nullis defendentibus, interfectis sacerdotibus, quos in arce invenerat, incendio delevit. d oo Cujus fama perterriti classiarii quum manere non Jul. auderent, et plurimi hortarentur, ut domos suas quisque discederent, mcenibusque se defenderent: Themistocles unus restitit, et universos pares esse posse aiebat, dispersos testabatur perituros, idque Eurybiadi, regi Lacedaemoniorum, qui turn summae imperii praeerat, fore affirmabat. Quem quum minus, quam vellet, move- ret, noctu de servis suis, quem habuit Hdelissimum, ad regem misit, ut ei nuntiaret suis verbis : adversaries ejus in fuga esse : qui si discessissent, majore cum labore et longinquiore tempore belium confecturum,quum singulos consectari cogeretur ; quos si statim aggre- deretur, bre\^i universos oppressurum. Hoc eo valebat, ut ingratiis*^ depugnandum omnes cogerentur. liac re audita barbarus, nihil doli subesse credens, postridie alienissmio sibi loco, ^contra opportunissimo hostibus, adeo angusto mari conflixit, ut ejus multitudo Sptbr. navium explicari non potuerit. Yictus ergo est 480 magis consilio Themistoclis, quam armis Grae- ciae. V. Hie etsi male rem gesserat, tamen tantas habebat reliquias copiarum, ut etiam cum his opprimere posset hostes. Iterum ab eodem gradu depulsus est. Nam Themistocles verens, ne bellare perseveraret, certiorem eum fecit, id agi, ut pons, quem ille in Hellespont© fecerat, dissolveretur, ac reditu in Asiam excluderetur ; idque ei persuasit. Itaque qua sex mensibus iter fece- II. 6,7. (Themistocles.) 17 rat, eadem minus diebus triginta in Asiam reversus est seque a Themistocle non superatum, sed conserva- tum judicavit. Sic unius viri prudentia Graecia liberata 3 est, Europseque succubuit Asia. Hsec altera victoria, qua3 cum Marathonio possit comparari tropseo. Nam pari modo apud Salamina parvo numero navium maxima post hominum memoriam classis est devicta. VI. Magnus hoc bello Themistocles fuit, nee minor in 1 pace. Quum enim Phalerico portu, neque magno 473 neque bono, Athenienses uterentur : hujils con- *• ^- °- silio triplex Pirseei* portus constitutus est, isque moeni- bus circumdatus, ut ipsam urbem dignitate aequipararet, militate superaret. Idem muros Atheniensium restituit 2 pragcipuo periculo suo. Namque Lacedsemonii, causam idoneam nacti propter barbarorum excursiones, qua negarent, oportere extra Peloponnesum ullam urbem habere, ne essent loca munita, quae hostes possiderent, Athenienses scdiftcantes prohibere sunt conati. Hoc 3 longe alio spectabat, atque videri volebant. Athenienses enim duabus victoriis, Marathonia et Salaminia, tantam gloriam apud omnes gentes erant consecuti, ut intellige- rent Lacedacmonii, de principatu sibi cum his certamen fore. Quare eos quam infirmissimos esse volebant. 4 Postquam autem audierunt, muros instrui, legatos Athenas miserunt, qui id fieri vetarent. His prscsenti- bus desierunt, ac se de ea re legatos ad eos missuros dixerunt. Hanc legationem suscepit Themistocles, et 5 solus primo profectus est ; reliqui legati ut tum exirent, quum satis altitudo muri exstructa videretur, prajcepit ; interim omnes, servi atque liberi, opus facerent, neque ulli loco parcerent, sive sacer, sive profanus, sive pri- vatus esset, sive publicus, et undique, quod idonjsm ad muniendum putarent, congererent. Quo factum est, ut Atheniensium muri ex sacellis sepulcrisque constarent. Vil. Themistocles autem, ut Lacedsemonem venit, 1 adire ad magistratus noluit, et dedit operam, ut quam lon- gissime tempus duceret, causam interponens, se collegas exspectare, quum Lacedcemonii quererentur, opus nihilo- minus fieri, eumque in ea re conari fallere. Interim 2 reliqui legati sunt consecuti. A quibus quum audisset, non multum superesse munitionis, ad ephoros Lacedae- * Piraei, Bremi. 2* 18 II. 8. {Themistocles.) moniorum accessit, penes quos summum imperium erat, atque apud eos contendit, falsa his esse delata ; quare sequym esse, illos viros bonos nobilesque mittere, quibus fides haberetur, qui rem explorarent ; interea se obsi- dem retinerent. Gestus est ei mos, tresque legati, functi summis honoribus, Athenas missi sunt. Cum his collegas suos Themistocles jussit proficisci, eisque prae- dixit, ut ne prius Lacedsemoniorum legates dimitterent, quam ipse esset remissus. . Hos postquam Athenas per- venisse ratus*est, ad magistratum senatumque Lacedse- mohiorum adiit, et apud eos liberrime professus est : Athenienses suo consilio, quod communi jure gentium facere possent, deos publicos, suosque patrios ac penates, quo facilius ab hoste possent defendere, muris sepsisse ; neque in eo, quod inutile esset Grsecise, fecisse. Nam illorum urbem ut propugnaculum oppositum esse bar- baris, apud quam jam bis classes regias fecisse naufra- gium. Lacedaemonios autem male et injuste facere, qui id potius intuerentur, quod ipsorum dominationi, quam quod universoe Grsecise utile esset. Quare, si suos legatos recipere vellent, quos Athenas miserant, se remitterent, aliter illos numquam in patriam recepturi. VIII. Tamen non effugii. civium suorum invidiam. Namque ob eumdem timorem, quo damnatus erat Mil- tiades, testarum sufTragiis e civitate ejectus, Argos habitatum concessit. Hie r aum propter multas ejus virtutes magna cum digr^ate yiveret, Lacedsemonii legatos Athenas miserunt, qui eum absentem accusarent, quod societatem cum rege Persarum ad Graeciam oppri- mendam fecisset. Hoc crimine absens proditionis 475 est damnatus. Id^ut audivit, quod non-. satis ^- ^- "• tutum se Argis videbat, Corcyram demigravit. Ibi quum ejus principes civitatis animadvertisset timere, ne propter se helium his Lacedaemonii et Athenienses indicerent : ad Admetum, Molossorum regem, cum quo ei hospitium fuerat, confugit. Hue quum venisset, et in prsesentia rex abesset, quo majore religione se receptum tueretur, filiam ejus parvulam arripuit, et cum ea se in sacrarium, quod summa colebatur cserimonia, conjecit. Inde non prius egrjessus est, quam rex eum data dextra in fidem reciperet, quam pranstitit. Nam quum ab Atheniensibus et Lacedsemoniis exposceretur publice, supplTcem non prodidit, monuitque, ut consu II. 9, 10. {Themistocles.) 19 leret sibi ; difficile enim esse, in tarn propinquo loco tuto eum versari. Itaque Pydnam eum deduci jussit, et quod satis esset praesidii, dedit. Hie in navem omni- 6 bus ignotus nautis adscendit. Quae quum tempestate maxima Naxum ferretur, ubi tum Atheniensium erat exercitus : sensit Themistocles, si eo pervenisset, sibi esse pereundum. Hac necessitate coactus domino navis, qui sit, aperit, multa poUicens, si se conservasset. At 7 ille, clarissimi viri captus misericordia, diem noctemque procul ab insula in salo navem tenuit in ancoris, neque quemquam ex ea exire passus est. Inde Ephesum per- vlftit, ibique Themistoclem exponit : cui ille pro meritis gratiam postea retiilit. IX. Scio, plerosque ita scripsisse, Themistoclem, 1 Xerxe regnante, in Asiam transisse. Sed ego potissi- mum Thucydidi credo, quod aitate proximus, qui illorum temporum historiam reliquerunt, et ejusdem civitatis fuit. Is autem ait, ad Artaxerxem eum veiiisse, atque his verbis epistolain misisse : Thanistocles veni ad te, qui 2 plurima mala omnium Graiururti in domum tuam inttili, quum, mihi necesse fuit, adversus patrem tuum hellare, pairiamque mcam deftndere. Idem multo plura bona 3 [rursus\feci, postquam in tuto ipse, et ille in periculo esse cczpit. Nam quum in Asiam reverti vellct, prcelio apud Salamina facto, Htteris eum certiorem feci, id agi, ut pons, quem in Hellesponto fecerat, dissolveretur, atque ab hosti- bus circumiretur : quo nuntio lUe periculo est liberatus. Nunc autem confugi ad te, exagitatus a cuncta GrcBcia, 4 tuam pctens amicitiam : quam si ero adeptus, non minus me bonum amicum habebis, quam fortem inimicum ille expertus est. Ea autem rogo, ut de his rebus, quas tecum co'loqui volo, annum mihi temporis dcs, eoque transacto ad te venire patiaris^, X. Hujus rex animimagnitudinem adniirans, cupiens- 1 que talem virum sibi conciliari, veniam dedit. Ille omne illud tempus litteris sermonique Persarum dedit : quibus adeo eruditus est, ut multo commodius dicatur apud regem verba fecisse, quam hi poterant, qui in PersYde erant nati. Hie quum multa regi esset pollicitus, gratis- 2 simumque illud, si suis uti consiliis vellet, ilium Graeciam bello oppressurum; magnis muneribus ab Artaxerxe donatus in Asiam rediit, domiciliumque Magnesiae sibi 20 III. 1. {Aristides.) constituit. Namque hanc urbem ei rex donarat, his quidem verbis : quae ei panem praeberet (ex qua regione quinquaginta talenta quotannis redibant) ; LampsScum autem, unde vinum sumeret ; Myuntem, ex qua opso- nium haberet. Hujus ad nostram memoriam monu- menta manserunt duo : sepulcrum prope oppidum, in quo est sepultus ; statuae in foro Magnesiae. De cujus morte multimodis apud plerosque scriptum est : sed nos eumdem potissimum Thucydidem auctorem probamus, 4^j qui ilium ait Magnesiae morbo mortuum, neque (ai. 465) negat, fuisse famam, venenum sua sponte sumsisag, quum se, quae regi de Graecia opprimenda pom- citus esset, praestare posse desperaret. Idem, ossa ejus clam in Attica ab amicis sepulta, quoniam legibus non concederetur, quod pfoditionis esset danmatus, memoriae prodidit. III. ARISTIDES ARGUMENTUM. CAP, I* jEmulus Themis tqd^ ; multatur exsilio. II. Ante tempus revocatur ; jm^or contra Mardonium ; imperium Atheniensihus conciliM, III. ^rario prceest ; pauper moritur. I. Aristides, Lysimachi filius, Atheniensis, aequalis fere fuit Themistocli. Itaque cum eo de principatu con- tendit : namque obtrectarunt inter se**. In his autem cognitum est, quanto antestaret eloquentia innocentiae. Quamquam enim adeo excellebat Aristides abstinentia, ut unus post hominum memoriam, quod quidem (ai. 482) nos audierimus, cognomine Justus sit appellatus . ^" ®' "• tamen, a Themistocle collabefactus, testula ilia exsilio decem annorum multatus est. Qui quidem quum intelligeret, reprimi concitatam multitudinem non posse, cedensque animadvertisset quemdam scribentem,utpatria pelleretur, quaesisse ab eo dicitur, quare id faceret, aut III. 2, 3. {Aristides) gl quid Aristides commisisset, cur tanta pcena dignus duce- retur ? Cui ille respondit, se ignorare Aristidem ; sed 4 sibi non placere, quod tarn cupide elaborasset, ut prseter ceteros Justus appellaretur. Hie decern annorum legi- 5 timam pcenam non pertulit. Nam postquam Xerxes in Graeciam descendit, sexto fere anno, quam erat ex- pulsus, populiscito in patriam restitutus est. II. Iriterfuit autem pugnae navali apud Salamina, 1 quae facta est prius, quam poena liberaretur. Idem praetor fuit Atheniensium apud PlatSeas in proelio, quo Mardonius fusus, barbarorumque exercitus interfectus est. Neque aliud est ullum hujus in re militari illustre 2 , factum, quam hujus imperii memoria ; justitiae vero, et acquitatis, et innocentiae multa : in primis, quod ejus gjquitate factum est, quum in communi classe esset Grajciae simul cum Pausania, quo duce Mardonius erat fugatus, ut summa imperii mamimi ab Lacedaemoniis transferretur ad Athenienses. Namque ante id tempus 3 et mari et terra duces erant Lacedaunonii. Tum autem et intemperantia Pausaniac, et justitia factum est Ari- stidis, ut omnes fere civitates Graeciae ad Atheniensium societatem se applicarent, et adversus barbaros hos duces deligerent sibi. •• III. Quos quo facilius repellerent, si forte bellum 1 renovare conarentur, ad classes aedificandas exercitus- que comparandos quantum pecuniae quacque civitas daret, Aristides delectus est, qui constitueret, ejusque arbitrio j^juadringena et sexagena talenta quotannis Delum sunt collata. Id enim commune aerarium esse voluerunt. Quae omnis pecunia postero tempore Athenas translata est. Hie qua fuerit abstinentia, nullum est certius 2 indicium, quam quod, quum tantis rebus praefuisset, in tanta paupertate decessit, ut, qui efferretur, vix reli- querit. Quo factum est, ut filiae ejus publice alerentur, "3 et de communi terario • dotibus datis coUocarentur. De- cessit autem fere post annum quartum, quam 471 Themistocles Athenis erat expulsus a. c.-u- 22 IV. 1, 2. {Pausanias,) IV. PAUSANIAS. ARGUMENTUM. CAP. I. Pugna ad Platceas. II. Byzantium expugnat, Xerxifavet, GrcecicB futurus proditor. III. Peregrinis moribus ipse se prodit, scytalaque domum revocatus Helotas sollicitat. IV. Litterarum commercium cum hoste ; perturhatus se ipse indicat. V. In Minerva templum confagit, ihi ohstruitur et mox interit. 1 I. Pausanias, Lac^aemonius, magnus homo, sed varius in omni genere vitse fuit. Nam ut virtutibus 2 eluxit, sic vitiis est obrutus. Hujus illustrissimmn est proelium apud Plataeas. Namque illo duce Mar- d/25 donius, satrapes regius, natione Medus, regis a^c'^n g^'^^^i in primis omnium '^Persarum et manu fortis et consilii plenus, cum ducentis milibus peditum, quos vimim legerat, et viginti [milibus] equi- tum, baud ita magna manu Graeciae fugatus est, eo^ue 3 ipse dux cecTdit proelio. Qua victoria elatus plurima miscere coepit, et majora concupiscere. Sed primum in eo est reprehensus, quod ex praeda tripodem aureum Delphis posuisset, epigrammate scripto, in quo erat haec sententia : suo ductu barbaros apud Plataeas esse deletos, 4 ejusque victoriae ergo Apollini donum dedisse. Hos versus Lacedaemonii exsculpserunt, neque aliud scripse- runt, quam nomina earum civitatum, quarum auxilio Persae erant victi. 1 II. Post id proelium eumdem Pausaniam cum classe 477 communi Gyprum atque Hellespontum miserunt, a. c. n. yt gx his regionibus barbarorum praesidia depel- 2 leret. Pari felicitate in ea re usus elatius se gerere coepit, majoresque appetere res. Nam quum, Byzantio expugnato, cepisset complures Persarum nobiles, atque in his nonnullos regis propinquos, hos clam Xerxi remi- sit, simulans, ex vinculis publicis effugisse ; et cum his Gongylum Eretriensem, qui litteras regi redderet, in IV. 3. (Pausanias.) 23 quibus haec fuisse scripta Thucydides memoriae prodidit : Pausanias, dux SpartcB, quos Byzantii ceperat^ postquam 3 propinquos tuos cognovit^ tihi muneri misit, seque tecum affinitate conjungi cupit : quare, si tihi videtur, des ei jiliam tuam nuptum. Id sifeceris, et Spar tarn et ceteram 4 GrcBciam sub tuam potestatem^ se ddjuvante, te redacturum poUicTtur. His de rebus si quid geri volueris, certum hominerri ad eum mittas face, cum quo colloquatur. Rex, 5 tot hominum salute, tam sibi necessariorum, magnopere gavisus, confestim cum epistola Artabazum ad Pausa- niam mittit, in qua eum coUaudat, ac petit, ne cui rei . parcat ad ea perficienda, quae poUicetur. Si fecerit, nul- lius rei a so repulsam laturum. Htijus Pausanias volun- 6 tate cognita, alacrior ad rem gerendam factus, in suspi- cionem cecidit Lacedaemoniomm. In quo facto domum revocatus, accusatus capitis, absolvitur ; mmtatur tamen pecunia : quam ob causam ad classem remissus non est. III. At ille post non multo sua sponte ad exercitum 1 rediit, et ibi non callida, sed dementi ratione cogitata patefecit. Non enim mores patrios solum, sed etiam cultum vestTtumque mutavit. Apparatu regio utebatur, 2 veste Memca ; satellTtos Medi et ^gyptii sequebantur ; epulabatur more Persarum luxuriosius, quam, qui ade- rant, perpeti possent ; aditum petentibus conveniendi 3 non dabat ; superbe respondebat, [etj crudeliter impe- rabat. Spartam redire nolebat. Colonas, qui locus in agro Troade est, se contulerat : ibi consilia quum pa- triae, tum sibi inimica capiebat. Id postquam Lacedae- 4 monii rescierunt, legatos ad eum cum scytala miserunt, in qua more illorum erat scriptum : nisi domum rever- teretur, se capitis eum damnaturos. Hoc nuntio com- 5 motus, sperans, se etiam tum pecunia et potentia instans periculum posse depellere, domum rediit. Hue ut venit, ab ephoris in vincula publica conjectus est. Licet enim legibus eorum cuivis ephoro hoc facere regi. Hinc tamen se expedivit ; neque eo magis carebat suspicione. Nkm opinio manebat, eum cum rege habere societatem. Est genus quoddam hominum, quod Ilotse vocatur,' 6 quorum magna multitudo agros Lacedsemoniorum colit servorumque munere fungitur. Hos quoque soUicitare spe libertatis existimabatur. Sed quod harum rerum 7 nullum erat apertum crimen, quo argui posset, non 24 IV. 4, 5. {Pausamas) putabant, de tali tamque claro viro suspicionibus oportere judicari, et exspectandum, dum se ipsa res aperiret. 1 IV. Interim Argil|us quidam, adolescentulus, quura epistolam ab eo ad Artabazum accepisset, eique in suspi- cionem venisset, aliquid in ea de se esse scriptum, quod nemo eorum rediisset, qui super tali causa eodem missi erant, vincula epistolae laxavit, signoque detracto cog- 2 novit, si pertulisset, sibi esse pereundum. Erant in eadem epistola, quae ad ea pertinebant, quae inter regera Pausaniamque convenerant. Has ille litteras eplioris 3 tradidit. Non est praetereunda gravitas Lacedsemo- niorum hoc loco. Nam ne hujus quidem indicio im- pulsi sunt, ut Pausaniam comprehenderent ; neque prius vim adhibendam putaverunt, quam se ipse indicasset. 4 Itaque huic indici, quid fieri vellent, praecep^unt. Fa- num Nepfuni est TaeifS-i, quod violari nefas putant Graeci. Eo ille index confugit ; in ara consedit. Hanc juxta locum fecerunt sub terra, ex quo posset audiri, si quis quid loqueretur cum Argilio. Hue ex ephoris 5 quidam descenderunt. Pausanias, ut audivit, Argilium confugisse in aram, perturbatus venit eo. Quern quum supplicem Dei videret in ara sedentem, quaerit, causae quid sit tam repentiho consilio. Huic ille, quid ex lit- 6 teris comperisset, aperit. Modo magis Pausanias per- turbatus orare coepit, ne enuntiaret, nee se, meritum de illo optime, proderet. Quod si eam veniam sibi dedis- set, tantisque implicatum rebus sublevasset, magno ei praemio futurum. 1 V. His rebus ephori cognitis satius putaverunt, in urbe eum comprehendi. Quo quum essent profecti, et Pausanias, placato Argilio, ut putabat, Lacedsemonem reverteretur : in itinere, quum jam in eo esset, ut com- prehenderetur, ex vultu cujusdam ephori, qui eum ad- 2 monere cupiebat, insidias sibi fieri intellexit. Itaque paucis ante gradibus, quam qui sequebantur, in aedem Minervae, quae p(^aXxIoixo^ vocatur, confugit. Hinc ne exire posset, statim ephori valvas ejus sedis obstruxe- runt, tectumque sunt demoliti, quo facilius sub divo 3 interiret, Dicitur, eo tempore matrem Pausanise vixisse, eamque jam magno natu, postquam de scelere filii com- perit, in primis ad filium claudendum lapidem ad in- 4 truitum sedis attulisse. Sic Pausanias magnam belli V. 1. {Cimon.) 25 gloriam turpi raorte maculavit. Hie quum semi- 459 animis ^^ ffilBf ^" elatus esset, eonfestim animam ^- ^- °- efflavit. Cujus mortui corpus quum eodem nonnulli dicerent inferri oportere, quo hi, qui ad supplicium essent dati : displicuit pluribus, et proeul ab eo loco infoderunt, quo erat mortuus. Inde posterius [dei] Delphiei responso erutus, atque eodem loco sepultus, ubi vitam posuerat. V. CIMON. ARGUMENTUM. CAP. I. Heres paternorum vinculorum ah uxore liheratur, II. Ejus virtutes et res gestm : Persas eodem die navali et terrestri proelio vincit. III. Ostracismo ejicitur. Revocatus pacem cum LacedcBmoniis conciliat. Citii moritur. IV. Laudatur ejus liberalitas. I. Cimon, Miltiadis filius, Atheniensis, duro admodum 1 initio usus est adolescentiae. Nam quum pater 439 • ejus litem aestimatam populo solvere non potuis- *• ^* "• set, ob eamque causam in vinculis publicis decessisset : i.,imon eadem custodia tenebatur, neque Le gil?us A the- mensiimi emitti poterat, nisi pecuniam, qua pater mul- tatus erat, solvisset. Habebat autem in matrimonio 2 sororem germanam suam, nomine Elpinicen, non magis amore, quam more ductus. Nam Atheniensibus licet eodem patre natas uxores ducere^ Hujus cMijugii cu- 3 pidus Callias quidam, non tam generosus^ qpiam p.ecju- niosus, qui magnas pecunias ex metallis, fecerat," egit cum Cimone, ut eam sibi uxorem daret : id si impe- trasset, se pro illo pecuniam soluturum. Is quum talem 4 conditionem aspernaretur, Elpinlce negavit,se passuram, Miltiadis progeniem in vinculis publicis interire, quo- niam prohibere posset, seque Calliqe nupturam, si ea, quae polliceretur, praestitisset. ^^"^^ " 3 26 V. 2, 3, 4. {Cimon.) 1 II. Tali modo c ustodia libera tus Cimon celeriter ad principatum pervemt! HabebaT^Tltm s | n^, ^.1nr|iip!nt. ifp. summam liberalitatem, magnam prudentiam turn juris civTlis, turn rei militaris, quod cum patre a puero in exercitibus fuerat versatus. Itaque hie et populum urbanum in sua tenuit potestate, et apud exercitum 2 plurimum valuit auctoritate. Primum imperator apud flumen , Strymona, magnas copias Thracum fugavit, o ppidum Amphipolim constituit, eoque decem milia iMheniensium in coloniam misit. Idem iterum apud Mycalen Cypriorum ej Phoenicum ducentarum navium 3 classem devictam cepit ; eodemque die pari fortuna in 469 terra usus est, Namque hostium navibus captis, *• ^* "• statim ex classe copias suas eduxit, barbarorum 4 [que] uno concursu maximam vim prostravit. Qua victoria magna praeda potitus quum domum reve rte- retur, quod jam nonnuUse insulce propter aceiraatem imperii defecerant, bene animatas confirmavit, alienatas 5 ad officium redire coegit. Scyrum, quam eo tempore Dolopes incolebant, quod contumacius se gesserant, vacuefecit, sessores veteres urbe insulaque ejecit, agros civibus divisit. Thasios opulentia fretos suo adventu 467 fregit. His ex manubiis ^StKeharum arx, qua ad a. c. n. meridiem vergit, est ornata. 1 III. Quibus rebus quum iinus in civitate maxime 461 floreret, incidit in eamdem invidiam, quam pater a. c. n. suus ccterique Atheniensium principes. Nam tes- tarum suffragiis, quod illi otfr^axitfiuoov vocant, decem 2 annorum exsilio multatus est. Cujus facti celerius Athenienses, quam ipsum, poenituit. Nam quum ille animo forti invidise ingratorum civium cessisset, bellum- que Lacedsemonii Atheniensibus indixissent : confestim 3 nota3 ejus virtutis desiderium consecutum est. Itaque post annum quintum, quam expulsus erat, in patriam revocatus 'est. IJle, quod hospitio Lacedsemoniorum utebatur, satius existimans, contendere Lacedaemonem, sua sponte est profectus, pacemque inter duas potentissi- 4 450 . mas civitates conciliavit. Post, neque ita multo, a. c. n. Cyprum cum ducentis navibus imperator missus, 449 quum ejus majorem partem insulae devicisset, in a- c. n. morbum implicitus, in oppido Citio est mortuus. 1 IV. Hunc Athenienses non solum in bello, sed in VI. 1. {Ly Sander.) 27 pace diu desideraverunt. Fuit enim tanta liberalitate, quum compluribus locis praedia hortosque haberet, ut numquam in eis custodem imposuerit fructus servandi gratia, ne quis impediretur, quo minus ejus rebus, qui- bus quisque vellet, frueretur. Semper eum pedisequi Q cum nummis sunt secuti, ut, si quis opis ejus indigeret, hab5Tet,quod statim daret,ne differendo videretur negare. Ssepe, quum aliquem offensum fortuna videret minus bene vestitum, suum amiculum dedit. Quotidie sic coena 3 ei coquebatur, ut, quos invocatos vidisset in foro, omnes devocaret : quod facere nullum diem praetermittebat. NuUi fides ejus, nulli opera, nulli res familiaris defuit ; multos locupletavit ; complures pauperes mortuos, qui, unde efferrentur, non reliquissent, suo sumtu extulit. Sic se gerendo mini me est mirandum, si et vita ejus fuit 4 secura, et mors acerba. VI. LYSANDER. ARGUMENTUM. CAP . I. Athenarum victor; decemviros GrcBcicB civitatihus imponit. II. Crudelis in Thasios. III. Reges toller e et oraculum corrumpere conatur ; accusatus absolvitur : occiditur a Thehanis. IV, Lysander P harnabazi fraude se ipse accusat. I. Lysander, Lacedaemonius, magnam reliquit sui 1 famam, magis felicitate, quam virtute partam. Athe- nienses enim in Peloponnesios sexto et vicesimo anno bellum gerentes confecisse apparet. Id qua ratione consecutus sit, latet. Non enim virtute sui exercitus, 2 sed immod^stia factum est adversariorum, qui, quod dicto audientes imperatoribus suis non erant, dispalati in agris, relictis navibus, in hostium venerunt potesta- tem. Quo facto Athenienses se Lacedaemoniis dedide- runt. Hac victoria Lysander elatus, quum antea semper 3 28 VI. 2, 3. {Lysander.) factiosus audaxque fuisset, sic sibi indulsit, ut ejus opera in maximum odium Grseciae Lacedaemon.i pervenerint. Nam quumhanc causam Lacedaemonii dictitassent nense sibi esse belli, ut Atheniensium impotentem domi- D^*>^- nationem re fringe rent, postquam apud jEgos flumen Lysander classis hostium est potitus, nihi' aliud molitus est, quam ut omnes civitates in sua teneret potestate, quum id se Lacedaemoniorum causa facere simularet. Namque undique, qui Atheniensium rebus studuissent, ejectis, decern delegerat in unaquaque civi- tate, quibus summum imperium potestatemque omnium rerum committeret. Horum in numerum nemo admitte- batiu*, nisi qui aut ejus hospitio contineretur, aut se illius fore proprium fide confirmarat. II. Ita decemvirali potestate in omnibus urbibus con- stituta, ipsius nutu omnia gerebantur. Cujus de crude- litate ac perfidia satis est unam rem, exempli gratia, proferre, ne de eodem plura enumerando defatigemus lectores. Victor ex Asia quum reverteretur, Thasumque devertisset, quod ea civitas praecipua fide fuerat erga Athenienses, proinde ac si iidem firmissimi solerent esse amici, qui constantes fiiissent inimici, eam pervertere concupivit. Vidit autem, nisi in eo occultasset volun- tatem, futurum, ut Thasii dilaberentur, consulerentque rebus suis. Itaque t t t III. t t t decemWralem suam potestatem [suf] ab illo constitutam sustulerunt. Quo dolore incensus iniit consilia, reges Lacedaemoniorum toUere. Sed sentiebat, id se sine ope deorum facere non posse, quod Lacedaemonii omnia ad oracula referre consue- verant. Primum Delphos corrumpere est conatus. Quum id noh potuisset, Dodonam adortus est. Hinc quoque repulsus dixit, se vota suscepisse, quae Jovi Hammoni solveret : existimans, se Afros faciius cor- rupturum. Hac spe quum profectus esset in Africam, multum eum antistites Jovis fefellerunt. Nam non solum corrumpi non potuerunt, sed etiam legatos La- cedaemona miserunt, qui Lysandrum accusarent, quod sacerdotes fani corrumpere conatus esset. Accusatus 395 boc crimine, judicumque absolutus sententiis, Or- a, c. n. cbomeniis missus subsidio, occisus est a Thebanis apud Haliartimi. Quam vere de eo foret judicatum, VII. (Alcibiades.) 29 oratio indicio fuit, quae post mortem in domo ejus re- perta est, in qua suadet Lacedaemoniis, ut, regia potes- tate dissoluta, ex omnibus dux deligatur ad bellum ge- rendum ; sed ita scripta, ut deorum videretur congruere sententia?, quam ille se habiturum, pecunia fidens, non dubitabat. Hanc ei scripsisse Cleon Halicarnasseus dicitur. IV. Atque hoc loco non est praetereundum factum 1 Pharnabazi, satrapis regii. Nam quum Lysander prae- fectus classis in bello multa crudeliter avareque fecisset, deque his rebus suspicaretur ad cives suos esse perla- tum, petiit a Pharnabazo, ut ad ephoros sibi testimonium daret, quanta sanctitate bellum gessisset sociosque trac- tasset, deque ea re accurate scriberet : magnam enim ejus auctoritatem in ea re futuram. Huic ille liberaliter 2 poUicetur ; libnim gravem muliis verbis conscripsit, in quo summis eum fert laudibus. Quem quum legisset probassetque, dum signatur, alterum pari magnitudine, [tanta similitudine,] ut discerni non posset, signatum subjecit, in quo accuratissime ejus avaritiam perfidiamque accusarat. Hinc Lysander domum quum redisset, post- 3 quam de suis rebus gestis apud maximum magistratum, quae voluerat, dixerat, testimonii loco librum a Pharna- bazo datum tradidit. Hunc, summoto Lysandro, quum ephori cognossent, ipsi legendum dederunt. Ita ille imprudens ipse suus fuit accusator. VII. ALCIBIADES. ARGUMENTUM. CAP. I. Excellens in virtutibus et vitiis. II. Juvenis educatlo et mores. III. Dux contra Syracusanos. In suspicionem civium suorum incidit. IV. Domum revo- catus aufugit. Lacedcemoniis inservit^ atque arma contra patriam capit. V. Laced^smontis suspectus transit ad Persas ; Atheniensibus reconciliatur. VI. Insigni civium benevolentia recipitur. VII. In invidiam recidit. In Thracia prospere pugnat. VIII. Civibus Atticis 3* 30 VII. 1, 2, 3. (Alcibiades.) bene consulit. IX, In Asiam transit. X. In Phrygia inter jicitur . XI. Alcihiadis laus et vituperatio. 1 I. Alcibiades, Cliniae filius, Atheniensis. In hoc natura, quid efficere possit, videtur experta. Constat enim inter omnes, qui de eo memorise prodiderunt, nihil illo fuisse excellentius, vel in vitiis, vel in vir- 2 tutibus. Natus in amplissima civitate, summo genere, omnium setatis suae multo formosissimus, ad omnes res aptus, consiliique plenus. Namque imperator fuit summus et mari et terra ; disertus, ut imprimis dicendo valeret, quod tanta erat commendatio oris atque ora- 3 tionis, ut nemo ei dicendo posset resistere ; deinde, quum tempus posceret, laboriosus, patiens, liberalis, splendidus non minus in vita, quam victu ; afFabilis, 4 blandus, temporibus callidissime inserviens. Idem, simul ac se remiserat, neque causa suberat, quare animi laborem perferret, luxuriosus, dissolutus, libidinosus, intemperans reperiebatur, ut omnes admirarentur, in uno homine tantam esse dissimilitudinem, tamque di- versam naturam. II. Educatus est in domo Pericli (privignus enim ejus fuisse dicitur), eruditus a Socrate. Socerum habuit Hipponicum, omnium Grseca lingua loquentium divitis- simum, ut, si ipse fingere vellet, neque plura bona reminisci, neque majora posset consequi, quam vel for- tuna vel natura tribuerat. 1 III. Bello Peloponnesio hujus consilio atque auctori- tate Athenienses bellum Syracusanis indixerunt : ad quod gerendum ipse dux delectus est ; duo prseterea 2 coUegae dati, Nicias et Lamachus. Id quum appara- retur, prius quam classis exiret, accidit, ut una nocte omnes Hermse, qui in oppido erant Atheiiis, dejice- rentur, praeter unum, qui ante januam erat Ando- 3 cidis. Itaque ille postea Mercurius Andocides voci- tatus est. Hoc quum appareret non sine magna mul- torum consensione esse factum, quod non ad priva- tam, sed ad publicam rem pertineret, magnus multitu- dini timor est injectus, ne qua repentina vis in civitate 4 exsisteret, quse libertatem opprimeret populi. Hoc maxime convenire in Alcibiadem videbatur, quod et po- tentior et major, quam privatus, existimabatur. Multos VII. 4. (Alcibiades.) 31 enim liberalitate devinxerat, plures etiam opera forensi suos reddiderat. Quare fiebat, ut omnium oculos, quo- 5 tiescumque in publicum prodisset, ad se converteret, neque ei par quisquam in civitate poneretur. Itaque non solum spem in eo habebant maximam, sed etiam timorem, quod et obesse plurimum et prodesse poterat. Adspergebatur etiam infamia, quod in domo sua facere 6 mysteria dicebatur : quod nefas erat more Athenien- sium ; idque non ad religionem, sed ad conjurationem pertinere existimabatur. IV. Hoc crimine in concione ab inimicis compella- 1 batur. Sed instabat tempus ad bellum proficiscendi. Id ille intuens, neque ignorans civium suorum consue- tudinem, postulabat, si quid de se agi vellent, potius de pr2esente quaestio haberetur, quam absens invidiae cri- mine accusaretur. Inimici vero ejus quiescendum in 2 praesenti, quia noceri non posse intelligebant, et illud tempus exspectandum decreverunt, quo exisset, ut sic absentem aggrederentur : itaque fecerunt. Nam post- 3 quam in Siciliam eum pervenisse crediderunt, absentem, quod sacra violasset, reum fecerunt. Qua de re quum ei nuntius a magistratu in Siciliam missus esset, ut do- mum ad causam dicendam rediret, essetque in magna spe provincise bene administrandae ; non parere noluit, et in triremem, quae ad eum deportandum erat missa, adscendit. Hac Thurios in Italiam pervectus, multa 4 secum reputans de immoderata civium suorum licentia crudelitateque erga nobiles, utilissimum ratus, impen- dentem evitare tempestatem, clam se a custodibus sub- duxit, et inde primum Elidem, deinde Thebas venit. Postquam autem se capitis damnatum, bonis publicatis, 5 audivit, et, id quod usu venerat, Eumolpidas sacerdo- tes a populo coactos, ut se devoverent, ejusque devo- tionis, quo testatior esset memoria, exemplum, in pila lapidea incisum, esse positum in publico, Lacedaemonem demigravit. Ibi, ut ipse praedicare consueverat, non 6 adversus patriam, sed inimicos suos bellum gessit, quod iidem hostes essent civitati. Nam quum intelligerent, se plurimum prodesse posse reipublicse, ex ea ejecisse, plusque irae suae, quam utilitati communi paruisse. Itaque hujus consilio Lacedaemonii cum Persarum rege 7 amicitiam fecerunt ; deinde Deceleam in Attica munie- 32 VII. 5, 6. {Alcibiades.) runt, praesidioque ibi perpetuo posito in obsidione Athe- nas tenuerunt. Ejusdem opera loniam a societate avertemnt Atheniensium. Quo facto multo superiores bello esse coeperunt. V. Neque vero his rebus tarn amici Alcibiadi sunt lacti, quam timore ab eo alienati. Nam quum acerrimi viri prasstantem prudentiam in omnibus rebus cogrnos- cerent, pertimuerunt, ne caritate patriae ductus aliquando ab ipsis descisceret, et cum suis in gratiam rediret. Itaque tempus ejus interficiendi quaerere instituerunt. Id Alcibiadi diutius celari non potuit : erat enim ea sagacitate, ut decipi non posset, preesertim quum animum attendisset ad cavendumT" Itaque ad Tissaphernem^ praefectum regis Darii, se contulit. Cujus quum in intimam amicitiam pervenisset, et Atheniensium, male gestis in Sicilia rebus, opes senescere, contra Lacedae- moniorum crescere videret : initio cum Pisandro prae- tore, qui apud Samum exercitum habebat, per internun- tios colloquitur, et de reditu suo facit mentionem. Erat enim eodem, quo Alcibiades, sensu, populi potentiae non amicus, et optimatum fautor. Ab hoc destitutus primum per Thrasybulum, Lyci filium, ab exercitu recipitur, praetorque fit apud Samum : post, sufFragante Thera- mene, populiscito restituitur, parique absens imperio prseficitur simul cum Thrasybulo et Theramene. Horum in imperio tanta commutatio rerum facta est, ut Lace- daemonii, qui paullo ante victores viguerant, perterriti pacem peterent. Victi enim erant quinque proeliis ter- restribu^, tribus navalibus, in quibus ducentas naves triremes ^miserant, quae captae in hostium venerant po- testatem. Alcibiades simul cum collegis receperat^ lo- niam, Hellespontum, multas praeterea urbes Graeeas, quae in ora sitae sunt Asiae, quarum expugnarant com- plures, in his Byzantium; neque minus multas consilio ad amicitiam adjunxerant, quod in captos dementia fuerant usi. Ita praeda onusti, locupletato exercitu, maximis rebus gestis, Athenas venerunt. VI. His quum obviam uni versa civitas in Pira3eum descendisset, tanta fuit omnium exspectatio visendi Alci- biadis, ut ad ejus triremem vulgus conflueret, proinde ac si solus advenisset. Sic enim populo erat persuasum, et adversas superiores, et praesentes secundas res accidisse VII. 7. {Alcihiades.) 33 ejus opera. Itaque et Siciliae amissum, et Lacedaemo- niorum victorias culpse suae tribuebant, quod talem virura 8 civitate expulissent.fy^eque id sine causa arbitrari videbantur. Nam posxquam exercitui praeesse coeperat, neque terra, neque mari hostes pares, esse potuerant. Hie ut e navi egressus est, quamquara Theramenes et 3 Thrasybulus eisdem rebus praefuerant, simulque venerant in Piraeeum : tamen ilium unum omnes prosequebantur, et, id quod numquam antea usu venerat, nisi Olympiae victoribus, coronis aureis aeneisque vulgo donabatur. lUe lacrimans talem benevolentiam civium suorum acci- piebat, reminiscens pristini temporis acerbitatem. Post- 4 quam astu venit, concione advocata sic verba fecit, ut ^ nemo tam ferus fuerit, quin ejus casum lacrimarit, ini- micumque his se ostenderit, quorum opera patria pulsus fuerat, proinde ac si alius populus, non ille ipse, qui tum flebat, eum sacrilegii damnasset. Restituta ergo 5/vj ^ huic sunt publice bona ; iidemque illi Eumolpida3 sacer- ^ dotes rursus resacrare .sunt coacti, qui eum devoverant ; pilaeque illae, in quibus devotio fuerat scripta, in mare praccipitatae. VII. Haec Alcibiadi laetitia non nimis fuit diuturna. 1 Nam quum ei omnes essent honores decreti, totaque * respublica domi bellique tradita, ut unius arbitrio gere- retur ; et ipse postulasset, ut duo sibi collegae darentur, Thrasybulus et Adimantus, neque id negatum esset : classe jam in Asiam profectus, quod apud Cymeiyninus ex sententia rem gesserat, in invidiam recidi^^ Nihil 2 enim eum non efficere posse ducebant. Ex ^o fiebat, ut omnia minus prospere gesta ejus culpae tribuerent, quum eum aut negiigenter, aut malitiose fecisse loque- rentur : sicut tum accidit. Nam, corruptum a rege ca- pere Cymen noluisse, arguebant. Itaque huic maxime 3 putamus malo fuisse nimiam opinionem ingenii atque virtutis. Timebatur enim non minus, quam diligebatur, ne, secunda fortuna magnisque opibus elatus, tyranni- dem concupisceret. Quibus rebus factum est, ut absenti magistratum abrogarent, et alium in ejus locum substi- tuerent. Id ille ut audivit, domum reverti noluit, et se 4 Pactyen contulit, ibique tria castella communivit, Bor- nos, Bysanthen, Neontlchos ; manuque coUecta primus Graeciae civitatis in Thraciam introiit, gloriosius existi- 34 VII. 8, 9. {Alcihiades.) mans, barbarorum praeda locupletari, quam Graiorum 5 Qua ex re creverat quum fama, turn opibus, magnamque amicitiam sibi cum quibusdam re gibus Thraciae pepererat. 1 VIII. Nequetamen a caritate patriae potuit recedere. Nam quum apud iEgos flumen Philoclcs, praetor Atheni- ensium, classem constituisset suam, neque longe abesset Lysander, praetor Lacedaemoniorum, qui in eo erat occu- patus, ut bellum quam diutissime duceret, quod ipsis pecunia a rege suppeditabatur, contra Atheniensibus 2 exhaustis praeter arma et naves nihil erat super : Alci- biades ad exercitum venit Atheniensium, ibique praesente vulgo agere coepit, si vellent, se coacturum Lysandrum aut dimicare, aut pacem petere : Lacedaemonios eo nolle condigere classe, quod pedestribus copiis plus, quam 3 navibus, valerent; sibi autem esse facile, Seuthen, regem' Thracum, deducere, ut eos terra depelleret : quo facto necessafio aut classe conflicturos, aut bellum compositu- 4 ros. Id etsi vere dictum Philocles animadvertebat, tamen postulata facere noluit, quod sentiebat, se, Alci- biade recepto, nullius momenti apud exercitum futurum, et, si quid secundi evenisset, nullam in ea re suam partem fore ; contra ea, si quid adversi accidisset, se unum ejus 5 delicti futurum reum. Ab hoc discedens Alcibiades, quoniam, inquit, victorim patricR repugnas, illiid moneo, juxta hostem castra habeas nautica : periculum est enim, ne immodestid militum nostrorum occasio detur Lysandro nostri opprimendi exercitus. Neque ea res ilium fefellit. 6 Nam Lysander, quum per speculatores comperisset, vulgum Atheniensium in terram praedatum exisse, na- vesque paene inanes relictas, tempus rei gerendae non dimisit, eoque impetu totum bellum delevit. 1 IX. At Alcibiades, victis Atheniensibus non satis tuta eadem loca sibi arbitratus, penitus in Thraciam se supra Propontidem abdidit, sperans, ibi facillime suam 2 fortunam occuli posse. Falso. Nam Thraces, postquam eum cum magna pecunia venisse senserunt, insidias fece- runt : qui ea, quae apportarat, abstulerunt, ipsum capere 3 non potuerunt. lUe cernens, nullum locum sibi tutum in Graecia propter potentiam Lacedaemoniorum, ad Pharnabazum in Asiam transiit : quem quidem adeo sua cepit humanitate, ut eum nemo in amicitia antecederet. Namque ei Grunium dederat in Phrygia castrum, ex quo VII. 10. {Alcihiades) 35 quinquagena talenta vectigalis capiebat. Qua fortima Alcibiades non erat contentus, n^ue Athenas victas Lacedeemoniis servire poterat pati. Itaque ad patriam liberandam omni ferebatur cogitatione. Sed videbat, id sine rege Persarum non posse fieri : ideoque eum amicum sibi ciipiebat adjungi ; neque dubitabat, facile se conse- cuturum, si modo ejus conveniendi habuisset potestatem. Nam Cyrum fratrem ei bellum clam parare, Lacedaemo- niis adjuvantibus, sciebat ; id si aperuisset, magnam se initurum gratiam videbat. X. Ha3c quum moliretur, peteretque a Pharnabazo, ut ad regem mitteretur, eodem tempore Critias ceterique tyranni Atheniensium certos homines ad Lysandrum in Asiam miserunt, qui eum certiorem facerent, nisi Alci- biadem sustulisset, nihil earum rerum fore ratum, quas ipse Athenis constituisset. Quare, si^suas res gestas manere vellet, ilium persequeretur. ^is Laco rebus commotus statuit accuratius sibi agendum cum Pharna- bazo. Huic ergo renuntiat, qua; regi cum Lacedaemoniis essent, irrita futura, nisi Alcibiadem vivum aut mortuum tradidisset. Non tulit hoc satrapes, et violare clemen- tiam, quam regis opes minui maluit. Itaque misit Susamithren et Bagajum ad Alcibiadem interficiendum, quum ille esset in Phrygia, iterque ad regem compararet. Missi clam vicinitati, in qua tum Alcibiades erat, dant negotium, ut eum interficiant. Illi quum [eum] ferro aggredi non auderent, noctu ligna contulerunt circa casam eam, in qua quiescebat, eamque sucoenderunt : ut incendio conficerent, quem manu superari posse diffi- debant. Ille autem ut sonitu flammae est excitatus, etsi gladius ei erat subductus, familiaris sui subalare telum eripuit. Namque erat cum eo quidam ex Arcadia hos- pes, qui numquam discedere voluerat. Hunc sequi se jubet, et id, quod in praesentia^vestimentorum fuit, arri- puit. His in ignem ejectis, flammae vim transiit. Quem ut barbari incendium effugisse viderunt, telis eminus missis interfecerunt, caputque ejus ad Pharnabazum re- tulerunt. At mulier, quae cum eo vivere consuerat, muliebri sua veste contectum aedificii incendio mortuum cremavit, quod ad vivum interimendum erat comparatum. Sic Alcibiades, annos circiter quadraginta natus, ^q^ diem obiit supremum. a. c. n. 36 VIII. 1. {Thrasyhulus.) 1 XI. Hunc infamatum a plerisque tres gravissimi histo- rici summis laudibus extulerunt : Thucydides, qui ejusdem aetatis fuit ; Theopompus, qui post aliquanto natus, et Timaeus : qui quidem duo maledicentissimi, nescio quo 2 modo, in illo uno laudando conscierunt. Namque ea, quae supra diximus, de eo praedicarunt, atque hoc am- plius: quum Athenis, splendidissimacivitate, natus esset, 3 omnes splendore ac dignitate superasse vitae ; postquam inde expulsus Thebas venerit, adeo studiis eorum inser- visse, ut nemo eum labore corporisque viribus posset aequiparare (omnes enim Boeotii magis firmitati corporis, 4 quam ingenii acumini inserviunt) ; eumdem apud Lace- daemonios, quorum moribus summa virtus in patientia ponebatur, sic duritiae se dedisse, ut parsimonia victus atque cultus omnes Lacedaemonios vinceret ; venisse ad Persas, apud quos summa laus esset fortiter venari, luxu- 5 riose vivere : horum sic imitatum consuetudinem, ut illi ipsi eum in his maxime admirarentur. Quibus rebus effe- cisse,ut,apud quoscumque esset, princeps poneretur, habe- 6 returque carissimus. Sed satis de hoc ; reliquosordiamur. VIII. THRASYBULUS, ARGUMENTUM. CAP . I. Patriam a tyrannis liherat, 11. Phylen confugit; Munychiam occupat ; parcit civihus. III. Pace facta legem fert ohlivionis. IV. Corona oleagind ornatur. Ad Ciliciam a harharis^nterficitur. I. Thrasybiilus, Lyci filius, Atheniensis. Si per se virtus sine fortuna ponderanda sit, dubito, an hunc primum omnium ponam. Illud sine dubio : nemmem huic praefero fide, constantia, magnitudine animi, in patriam amore. Nam quod multi voluerunt, paucipotue- runt, ab uno tyranno patriam liberare ; huic contigit, ut a triginta oppressam tyrannis ex servitute in libertatem VIII. 2. {Thrasyhulus) 37 vindicaret. Sed, nescio quo modo, quum eum nemo 3 anteiret his virtutibus, multi nobilitate praecucurrerunt. Primum Peloponnesio hello multa hie sine Alcibiade gessit, ille nullam rem sine hoc : quae ille universa natu- rali quodam bono fecit lucri. Sed ilia tamen omnia 4 communia imperatoribus cum militibus et fortuna, quod in proelii concursu abit res a consilio ad vires vimque pugnantium. Itaque jure suo nonnulla ab imperatore miles, plurima vero fortuna vindicat, seque hie plus valuisse, quam ducis prudentiam, vere potest praedicare. Quare illud magnificentissimum factum proprium est 5 Thrasybuli. Nam quum triginta tyranni, praepo- ^q^ ^ siti a Lacedaemoniis, servitute oppressas tenerent a. c. n. Athenas, plurimos cives, quibus in hello parserat fortuna, * partim patria expulissent, partim interfecissent, plurimo- rum bona publicata inter se divisissent : non solum princeps, sed et [jam^ solus initio bellum his indixit^ II. Hie enim quum Phylen confugisset, quod est cas- 1 tellum in Attica munitissimum, non plus habuit secum, quam triginta de suis. Hoc initium fuit salutis Actaeo- rum, hoc robur libertatis clarissimae civitatis. Neque 2 vero hie non' contemtus est primo a tyrannis, atque ejus solitudo. Qua3 quidem res et illis contemnentibus per- niciei, et hiiic despecto saluti fuit. Haec enim illos ad persequendum segues, hos autem, tempore ad compa- randum dato, fecit robustiores. Quo magis praeceptum 3 illud omnium in animis esse debet : ' Nihil in hello opor- tere contemni ;' nee sine causa dici : * Matrem tiinidi flere non solere.' Neque tamen pro opinione Thrasybuli A' auctae sunt opes. Nam jam tum illis temporibus fortius boni pro libertate loquebantur, quam pugnabant. Hinc 5 in Piraeeum transiit, Munychiamque munivit. Hanc bis tyranni oppugnare sunt adorti, ab eaque turpiter repulsi protinus in urbem, armis impedimentisque amissis, refu- gerunt. Usus est Thrasybulus non minus prudentia, 6 quam fortitudine. Nam cedentes violari vetuit ; cives enim civibus parcere aequum censebat. Neque quisquam est vulneratus, nisi qui prior impugnare voluit. Nemi- nem jacentem veste spoliavit ; nil attigit, nisi arma, quorum indigebat, et quae ad victum pertinebant. In 7 secundo proelio cecidit Critias, dux tyrannorum, quui|i quidem exadversus Thrasybulum fortissime pugnaret. % 4 C 38 IX. (Conon,) III. Hoc dejecto Pausanias veiiit Atticis auxilio, rex Lacedaemoniorum. Is inter Thrasybiilum et eos, qui urbem tenebant, fecit pacem his conditionibus : ne qui praeter triginta tyrannos et decern, qui postea prsetores creati superioris more crudelitatis erant usi, afficerentur exsilio ; neve bona publicarentur ; reipublicae procuratio populo redderetur. Prgeclarum hoc quoque Thrasybuli, 403 quod, reconciliata pace, quum plurimum in civi- * ^- n- tate posset, legem tulit : ne quis ante actarum rerum accusaretur, neve multaretur ; eamque illi obli- vionis appellarunt. Neque vero banc tantum ferendam curavit, sed etiam, ut valeret, effecit. Nam quum qui- dam ex his, qui simul cum eo in exsilio fuerant, csedem facere eorum vellent, cum quibus in gratiam reditum erat publice, prohibuit, et id, quod pollicitus erat, proestitit. IV. Huic pro tantis meritis honoris corona a populo data est, facta duabus virgulis •Icaginis, quam quod amor civium, non vis expresserat,nullam habuit invidiam, magnaque fuit gloria. Bene ergo Pittacus ille, qui septem sapientum numero est habitus, quum ei Mytile- nsei multa milia jugerum agri munera darent, Nolite, oro vos, inquit, id mihi dare, quod multi invideant, plures etiam concupiscant. Quare ex istis nolo amplius, quam centum jugera, qu(B et meam animi cRquitatem et vestram voluntatem indecent. Nam parva munera diutina, locu- pletia non propria esse consueverunt. Ilia igitur corona contentus Thrasybulus neque amplius requisivit, neque quemquam honore se antecessisse existimavit. Hie sequenti tempore, quum praetor classem ad Ciliciam appulisset, neque satis diligenter in castris ejus ageren- 390 tur vigiliee, a barbaris, ex oppido noctu eruptione a. c. n. facta, in tabernaculo interfectus est. IX. CONON. ARGUMENTUM. GAP, 7. Peloponnesio hello bene meretur de repbL II. Exsul Persis usui est adversus LacedcBmonios. HI IX. 1, 2, 3. {Conon.) 39 Accusatunis Tissaphernen per litter as agit cum ArtO" xerxe. IV. Vincit LacedcBmonios ad Cnidum. Gracia liheratur et Atheniensium muri rejiciuntur. Y' ^ Tiri' hazo in vincula conjicitur, • I. Conon, Atheniensis, Peloponnesio bello accessit 1 ad rempublicam, in eoque ejus opera magni fuit. Nam et praetor pedestribus exercitibus procfuit, et prsefectus classis res magnas mari gessit. Quas ob causas pr?eci- puus ei honos habitus est. Namque omnibus unus insulis praefuit : in qua potestate Pheras cepit, coloniam Lacedaemoniorum. Fuit etiam extremo Pelopon- 405 2 nesio bello praetor, quum apud JEgos flumen copiae »• ^- *»• Atheniensium a Lysandro sunt devictae. Sed turn abfuit, eoque pejus res adminislrata est. Nam et prudens rei militaris, et diligens erat imperii. Itaque nemini 3 erat his temporibus dubium, si affuisset, illam Athenien- ses calamitatem accepturos non fuisse. II. Rebus autem afflictis, quum patriam obsideri audis- 1 set, non quaesivit, ubi ipse tuto viveret, sed unde 399 praesidio posset esse civibus suis. Itaque contulit ». c. n. se ad Pharnabazum, satrapen loniae et Lydiae, eumdem- que generum regis et propinquum : apud quem ut multum gratia valeret, multo labore multisque effecit periculis. Nam quum Lacedaemonii, Atheniensibus devictis, in 2 societate non man ere nt, quam cum Artaxerxe fecerant, Agesilaumque bellatum misissent in Asiam, maxima impulsi a Tissaphenie, qui ex intimis regis ab amicitia ejus defecerat, et cum Lacedaemoniis coierat societatem : hunc adversus Pharnabazus habitus est imperator ; re quidem vera exercitui praefuit Conon, ejusque omnia ar- bitrio gesta sunt. Hie multum ducem summum, Agesi- 3 laum, impedivit, saepeque ejus consiliis obstitit; neque vero non fuit apertum, si ille non fuisset, Agesilaum Asiam Tauro tenus regi fuisse erepturum. Qui postea- 4 quam domum a suis civibus revocatus est, quod Boeotii et Atheniqnses Lacedaemoniis bellum indixerant, Conon nihilo secius apud praefectos regis versabatur, hisque omnibus maximo erat usui. III. Defecerat a rege Tissaphernes, neque id tamAr- 1 taxerxi, quam ceteris, erat apertum. Multis enim mag- nisque meritis apud regem, etiam quum in olficio non 40 IX. 4. (Conci.) maneret, valebat. Neqiie id mirandum, si non facile ad credendum adducebatur, reminiscens, tjus se opera Cyrum fratrem supera&se. Hujus accusandi gratia Conon a Pharnabazo ad rogerri missus, posteaquam venit, primum ex more Persarum ad chiliarchum, qui secun- dum gradum imperii tenebat, Tithrausten accessit, seque ostendit cum rege colloqui velle. Nemo enim sine hoc admittitur. Huic ille, nulla, inquit, 'mora est ; sed tu delibera, utrum colloqui malis, an per litteras agere, qucB cogitas. Necesse est enim, si in conspectum veneris, vene- rari te regem (quod -Tr^o^xuvsn; illi vocant). Hoc si tihi grave est, per me nihilo secius editis mandatis confides^ quod studcs. Tum Conon, mild vero, inquit, non est grave, quemvis honorem habere regi ; sed vereor, 7ie civitati mece sit opprobrio, si, quum ex ea sim profectus, qucE cete- ris gentibus imperare consueverit, potius barbarorum, quam illius, more fungar. Itaque, quaj [huic] volebat, scripta tradidit. IV. Quibus cognitis, rex tantum auctoritate ejus 394 motus est, ut et Tissaphemem hostem judicave- a. c. n. rit, et Lacedaemonios bello persequi jusserit, et ei permiserit, quem vellet, eligere ad dispensandampecu- niam. Id arbitrium Conon negavit sui esse consilii, sed ipsius, qui optime suos nosse deberet ; sed se suadere, Pharnabazo id negotii daret. Hinc magnis muneribus donatus ad mare est missus, ut Cypriis, et Phoenicibus, ceterisque maritimis civitatibus naves longas imperaret, classemque, qua proxima sestate mare tueri posset, com- pararet : dato adjutore Pharnabazo, sicut ipse voluerat. Id ut Lacedsemoniis est nuntiatum, non sine cura rem administrarunt, quod majus helium imminere arbitra- bantur, quam si cum barbaro solum contenderent. Nam ducem fortem prudentemque regiis opibus proefuturum, ac secum dimicaturum videbant, quem neque consilio, neque copiis superare possent. Hac mente magnam 394 contrahunt classem ; proliciscuntur Pisandro duce. a. c. n. Hos Conon apud Cnidum adortus magno proelio fugat, multas naves capit, complures deprimit. Qua victoria non solum Athenae, sed etiam cuncta Grae- cia, quae sub Lacedaemoniorum fuerat imperio, liberata est. Conon cum parte navium in patriam venit, muros dirutos a Lysandro, utrosque et Piraeei et Athenarum, X. (Dion.) 41 reficiendos curat, pecuniseque quinquaginta ta- 393 lenta, quae a Pharnabazo acceperat, civibus suis *• ^- ^ donat. V. Accidit huic, quod ceteris mortalibus, ut inconsi- 1 deratior in secunda, quam in adversa esset fortuna. Nam classe Peloponnesiorum devicta quum ultum se injurias patriae putaret, plura concupivit, quam efficere potuit. Neque tamen ea non pia et probanda fuerunt, 2 quod potius patriae opes augeri, quam regis maluit. Nam quum magnam auctoritatem sibi pugna ilia navali, quam apud Cnidum fecerat, constituisset, non solum inter barbaros, sed etiam omnes Grajciae civitates, clam dare operam coepit, ut loniam et iEoliam restitueret Atheniensibus. Id quum minus diligenter esset cela- 3 tum, Tiribazus, qui Sardibus praeerat, Cononem evocavit, simulans, ad regem eum se mittere velle magna 393 de re. Hujus nuntio parens quum venisset, in ». c. n. vincula conjectus est, in quibus aliquamdiu fuit. Inde 4 nonnuUi eum ad regem abductum, ibique perisse scrip- tum reliquerunt. Contra ea Dinon historicus, cui nos plurimumde Persicis rebus credimus, effugisse, scripsit: illud addubitat, utrum Tiribazo sciente, an imprudente sit factum. DION. ARGUMENTUM. CAP. I. Dionysiorum affinis et intimus. II. Platonis discipulus et amicus. III. Simultas Dionis et Dionysii junioris. IV. Corinthum devehitur. Ejus jilius pes- sime educatur. V. Syracusarum potitus tyrannum ad pactiones adigit. VI. Heraclidis cc^de populum a se alienat. VII. Tyrannus vulgo appellatur nonferendus. VIII. Callicratis consilio decipitur. IX. Domi suce die festo occiditur. X. Tumidtus post ejus mortem et desiderium mortui. 4* 42 X. 1, 2. (Dion.) I. Dion, Hipparini filius, Syracusanus, nobili genere natus, utraque implicatus tyrannide Dionysiorum. Nam- que ille superior Aristomachen, sororem Dionis, habuit in matrimonio, ex qua duos filios, Hipparmum et Ny- sseum, procreavit, totidemque filias, nomine Sophrosynen et Areten : quarum priorem Dionysio filio, eidem, cui regnum reliquit, nuptum dedit, alteram, Areten, Dioni. Dion autem praeter nobilem propinquitatem generosam- que majorum famam multa alia ab natura habuit bona, in his ingenium docile, come, aptum ad artes optimas ; magnam corporis dignitatem, quae non minimum com- mendatur ; magnas prseterea divitias a patre relictas, quas ipse tyranni muneribus auxerat. Erat intimus Dionysio priori, neque minus propter mores, quam affi- nitatem. Namque etsi Dionysii crudelitas ei displice- bat, tamen salvum propter necessitudinem, magis etiam suorum causa, studebat. Aderat in magnis rebus ejus- que consilio multum movebatur tyrannus, nisi qua in re major ipsius cupiditas intercesserat. Legationes vero [omnes], quae essent illustriores, per Dionem adminis- trabantur ; quas quidem ille diligenter obeundo, fideliter administrando, crudelissimum nomen tyranni sua huma- nitate tegebat. Hunc a Dionysio missum Carthaginien- ses suspexerunt, ut neminem umquam Graeca lingua loquentem magis sint admirati. II. Neque vero haec Dionysium fugiebant. Nam, quanto esset sibi ornamento, sentiebat. Quo fiebat, ut uni huic maxime indulgeret, neque eum secus diligeret ac filium : qui quidem, quum, Platonem Tarentum ve- nisse, fama in Siciliam esset perlata, adolescenti negare non potuerit, quin eum arcesseret, quum Dion ejus au- diendi cupiditate flagraret. Dedit ergo huic veniam magna*que eum ambitione Syracusas perduxit. Quern Dion adeo admiratus est atque adamavit, ut se totum ei 365 traderet. Neque vero minus Plato delectatus est a. c. n. Dione. Itaque quum a Dionysio [tyranno] cru- deliter violatus esset, quippe quem venumdari jussisset, tamen eodem rediit, ejusdem Dionis precibus adductus. Interim in morbum incidit Dionysius. Quo quum gravi conflictaretur, quaesivit a medicis Dion, quemadmodum se haberet ? simulque ab his petiit, si forte majori esset periculo, ut sibi faterentur : nam velle se cum eo collo- X. 3, 4. (Dion.) 43 qui de partiendo regno ; quod sororis suae lilios ex illo natos partem regni putabat debere habere. Id medici 5 non tacuerunt, et ad Dionysium filium sermonem retule- runt. Quo ille commotus, ne agendi esset Dioni potes- tas, patri soporem medicos dare coegit. Hoc seger sumto, ut somno sopitus, diem obiit supremum. III. Tale initium fuit Dionis et Dionysii sitnultatis, 1 eaque multis rebus aucta est. Sed tamen primis tem- poribus aliquamdiu simulata inter eos amicitia mansit. Quumque Dion non desisteret obsecrare Dionysium, ut Piatonem Athenis arcesseret, et ejus consiliis uteretur ; ille, qui in aliqua re vellet patrem imitari, morem [ei] gessit. Eodemque tempore Philistum, historicum, Syra- 2 cusas reduxit, hominem amicum non magis tyranno, quam tyrannidi. Sed de hoc in eo [meo] libro plura sunt exposita, qui de historicis [Graecis] conscriptus est. Plato autem tantum apud Dionysium auctoritate potuit, 3 valuitque eloquentiii, ut ei persuaserit tyrannidis facere finem, libertatemque reddere Syracusanis : a qua volun- tate Philisti consilio deterritus aliquanto crudelior esse ccepit. IV. Qui quidem quum a Dione se superari videret 1 ingenio, auctoritate, amore populi, verens, ne, si 358 eum secum haberet, aliquam occasionem sui *• ^- "• daret opprimendi, navem ei triremem dedit, qua Co- rinthum deveheretur : ostendens, se id utriusque facere causa, ne, quum inter se timerent, alteruter alterum pra3- occuparet. Id quum factum multi indignarentur, mag- 2 naeque esset invidiae tyranno ; Dionysius omnia, quae moveri poterant Dionis, in navis imposuit, ad eumque misit. Sic enim existimari volebat ; id se non odio hominis, sed suae salutis fecisse causa. Postea vero 3 quam audivit, eum in Peloponneso manum comparare sibique bellum facere conari : Areten, Dionis uxorem, alii nuptum dedit, filiumque ejus sic educari jussit, ut indulgendo turpissimis imbueretur cupiditatibus. Nam 4 puero, priusquam pubes esset, scorta adducebantur ; vino epulisque obruebatur, neque ullum tempus sobrio relinquebatur. Is usque eo vitae statum commutatum 5 ferre non potuit, postquam in patriam rediit pater (nam- que appositi erant custodes, qui eum a pristino victu 44 X. 5, 6. (Dion.) deducerent), ut se de superiore parte aedium dejecerit, atque ita interierit. Sed illuc reverter. V. Postqiiam Corinthum pervenit Dion et eodem per- 357 fugit Heraclides, ab eodem expulsus Dionysio, a. c. n. q^j praefectus fuerat equitum ; omni ratione hel- ium comparare cceperunt. Sed non multum proficie- bant, quod multorum annorum tyraimis magnarum opum putabatur. Quam ob causam pauci ad societatem periculi perducebantur. Sed Dion, fretus non tarn suis copiis, quam odio tyranni, maximo animo duabus one- rariis navibus quinquaginta annorum imperium, muni- tum quingentis longis navibus, decem equitum, centum peditum milibus, profectus oppugnatum, (quod omnibus gentibus admirabile est visum) adeo facile perculit, ut post diem tertium, quam Siciliam attigerat, Syracusas introierit. Ex quo intelligi potest, nullum esse impe- rium tutum, nisi benevolentia munitum. Eo tempore aberat Dionysius, et in Italia classem opperiebatur, ad- versariorum ratus neminem sine magnis copiis ad se venturum. Quse res eum fefellit. Nam Dion iis ipsis, qui sub adversarii fuerant potestate, regies spiritus repressit, totiusque ejus partis Siciliae potitus est, quae sub Dionysii potestate fuerat ; parique modo urbis Syra- cusarum, praeter arcem et insulam adjunctam oppido ; eoque rem perduxit, ut talibus pactionibus pacem tyran- nus facere vellet : Siciliam Dion obtineret, Italiam Dionysius, Syracusas Apollocrates, cui maximam fidem uni habebat [Dion]. VI. Has tam prosperas tamque inopinatas res conse- cuta est subita commutatio, quod fortuna sua mobilitate, quem paullo ante extulerat, demergere est adorta. Pri- mum in filio, de quo commemoravi supra, suam vim exercuit. Nam quum uxorem reduxisset, quae alii fuerat tradita, filiumque vellet revocare ad virtutem a perdita luxuria, accepit gravissimum parens vulnus morte filii, Deinde orta dissensio est inter eum et Heraclidem, qui, quod principatum non concedebat, factionem compa- ravit. Neque is minus valebat apud optimates, quorum consensu praeerat classi, quum Dion exercitum pedes- trem teneret. Non tulit hoc animo aequo Dion, et ver- sum ilium Homeri retulit ex secunda rhapsodia, in quo X. 7, 8. {Dio7i.) 45 haec sententia est : Non posse bene geri rempublicara multorum imperils. Quod dictum magna invidia con- secuta est. Namque aperuisse videbatur, omnia in sua potestate esse velle. Hanc ille non lenire obsequio, sed 5 acerbitate opprimere studuit, Heraclidemque, quum Sy- racusas venisset, interficiendum curavit. VII. Quod factum omnibus maximum timorem in- 1 jecit. Nemo enim, illo interfecto, se tutum putabat. Ille autem, adversario remoto, licentius eorum bona, quos sciebat adversus se sensisse, militibus dispertivit. Quibus divisis, quum quotidiani maximi fierent sumtus, 2 celeriter pecunia deesse coepit, neque, quo manus porri- geret, suppetebat, nisi in amicorum possessiones. Id hujusmodi erat, ut, quum milites reconciliasset, amit- teret'optimates. Quarum rerum cura frangebatur, et 3 insuetus male audiendi non aequo animo ferebat, de se ab iis male existimari, quorum pauUo ante in coelum fuerat elatus laudibus. Vulgus autem, ofFensa in eum militum voluntate, liberius loquebatur, et tyrannum non ferendum dictitabat. VIII. Haec ille intuens, quum, quemadmodum sedaret, ] nesciret, et, quorsum evaderent, timeret ; Callicrates qui- dam, civis Atheniensis, qui simul cum eo ex Pelopon- neso in Siciliam venerat, homo et callidus et ad fraudem acutus, sine uUa religione ac fide, adit ad Dionem, et ait : eum [in] magno periculo esse propter offensionem 2 populi et odium militum, quod nuUo modo evitare posset, nisi alicui suorum negotium daret, qui se simularet illi inimicum. Quem si invenisset idoneum, facile omnium animos cogniturum, adversariosque sublaturum, quod inimici ejus dissidenti suos sensus aperturi forent. Tali consilio probato excepit has partes ipse Callicrates, 3 et se armat imprudentia Dionis. Ad eum interficiendum socios conquirit ; adversarios ejus convenit, conjurationem confirmat. Res, multis consciis quae gereretur, elata 4 defertur ad Aristomachen, sororem Dionis, uxoremque Areten. lUae timore perterritae conveniunt, cujus de periculo timebant. At ille negat, a Callicrate fieri sibi insidias, sed ilia, quae agerentur, fieri praecepto suo. Mulieres nihilo secius Callicratem in aedem Proserpinse 5 deducunt, ac jurare cogunt, nihil ab illo periculi fore Dioni. Ille hac religione non modo non deterritus, sed 46 X. 9, 10. {Dion.) ad maturandum concitatus est, veren« ne prius consilium aperiretur suum, quam conata perfetisset. IX. Hac mente proximo die festo, qumn a conyentu 355 se remotum Dion domi teneret, atque in conclavi a. c. n. edito recubuisset, consciis loca munitiora oppidi tradit ; domum custodiis sepit ; a foribus qui non disce- dant, certos praeficit ; navem triremem armatis ornat, Philostratoque, fratri suo, tradit, eamque in portu agitari jubet, ut si exercere remiges vellet : cogitans, si forte consiliis obstitisset fortuna, ut haberet, quo fugeret ad salutem. Suorum autem e numero Zacynthios adole- scentes quosdam eligit, quum audacissimos, turn viribus maximis ; bisque dat negotium, [ut] ad Dionem eant inermes, sic ut conveniendi ejus gratia viderentur venire. Hi propter notitiam sunt intromissi. At illi, ut limen ejus intrarunt, foribus obseratis, in lecto cubantem in- vadunt, colligant ; fit strepitus, adeo ut exaudiri posset foris. Hie, sicut ante [ssepe] dictum est, quam invisa sit singularis potentia, et miseranda vita, qui se metui, quam amari malunt, cuivis facile intellectu fuit. Nam- que illi ipsi custodes, sipropitia fuissent voluntate, fori- bus effractis servare eum potuissent, quod illi inermes, telum foris flagitantes, vivum tenebant. Cui quum succurreret nemo, Lyco quidam Syracusanus per fenes- tras gladium dedit, quo Dion interfectus est. X. Confecta caede, quum multitudo visendi gratia introisset, nonnulli ab insciis pro noxiis conciduntur. Nam celeri rumore dilato, Dioni vim allatam, multi concurrerant, quibus tale facinus displicebat. Hi, falsa suspicione ducti, immerentes ut sceleratos occidunt. Hujus de morte ut palam factum est, mirabiliter vulgi mutata est voluntas. Nam qui vivum eum tyrannum vocitarant, iidem liberatorem patriae tyrannique expul- sorem praedicabant. Sic subito misericordia odio suc- cesserat, ut eum suo sanguine, si possent, ab Acheronte cuperent redimere. Itaque in urbe, celeberrimo loco, elatus publico, sepulcri monumento donatus est. Diem obiit circiter annos quinquaginta quinque natus, quartum post annum, quam ex Peloponr eso in Siciliam redierat. XI. 1, 2. (Iphicrates.) 47 XL IPHICRATES, ARGUMENTUM. CAP. 1. Disciplina militari iiohilis. II. Ejus expedt" tiones helliccB : ad Corinthum^ adversus Thracas, jEgyp- tios, atque Arcadas. III. Iphicratis mores corporisque forma. I. Iphicrates, Atheniensis, non tarn magnitudine 1 rerum gestarum, quam disciplina militari nobilitatus est. Fuit enim talis dux, ut non solum aetatis suae cum primis compararetur, sed ne de majoribus natu quidem quis- quam anteponeretur. Multum vero in bello est versa- 2 tus ; saepe exercitibus praefuit ; nusquam culpa [sua] male rem gessit ; semper consilio vicit, tantumque eo valuit, ut multa in re militari partim nova attulerit, partim meliora fecerit. Namque ille pedestria arma 3 mutavit, quum ante ilium imperatorem maximis clypeis, brevibus hastis, minutis gladiis uterentur. Ille e con- 4 trario peltam pro parma fecit (a quo postea itsXroLdToi pedites appellantur), ut ad motus concursusque essent leviores. Hastae modum duplicavit ; gladios longiores fecit. Idem genus loricarum mutavit, et pro sertis atque seneis linteas dedit. Quo facto expeditiores milites red- didit. Nam pondere detracto, quod aeque corpus tegeret et leve esset, curavit. II. Bellum cum Thracibus gessit ; Seuthen, socium 1 Atheniensium, in regnum restituit. Apud Co- 393 rinthum tanta severitate exercitui praefuit, ut a. c. n. nulloe umquam in Graecia neque exercitatiores copiae, neque magis dicto audientes fuerint duci ; in eamque 2 consuetudinem adduxit, ut, quum proelii signum ab im- peratore esset datum, sine ducis opera sic ordinatae con- sisterent, ut singuli ab peritissimo imperatore dispositi viderentur. Hoc exercitu moram Lacedsemoniorum 3 intercepit : quod maxime tota celebratum est Graecia. Iterum eodem bello onmes copias eorum fugavif. Quo 48 XII. {Chabnas.) faf»*o magnam adeptus est gloriam. Quum Artaxerxes 372 ifigyptio regi bellum inferre voluit, Iphicratem a. c. n. ab Atheniensibus petivit ducem, quern prsenceret exercitui conductitio, cujus numerus duodecim milium fuit. Quem quidem sic omni discipliria militari erudivit, ut, quemadmodum quondam Fabiani milites Romani appellati sunt, sic Iphicratenses apud Graecos in summa laude fuerint. Idem, subsidio Lacedaemoniis profectus, 369 Epaminondae retardavit impetus. Nam nisi ejus a. c. n. 'jdventus appropinquasset, non prius Thebani Sparta abscessissent, quam captam incendio delessent. III. Fuit autem et animo magno et corpore, impera- toriaque forma, ut ipso adspectu cuivis injiceret admira- tionem sui ; sed in labore remissus nimis, parumque patiens, ut Theopompus memoriae prodidit ; bonus vero civis, fideque magna. Quod quum in aliis rebus et declaravit, tum maxime in Amyntse Macedonis ''^P liberis tuendis. Namque Eurydice, mater Per- diccae et Philippi, cum his duobus pueris, Amynta mortuo, ad Iphicratem confugit, ejusque opibus defensa est. Vixit ad senectutem, placatis in se suorum civium animis. Causam capitis semel dixit, hello sociali, a.^y n. simul cum Timotheo, eoque judicio est absolutus. Menesthea filium reliquit, ex Thressa natum, Coti regis filia. Is quum interrogaretur, utrum pluris patrem matremne faceret ; matrem, inquit. Id quum omnibus mirum videretur : at, ille, merito, inquit, facio. Nam pater, quantum in se fuit, Thracem me creavit, con- tra ea mater Atheniensem. XII. CHABRIAS. ARGUMENTUM. CAP . I. Thehanis auxilio mittitur ; novo pugnandi genere magnam adipiscitur gloriam. 11. Ejus hella in j^gypto ; in Cypro ; classi ^gypticB prceest. III. Domuw, revo- catur ; propter invidiam plerumque ahest. IV. In hello sociali per it, desertus a suis^ XII. 1, 2, 3. (Chabrias.) 49 I. Chabrias, Atheniensis. Hie quoqiie in summis 1 habitus est ducibus, resque multas memoria dignas gessit. Sed ex his elucet maxime inventum ejus in proelio, 377 quod apud Thebas fecit, quum BcEOtiis subsidio ^- ^- " venisset. Namque in eo victoria fidente summo duce 2 Agesilao, fugatis jam ab eo conductitiis catervis, reliquam phalangeal loco vetuit cedeje, obnixoque genu scuto, projecta hasta impetum excipere hostium docuit. Id novum Agesilaus contuens progredi non est ausus, suos- que jam incurrentes tuba revocavit. Hoc usque eo tota 3 Graecia fama celebratum est, ut illo statu Chabrias sibi statuam fieri voluerit, quae publice ei ab Atheniensibus in foro constituta est. Ex quo factum est, ut postea athletse ceterique artifices his statibus in statuis ponendis uterentur, quibus victoriam essent adepti. II. Chabrias autem multa in Europa bella administra- 1 vit, quum dux Atheniensium esset ; in ^gypto 362 sua sponte gessit. Nam Nectanabin adjutum ^-C n. profectus, regnum ei constituit. Fecit idem Cypri, 2 sed publice ab Atheniensibus Evagorae adjutor [3871 datus ; neque prius inde discessit, quam totam *• ^- "-3 insulam bello devinceret : qua ex re Athenienses raag- nam gloriam sunt adepti. Interim helium inter 361 3 iEgyptios et Persas conflatumest. Athenienses ». c. n. cum Artaxerxe societatem habebant ; Lacedsemonii cum iEgyptiis, a quibus magnas praedas Agesilaus, rex eorum, faciebat. Id intuens Chabrias, quum in re nulla Agesilao cederet, sua sponte eos adjutum profectus iEgyptiae classi praefuit, pedestribus copiis Agesilaus. III. Tum praefecti regis Persiae legatos miserunt 1 Athenas questum, quod Chabrias adversum regem beilum gereret cum ^Egyptiis. Athenienses diem certam Chabriae praestituerunt, quam ante domum nisi redisset, capitis se ilium damnaturos denuntiarunt. Hoc ille nuntio Athenas rediit, neque ibi diutius est moratus, quam fuit necesse. Non enim libenter erat ante oculos 2 civium suorum : quod et vivebat laute, et indulgebat sibi liberalius, quam ut invidiam' vulgi posset effugere. Est enim hoc 'commune yitium in magnis liberisque 3 civitatibus, ut invidia gloriae comes sit, et libenter de his ^etrahant, quos eminere videant altius ; neque animo fequQ pauperes alienam opulentium intuuntur fortunam. 5 50 XIII. 1. (Timotheus,) Itaque Chabrias, quoad ei licebat, plurimum aberat Neque vero solus ille aberat Athenis libenter, sed omnes fere principes fecerunt idem ; quod tantum se ab invidia putabant abfuturos, quantum a conspectu suorum recessissent. Itaque Conon plurimum Cypri vixit, Iphicrates in Thracia, Timotheus Lesbi, Chares in Sigeo. Dissimilis quidem Chares horum et factis et moribus ; sed tamen Athenis et honoratus et potens. IV. Chabrias autem periit bello sociali tali mode. Oppugnabant Athenienses Chium. Erat in classe Cha- brias privatus, sed omnes, qui in magistratu erant, auc- toritate anteibat, eumque magis milites, quam qui pree- erant, adspiciebant. Quae res ei maturavit mortem. Nam dum primus studet portum intrare, gubernatorem- que jubet eo dirigere navem, ipse sibi perniciei fuit. Quum enim eo penetrasset, ceterae non sunt secutae. Quo facto circumfusus hostium concursu quum fortissime pugnaret, navis, rostro percussa, ccepit sidere. Hinc refugere quum posset, si se in mare dejecisset, quod suberat classis Atheniensium, quae exciperet natantes ; perire maluit, quam armis abjectis navem relinquere, in qua fuerat vectus. Id ceteri facere noluerunt, qui 358 nando in tutum pervenerunt. At ille, praestare a. c. n. bonestam mortem existimans turpi vitae, com- minus pugnans telis hostium interfectus est Xlir. TIMOTHEUS. ARGUMENTUM. CAP. /. Ejus virtutes et facta hellica, II. Ipsi, Lace- dcBmoniorum victori, statua ponitur. III. Senex Me- nestheo prcBtori in consilium datur. A Charete, prmtore, accusatus damnatur. IV. Filius ejus Conon mures reficere cogitur. Singularis amiciticB testimonium Jaso- nis erga Timotheum. 1 I. Timotheus, Cononis filius, Atheniensis. Hie a XIII. 2, 3. {Timotheus,) 51 patre acc«ptam gloriam multis auxit virtutibus. Fuit enim disertus, impiger, laboriosus, rei militaris peritus, neque minus civitatis regendae. Multa hujus sunt prae- 2 clare facta, sed haec maxime illustria. Olynthios et Byzantios bello subegit. Samum cepit, in qua g^^ oppugnanda superiore bello Athenienses mille et 357 ducenta talenta consumserant. Id ille sine ulla publica impensa populo restituit : adversus Cotum bella gessit, ab eoque mille et ducenta talenta prsedae in publi- cum retulit. Cyzicum obsidione liberavit. Ariobarzani 3 simul cum Agesilao auxilio profectus est : a quo quum Laco pecuniam numeratam accepisset, ille cives suos agro atque urbibus augeri maluit, quam id sumere, cujus partem domum suam ferre posset. Itaque accepit Cri- thoten et Sestum. III. Idem classi praefectus circumvehens Peloponne- 1 sum, Laconicen populatus, classem eorum fugavit ; Corcyram sub imperium Atheniensium redegit ; 376 sociosque idem adjunxit Epirotas, Athamanas, *• ^- "• Chaonas, omnesque eas gentes, quae mare illud adjacent. Quo facto Lacedaemonii de diutina contentione destite- 2 runt, et sua sponte Atheniensibus imperii mariti- 374 mi principatum concesserunt ; pacemque his legi- ^* ^- "* bus constituerunt, ut Athenienses mari duces essent. Quae victoria tantae fuit Atticis laetitiae, ut tum primum aree Paci publico sint factae, eique deae pulvinar sit insti- tutum. Cujus laudis ut memoria maneret, Timotheo 3 publico statuam in foro posuerunt. Qui honos huic uni ante id tempus contigit : ut, quum patri populus statuam posuisset, filio quoque daret. Sic juxta posita recens filii veterem patris renovavit memoriam. III. Hie quum esset magno natu, et magistratus 1 gerere desisset, bello Athenienses undique premi sunt ccepti. Defecerat Samus ; descierat Hellespontus ; Phi- lippus jam tum valens Macedo multa moliebatur: cui oppositus Chares quum esset, non satis in eo praesidii putabatur. Fit Menestheus praetor, filius Iphicratis, 2 gener Timothei, et, ut ad bellum proficiscatur, decemi- tur. Huic in consilium dantur duo usu sapien- 357 tiaque praestantes, quorum consilio uteretur, pater ^- ^- '^• et socer : quod in his tanta erat auctoritas, ut magna <»pe8 esset, per eos amissa posse recuperdTri. Hi quum 3 52 XIII. 4. {Timotheus.) Samum profecti essent, et eodem Chares, adventu [illo- rum] cognito, cum suis copiis proficisceretur, ne quid absente se gestum videretur \ accidit, quuin ad insulam appropinquarent, ut magna tempestas oriretur ; quam evitare duo veteres imperatores utile arbitrati suam clas- 4 sem suppresserunt. At ille, temeraria usus ratione, non cessit majorum natu auctoritati, et, ut si in sua navi esset fortuna, quo contenderat, pervenit, eodemque ut seque- rentur, ad Timotheum et Iphicratem nuntium misit. Hinc,male re gesta, compluribus amissis navibus, eodem, unde erat profectus, se recepit, litterasque Athenas pub- lice misit, sibi proclive fuisse, Samum capere, nisi a 5 Timotheo et Iphicrate desertus esset. [Ob eam rem in crimen vocabantur.] Populus acer, suspicax, mobilis, adversarius, invidus etiam potentiae, domum revocat ; accusantur proditionis . Hoc judicio damnatur Timotheus, lisque ejus aestimatur centum talentis. Ille, odio ingra- tse civitatis coactus, Chalcidem se contulit. 1 IV. Hujus post mortem quum populum judicii sui poeniteret, multae novem partes detraxit, et decem talenta Cononem, filium ejus, ad muri quamdam partem reficien- dam jussit dare. In quo fortune varietas est animad- versa. Nam quos avus Conon muros ex hostium praeda patrias restituerat, eosdem nepos, cum summa ignominia 2 familiae, ex sua re familiari reficere coactus est. Timo- thei autem moderatae sapientisque vitae quum pleraque possimus proferre testimonia, uno erimus contenti, quod ex eo facile conjici poterit, quam earns suis fuerit. Quum Athenis adolescentulus causam diceret, non solum amici privatique hospites ad eum defendendum convenerunt, sed etiam in eis Jason tyrannus, qui illo tempore fuit 3 omnium potentissimus. Hie quum in patria sine satelli- tibus se tutum non arbitraretur, Athenas sine ullo prae- sidio venit, tantique hospitem fecit, ut mallet se capitis periculum adire, quam Timotheo de fama dimicanti deesse. Hunc adversus tamen Timotheus posteapopuli jussu helium gessit, patriaeque sanctiora jura, quam hos- 4 pitii, esse duxit. Haec extrema fuit setas imperatorum Atheniensium, Iphicratis, Chabriae, Timothei ; neque post illorum obitum quisquam dux in ilia urbe fuit dignus memoria. XIV I. (Datames.) 53 XIV. DATAMES. ARGUMENTUM. CAP. I. Inter barbarorum duces facile clarissimus. In bello, contra Cadusios gesto, magnifait ejus opera, quo factum est, ut paterna ei traderetur provincia. II. Thyum dynasten Paphlagon'KB vivum capit. Ill, Cap- turn ad regent adducit. Copiis ad bellum ^gyptium prcBfcitur, IV. Revocatur. Aspim Cappadocem capit. V. Aulicorum insidias edoctus, Cappadociam et Paphla- goniam sibi occupat. VI. In bello adversus Pisidas amittit filium. Proditorcs et hostes Pisidas super at. VII. A filio natu maximo proditur. VIII. Ducem Persarum, contra se 7nissum, vincit. IX. Regis insidias callide vitat. X. Mithridatis dolo capitur. XI. In colloquio per fraudem occiditur. I. Venio nunc ad fortissimum virum maximique consilii omnium barbarorum, exceptis duobus Carthagi- niensibus, Hamilcare et Hannibale. De quo hoc plura referemus, quod et obscuriora sunt ejus gesta pleraque, et ea, quae prospere ei cesserunt, non magnitudine copia- rum, sed consilii, quo tum omnes superabat, acciderunt ; quorum nisi ratio explicata fuerit, res apparere non poterunt. Datames, patre Camissare, natione Care, matre Scythissa natus, primum militum numero fuit apud Artaxerxem eorum, qui regiam tuebantur. Pater ejus Camissares, quod et manu fortis, et bello strenuus, et regi multis locis fidelis erat repertus, habuit provin- ciam partem Cilicia? juxta Cappadociam, quam incolunt Leucosyri. Datames, militare munus fungens, primum, qualis esset, apparuit in bello, quod rex adversus Cadu- sios gessit. Namque hie, multis milibus regiorum interfectis, magni fuit ejus opera. Quo factum est, ut, quum in eo bello cecidisset Camissares, paterna ei tra- deretur provincia. 5* 54 XIV. 2, 3. {Datames.) 1 II. Pari se virtute postea praebuit, quum Autophra- dates jussu regis bello persequeretur eos, qui defecerant. Namque hujus opera hostes, quum castra jam intrassent, profligati sunt, exercitusque reliquus conservatus [regis] 2 est ; qua ex re majoribus rebus praeesse coepit. Erat eo tempore Thyus dynastes Paphlagoniae, antiquo genere natus a Pylamene illo, quem Homerus Troico bello a Patroclo interfectum ait. Is regi dicto audiens non erat. 3 Quam ob causam bello eum persequi constituit, eique rei praefecit Datamem, propinquum Paphlagonis ; namque ex fratre et sorore erant nati. Quam ob causam Da- tames primum experiri voluit, ut sine armis propinquum ad officium reduceret. Ad quem quum venisset sine praesidio, quod ab amico nullas vereretur insidias, paene interiit. Nam Thyus eum clam interficere voluit. Erat 4 mater cum Datame, amita Paphlagonis. Ea, quid 5 ageretur, resciit, filiumque monuit. Ille fuga periculum evitavit, bellumque indixit Thyo. In quo quum ab Ariobarzane, praefecto Lydise et Ionise totiusque Phrygiae, desertus esset, nihilo segnius perseveravit, vivumque Thyum cepit cum uxore et liberis. 1 III. Cujus facti ne prius fama ad regem, quam ipse, perveniret, dedit operam. Itaque omnibus insciis, eo, ubi erat rex, venit, posteroque die Thyum, hominem maximi corporis terribilique facie, quod et niger, et capillo longo barbaque erat promissa, optima veste texit, quam satrapae regii gerere consueverant ; ornavitque etiam torque, et armillis aureis, ceteroque regio cultu ; 2 ipse agresti duplici amiculo circumdatus hirtaque tunica, gerens in capite galeam venatoriam, dextra manu clavam, sinistra copulam, qua vinctum ante se Thyum agebat, ut 3 si feram bestiam captam duceret. Quem quum omnes prospicerent propter novitatem ornatiis ignotamque for- mam, ob eamque rem magnus esset concursus : fuit non nemo, qui agnosceret Thyum, regique nuntiaret. Primo 4 non accredidit. Itaque Pharnabazum misit exploratum. A quo ut rem gestam comperit, statim admitti jussit, magnopere delectatus quum facto, tum ornatu, impri- mis, quod nobilis rex in potestatem inopinanti venerat. 5 Itaque magnifice Datamem donatum ad exercitum misit, qui tum contrahebatur duce Pharnabazo et Tithrauste ad bellum -^gyptium, parigie eum, atque illos, imperio esse XiV. 4, 5. {Datames.) 55 jussit. Postea vero quam Phamabazum rex revocavit, illi summa imperii tradita est. IV. Hie quum maximo studio compararet exercitum, 1 ^Egyptumque proficisci pararet, subito a rege litterae sunt ei missae, ut Aspim aggrederetur, qui Cataoniam tenebat : qua3 gens jacet supra Ciliciam, conlinis Cap- padociae. Namque Aspis, saltuosam regionem castellis- 2 que munitam incolens, non solum imperio regis non parebat, sed etiam finitimas regiones vexabat, et, quae regi portarentur, abripiebat. Datames, etsi longe aberat 3 ab his regionibus, et a majore re abstrahebatur, tamen regis voluntati morem gerendum putavit. Itaque cum paucis, sed viris fortibus navem conscendit, existimans, id quod accidit, facilius se imprudentem parva manu oppressurum, quam paratum quamvis magno exercitu. Hac delatus in Ciliciam, egressus inde, dies noctesque 4 iter faciens, Taurum transiit, eoque, quo studuerat, venit; quierit, quibus locis sit Aspis ; cognoscit, baud longe abesse, profectumque eum venatum. Quem dum specu- latur, adventus ejus causa cognoscitur. Pisidas cum iis, quos secum habebat, ad resistendum Aspis comparat. Id Datames ubi audivit, arma sumit, suosque sequi jubet; 5 ipse equo concitato ad hostem vehitur. Quem procul Aspis conspiciens ad se ferentem pertimescit, atque a conatu resistendi deterritus sese dedit. Hunc Datames vinctum ad regem ducendum tradit Mithridati. V. Haec d .m geruntur, Artaxerxes, reminiscens, a 1 quanto bello ad quam parvam rem principem ducum misisset, se ipse reprehendit, et nuntium ad exercitum Acen misit, quod nondum Datamem profectum putabat, qui diceret, ne ab exercitu discederet. Hie, priusquam perveniret, quo erat profectus, in itinere convenit, qui Aspim ducebant. Qua celeritate quum magnam bene- 2 volentiam regis Datames consecutus esset, non minorem invidiam aulicorum excepit, qui ilium unum pluris, quam se omnes, fieri videbant. Quo facto cuncti ad eum opprimendum consenserunt. Hoec Pandates, gazoB cus- 3 tos regiae, amicus Datami, perscripta ei mittit, in quibus docet : eum magno fore periculo, si quid illo imperante in iEgypto adversi accidisset. Namque eam esse con- 4 suetudinem regiam, ut casus adversos hominibus tri- buant, secundos fortunse suae : quo fieri, ut facile impel- 56 XIV. 6. {Dataines) lantur ad eoriim pemiciem, quorum ductu res male gestae mmtieritur. Ilium hoc majore fore in discrimine, quod, quibus rex maxime obediat, eos habeat inimicissi- 5 mos. Talibus ille litteris cognitis, quum jam ad exer- citum Acen venisset, quod non ignorabat, ea vere scripta, desciscere a rege constituit. Neque tamen quicquam 6 fecit, quod fide sua esset indignum. Nam Mandroclem Magnetem exercitui prnefecit ; ipse cum suis in Cappa- dociam discedLt,conjuactaraquehuic Paphlagoniaraoccu- 302 pat, celans, qua voluntate esset in regem ; clam a. c. n. cum Ariobarzane facit amicitiam, manum compa- rat, urbes munitas suis tuendas tradit. 1 VI. Sed haec propter hiemale tempus minus prospere procedebant. Audit, Pisidas quasdam copias adversus se parare. Filium eo Arsideum cum exercitu mittit. Cadit in proelio adolescens. Proficiscitur eo pater non ita cum magna manu, celans, quantum vulnus accepisset, quod prius ad hostem pervenire cupiebat, quam de re male gesta fama ad suos perveniret, ne cognita filii 2 morte animi debilitarentur militum. Quo contenderat, pervenit, bisque locis castra ponit, ut neque circumiri multitudine adversariorum posset, neque impediri, quo 3 minus ad dimicandum manum haberet expeditam. Erat cum eo Mithrobarzanes, socer ejus, prsefectus equitum. Is, desperatis generi rebus, ad hostes transfugit. Id Datames ut audivit, sensit, si in turbam exisset, ab homine tam necessario se relictum, futurum, ut ceteri 4 consilium sequerentur. In vulgus edit : suo jussu Mithro- barzanem profectum pro perfuga, quo facilius receptus interiiceret hostes. Quare relinqui eum non par esse, et omnes confestim sequi. Quod si animo strenuo fecis- sent, futurum, ut adversarii non possent resistere, quum 5 et intra vallum et foris coederentur. Hac re probata, exercitum educit, ' Mithrobarzanem persequitur ; qui tantum quod ad hostes pervenerat, Datames signa inferri 6 jubet. Pisidse, nova re commoti, in opinionem addu- cuntur, perfugas mala fide compositoque fecisse, ut recepti essent majori calamitati. Primum eos adoriun- tur. ILi quum, quid ageretur, aut quare fieret, ignora- rent, coHCti sunt, cum eis pugnare, ad quos transierant, ab hisque stare, quos reliquerant. Quibus quum neutri 7 parcererit, celeriter sunt concisi. Reliquos Pisidas resis- XIV. 7, 8. {Datames) 57 tentes Datames invadit : primo impetu pellit, fugientes persequitur, multos interficit, castra hostium capit. Tali consilio uno tempore et proditores perculit, et 8 hostes profligavit, et, quod ad perniciem fuerat cogita- tum, id ad salutem convertit. Quo neque acutius ullius imperatoris cogitatum, neque celerius factum usquam iegimus. VII. Ab hoc tamen viro Scismas, maximo natu filius, 1 desciit, ad regemque transiit, et de defectione patris detu- lit. Quo nuntio Artaxerxes commotus, quod intelligebat sibi cum viro forti ac strenuo negotium esse, qui, quum cogitasset, facere auderet, et prius cogitare, quam conari, consuesset, Autophradatem in Cappadociam mittit. Hie 2 ne intrare posset, saltum, in quo Ciliciae portae sunt sitse, Datames praeoccupare studuit. Sed tarn subito 3 copias contrahere non potuit. A qua re depulsus, cum ea manu, quam contraxerat, locum delegit talem, ut neque circumiretur ab hostibus, neque praeteriret adver- sarius, quin ancipitibus locis premeretur, et, si dimicare [cum] eo vellet, non multum obesse multitudo hostium suae paucitati posset. VIII. Ha3c etsi Autophradates videbat, tamen statuit 1 congredi, quam cum tantis copiis refugere, aut tam diu uno loco sedere. Habebat barbarorum equitum viginti, 2 peditum centum milia, quos illi Cardacas appellant, ejus- demque generis tria funditorum : praeterea Cappadocum octo, Armeniorum decem, Paphlagonum quinque, Phry- gum decem, Lydorum quinque, Aspendiorum et Pisida- rum circiter tria, Cillcum duo, Captianorum totidem, ex Graecia conductorum tria [milia] : levis amiaturae maximum numerum. Has adversus copias spes omnis 3 consistebat Datami in se locique natura : namque hujus partem non habebat vicesimam militum. Quibus fretus conflixit, adversariorumque multa milia concidit, quum de ipsius exercitu non amplius hominum mille cecidisset. Quam ob causam postero die tropaeum posuit, quo loco pridie pugnatum erat. Hinc quum castra movisset, 4 semperque inferior copiis, superior omnibus proeliis disce- deret, quod numquam manum consereret, nisi quum adversarios locorum angustiis clausisset (quod perito regionum callideque cogitanti saepe accidebat) : Auto- 5 pliadates, quum bellum duci majore regis calamitate, 58 XIV. 9, h). {Datames.) quam adversariorum, videret, ad pacem amicitiamque 6 hortatus est, ut cum rege in gratiam rediret. Quam ille etsi lidam non fore putabat, tamen conditionem accepit seque ad Artaxerxem legates missurum dixit. Sic bellum, quod rex adversus Datamem susceperat, se datum. Autophradates in Phrygian! se recepit. 1 IX. At rex, quod implacabile odium in Datamem sus- ceperat, postquam bello eum opprimi non posse animad- vertit, insidiis interficere studuit ; quas ille plerasque 2 vitavit. Sicut, quum nuntiatum esset, quosdam sibi insidiari, qui in amicorum erant numero (de quibus, quod inimici detulerant, neque credendum, neque negli- gendum putavit), experiri voluit, verum falsunme esset 3 relatum. Itaque eo profectus est, quo itinere futuras insidias dixerant. Sed elegit corpore et statura similli- mum sui, eique vestitum suum dedit, atque eo loco ire, quo ipse consueverat, jussit. Ipse autem ornatu vestitu- que militari inter corporis custodes iter facere coepit. 4 At insidiatores, pOstquam in eum locum agmen pervenit, decepti ordine atque vestitu, in eum faciunt impetum, qui suppositus erat. Prsedixerat autem his Datames, cum quibus iter faciebat, ut parati essent facere, quod ipsum vidissent. Ipse, ut concurrentes insidiatores animadvertit, tela in eos conjecit. Hoc idem quum universi feci^scnt, priusquam pervenirent ad eum, quem aggredi volebant, confixi ceciderunt. 1 X. Hie tamen tam callidus vir extremo tempore captus est Mithridatis, Ariobarzanis filii, dolo. Namque is pollicitus est regi, se eum interfecturum, si ei rex per- mitteret, ut, quodcumque vellet, liceret impune facere, fidemque de ea re, more Persarum, dextra dedisset. 2 Hanc ut accepit a rege missam, copias parat, et absens amicitiam cum Datame facit, regis provincias vexat, castella expugnat, magnas prajdas capit, quarum partem suis dispertit, partem ad Datamem mittit ; pari modo 3 complura castella ei tradit. Haec diu faciendo persuasit homini, se infinitum adversus regem suscepisse bellum, quum nihilo magis, ne quam suspicionem illi praeberet insidiarum, neque colloquium ejus petivit, neque in con- spectum venire studuit. Sic absens amicitiam gerebat, ut non beneficiis mutuis, sed odio communi, quod erga regem susceperant, contineri viderentur. XV. (JEpaminondas) 50 XL Id quum satis se confirmasse arbitratus est, cer- tiorem facit Datamem, tempus esse, majores exercitus parari, et bellum cum ipso rege suscipi ; deque ea re, si ei videretur, quo loco vellet, in colloquium veniret. Probata re, colloquendi tempus sumitur, locusque, quo conveniretur. Hue Mithridates cum uno, cui maximam habebat fidem, ante aliquot dies venit, compluribusque locis separatim gladios obruit, eaque loca diligenter notat. Ipso autem colloquendi die utrique, locum qui explorarent, atque ipsos scrutarentur, mittunt. Deinde ipsi sunt congressi. Hie quum aliquamdiu in colloquio fuissent, et diversi discessissent, jamque procul Datames abesset : Mithridates, priusquam ad suos perveniret, ne quam suspicionem pareret, in eumdem locum revertitur, atque ibi, ubi telum erat impositum, resedit, ut si [a] lassitudine cuperct acquicscere, Datamemque revocavit, simulans, se quiddam in colloquio esse oblitum. Inte- rim telum, quod latebat, protulit nudatumque vagina veste texit, ac Datami venienti ait, digredientem se ani- madvertisse, locum quomdam, qui erat in conspectu, ad castra ponenda esse idoneum. Quem quum digito de- monstraret, et ille conspiceret, aversum ferro transfixit, priusque, quam quisquam posset succurrere, interfecit. Ita ille vir, qui multos consilio, neminem perfidia cepe- rat, simulata captus est amicitia. XV. EPAMINONDAS I. Epammondas, Polymni films, Tliehanus, De hoc priusquam scribamus, haec praecipienda videntur lecto- ribus, ne alienos mores ad suos referant ; neve ea, quae ipsis leviora sunt, pari modo apud ceteros fuisse arbi- trentur. Scimus enim, musicen nostris moribus abesse a principis persona ; saltare vero etiam in vitiis poni : quae omnia apud Graecos et grata, et laude digna du- cuntur. Quum autem exprimere imaginem consuetu- dinis atque vitae velimus EpaminondtB, nihil videmur 60 XV. 2, 3. (Epaminondas.) de^ ere prsetermittere, quod pertineat ad earn declaran- drm. Quare dicemus primum de genere ejus; deinde, '^uibus disciplinis et a quibus sit eruditus ; turn de mo- ribus ingeniique facultatibus, et si qua alia digna me- moria erunt ; postrerno de rebus gestis, quae a plurimis omnium anteponuntur virtutibus. II. Natus igitur patre, quo diximus, honesto genere, pauper jam a majoribus relictus ; eruditus autem sic, ut nemo Thebanus magis. Nam et citharizare, et can- tare ad chordarum sonum doctus est a Dionysio, qui non minore fuit in musicis gloria, quam Damon aut Lamprus, quorum pervulgata sunt nomina ; [carmina] cantare tibiis ab Olympiodoro, saltare a Calliphrone. At philosophise praeceptorem habuitLysim, Tarentinum, Pythagoreum : cui quidem sic fuit deditus, ut adoles- cens tristem et severum senem omnibus sequalibus suis in familiaritate anteposuerit, neque prius eum a se di- miserit,quam in doctrinis tanto antecesserit condiscipulos, ut facile intelligi posset, pari modo superaturum omnes in ceteris artibus. Atque hsec ad nostram consuetudi- nem sunt levia, et potius contemnenda ; at in Gra^cia utique olim magnae laudi erant. Postquam ephebus factus est, et palaestrae dare operam ccepit, non tarn magnitudini virium servivit, quam velocitati. Illam enim ad athletarum usum, banc ad belli existimabat utilitatem pertinere. Itaque exercebatur plurimum currendo et luctando ad eum finem, quoad stans com- plect! posset atque contendere. In armis plurimum studii consumebat. III. Ad hanc corporis firmitatem plurima etiam animi bona accesserant. Erat enim modestus, p^udens, gravis, temporibus sapienter utens, peritus belli, fortis manu, animo maximo ; adeo veritatis diligens, ut ne joco qui- dem mentiretur. Idem continens, clemens, patiensque admirandum in modum, non solum populi, sed etiam amicorum ferens injurias ; inprimisque commissa ce- lans : quod interdum non minus prodest, quam diserte dicere ; studiosus audiendi : ex hoc enim facillime disci arbitrabatur. Itaque quum in circulum venisset, in quo aut de republica disputaretur, aut de philosophia sermo haberetur, numquam inde prius discessit, quam ad finem sermo asset adductus. Paupertatem adeo fa- XV. 4. (JEpaminondas.) 61 cile perpessus est, ut de republica nihil praeter gloriam ceperit. Amicorum in se tuendo caruit facultaiibus ; fide ad alios sublevandos saepe sic usus est, ut possit ju- dicari, omnia ei cum amicis fuisse communia. Nam quum aut civium suorum aliquis ab hostibus esset cap- tus, aut virgo amici nubilis propter paupertatem coUo- cari non posset, amicorum concilium habebat, et, quan- tum quisque daret, pro facultaiibus imperabat. Eam- que summam quum fecerat, priusquam acciperet pecu- niam, adducebat eum, qui quaerebat, ad eos, qui con- ferebant, eique ut ipsi numerarent, faciebat; ut ille, ad quern ea res perveniebat, sciret, quantum cuique deberet. IV. Tentata autem ejus est abstinentia a Diomedonte, Cyziceno. Namque is rogatu Artaxerxis Epaminondam pecunia corrumpendum susceperat. Hie magno cum pondereauri Thebas venit, et Micythum adolescentulum quinque talentis ad suam perduxit voluntatem, quern turn Epaminondas plurimum diligebat. Micythus Epa- minondam convenit, et causam adventus Diomedontis ostendit. At ille Diomedonte coram, Nihil^ inquit, opus pecunia est. Nam si ea rex vult, qiuB Thebanis sint utilia, gratis facere sum paraius ; sin autem contraria, non hahet auri atque argenfi satis. Namque orbis terra- rum divitias accipere nolo pro patricB caritate. Tu quod me incognitum teiitasti, tuique simihm existimasli, noti miror, iibique ignosco ; sed egredere propere, ne alios corrumpasj quum me non potueris. Tu, Micythe, argen- tum huic redde ; nisi id confestim facis, ego te tradam magistratui. Hunc Diomedon quum rogaret, ut tuto exire, suaque, qua3 attulisset, liceret efferre: Istud qui- dem, inquit, faciam ; neque tua causa, sed mea, ne, si ti- bi sit pecunia adempta, aliquis dicaf, id ad me ereptum per- venisse, quod delatum accipere noluissem. A quo quum quaesisset, quo se deduci vellet, et ille, Athenas, dixisset; praesidium dedit, ut [eo] tuto perveniret. Neque vero id satis habuit, sed etiam, ut inviolatus in navem ascen- deret, per Chabriam Atheniensem, de quo supra men- tionem fecimus, effecit. Abstinentiae erit hoc satis tes- timonium. Plurima quidem proferre possemus ; sed modus adhibendus est, quoniam uno hoc volumine vitam excellentium virorum complurium concludere constitui- 62 XV. 5, 6. {Epaminoadas.) mus, quorum separatim multis millibus versuum com- plures scriptores ante nos explicarunt. 1 V. Fuit etiam disertus, ut nemo ei Thebanus par es- set eloquentia : neque minus concinnus in brevitate re- 2 spondendi, quam in perpetua oratione ornatus. Habuit obtrectatorem Meneclidam quemdam, indidem Thebis, et adversarium in administranda republica, satis exerci- tatum in dicendo, ut Thebanum scilicet. Namque illi 3 genti plus inest virium, quam ingenii. Is, quod in re militari florere Epaminondam videbat, hortari solebat Thebanos, ut pacem bello anteferrent, ne illius impera- toris opera desideraretur. Huic ille, Fallis, inquit, ver- bo cives tuos, quod hos a hello avocas : oiii enim nomine 4 servitutem concilias. Nam paritur pax bello. Itaque qui ea diutina volunt frui, bello exercitati esse debent, Quare si principes GrcBcice esse vultis, castris est vobis 5 utendum, non palcBstra, Idem ille Meneclidas quum huic objiceret, quod liberos non haberet, neque uxorem duxisset ; maximeque insolentiam, quod sibi Agamem- nonis belli gloriam videretur consecutus : at, ille, desine, inquit, Meneclida, de uxore mild exprobrare : nam niillius in ista re minus uti consilio volo. MHabebat enim Mene- 6 clidas suspicionem adulterii.) ^Quod autem me Ag- amemnonem cemulari putas, falleris. Namque ille cum universa GrcBcia vix decern annis unam cepit urbem ; ego contra ex una urbe nostra dieque uno totam GrcBciam, Lacedcemoniis fugatis, liber avi. 1 VI. Idem quum in conventum venisset Arcadum, petens, ut societatem cum Thebanis et Argivis facerent : contraque Callistratus, Atheniensium legatus, qui elo- quentia omnes eo praestabat tempore, postularet, ut po- tius amicitiam sequerentur Atticorum, et in oratione sua multa invectus esset in Thebanos et Argivos, in 2 eisque hoc posuisset ; animadvertere debere Arcadas, quales utraque civitas cives procreasset, ex quibus de ceteris possent judicare : Argivos enim fuisse Orestem et Alcmseonem, matricidas ; Thebis GEdipum natum, qui, quum patrem suum interfecisset, ex matre liberos 3 procreasset : hie in respondendo Epaminondas, quum de ceteris perorasset, postquam ad ilia duo opprobria per- venit, acjmirari se dixit stultitiam rhetoris Attici, qui non aniniadverterit, innocentes illos natos ; domi scelere XV. 7, 8. {Epaminondas.) 63 admisso, quum patria essent expulsi, receptos esse ab Atheniensibus. Sad maxime ejus eloquentia eluxit 4 Spartse, legati ante pugnam Leuctricam. Quo quum omnium sociorum convenissent legati, coram frequentis- simo legationum conventu sic Lacedsemoniorum tyran- nidem coarguit, ut non minus ilia oratione opes eorum concusserit, quam Leuctrica pugna. Turn enim per- fecit, quod post apparuit, ut auxilio sociorum Lacedae- monii privarentur. VII. Fuisse patientem suorumque injurias ferentem 1 civium, quod se patriae irasci nefas esse duceret, haec sunt testimonia. Quum eum propter invidiam cives prseficere exercitui noluissent, duxque esset delectus belli imperitus, cujus errore eo esset deducta res [mili- tum], ut omnes de salute pertimescerent, quod locorum angustiis clausi ab hostibus obsidebantur : desiderari ccepta est Epaminondae diligentia. Erat enim ibi pri- vatus numero militis. A quo quum peterent opem, 2 nullam adhibuit memoriam contumeliae, et exercitum, obsidione liberatum, domum reduxit incolumem. Neque 3 vero hoc semel fecit, sed saepius. Maxime autem fuit illustre, quum in Peloponnesum exercitum duxisset ad- versus Lacedaemonios, haberetque collegas duos, quorum alter erat Pelopidas, vir fortis ac strenuus. Hie quum criminibus adversariorum omnes in invidiam venissent, ob eamque rem imperium his esset abrogatum, atque in eorum locum alii praetores successissent : Epaminondas 4 populiscito non paruit, idemque ut facerent, persuasit collegis, et bellum, quod susceperat, gessit. Namque animadvertebat, nisi id fecisset, totum exercitum propter praetorum imprudentiam inscientiamque belli periturum. Lex erat Thebis, quae morte multabat, si quis imperium 5 diutius retinuisset, quam lege praefinitum foret. Hanc Epaminondas quum reipublicae conservandae causa latam videret, ad perniciem civitatis conferre noluit ; et qua- tuor mensibus diutius, quam populus jusserat, gessit imperium. VIII. Postquam domum reditum est, collega3 ejus 1 hoc crimine accusabantur. Quibus ille permisit, ut omnem causam in se transferrent, suaque opera factum contenderent, ut legi non obedirent. Qua defensione illis periculo liberatis, nemo Epaminondam responsurum 64 XV. 9, 10. (Epaminondas) 2 putabat, quod, quid diceret, non haberet. At ille in ju- dicium venit : nihil eorum negavit, quae adversarii cri- mini dabant, omniaque, quae collegsB dixerant, confessus est, neque recusavil, quo minus legis poenam subiret ; sed unum ab iis petivit, ut in periculo suo inscriberent: 3 Epaminondas a Thehanis morte muUatus est, quod eos coegit apud Leucira superare LacedcBftwnios, quos ante se imperatorem nemo Bczotiorum ausus fuit adspicere in 4 acie ; quodque uno proelio non solum Tliehas ab interitu retraxit, sed etiam universam GrcBciam in Uhertatem vin- dicavit, eoque res utrorumque perduxit, ut Thehani Spar- tarn oppugnarent, Lacedamonii satis liaberent, si salvi 5 esse possent ; neque prius bellare destitit, quam Messena constituta urbem eorum obsidione clausit. Ha3c quum dixisset, risus omnium cum hilaritate coortus est : neque quisquam judex ausus est de eo ferre suffragium. Sic a judicio capitis maxima discessit gloria. 1 IX. Hie extreme tempore imperator apud Mantineam quum acie instructa audacius instaret hostes, cognitus a Lacedsemoniis, quod in unius pernicie ejus patriae sitam putabant salutem, universi in unum impetum fecerunt, neque prius abscesserunt, quam magna csede [facta multisque occisis] fortissime ipsum Epaminondam pug- nantem, spare eminus percussum, concidere viderunt. 2 Hujus casu aliquantum retardati sunt Bceotii ; neque tamen prius pugna excesserunt, quam repugnantes pro- 3 fligarunt. At Epaminondas quum animadverteret, mor- tiferum se vulnus accepisse, simulque, si ferrum, quod ex hastili in corpore remanserat, extraxisset, animam statim emissurum : usque eo jetinuit, quoad renuntiatum 4 est, vicisse Boeotios. Id postquam audivit ; satis, inquit, vixi : invictus enim morior. Tum ferro extracto con- festim exanimatus est. 1 X. Hie uxorem numquam duxit. In quo quum re- prehenderetur, quod liberos non relinqueret, a Pelopida, qui filium habebat injaca^m, maleque eum in eo patriae 2 consulere diceret : vide, inquit, ne tu pejjus consulas, qui talern ex te natum relicturus sis. Neque vero stirps mihi potest deesse. Namque ex me naiam rellnquo pugnam Leuctricam, qua non modo mihi superstes, sed etia?n im- 3 mortalis sit necesse est. Quo tempore, duce Pelopida, exsules Thebas occuparunt, et praesidium Lacedaemoni- XVI. 1. {Pelopidas) 65 orum ex arce expulerunt, Epaminondas, quamdiu facta est coedes civium, domo se tenuit : quod neque malos defendere volebat, neque impugnare, ne manus suorum sanguine cruentaret. Namque omnem civilem victori- am funestam putabat. Idem, postquam apud Cadmeam cum Lacedaemoniis pugnari cceptum est, in primis stetit. Hujus de virtutibus vitaque satis erit dictum, si hoc unum adjunxero, quod nemo eat infitias, Thebas et ante Epaminondam natum, et post ejus interitum, perpetuo alieno paruisse imperio ; contra ea, quamdiu ille prse- fuerit reipublicae, caput fuisse totius Grsecise. Ex quo intelligi potest, unum hominem pluris, quam civilatem, fuisse. XVI. PELOPIDAS, I. Pelopidas^ Thehanus, magis historicis, quam vulgo, 1 notus. Cujus de virtutibus dubito quemadmodum ex- ponam, quod vereor, ne, si res explicare incipiam, non vitam ejus enarrare, sed historiam videar scribere ; si tantummodo summas attigero, ne rudibus litterarum Graecarum minus lucide appareat, quantus fuerit ille vir. Itaque utrique rei occurram, quantum potero, et medebor quum satietati, turn ignorantiae lectorum. Phce- S bidas, Lacedaemonius, quum exercitum Olynthum du-- ceret, iterque per Thebas faceret, arcem oppidi, quae Cadmea nominatur, occupavit impulsu perpaucorum Thebanorum, qui, adversariae factioni quo facilius re- sisterent, Laconum rebus studebant : idque suo private, non publico, fecit consilio. Quo facto eum Lacedsemo- c nii ab exercitu removerunt pecuniaque mullarunt : ne- que eo magis arcem Thebanis reddiderunt, quod sus- ceptis iniiiiicitiis satius ducebant eos obsideri, quam li- berari. Nam post Peloponnesium bellum Athenasque devictas cum Thebanis sibi rem esse existimabant, et eos esse solos, qui adversus resistere auderent. Hac 4 mente amicis suis summas potestates dederant, alterius- 6* 66 XVI. 2, 3. {Pelopidas) que factionis principes partim interfecerant, alios in ex- silium ejecerant : in quibus Pelopidas hie, de quo scri- bere exorsi sumus, pulsus patria carebat. 1 II. Hi omnes fere Athenas se contulerant, non, quo sequerentur otium, sed ut, quemque ex proximo locum 2 fors obtulisset, eo patriam recuperare niterentur. Itaque quum tempus est visum rei gerendae, communiter cum his, qui Thebis idem sentiebant, diem delegerunt ad inimicos opprimendos civitatemque liberandam eum, quo maximi magistratus simul consueverant epulari. 3 Magnse saepe res non ita magnis copiis sunt gestae ; sed profecto numquam ab tam tenui initio tantae opes sunt profligatae. Nam duodecim adolescentuli coierunt ex his, qui exsilio erant multati, quum omnino non essent amplius centum, qui tanto se otTerrent periculo. Qua 4 paucitate perculsa est Lacedaemoniorum potentia. Hi enim non magis adversariorum factioni, quam Sparta- nis, eo tempore bellum intulerunt, qui principes erant totius Graeciae ; quorum imperii majestas, neque ita multo post, Leuctrica pugna, ab hoc initio perculsa, 5 concidit. Illi igitur duodecim, quorum erat dux Pelo- pidas, quum Athenis interdiu exissent, ut vesperascente coelo Thebas possent pervenire, cum canibus venaticis exierunt, retia ferentes, vestitu agresti, quo minore sus- picione facerent iter. Qui quum tempore ipso, quo studuerant, pervenissent, domum Charonis devenerunt, a quo et tempus et dies erat datus. 1 III. Hoc loco libet interponere, etsi sejunctum ab re proposita est, nimia fiducia quantae calamitati soleat esse. Nam magistratuum Thebanorum statim ad aures pervenit, exsules in urbem devenisse. Id illi, vino epu- lisque dediti, usque eo despexerunt, ut ne quaerere qui- 2 dem de tanta re laborarint. Accessit etiam, quod magis aperiret eorum dementiam. Allata est enim epistola Athenis ab Archia, [hierophante,] uni ex his, Archiae, qui tum maximum magistratum Thebis obtinebat, in qua omnia de profectione exsulum perscripta erant. Quae quum jam accubanti in convivio esset data, sicut erat signata, sub pulvinum subjiciens, in crastinum, in- 3 quit, differo res severas. At illi omnes, quum jam nox processisset, vinolenti ab exsulibus, duce Pelopida, sunt interfecti. Quibus rebus confectis, vulgo ad arma li- XVI. 4, 5. (Pelopidas) 67 bertatemque vocato, non solum qui in urbe erant, sed etiam undique ex agris concurrerunt, praesidium Laco- daemoniorum ex arce pepulerunt, patriam obsidione li- beraverunt, auctores Cadmeae occupandae partim occi- derunt, partim in exsilium ejecerunt. IV. Hoc tarn turbido tempore, sicut supra docuimus, 1 Epaminondas, quoad cum civibus dimicatum est, domi quietus fuit. Itaque haec liberandarum Thebarum pro- pria laus est Pelopidae : ceterae fere omnes communes cum Epaminonda. Namque Leuctrica pugna, impera- 2 tore Epaminonda, hie fuit dux delectae manus, quae pri- ma phalangem prostravit Laconum. Omnibus praeterea 3 periculis atfuit. Sicut Spartam quum oppugnavit, alte- rum tenuit cornu : quoque Messena celerius restituere- tur, legatus in Persas est profectus. Denique haec fuit altera persona Thebis, sed tamen secunda ita, ut proxi- ma esset Epaminondae. V. Conflictatus autem est cum adversa fortuna. Nam 1 et initio, sicut ostendimus, exsul patria caruit, et, quum Thessaliam in potestatem Thebanorum cuperet redigere, legationisque jure satis tectum se arbitraretur, quod apud omnes gentes sanctum esse consuesset, a tyranno Alexandre Pheraec^simul cum Ismenia comprehensus in vincula conjectus est. Hunc Epaminondas recuperavit, 2 bello persequens Alexandrum. Post id factum num- quam is animo placari potuit in eum, a quo erat viola- tus. Itaque persuasit Thebanis, ut subsidio Thessaliae proficiscerentur, tyrannosque ejus expellerent. Cujus 3 belli quum ei summa esset data, eoque cum exercitu profectus esset, non dubitavit, simul acconspexit hostem, confligere. In quo proelio Alexandrum ut animadvertit, 4 incensus ira equum in eum concitavit, proculque de- gressus a suis conjectu telorum confossus concidit. At- que hoc secunda victoria accidit : nam jam inclinatae erant tyrannorum copiae. Quo facto omnes Thessaliae 6 civitates interfectum Pelopidam coronis aureis et statuis seneis, liberosque ejus multo agro donarunt. 68 XVII. 1, 2. (Agesilaus.) XVII. AGESILAUS. I. Agesilaus, Lacedcjemonius, quum a ceteris scripto- ribus, turn eximie a Xenophonte Socratico collaudatus 1 est : eo enim usus est familiarissime. Hie primum de regno cum Leotychide, fratris filio, l^abuit contentio- nem. Mos est enim a majoribus Lacedeemoniis traditus, ut duos haberent semper reges, nomine magis, quam imperio, ex duabus familiis Procli et Eurysthenis, qui principes ex progenie Herculis Spartse reges fuerunt. Harum ex altera in alterius familise locum fieri non li- cebat. Itaque utraque suum retinebat ordinem. Pri- mum ratio habebatur, qui maximus natu esset ex liberis ejus qui regnans decessisset. Sin is virilem sexum non reliquisset, tum deligebatur, qui proximus esset propin- quitate. Mortuus erat Agis rex, frater Agesilai. Fi- lium reliquerat Leotychidem, quem ille natum non agnorat, eumdem moriens suum e$se dixerat. Is de honore regni cum Agesilao, suo patruo, contendit : ne- que id, quod petivit, consecutus est. Nam Lysandro suffragante, homine, ut ostendimus supra, factioso et his temporibus potente, Agesilaus antelatus est. II. Hie simulatque imperii potitus est, persuasit La- cedoemoniis, ut exercitum emitterent in Asiam, bel- lumque regi facerent: docens, satius esse in Asia, quam in Europa dimicari. Namque fama exierat, Artaxerx- em comparare classes pedestresque exercitus, quos in Grseciam mitteret. Data potestate, tanta celeritate usus est, ut prius in Asiam cum copiis pervenerit, quam regii satrapsB eum scirent profectum. Quo factum est, ut omnes imparatos imprudentesque offenderet. Id ut cognovit Tissaphernes, qui summum imperium tum in- ter prsefectos habebat regies, inducias a Lacone petivit, simulans, se dare operam, ut Lacedsemoniis cum rege conveniret ; re autem vera ad copias comparandas : easque impetravit trimestres. Juravit autem uterque, se sine dolo inducias conservaturum. In qua pactione XVII. 3, 4. {Agesilaus) 69 summa fide mansit Agesilaus ; contra ea Tissaphernes nihil aliud, quam bellum comparavit. Id etsi sentiebat 5 Laco, tamen jusjurandum servabat, multumque in eo se consequi dicebat, quod Tissaphernes perjurio suo et homines suis rebus abalienaret, et deos sibi iratos red- deret ] se autem conservata religione confirmare exer- citum, quum animadverteret, deorum numen facere se- cum, hominesque sibi conciliari amiciores, quod his studere consuessent, quos conservare fidem viderent. III. Postquam induciarum prseteriit dies, barbarus, 1 non dubitans, quod ipsius erant plurima domicilia in Caria, et ea regio his temporibus multo putabatur locu- pletissima, eo potissimum hostes impetum facturos, om- nes suas copias eo contraxerat. At Agesilaus in Phry- 2 giam se convertit, eamque prius depopulatus est, quam Tissaphernes usquam se moveret. Magna praeda mili- tibus locupletatis, Ephesum hiematum exercitum re- duxit, atque ibi officinis armorum institutis, magna in- dustria bellum apparavit. Et quo studiosius armarentur insigniusque ornarentur, prsemia proposuit, quibus do- narentur, quorum egregia in ea re fuisset industria. Fecit idem in exercitationum generibus, ut, qui ceteris 3 prsestitissent, eos magnis afficeret muneribus. His igi- tur rebus effecit, ut et ornatissimum et exercitatissimum haberet exercitum. Huic quum tempus esset visum, 4 copias extrahere ex hibernaculis, vidit, si, quo esset iter facturus, palam pronuntiasset, hostes non credituros, aliasque regiones prsesidiis occupaturos, necdubitaturos, aliud esse facturum, ac pronuntiasset. Itaque quum 5 ille Sardeis iturum se dixisset, Tissaphernes eamdem Cariam defendendam putavit. In quo quum eum opinio fefellisset, victumque se vidisset consilio ; sero suis prae- sidio profectus est. Nam quum illo venisset, jam Age- silaus, multis locis expugnatis, magna erat prseda poti- tus. Laco autem, quum videret, hostes equitatu supe- 6 rare, numquam in campo sui fecit potestatam, et his locis manum conseruit, quibus plus pedestres copiae va- lerent. Pepulit ergo, quotiescumque congressus est, multo majores adversariorum copias, et sic in Asia versatus est, ut omnium opinione victor duceretur. IV. Hie quum jam animo meditaretur proficisci in 1 Persas, et ipsum regem adoriri, nuntius ei domo venit 70 XVII. 5. (Agesilaiis.) ephorum missu, bellum Athenienseset Bceotios indixisse 2 Lacedaemoniis : quare venire ne dubitaret. In hoc non minus ejus pietas suspicienda est, quam virtus bellica: qui, quum victori prseesset exercitui maximamque ha- bere! fiduciam regni Persarum potiundi, tanta modestia dicto audiens fuit jussis absentium magistratuum, ut si privatus in comitio esset Spartse. Cujus exemplum uti- nam imperatores nostri sequi voluissent ! Sed illuc re- 3 deamus. Agesilaus opulentissimo regno praeposuit bo- nam existimationem, multoque gloriosius duxit, si insti- tutis patriae paruisset, quam si bello superasset Asiam. 4 Hac igitur mente Hellespontum copias trajecit, tantaque usus est celeritate, ut, quod iter Xerxes anno vertente 5 confecerat, hie transierit triginta diebus. Quum jam baud ita longe abesset a Peloponneso, obsistere ei conati sunt Athenienses et Bceotii, ceterique eorum socii, apud 6 Coroneam : quos omnes gravi proelio vicit. Hujus vic- torise vel maxima fuit laus, quod, quum plerique ex fuga se in templum Minervse conjecissent, quserereturque ab eo, quid his fieri vellet, etsi aliquot vulnera acceperat eo prcelio, et iratus videbatur omnibus, qui adversus arma tulerant, tamen antetulit irae religionem, et eos 7 vetuit violari. Neque vero hoc solum in Graecia fecit, ut tempi a deorum sancta babe ret ; sed etiam apud bar- baros summa religione omnia simulacra arasque con- 8 servavit. Itaque praedicabat, mirari se, non sacrilego- rum numero haberi, qui supplicibus eorum nocuissent ; aut non gravioribus pcenis affici qui religionem minue- rent, quam qui fana spoliarent. 1 V. Post hoc proelium coUatum est omne bellum circa 2 Corinthum, ideoque Corinthium est appellatum. Hie quum una pugna decem millia hostium, Agesilao duce, cecidissent, eoque facto opes adversariorum debilitatae viderentur : tantum abfuit ab insolentia gloriae, ut com- miseratus sit fortunam Graeciae, quod tarn multi a se victi vitio adversariorum concidissent : namque ilia multitudine, si sana mens esset, Graeciae supplicium 3 Persas dare potuisse. Idem quum adversaries intra moenia compulisset, et, ut Corinthum oppugnaret, multi hortarentur, negavit, id suae virtuti convenire : se enim eum esse dixit, qui ad officium peccantes redire cogeret, 4 non, qui urbes nobilissimas expugnaret Graeciae. Nam XVII. 6, "/, 8. {Agesilaus.) 71 sif inquit, eos exstinguere voluerimus^ qui nohiscum ad- versus barharos sieterujit, nos??ieUpsi nos expugnaverimus, illis quiesceniihus . Quo facto sine negodo, quum volue- rint, nos ojypnment. VI. Interim accidit ilia calamitas apud Leuctra La- 1 cedsemoniis : quo ne proficisceretur, quum a plerisque ad exeundum premeretur, ut si de exitu divinaret, exire noluit. Idem, quum Epaminondas Spartam oppugnaret, essetque sine nmris oppidum, talem se imperatorem prsebuit, ut eo tempore omnibus apparuerit, nisi ille fuisset, Spartam futuram non fuisse. In quo quidem 2 discrimine celeritas ejus consilii saluti fuit universis. Nam quum quidam adolescentuli, hostium adventu per- territi, ad Thebanos transfugere vellent, et locum extra urbem editum cepissent ; Agesilaus, qui perniciosissi- mum fore videret, si animadversum esset, quemquam ad hostes transfugere conari, cum suis eo venit, atque, ut si bono animo fecissent, laudavit consilium eorum, quod eum locum occupassent, et se id quoque fieri de- bere animadvertisse. Sic adolescentulos simulata lau- 3 datione recuperavit, et adjunctis de suiscomitibus locum tutum reliquit. Namque illi, aucto numero eorum, qui expertes erant consilii, commovere se non sunt ausi, eo- que libentius, quod latere arbitrabantur, quae cogitarant. VII. Sine dubio post Leuctricam pugnam Lacedse- 1 monii se numquam refecerunt, neque pristinum imperi- um recuperarunt : quum interim Agesilaus non destitit, quibuscumque rebus posset, patriam juvare. Nam 2 quum proecipue Lacedaemonii indigerent pecunia, ille omnibus, qui a rege defecerant, praesidio fuit : a quibus magna donatus pecunia patriam sublevavit. Atque in 3 hoc illud inprimis fuit admirabile, quum maxima mune- ra ei ah regibus, et dynastis, civitatibusque conferrentur, quod nihil umquam [in] domum suam contulit, nihil de victu, nihil de vestitu Laconum mutavit. Domo eadem 4 fuit contentus, qua Eurysthenes, progenitor majorum suorum, fuerat usus : quam qui intrarat, nullum signum libidinis, nullum luxuriae videre poterat ; contra ea plu- rima patientiae atque abstinentiae. Sic enim erat in- structa, ut nulla in re difFerret cujusvis inopis atque privati. VIII. Atque hie tantus vir, ut naturam fautricem 1 72 XVIII. 1. (Eumenes.) habuerat in tribuendis animi virtutibus, sic maleficam nactus est in corpore fingendo. Nam et statura fuit humili, et corpore exiguo, et claudus altero pede. Quae res etiam nonnullam afferebat deformitatem : atque ig- noti, faciem ejus quum intuerentur, contemnebant ; qui autem virtutes noverant, non poterant admirari satis. 2 Quod ei usu venit, quum annorum octoginta subsidio Tacho in ^gyptum iisset, et in acta cum suis accubuis- set sine ullo tecto ; stratumque haberet tale, ut terra tecta esset stramentis, neque hue amplius, quam pellis esset injecta ; eodemque comites omnes accubuissent vestitu humili atque obsolete, ut eorum ornatus non modo in his regem neminem significaret, sed hominis 3 non beatissimi suspicionem praeberet. Hujus de adventu fama quum ad regies esset perlata, celeriter munera eo cuj usque generis sunt allata. His quserentibus Agesi- laum vix fides facta est, unum esse ex his, qui tum ac- 4 cubabant. Qui quum regis verbis, quae attulerant, de- dissent, ille prseter vitulina et hujusmodi genera opsonii, quae praesens tempus desiderabat, nihil accepit ; un- guenta, coronas, secundamque mensam servis dispertiit ; 5 cetera referri jussit. Quo facto eum barbari magis etiam contemserunt, quod eum ignorantia bonarum re- 6 rum ilia potissimum sumpsisse'arbitrabantur. Hie quum ex Mgypto reverteretur, donatus a rege Nectanabide ducentis viginti talentis, quae ille muneri populo suo daret, venissetque in portum, qui Menelai vocatur, ja- cens inter Cyrenas et ^Egyptum, in morbum implicitus 7 decessit. Ibi eum amici, quo Spartam facilius perferre possent, quod mel non habebant, cera circumfuderunt, atque ita domum retulerunt. XVIII. EUMENES. 1 1. Eumenes J Cardmnus. Hujus si virtuti par data esset fortuna, non ille quidem major, sed multo illustrior atque etiam honoratior : quod magnos homines virtui^ XVIIl. 2. (Eumenes.) 73 metimur, non fortuna. Nam quum aetas ejus incidisset 2 in ea tempora, quibus Macedones florerent, multum ei detraxit inter hos viventi, quod alienee erat civitatis ; neque aliud huic defuit ; quam generosa stirps. Etsi 3 ille domestico summo genere erat: tamen Macedones eum sibi aliquando anteponi indigne ferebant; neque tamen non patiebantur. Vincebat enim omnes cura, vigilantia, patientia, calliditate etceleritate ingenii. Hie 4 peradolescentulus ad amicitiam accessit Philippic Amyn- tse filii, brevique tempore in intimam pervenit familiari- tatem. Fulgebat enim jam in adolescentulo indoles virtutis. Itaque eum habuit ad manum scribae loco: 5 quod multo apud Graios honorificentius est, quam apud Romanos. Nam apud nos, revera sicut sunt, mercena- rii scribae existimanlur ; at apud illos e contrario nemo ad id officium admittitur, nisi honesto loco, et fide et in- dustria cognita : quod necesse est omnium consiliorum eum esse participem. Hunc locum tenuit amicitiae apud 6 Philippum annos septem. Illo interfecto, eodem gradu fuit apud Alexandrum annos tredecim. Novissimo tempore praefuit etiam alterae equitum alae, quae Hetae- rice appellabatur. Utrique autem in consilio semper affuit, et omnium rerum habitus est particeps. II. Alexandre Babylone mortuo, quum regna singulis 1 familiaribus dispertirentur, et summa rerum tradita es- set tuenda eidem, cui Alexander moriensannulumsuum dederat, Perdiccae : ex quo omnes conjecerant, eum 2 regnum ei commendasse, quoad liberi ejus in suam tu- telam pervenissent : (aberantenim Craterus et Antipater, qui antecedere hunc videbantur : mortuus erat Hephaes- tio, quern unum Alexander, quod facile intelligi posset, plurimi fecerat;) hoc tempore data est Eumeni Cappa- docia, sive potius dicta. Nam tum in hostium erat po- testate. Hunc sibi Perdiccas adjunxerat magno studio, 3 quod in homine fidem et industriam magnam videbat : non dubitans, si eum pellexisset, magno usui fore sibi in his rebus, quas apparabat. Cogitabat enim, quod fere omnes in magnis imperiis concupiscunt, omnium partes corripere atque complecti. Neque vero hoc ille solus 4 fecit, sed ceteri quoque omnes, qui Alexandri fuerant amici. Primus Leonnatus Macedoniam praeoccupare destinaverat. Hie multis magnisque pollicitationibus 7 74 XVIII. 3, 4. (Eumenes.) persuadere Eumeni studuit, ut Perdiccam desereret, ao 5 secum faceret societatem. Quum perducere eum non posset, interficere conatus est ; et fecisset, nisi ille clam noctu ex prsesidiis ejus effugisset. 1 III. Interim conflata sunt ilia bella, quoe ad interne- cionem post Alexandri mortem gesta sunt, omnesque concurrerunt ad Perdiccam opprimendum. Quem etsi infirmum videbat, quod unus omnibus resistere cogeba- tur, tamen amicum non deseruit, neque salutis, quam w fidei, fuit cupidior. Praefecerat eum Perdiccas ei parti Asiae, quae inter Taurum montem jacet atque Helles- pontum, et ilium unum opposuerat Europaeis adversa- riis ; ipse iEgyptum oppugnatum adversus Ptolemaeum 3 erat profectus. Eumenes quum neque magnas copias, neque firmas haberet, quod et inexercitatse, et non multo ante erant contractae; adventare autem dicerentur HeU lespontumque transisse Antipater et Craterus magno cum exercitu Macedonum, viri quum claritate, tum-usu 4 belli praestantes: (Macedones vero milites ea tunc erant fama, qua nunc Romani feruntur : etenim semper habiti sunt fortissimi, qui summam imperii potirentur :) Eu- menes intelligebat, si copiae suae cognossent, adversus quos ducerentur, non modo non ituras, sed simul cum 5 nuntio dilapsuras. Itaque hoc ejus fuit prudentissimum consilium, ut deviis itineribus milites duceret, in quibus vera audire non possent, et his persuaderet, se contra 6 quosdam barbaros proficisci. Itaque tenuit hoc propo- situm, et prius in aciem exercitum eduxit proeliumque commisit, quam milites sui scirent, cum quibus arma conferrent. Effecit etiam illud locorum prseoccupatione, ut equitatu potius dimicaret, quo plus valebat, quam peditatu, quo erat deterior. 1 IV. Quorum acerrimo concursu quum magnam par- tem diei esset pugnatum, cadit Craterus dux, et Neopto- lemus, qui secundum locum imperii tenebat. Cum hoc 2 concurrit ipse Eumenes. Qui quum inter se complex! in terram ex equis decidissent, ut facile intelligi posset, inimica mente contendisse, animoque magis etiam pug- nasse, quam corpore, non prius distracti sunt, quam al- terum anima reliquerit. Ab hoc aliquot plagis Eume- nes vulneratur, neque eo magis ex proelio excessit, sed 3 acrius hostes institit. Hie equitibus profligatis, inter- XVIII. 5. (Eumenes.) 75 fecto duce Cratero, multis praeterea et maxime nobilibus captis, pedester exercitus, quod in ea loca erat deductus, ut invito Eumene elabi non posset, pacem ab eo petiit. Quam quum impetrasset, in fide non mansit, et se, simul ac potuit, ad Antipatrum recepit. Eumenes Craterum, 4 ex acie semivivum elatum, recreare studuit. Quum id non posset, pro hominis dignitate, proque pristina amici- tia (namque illo usus erat, Alexandro vivo, familiariter) amplo funere extulit, ossaque in Macedoniam uxoriejus ac liberis remisit. V. Haec dum apud Hellespontum geruntur, Perdiccas 1 apud flumen Nilum interficitur a Seleuco et Antigono; rerumque summa ad Antipatrum defertur. Hie, qui deseruerant, exercitu suffragium ferente, capitis absen- tes damnantur : in his Eumenes. Hac ille perculsus plaga non succubuit, neque eo secius bellum adminis. travit. Sed exiles res animi magnitudinem, etsi non frangebant, tamen minuebant. Hunc persequens An- 2 tigonus, quum omni genere copiarum abundaret, saepe in itineribus vexabatur : neque umquam ad manum accedere licebat, nisi his locis, quibus pauci multis pos- sent resistere. Sed extreme tempore, quum consilio 3 capi non posset, multitudine circumventus est. Hinc tamen, multis suis amissis, se expedivit, et in castellum Phrygise, quod Nora appellatur, confugit. In quo quum 4 circumsederetur, et vereretur, ne uno loco manens equos militares perderet, quod spatium non esset agitan- di : callidum fuit ejus inventum, quemadmodum stans jumentum concalefieri exercerique posset, quo libentius et cibo uteretur, et a corporis motu non removeretur. Substringebat caput loro altius quam ut prioribus pedi- 5 bus plane terram posset attingere ; deinde post verberi- bus cogebat exspltare, et calces remittere. Qui motus non minus sudorem excutiebat, quam si in spatio decur- reret. Quo factum est, quod omnibus mirabile est visum, 6 ut seque jumenta nitida ex castello educeret, quum complures menses in obsidione fuisset, ac si in campes- tribus ea locis habuisset. In hac conclusione, quoties- 7 cumque voluit, apparatum et munitiones Antigoni alias incendit, alias disjecit. Tenuit autem se uno loco, quamdiu fuit hiems. Quod castrum subsidia habere non poterat, et ver appropinquabat, simulata deditione, 76 XVIII. 6, 7, 8. (Eumenes.) dum de conditionibus tractat, praefectis Antigoni iiwpo* suit, seque ac suos omnes extraxit incolumes. 1 VI. Ad hunc Olympias, mater quae fuerat Alexandri, quum litteras et nuntios misisset in Asiam, consultum, utrum repetitum Macedonian! veniret (nam turn in Epiro 2 habitabat) et eas res occuparet : huic ille primum sua- sit, ne se moveret, et exspectaret, quoad Alexandri filius regnum adipisceretur ; sin aliqua cupiditate raperetur in Macedoniam, omnium injuriarum oblivisceretur, et 3 in neminem acerbiore uteretur imperio. Horum ilia nihil fecit. Nam et in Macedoniam profecta est, et ibi crudelissime se gessit. Petiit autem ab Eumene absen- te, ne pateretur, Philippi domus et familiae inimicissimos stirpem quoque interimere, ferretque opem liberis Al- 4 exandri. Quam veniam si daret, quam primum exer- citus pararet, quos sibi subsidio adduceret. Id quo fa- cilius faceret, se omnibus praefectis, qui in officio mane- bant, misisse litteras, ut ei parerent, ej usque consiliis 5 uterentur. His rebus Eumenes permotus satius duxit, si ita tulisset fortuna, perire bene meritis referentem gratiam, quam ingratum vivere. 1 VII. Itaque copias contraxit, bellum adversus Anti- gonum comparavit. Quod una erant Macedones com- plures nobiles, in his Peucestes, qui corporis custos fuerat Alexandri, tum autem obtinebat Persidem, et Antigenes, cujus sub imperio phalanx erat Macedonum : invidiam verens, quam tamen effugere non potuit, si po- tius ipse alienigena summi imperii potiretur, quam alii 2 Macedonum, quorum ibi erat multitudo, in principiis nomine Alexandri statuit tabernaculum, in eoque sellam auream cum sceptro ac diademate jussit poni, eoque omnes quotidie convenire, ut ibi de summis rebus con- silia caperentur; credens, minore se invidia fore, si specie imperii nominisque simulatione Alexandri bellum 3 videretur administrare. Quod et fecit. Nam quum non ad Eumenis principia, sed ad regia conveniretur, atque ibi de rebus deliberaretur, quodammodo latebat, quum tamen per eum unum gererentur omnia. 1 VIII. Hie in Paraetacis cum Antigono conflixit, non acie instructa, sed in itinere : eumque male acceptum in Mediam hiematum coegit redire. Ipse in finitima regione Persidis hiematum copias divisit, non ut voluit, XVIII. 9. (Eumenes.) 77 sed ut militum cogebat voluntas. Namque ilia phalanx Alexandri Magni, quae Asiam peragrarat deviceratque Persas, inveterata quum gloria, turn etiam licentia, non parere se ducibus, sed imperare postulabat : ut nunc veterani faciunt nostri. Itaque periculum est, ne faci- ant, quod illi fecerunt sua intemperantia nimiaque li- centia, ut omnia perdant, neque minus eos, cum quibus steterint, quam adversus quos fecerint. Quod si quis illorum veteranorum legat facta, paria horum cognoscat, neque rem ullam, nisi tempus, interesse judicet. Sed ad illos revertar. Hiberna sumserant non ad usum "belli, sed ad ipsorum luxuriam, longeque inter se dis- cesserant. Hoc Antigonus quum comperisset, intelli- geretque, se parem non esse paratis adversariis, staluit aliquid sibi consilii novi esse capiendum. Dua; erant viae, qua ex Medis, ubi ille hiemabat, ad adversariorum hibernacula posset perveniri. Quarum brevier per loca deserta, quae nemo incolebat propter aquaj inopiam, ce- terum dierum erat fere decem ; ilia autem, qua omnes commeabant, altero tanto longiorem habebat anfractum, sed erat copiosa omniumque rerum abundans. Hac si proficisceretur, intelligebat, prius adversaries rescituros de suo adventu, quam ipse tertiam partem confecisset itineris ; sin per loca sola contenderet, sperabat, se im- prudentem hostem oppressurum. Ad banc rem confi- ciendam imperavit quam plurimos utres atque etiam culleos comparari ; post haec pabulum ; praeterea ciba- ria cocta dierum decem, utque quam minime fieret ignis in castris. Iter, quod habebat, omnes celat. Sic para- tus, qua constituerat, proficiscitur. IX. Dimidium fere spatium confecerat, quum ex fumo castrorum ejus suspicio allata est ad Eumenem, hostem appropinquare. Conveniunt duces ; quaeritur, quid opus sit facto. Intelligebant omnes, tam celeriter copias ipsorum contrahi non posse, quam Antigonus af- futurus videbatur. Hie omnibus titubantibus, et de re- bus summis desperantibus, Eumenes ait, si celeritatem velint adhibere, et imperata facere, quod ante non fece- rint, se rem expediturum. Nam quod diebus quinque hostis transisse posset, se effecturum, ut non minus toti- dem dierum spatio retardaretur : quare circumirent, suasque quisque copias contraheret. Ad Antigoni au- 7* 78 XVIII. 10, 11. (Eumenes.) tem refrenandum impetum tale capit consilium. Certos mittit homines ad infimos monies, qui obvii erant itineri adversariorum, hisque praecepit, ut prima nocte, quam latissime possint, ignes faciant quam maximos, atque hos secunda vigilia minuant, tertia perexiguos reddant : 4 et assimulata castrorum consuetudine suspicionem inji- ciant hostibus, his locis esse castra, ac de eorum adventu esse prsenuntiatum ; idemque postera nocte faciant. 6 Quibus imperatum erat, diligenter proeceptum curant. AntigoRUs, tenebris obortis, ignes conspicatur : credit, de suo adventu esse auditum, et adversarios illuc suas 6 contraxisse copias. Mutat consilium, et, quoniam im- prudentes adoriri non posset, fiectit iter suum, et ilium anfractum longiorem copiosse viae capit, ibique diem unum opperitur ad lassitudinem sedandam militum ac reficienda jumenta, quo integriore exercitu decerneret, 1 X. Hie Eumenes callidum imperatorem vicit consi- lio, celeritatemque impedivit ejus ; neqpe tamen multum 2 profecit. Nam invidia ducum, cum quibus erat, perfi- diaque Macedonum veteranorum, quum superior proelio discessisset, Antigono est deditus, quum exercitus ei ter ante separatis temporibus jurasset, se eum defensurum, nee umquam deserturum. Sed tanta fuit nonnullorum virtutis obtrectatio, ut fidem amittere mallent, quam 3 eum non prodere. Atque hunc Antigonus, quum ei fuisset infestissimus, conservasset, si per suos esset lici- tum, quod ab nullo se plus adjuvari posse intelligebat in his rebus, quas impendere jam apparebat omnibus. Imminebant enim Seleucus, Lysimachus, Ptolemaeus, opibus jam valentes, cum quibus ei de summis rebus 4 erat dimicandum. Sed non passi sunt hi, qui circa erant : quod videbant, Eumene recepto, omnes prae illo parvi futuros. Ipse autem Antigonus adeo erat incen- sus, ut, nisi magna spe maximarum rerum, leniri non posset. 1 XI. Itaque quum eum in custodiam dedisset, et prse- fectus custodum qusesisset, quemadmodum servari vel- let ? ut acerrimum, inquit, leonem, aut ferocissimum ele- phantum. Nondum enim statuerat, conservaret eum, 2 nee ne. Veniebat autem ad Eumenem utrumque genus hominum : et qui propter odium fructum oculis ex ejus casu capere vellent, et qui propter veterem amicitiam XVIII. 12, 13. (Eumenes) 79 colloqui consolarique cuperent ; multi etiam, qui ejus formam cognoscere studebant, qualis esset, quern tam- diu tamque valde timuissent, cujus in pernicie positam spem habuissent victoriae. At Eumenes, quum diutius in vinculis esset, ait Onomarcho, penes quem summa imperii erat custodise, se mirari, quare jam tertium diem sic teneretur : non enim hoc con venire Antigoni pru- dentiae, ut sic deuteretur victo ; quin aut interfici, aut missum fieri juberet. Hie quum ferocius Onomarcho loqui videretur, quid ? tu, inquit, animo si isto eras, cur non in prcelio cecidisti potius, quam in potestatem inimici venires ? Huic Eumenes, utinam quidem istud evenisset / sod eo non accidit, quod numquam cum fortiore sum con- gressus. Non enim cum quoquam arma contuU, quin is mihi succuhuerit, Non enim virtuie hostium, sed amico- rum perjidia decidi. [Neque id falsum. Nam et dig- nitate fuit honesta, et viribus ad laborem ferendum fir- mis, neque tam magno corpore, quam figura venusta.] XII. De hoc Antigonus quum solus constituere non auderet, ad consilium retulit. Hie quum primo pertur- bati admirarentur, non jam de eo sumtum esse supplici- um, a quo tot annos adeo essent male habiti, ut saepe ad desperationem forent adducti ; quique maximos duces interfecisset ; denique in quo uno esset tantum, ut, quoad ille viveret, ipsi securi esse non possent, interfec- to, nihil habituri negotii essent : postremo, si illi redderet salutem, quaerebant, quibus amicis esset usurus ? sese enim cum Eumene apud eum non futures. Hie, cog- nita consilii voluntate, tamen usque ad septimum diem deliberandi sibi spatium reliquit. Tum autem, quum jam vereretur, ne qua seditio exercitus oriretur, vetuit ad eum quemquam admitti', et quotidianum victum amo- veri jussit. Nam negabat, se ei vim allaturum, qui aliquando fuisset amicus. Hie tamen non amplius, quam triduum, fame fatigatus, quum castra moverentur, .nsciente Antigono, jugulatus est a custodibus. XIII. Sic Eumenes annorum quinque et quadraginta, quum ab anno vicesimo, ut supra ostendimus, septem annos Philippe apparuisset, et tredecim apud Alexan- drum eumdem locum obtinuisset, in his unum equitum alaB praefuisset, post autem Alexandri Magni mortem imperator exercitus duxisset, summosque duces partim so XIX. 1, 2. (Phocion,) repulisset, partim interfecisset, captus non Antigoni virtute, sed Macedonum perjurio, talem habuit exitum 2 vitse. In quo quanta fuerit omnium opinio eorum, qui post Alexandrum Magnum reges sunt appellati, ex hoc facillime potest judicari, quod nemo, Eumene vrvo, rex .3 appellatus est, sed praefectus; iidem post hujus occasum statim regium ornatum nomenque sumserunt, neque, quod initio praedicarant, se Alexandri liberis regnum servare, praestare voluerunt, et, uno propugnatore sub- lato, quid sentirent, aperuerunt. Hujus sceleris princi- pes fuerunt Antigonus, Ptolemaeus, Seleucus, Lysima- 4 chus, Cassander. Antigonus autem Eumenem mortuum propinquis ejus sepeliendum tradidit. Hi militari ho- nesto funere, comitante toto exercitu, humaverunt, ossaque ejus in Cappadociam ad matrem atque uxorem liberosque ejus deportanda curarunt. XIX. PHOCION, 1 I. Phocion, Atheniensis, etsi saepe exercitibus praefuit summosque magistratus cepit, tamen multo ejus notior integritas vitae, quam rei militaris labor. Itaque hujus memoria est nulla, illius autem magna fama : ex quo 2 cognomine Bonus est appellatus. Fuit enim perpetuo pauper, quum divitissimus esse posset propter frequentes delatos honores potestatesque summas, quae ei a populo 3 dabantur. Hie quum a rege Philippo munera magnae pecuniae repudiaret, legatique hortarentur accipere, si- mulque admonerent, si ipse his facile careret, liberis tamen suis prospiceret, quibus difficile esset in summa 4 paupertate tantam paternam tueri gloriam : his ille, si mei similes erunt, idem hie, inquit, agellus illos alet, qui me ad hano dignitatem perduodt ; sin dissimiles sunt futuri, nolo meis impensis illorum ali augerique luxuriant, 1 II. Idem quum prope ad annum octogesimum pros- pera pervenisset fortuna, extremis temporibus magnum 2 in odium pervenit suorum civium. Primo, quod cum XIX. 3, 4. (Phocion.) 81 Demade de urbe tradenda Antipatro consenserat ; ej us- que consilio Demosthenes cum ceteris, qui bene de re- publica meriti existimabantur, populiscito in exsilium erant expulsi. Neque in eo solum offenderat, quod pa- triae male consuluerat, sed etiam, quod amicitioe fidem non prsestiterat. Namque auctus adiutusque a Demos- 3 thene eum, quern tenebat, adscenderat gradum, quum ad versus Charetem eum subornaret : ab eodem in judi- ciis, quum capitis causam diceret, defensus aliquoties, liberatus discesserat. Hunc non solum in periculis non defendit, sed etiam prodidit. Concidit autem maxime 4 uno crimine, quod, quum apud eum summum esset im- perium populi, et, Nicanorem, Cassandri pracfectum, insidiari Piraeeo Atheniensium, a Dercyllo moneretur, idemque postularet, ut provideret, ne commeatibus civi- tas privaretur, huic, audiente populo, Phocion negavit esse periculum, seque ejus rei obsidem fore pollicitus est. Neque ita multo post Nicanor Piraeeo est potitus. 5 Ad quem recuperandum quum populus armatus con- currisset, ille non modo neminem ad arma vocavit, sed ne armatis quidem praeesse voluit. [Sine quo Athenas omnino esse non possunt.] III. Erant eo tempore Athenis duae factiones, quarum 1 una populi causam agebat, altera optimatum. In hac erat Phocion et Demetrius Phalereus. Harum utraque Macedonum patrociniis nitebatur. Nam populares Po- lysperchonti favebant ; optimates cum Cassandro sen- tiebant. Interim a Polysperchonte Cassander Macedonia 2 pulsus est. Quo facto populus superior factus statim duces adversariae factionis capitis damnatos patria pepu- lit ; in his Phocionem et Demetrium Phalereum : deque ea re legatos ad Polysperchontem misit, qui ab eo pete- rent, ut sua decreta confirmaret. Hue eodem profectus 3 est Phocion. Quo ut venit, causam apud Philippum regem verbo, re ipsa quidem apud Polysperchontem jussus est dicere : namque is tum regis rebus praeerat. Hie ab Agnonide accusatus, quod Piraeeum Nicanori 4 prodidisset, ex consilii sententia in custodiam conjectus, Athenas deductus est, ut ibi de eo legibus fieret judicium. IV. Hue ubi perventum est, quum propter aetatem 1 pedibus jam non valeret, vehiculoque portaretur, magni concursus sunt facti, quum alii, reminiscentes veteris 82 XX. 1. {Timoleon,) famae, setatis misererentur ; plurimi vero ira exacue- rentur propter proditionis suspicionem Pirseei, maxime- que, quod adversus populi commoda in senectute stete- rat. Qua de re ne perorandi quidem ei data est facultas, et dicendi causam. Inde judicio, legitimis quibusdam confectis, damnatus, traditus est undecim viris, quibus ad supplicium more Atheniensium publice damnati tradi Solent. Hie quum ad mortem duceretur, obvius ei fuit Emphyletus, quo familiariter fuerat usus. Is quum la- crimans dixisset : o qiiam indigna prepeteris, Fhocion f huic ille, at non inopinata, inquit : hunc enim exitum pie- rique clari viri habuerunt Athenienses. In hoc tantum fuit odium multitudinis, ut nemo ausus sit eum liber sepelire. Itaque a servis sepultus est. XX. TIMOLEON 1 I. Timoleon, Connihius. Sine dubio magnus omnium judicio hie vir exstitit. Namque huic uni contigit, quod nescio an uUi, ut et patriam, in qua erat natus, oppres- sam a tyranno liberaret, et a Syracusis, quibus auxilio erat missus, inveteratam servitutem depelleret, totamque Siciliam, multos annos bello vexatam a barbarisque op- 2 pressam, suo adventu in pristinum restitueret. Sed in his rebus non simplici fortuna conflictatus est, et, id quod difficilius putatur, multo sapientius tulit secundam, 3 quam adversam fortunam. Nam quum frater ejus Ti- mophanes, dux a Corinthiis delectus, tyrannidem per milites mercenaries occupasset, particepsque regni pos- set esse : tantum abfuit a societate sceleris, ut antetule- rit suorum civium libertatem fratris saluti, et parere 4 legibus, quam imperare patriae, satius duxerit. Hac mente per haruspicem, communemque affinem, cui so- rer, ex eisdem parentibus nata, nupta erat, fratrem ty- rannum interficiendum curavit. Ipse -non modo manus non attulit, sed ne adspicere quidem fraternum sangui- nem voluit. Nam, dum res conficeretur, procul in prse- XX. 2, 3. (Timoleon) 83 sidio fuit, ne quis satelles posset succurrere. Hoc prae- 5 clarissimum ejus facinus non pari modo probalum est ab omnibus. Nonnulli enim Isesam ab eo pietatem pu- tabant, et invidia laudem virtutis obterebant. Mater vero post id factum neque domum ad se filium admisit, neque adspexit, quin eum fratricidam impiumque detes- tans compellaret. Quibus rebus adeo ille est commotus, 6 ut nonnumquam vitae finem facere voluerit, atque ex ingratorum hominum conspectu morte decedere. II. Interim Dione Syracusis interfecto, Dionysius 1 rursus Syracusarum potitus est: cujus adversarii opem a Corinthiis petierunt, ducemque, quo in bello uterentur, postularunt. Hue Timoleon missus incredibili felici- tate Dionysium tota Sicilia depulit. Quum interficere 2 posset, noluit, tutoque ut Corinthum perveniret, ef- fecit : quod utrorumque Dionysiorum opibus Corinthii saepe adjuti fuerant, cujus benignitatis memoriam vole- bat exstare ; eamque prseclaram victoriam ducebat, in qua plus esset clementiae, quam crudelitatis ; postremo, ut non solum auribus acciperetur, sed etiam oculis cer- neretur, quem et ex quanto regno ad quam fortunam detrusisset. Post Dionysii decessum cum Hiceta bella- 3 vit, qui adversatus fuerat Dionysio : quem non odio ty- rannidis dissensisse, sed cupiditate, indicio fuit, quod ipse, expulso Dionysio, imperium dimittere noluit. Hoc 4 superato, Timoleon maximas copias Carthaginiensium apud Crimissum flumen fugavit, ac satis habere coegit, si liceret Africam obtinere, qui jam complures annos possessionem Sicilise tenebant. Cepit etiam Mamercum, Italicum ducem, hominem bellicosum et potentem, qui tyrannos adjutum in Siciliam venerat. III. Quibus rebus confectis quum propter diuturnita- 1 tem belli non solum regiones, sed etiam urbes desertas videret, conquisivit, quos potuit, primum Siculos ; de- inde Corintho arcessivit colonos, quod ab his initio Sy- racusse erant conditse. Civibus veteribus sua restituit ; 2 novis bello vacuefactas possessiones divisit ; urbium moenia disjecta fanaque deserta refecit ; civitatibus leges libertatemque reddidit ; ex maximo bello tantum otium totse insulse conciliavit, ut hie conditor urbium earum, non illi, qui initio deduxerant, videretur. Arcem Sy- 3 racusis, quam munierat Dionysius ad urbem obsidendam, 84 XX. 4, 5. (Timoleon.) a fundamentis disjecit ; cetera tyrannidis propugnacula demolitus est, deditque operam, ut quam minime multa 4 vestigia servitutis manerent. Quum tantis esset opibus, ut etiam invitis imperare posset ; tantum autem haberet amorem omnium Siculorum, ut nullo recusante regnum obtineret : maluit se diligi, quam metui. Itaque, quum primum potuit, imperium deposuit, et privatus Syracu- 5 sis, quod reliquum vitae fuit, vixit. Neque vero id im- perite fecit. Nam quod ceteri reges imperio potuerunt, hie benevolentia tenuit. Nullus honos huic defuit; neque postea res uUa Syracusis gesta est publice, de qua prius sit decretum, quam Timoleontis sententia 6 cognita. Nullius umquam consilium non modo ante- latum, sed ne comparatum quidem est. Neque id magis benevolentia factum est, quam prudentia. 1 IV. Hie quum aetate jam provectus esset, sine ullo morbo lumina oculorum amisit. Quam calamitatem ita moderate tulit, ut neque eum querentem quisquam au- dierit, neque eo minus privatis publicisque rebus inter- 2 fuerit. Veniebat autem in theatrum, quum ibi concili- um populi haberetur, propter valetudinem vectus ju- mentis junctis, adque ita de vehiculo, quae videbantur, dicebat ; neque hoc illi quisquam tribuebat superbiae. Nihil enim umquam neque insolens, neque gloriosum 3 ex ore ejus exiit. Qui quidem, quum suas laudes au- diret prsedicari, numquam aliud dixit, quam se in ea re maximas diis gratias agere atque habere, quod, quum Siciliam recreare constituissent, tum se potissimum du- 4 cem esse voluissent. Nihil enim rerum humanarum sine deorum numine geri putabat. Itaque suae domi sacellum Aurofxaria^ constituerat, idque sanctissime co- lebat. 1 V. Ad banc hominis excellentem bonitatem mirabiles accesserunt casus. Nam proelia maxima natali die suo fecit omnia: quo factum est; ut ejus diem natalem 2 festum haberet universa Sicilia. Huic quidam Lames- tius, homo petulans et ingratus, vadimonium quum vel- let imponere, quod cum illo se lege agere dice ret, et complures concurrissent, qui procacitatem hominis ma- nibus coercere conarentur : Timoleon oravit omnes, ne id facerent. Namque id ut Lamestio ceterisque liceret, se maximos labores summaque adiisse pericula. Hanc XXI. 1. (DeRegihus) 85 enim speciem libertatis esse, si omnibus, quod quisque vellet, legibus experiri liceret. Idem, quum quidam Lamestii similis, nomine Demsenetus, in concione po- puli de rebus gestis ejus detrahere coepisset, ac non- nulla inveheretur in Timoleonta, dixit, nunc demum se voti esse damnatum. Namque hoc a diis immortalibus semper precatum, ut talem libertatem restitueret Syra- cusanis, in qua cuivis liceret, de quo vellet, impune di- cere. Hie quum diem supremum obiisset, publice a Syracusanis in gymnasio, quod Timoleonteum appella- tur, tota celebrante Sicilia, sepultus est. XXI. DE REGIBUS, I. Hi fere fuerunt Graeciae gentis duces, qui memoria digni videbantur, prceter reges. Namque eos attingere noluimus, quod omnium res gestae separatim suntrelatae. Neque tamen hi admodum sunt multi. L^cedaemonius autem Agesilaus nomine, non potestate, fuit rex ; sicut ceteri Spartani. Ex his vero, qui dominatum imperio tenuerunt, excellentissimi fuerunt, ut nos judicamus, Persarum Cyrus et Darius, Hystaspis filius : quorum ulerque privatus virtute regnum est adeptus. Prior horum apud Massagetas in proelio cecidit ; Darius se- nectute diem obiit supremum. Tres sunt praeterea ejusdem generis, Xerxes, et duo Artaxerxes, Macrochir et Mnemon. Xerxi maxime est illustre, quod maximis post hominum memoriam exercitibus terra marique hel- ium intulit Graeciae. At Macrochir praecipuam habet laudem amplissimae pulcherrimaeque corporis formae: quam incredibili ornavit virtute belli. Namque illo Perses nemo fuit manu fortior. Mnemon autem justitiae fama floruit. Nam quum matris suae scelere amisisset uxorem, tantum indulsit dolori, ut eum pietas vinceret. Ex his duo eodem nomine morbo naturae debitum reddi- derunt : tertius ab Artabano praefecto ferro interemtus est. 8 86 XXI. 2, 3. {De Regihus.) II. Ex Macedonum autem genere duo multo ceteros antecesserunt rerum gestarum gloria : Philippus, Amyn- tse filius, et Alexander Magnus. Horum alter Babylone morbo consumtus est ; Philippus iEgis a Pausania, quum spectatum ludos iret, juxta theatrum occisus est. Unus Epirotes, Pyrrhus, qui cum populo Romano bella- vit. Is quum Argos oppidum oppugnaret in Pelopon- neso, lapide ictus interiit. Unus item Siculus, Diony- sius prior. Nam et manu fortis, et belli peritus fuit, et, id quod in tyranno non facile reperitur, minima libidi- nosus, non luxuriosus, non avarus, nuUius denique rei cupidus, nisi singularis perpetuique imperii, ob eamque rem crudelis. Nam dum id studuit munire, nullius pepercit vitae, quem ejus insidiatorem putaret. Hie quum virtute tyrannidem sibi peperisset, magna retinuit felicitate, majorque annos sexaginta natus decessit flo- rente regno. Neque in tam multis annis cujusquam ex^sua stirpe funus vidit, quum ex tribus uxoribus libe- ros procreasset, multique ei nati essent nepotes. III. Fuerunt prseterea multi reges ex amicis Alexan- dri Magni, qui post obitum ejus imperia ceperunt : in his Antigonus, et hujus filius Demetrius, Lysimachus, Seleucus, ^tolemseus. Ex his Antigonus in proelio, quum adversus Seleucum Lysimachumque dimicaret, occisus est. Pari leto affectus est Lysimachus a Se- leuco. Nam, societate dissoluta, bellum inter se ges- serunt. At Demetrius, quum filiam suam Seleuco in matrimonium dedisset, neque eo magis fida inter eos amicitia manere potuisset, captus bello, in custodia so- cer generi periit a morbo. Neque ita multo post Se- leucus a Ptolemaeo Cerauno dolo interfectus est ; quem ille a patre expulsum Alexandrea, alienarum opum in- digentem, receperat. Ipse autem Ptolemaeus, quum vivus filio regnum tradidisset, ab illo eodem vita priva- tus dicitur. De quibus quoniam satis dictum putamus, non incommodum videtur, non prseterire Hamilcarem et Hannibalem, quos et animi magnitudine, et calliditate omnes in Africa natos prsestitisse constat. XXII. 1, 2. (Hamilcar.) 87 XXII. HAMILCAR. I. Hamikar, Hannibalis jilius^ cognomine Barcas, 1 Carthaginiensis, primo Pcenico bello, sed temporibus extremis, admodum adolescentulus in Sicilia praeesse ccepit exercitui. Quum ante ejus adventum et mari et 2 terra male res gererentur Carthaginiensium, ipse, ubi affuit, numquam hosti cessit neque locum nocendi dedit ; saepeque e contrario occasione data lacessivit, semper- que superior discessit. Quo facto, quum pawie omnia in Sicilia PoBni amisissent, ille Erycem sic defendit, ut bellum eo loco gestum non videretur. Interim Cartha- 3 ginienses, classe apud insulas iEgates a C. Lutatio, consule Romanorum, superati, statuerunt belli finem facere, eamque rem arbitrio permisserunt Hamilcarb. Ille, etsi flagrabat bellandi cupiditate, tamen paci ser- viendum putavit, quod patriam exhaustam sumtibus diutius calamitates belli ferre non posse intelligebat : sed ita, ut statim mente agitaret, si paullum modo res 4 essent refectae, bellum renovare Romanesque armis per- sequi, donicum aut certe vicissent, aut victi manus de- dissent. Hoc consilio pacem conciliavit, in qua tanta 5 fuit ferocia, quum Catulus negaret bellum compositurum, nisi ille cum suis, qui Erycem tenuerunt, armis relictis, Sicilia decederent, ut, succumbente patria, ipse peritu- 6 rum se potius dixerit, quam cum tanto flagitio domum rediret. Non enim suae esse virtutis, arma a patria accepta adversus hostes adversariis tradere. Hujus pertinaciae cessit Catulus. II. At ille, ut Carthaginem venit, multo aliter, ac 1 sperabat, rempublicam se habentem cognovit. Namque diuturnitate externi mali tantum exarsit intestinum bel- lum, ut numquam pari periculo fuerit Carthago, nisi quum deleta est. Primo mercenarii milites, qui adver- 2 sus Romanos fuerant, desciverunt : quorum numerus erat viginti millium. Hi totam abalienarunt Africam, ipsam Carthaginem oppugnarunt. Quibus malis adeo 3 88 XXII. 3, 4. {Hamilcar) sunt PcEni perterriti, ut etiam auxilia a Romanis petive» rint, eaque impetrarint. Sed extremo, quum prope jam ad desperationem pervenissent, Hamilcarem imperato- rem fecerunt. Is non solum hostes a muris Carthaginis removit, quum amplius centum millia facta essent ar- matorum ; sed etiam eo compulit, ut, locorum angustiis clausi, plures fame, quam ferro interirent. Omnia op- pida abalienata, in his Uticam atque Hipponem, valen- tissima totius Africse, restituit patriae. Neque eo' fuit contentus, sed etiam fines imperii propagavit, tota Afri- ca tantum otium reddidit, ut nullum in ea bellum vide- retur multis annis fuisse. III. Rebus his ex sententia peractis, fidenti animo at- que infesto Romanis, quo facilius causam bellandi repe- riret, efFecit, ut imperator cum exercitu in Hispaniam mitteretur, eoque secum duxit filium Hannibalem, an- norum novem. Erat preeterea cum eo adolescens illus- tris, formosus, Hasdrubal, quem nonnulli diligi turpius, quam par erat, ab Hamilcare loquebantur. Non enim maledici tanto viro deesse poterant. Quo factum est, ut a praefecto morum Hasdrubal cum eo vetaretur esse. Huic ille filiam suam in matrimonium dedit, quod mori- bus eorum non poterat interdici socero gener. De hoc ideo mentionem fecimus, quod, Hamilcare occisso, ille exercitui praefuit, resque magnas gessit ; et princeps largitione vetustos pervertit mores Carthaginiensium ; ejusdemque post mortem Hannibal ab exercitu accepit imperium. IV. At Hamilcar, posteaquam mare transiit in His- paniamque venit, magnas res secunda gessit fortuna : maximas bellicosissimasque gentes subegit: equis, ar- mis, viris, pecunia totam locupletavit Africam. Hie quum in Italiam bellum inferre meditaretur, nono anno post, quam in Hispaniam venerat, in proelio pugnans adversus Vettones occisus est. Hujus perpetuum odium erga Romanes maxime concitasse videtur secundum bellum Poenicum. Namque Hannibal, filius ejus, assi- duis patris obtestation! bus eo est perductus, ut interire, quam Romanes non experiri mallet. XXIII. 1, 2. (Hannibal) 89 XXIII. HANNIBAL I. Hannibal, Hamilcaris jiliusy Carthaginiensis. Si 1 verum est, quod nemo dubitat, ut populus Romanus omnes gentes virtute superarit, non est infitiandum, Hannibalem tanto prsestitisse ceteros imperatores pru- dentia, quanto populus Romanus antecedat fortitudine cunctas nationes. Nam quotiescumque cum eo con- 2 gressus est in Italia, semper discessit superior. Quod nisi domi civium suorum invidia debilitatus esset, Ro- manos videretur superare potuisse. Sed multorum ob- trectatio devicit unius virtutem. Hie autem velut he- 3 reditate relictum odium paternum erga Romanos sic conservavit, ut prius animam, quam id, deposuerit : qui quidem, quum patria pulsus esset, et alienarum opum indigeret, numquam destiterit animo bellare cum Ro- manis. . - ^ » -^ II. Nam ut omittam Philippum, quem absens hostem 1 reddidit Romanis : omnium his temporibus potentissimus rex Antiochus fuit. Hunc tanta cupiditate incendit bellandi, ut usque a rubro mari arma conatus sit inferre Italioe. Ad quem quum legati venissent Romani, qui 2 de ejus voluntate explorarent, darentqueoperam consiliis clandestinis, ut Hannibalem in suspicionem regi addu- cerent, tamquam ab ipsis corruptum alia, atque antea, sentire ; neque id frustra fecissent, idque Hannibal comperisset, seque ab interioribus consiliis segregari vidisset : tempore dato adiit ad regem, eique quum multa 3 de fide sua et odio in Romanos commemorasset, hoc adjunxit: Pater, inquit, mens, Hamilcar, puerulo me, ulpote non amplius novem annos nato, in Hispaniam im- peraior proficiscens Carthagine, Jovi optinio maximo hos- tias immolavit. Quce divina res dum conjiciebatur, quce- 4 sivit a me, vellemne secum in castra projicisci ? Id quum libenter accepissem, atque ab eo petere coRpissem, ne dubi- taret ducere ; turn ille, faciam, inquit, sifidem mihi, quam yostulo, dederis, Simul me ad aram adduxit, apud quam 8* 90 XXIII. 3,4. {Hannibal) sacrificare instituerat, eamque, ceteris remotis, tenentem jurare jussit, numquam me inaniicitia cum Romanis fore, 5 Id ego jusjurandum patri datum usque ad hanc cBtatem ita conservavij ut nemini duhium esse deheat, quin reliquo 6 tempore eadem mente simfutums. Quare, si quid amice de Romanis cogitahis, non imprudenter feceris, si me ce- laris ; quum quidem helium parabis, te ipsum frustrabe- ris, si me non in eo principem posueris, 1 III. Hac igitur, qua diximus, aetate cum patre in Hispaniam profectus est : cujus post obitum, Hasdrubale imperatore suffecto, equitatui ornni prsefuit. Hoc quo- que interfecto, exercitus summam imperii ad eum de- tulit. Id Carthaginem delatum publice comprobatum 2 est. Sic Hannibal minor quinque et viginti annis natus imperator factus proximo triennio omnes gentes Hispa- niae bello subegit ; Saguntum, fcederatam civitatem, vi 3 expugnavit ; tres exercitus maximos comparavit. Ex his unum in Africam misit, alterum cum Hasdrubale fratre in Hispania reliquit, tertium in Italiam secum duxit. Saltum Pyrenaeum transiit. Quacumque iter fecit, cum omnibus incolis conflixit ; neminem, nisi vic- 4 tum, dimisit. Ad Alpes posteaquam venit, qua? Italiam ab Gallia sejungunt, quas nemo umquam cum exercitu ante eum, praeter Herculem Graium, transierat (quo facto is hodie saltus Grains appellatur) ; Alpicos, co- nantes prohibere transitu, concidit, loca patefecit, itinera muniit, effecit [que], ut ea elephantus ornatus ire posset, qua antea unus homo inermis vix poterat repere. Hac copias traduxit, in Italiamque pervenit. 1 IV. Conflixerat apud Rhodanum cum P. Cornelio Scipione Cos. eumque pepulerat. Cum hoc eodem [de] Clastidio apud Padum decernit : saucium inde ac fuga- 2 tum dimittit. Tertio idem Scipio cum collega, Tiberio Longo, apud Trebiam adversus eum venit. Cum his manum conseruit : utrosque profligavit. Inde per Li- 3 gures Apenninum transiit, petens Etruriam. Hoc iti- nere adeo gravi morbo afficitur oculorum, ut postea numquam dextero aeque bene usus sit. Qua valetudine quum etiam nunc premeretur, lecticaque ferretur, C. Flaminium Cos. apud Trasimenum cum exercitu insi- diis circumventum occidit : neque multo post C. Cente- nium praetorem, cum delecta manu saltus occupantem. XXIII. 5, 6. {Hannibal) 91 Hinc in Apuliam pervenit. Ibi obviam ei venerunt duo 4 Cohsules, C. Terenlius et L. ^Emilius. Utriusque ex- ercitus uno prcElio fugavit ; PauUum consulem occidit, et aliquot prseterea consulares, in his Cn. Servilium Geminum, qui anno superiore fuerat consul. V. Hac pugna pugnata Romam profectus est, nullo 1 resistente. In propinquis urbis montibus moratus est. Quum aliquot ibi dies castra habuisset, et reverteretur Capuam ; Q. Fabius Maximus, dictator Romanus, in agro Falerno se ei objecit. Hie clausus locorum an- 2 gustiis noctu sine ullo detrimento exercitus se expedi- vit ; Fabio, callidissimo imperatori, verba dedit. Nam- que obducta nocte sarmenta in cornibus juvencorum deligata incendit, ejusque generis multitudinem magnam dispalatam immisit. Quo repentino objectu viso tantum terrorem injecit exercitui Romanorum, ut egredi extra vallum nemo sit ausus. Hanc post rem gestam non ita 3 multis diebus M. Minucium Rufum, magistrum equi- tum, pari ac dictatorem imperio, dolo productum in proelium, fugavit. Ti. Sempronium Gracchum, iterum consulem, in Lucanis absens in insidias inductum sus- tulit. M. Claudium Marcellum, quinquies consulem, apud Venusiam pari modo interfecit. Longum est, 4 enumerare prcelia. Quare hoc unum satis erit dictum, ex quo intelligi possit, quantus ille fuerit : quamdiu in Italia fuit, nemo ei in acie restitit, nemo adversus eum post Cannensem pugnam in campo castra posuit. VI. Hie invictus patriam defensum revocatus bellum 1 gessit adversus P. Scipionem, filium ejus, quern ipse primum apud Rhodanum, iterum apud Padum, tertio apud Trebiam fugaverat. Cum hoc, exhaustis jam 2 patriae facultatibus, cupivit in praesentiarum bellum componere, quo valentior postea congrederetur. In colloquium convenit, conditiones non convenerunt. Post 3 id factum paucis diebus apud Zamam cum eodem con- flixit : pulsus (incredibile dictu) biduo et duabus noc- tibus Hadrumetum pervenit, quod abest a Zama circiter millia passuum trecenta. In hac fuga Numidae, qui 4 simul cum eo ex acie excesserant, insidiati sunt ei : quos non solum effugit, sed etiam ipsos oppressit. Ha- drumeti reliquos ex fuga coUegit : Dovis delectibus pau- cis diebus multos contraxit. 92 XXIII. 7, 8. {Hannibal) 1 VII. Quum in apparando acerrime esset occupatus, Carthaginienses bellum cum Romanis composuerunt. Ille nihilo secius exercitui postea prsefuit, resque in Africa gessit, [itemque Mago frater ejus,] usque ad P. 2 Sulpicium et C. Aurelium consules. His enim magis- tratibus legati Carthaginienses Romam venerunt, qui senatui populoque Romano gratias agerent, quod cum his pacem fecissent, ob eamque rem corona aurea eos donarent, simulque peterent, ut obsides eorum Fregellis 3 essent, captivique redderentur. His ex senatus con- sulto responsum est : munus eorum gratum acceptum- que esse ; obsides, quo loco rogarent, futuros ; caplivos non remissuros, quod Hannibalem, cujus opera suscep- tum bellum foret, inimicissimum nomini Romano, etiam nunc cum imperio apud exercitum haberent, itemque 4 fratrem ejus Magonem. Hoc response Carthaginienses cognito Hannibalem domum Magonemque revocarunt. Hue ut rediit, praetor factus est, postquam rex fuerat, anno secundo et vicesimo. Ut enim Romae consules, sic Carthagine quotannis annui bini reges creabantur. 5 In eo magistratu pari diligentia se- Hannibal praebuit, ac fuerat in bello. Namque effecit, ex no vis vectigali- bus non solum ut esset pecunia, quae Romanis ex foedere penderetur, sed etiam superesset, quae in aerario repo- 6 neretur. Deinde, anno post praeturam, Marco Claudio, Lucio Furio Coss. Roma legati Carthaginem venerunt. Hos Hannibal sui exposcendi gratia missos ratus, prius- quam his senatus daretur, navem conscendit clam, atque 7 in Syriam ad Antiochum profugit. Hac re palam facta, Pceni naves duas, quae eum comprehenderent, si possent consequi, miserunt ; bona ejus publicarunt ; domum a fundamentis disjecerunt; ipsum exsulem judicarunt. 1 VIII. At Hannibal anno post, quam domo profuge- rat, L. Cornelio^ Quinto Minucio Coss. cum quinque navibus Africam accessit in finibus Cyrenaeorum, si forte Carthaginienses ad bellum Antiochi spe fiduciaque inducere posset : cui jam persuaserat, ut cum exerciti- bus in Italiam proficisceretur. Hue Magonem fratrem 2 excivit. Id ubi Poeni resciverunt, Magonem eadem, qua fratrem, absentem poena affecerunt. Illi desperatis rebus quum solvissent naves, ac vela ventis dedissent, Hannibal ad Antiochum pervenit. De Magonis interitu XXIII. 9, 10. {Hannibal) 93 duplex memoria prod.ca est. Namque alii naufragio, alii a servis ipsius interfectum eum, scriptum relique- runt. Antiochus autem, si tarn in agendo bello parere 3 voluisset consiliis ejus, quam in suscipiendo instituerat, propius Tiberi, quam Thermopylis de summa imperii dimicasset. Quem etsi multa stulte conari videbat, ta- men nulla deseruit in re. Prtefuit paucis navibus, quas 4 ex Syria jussus erat in Asiam ducere, bisque adversus Rhodiorum classem in Pamphylio mari conflixit. Quo quum multitudine adversariorum sui superarentur, ipse, quo cornu rem gessit, fuit superior. IX. Antiocho fugato, verens, ne dederetur, quod sine 1 dubio accidisset, si sui fecisset potestatem, Cretam ad Gortynios venit, ut ibi, quo se conferret, consideraret. Vidit aut^m vir omnium callidissimus, magno se fore 2 periculo, nisi quid providisset, propter avaritiam Cre- tensium. Magnam enim secum pecuniam portabat, de qua sciebat exisse famam. Itaque capit tale consilium. 3 Amphoras eomplures complet plumbo ; summas operit auro et argento. Has, pra)sentibus principibus, deponit in templo Dianse, simulans, se suas fortunas illorum fidei credere. His in errorem inductis, statuas aeneas, quas secum portabat, omnes sua pecunia complet, easque in propatulo domi abjicit. Gortynii templum magna cura 4 custodiunt, non tam a ceteris, quam ab Hannibale, ne ille, inscientibus his, tolleret secumque duceret. X. Sic, conservatis suis rebus, Poenus, illusis Cre- 1 tensibus omnibus, ad Prusiam in Pontum pervenit. Apud quem eodem animo fuit erga Italiam, neque aliud quidquam egit, quam regem armavit et exercuit adver- sus Romanes. Quem quum videret domesticis rebus 2 minus esse robustum, conciliabat ceteros reges, adjun- gebatque bellicosas nationes. Dissidebat ab eo Perga- menus rex, Eumenes, Romanis amicissimus, bellumque inter eos gerebatur et mari et terra : quo magis cupiebat Gum Hannibal opprimi. Sed utrobique Eumenes plus 3 valebat propter Romanorum societatem : quem si remo- visset, faciliora sibi cetera fore arbitrabatur. Ad hunc interficiendum talem iniit rationem. Classe paucis die- 4 bus erant decreturi. Superabatur navium multitudine ; dolo erat pugnandum, quum par non esset armis. Im- peravit quam plurimas venenatas serpentes vivas colligi, W XXIII. 11, 12. {Hannibal) i easque in vasa fictilia conjici. Harum quum confecis- set magnam multitudinem, die ipso, quo facturus erat navale prcelium, classiarios convocat, hisque praecipit, omnes ut in unam Eumenis regis concurrant navem, a ceteris tantum satis habeant se defendere. Id facile 6 illos serpentium multitudine consecuturos. Rex autem in qua nave veheretur, ut scirent, se facturum ; quein si aut cepissent, aut interfecissent, magno his pollicetur praemio fore. 1 XI. Tali cohortatione militum facta, classis ab utris- que in prcelium deducitur. Quarum acie constituta, priusquam signum pugna? daretur, Hannibal, ut palam faceret suis, quo loco Eumenes esset tabellarium in 2 scapha cum caduceo niittit. Qui ubi ad naves adver- sariorum pervenit, epistolamque cstendens se regem professus est quaerere, statim ad Eumenem deductus est, quod nemodubitabat, aliquid de pace esse scriptum. Tabellarius, ducis nave declarata suis, eodem, unde 3 ierat, se recepit. At Eumenes, soluta epistola, nihil in ea r^erit, nisi quod ad irridendum eum pertineret. Cujus etsi causam mirabatur, neque reperiebatur, tamen 4 proelium statim committere non dubitavit. Horum in concursu Bithyni Hannibalis praecepto universi navem Eumenis adoriuntur. Quorum vim rex quum sustinere non posset, fuga salutem petiit : quam consecutus non esset, nisi intra sua prsesidia se recepisset, quae in proxi- 5 mo litore erant collocata. Reliquae Pergamenae naves quum adversaries premerent acrius, repente in eas vasa fictilia, de quibus supra mentionem fecimus, conjici coepta sunt. Quae jacta initio risum pugnantibus con- 6 citarunt, neque, quare id fieret, poterat intelligi. Post- quam autem naves completas conspexerunt serpentibus, nova re perterriti, quum, quid potissimum vitarent, non viderent, puppes averterunt, seque ad sua castra nautica 7 retulerunt. Sic Hannibal consilio arma Pergamenorum superavit : neque tum solum, sed saepe alias pedestribus copiis pari prudentia pepulit adversaries. 1 XII. Quae dum in Asia geruntur, accidit casu, ut le- gati Prusiae Rom^ apud L. Quintium Flamininum, consularem, ccenarent, atque ibi, de Hannibale mentione facta, ex his unus diceret, eum in Prusiae regno esse. 2 Id postero die Flamininus senatui detulit. Patres con- XXIII. 13. {Hannibal) 95 scripti, qui, Hannibale vivo, numquam se sine insidiis futuros existimarent, legates in Bithyniam miserunt, in his Flamininum, qui ab rege peterent, ne inimicissimum suum secum haberet, sibique dederet. His Prusias ne- 3 gare ausus non est ; illud recusavit, ne id a se fieri postularent, quod adversus jus hospitii esset ; ipsi, si possent, comprehenderent : locum, ubi esset, facile in- venturos. Hannibal enim uno loco se tenebat in castello, quod ei ab rege datiim erat muneri : idque sic aedifica- rat, ut in omnibus partibus aodificii exitum sibi haberet, semper verens, ne usu veniret, quod accidit. Hue 4 quum legati Romanorum venissent, ac multitudine do- mum ejus circumdedissent, puer ab janua prospiciens Hannibali dixit, plures proBter consuetudinem armatos apparere. Qui imperavit ei, utomnes fores tedificii cir- cumiret, ac propere sibi renuntiaret, num eodem mode undique obsiderelur. Puer quum celeriter, quid esset, 5 renuntiasset, omnesque exitus Qccupatos ostendisset ; sensit, id non fortuito factum, sed se peti, neque sibi diutius vitam esse retinendam. Quam ne alieno arbi- trio dimitteret, memor pristinarum virtutum, venenum quod semper secum habere consueverat, sumpsit. XIII. Sic vir fortissimus, multis variisque perfunctus 1 laboribus, anno acquievit sepluagesimo. Quibus con- sulibus interierit, non convenit. Namque Atticus, Mar- co Claudio Marcello, Q. Fabio Labeone Coss. mortuum, in annali suo scriptum reliquit ; at Polybius, L. ^inilio Paullo et Cn. Baebio Tamphilo ; Sulpicius autem, P. Cornelio Cethego, M. Baebio Tamphilo. Atque hie 2 tantus vir tantisque bellis districtus nonnihil temporis tribuit litteris. Namque aliquot ejus libri sunt, Graeco sermone confecti ; in his ad Rhodios de Cn. Manlii Vulsonis in Asia rebus gestis. Hujus bella gesta multi 3 memoriae prodiderunt : sed ex his duo, qui cum eo in eastris fuerunt simulque vixerunt, quamdiu fortuna passa est, Silenus, et Sosilus Lacedaemonius. Atque hoc Sosilo Hannibal litterarum Graecarum usus est doc- tore. Sed nos tempus est hujus libri facere finem, et 4 Romanorum explicare imperatores : quo facilius coUatis utrorumque factis, qui viri prs^erendi sint, possit judi- 96 XXIV. 1, 2. {M. Fortius Cato.) XXIV. M. FORTIUS CATO. 1 I. Cato, ortus municipio Tusculo, adolescentulus, pri- usquam honoribusoperam daret, vccip.8m co/3^h?i haberet, sed etiam in convictu, Excogitatum est a 3 quibusdam, ut privatum aerarium Ccfc^aris in*effe'clcrfb'uS ab equitibus Romanis constitiieretur! ' id facile effici * posse arbitrati sunt, si et principes illius ordinis pecunias contulissent. Itaque appellatus est a C. Flavio, Bruti familiari, Atticus, ut ejus rei princeps esse vellet. At 4 ille, qui ofBcia amicis praestanda sine factione existima- ret, semperque a talibus se consiliis removisset, respon- dit : si quid Brutus de suis facultatibus uti voluisset, usurum, quantum hae paterentur ; se neque cum quo- quam de ea re pollocuturum, neque coiturum. Sic ille consensionis globus hujus unius dissensione disjectus est. Neque multo post superior esse coepit Antonius, 5 ita ut Brutus et Cassius, provinciarum, quae iis necis causa datae erant a consulibus, desperatis rebus, .in ex- silium proticiscerentur. Atticus, qui pecuniam simul 6 cum ceteris conferre noluerat florenti illi parti, abjecto Bruto Italiaque cedenti LLS. centum millia muneri misit. Eidem in Epiro absens trecenta jussit dari ; neque eo magis potenti adulatus est Antonio, neque des- perates reliquit. IX. Secutum est bellum gesturt apud Mutinam. In 1 quo si tantum eum prudentem dicam, minus, quam de- beam, praedicem, quum ille potius divinus fuerit : si di- vinatio appellanda est perpetua naturalis bonitas, quae nullis casibus neque agitur, neque minuitur. Hostis 2 Antonius judicatus Italia cesserat ; spes restituendi nulla erat. Non solum [ejus] inimici, qui tum erant potentissimi et plurimi, sed etiam, qui adversariis ejus se dabant, et in eo laedendo aliquam consecuturos [se] sperabant commendationem, Antonii familiares inseque- 9* 102 XXV. 10. (T. Pomponius Atticus) bantur ; uxorem Fulviam omnibus rebus spoliare cu- 3 piebant ; liberos etiam exstinguere parabant. Atticus, quum Ciceronis intima familiaritate uteretur, amicissi- mus esset Bruto, non modo nihil *iis indulsit ad Antoni- um violandum, sed e contrario familiares ejus ex urbe profugientes, quantum potuit, texit, quibus rebus indi- 4 guerunt, adjuvit. P. vero Volumnio ea tribuit, ut plura a parente proficisci non potuerint. Ipsi autem FulvisB, quum litibus distineretur magnisque terroribus vexare- . . tuCj tanta. diJigentia c^fficium suum praestitit, ut nullum ^la/stiterit.vapifrfipnium sine Attico, hie sponsor omnium 5 rerum fuerit. Quin etiam, quum ilia fundum secunda - fo'rtupn«'efbis?set irndlem, neque post calamitatem versu- rafh' fac6re pbtuisset', ille se interposuit pecuniamque sine fenore sineque ulla stipulatione [ei] credidit, maxi- mum existimans quaestum, memorem gratumque cog- nosci, simulque aperire, se non fortunse, sed hominibus 6 solere esse amicum. Quae quum faciebat, nemo eum temporis causa facere poterat existimare. Nemini enim 7 in opinionem veniebat, Antonium rerum potiturum., Sed sensim is a nonnullis optimatibus reprehendebatur, quod parum odisse malos cives videretur. Ille autem sui judicii potius, quid se facere par esset, intuebatur, quam quid alii laudaturi forent. 1 X. Conversa subito fortuna est. Ut Antonius rediit in Italiam, nemo non magno in periculo Atticum putarat 2 propter intimam familiaritatem Ciceronis et Bruti. Ita- que ad adventum imperatorum de foro decesserat, timens proscriptionem, miebatque apud P. Volumnium, cui, ut ostendimus, paullo ante opem tulerat: (tanta varietas iis"Te>m)oribus fuit fortunae, ut modo hi, modo illi in summolessent aut fastigio, aut periculo) habebatque se- cum Q.\ Gellium Canum, aequalem simillimumque sui. 3 Hoc quoque sit Attici bonitatis exemplum, quod cum eo, quern puerum in ludo cognoverat, adeo conjuncte vixit, ut ad extremam aetatem amicitia eorum creverit. 4 Antonius autem, etsi tanto odio ferebatur in Ciceronem, ut non solum ei, sed omnibus etiam ejus amicis esset inimicus, eosque vellet proscribere, multis hortantibus tamen Attici memor fuit officii, et ei, quum requisisset, ubinam esset, sua manu scripsit, ne timeret, statimque ad se veniret : se eum, et illius causa [Gellium] Canum XXV. 11,12. {T. Pomponius Atticus.) 103 de proscriptorum numero exemisse. Ac, ne quod [in] periculum incideret, quod noctu fiebat, prsesidium ei misit. Sic Atticus in summo timore non solum sibi, sed 5 etiam ei, quern carissimum habebat, praesidio fuit. Ne- que enim suae solum a quoquam auxilium petiit salutis, sed conjunctim: ut appareret, nullam sejunctam sibi ab 60 velle fortunam. Quod si gubernator praecipua laude 6 fertur, qui navem ex hieme marique scopuloso servat : cur non singularis ejus existimetur prudentia, qui ex tot tamque gravibus procellis civilibus ad incolumitatem pervenit ? XI. Quibus ex mails ut se emerserat, nihil aliud egit, 1 quam ut plurimis, quibus rebus posset, esset auxilio. Quum proscriptos prsemiis imperatorum vulgus conqui- reret, nemo in Epirum venit, cui res ulla defuerit ; ne- mini non ibi perpetuo manendi potestas facta est. Qui 2 etiam post proelium Philippense interitumque C. Cassii at M. Bruti L. Julium Mocillam, prajtorium, et ejus filium, Aulumque Torquatum, ceterosque pari fortuna perculsos, instituerit tueri, atque ex Epiro his omnia Samothraciam supportari jusserit. Difficile est, omnia 3 persequi, et non necessarium. Illud unum intelligi vo- lumus, illius liberalitatem neque temporariam, neque callidam fuisse. Id ex ipsis rebus ac temporibus judi- 4 cari potest, quod non florentibus se venditavit, sed afHic- tis semper succurrit : qui quidem Serviliam, Bruti ma- trem, non minus post mortem ejus, quam florente, colu- erit. Sic liberalitate utens nullas inimicitias gessit: 5 quod neque loedebat quemquam, neque, si quam injuri- am acceperat, malebat ulcisci, quam oblivisci. Idem immortal! memoria percepta retinebet beneficia ; quae autem ipse tribuerat, tamdiu meminerat, quoad ille gra- tus erat, qui acceperat. Itaque hie fecit, ut vere dictum 6 videatur : Sui cuique mores Jingunt fortunam, Neque tamen prius ille fortunam, quam se ipse, finxit : qui ca- vit, ne qua in re jure plecteretur. XII. His igitur rebus effecit, ut M. Vipsanius Agrip- 1 pa, intima familiaritate conjunctus adolescenti Cajsari, quum propter suam gratiam et Caesaris potentiam nullius conditionis non haberet potestatem, potissimum ejus de- ligeret affinitatem, praeoptaretque equitis Romani filiam generosarum nuptiis. Atque harum nuptiarum conci- 2 104 XXV. 13. (T. Pomponius Atticus) liator fuit (non est enim celandum) M. Antonius, trium. vir reipublicae constituendae : cujus gratia quum augere possessiones posset suas, tantum abfuit a cupiditate pe- cuniae, ut nulla in re usus sit ea, nisi in deprecandis amicorum aut periculis, aut incommodis. Quod qui^ dem sub ipsa proscriptione perillustre fuit. Nam quum L. Saufeii, equitis Romani, sequalis sui, qui complures annos, studio ductus philosophise, Athenis habitabat, habebatque in Italia pretiosas possessiones, triumviri bona vendidissent consuetudine ea, qua turn res gere- bantur: Attici labore atque industria factum est, ut eodem nuntio Saufeius fieret certior, se patrimonium amisisse et recuperasse. Idem L. Julium Calidum, quem post Lucretii CatuUique mortem multo elegantis- simum poetam nostram tulisse setatem vere videor posse contendere, neque minus virum bonum optimisque ar- tibus eruditum, post proscriptionem equitum propter magnas ejus Africanas possessiones in proscriptorum numerum a P. Volumnio, prsefecto fabrum Antonii, absentem relatum, expedivit. Quod in prsesenti utrum ei laboriosius an gloriosius fuerit, difficile fuit judicare : quod in eorum periculis, non secus absentes, quam prse- sentes amicos Attico esse curse, cognitum est. XIII. Neque vero minus ille vir bonus paterfamilias habitus est, quam civis. Nam quum esset pecuniosus, nemo illo minus fuit emax, minus ^sedificator. Neque tamen non in primis bene habitavit, omnibusque optimis rebus usus est. Nam domum habuit in colle Quirinali Tamphilanam, ab avunculo hereditate relictam: cujus amoenitas non aedificio, sed silva constabat. Ipsum enim tectum, antiquitus constitutum, plus salis, quam sumptus habebat : in quo nihil commutavit, nisi si quid vetustate coactus est. Usus est familia, si utilitate judicandum est, optima ; si forma, vix mediocri. Namque in ea erant pueri litteratissimi, anagnostse optimi, et plurimi librarii, ut ne pedisequus quidem quisquam esset, qui non utrumque horum pulchre facere posset ; pari modo artifices ceteri, quos cultus domesticus desiderat, appri- me boni. Neque tamen horum quemquam, nisi domi natum domique factum, habuit : quod est signum non solum continentise, sed etiam diligentise. Nam et non intemperanter concupiscere, quod a plurimis videas, XXV. 14, 15. (T. Pomjponius Atticus) 105 continentis debet duci : et potius diligentia, quam pretio, parare, non mediocris est industriae. Elegans, non 5 magnificus ; splendidus, non sumptuosus ; omni diligen- tia mundiciam, non affluentiam, affectabat. Supellex modica, non multa, ut in neutram partem conspici pos- set. Nee praeteribo, quamquam nonnuUis leve visum 6 iri putem : quum inprimis lautus esset eques Romanus, et non parum liberaliter domum suam omnium ordinum homines invitaret, [scimus,] non amplius, quam terna millia aeris, peroeque in singulos menses, ex ephemeride eum expensum sumptui ferre solitum. Atque hoc non 7 auditum, sed cognitum praedicamus. Ssepe enim prop- ter familiaritatem domesticis rebus interfuimus. XIV. Nemo in convivio ejus aliud acroama audivit, 1 quam anagnosten : quod nos quidem jucundissimum arbitramur. Neque umquam sine aliqua lectione apud eum coenatum est, ut non minus animo, quam ventre convivae delectarentur. Namque eos vocabat, quorum 2 mores a suis non abhorrerent. Quum tanta pecuniae facta esset accessio, nihil de quotidiano cultu mutavit, . nihil de vitae consuetudine : tantaque usus est modera- tione, ut neque in sestertio vicies, quod a patre accepe- rat, parum se splendide gesserit, neque in sestertio cen- ties affluentius vixerit, quam instituerat, parique fastigio steterit in utraque fortuna. NuUos habuit hortos, nul- 3 lam suburbanam aut maritimam sumptuosam villam, neque in Italia, praeter Ardeatinum et Nomentanum, rusticum praedium : omnisque ejus pecuniae reditus con- stabat in Epiroticis et urbanis possessionibus. Ex quo cognosci potest, usum eum pecuniae non magnitudine, sed ratione metiri solitum. XV. Mendacium neque dicebat, neque pati poterat. 1 Itaque ejus comitas non sine severitate erat, neque gra- vitas sine facilitate, ut difficile esset intellectu, utrum eum amici magis vererentur, an amarent. Quidquid rogabatur, religiose promittebat : quod non liberalis, sed levis arbitrabatur, poUiceri, quod praestare non posset. Idem in nitendo, quod semel annuisset, tanta erat cura, 2' ut non mandatam, sed suam rem videretur agere. Num- quam suscepti negotii eum pertaesum est. Suam enim existimationem in ea re agi putabat : qua nihil habebat carius. Quo fiebat, ut omnia Ciceronum, Catonis, [Ma- 3 106 XXV. 16, 17, 18. (T. Pompon. Atticus.) rii, Q.] Hortensii, Auli Torquati, multorum prseterea equitum Romanorum negotia procuraret. Ex quo judi- cari poterat, non inertia, sed judicio fugisse reipublicaB procurationem. 1 XVI. Humanitatis vero nullum afferre majus testi- monium possum, quam quod adolescens idem seni Sullse fuerit jucundissimus, senex adolescenti M. Bruto ; cum sequalibus autem suis, Q. Hortensio et M. Cicerone, sic vixerit, ut judicare difficile sit, cui setati fuerit aptissi- 2 mus. Quamquam eum prsecipue dilexit Cicero, ut ne frater quidem ei Quintus carior fuerit aut familiarior. 3 Ei rei sunt indicio, praeter eos libros, in quibus de eo facit mentionem, qui in vulgus [jam] sunt editi, sex- decim volumina epistolarum, ab consulatu ejus usque ad extremum tempus ad Atticum missarum : quoe qui legat, non multum desideret historiam contextam illorum 4 temporum. Sic enim omnia de studiis principum, vitiis ducum, mutationibus reipublicse perscripta sunt, ut nihil in iis non appareat, et facile existimari possit, pruden- tiam quodammodo esse divinationem. Non enim Cicero ea solum, quae vivo se acciderunt, futura prsedixit, sed etiam, quae nunc usu veniunt, cecinit, ut vates. 1 XVII. De pietate autem Attici quid plura comme- morem ? quum hoc ipsum vere gloriantem audierim in funere matris suae, quam extulit annorum nonaginta, quum esset septem et sexaginta, se aumquam cum ma- tre in gratiam redisse, numquam cum sorore fuisse in 2 simultate, quam prope aequalem habebat. Quod est signum, aut nullam umquam inter eos querimoniam in- tercessisse, aut hunc ea fuisse in suos indulgentia, ut, 3 quos amare deberet, irasci eis nefas duceret. Neque id fecit natura solum, quamquam omnes ei paremus, sed etiam doctrina. Nam et principum philosophorum ita I percepta habuit praecepta, ut iis ad vitam agendam, non > ad ostentationem, uteretur. 1 XVIII. Moris etiam majorum summus imitator fuit antiquitatisque amator : quam adeo diligenter habuit cognitam, ut eam totam in eo volumine exposuerit, quo 2 magistratus ornavit. Nulla enim lex, neque pax, neque bellum, neque res illustris est populi Romani, quae non in eo suo tempore sit notata : et, quod difficillimum fuit, sic familiarum originem subtexuit, ut ex eo clarorum XXV. 19,20. {T. Pomponius Atticus.) 107 virorum propagines possimus cognoscere. Fecit hoc idem separatim in aliis libris : ut M. Bruti rogatu Juni- am familiam a stirpe ad hanc aetatem ordine enumeravit, notans, qui, a quo ortus, quos honores, quibusque tem- poribus cepisset. Pari modo Marcelli Claudii, Marcel- lorum ; Scipionis Cornelii et Fabii Maximi, Fabiorum et iEmiliorum quoque : quibus libris nihil potest esse dulcius iis, qui aliquam cupiditatem habent notitise cla- rorum virorum. Attigit quoque poeticen : credimus, ne ejus expers esset suavitatis. Namque versibus, qui honore rerumque gestarum amplitudine ceteros Romani populi praestiterunt, exposuit ita, ut sub singulorum ima- ginibus facta magistratusque eorum non amplius qua- ternis quinisve versibus descripserit : quod vix creden- dum sit, tantas res tarn breviter potuisse declarari. Est etiam unus liber, Graece confectus, de consulatu Cice- ronis. XIX. Hactenus Attico vivo edita [haec] a nobis sunt. Nunc, quoniam fortuna nos superstites ei esse voluit, reliqua persequemur, et, quantum potuerimus, rerum exemplis lectores docebimus, sicut supra significavimus, suos cuique mores plerumque conciliare fortunam. Namque hie contentus ordine equestri, quo erat ortus, : in affinitatem pervenit imperatoris Divi filii : quum jam ante familiaritatem ejus esset consecutus nulla alia re, quam elegantia vitae, qua ceteros ceperat principes civi- tatis, dignitate pari, fortuna humiliore. Tanta enim \ prosperitas Caesarem est consecuta, ut nihil ei non tri- buerit fortuna, quod cuiquam ante detulerit, et concilia- rit, quod nemo adhuc civis Romanus quivit consequi. Nata est autem Attico neptis ex Agrippa, cui virginem - filiam collocarat. Hanc Caesar, vix anniculam, Tiberio Claudio Neroni, Drusilla nato, privigno suo, despondit : quae conjunctio necessitudinem eorum sanxit, familiari- tatem reddidit frequentiorem. XX. Quamvis ante haec sponsalia non solum, quum '. ab urbe abesset, numquam ad suorum quemquam litte- ras misit, quin Attico mitteret, quid ageret, imprimis, quid legeret, quibusque in locis, et quam diu esset mo- raturus : sed etiam, quum esset in urbe, et propter suas i infinitas occupationes minus saepe, quam vellet, Attico frueretur, nullus dies temere intercessit, quo non ad 108 XXV. 21. (T. Pomponius Atticus) eum scriberet, quum modo aliquid de antiquitate ab eo requireret, modo aliquam [ei] quaestionem poeticam proponeret, interdum jocans ejus verbosiores eliceret 3 epistolas. Ex quo accidit, quum sedis Jovis Feretrii, in Capitolio ab Romulo constituta, vetustate atque incu- ria detecta prolaberetur, ut Attici admonitu Caesar earn 4 reficiendam curaret. Neque vero ab M. Antonio minus absens litteris colebatur: adeo, ut accurate ille ex ulti- mis terris, quid ageret, quid curse sibi haberet, certiorem 6 faceret Atticum. Hoc quale sit, facilius existimabit is, qui judicare poterit, quantse sit sapientiae, eorum retinere usum benevolentiamque, inter quos maximarum rerum non solum semulatio, sed obtrectatio tanta intercedebat, quantam fuit incidere necesse inter Csesarem atque An- tonium, quum se uterque principem non solum urbis Romanse, sed orbis terrarum esse cuperet. 1 XXI. Tali modo quum septem et septuaginta annos complesset, atque ad extremam senectutem non minus dignitate, quam gratia fortunaque crevisset, (multas enim hereditates nulla alia re, quam bonitate, est consecutus) tantaque prosperitate usus esset valetudinis, ut annis 2 triginta medicina non indiguisset : nactus est morbum, quem initio et ipse et medici contempserunt. Nam pu- tarunt esse tenesmon, cui remedia celeria faciliaque 3 proponebantur. In hoc quum tres menses sine ullis doloribus, prseterquam quos ex curatione capiebat, con- sumpsisset: subito tanta vis morbi in unum intestinum prorupit, ut extremo tempore per lumbos fistula putris 4 eruperit. Atque hoc priusquam ei accideret, postquam in dies dolores accrescere febresque accessisse sensit Agrippam generum ad se arcessi jussit, et cum eo L. 5 Cornelium Balbum Sextumque Peducaeum. Hos ut venisse vidit, in cubitum innixus : quantam, inquit, cu- ram diligentiamque in valetudine mea tuenda hoc tempore adhibuerim, quum vos testes habeam, nihil necesse est plu- ribus verbis commemorare. Quibus quoniam, ut spero, saiisfeci, me nihil reliqui fecisse, quod ad sanandum me 6 pertineret, reliquum est, ut egomet mihi consulam. Id vos ignorare nolui. Nam mihi stat, alere morbum desinere, Namque his diebus quidquid cibi [potionisque^ sumsi, ita produxi vitam, ut auxerim dolores sine spe salutis. Quart XXV. 22. (T. Pomponius Atticus.) 109 a vohis peto primum, ut consilium proheiis meum : deinde, nefrustra dehoriando cojiemim. XXII. Hac oratione habita tanta constantia vocis at- 1 que vultus, ut non ex vita, sed ex domo in domum vide- retur migrare, quum quidem Agrippa eum liens atque osculans oraret atque obsecraret, ne ad id, quod natura 2 cogeret, ipse quoque sibi acceleraret, et, quoniam turn quoque posset temporibus superesse, se sibi suisque re- servaret, preces ejus taciturna sua obstinatione depressit. Sic quum biduum cibo se abstinuisset, subito febris de- 3 cessit, leviorque morbus esse ccepit. Tamen propositum nihilo seeius peregit. Itaque die quinto post, quam id consilium inierat, pridie Calendas Apriles, Cn. Domitio, C. Sosio Coss. decessit. Elatus est in lecticula, ut ipse 4 preescripserat, sine ulla pompa funeris, comitantibus omnibus bonis, maxima vulgi frequentia. Sepultus est juxta viam Appiam, ad quintum laoidem, in monumento Q. Cajcilii, avunculi sui. 10 aUESTIONS. PRiEFATIO. [1] 1. What is the usual construction after non duhito in the sense of I don't doubt ; I feel sure ? — 2. Does Cic. ever use the ace. and inf. after non dubito = I don't doubt? — 3. What authors do? — 4. What is C. Nepos's practice ? — 5. In what sense is non dubito regularly fol- lowed by the infin. ? — 6. Does Cic. ever use quin after non dubito = ^ I do not scruple' or * hesitate V — 7. Do good writers use plerique with a gen. ? Explain plerique^ plurimi, complures. — 8. Does hoc genus scripturcB relate to the style and form, or to the matter, contents, &c., of [1] 1 — 6. No n dubito has two meanings : */ doubt not ;' * / do not hesitate.' (a) Non dubito (/ doubt not) is in Cicero (and I believe Caesar) always followed by quin : but the younger Cicero in one letter, ad Div. xvi. 21, 2, has ace. with inf. (gratos tibi opta- tosque esse — non dubito). In this sense C. Nepos has always the ace. and inf.; which also is not uncommon in Livy^ Curtius, &c. (b) In the sense of * / do not hesitate,' the inf. is the reg. constr., but even here Cic. has sometimes quin. [See Z. § 541]. After nemini dubium esse C. Nep. has quin in Hann. 2. 6. 7. Plerique,^ a great many' is not a partitive (and therefore not followed in the best writers by a gen.') : it expresses a large number as forming a whole ; not as the larger part of a whole. Plurimi is either * very many' (considered as a whole) or ' the greatest number ,' * the most.' Plurimi says more than plerique ; and plerique more than complures (Paus. 2, 2). D. — See Dod. plerique, 8. hoc genus • Cicero, however, pro Cluent. 42, 117, has plerique vestrum sciunt, and do Amicit. 20, 71, quo-nun plerique, and elsewhere the genitive with pleriquc.—SGe also Z. $ 109, JSTote. 112 QUESTIONS ON tlie work? — 9. Why is et non satis dignum better than neque satis dignum here? — 10. What is the original meaning of persona ? what its meaning here ? — 1 1 . Ex- plain virtutes here. — 12. Give the derivation and origi- nal meaning of commodus. — 13. Give other instances of commode = well. — 14. What adverb would probably be used in Greek? — 15. What anecdote that bears on this subject is related of Themistocles ? — 16. What part of speech is musica properly, and in what other form does it occur ? — 17. Why is musicam in the ace. ? [2] 1 Who are hi? — 2. What is the antecedent to qui? — 3. What is the force of /ere here? — 4. Why is litter arum in the gen. ? — how is it to be construed here ? — 5. Why is conveniat in the subj. ? — 6. By what Eng- lish tense do you construe putabunt ? [3] 1. What tense is didicerint ? — 2. How do you translate to judge one thing by another in Lat. ? — 3. Ex- plain instituta. — 4. Distinguish between mirari and Bcripturse: * this kind of historical composition,' relating not to tho style or form, but to the substance or matter. 9. Et non is used in preference to neque when the negative belongs to only one word or notion of a positive clause. 10. Persona, properly an actor's mask ; hence the character he represented, and then character generally, rank, position, &c. 11. = res laudabiles: nearly = accomplishments. 12. Con together, modus measure, proportion : properly commodus, * having the full measure or proportion, that any thing requires.' Hence commoda statura = a tall stature. 13. Commode legere, Pliru commode audire, Cic. 14. Apuoards or evapfi6.) MILTIADES, CH. J 119 English word must be supplied ? — 5. What would Im- perator mean, if spoken of a Roman 1 [4] 1. Construe and govern hoc responso. — 2. Give a similar instance. — 3. Govern facer ent. — 4. What should be observed in the sentence hoc oraculi^ &c. ? — 5. May spontesua or sua sponte be used indifferently ? — 6. With what class of verbs is sua sponte seldom used? — 7. What is a rare meaning of sua sponte ? — 8. Distinguish between sua sponte and ultro. [5] 1. What is the English of aquilo ? — 2. Compare the Greek practice with this use of ue/itw^ with aquilo. — 3. In appositions, which generally precedes, the species or the genus ? — 4. Before what consonants is ab found? — 5. Before what kind of words do the historians seem to prefer it to ' a' ? — 6. What were the Septentriones 1 ments, statements, &,c. of another person are related. 5. In the language of the Roman Republic, it would mean a General to whom a triumph had been decreed : it was afterwards appropriated as a title to the Emperors. [4] 1. In consequence of this response : or, on the recep- tion of this response : an abl. of caused 2. Hoc nuntio, xii. 3, 1. 3. ut omitted : so moneo habeas, &lc. 4. That both the abl. of cause, and also the nom. of the accessory sentence (qvum — accessissei) are placed before the conjunction quum. 5. The pron. precedes sponte : in the poets and later prose writers sua often follows or is omitted. 6. It is seldom used with a passive verb : quod (honestum) sua sponte {=^ for its own sake) peteretur. (C. de Sen. 13, 43.) 7. For its own sake : virtus est ipsa per se,sua sponte, — laudabilis. C. Tusc. 4, 15. 8. Sua sponte is opposed to compulsion?: ultro to the suggestion or influence of another. [5] 1. The northeast wind, but often used (as here) for the north-wmdi. 2. -nphi ^ogir]v avcfiov, &,c. 3. The species gen- erally precedes the genus. 4. Before the liquids, and p, t, s, c,jy (1. e. before any of the consonants in Julii CcBsaris mens imperato- ria). 5. Liv. and Caisar often use ab before national and other - proper names : so also Nep. ab Scythis ; ab Lacedcemoniis ; and also before g, ab Gallis. 6. The seven stars at the north pole • also the great and little bear^ ; then * the north^ generally. 1 Breml calls it an ablative absolute : adding, * to make this intelligi- ble, it must be remembered, that as the Romans had no participle of esse, they used the abl. with a pron. or adj. in many relations, especially those of cause and time, where the Greeks would have used a participle.' — Allowing the mode of speech to have thus arisen, it was certainly employed where a suitable participle might have been found : e, g. dato here. > This passage overthrows Djderlein's statement, that sua sponte is opposed to rog-atus. provocatus, invitatus. DOd. sponte. • Seplentrio major and minor. 120 QUESTIONS ON EXERCISE. A [body] of colonists was sent out to the Chersonesus by the Athenians [1]. — Cicero was greatly distinguished above all [men,] both by his eloquence and by his other virtues. — We are all able to hope well of you. — It hap- pened [1] that the wind was opposite [5] to them [when] they set out [partic.) — We^ will do this *", when you* have arrived at the Chersonesus. — It happened that chosen [men] of this [party] were sent to Delphi. — Which [of them all] shall we take for our commander ? — They took Miltiades, the son of Cimon, for their leader. — He or- dered him ^ to direct his course to the place he was go- ing to. Ch. II. [1] 1. What cases does potior govern in Nep. 1 — 2. Construe in agris collocare. — 3. Why not in agros ? — 4. Distinguish between creher and frequens : which of the two often implies blame ? — 5. What is the opp. of creher ? what of frequens ? [2] 1. Is prudentia adjuvari a usual phrase? — 2. What is the Latin {or ^ to s ho w or exhibit prudence .?' — 3. Explain the use of adjutus here. — 4. What is the grammatical term for a construction of this kind ? — 5. Ch. II. [1] 1. Abl. or gen.: but oftener the gen., and once the ace: qui sum mam i?nperii potirentur, will 3, 4. 2. To settle them in their allotments : the regular term for apportioning the land among a body of colonists. 3. With ponere, imponere, collocare, the Romans (as we generally do) considered the state of rest that follows the placing, rather than the motion while the placing is going on : hence in with the abl. : as we say to place or put in, rather than to place or put into : but they used * in' with the ace. (as we do * into') when the notion of being removed or transferred into any thing is considered, without, or more than, the notion of remaining there. Thus in naves imponere (x. 4, 2), turrim in muros collocare, Cses. B. G. 2, 30, 4.— See Z. §§ 489, 490. 4. Dod. S(Bpe. 5. Creher opp. rarus : frequens opp. infrequens, pauci, singuli. [2] 1. No. 2. prudentia uti. 3. The adjutus suits felicitate, to which it stands nearest, and sufficiently intimates the kind of notion to be supplied to prudentia. 4. Zeugma from l,cvyv{)vai, to join : a word being used with two or more connected words, one only of which it completely suits. 5. It means com' MILTIADES, CH. II. 121 Explain the force of de in devincere. — 6. In what other compounds has it the same force 1 — 7. What prepos. would add this force to ij.'j.-x^s(j^ai or iroXsiisTv 1 [3] 1. What moods does 9i/«;72t;2> govern ? — 2. Give its derivation. — 3. What notion must be supplied with nomine 1 — 4. What does id refer to ? — 5. With neque magis — quam^ to which notion is the greater weight given? — 6. What is the force of imperio? — 7. What Greek word would be used ? — 8. To what form is neque eo secius equivalent 1 — 9. What kind of officia are meant ? — 1 0. Explain the force of * a' in a quibus erat profectus — 11. What is the meaning o{ projicisci here? [4] I. Give other instances in which Nep. speaks of settling a country instead of the fuller expression, set- tling the affairs of a country, — 2. What is the force of ex in ex pacto? — 3. Lemnos being an island, what city- did he call upon to surrender ? — 4. In illi enim dixerant, does Nep. speak in his own person or not ? — 5. If he had spoken in the person of Miltiades, i. e. had wished to say : for [he reminded them'] that they had said, pletely, thoroughly, 6. debellare, decertare. 7. Kara- /xdxcff^at, KUTa-iToXeneiv. [3] 1. Quamvis has the subjunctive iu the sense of however much : the indie, when it means although, and states any thing as a fad. (Cic. seldom uses it in the sense of although.) Z. § 574. 2. quam {as much) as : vis, you please. 3. re^io, suggested by the preceding regia. 4. to the, esse inter eos regia dignitate : his possession of regal power. 5. The notion that follows quam : e.^.non magis amove, quam more ductus, (v. 1, 2.) 6. Military command: the office of commander-in-chief: thus imperia are often contrasted with rrihgistratus : military commands with civil magistracies. 7. f/yenovela. 8. Neque eo minus. 9. Not only acts of strict duty as governor of a colony, but kind attentions and services to any Athenian who might visit the Chersonese, &c. 10. It does not merely designate the Athenians locally, as the persons from whom he came ; but causally, as those by whom he was sent. So in a se facere, the person is spoken of, as himself the cause or occasion of the action. In Greek it would be irapd. 11. Proficisci = iroptitadai, to set out on a warlike expedition : or, at all events, with a military command. [4] 1. Messene constituta (xv. 8, 5.) ; so triumvir reipublictB constituendce. (xxv. 12, 2.) 2. Ex (= according to) describes the thing as growing out of, or proceeding f r o m something pre- vious. 3. Myrina. 4. In his own person. 5. illos enim 11 122 QUESTIONS ON how would he have expressed it? — 6. Does sihi refer to the nom. case of tradant ? How does it happen that it can be used for Miltiades ? [Pr. I. 369. 370.]— 7. Was the expression used before, vento horea^ or not ? — 8. Ex- plain sese. When should it always be used instead of se?^9. Explain the use of habere [P. I. 460. (c), (1)]. [5] 1. From what is the use of cadere [ = faU or turn out) derived ? — 2. Explain capti. — 3. What dictum is meant? — 4. Explain non ausi sunt — atque. — 5. Does Herodotus's account agree with this 1 — 6. Decline Lem- noSj Cyclades. EXERCISE. Miltiades in a short time gained possession of the island. — Having completely conquered the army of the enemy, he settled the men, whom he had brought with him, in their apportionments. — Have I not performed kind-services towards the Athenians, by whom I was sent out ? — It thus came to pass [3] that he obtained among them the position of a king [3]. — Miltiades settled [the affairs] of the Chersonese with no less [2] prudence than justice. — The thing having turned out contrary to their expectation, the Lemnians surrendered themselves. — It thus came to pass, that in a very short time the whole district was reduced under the power of the Athenians. — Miltiades in settling the affairs of the Chersonesus showed very great ^ prudence. Ch. hi. [1] 1. How should this ahh abs. be con- strued? — 2. How is qua used here ? — 3. Why is tradu- dixisse. 8. It is se strengthened by doubling : it should always be used when it belongs to an infin., both as subject and object (i. e. ace. before and ace. after too). [5] 1. From the game of dice. 2. Caught (as in a trap) : taken (like a beast in hunting). 4. A negative proposition is fol- lowed by an opposite positive one : so iv. 3, 7. where we should rather use but. 5. Not exactly : according to him the people of He- phcBStia surrendered : those of Myrina stood a siege. Ch. III. [1] 1. As an inf. clause dependent on decrevit. 2. Adverbially, ^ua (sc. parte) == ubi. So ii. 5, 2, v. 2, 5, &c. : and MILTIADES, CH. Ill 123 ceret in the subj.? — 4. dum ahesset : why tne subj.? — 5. Govern ipsarum. * [2] 1. What is the usual way of translating ^ to speak Greek V — 2. Why does Nep. probably not say * the Greeks^ at once ? — 3. How may the clauses sic se facillime, &c. retenturum esse, si — tradidisset be turned into English? — 4. Why are incolerent and relinqueretur in the subj.? — 5. By what kind of sent, should se op- presso be construed ? — 6. What tense would tradidisset become in direct narration ? — 7. Bremi is for rejecting turn, in in hoc fait turn numero ^ : how does Diihne defend it? — 8. Why is crederetur in the subj. ? [3] 1. Construe hie. — 2. What remark does Bremi make on this use of afferre = brought word ? — 3. From what pursuit is premere and urgere ( == to he hard pressed) derived ? — 4. Before what class of words is ab preferred to a by the historians ? — 5. Why is * a' used before For tuna ? ea xxiii. 3, 4. 4. Because the thought is Darius's, not the histo- rian's. 5. ipsarum (i. e. Ionics et JEolidis) urbium : ipsarum not agreeing with urbium^ but referring to the countries Ionia and iEolis just mentioned'. [2] 1. Grencw/wm. — 4. Govern po^^e. — 5. Construe et facile: what force has et here? — 6. What are the Latin expressions for breaking down or destroying a bridge ? — 7. Distinguish between rescindere and redder e. [5] 1. Distinguish between plerique, plurimi, com- plures, &c. [Pref 1.]— 2. Is ohstare ne aliquid fiat, a common construction ? — 3. What is the more usual con- struction 1 — 4. What constructions are found besides idem mihi expedit, et tihi? — 5. Why is tenerent in the subj. 1 — 6. What is the usual phrase for supreme or sov- ereign power 1 — 7. Why is the plur. used here ? — 8. What is the Eng. of summa ? — 9. In quo exstincto, what substantive do these words agree with? — 10. Give the deriv. and meaning of adeo. — 11. Distinguish between [4] 1. It is stated by the historian as a factj not referred to the mind of Miltiades.— See Z. § 548. 2. Liher aliqua re. The ' a* here denotes the quarter from which. — Z. § 468. 3. Dominatio is absolute despotic government. Pericxdum is the danger to be ap- prehended from the Persians: the danger of falling again under their power. 4. P. I. 460 (c), (1). 5. ^ and that easily :^ et = eiiam. 6. pontem rescindere, dissolvere, interrumpere. 7. rescindere, to destroy by separating the component parts of any thing with sharp instruments : recidere, to cut away a part, leaving the remainder uninjured: e. g. comas, ungues. [5] 2, 3. P. I. Questions on § 15, p. 216. 4. idem mihi ex- pedit, quod tibi: idem mihi tecum expedit: but the latter only in Livy, Tacitus,^ &C. e. g. in eadem mecum Africa, genitus (Z#.) : eodem mecum patre genitus (T). 5. P. I. 460, (6), p. 163. d summa imperii. 7. Because several governors are spoken of. 8. The total or sum made up of all the parts taken together • hence the principal or most important thing. See xvi. 1, 1. 9. Proba- bly with regno : but as exstincto may be applied either to a person or a thing, it may possibly refer to Dario.^ 11. Ceteri {ol uXAot) ' the others,' in sharp opposition to others before mentioned : each in- dividual is then considered as belonging to the whole class, and, gen- erally, as of equal importance : in reliqui {o\ Xoiirot) * the rest/ the re- maining individuals are considered (not individually ) but as forming a whole, and often as of less importance than those before mentioned. 1 In Cic. Orat. 2. 33 : tibi mecum in eodem est pistrino, Crasse, vivendum, the mecum does not belong to idem. 2 But their downfall would not be so necessary a consequence of the deatk at Darius, as of the overthrow of the Persian empire. MILTIADES, CH. IV. 125 ceteri and reliqui. — 12. Why is putet the pres. (not imperf.) subjunc. ? — 13. Why would not nihil putet sihi utilius do? [6] 1. What is the construction of non duhitare = * not to doubt' ? \Pref, 1.] — 2. Parse consciis : by what kind of sentence may * tarn mulUs consciis* be resolved ? — 3. What kind of notions are generally connected by ac (atque) ? — 4. By what case or cases are amicus, ini- micus, hostis, &c. followed ? EXERCISE. The easiest way to become free from the dominion of the Persians will be to break down the bridge, which Darius has made over the river Danube. — Histiaeus of Miletus opposed the breaking down of the bridge. — The same thing is not expedient to us, wl^ hold sovereign power, and to the multitude. — I will prevent the advice of Miltiades from coming to the king's ears. — I don't doubt that our sovereignty depends on Darius's remain- ing king.' — 1 don't doubt but that you will be deprived of your power, and punished by your fellow-citizens. — Not the kingdom of Darius only, but our own sovereignty will be extinguished. — Histiaeus of Miletus prevented the opinion of Miltiades from prevailing. Ch. IV. [1] 1. How is autem frequently used? — 2. Distinguish between hortari and monere. — 3. Con- (See Dod. caterL) 12. P. I. 469, (d), (1). 13. P. I. 370 [6] 2. Abl. ahs. : by an adverbial sentence with * since y^ ' as.' 3. Notions that have a close natural connection v^^ith each other. 4. By the dat. when used adjectively : the geru when used substan- tively. Z. § 410. Ch. IV. [1] 1. As a particle of transition (like the Greek if) : it thus prevents the appearance of abruptness by connecting what fol- low^s with what preceded.^ Compare ii. 2, 1 ; iii. 2, 1, &c. 2. Hortari (to exhort) by pointing out the advantages ; monere (to warn) by pointing out the disadvantages. (See also Dod. hortari.) 3. 1 say : * on the kingdom (reffnum) of Darius.* a In Cic. this use of autem is most common in the philosophical and rhetori- cal works (where an easy flow of connected thoughts is natural) ; it occurs less frequently in his Orations, and in Csesar, and is least common in Tacitus. Hand, who adds . " unum nomen, quod eminet, eligitur, et primo loco ponitnr cui adhiereat autem." 11* 126 QUESTIONS ON strue causam inter serens. — 4. What other fonns are equivalent to causam inter serere? — 5. Se hostem esse Atheniensihus: why n )t Atheniensium ? (3, [6], 4.) — 6. Distinguish between inimicus and hostis. — 7. What case is Sardis 1 [2] 1. What is the^ English of appellere navem, or classem ? — 2. After navem appellere j is the place to which generally expressed with or without a preposition ? — 3. How is appellere used in later writers ? — 4. Where and what was Eretria ? — 5. Explain what race is meant by ejus gentis. — 6. What case is Marathona? — 7. What town is meant by oppidum ? — 8. Does oppidum or urbs generally denote a capital? — 9. What is Nepos's practice ? — 10. What other word for city does Nep. use of Athens ? [3] 1. WliRt is the mea,mng of tumultus ? — 2. Give Cicero's account of a tumultus. — 3. Give the derivation and meaning of Phidippides and tjixs ^08^61x05. — 4. Explain qui in : ejus generis — qui — vocantur. — 5. After mittere, * alledging,* * under the pretext^ &c. 4. Causam interpo- nere (ii. 7, 1), dictitare (vi. ], 4). 6. Dod. adversarius. 7. Old form of ace. plur. There is no doubt that up to the age of Augustus, this was the commoner accusative eudiiig of words with gen. ium. Z. § 68 and Note, [2] 1. * to sail to ;' or, if the place is a port, * to put in to.^ ^ 2. With ad. 3. Intransitively; as triremis appulit. 5. EuhoiccR gentis, implied by the preceding Euboea. 6. Ace. of the Greek form. Z. § 71. 7. Athens. 8. Urbs. 9. He often uses oppidum (like the Greek dcrv) of a capital : e. g. of Sparta (xvii. 6, 1) ; Syracuse (x. 9, 1) ; Thebes (xvi. 1, 2), and of Athens, several times. He uses urbs of Athens only in i. 5, 2 ; ii. 7, 5. 10. The Greek astu, ii. 4, 1. [3] 1. Tumultus is properly any sudden and unexpected occur- rence, that causes confusion. As a war, it is one that breaks out suddenly and violently : it is, therefore, more to be feared than beU Ium. 2. " Potest enim esse be Hum sine tumultu, tumultus esse sine bello non potest. Quid est enim aliud tumultus nisi perturbatio tanta, ut major timor oriatur. — Gravius autem iumultum esse quam bellum hinc intelligi licet, quod bello vacationes valent, tumultu non valent." (Cic. Phil. 8, 1.) 3. " Horse-sparer," from (pdSeadai, to spare ; I'tttto?, horse. — " -D«y- runner," t)lJitpa, day; Spanelv (aor of '"P^xw) to run. 4. We may supply ejus generis cursorun., qui, &c., but it is a regular ex- ample of the rule given P. I. 48. 5. With qui : but ut is not un- common : CsBs. B. G. 5, lOj 1. milites — misit, ut — persequf MILTIADES, CH. IV. 127 proficisct, Slc. how is the purpose generally expressed? — 6. Give other instances of its being expressed by ut after those verbs. [4] 1. Give the derivation and meaning of prcetor. — 2. What is the Engl, of prcBtorium? — 3. Explain the sequence of tenses in creant, — qui praeessent. [P. I. 414 (Z>).] — 4. Is this common? [5] 1. Parse quoque in primo quoque tempore, and construe the phrase. — 2. Construe nitebatur. — 3. Why is the imperf. used? — 4. Parse acce^urum. — 5. Why are viderent, animadverterent used, not vidissent, animad- vertissent ? — 6. Parse and explain desperari, auderi. — 7. Would not de sua virtute be the more regular construc- tion ? — 8. When is the demonstrative is, ea, id, used in this way when the reciprocal suus would be more regu- rentur : and 7, 49, 1 : ad T. Sextium legatum — misit, ut cohortes educeret, &c. [4] 1. Prce-itor from pra-ire, * to go before.* It was the old appellation of the Roman generals, but when the word, as a Roman title of office, was appropriated to the civil magistrate called the Pnetor, it was confined to the generals of a foreign state : especial- ly to the commanders of land forces. 2. Prcztorium (sc. taher- naculum), the general's tent in a Roman camp. 4. The imperf. subjunctive often follows the prcBsens historicum^. — Ohs. The clause qui exereitui prmessent (which seems somewhat superfluous) may be compared with Cp. 1. [2], qui cons. Apollinem. [5] 1. Abl. of quisque : = quarn celerrime : * as soon as possi- ble ;' * immediately.' 2, 3. It expresses the vehemence of Miltia- des's exertions, to prevail on the Athenians to form a camp as soon as possible. The imperf. expresses it as a continued endeavor. 4. Fut. inf., esse undersVood: dependent on such a verb as, he * urged,' * argued,' &c. 5. They mark the actions of seeing and observing as contemporaneous with desperari and auderi, and as continuing. 6. The infin. passive, used in an impersonal way : Eis is so often the case in the third singular ; e. g. curritur, men run ; pugnatur, they fight, a battle is fought, &c. Z. § 229. 7. Yes. 8. When the writer speaks, as it were, in his own person and from his own point of view. Thus Cic. de Or. 1, 54, 231 : quum ei (Socrati) scriptam orationem — Lysias attulisset, quam, si ei vide- retur, edisceret. Here sibi would be used, if the writer wished to refer the words to Lysias, saying, " read this, if you think tvell :" but the demonstr. ' ei' is used, as the pronoun which Cicero himself would naturally employ to denote the person meant. — Z. § 550. 1 In postulat—nt—tradaf, the pres. subj. denotes that the action expressed by tradat is to be quickly performed. 128 QUESTIONS ON lar ? — 9. What kind of fighting does dimicare express ? [Dud. pugnare.^ EXERCISE. Darius, having prepared a fleet of five hundred ships, gave the command of it to Datis and Artaphernes. — A fleet of fiYG hundred ships, the command of which the king had given to Datis and Artaphernes, sailed to Eu- bcea. — Let us send couriers to Lacedaemon, to announce what speedy succor we have need of. [Express it both in C. Nepos's way, and in the more usual way.) — Milti- ades, above all others, labored [to persuade them] to risk a general engagement. — I do not doubt that the spirits of the soldiers will be raised, when they march against the enemy. — We must give battle to the Persians at the first possible moment. Ch. V. [1] 1. Is there any diflference between hoc tempore, and hoc in tempore? — 2. To what Greek word does tempus here answer ? — 3. Account for ea in ca misit. — 4. What is this mode of construction called 1 — 5. Parse mille in mille militum. — What does Bremi say of mills as here used ? [2] 1. Does the perf. subj. ever follow the perfect indicative, when that tense is not equivalent to the perf. definite (perfect with have)? — 2. Is this construction a favorite one with C. Nep. ? — -3. What is the force of the perf. subj. so used instead of imperf. subj. ? Ch. V. [1] 1. When 'in' is expressed with tempus, it denotes not merely the time, but a continuing state ; a time of difficulty, a critical time, or crisis. — Z. § 475, Note. 2. Kaip6g. 3. It refers to civitas implied by Platmenses = Platseensis civitas. 4. Syn6sis,^ or Synthesis. Comp. v. 2, 5 ; 3, 1 ; xiii. 2, 1 ; xxiii. 8, 4. 5. Mille is here a subst. Bremi thinks that as a subst. it im- plies that the number is comparatively a small one. Comp. hominum mille, xiv. 8, 3.— See Z. 116, Note. [2] 1. After a past tense a consequence (with ut) is often put in the perf. subj. instead of the imperf. subj. 2. Yes.*^ 3. The 1 aivtaig, intellrgentia : the construction being correct, not according to the words actually used, but to the speaker's understanding, which tells him what ^ meant. c Haase examines this use of the perf. subj. in C. Nepos with great minute- ness. He thinks it may have arisen from the use of the perf. def. in the indie. to narrate something which appeared remarkable or interesting for present con. MILTIADES, CH, V. 129 [3] 1 . What mons bounds the plain of Marathon ? — 2. What is the usual meaning of e regionel — 3. How does Bremi construe it here ? what reasons does he give ? — 4. Does nova arte belong to instructcB erant or to commiserunt ? — 5. What was the nova ars ? — 6. What is the force of the nam que ? — 7. To what are et — et sometimes equivalent? [4] 1. What is the meaning of mquus here? and to what kind of sentences is this meaning of (squus nearly always confined ?^ — 2. To what compound of csquus is non (Bquus nearly equivalent? — 3. What is the name for a form that says less than might be said, and than is really meant ? [5] 1. What is remarkable in the sentence adeoque perterruerunt ? — 2. Explain the tenses profligarint — petie- perf. gives more prominence and independence to the consequence. According to Breml, quo factum est ut valeret would state his influence as a general lasting result ; ut valuer it confines it to the particular case.' Comp. profligarint, petierint, chap. 5. [5.] — See Z. § 504 and Note. [3] 1. A hill sacred to Pan. 2. * Opposite :* with genitive. 3. Bremi (improbably) construea jacie e r e g ione instructa, * having drawn up his army according to the nature of the gro un dj^ as (!) e regione = opposite to the enemyj would suppose an unnatural ellipse, and (2) the Athenians were drawn up before the Persians arrived. 4. Dahne and others join nova arte to instructed erant, not to commiserunt. 5. The fell- ing trees, and placing them in lines before their ranks. 6. It ex- plains the nova ars. 7. Et — et are often nearly equivalent to non solum — sed etiam ; the stronger statement being introduced by the second et. [4] 1. Favorable : a meaning which it generally has not, except in negative sentences. (B.) 2. Non aquum nearly iniquum. 3. Meiosis (fxciuxrig, a lessening). [5] 1. It is made a principal sentence instead of being stated (in Bubj. perf. dependent on ut) as a consequence of the tanto plus vir- sideration. So in Nepos it most frequently occurs where a result is not limited to the time of its cause, but has a wider sphere. He concludes, therefore, that the distinction which Bremi draws would be more correctly reversed. Except- ing the life of Atticus, the subj. perf. in the other lives occurs 35, and the subj. imperf. 73 times. The subj. perf. pass, but once, Arist. 1, 2,— the subj. perf. de- ponent 7 times. Reisig. Vorlesungen, Anm. 480. i Kriiger prefers GUnther's explanation : potius dixerim, ubi de re prajterita agatur, perfectum subjunclivi magis cventum factt spectare; imi>erfectum men- tern et consilium agentis. * A comparison is implied : non (equum suis, ' vol fair for his men;* i. e. not as favorable for them as for their opponents. 130 QUESTIONS ON rint ([2] 1. 3). — 3. Give the derivation of adhuc. — 4. Dis- tinguish, between adhuc and hactenus : — 5. Between pro- jiigare and prosternere. — 6. 'Give the meaning of opes. Which of these meanings has the word here ? EXERCISE. [The number of] twelve thousand armed men was made up, a body which [1] routed a threefold number of the Scythians. — At this crisis the Lacedaemonians did not assist the Athenians. — The consequence of which was [2] that never did so small a body burn with so wonderful a desire of fighting. — The Athenians, by the advice of Miltiades, join battle [with the Persians.] — The next day the Athenians draw out their army op- posite [that] of the Persians at the foot of the hill. — Miltiades, though he saw the number of his men very small, yet, relying on the valor of the Athenians, was desirous of engaging. Oh. VI. [1] 1. What case is victori(B, and how governed? — 2. How must cujus be construed? — 3. What may be supposed understood after alienum ? — 4. What is natura here ? [2] 1. Populi nostri honor es : is populi here the subjective [active) genitive : honors which the people be- stowed ? or the objective (passive) genitive : honors which were bestowed upon them 1 — 2. To what is effusi opposed ? lute valuerunt. 3. Ad-hoc^ (sc. tempus) ' up to this time :* i. e. the time of Cornelius's wrilhig. 4. Adhuc is used principally of time : hactenus of s p a c e. 5. Projligare to ' rout^ them, so that they cannot form again, or offer any further resistance : pro- sternere is stronger (lit. to strike them to the earth, so that they can- not recover), to ^ crush/ to ^defeat utterly.* 6. Opes are the outward means and instruments of obtaining an object, riches, power ; and in war, troops, allies, resources, &c. Ch. VI. [1] 1. Gen. after p-C)A, potentia.'] — 4. Explain autem in omnes autem — dicuntur tyranni. [4] 1. What is the common reading instead of com- munitas? — 2. To what Greek word does communitas Ch. VIII. [1] 1. * On a charge of misconduct in the affair of Paros.^ 2. An accusation made, whether well-founded or not : — a charge. 3. When they refer to a point of time which is not the time at which the person is speaking. An accusative often is, and always may be, expressed : e. g. here : ante damnationem Mil- tiadis. 4. It lasted, with intervals, from 560 — 528 B.C. The condemnation of Miltiades was 489 B.C. [2] 1. Pr. Int. Diff. 67. 2. S(Bpe would imply nothing more than repetition / frequency of occurrence : multum implies quantity, extent^ &lc. as well as frequency. [3] 1. Bremi joins it to hahitarat ; Dahne to dominationem. 4. It is here explanatory. See Hand's remark, p. 75, note 2. [4] 1. Comitas. 2. Koivdrm (Xen. Anab. 1, 1, 21.) THEMISTOCLES, CH. I. 135 correspond? — 3. What is Bremi's object ion to commw- nitas ? — 4. Distinguish between comis and communis. EXERCISE. He did not obtain this power ^ by violence. — Miltia- des, accused on the charge [of misconduct in the affair] of Paros, was thrown into prison [Ch. VII. end). — It did not seem that Aristides could be drawn to the desire of chief command. — They are happy who enjoy liberty. — No one is so humble as not to have access to Mil- tiades. II. THEMISTOCLES. Ch. I. [1] 1. What was the name of Themisto- cles's father? — 2. Explain, then, the gen. Neoch. — 3 How does Bremi account for this ending? — 4. What must ?iot be inferred from a gen. in i? — 5. What should be observed in hujus vitia ineuntis adolescenticB? — 6. J)'isiing\ii^h.hei'WQQn puer, adolescens,juvenis. (Dud. 3. That, though communis is used for condescending, affable, the subst. communitas is not found in this sense. It is however probable (from the use of communis and of the Greek Koivdrriq) that it was so used, though no instance of it but this is found in existing writings. 4. Comis is the person who, from a gentle, amiable character, is obliging and courteous to all. Communis is the person who, from whatever motive, is affable to inferiors, treating them as equals. Ch. I. [1] 1. Neocles. 2. Proper names in c« (especially those in cles) often take the gen. in i, in writers of the golden age^ 3. He supposes it to have arisen from i for ei in the gen. of words in eus : e. g. Achillcw«, Achillef, Achilh". 4. That the nom. may be us : e. g. that from Neocli we may infer a nom. Neoclus. 5. The position of the two genitives hujus and adolescenticB, which depend on the same substantive in different relations. P. I. ii. 28. 1 Potentia or potestas ? See FOd. potentia. a e. g. in Nep. Pericli, Alcib. i., 1. in many MSS, Jlndocidi, Alcib. 3, 2. — and also from other endings, Pohjmni (from Polymnis), Epam. 1, 1. Coti (from Cotys), Iph. 3, 4. So in critically correct editions are found Isoerati, Timarchidi, Theophani, Aristoteli, Praxiteli, even Herculi : with many others from cles; also in the names of barbarians, Mithridati^ .driobarzani, Hystaspi, Xerxi. Cic even prefers the gen. i (Z. § 61, 1.) 136 QUESTIONS ON puer.) — 7. Explain the use of the present subj. antefe- ratur^ putentur after the perf. emendata sunt, [2] 1. Distinguish between ordiri, inchoare, incipere. To whatisorc^m opposed? (Dod. incipere.) — 2. Explain generosus. — 3. From whom is he said to have been de- scended ? — 4. What preposition expresses * of^ after nasci, gigni = to be born ? — 5. What preposition (if any) do these verbs take in the sense of being descended from ? — 6. Does the partcp. natus in genealogies generally take a preposition or not ? — 7. Distinguish between pro- hatus alicui and probatus ab aliquo. — 8. Explain liberius. — 9. Does negligenSj when spoken of property, denote carelessness only ? — 10. What is the opp. of iiegUgens in this sense ? [3] 1. Explain frangere in non f regit eum. — 2. What kind of activity is industria ? to what is it opposed ? (Dod. opera.) — 3. What is the Lat. for, Ho give oneself up to any thing?' — 4. Does Cic. ever use totum se de^ dere alicui rei ? — 5. YiX^ldJin judicia privata. — 6. Ex- plain prodire in concionerr^ populi ; and distinguish it from 7. It implies a continued consequence — lasting from the time spoken of to the time of the narrator. D. [2] 2. ' Of noble birth :' from genus. 3. From Lycomedes. 4. Ex : seldom ' a.' 5. * a' — but they are often followed by the abl. without a preposition. 6. It is generally followed by abl. without a preposition. Z. § 451. " 7. In probatus alicui, prohatus is used adjectively, and expresses general or habitual appro- bation of his conduct : probatus ab aliquo would only express appro- bation of a. single action, or particular.^ 8. It is used as equivalent to liberius j u sto : to be Englished by * too.^ 9. It expresses carelessness or indifference in money matters : but implies more ; prodigality, expensive habits, the fruit of such carelessness. 10. Diligens ^saving,' * frugal.' So patre usus est diligente, indulgente. xxv. 1, 2. [3] 1. jPm/zg-erc, to dishearten. It is opposed to eng-cre, as here, in Just. 22, 6, 7. Hac victoria et Siculorum animi eriguntur, et Poenorumfranguntur. 3. Either se eZare or (as here) «e dedere alicui rei, the latter expressing more strongly a total surrender of oneself. 4. Yes : e. g. se totos libidinibus dedidissent. Tusc. 1, 30. 5. Causes tried by arbiters in private houses. 6. To come forward in a public character = to address the popular assembly. Jre in concionem is merely to attend it as a listener, or mere voter, without taking any more active part in its deliberations. 1 Probatus (adj.) is opposed to minus probatus. 3 GrjEC. ?rap/px£o-0at els rbv Srjuov. THEMISTOCLES, CH. li. 13Y ire in concionem. — 7. Why are the imperfects prodibat, gerebatur used ? — 8. Distinguish between invenire and reperire, [D jd. invenire.^ [4] 1 . What should be observed in non minus in rebus gerendis promtus quam excogitandis ? — 2. Give the deri- vation of caZZic?w5'. — 3. Give Cicero's explanation of the word. — 4. What does this passage show with respect to calliditas ? EXERCISE. The disgrace of this [man's] early manhood' was blot- ted out by his very great exertions.^ — I doubt not that he will give himself up entirely to literature.^ — His mother was of a noble family. — Themistocles, having squander- ed his fortune, was disinherited by his father. — Nor did he judge less accurately of [what] was present than he conjectured ably of [what was still] future. — Themisto- cles is going to appear [as an orator] before th6 assem- bly of the people. — Themistocles, having blotted-out that disgrace by the greatest exertions,* became distinguished in a short time. Oh. II. [1] 1. Explain autem. [Milt. 4, 1.] — 2. Exj)lain capessere rempublicam. — 3. What other phrase [4] 1. The omission of the prepos. * irC before excogitandis, where, the notions being opposed to each other, we might rather have ex- pected its insertion. 2. Callus : that hom-like tiardness of skin, which long-continued manual labor produces on the palm of the hand, just below the fingers, &c. — Hence calliditas is " the ac- quired knowledge of the world and of men gained by experience and practice." (Dod.) 3. Versutos eos appello, quorum celeriter mens versatur : call i d o s autem, quorum tamquam manus opere, sic animus usu concalluit. (de N. D. 3, 10, 25.) 4. That it does not necessarily imply long experience, Themistocles being very young. An acute mind and sound judgment learns its lessons of practical wisdom in a comparatively short time: experience cannot teach, without intellectual power, to infer the general princi- ple from insulated facts. Ch. II. [1] 2. To hold one's first public command or magiS' tracy ; or to appear for the first time as an orator befsre the people j for the purpose of speaking on political questions*. 3. accedere * Say : ' this [man's] disgrace of his early-manhood.' 3 Tndustria. Sing. 3 JJtierce. 4 This applies to Greeks only: of a Roman, the phrase generally means to hold the quaestorship, as the lowest of the great offices of state. B. 12* 138 QUESTIONS ON is equivalent to capessere rempuhlicam ? — 4. Distinguish between respuhlica and civitas. — 5. Distinguish between hello CorcyrcBo and in hello Core. — 6. Explain prcBtor. [Milt. 4, 4.] — 7. Is ferocitas always used of the ' wild courage of which barbarians and wild beasts are capable V [2] 1. Explain TTie^a/Za. — 2. What mines are meant ? — 3 . By largitione magistratuum are we to understand bribes that the magistrates received ? or bribes that they gave ? [3] 1. Explain frangere in CorcyrcBos fregit. — 2. Would maritimis prcBdonihus consectandis be correct? [Pract. Introd. p. 118, note*'.] — 3. By what one Eng- lish word can maritimi prcedones be construed ? — 4. What meanings have frequentatives in are, ari ? [See question on adventare i. 7, 4.] — 5. Explain ornare. — 6. Explain in quo. — 7. By what kind of sentence might in with the abl. of time be resolved ? [4] 1 . What is the usual form for hy sea and land ? — 2. What other forms occur? [5] 1. Explain naves longcB. — 2. Why were they so called ? — 3. With how many banks of oars were naves ad rempuhlicam. 4. Respuhlica relates more to the laws^ affairs^ administration^ &c., of the state : civitas to the state as a body ; a community. 5. The abl. without ' t/i' denotes the time generally : with ' in' it denotes the time considered as made up of all its parts : so that in hell. Core, would mean during^ throughout the war with the Corcyreans. 7. Even when used in a good sense, it implies something of fierceness : of proud defiance of others. [2] 1. ' Mines:' as v. 1, 3. 2. The silver mines near Mount Laurium, from which each citizen received 10 drachmae a year, and the whole produce of which is said to have reached 100 talents a year. [3] 1. To depress OT dishearten ; drive to despair : op^.erigere. 5. To furnish or supply with whatever is necessary to put or keep^a person or thing in a good condition. 6. in quo (hello). * In the course of this war.^ See answer to [1] 5. of this Cp. 7. By an accessory sentence of time, introduced by quum, dum = while. [4] 1. Terra marique (as in Nep. de Reg.). 2. Terra ac mari (Cic. ad Att. 10, 4) : mari atque terra (Sail. Cat. 53, 2). [5) 1. Vessels of war. 2. From their shape ; being longer and narrower than ships of burden. 3. Three ; they were then called triremes : but hiremeSy quadriremeSj and quinqueremes were THEMISTOCLES, CH. II. 139 longcB generally built? — 4. What kind of vessels accom- panied a fleet of naves longcP., and for what purpose ? [6] 1. In a military sense what is petere aliqiiem ? — 2. How should dicerentur be construed 1 — 3. What affix do many interrogatives take ? — 4. What ace. might be supplied after miserunt? — 5. What part of speech is consultum? — 6. When is this part of speech used? — 7. In quidnam facerent de rebus suis, explain the force of de. — 8. What is the general meaning of facere de? — 9. What was the actual answer of the Pythia, as given by Herodotus? — 10. Respondit ut — so munirent : explain the use of ut here. [7] 1. Why is valeret in the subjunct. ? [Pract. Intr. i. 109.] — 2. What is the meaning of id responsum quo valeret? — 3. What part of speech is quo ? — 4. Give an instance of this meaning. — 5. Persuasit consilium esse: — when is persuadeo followed by the ace. with the inf.? when by ut? — 6. Construe eum enim signijicari inurum ligneum, — 7. On what does signijicari depend ? [Milt, 1. [3,] 5.] — 8. Distinguish between muras, mo^nia, pa- also used. 4. Naves oneraricBy to carry the provisions of the fleet, &c. [6] 1. To aim at a person : or direct an attack ag^ainst him. 2. Impersonally : " it was said that the Athenians," &lc. [See Pr. Intr. DifF. 67.] 3. Pr. Intr. 398. 4. legatos : but inittere is often used absolutely, i. e. without an ace. expressed: as irfnireiv is in Greek, and to send in English. 7. Facere is used absolutely : and de = concerning ; with reference to. 8. De after facere is generally to be construed by with. — Z. § 491. 9. Tclx'^^ TpiToytvci ^v\ivov Si6o7 clpvoira Zevg yLOvvov airdpQriTov rcXideiv, rd ai rtKva t dvi^aei. 10. The oracle was given for the purpose of being followed : respondere therefore involves the notion of advising to do the thing recommended ; and therefore is followed by ut, like verbs of advising, persuading, ^c. [7] 2. ' What the meaning of that answer was.^ 3. An adv. of place : quo valeret being literally * in what direction it had its force. ^ 4. See below, 4, 4 ; also Cic. de Nat. Deor. 3, 2, 5. • — cohortahatur, ut meminissem, me et Cottam esse, et pontificem. Quod eo, credo, valebat (= the meaning of which was, I imagine,) ut opiniones, quas a majorihus accepimus de Diis immortalibus, sacra, ccBrimonias, religionesque defenderem.' 5. With per- suade = to convince anybody, it takes ace. with inf. ; with to per- suade to do any thing, ut with subj. 6. * For that this was the 140 QUESTIONS ON ries, maceria, [D. Murtis.l — 9. Give the derivation of mcBnia. [8] 1 . Has tali more force here than hoc would have ? — 2. Has it ever a depreciating meaning ? — 3. Give in- stances of its being used by Nep. with no intimation of either approbation or disapprobation. — 4. Go through Sa- lamis, TroRzen. — 5. What conjectural reading is there for ac sacra procuranda ? — 6. What was the name of the Athenian citadel, or Acropolis ? — 7. Explain sacra. EXERCISE. I don't doubt but the state will be rendered more proudly-fierce, not only in the present war, but also ever afterwards. Having built such a fleet as no one [ever] had, either before or after, he waged war against the whole of Europe. The Pythia answered them, when they consulted (partic.) [the oracle], that they should build a fleet of three hundred ships. The meaning of that oracle wa^ that they should defend themselves by their ships : for that was the wooden wall which the god meant. EXERCISE. Alexander is going towage war against all Asia, both by sea and land. Who persuaded Xerxes to attack the whole of Europe ? He has such an army as nobody wooden wall meant :' as if it were, eum enim esse murum ligneum, qui signijicarctur. 9. From munire. [8] * 1. Yes : like Toiovrog, it here and elsewhere implies praise ; * this admirable,^ or ' ezcellenV (advice). 2, 3. It sometimes has a depreciating force : e. g. pro tali facinore. It points out the thing stated emphatically, and calls attention to it, whether for the purpose of exciting approhalion or disapprobation : e. g. v. 2, 1. x. 8, 3. 5. Ad sacra procuranda [B. D.] the arcern and sacra being so far separated as to make it somewhat improbable that they are notions connecteJi by ' and^ (E ^ and as Nep. afterwards says, nul- lis defendentihus, it is probable that he would here mark that the purpose was not defence, but the continuance of the religious rites. It is true indeed, historically, that the Persians had difficulty in taking the Acropolis : but tliis fact Nep. does not notice, but asserts generally that they took the city nullis defendentibus, interfectis sacerdotibi^ s, quos in arce invcnerant, 4, 1. 6. Cecropia^ from Cecrops. 7. Like the Greek hpd it signifies all that relates to divine worship ; but here, especially, the sacrifices offered to Mi- nerva on the Acropolis. THEMISTOCLES, CH. III. 141 ever had before. Are not the Athenians the principal object of attack ? It is said that the Athenians are the principal object of attack. He persuaded the Athenians to send to Delphi, to inquire [of the oracle] what they should do. He persuaded the people to build a fleet of two hundred ships. He persuaded the people that a fleet of two hundred ships was building. Ch. HI. [1] 1. Explain the diflference between ^erra and in terra. — 2. By what is placet in the sense of de- claring an opinion^ determination, <^c. followed ? — 3. Why does giii take the subj . in qui occuparent ? — and how are these words to be construed ? — 4. Can you assign any reason for the use of que rather than et in longiusque bar- baros progredi, dfc. ? — 5. What is there peculiar in : eoque loco — interierunt ? — 6. Give an instance of this from Nep. — 7. With what limitation must the o nines inte- rierunt be understood ? — 8. Distinguish in a general way between at, sed, verum, or vera, and autem. Ch. III. [1] 1. The prep, is expressed (according to Dahiie) when what is said to be done ' hy land,^ &,c. takes up some consider- able time. Thus, v. 2, 3, pari fortuna in terra usus est. But ter- ra projicisci, pergcre,^ &c. 2. By the infin. act. or pass, or by ut with subj.'' 4. It prevents the occurrence of three trisylla- bles, each with the accent on the first syllable, which would have been very monotonous: longius bdrbaros progredi. But the que would very probably have been chosen from other considerations: e. g. as adding a more specific statement to a more general one. [Pr. Intr. ii. 239. J 5. Et, que, ac have often an adversative force after a negative sentence : that is, are often used where we use but. [Pr. Intr. ii. 233, 241.] 6. Non putahant — suspicionibus oportere judicnri, et exspectandum dum se ipsa res aperiret, iv. 3, 7.' 7. Only of the 300 Spartans and 700 Thespians. 8. At has an adversative, sed a coiTective or limiting force ; verum or vero 1 This explanation is very doubtful. Hand says, the preposition is omitted in certiin usu-.il forrnules, but when there is no such formula it is expressed. He condemns the opinion of Herzog and others, that the abl. alone, as a casus localis, denotes 'a wider extension unconfined by any definite limits,' (Herz. ad Cais. B. C.) Hand's words are : Quaedam nomma iri formulam composita sim- plici ablativo ponuntur, quae extra formulnm requirunt praepositionem : veiuti dicitur terra vmrique sed in terra, (iii. p. 240.) 2 The following are instances of ut with subj., his placuit, ut tu in Cumanum venires (C ad Div. 4, 2.) ; quamabrem placuit ei, ut ad Ariovistum legatos mit- teret. &c. (Cces. B. G. 1, 34.) So with visum est : visum est, ut te facerem cer- tioreui. C. ad Div. 8, 5, 2. * So V. 1, 4. Elpinlce nepavit se passuram Miltiadis progeniem in vinculis publicis interire, — «eque CalliiB nupturam, &c So xviii. 6, 2 : xx. 2, 2 ; xxv. Sf 4: 10,4. 142 QUESTIONS ON [3] 1 . What expressions are there for fighting a drawn battle besides pari proRlio discedere ? — 2. Give the deriva- tion of anceps. — 3. Are all words in ceps derived from caput ? — 4. Is there any difference of declension between words in ceps from caput, and words in ceps from capio ? — 5. Go through prceceps (headlong) ; auceps ( = avi- ceps, bird-taker, fowler) ; particeps (sharer) ; triceps (three-headed). — 6. What is superare in : si pars navium — EuhcBam super asset ? — 7. In [3] what negligence is Nep. guilty of? — 8. Give similar instances from him and other writers. [4] 1. How do you construe quo factum est, ut . . , 1 — 2. Distinguish between discedere and decedere. — 3. What is exadversum Athenas ? — 4. Does any other form of the word occur ? — 5. Does Nep. ever use exadversus? affirms the truth or importance of an assertion ; autem carries on a train of thought already begun. Pr. Intr. ii. 461. [3] 1. JEquo Marte (L.) ; pari Marie {Curt.) ; (Bqua manu (Salt.)', (cquis manibus (Tac.) 2. An-caput : an being the Greek an(pi : hence anceps is properly having a head on each side ; or (some say) having heads all round. 3. No : some are from capio. 4. Yes: those from caput make gen. cipitis ; those from capio have G. cipis. 6. Superare sc. navigando ; to get above or beyond it : used especially of doubling a cape {superare promon- torium), and crossing a mountain. 7. The occurrence of per i- culum — periculo so near to each other. 8. So mitteretur — miserunt, Ale. 10, l.exissent — exierunt, Pel. 2, 5. Even Cic. atque ea sic dejiniunt, ut, rectum quod sit, id perfectum ojficium esse dejiniant. De Off. 1, 3. [4] 2. Dis being ' apart^ discedere is to go away from one another, of two or more parties, and ' to go to a place d iffe r- ent and r emote from that where one was before ;' in discedere the reference is more to the place to which the person goes: in decedere to thai frotn which he goes. Hence decedere is the regular word for quitting what one before occupied or possessed : e. g. for a govern- or's leaving his province ;^ for quitting a place of residence where one would wish to stay ; also, for giving up a right, a possession, ^c. which one should or might have maintained. 4. Yes : exadver- sus. Ara enim Aio Loquenti, qiiam septum videmus, exadver- sus eum locum consecrata est. C. de Divin. 1, 45, 101 ; where one MS. reads exadversum. 5. This form is found in Thras. 2, 7 : in secundo proello cecidit Critias, quum quidem exadversus 1 Ex Asifi Sulla decedens. J^Tep. xxv. 4, 1. decrevere, — uti (legati) in dielms proxumis decern Italia decederent {S.) ; de suis bonis omnibus decedere (C.) ; decessUqtie jure suo {L.) Bui discedere ab aruiis : discedere viclum : discedere ID seulentiam, &c. Kritz ad Jug. xx. 1. Numidae in duas partes discedunt {S.) THEMISTOCLES, CHAP. IV. 143 — 6. Does it always take the ace. ? — 7. What other word is there for opposite to ? EXERCISE. There is [some] danger, that his plan will not be ac- ceptable to the Lacedaemonians. There is some danger that they will not successfully resist the force of the Persians. The consequence was, that these [troops] did not withstand the force of the Persians, but all perished on the spot. I will not suffer you to advance further. It is something to have fought a drawn battle. Being pressed by a twofold danger, he did not dare to advance further. If part of our adversaries' fleet doubles the Cape, we shall be pressed by a twofold danger. They did not dare to remain where they were, hut decided that the fleet should be drawn up opposite to Athens. Ch. IV. [1] 1. What is the meaning of astu? — 2. What is the construction of acccdere, * to approach,' * to go to' ? — 3. Distinguish between interficere and occidere. — 4. Which of the two denotes a sanguinary death- blow ? — 5. Which is the usual and general term for put- ting to death ? — 6. What was the arx of Athens called ? — 7. What is the derivation of Acropolis ? Thrasyhulum fortissime pugnaret: but pugnare exadversus ali- quem can hardly be Latin. Lambinus and others read adversus. 6. No : sometimes the dat. and it is often used adverbially without a case. Ter. Ph. 1,2,38: exadversum ei loco tonstrina erat qu The Germans say stehenden Fusses, 'on standing foot.' ' Zuuipt and Hand b»)th say we should read ingratia. The latter sayii tmnibus in locis meliores libri scripturam ingrati s covfirmant (iii. 378.) * singiUi. 13 146 QUESTIONS ON Ch. V. [1] 1. Does crdem agree with gradu? — Explain gradu depelli. — 2. Give a similar phrase. — 3. What is the force of de in such compounds 1 — 4. Dis- tinguish between rursus and iterum. — 5. Why is the present particip. verens followed by the imperf. subj. ? — 6. Explain id agi. — 7. What words are used for breaking down a bridge ? and why is dissolvere here chosen ? — 8. What is the Lat. for ' to make a bridge over a river?'' — 9. What is there remarkable in ; id agi ut pons — dissolvere- tur, ac — excluderetur? — 10. Can you give any other in- stances of this negligence from C. Nep. ? — 11. What is the Eng. of persuadere alicui aliquid? — 12. Reditus in Asiam. What kind of substantives are not uncommonly followed by another substantive with a preposition ? [2] 1. How are qua —eadem used here? [Milt. 3, [1], 2.] — 2. Is there any thing remarkable in reversus est? [3] 1 . What is the construction of hcBC altera victo- ria? — 2. Why is altera used, not secunda ?-^-3 , Explain Ch. V. [1] 1. No. — Gradus is the position assumed by a com- batant, his vantage-ground : gradu depelli is ' to be driven from a favorable position ;' i. e. to be ' deprived of an advantage.' 2. De gradu dejici : as in Cic. de Off. 1, 23, fortis vero animi et con- stantis est, non perturbari in rebus asperis, nee tumultuantem de gradu dejici, ut dicitur. 3. To drive or cast down, i. e. from an elevation, real or figurative. So spe or opinione dejicere. 4. Dod. iterum. Pr. Intr. ii. 624, &c. 5. Because verens is referred to pas< i/77ie, being connected with /eci^ 6. ^uxiev^Wy that this was doing = ' that it was now proposed' or * intended.^ 7. Pontem rescindere, interrumpere: — dissolvere is here used, because the bridge over the Hellespont was made of boats, and therefore must be destroyed by disconnecting these boats. 9. That the subject is changed, {Xerxes being tlie nom. to excludere- tur) and yet not expressed '. 10. Yes : in 9, 3, of this very Life, ut pons — dissolveretur aique ab hostibus circumiretur : so xx. 1, 3 Nam qumn f rater ejus Timophanes — occupasset, particepsque regni posset esse (i. e. Timoleon). 12. Verbal substantives, as aditus ad portum : reditus in patriam, ^c. See Pr. Intr. ii. p. 271, e. [2] 2. The perf. is generally reverti in authors who wrote before the Augustan age : though they use revertor and (infin.) reverti. See Z. § 209, in fin. [3] 1. Supply est. 3. The trophy, i. e. the result of the vie- I So Liv. 23, 18, 9, donee pudov—avertit castrisgue communitis Capuam eon- %$S8it (sc. Hannibal) THEMISTOCLES, CH. VI. 147 Marathonium tropcBum ; and give an instance of a similar use of tropcEum. — 4. Why is possit in the subj. ? — 5. Why are Marathonio — tropcEo separated ? — 6. What is there pecvdiar in maxima post hominum memoriam classis ? — 7. What is the force of de in devincere ? [Milt. 2, [2], 5.] EXERCISE. I fear that this victory cannot be compared with the victory of Salamis. (Partic.) If the bridge which Xerxes has made' over the Hellespont, is destroyed, he will be prevented from returning into Asia. I fear that I shall not convince Xerxes that this is so. I fear that Asia will succmnb to Europe. I fear that I shall again be driven from my vantage-ground by Themistoclies. Xerxes was defeated at Salamis. Fearing that he may continue to wage war, I shall inform him that it is proposed to destroy the bridge. Ch. VI. [1] 1. Distinguish between P^rtZcncM^ and Phalerciis. — 2. What does Cicero say o( Pirceeus or PircB- as? — I^. What were the names of the three basins of the Pi- ra?eus ? — 4. Translate * to surround the PircBus with walls'* m two ways, using circumdare. — 5. What does dignitas here tory, is here put for the victory itself. So Cic. Tusc. Disp. 1, 46 Salamimum trop 2 Putare. 13* 150 QUESTIONS ON tained great" glory^ amongst all nations.^ Themistocles directed them to spare no place, hut [5, 8] to build the walls of chapels and tombstones. Ch. VII. [1] 1. "What is the force of autem Yiexe 1 [Milt. 4, [1], 1.] — 2. What tense is venit ? — 3. What similar expression have we had to causam interponens ? [Milt. 4, [1], 3.] — 4. Construe ducere tewpus. What ' time' is meant ? and what other verb is used in the same sense ? [2] 1. What is Doderlein's distinction between w- terim and interea ? Does it always hold good ? [Ch. 6, [5], 5.] — 2. What is probably the force of con in con- secuti? — 3. What do substantives in to mean? — 4. What is munitio here ? — 5. What is the derivation of Ephorus? State the number and power of the Ephori. — 6. What is accedere or adire ad aliquem? — 7. What is contendere? — 8. Who are meant by his ? — what would be the usual pronoun? — 9. Is (Bquum est always followed by the ace. with infin. ? if not, what other construction is there ? [Pr. Intr. ii. 818.] — 10. Why is haberetur in the subj. ? — 11. Distinguish between Jidem habere and fidem ad- Chap. VII. [1] 4. ' To put off the time .•' properly * to draw out (or lengthen) the time before he did it :' i. e. the time of his public audience. So tempus trahere: Sail, and Auct. B. Alex. Caes. {B. 6r. 1, 16, 4) has diem ex die ducere. [2] 2. That they not only followed, but also came up , to and joined him. It may be construed either by the simple ^followed,'' or by ' arrived,' it being understood that it was after him. 3, 4.« Properly the act, but also the effect of that act : e. g. munitio is either ' the act of fortifying' or ^fortification.' 5. {(popav. See Keightley's Greece : — or Ditjjt. of Gr. and Rom. Antiqq. 408, b. 6. To ' have an audience of'^ 7. To assert with vehemence and positiveness. 8. His is here used for ipsis, to denote the LaccdcBmonians^. 9. Sometimes by ut. Z. § 623. 10. In obliq. narration: also perhaps by Pr. Intr. i. 476. (end.) 11. 1 **' means that the word so marked should stand last: 'a' that it should stand first: '«' that an adjective and substantive so marked should be separated. 2 Hie is a favorite pron. with Corn. Nep. ; he uses it for the reflexive sui in several passages, xxiii. 7, 2, qiiod cum his pacem fecissent : 9, 4, ne ille inscien- tibus his tollerct : 10, 6, magno his pollicetur prcBmio fore. e In this sense the preposition is usually omitted. Freund, and Kriiger, Lat Gram. 305, Anmerk. 2, p. 411. K., therefore, thinks adirc ad mafristratus in this chapter [1] was necessary to avoid the figurative moaning of adire aliquem. THEMISTOCLES, CH. VII. 151 hihere. — 12. Why eocplorarent 1 — 13. Why retinerent? [Pr. Intr. i. 460, (c), 3.] [3] 1. Construe gerere morem alicui. — 2. What verb of commanding does not, as a general rule, take ut ? [Pr. Intr. i. 76.] — 3. What does prcsdixit mean here ? — 4. What Greek verbs are used in the same way ? — 5. When is ut ne used for ne ? [Pr. Intr. i. note* p. 38. This is the only instance in Nep.] [4] 1. Distinguish between j9rq^^m and conjiteri. — 2. Distinguish between dii publici, patrii, penates. — 3. Why is quod possent, (fee. in subj. ? [5] 1. Why is esse in the infin. ? — 2. How must it be construed? [Pr. Intr. i. 460, (c), 1.] — 3. Is there any thing peculiar in oppositum? — 4. What is the Lat. for ^to suffer shipwreck?^ — 5. What is there peculiar in fecisse naufragium^ ? — 6. Are there any other ex- amples of this in Nep. 1 — 7. How had the Persians twice suffered shipwreck in collisions with Athens ? Fidem habere alicui is * to trust or believe him :* fidem adhibere is * to shoiD all good fidelity' in a work *. 12. Qui = ut illi. [3] 1. Mos is a person's will or humor : morem gerere alicui is, * to gratify a person by doing his will :' * to comply with a man's wishes :' ' grant his request,' &-C. 3. To tell a man (of course beforehand) what he is to do : to charge hira. Hence it takes ut with subj., like other verbs of commanding. 4. 7rpo£«n-«v and TtpoayoQtvtiv. [4] 1. Dod.fateri, 2. Pm&Z. the national gods of Greece: patrii those of Attica : pen. each man's household gods. 3. In oblique narr. as an assertion and opinion of Themistocles, * which (he maintained) they might lawfully do,' <^c. [5] 3. It agrees with the apposition propugnaculum instead of the subst. urbem. This is very common when the apposition is the stronger notion. 5. One should expect fecisset, the sentence being a subordinate sentence in oblique narration. Sometimes, how- ever, the inf. is found, especially where a relative may be resolved mto a conjunction with the demonstrative (as apudquam = et apud hanc), so that the sentence becomes virtually a principal sentence, connected co-ordinately with the preceding one. This is an imita- tion of the Greek construction. Z. § 603, (c). 6. Yes: Ale. 11, 6, quibus rebus effecisse : Dat. 5, 4, quo fieri. 7. At Marathon and Salamis : * suffering shipwreck' being a figurative expression for being worsted : and though Marathon was not a sea-fight, yet it » Hence qxdhus fides adhiheretur cannot be the right reading here. • Facere naufragium is, of course, a figurative expression here for being worsted in a seu- fight. 152 QUESTIONS ON [6] 1. Why is qui — intuerentur subyl — 2. Oi' potius and magis, which denotes quantity (or degree of inten-^ sity), and which preference or selection ? [Pr. Intr. ii. 437, 9.] — 3. What is intueri? — 4. What would remit- terent be in direct narration ? [Pr. Intr. i. 460, (r), 3.] — 5. Why is miser ant in the indie, though it is a sub- ordinate sentence in oblique narration ? EXERCISE. He told the ambassadors, not to demand an audience of the king, till he had set out. He told them to spin out the time as much as possible. He told them not to comply with their request, till he was restored to his country. Send good and distinguished men, [men] whose report you would believe, to inquire into the matter : in the meanwhile retain me as your hostage. I fear that we shall again suffer shipwreck before your city. Themistocles stoutly-maintained before the Ephori, that the ambassadors were not to be trusted. — IXJ^ ^^^^ the speech of Themistocles from ' Athenienses suo con- silio' to the end of the chapter into direct narration. Ch. Vni. [1] 1. What were the testarum suffra- gia? — 2. Explain the nature of ostracism. — 3. What is the deriv. and meaning of suffragium? — 4. Decline Ar- gos, caused the failure of that expedition in which the naval forces were all along co-operating with the land forces. — Classes, however, is inserted to complete the fig. consistently : it was the power of Persia that was shipwrecked. [6] 1. It gives the ground why the LacedaBmonians were unjust, and would therefore be in the subj. even in direct narration. 2. Magis, the former ; — potius, the latter. 3. * To have an eye to^ in one's conduct. 5. Pr. Intr. i. 466, h. See also Milt. 3, [4], 1, on iransportaverat. Ch. VIII. [1] 1. Ostracism, darpaKicuds. 2. See Keightley's Greece, p. 76 ; Grecian and Roman Antiqq. p. 135, a. 3. Sub- frangere : it is therefore a fragment, especially of pottery, a pot- sherd : and hence, from the custom of voting by such fragments (as sometimes with pebbles, xpfi iivrifi avidrjKE T66e. Ch. II. [1] 1. For the coasts of the Hellespont. [2] 1. Dod. cBquus (2). 2. It had before been mentioned that he was elated, elatus, by the victory at Platsea: chap. 1,3. His second success rendered him still more so. It might be explained by Pract. Intr. 408. 3. Complures denotes several, generally a good many, considered together as one body or party : like plerique it does not take a partitive genitive case s, Plures, on the other » Complures hostium is found, Hirt. B. G. 8, 48 PAUSANIAS, CH. II. 161) between plures and complures. — 4. What is the force of non-nulli? — 5. Why is redderet in the subjunctive ? [Pr. Intr. 483.] — 6. What is the force of the re in redderet? [3] 1. Why cognovit, and not cognoverat ? [Pr. Intr. 514.] — 2. In what construction does postquam generally take the piuperf. ? [Pr. Intr. p. 114, note s.] — 3. Dis- tinguish between affines, necessarii, and propinqui. — 4. Govern muneri. [Pr. Intr. 242, (3).] — 5. Give the two ways of expressing 'he wishes to be connected with you,' using cupere and conjungere. [Pr. Intr. 145. Z. § 610.] — 6. Why was it necessary to express the se in our passage ? — 7. Do verbs of wishing ever take ut instead of the ace. and inf. ? [Yes : Pract. Intr. ii. 819.] — 8. With which of such verbs is this common ? with which very rare ? — 9. Give an instance of cupere with ut, — 10. With which verb of wishing is Cic. fond of inserting the ace. of the personal pron. ? [Pr. Intr. 149 r.] [4] 1. Parse feceris. [Pr. Intr. i. 415.]— 2. How does this differ from the English idiom ? [Pr. Intr. i. 415,416: see note s.] — 3. Parse volueris. — 4. What is the usual pron. for * any^ after si? [Pr. Intr. 391.] — 5. Is si quisquam ever used 1 [Pr. Intr. i. 391, note w.] — 6. What does si quisquam mean? [Pr. Intr. i. 391, note w.] — 7. Is si aliquis ever used? [Pr. Intr. i. 391, Remark, p. 138.] — 8. Govern mittas. [Pr. Intr. 539, (1).] — 9. What is there peculiar m face? — 10. What does certus mediXi in certum hominem? — 11. What is hand, is comparative j with ref. to a smaller number. 4. Somef and not a very few : it is however less strong, as this passage shows, than complures. 6. Verbs compounded with re often denote a duty imposed upon a person ; the laying on him the obligation to do something. So reddere^ debitum. Regg. 1, 5. [3] 3. Dod. necessarius. 6. Because otherwise the conjungi might have been referred to the preceding accusative [eos\ quos ceperat. 8. Optare seldom takes the inf. : cupere hardly ever ut. — Z. § 613. Note. 9. Quod ego quidem nimis quam cupio, ut impetret. Plant. Capt. 1, 2, 17. [4] 9. The usual form is fac : face occurs in Piautus, Terence, &c. 10. Trustworthy. 1 Comp. renuntiare Ale. 10, 2; redigere Pel. 5, 1; referre Earn. 13, 1; r^fisc&re Caes. B. G. 5, 30, 2. 15 170 QUESTIONS ON Nepos's practice with respect to quocum and cum quo ? m\t. 1, [2], 7.] [5] 1 . What is the force of con or cum in col-laudat ? — 2. Explain ne cui rei parcat. [Pr. Intr. i. 80.] — 3. Is Dollicetur in the usual tense and mood for such a sen- tence as it is here placed in ? — 4. The words- si fece- rit, nullius rei a se repulsam laturum are in oblique nar- ration, to which Nepos has passed, as is often done, from the direct form. Turn them into direct narration, as Xerxes would use them. — 5. What tense is feceris here ? — 6. Now turn this into oblique narration : " Ae said that if he did this, he should meet with no refusal to any of his requests from himP — 7. Why then is fecerit used in Nep. ? [6] 1. To what is m quo facto equivalent? — 2. To what is quam equivalent ? — 3. What is the usual posi- tion of non with a participle and est? — 4. When should it stand before the participle 1 — 5. Give instances of its standing emphatically before the auxiliary verb at the end of a clause. EXERCISE. He answers, that if he drives the garrisons of the Greeks from the Hellespont, he will give him his daugh- [5] 1. Highly, much. 3. Since qucB pollicetur belong to Xerxes's message as related by Cornelius, it would be more usual to place the verb in the subjunctive S — the narration being oblique (Pr, Intr. 460) ; since, however, it was an historical fact that Pausa- nias did make these promises, the indicative may stand '. See Pr. Intr. 466, the last sentence : and compare Milt. 3, [4], 1. 4. [Id] si feceris, nullius rei a me repulsam feres. 5. Fut. perf. 6. Id si fecisset, nullius rei a se repulsam laturum. Pract. Intr. p. 163, b. Obs. 7. Instead of a past tense, he had used the his- torical present collaudat — petit : he therefore uses the perf. subj. instead of the pluperf. Compare also Pr Intr. 468, with the Remark. [6] 1. Dum ista facit or faciebat ; the prepos. denotes duration. Comp. Them. 2, [1]. 2. Et earn. 3. Before the est. 4. When there is another participle to which it is opposed: as, non deterritu s — sed concit atus est. 5. Conon, 1,3, accep- turos nonfuisse: Han. 12, 3, ausus non est; Milt. 2,5, ausi non sunt. 1 Comp. Cim. 1, A, si ea, gucs pollic eretur, prastitisset. « Compare Conon, 3, 3, delibera utrun colloqui malis, an per litteras agn^ qua CO git as PAXJSANIAS, CH. III. l7l ter in marriage. If you drive the Persians from Cyprus, I will send a trustworthy person to confer with you. If you do this, you will reduce Sparta and the rest of Greece under your power, by my assistance. The Ephori praise Pausanias highly, and beg him to spare no exertion (res) to drive the Persian garrisons out of Cyprus. If from meeting with equal success in this undertaking (res), you become still more elated, you will be recalled home. Miltiades was not acquitted. If Sparta and the rest of Greece is reduced under my power by your assistance, I promise that you shall not meet with a refusal from me in any thing [you may ask.] Ch. III. [I] 1. Observe the order in post non multo, where the general assertion that it was after what had been before asserted is limited by the non multo : give other examples of this order from Nep. — 2. Can you give any instance where the word or words marking how much, precede the post ? — 3. Can we con- ceive any callida ratio of disclosing his views ? — 4. Of apcrire and patefacere, one means to open that whose top was covered ; the other, to open that of which the sides were enclosed: which means to open an enclosed space ? — 5. Construe cogitata. — 6. What should be re- marked in the sentences non enim, &Lc. 1 — 7. What does cultus here mean ? [2] 1. Who were the qui aderant? — 2. Why is possent in the subjunctive ? — 3. Give an instance from Ch. III. [1] 1. Cim. 3, [4], post, neque ita multo. Alcib. II, I, qui post aliquanto natus. 2. Te\. 2, 4, neque ita multo post. 3. Yes : that of disclosing them gradually, and as he found persons inclined to receive them and support him ; draw- ing men on to commit themselves, so that they could neither recede nor advance without danger, and so on. 4. Dod. aperire. 5. * His plans' or ' views :' cogitare, to think about a thing, being often equivalent to planning it. 6. The distance of non from the solum, to which it belongs. 7. ' Mode of living :' it is very often joined to another word, eis here, and then denotes all that belongs to a person's mode of living, except what the added word denotes: hence here it includes his table, his tent, his furniture, his state, &c. [2] 1. His guests. 2. The verb is sometimes in the su? ' after quam with a comparative. 3. Quid ? tu, inquit, anin 172 QUESTIONS ON Nep. — 4. Give an example from Cicero. — 5. With what verbs does this principally occur ? — 6. What made his guests unable to bear the Persian luxury of his ban- quets ? [3] 1. What word might seem to be superfluous in aditum petentibus conveniendi non dahat ? — 2 . What is aditus ? — 3. Give an instance from Cicero. — 4. Parse Troade. — 5. In quum — turn which is the stronger no- tion ? [4] 1 . What tense do postquam, ut, ubi ( = * whenj * after') take ? [Pr. Intr. i. 514.]— 2. What was the scytala ? — 3. Explain more illorum. — 4. Why is reverter retur the subj. ? [Pr. Intr. i. 460, Z>.] — 5. Distinguish between reverti and redire. [5] 1. What does etiam turn mean? — 2. What are the two meanings of etiam turn? — 3. Give an instance si isto eraSf cur non inprcBlio cecidisti potius, qvam in poteS" tatem inimici v enires ? Eum. 11,4. And ; clarius exsplen- descebat, quam generosi condiscipuli — ferre possent. Att. 1, 3. 4. Postea, quidquid erat oneris in nautis remigibusque exi- gendiSf infrumento imperandOf Segestanis prcBter ceteros impone- bat, aliquanto amplius quam ferre possent. Verr. 4, 34. 5. With velle and posse, Zumpt, § 560. Note. 6. Their own moderate habits peculiarly unfitted them for bearing the extreme luxury of a Persian banquet [3] 1. Conveniendi. 2. (1) Entrance or admission to a person ; then (2) the permission, or right, of entrance ; then (3) a gen. of the ground was added to denote the purpose for which the admission was required. 3. Itaque si qui mihi erit aditus de tuis fortunis — agendi, ^c. Epp. ad Fam. 6, 10, 2. 4. As an adj. it would be fem., but it is here used substantively ( Troas sc. regie) and put in apposition with ager, as, flumen Garumna ; in camputn Marathona, ^c. 5. That introduced by turn = and also. [4] 2. A black stick ; the Ephori kept one, and gave another of exactly the same size to their Commander-in-chief. When they wished to send an order, they wound a thong round this stick, and wrote the order on it : no one could read this, till the letters were again brought properly together by being wound round a stick of the same size in the same way. 3. In the concise way called La^ conic, from its belonging peculiarly to the Lacedaemonians, Lacones, 5. Dod. reverti. [5] 1. * Even then,' that is, still. 2. The meaning of the words is not altered, but their reference. * As late £is that,' and, ua early as that.' 3. Etiam turn vita hominum sine cupi' PAUSANIAS, CH. III. 1*73 of its meaning * as late as that^ — 4. Explain regi. — 5 Was Pausanias a king ? — 6. What is neque equivalent to in neque eo magis ? [6] 1 . On what principle is genus hominum, quod riot(B vocatur, to be preferred to genus hominum, qui IlotcBvocantur? [Pr. Intr. i. 48, 49. Z. ^ 372.]— 2. Give an instance of genus, qui vocantur. [Milt. 4, [3].] — 3. What is the Greek form for Ilotcs 1 [E'Xojrai.] the Eng. ? [//eZo^^.]— [See Z. ^ 1. Note\ [7] 1. What is there peculiar in non putahant oportere ? — 2. Give an instance from Cic. — 3. What is there peculiar in the use of et with exspectandum ? — 4. Give instances. — 5. Can you produce an instance from Nep. ? — 6. Would se ipsam aperiret be here admissible ? EXERCISE. Pausanias answered more haughtily, and governed more cruelly, than the Lacedaemonians could endure. Pausanias not long afterwards withdrew to Colonse, which is a place in the Troas. It was written on the scytala, that unless he granted an audience to those who applied [for it,] they would throw him into prison. The- mistocles was of opinion that they should not wait, till Pausanias returned home. The Ephori cannot endure this, but sent ambassadors to him with the scytala. Any one of the Ephori may throw even one of their kings into prison. ditate agitahatur. Sail. Cat. 2. 4. It is equivalent to vel regi : * e V e n to one of their kings.' 5. No : he was guardian to his cousin Pleistarchus^ the sou of Leonidas, who commanded at Thermopylae. 6. Neque tamen, or vero. [7] 1. That with verbs of thinking, the * nof is prefixed to the verb rather than the infin. 2. N on censet lugendam esse mortem. De Senect. 20, 74. 3. When a negative and affirma- tive sentence are joined together in this way, ei, atque, or que are used, where we should use ' but* 4. Equidem illud ipsum non nimium probo e t tantum patior. C. de Fin. 2, 9, 27. Neque desideravit quemquam e t potius discessu nostro ItBtatus est (C). 5. Huic ille primum suasit, ne se moveret, e t exspeciaret quoad Alexandri jilius regnum adipisceretur. Eum. 6, 2. 6. No : for « c ipsam aperiret would be * to discover itself, rather than something else* 15* 1 74 QUESTIONS ON Ch. IV. [1] 1. Distinguish between interim and interea. [Them. 6, [5], 5.] — 2. How would ^ a letter to Artabazus* be generally expressed in Latin ? — 3. On what principle would the participle be used ? — 4. Are there no instances of epistola ad aliquem without a par- ticiple ? — 5. Is a * letter fr o m a person^ ever epistola or litter(B ah aliquo without a participle? — 6. What kind of substantives are more frequently modified by preposi- tions with their cases than others ? — 7. Give instances. — 8. What is the English of ei in suspicionem venit ? — 9. Give other instances, in which the Romans expressed the beginning of a state by a circumlocution with venire. — 10. What is the usual meaning of in suspicionem ve^ nire alicui, when the verb is used personally 1 — 1 1 . In what meaning is super used with the abl. ? — 12. With what kind of verbs is it so used? — 13. Give some in- stances. — 14. What part of speech is eoc?em.'' — 15. How were letters done up in Greece and Rome? — 16. What is the general Latin expression for opening a letter ? — Ch. IV. [1] 2. Epistola ad Artabazum scripta, data, missa, &c. 3. In Latin a substantive is not often modified by another substantive governed by a preposition^ 4. Yes : such examples are not rare ; Cic. de Off 1, 11, 37, senis est Marci quidem Catonis epistola ad filium; de Off. 2, 14, 48, exstant epistolcB Philippi adAlexandrum. 5. Yes : for instance, Liv. 23, 34, litter cr quoque ab H annih ale ad Philippum, which is just like our passage. 6. Verbal and other substantives expressing an action : e. g. those in io. 7. Deductio in agros ; via ad gloriam ; man- sio in vita ; fuga ah urhe ; defectio ab Romanis. 8. ' He sus- pected,^ ^ b e g an to suspect,^ ox * caine to suspect.^ 9. Milt. 7, [3], utrisque venit in opini onem signum a classiariis re- giis datum : so Att. 9, 6. 10. * To become suspected by any- body :' * to fall under his suspicion.' 11. Nearly in the sense of 6di. fades. ^ [2] 1. What ambiguity is there in qu(B -xaKxioixog vocatur? — 2. Prove that the temple was sometimes called p^aXxioixo^. — 3. To which does the qum probably refer ? — 4. Give your reasons for this. — 5. Distinguish between valv(B and fores. [3] 1. What is there unusual in didtur eo tempore matrem PausanicB vixisse? [Pr. Intr. 297.] — 2. With what forms is the impersonal construction ' very com- Ch. V. [1] 3. Qui eum admoneri cupiehat. 4. The expres- sion would be then more indefinite : it would assert that he wished him to be warned some how or other ; not, that he wished to warn him himself. 5. Yes: qui eum admonitum cupiehat 6. The expression would be indefinite, like the qui eum admoneri cupiehat, but would imply a wish that the state of his being warned (i. e. the effect of the W£iniing) should continue. — Z. § 611. [2] 1. The qu(E may refer to the preceding tedem or to the pre- ceding Minerv^KioiKo5. 2. jEtoli circa Chalcicecon {MinervcB est tempLum cdreum) congregati cceduntur. Liv. 35, 36. 3. To MinervcB. 4. (1) Since it can refer to both, it is more likely to refer to the nearest : an ear hearing MinervcB, quae x«^'f^o"foff vocatur, could hardly help referring the qujus. 7. The ' his* is referred to Ci- mon, the nom. of the principal sentence^ ; ejus would be the proper word for the historian speaking of both Cimon and his father. 8. The quod does not agree either with suffragia or darpaKiandv. 11 It is used vaguely = * a thing which,' 'a proceeding which.* 1 Comp. Milt. 1, [1], 21, cives sut 184 aUESTlONS ON be justified? — 12. Can you give any other instance of similar negligence or vagueness of reference from Nep. ? — 13. What kind of adjectives were unusual in the golden age of the Lat. language ? — 14. How was this notion expressed ? [2] 1. What kind o^ desire is desiderium? [3] 1. What other forms might be used for ^Jive years after he was banished?^ [Pr. Intr. 310.] — 2. Construe and explain hospitium. [Them. 8, [3], 9.] — 3. Why is utehatur in the indie. ? — 4. Might it have been in the subj. ? — 5. What is he now represented as saying? — 6. May sua sponte or sponte sua be used indifferently ? [Milt. 1, [4], 5.] — 7. What is here meant by sua sponte 1 [4] 1. What may you compare with post neque ita multo? — 2. What does ita mean here ? — 3. What form is also used for in morhum implicari 1 EXERCISE. Cimon was banished by [that] same ostracism by which his father [had been banished,] and Themisto- cles, and Aristides. The Athenians will be sorry for this before I shall. He brought about a peace between the same states as his father. Cimon had the same guest-friendship with the Lacedaemonians, that his fa- ther [had had.] Aristides was recalled five years after he was banished. 12. Yes: Timoth. 1, 2, where in ^id restituit^ the id ( = *that Bum') refers to mille et ducenta talenta. 13. Those in ennis, meaning, ' of so many years.^ 14. Annorum with a numeral. [2] 1. The desire of something that we miss : hence often = * regret* [3] 3. The statement is made as an historical fact by Nep. 4. Yes : if referred to the mind of Cimon : it would then represent him as saying, " Since I am a guest-friend of the Lacedcemonians, I had better, ^c." 5. The historian as good as says this about Cimon. " Cimon had a guest-friendship with the Lacedaemonians: accordingly he thought it better, &c." 7. Without any author- ity from the Athenians. [4] 1. Paus. 3, [1] ; atillepost nonmulto. 2. *Very* e= valde. 3. Lucretius, Pliny, and others have morbo impli- cari. CIMON, CH. IV. 185 Ch. IV. [1] 1. What are the usual forms for * not only — ^but also' V — 2. What is the difference between non solum — sed and non solum — sed e tiaw? ? — 3. Does this seem to be the case here ? — 4. Give the meaning of prcedium. — 5. What should be remarked about the tense of imposuerit ? — 6. Is ponere, imponere^ collocare in aliqua re a usual construction ? — 7. Give an instance nearly like that before us. — 8. How must ' to place a keeper over a per son^ he translated ? — 9. How are ' that nobody,^ ' that nothing,^ * that never'* translated ? [Pr. Intr. 80.] — 10. In what kind of sentences must ut nemo, nihil, numquam stand 1 [Pr. Intr. 81.] — 11. What verbs are followed by quo minus 1 [Pr. Intr. 94.] — 12. How is the verb after quo minus usually construed? — 13. In the sentence before ne quis impediretur is any thing omitted that is required for the full expression of the thought ? [2] 1. What cases do egeo and indigeo govern ? [Pr. Intr. 269.] — 2. Give the derivation of ^^a^zm. — 3. What is ojfendere aliquem ? — 4. Construe off ensum for tuna. — 5. Is this use of fortuna common ? Ch. IV. [1] 1. non solum — sed or verum etiam : non modo — sed or verum etiam. 2. In non solum — sed^ the notion with sed is often a more comprehensive notion than the former which it includes : as Pollio omnibus negoliis non interfuit solu7n, sed prce- fuit. Cic. ad Fam. 1,6. 3. No : his being regretted in peace does not necessarily imply any warlike ability. 4. Dod. villa. 5. Milt. 5, [2], 1—3 ; and note on p. 79. Pr. Intr. 418, with remark a. 6. Yes : but in with the ace. is used, when motion or removal is implied ; eis in in naves imponere : turrim in muros collocare. 7. Cic. pro Flacco, 19, 45 : custos — in [in om. Orell.] frumento publico est positus. 8. By the dat. : as Caes. B. G. 1, 20, Dumnorigi custodes ponit. 12. By the par- ticipial substantive. 13. Yes : eo consilio, {ne quis, &c.] [2] 3. To meet a man unexpectedly^ 4. * met by accidenf i. e. ' whom he had accidentally met.^ 5. No : but Cic. has aliqua .casu atque fortuna. De Off. 2, 13, 3. 1 See Pr. Intr. il. 503. ^ " Instead of sed etiam we find sed alone, by which regnlarly a more compre- hensive notion is introduced which includes the former: it is often however used without this accessary notion." Madvig's Grammar, p. 427. ^ In Greek Tuyx« »'«*»'• ^ Imponere should rather be noticed as an exception to this class of words, in with the abl. being unusual after it. With collocare, ponere, &c. in with the ace. is very rare. See Z. $$ 489, 490. 16* 186 QUESTIONS ON [3] 1. Distinguish between quotidie and indies or in dies. [Pr. Intr. 69, t.] — 2. Could indies be used here ? — 3. Does invocatus come from invocare? — 4. What is the Greek term for to invite to dinner, &c. ? — 5. Why is vidisset in the pluperfect subj.? — 6. What does de in composition mean ? — 7. Translate according to the reg- ular form, " I never pass a day without doing this." — 8. When is prcetermittere usually followed by the inf. ? — 9. Is any other construction used when dies or tempus is expressed ? — 10. Is the construction here used by Nep. unusual ? — 11. What does fides here mean ? — 12. Why is reliquissent in the subj. ? — 13. Explain extulit. — 14. What similar instance have we lately had ? [4] 1. What should be remarked in, minime est mi- randum, s i vita — -fu i t ^? — 2. Compare the practice of the Greeks. EXERCISE. If anybody needs your assistance, give at once, that you may not, by putting it off, appear to refuse. I will immediately invite [to my house,] those whom I find in the forum uninvited [by anybody else.] If I meet any- body in the forum poorly clad, I will give him my own [3] 3. No : from vocatus, = invited, and the negative particle in ; so that invocatus = non vocatus, ' uninvited.' 4. KaXelv, as in Lat. vocare. 5. From the indefiniteness of the reference = * sue h as at any time he fouHd uninvited.' 6. (1) Down from a higher place, (2) away from a particular place to another. 7. Nullum diem prcBtermitto, quin hoc faciam. 8. When it stands, without any word of time, and in a positive sentence : as in dicer e prcetermittam, &c. 9. The thing done or not done may depend on dies or tempus and stand in the ger. in di : as A me nullum tempus prcBtermittitur de tuis rehus et ag endi et cogi- tandi. Cic. ad Fam. 1, 5. 10. Yes. 11. Protection : especially the faithful granting of that protection, which he had vir- tually or expressly promised to grant. 12. From its vagueness of reference, and from its being not stated historically, but as what was Cimon's motive. 13. Extulit here = efferendos curavit : just as we can say : 'he buried them at his own expense^ for 'he caused them to be buried."* 14. Z/c^era^, Paus. 1, [2.] [4] 1. The use of si for quod. 2. 0aujud^a) el for 8ti. 1 So nearly : non hercule miror . . si qui comedunt bona. Hor. £{1. 1, 15, 40. LYSANDER, CH. I. 187 garment. He buried at his own expense a poor man, who at his death had not left enough for his funeral. Let all enjoy my property, every man what he pleases. By this conduct, it is by no means to be wondered at, that he hardly left enough for his funeral expenses LYSANDER. Ch. I. [1] 1. 'Explain sui. — 2. Distinguish between felicitas amdfortuna. — 3. Is felicitas here merely =for' tuna ? — 4. In apparet — confecisse is the construction probably (is) apparet — confecisse ; or apparet (imperson- ally) — [eum) confecisse ? — 5. Give your reasons for think- ing so. — 6. Quote such an instance. — 7. Quote passages to prove that the personal use is possible. — 8. What (ireek construction is like this? — 9. Explain conficere^, — 10. How is the present tense to be construed in sexto et vicesimo anno bellum gero? [Pr. Intr. 308. end.^ — Ch. I. [1] 1. Sui is the objectioe gen. = de se, of or concern- ing himself. 2. Fortuna excludes our own endeavors ; felici- tas generally presupposes them, but as hlest with success. 3. Not necessarily, for Lysander availed himself dexterously of the want of discipline that prevailed in the Athenian camp. , 4. Ap- paret eum confecisse. 5. (1) ^/)/>are< is always used imper- sonally by Nep. : (2) he leaves out the ace. pron. in other instances. 6. Paus. 1, 3, in quo erat h).] — 2. What was the size of sl jugerum? — 3. What is there peculiar in munera darent ? — 4. Why is the imperf. darent used ? — 5. Give an example of this use of the imperf. indie. — 6. Why does quod govern the ^uh]. in quod — invideant? [Pr. Intr. 476.] — 7. Explain propria. [3] Explain the igitur. [4] Give the derivation of prcBtor, EXERCISE. f A crown of honor not extorted by force but [won] from the affection of one's fellow-citizens, brings with it no odium. When the people proposed to give him a crown of honor, he would not receive it. A crown of honor made of two olive twigs, showed both Thrasybulus's moderation and the good-will of the people [towards him.] I for my part am unwilling to receive any thing, 3. That expresserat (had extorted) does not suit the first iiom. amor : the meanhig being ' which force had not extorted, but love elicited.' 4. Zeugma, that is 'junction' or ' pair:' when, that is, a verb is used with two connected words, though one of them really requires a verb of different meaning. 5. Senatus consulta, quce. possunt videri vel necessitate expressa, vel ver ec undia. Sueton. Oct. 57. 6. We should expect magncR fuit glories, since the purpose it served is denoted. 7. The abl. with esse, with or without ' m,' denotes the state in which a person is : e. g. (Diony- sius) non minore fuit in musicis gloria quam, &lc. Epam. 2, 1. pads auctores in ingenti gloria esse. Liv. 2, 22. [2] 2. It was a Roman measure of surface of 240 feet by 120 : = 28,800 square feet. 3. Muneri darent is the usual construc- tion. 4. It is equivalent to ' were proposing to give.'' 5. Cic. Cat. 1, 5,13: quod jam tua sponte f a c i e b a s = facere vo- lehas. 7. It = what is and will remain one's own : hence ^ lasting.' [3] It is the resumptive igitur ; = ut ad rem redeam. Nep. re- turns to Thrasybulus, from the tale about Pittacus, which was an mterruption of the narrative. [4] PrcB-itor ; * one who goes beforet* CONON, CH. I. 219 which the affection of my fellow-citizens has not [be- stowed,] but force extorted [from them.] Crowns of honor are not usually envied.^ CONON. Ch. I. [1] 1. Explain accedere ad rempublicam. [Them. 2, [1], 2, 3.] — 2. Parse magni in: magni esse. — 3. Is majoris esse used? [Pr. Intr. 264, e.'] — 4. Dis- tinguish between potenlia and potestas. [Dod. potentia.'\ — 5. How is potestas, as used of a public office, distin- guished from magistratus ? [2] 1. Construe extremo Peloponnesio hello. [Pr. Intr. 179.] — 2. What is the force of de in devictce? [Milt. 2, [2], 5.] — 3. Explain turn abfuit. — 4. Govern imperii in diligens imperii, and explain the meaning of ditigens. — 5. Give an instance oi diligens wiih. gen. from Cicero. [3] 1. Does Nep. ever use quin after nemini dubium esse? [Pref. [1], 1-6.] — 2. To what tense of the subjunctive does accepturos fuisse answer ? [Pr. Intr. 454.] EXERCISE. If Conon had been present, the Athenians would not have suffered that terrible defeat. Nobody doubts, but Ch. I. [1] 5. Potestas denotes an extraordinary commission. [2] 3. Turn quum devictm sunt : for he was not absent on that occasion, but, seeing all lost from the negligence and insubordination of his countrymen, fled with eight ships to Cyprus. 4. Diligens is the opp. of neglige ns : it properly means ' loving,' and then, with reference to a thing, paying attention to it ; being careful and punc- tual in its performance. It is properly a participle, but is often used adjectively to signify a habit : it then takes a genitive. Pr. Intr. 183. 5. Q. Pompeio casiissimo viro atque omnis officii diligentissimo. Cic. Coel. 30, 73. ^ * Jlrt not wont to be envied ;* the impersonal soUt. 220 QUESTIONS ON that the Romans will be utterly defeated. Nobody doubts, that if Conon had been present, the Athenians would not have been utterly defeated. Nobody doubts, that Conon is both an experienced and a careful com- mander. Ch. II. [1] 1. Explain and construe eumdemque generum Regis. [Pr. Intr. 387.] — 2. What is propiri' quus here 1 [2] I . Parse societatem in : coire societatem. [Pr. Intr. 244.] — 2. What is the force of quidem in : re qui- dern vera ? [3] 1 . How may si ille non fuisset be construed 1 — 2. Give an instance oi fuisset used in this emphatic way for ^ exist f and by implication, for to assist, &c. — 3. What prepositions always follow their cases ? [Paus. 4, [4], 8.] EXERCISE. I will not seek for a place where I may myself live in safety but [for one] whence I may protect my fellow- citizens. If I had sought for a place where I might myself have lived in safety, I should not have gone to Pharnabazus. The Lacedaemonians, having defeated the Athenians, sent Agesilaus to invade Asia. Tissa- phernes, having revolted from the king, made an alliance with the Lacedaemonians. Balbus was considered an experienced commander (chap, i.), but was in reality a rash and careless general^ Ch. III. [1] 1. Meritis — valebat : how is the abl. here used? — 2. Give an instance from Cic. — 3. Explain Ch. II. [1] 2. A relation by blood : the being the king's son- in-law only made him an affinis. [2] 2. That of vero, ' but,' ' however.' [3] 1. ' But for him.' 2. Pons Sublicius iter pcene hostihus dediti ni unus vir fuisset, &c. Liv. 2, 10. Ch. III. [1] 1. It is the abl. of cause := on account of ; from. 2. Regale civitatis genus — non tarn regni, quam regis vitiis repudiatu?n est. de Legg. 3, 7, 15. 3. Si is sometimes used aftef 1 J^egligens imperii opp. diligens inherit. Chap« 1. CONON, CH. IV. 221 neque id mirandum, si, &c. — 4. Give instances. — 5 Distinguish between adducere and inducere. [3] 1. Explain nulla mora est. — 2. What was the 'jt^o(fxuvsTv or venerari ? — 3. What does Justin call it ? — 4. Who are illi? — 5. When does Cornelius use this ex- pression ? — 6. Give an instance. — 7. What is manda- turn ? — 8. Since studeo governs the dat., explain quod studes. [4] 1. Mihi vero : explain the vero. — 2. How would you translate mihi vero into Greek ? EXERCISE. It is not to be wondered at, that I am not easily in- duced to believe. Conon preferred setting down his views in writing to discussing them in an audience with the king. Conon, if he had come into [the king's] pres- ence, must have done homage to him by falling pros- trate. Why, for my own part, I have no objection to fall prostrate before the king, but I fear that I may not perform this ceremony of the barbarians. The state, by which I am commissioned, is accustomed to command other nations. Ch. IV. [1] 1. What tense is judicaveritl [Pr. Intr. 418.] — 2. To what is negavit equivalent 1 — 3. Govern daret. mirari instead of quad, or ace. with infin. — as d after Oavud^eiv. 4. Mir a bar, si tu mihi quidquam afferres novi. Ter. Piiorm. 3, 2, 5. Non miror, si qui comedunt bona. H. Ep. 1, 15, 39. 5. Inducere is mostly used in a bad sense. [3] 1. Nulla mora est in or per me : = ' I have no objection,' or * certainly.' 2. The person prostrated himself before the king. 3. Adorare. Conon a regio adspectu et colloquio prohibitus est, quod eum more Persarum adorare nollct. 6, 2, 13. 4. The Greeks : it is used of those whose term is quoted : e. g. of the Persians, Datam. 8, 2 : of the Greeks, Cim. 3, 1. 5. When he translates a foreign expression into an unusual Latin one. 6. Eamque (legem) illi o b livionis appellarunt. Thrasyb. 3, 2. 7. A commission given by word of mouth or (as here) in writing. 8. The full construction is, quod studes conficere. [4] 1. Vero (= * in truth') adds emphasis to the mihi. * / for my own part,' &lc. or ^ w hy I myself,' &c. 2. 4AX' i/xo/, &c. Ch. IV. [1] 2. To dixit— non. 19* 222 ' QUESTIONS ON [2] 1. What is imperare aliquid alicui? — 2. What are naves longm ? [4] 1. What is deprimere 1 — 2. What is the corre- sponding intrans. verb ? EXERCISE. I say that that selection is no matter for my determi- nation, but for your own, since you {say : * who') ought to know your own [subjects] best. He was not easily induced to command the Phoenicians to furnish ships of war. I fear that I shall not be able to remain master of the sea next summer. A brave and cautious general will command the Jting's forces and fight against us, [one] whom we have not been able to overcome either in the field or by counsel. I will cause the walls, which Conon repaired, to be pulled down. Ch. V. [1] 1. Whsii are injuricB patricB ? — 2. What gen. is this called ? [Pr. Intr. 161, note c] [2] 1. Potius seems superfluous with malle ; with what other words- is it used, where it seems superflu- ous ? — 2. Give an example from Cic. of potius — malle. — 3. Give a similar instance in Greek. — 4. What is constituere in constituere auctoritatem ? — 5. What is the corresponding intransitive to constituere ? [3] What is evocare ? [4] What is addubitare 1 [2] 1. To command him to furnish the thing spoken of. [4] 1. To sink. 2. Sid^re, Ch. V. [1] 1. * The wrongs of his country,' i. e. done to his country. [2] 1. With prcBstare, and with comparatives. Z. § 747. 2. Illvd peto, ut — hominis ipsius ornamenta adjumento causcR po' tins, quam impedimenta esse malitis : pro Balbo, 7. 3. ixaXXov with aipdadai. 4. To establish his influence : i. e. fix it bz firm, that it could hardly be overthrown. 5. Constare. [3] It is the verbum proprium of a magistrate, commander, &c., sending for or summoning an inferior to appear before him, on account of some public business. [4] To * leave doubtful or undecided.' DION, CH. I. 223 EXERCISE. It was his good fortune to free, not only Argos, but also the whole of the Peloponnesus. Conon preferred avenging his country's wrongs to increasing his own wealth. Conon acquired great influence by the libera- tion of Greece. It was my fate to be thrown into pris- on, unknown to Tiribazus. DION. Ch. I. [1] 1. Why is genere in the abl. without a preposition ? [Them. 1, [2], 6.] — 2. Give instances of implicare in the sense of * being connected' with. — 3. Ex- plain utraque tyrannide Dionysiorum . — 4 . What does superior mean ? and give instances of this usage. — 5. In what sense does Nep. use implicitus as the past particip. of implicare ? [Pans. 4, [6], 6.] — 6. Parse nuptum. [2] 1 . Distinguish between propinquitas, necessitudo, affinitas, consanguinitas. — 2. Before what consonants is ab found ? — 3. Why, probably, is it used here ? — 4. In- genium docile, come, aptum ad artes optimas : explain come here as epithet of ingenium. — 5. What kind of beauty is generally expressed by dignitas ? [Them. 6, [1], 6.] — 6. In non minimum is more or less said, than is Ch. I. [1] 2. Omnibus, qui nostris familiaritatihus impli' cantur, Cic. Balb. 27, 60 : ita diu vixit, ut multarum cetatum oratoribus implicar etur, Id. Brut. 47, 174. So impli ca- t0 8 consuetudine et benevolentia : implicatus amicitiis, fa- miiiaritate, (fee. 3. The abstract tyrannis is used for the concrete tyrannus. 4. The elder : so superior Africanus, &c. [2] 1. Dod. necessarius. 2. Milt. 1, [5], 4 — Jaumannsa.y8 that Cicero often uses it before c, d, j, n. 3. To avoid another a as termination. 4. Ingenium includes both disposition and abilities : come relates to the disposition {animus ;) the other epi- thets to abilities {mens.) — When ingenium is opposed to animus, it 224 QUESTIONS ON really meant ? — 7. What name is given in grammar to tins form of speech? [Ale. 4, [I], 6.]— 8. What do some editors read instead of commendatur ? — 9. How does Dahne explain and justify commendatur ? [3] 1. What mood do etsi, quamquam^ quamvis re- spectively, usually govern ? [Pr. Intr. qu. on § 56, p. 221.] — 2. What is necessitudo? — 3. What is the classi- cal word for * even,^ or * still,^ with comparatives ? what is its usual position ? — 4. What word was used by later writers ? — 5. What is the meaning of salvum studehat ? — 6. Is studere with the accusative usual ? [4] 1 . Legationes qu(B e s s ent illustriores : why is essent in the subj. ? [Pr. Intr. i. 476.] — 2. When is the person hy whom an action is done translated not by a or ah, but by per ? — 3. What is the force of quidem ? [Pr. Intr. ii. 550.] — 4. What is the usual meaning of ohire legationem? — 5. If Jldeliter administrando is not- meiely a gloss, (that is, an explanation which has crept into the text), how must diligenter be explained with ohire ? takes the narrower meaning of abilities. As however the Romans did not make so sharp a distinction, as we do, between abilities and disposition, the one word ingenium which expresses both collective- ly here receives epithets which we should refer to different mental endowments. 8. Commendat sc. hominem = amabilemfacit, gra- tum acceptumquc reddit. 9. He says that it is taken recipro- cally = * recommends itself ;' and compares nulla re una magis oratorem commendari quam verborum splendore. Cic. Brut. 59, 216. [3] 2. Its usual meaning is ' relationship^ by blood or marriage : sometimes, however, it is used in the sense of ' intimate friendship ;' as Cat. 1, 3. Att. 19, 4. 3. E tiam: it is generally, but not always, placed after the comparative. 4. A dhuc. Pr. Intr. ii. 331. Z. § 486. 5. He wished him safe : wished to see him safe. 6. It frequently occurs with the ace. uf a neut. pronoun, or other indefinite word, e. g. eadem, hoc, unum, &c ; — but it is not common with any other accusative, and it is probable that esse should be here inserted'. [4] 2. When the action is done by his instrumentality. 4. Though it really denotes only the undertaking of the embassy, it is usually extended so as to include the whole manner of conducting it. 5. Brerni thinks it denotes such a willing active manner, of accepting the post of ambassador, as would show the person to be fully in earnest and likely to fulfil its duties faithfully. I Breml has the esse . Jaumann encloses it in a parenthesis. DION, CH. II. 225 EXERCISE. Cimon, the son of Miltiades, was married to his own sister, Elpinlce by name. He says that he will not suf- fer the name of the tyrant to be protected by his [i. e. the speaker's] popularity. His duties as ambassador are so faithfully executed by Dion, that the tyrant's most cruel name is protected by his popularity. It cannot be denied that Dionysius is much influenced by the advice of Dion. How few are there (Pr. Intr. 477), who un- dertake the post of ambassador with active-readiness, and execute its duties with fidelity. Though Dionysius was much influenced by Dion's advice, yet in this mat- ter, his own private feeling was stronger. Ch. H. [1] 1. What are the forms for it escapes me? [Pr. Intr. 259.] — 2. What are the forms that are confined to later writers ? [Pr. Intr. 259.] — 3. Does ornamentum imply more than ornament 1 [Them. 2, [3], 5.] — 4. What is the meaning of secus ? — 5. Is non secus always followed by atque {acj? — 6. If not, by what other particle ? — 7. Does Cicero use that other particle ? — 8. Does Cicero use hand secus ? [2] 1. Under what circumstances is Nep. fond of connecting sentences by qui quidem? — 2. What mood follows this qui quidem? — 3. When is the indicative used after qui quidem? — 4. What force m^y qui be considered to have when the subjunctive is used ? — 5. What is audire aliquem? — 6. Explain ue7«'a in : veniam dare. [Them. 10, [1], 3.] — 7. ^xp\3.m magna ambitione perducereK Ch. II. [1] 5. No. 6. Sometimes by quam. 7. No. 8. No. See Pr. Intr. ii. 402. [2] 1. When the following^ ^ves a striking instance in proof of a preceding assertion. 2. The indicative or the subjunctive. 3. When the following clause is a simple historical statement, and when its being actually a fact is to be strongly pointed out. The relative is then nearly = ' is,^ so that qui quidem = * and accord- ingly heJ 4. That of an ut consequenticB =. 'so much sOf thaV 5. It is the verbum proprium for * attending a person's lecture' or ' studying under him,' when the pupil is grown up. 7. With state or pomp. '^ Ambitio dicitur de quacunque re ad captandam gratiam instituta. Megna ambitione, i. e. magno comitatu ac pompa ad favorem honoremque captandum.'-' Forcellinus. 226 QUESTIONS ON [3] 1 . What awkwardness is there in : quippe quern venumdari jussisset^ ? [4] 1. Distinguish between interim, interea, [Pr. Intr. ii. p. 195, note 7.] — 2. What is gravis morbus? — 3. Explain the construction ^'wo quum gravi conjiictaretur. — 4. What prepositions are used after qucerere, to govern the case of the person ? — 5. Give instances of ex and de. — 6. Give an instance of qucerere a from Cicero. — 7. Si forte: when is forte used for '^ perhaps'* or '•perchance?'' [Pr. Intr. ii. 737.] — 8. Majori esse periculo : does Nep. use this phrase elsewhere without the in? — 9. Does he ever use it with in? — 10. Could periculo esse be used without in, periculo having no adjective in agreement? — 1 1 . Give an instance from Cicero of the omission of in, — 12. What does faterentur mean? — 13. Give an in- stance of/a^m=:to 'declare.' — 14. Govern velle. [Pr. Intr. 460, (c) 1.] [5] 1 . When is et used where we should use but ? [Pr. Intr. ii. 233.] — 2. What is sopor in : soporem dare? EXERCISE. The Athenians have cruelly wronged Miltiades, inas- much as they have ordered him to be cast into prison ^. [3] 1. The change of the subject: Plato being the nom. of the principal sentence. [4] 2. A severe or dangerous disorder. 3. = quum eo, et quidem gravi conjliciaretur. " 4. Qucerere ex, a or de aliquo. 5. (1) QucBsivi ex Phania. Cic. Liscum retinet ; qucerit e x solo, &c. Caes. (2) qucerebat paullo ante de me, Cic. 6. QucBro nunc a te,° Hortensi, &.C. 8. Yes : below 8, [2]. Dat. 5, 3. Hann. 9, 2. Ham. 2, 1. 9. Yes. Alt. 10, 2. 10. No. 1 1. Commonendum putavi, ne quo p er icul o te proprio existimares esse : in magno omnes, sed tamen in communi sumus : ad Fam. 4, 15, 2. 12. = Apcrirent, declararent, Jaumann says : but still there might be in a physician a supposed wish to con- ceal it. 13. Sail. Cat. 47, 2 : eadem Galli fatentur. [5] 2. * A sleeping draught .*' the cause for the effect : and it is implied that it was strong enough to make him sleep forever. 1 Bremi thinks we should read, quippe qui eum venumdari jussisset. 2 In carcerem conjici. • Verr. 2, 3, 83. Qucero abs te nunc, Hortensi: cum utrisne tandem istiua fso- *.um collaturus es ? Klotz. DION, CH. III. 227 Dion asked the physicians whether perchance Dionysius was in great danger. Dion converses with Dionysius about a division of the kingdom, saying that he thought the sons of Aristomache should have a share. Dionysius the younger did not tolerate this, but compelled the physicians to give his father a [deadly] sleeping-draught. Ch.III. [1] 1. Prove from Nep. that Doderlein is wrong in con^ning simultas to political enmity ^ — 2. How should it probably be defined ? — 3. What is prob- ably its derivation ? — 4. Does aliquamdiu mean for some considerable time ? — 5. What is the inf. of arcesseret ? — 6. How is arcesso formed ? — 7. Is accerso a correct form ? — 8. In qui vellet, how do you explain the sub- junctive ? [2] 1 . What is the force of que in : eodemque tem- pore? — 2. What is meant by tyrannis here? — 3. In Latin could such a combination as " a work upon astro- nomy," &c., be translated literally ? [Pr. Intr. ii. Caut. 7, e.] — 4. How must it be translated ? [3] 1. Explain autem in: Plato autem. — 2. Ex- plain the tense of persuaserit. [Milt. 5, [2], 1-3.] — 3. What would be the usual tense ? — 4. What is the mean- ing of aliquanto ? EXERCISE I have entered more at large upon this in my book upon Astrology. I shall not be deterred from this in- Ch. III. [1] 1. Att. 17, 1, 86 numquam cum sorore fuisse in simultate. 2. As the reciprocal hatred that arises from coming into collision, whether in public or private life : thus in Atticus's case it was a sister nearly of his own age : quam prope (Bqualem habebat. 3. Simul, not simulare. 4. Yes. 5. Arcessire according to Freund : though MSS. and editions vary much. 6. It is a causative from accedoj as incesso from incedo. 7. Yes : accord- ing to Doderlein, Kritz, &c. 8. Qui vellet = quippe qui vellet, giving the motive that induced Dionysius to send for Plato. [2] 1. According to Bremi, Diihne, and Jaumann, = porro or prdnTeiv , eh 0aai\evsy oJ k.t.X. I\. 2, 204. 6. By thus prefixing »e, omnia would lose its emphatic force : the omission of the se is quite in Nepos's manner. B. See Them. 7, 4. [5] 1. Conciliation, 1 Kritz on in amicis fiddes (Sail. Cat. 9, 2,) has this excellent remark : Hoc fit, ubi verbuni ita comparatum est, ut et per ' m' preepositionevi accusativo junctam cum objecto aliquo arete coalescat. qucB vulgaris est ratio, ct ab>olute cogitari possit, ita ut vim suam non in otjectum exserat, sed per se generali sensu pvsitum addito ablativo cum ' iV prtppositione accuratius dtjiniatury quippe quo res ilia significetur, in qua absoluta ejxis actio versatur, vel quce actioni eauaam aut origincm prabuit. Talem verbi cum ablativo covjuncti rationem si explicaveris formula quod att inet ad, vim constructionis plane fueris €S8ecutus, nullumque locum non expedies. — Probably Hand explains the relation of in with the abl. better than by quod attinet ad (which is too general) thus' it denotes, " rem, in qua aliquis versatur agendo, aut quam quis agena spectat Turs. iii. p. 269. 232 QUESTIONS ON wxercised his authority in the case of his son, receives the severest wound a husband [can receive] by the death of his wife. Dion did not endure this, but at- tempted to crush by severity the party which he ought to have won by conciliation. Ch . VII . [2] 1 . Quum quotidiani maximi jieren , sumtus : how would you construe qiiotidianus ? — 2 . Ex- plain the principle which quotidianus here illustrates. — 3. Give instances. — 4. What does manus porrigere mean by implication 1 — 5. Is manus porrigere used by another writer in this sense ? — 6. Some MSS. omit the in and read nisi amicorum possessiones ; what difference would this make 1 — 7. Give the derivation of porrigere. — 8. Explain amittere optimates. [3] 1. What is male audire? — 2. Govern audiendi [Pr. Intr. 183.] — 3. Can you produce an example from a prose writer of the golden age ? Ch. VIII. [1] 1. H(BC ille intuens : have we met with this form before in Corn. Nep. ? [Ale. 4, 1.] — 2. Construe quorsum evader ent. — 3. Give the derivation of Ch. VII. [2] 1. By the adverb, * every day.' 2. Adjectives denoting time are placed with an emphatic force where we should use adverbs. 3. Seras conditiones pads teniantem, for sero, Suet. Oct. 17: and in this very life of Corn. Nep. celeri rumore dilato, 10, [1], for celeriter. 4. To appropriate them to himself; to take them away by violence : the antecedens, i. e. the preceding action oi stretching out the hands being used for the consequens, the final action of taking the property away \ 5. Yes, by Curt., who, however, has ad not in : jam etiam ad pecora nostra avaras et instabiles manus porrigis, 7, 8, 19. 6. The nisi amicorum possessiones would then be connected with the principal sentence, neque — suppetebat : if in is expressed, it is connected with the verb of the accessory sentence, porrigeret. 7. Pro^ forth, forwards ; regere, to direct. 8. = amittere favorem optimatum. [3] 1. To be spoken ill of. 3. Yes: homines insueti laboris, C«s. B. G. 7, 30. Ch. VIII. [1] 2. ' What would be the end of it: 3. Quo 1 It is curious to observe that in English we should use either this prepara tory action, of stretching- out the hands, or another prepamtory action one de- gree nearer to the real action implied, that oi laying our hands upon the property m question. DION, CH. VIII. 233 fuorsus or quorsum. — 4. Distinguish between callidus and ad fraudem acutus. — 5. How is ' any'' translated after sine? [Pr. Iiitr. 390, (a).] — 6. How should we express homo sine ulla religione acjide ? — 7. The general rule for the use of ac is, that it adds a stronger notion to a preceding one : is noi fides less than religio ?—S. Adit ad Dionem : is the ad always repeated after adire ? — 9. Give an instance from Cicero of the repetition of the ad, [2] 1. Is the right reading probably in magno peri- culo esse, or, magno periculo esse? — 2. Nisi — alicvi: why is aliquis, not quis, used after nisi? — 3. Illi inimi- cum : is immicus always followed by the dat. ? — 4. Quern si invenisset idoneum — cogniturum [^esse^ ; this is in oblique narration, how should it stand in direct narration 1 — 5. Dissidenti : what is understood ? [3] 1. Is partes excipcre a usual construction? — 2. Conjurationem confirmat : what is the meaning of confirm mat here ? [4] 1. Explain elata. — 2. What is understood after conveniunt ? [5] 1. Non modo nan — sed : what is Hand's expla- versus. 4. Callidus denotes the tact and skill acquired by per- sonal experience : ad fraudem acutus relates to his natural disposi- tion. 6. A man without a conscience. 7. Yes : but the being without any fides is a stronger notion in the descending scale of wickedness: it is a loorse thing. 8. No. 9. Ad me adire quosdam memini, — qui dicerent, &c., ad Fam. 3, 10: tiie construc- tion with ad is the usual one, to express the simple notion of going to a person or place : the construction with the ace. only is the more common, when the verb has the accessory notion of visiting a man to make a request, or to consult or advise with him, &.c. [2] 1. Magno periculo esse : ' to be in danger' is, in periculo esse, versariy &-c. : but the in is usually omitted when periculo has an adjective agreeing with it 2. It means some one definite per- son, though without mentioning the individual : quis is the indefinite ' any' Pr. Intr. 392, and note x. 3. JNo: we have inimici ejus below. 4. Si hunc inveneris — cognosces. 5. Dissidenti sc. a Dione. [3] 1. No: partes su scip er e is the usual construction, but excipere is also used occasionally, where suscipere is the usual form: thus suscipere sitnultates, inimicitias, less commonly excipere : suscipere labores and excipere. 2. Firmiorem facit : strengthens. [4] 1. = Enuntiata. Pausan. 4, 6. 2. Eum. [5] 1. That the sed states something greater and stronger that 20* 234 QUESTIONS ON nation of sed after non solum, non modo, &c., as compared with sed etiam? — 2. Is conata neut. pi. as common as conatus ? EXERCISE ON CH. VII. VIII. I am filled with the greatest alarm. I do not know how [all] this will end. It cannot be denied that great sums are spent every day. If such sums are spent eve- ry day, money will soon begin to run short. I know that one Callicrates, a man without a conscience, was his enemy. I have nothing to lay my hands upon, ex- cept the possessions of the aristocracy. There is no doubt, that if all are filled (partic.) with such alarm, you will lose the favor of the aristocracy. Dion commis- sions one Callicrates to pretend to be his enemy. If you find this person fit-for-your-purpose, all will betray their real sentiments to him. Ch. IX. [1] 1. What festival was it ?— 2. What is conventus ? — 3. In what parts of a Greek or Roman house were the apartments to which a person would retire to sleep, or generally to avoid noise and interruption ? — 4. Explain conscii. [2] 1. What is ornare? — 2. What then is armatis ornare? — 3. Give an instance from Caesar of exercere remiges. — 4. How may quo fugeret ad salutem be con- strued ? — 5. What is understood 1 [4] How is notitia used in propter notitiam 1 takes the place of what has been wholly rejected. Pr. Intr. ii. 504. See Thras. 1, [5]. 2. No: but it has sufficient authority: e.g. conata perficere, Csbs. B. G. 1, 3. Ch. IX. [1] 1. The festival of Proserpina, who was worehipped in Sicily with great honors. 2. In the sense in which it is here used of a religious assembly, a festival, it is rare in the golden age. 3. In the upper part of the house, or in the rooms that looked into the atrium. 4. := Conscii conjurationis ; i. e. conjurati. [2] 1. Ornare frequently means to furnish or equip any thing ; to supply it with all that was necessary, to put it in a complete state. 2. To man a ship ; to put into a ship its full comple- ment of fighting men. 3. Per causam e xercendorum remigum, B C. 3, 24. 4. A place of refuge. 5. If such a place should be required ; if he should fail. [4] In a passive sense : in consequence of their being known to DION, CH. X. 235 [5] 1. What is singularis potentia? — 2. Translate " / had rather be feared than loved'^ in two ways. [Pr. Intr. 145, 146.] [6] 1. Who are meant by the illi ipsi custodes ? — 2. Is propitia generally used in the same sense as here ? — 3. Give an instance of its application to men. EXERCISE. With this view Dion stayed at home and took no part in the festival. He mans (partic.) a trireme, and gives the command of it to a trusty person. I will give the command of this party (Sai/ : of these) to a certain person, who is not to leave the door. I gave the com- mand of this party to a trusty person, who was not to leave the door. He says that they shall have no where to fly to for security. It is said that one Lyco gave [them] through the window a sword to kill Dion with. [Pr. Intr. 478.] If you are well disposed towards me, you may save me. If you had been well disposed to- wards me, you might have saved me. Ch. X. [1] 1. What are the two meanings of crm- cidere? — 2. Give an instance of the latter meaning. [Hann. 3, 4.] — 3. Construe celeri rumore dilato. [2] 1. Hujus de morte ut palam factum est : is this a usual construction 1 — 2. Give instances of de being used in this way to describe vaguely and generally an event them. So virtus — n otitiam sera posteritatis habet, Ov. Pont. 4, 8, 48. [5] 1. The government of a single person : so singular e impe- Hum, &c. Regg. 2, 2. [6] 1. In § 1, it is said: domum c u s t o d i i s {= custodibus) sepit : these guards admitted the Zacynthians. 2. No : it is usually applied to the gods only. 3. Parentes propitii. Ter. Adelph. 1, ], 6. Ch. X. [1] 1. To cut down suddenly, oi cut to pieces ut- terly. 3. * The rumor being quickly spread.' See note on quotidiani above, 7, [2]. [2] 1. No : the usual construction is palam facers aliquid : as ; Hac re palam facta, Hann. 7, 7. 2. Addunt de S abini morte, Caes. B. G. 5, 41: c?c defection e pair is detulit. 236 QUESTIONS ON with its attendant circumstances. — 3. Give an instance of sic with an adverb. — 4. Explain the tenses of possent, cuperent. [Pr. Intr. 439 ; and Alcib. 2, [1], 7.] [3] 1. What is celeher of place? — 2. What is pw 5- lice ? — 3. What is the Latin for in a public place ? EXERCISE. There is no doubt that 59 dreadful a crime displeases many. Anger succeeded to pity so suddenly, that it seemed as if they would kill him themselves, if they could. Having left nothing behind him to pay for his funeral (^see Arist. 3, [2],) he was buried at the public expense. Those who call me a tyrant in my life-time, will after my death extol me as the father of my country. IPHICRATES. Ch. I. [1] 1. Non tarn magnitudme rerum gesta- ru?n, quam disciplina militari nobilitatus est : does this form disparage his res gest(B ? — 2. Give an instance from Cicero of nohilitari in the sense of what had become famous. [2] 1. Distinguish between 77iw/^Mm and 5^j9e. [Milt. 8, [2], 2.] — 2. Distinguish between nusquam and num- quam. — 3. What are unclas steal iorms for no where? — 4. When only cam parttm — partim be used 1 Dat. 7, 1. So ra TTfpt rdv 0(5vor. 3. GrcBcas litteras — sic avide arripui quasi, &lc. Cic. de Senect. 8, 26. See Pr. Intr. ii. 779. [3] 1. Crowded, thronged, public, &c. e. g. portum Caietce c c- leberrimum atque plenissimum navium. Cic. pro Leg. Man. 12, 33. 2. At the public expense. 3. In publico. Ch. I. [1] 1. No' : but states that his disciplina jnilitaris was even more remarkable, and more famous ; the nobilitatus est being the point insisted on. 2. Nobilitata crndelitas. Off. 2, 7, 26. [2] 3. Nuspiain and nullibi. 4. When an actual division is to be expressed. Pr. Intr. ii. 281. 1 We must then suppose fuit enim talis dux, &c. to mean that he was in that respect (i. e. as a master of the theory and practice of the military art) in- ferior to none. IPHICRATES, CH. II 237 [3] Why is uterentur used, not usi essent ? [4] 1. What does Bremi, after GOrenz, say of e coii' trario? — 2. What does Hand say to this? — 3. Does Nep. use e contrariom other passages ? — 4. Distinguish hQtween parma and pelta. — 5. Why is appellaiitur in the present ? — 6. What does modus mean here 1 — 7. What are sert(B {loriccB) ? — 8. Are sertcB atque cenem two kinds of loriC(B ? — 9. How is et used in, quod (Bque corpus tege- ret^ et leve esset? — 10. Give an instance of et =et ta- men. — 11. What is peculiar in the use of curavit here 1 — 12. Give an instance. EXERCISE. Iphicrates was so great a general, that he never lost a battle by any fault of his own. Is any general of earlier times to be preferred to Iphicrates ? Iphicrates is said never to have lost a battle by his own fault. Iphicrates enriched the art of war by many new inven- tions and many improvements. Though we diminish the weight [of their armor], their persons will be equally well defended, and the soldiers themselves will be able to move and charge with greater activity. Ch. II. [1] 1. Frcefuit ut—fuerint : explain the tense of fuerint. [Pr. Intr. 418, a. See Milt. 5, [2], [3] Because the meaning to be expressed is, that they had been in the habit of having, &-c. [4] 1. That contrario has no authority ; that e contrario is used by Nep. and Quintilian ; ex contrario by Cicero. 2. That e contrario = contra ; ex contrario = ex altera parte contraria : and that there is no reason for rejecting e contrario in Cic. de Fin. 5, 12, 36. 3. Yes : Eum. 1, 5 ; Hann. 1, 2 ; Alt. 9, 3. 4. Dod. scutum. See Diet of Antiqq. 5. To denote that it was their regular constant appellation. 6. The length. 7. CuirEisses consisting of metallic plates connected by leather thongs and sowed to a skin or piece of strong linen. 8. No : the atque is explicative = ' and those of bronze,^ implying that they were therefore exceedingly heavy. 9. To connect two notions of which the latter might seem inconsistent with the former : = ' and yet,' ' and nevertheless.* Pr. Intr. ii. 220. 10. Magister hie Samnitium summa jam senectute est, et quotidie commentatur* Cic. de Or. 3, 23, 86. 11. It is seldom used in this sense ab- solutely, that is, without another verb. 12. Signa, qu On the mode of expressing fractions by the divisions of the as, see Pr. IntL 1553. 21* 246 QUESTIONS ON hear that the Athenians are going to remit three-sev- enths of the fine. From this it may easily be conjec- tured, what the instability of fortune is. I had rather run the risk of my life, than desert a friend, whose repu- tation is at stake. I shall repair the walls at my own expense. Instead of producing, [as I could,] many in- stances of this man's victories, (see Ch. 1, [2],) I shall be content with two. DATAMES. Ch. I. [1] 1. Venionuncad: give instances of this form of transition. — 2. Give instances in which quali- ties are marked by an adjective and an attributive gen. or abl. case. [2] 1. Hoc plura : parse hoc. — 2. Explain joZm^'we. [Pref. [1], 7.]— 3. What is the force of et—et here ? [Milt. 5, [3], 7.]— 4. What is ratio? — 5. What is appa- rere here ? [3] Et manu fortis J et hello strenuus : distinguish be- tween the two. [4] 1 . Militare munus fungens : what peculiarity is there here 1 [Pr. Intr. 333.] Ch. II. [2] 1. Is Nep. correct in saying that in Ch. I. [1] 1. Venio nunc ad voluptates agricolarum. Cic. de Sen. 15, 51: so 16, 56. 2. Dion, 9, 3, quum audacissi- mos, turn viribus ma ximis : Suet. Nero, 2, 6 : vir neque satis const ans et ingenio truci. [2] 4. Ratio comprehends all that is necessary to make their character understood : the events, their circumstances, order, causes, &c. : it is therefore more extensive than causes : including not only causes and motives but means. 5. To he seen in their true light. [3] Manufortis relates to personal bravery: bello strenuus to his resolution, activity, and perseverance as a commander. Ch. II. [2] 1. No : Homer says he was killed by Menelaus. II DATAMES, CH. III. 247 Homex^ Pi/l(Bmenes is killed by Patroclus? — 2. Give other instances of similar mistakes. — 3. Explain dicto audientem esse alicui. [5] For nihilo segnius some read nihilo secius: give a similar instance of segnius. EXERCISE ON CH. I. II. Let US now come to the conduct and ability^ of this very brave man. I fear that you will not succeed in this [attempt.] How few ^ are found, who are both personally brave, and [also] active commanders. What I am, will appear presently. Of ^schylus I shall relate the more for this reason, because his services were very great in the war which the Athenians waged against the king of Persia. Thyus wished to try first to put him to death secretly. He had privately put to death a little boy, his sister's son. Ch. hi. [1] 1. Hominem maximi corporis terri- hilique facie : give a similar instance of the connection of a genitive with an abl. in this construction. — 2. Is this example quite similar? — 3. What is the "supposed difference between the abl. and the gen. in this con- struction? [Pr. Intr. p. 62: note 1.] — 4. What is the distinction given by Bremi, after Ramshorn? — 5. Is this opinion tenable ? — 6. What seems to be the general. 5, 576. 2. Cic. in the 2d Book de Divin. 39, ascribes to Ajax what was really done by Ulysses; and in the very same book, c. 30, puts the words of Ulysses into the mouth of Agamemnon. 3. Dod. parere. [5] Nihilo segnius helium parare : Sail. Jug. 75, fin. Ch. III. [1] 1. (Pompeius) oris improbi, animo inverecundo. Sail. Fr. 2. No : for the latter quality is a mental one. 4. That the gen. denotes a property simply £is belonging to the subject : the abl. the impression it makes upon others. 5. No : the ex- ample oris improbi, animo inverecundo itself overthrows it. 6. That the genitive describes the real nature and character of the subject ; the abl. rather particular manifestations or circumstances of if* 1 Consilium, 2 Quotusquisque. [Pr. Intr. 477.] p After making this distinction, Krii'jer remarks upon this passage, that qualities of the body, so far as they relate to the whole body, belong to its real nature, and can, for that very reason, be in the genitive. Other qualities of the body are, therefore, expressed by the ablative i)nly. Lat. Gram. p. 532. 248 QUESTIONS ON though not universal distinction ? — 7. When must the gen. be used ? — 8. In what phrases must the abl. be used? [2] 1 . Agresti duplici amiculo : explain the use of the two adjectives here. — 2. Give similar instances.- 3. Infer am bestiam is feram superfluous? [3] 1. What is the meaning of prospicerent here ?- 2. Primo non accredidit : is accredere a common verb ? — 3. What does it mean ? Ch. IV. [1] 1. What peculiarity is there in qu(B gens jacet, &c. ? — 2. Give an instance of jacere, or one of its compounds, with. gens. [Timoth. 2, 1.] [2] 1. What is vexare regionem ? — 2. Qu(b portaren- tur : why the subj . ? [3] 1. What mood does etsi usually take ? — 2. Quam- vis magno exercitu : construe quamvis here. — 3. Is quam- lihet ever so used ? — 4. Distinguish between imprudens and imparatus, when the former relates to want of prepa- ration, [5] 1. Ad SB ferentem: explain ferentem here. — 2. 7. Of numbers, e. g. classis trecentarum navium. 8. In bono animo esse ; animo forti et erecto, &c., ea mente. [2] 1. Duplex amiculum is equivalent to a compound substan- tive. 2. Proelium equestre adversum : frumentaria magna largitio. 3. No : bestia is an irrational animal, which is fera, so far as it is not tamed. [3] 1. To look at with attention. 2. No : it occurs however in Cic. Att. 6, 2 : vix accredens, communicavi cum Dionysio. 3. To believe with difficulty : nearly = our credit. Ch. IV. [1] 1. He had before used Cataonia a country, which he now denotes by gens, and uses with it jacere, which is properly used of countries only. [2] 1. To harass it by plundering and devastating incursions, &,c. 2. It does not describe particular things which were actually on their way to the king on a given occasion, but such things as were regularly conveyed to the king : the expression is indefinite both with respect to the class of things and to the time. [3] 1. The indicative. 2. = ^ ever so great.' Pr. Intr. 451, note u. 3. Yes: Suet. Vesp. 5. quicquid — volveret — aniino, quamlibet magnum. 4. Imprudens implies that the cause of the want of preparation was, that the person did not perceive the necessity of it. [5] 1. It is used intransitively = ferentem se, bringing himself = advancing. 2. Circumvehens = circumvehens se, or dum DATAMES, CH. V. 249 What similar instance have we lately had ? — 3. Give instances of other verbs of motion that are so used. — 4. Pertimescit : explain its meaning here. EXERCISE ON CH. III. IV. He will take good care that the report of this action does not reach you before himself. I have ordered you to be equal in command with Phamabazus. I have written to order you to set out for Egypt. Aspis refused obedience to the king (chap. 2, [2]), because the coun- try he dwelt in was mountainous, and well fortified. Let us intercept the king's dues. A few men [indeed,] but [those] brave [ones,] put their horses to their speed, and prepare to charge. He beheld a few men indeed, but brave ones, coming against him. Ch. V. [1] 1. A quanta hello ad quam parvam rem misisset : quote a similar construction from Nep. — 2. Se ipse reprehendit : why not se ipsum ? — 3. Convenit : what is understood ? [3] 1. Amicus Datami : what other construction might have been used? [Milt. 3, [6], 4.] — 2. What is perscrihere? — 3. In quihus : what does quibus agree with? [4] 1. Ut trihuant : what is the nom. case? — 2. What does ohedire mean here ? [5] 1 . Talibus : — what is the force of talihus ? [Them. 2, [8], 1.] circumvehebatur. [Timoth. 2, [1], 1]. 3. Movens, vertens, mutans ; from moverii vertij mutaru 4. It implies a sudden dread or panic. Ch. V. [1] 1. Quern et ex quanto regvo ad quam for- tunam detrusisset, xx. 2, 2. 2. That would mean he blamed himself, not some other person ; whereas the emphasis is here on the person blaming ; he himself felt how unwisely he had acted. 3. Sc. eos. [3] 2. To write a complete and full account. 3. Litteris : implied in per scripta mittit. [4] 1. Reges, implied by consuetudinem regiam = consuetu- dinem re gum. 2. = obaudire, to give ear to ; to follow their advice. 250 QUESTIONS ON Ch. VI. [1] 1. Give an instance of prospere procc" dant, — 2. P riu s — pervenire cupiebat, quam de re male gesta fama ad suos p e rv enire t : why subj.? [Pr. Intr. 500.] [2] 1. His locis — ut — posset : how is hie here used? is this usual? — 2. Quote some such instances from Nep. — 3. Does Cic. use Iiic = talis? [3] 1. What is in turbam exire ? — 2. What does relic turn mean here ? [4] 1. Et omnes eonfestim sequi: what is the force o{ et here? [Pr. Intr. ii. 233.] — 2. Is there any other peculiarity in the sentence ? [5] 1. Give instances of tantum quod. — 2. Do any of these exactly agree with the passage before us ? [6] 1. Explain composito. — 2. What is ab aliquo stare ? — 3. What other forms are used ? [8] For what is eogitatum here used ? Ch. VI. [1] 1. Sed tamen, ut omnia — proapere proce- dant, multum interest ie venire, Cic. ad Div. 12, 9 : so also pros- pere succedere, Liv. 21, 7. [2] 1. His locis = iis, talibus locis: * is* is more common in this sense, but hie is sufficiently justified by many passages. 2. Eumen. 5, 2: neque umquam ad manutn accedere licebat, nisi his locis, quibus pauci multis possent resistere. Ages. 3,6: his locis manum conseruit, quibus plus pedestres copies valerent. 3. Yes : hoc animo in nos esse debebis ut, &c., ad Div. 2, 1 : and without following ut or qui : sed duros et quasi corneolos habent introitus (aures), — quod his naturis relatus amplijicatur sonus, de Nat. Deor. 2, 57, 144. [3] 1. To become generally known : so Cic. : exire atque in vulgus emandre; pro S. Roscio, 1,3. 2. * Deserted.' [4] 2. Yes: par esse must be borrowed from the preceding sen- tence, the 77071 being rejected. [5] 1. Cic. ad Fam. 7, 23, 1 : tantum quod ex Arpinati vene- ram, quum mihi a te littercR redditrodiderunt, " have handed down to posterity — committed to writing, recorded, related." 4. Explicare imperatores, " to unfold the exploits of com- manders" XXIV. M. FORTIUS CATO. SYNOPSIS I. His early life ; tribune of soldiers, Questor, iEdile, Praetor ; brought poet Ennius to Rome. II. Consul, Censor, manner in which he discharged his duties. III. Sketch of his character ; his attainments ; his Works. I. — !• Priusquam .... daret, " before he engaged in the pursuit of honors." — Versatus .... SahiniSy " lived in the country of the Sa- bines." — In foro esse caspit, " he began to be engaged in public business." 2. Primum stipendium meruit, ** he served his first campaign." — Castra .... Neronis, " he served under Caius Claudius Nero." 3« Cum .... vixit, " with whom he did not live in terras of inti- macy suitable to the official connection which subsisted between them." II. — 3, Severe .... potestati, " exercised that office with rigor." III. — !• Probabilis orator, " a respectable orator." 2. Q,uarum .... arripuerat, " though he was old when he com- menced the study of letters." 23* 270 NOTES. XXV. T. POMPONIUS ATTICUS. SYNOPSIS. 1. His descent ; early instruction, character and mental qualities as a youth II. Disquietude in state affairs, the course he pursued therein ; his liberality. III. Estimation in which he was held ; honors preferred to him. IV. His intimacy with Sylla ; manner in which he employed himself. V. His uncle ; his family connections. VI. His course in regard to public affairs ; various excellence of character. VII. In the Caesarian civil war, he offends neither Pompey nor Caesar. VIII. Caesar being slain, he grants to Brutus in adver- sity, what he would refuse to him in prosperity. IX. Is the friend of An- tony, condemned and hated, and protects and aids the persecuted members of his family. X. In the mutations of fortune, his kindness is rewarded, when Antony returns to power. XI. His further acts of kindness. XII. His liberality ; use of wealth to relieve distress ; disregard of mere station and honor. XIII. His manner of life ; domestic habits ; inmates of his dwelling. XIV, His entertainments ; his moderation. XV. His integrity ; capacities for business. XVI. Fit companion for the old or young; his friendship eagerly sought. XVII. Equanimity of his life. XVIII. Fond of antiquity, skilled in genealogies, a lover of poetry — his conciseness therein. XIX. Not ambitious of distinction ; alliance with him is sought. XX. His friendships with Cajsar and Mark Antony. XXI. His general good health, disease, closing interview of counsel. XXII, His last days ; his death. I. — 1. Ab . . . . geiieratus, " descended of one of the oldest ^Ro- man families." — Perpetuo .... acceptam, " received by uninterrupted Buccession from his ancestors." 2. Ctuibus .... debet, " in which the age of boyhood ought to be instructed." 3. Generosi condiscipuli, " his high-spirited schoolfellows." II. — 2» Pro .... Vivendi, " of living suitably to his rank." — Cu- jus sublevavit, " whom he relieved in his exile with money." 4» Versuram facere, " to borrow from one person for the purpose of paying another," *^ to hne money." III. — 1. Omnes honores haberent, " paid him all honors." 2. Actorem auctoremque, " agent and adviser." IV. — 4. LliS. ducenta et quiuquagiuta miJiia, " two hundred and fifty thousand sesterces." Sestertius^ the most common coin of the Romans, was equal in value to two pounds of brass and a. half, and hence it is usually marked by the letters LLS. for libra, libra, T. POMPONIUS ATTICUS. 271 Bemis ; or by abbreviation HS. It is often called simply nuinus, or nummus. The sestertius or nummus was equal to about three cents and a half. 5, Ut . . . . indicaret, " that they expressed with tears their grief for the privation they were to suffer." V. — 1- Difficillima natura, " of a churlish disposition." — Cujus .... veritus est, " of whose harshness of temper he stood in such rev- erential awe." — Summam, " extreme." 2> Haeredem ex dodraiite, " heir to three-fourths of his property or estate." Dodrans means three-fourths of the as, applied, in general, for three-fourths of any thing ; taken from the phrase /flcere hcRredem ex asse, " to make universal heir." — Circiter centies LLS. Refer to Note IV. 4. Sestertium is a sum equal to a thousand sestertii. When a numeral adverb is joined to sestertium, it denotes so many hundred thousand sesterces. Thus centies LLS. is the same as centies cen- tena millia sestertiorum, i. e. 10,000,000 sesterces, and is equivalent to about, in our money, $387,500. VI. — 1. Optimarum partium, " of the patrician party." 3. Ad .... accessit, " he never attended the ceusor*s sales," when the public revenues were let to the highest bidder. It was the custom, at public auctions, to erect a spear where the crier stood — a custom probably derived from this circumstance, that those things only which were taken in war were sold in that manner. All the taxes and public revenues were let publicly by the censors to the highest bid- der. — Nullius . . . ./actus est, " he was neither surety nor principal in farming the public revenue." Those who farmed the public revenue were called mancipes or puhlicani : they gave securities to the public, caWed praedes ; and had generally partners, socii, who shared with them the profit and loss. — Neminem .... accusavii, " he accused no person either as the direct prosecutor or his second." VII. — 1. Usus est .... vacatione, " he availed himself of the exemption from military service, to which he was entitled by his age." Persons above fifty years of age enjoyed immunity from the duties of WEu:. — Ex sua familiari re, " from his own personal fortune or estate." 2. Conjunctum, supply, cognatione. VIII.— 6. LI «• centum millia. See Note IV. 4 ; V. 2, circiter centies LLS. IX. — 2. Familiares (Antoiiii) insequebantur, " they persecu- ted his friends." 4. Ut nullum .... Attico, " that she never appeared as defend- ant in a court of law, according to bail, without Atticus." In a law- suit, the defendant was obliged to give security for his appearance in 272 NOTES. court on the day appointed ; he was then said, promittere vadimo* nium, to promise to appear ; if he was present, he was said, vadimo- nivm sistere, vel obire, to present himself, to appear in court on the day appointed. XIII. — 2* Plus .... habebat, " displayed more taste than ex- pense ;" was rather elegant than magnificent. 3« Usus est familia, &c., " he kept an establishment of slaves of the best kind, if we are to judge by utility but if by external show, below mediocrity." 4* Ctuod a plurimis videas, sc. concupisci. S, Ut . . . . posset, " that it might neither be remarkable for rich- ness nor meanness." XIV. — 1. Aliud . . . auagiiosteii, " heard any other musical (or theatrical) performer than a reader." It was customary among the Romans, at their private entertainments, to introduce, for the amuse- ment of their guests, actors and musicians, called acroamata, who sung or recited, with theatrical gestures, select passages of plays ; or persons, usually slaves, who read some favorite author, and who were denom- inated anagnostcR. 2. Parique .... fortuiia, " and maintained the same rank in both states of his fortune." XV. — 2. lu uitendo .... auiiuisset, " in endeavoring to accom- plish what he had once agreed to undertake." XVI. — 3. Historiam .... temporum, *« a regularly composed history of those times." 4. Divlnatlo, " the foreseeing or predicting of future events," {fiavrela, fiOvriK^.) " Thence, skill in taking measures effectually to pre- vent or avert any threatening evil, divine or uncommon wisdom and forecast. Augurium, is an omen derived from the flight or singing of birds, (oiwviana, omvooKoma ;) hence, a forewarning, prediction. Divinatio seems to have the more general meaning, and augurium a special sig- nification, though this is by no means always the case. XVII. — !• Pietas, " such conduct as is conformable to duty," hence it refers to the different affections and acts of both religious and moral duty. — Gloriantem, "priding himself upon, rejoicing in," (Kavxd»iiai.) — Se .... redisse, " that he had never required to be reconciled to his mother, i. e. had never quarrelled with his mother." — Simultas is from simuly and is, accordingly, equivalent to "jealousy," "rivalry," when two persons are striving for the same end. Doed. finds no con- firmation of the idea that simultas especially signifies a secret enmity, one which rests upon hypocrisy, consequently a grudge. 2. Nefas, " what is unlawful, criminal." Nefas is an offence against God and nature, an act of impiety. Scelus, an ofience against T. POMPONIUS ATTICUS. 2*73 the peace of Bociety or the rights of others, a crime. Flagitiuntf an offence against one's self. XVIII. — 1. Mos, moris, " the TP-ill of a person, one's humor; self- will, wilfulness, caprice," hence the various modification of meaning of the word. — Quo .... ornavity " in which he has enumerated in order,'* &c. 2. Subtexere, literally " to weave below or under" any thing. XX. — 1. Spousalis, (»/v/i0/jf. Intersiro, ire, ui, turn, (int sero.) To insert, intermingl crM es^ 1 INTERSUM 313 ITERUM interserens causam, alleging as a reason. Intersum, esse, fui, irreg. nevt., {inter, sum.) To be present ; engage, take part in ; differ. Intestinus, a, urn, adj., (intus.) Internal ; intestine ; bellum, a civil war. IntfiStinum, i, n., (intestinus.) An entrail, bowel, gut. Intime, adv., {iniimus.) Intimate^ ly, affectionately. Intimus, a, urn, adj. sup., {in- terns, obs.) Innermost, familiar, intimate. Intra, prep. Within. Intro, are, dvi, dtum, {intra.) To enter ; penetrate ; insinuate. Introeo, ire, ivi, or ii. Hum, irreg. neut., {intra, eo.) To enter, go in. Introitus, us, m., {introeo^ An entrance. In^romitto, (re, isi, issum, {intra, mitto.) To let in, admit ; al- low. Intueor, eri, itus, dep., {in, tueor.) To look at, behold ; consider ; regard ; imitate. Intuor, ui, utus, dep., {in, tuor.) To see, behold. Inut'ilis, is, e, adj., {in, vtills.) Useless, unprofitable ; hurtful. Itivddo, (re, si, sum, {in, vado.) To go or come upon ; seize ; invade; attack. Invectus. See Inveko. Inc(ho, (re, exi, ectum, {in, veho.) To import ; carry in ; inveigh against. Invenio, ire, eni, entum, {in, ve- nio.) To find ; invent. Invenium, i, n., {invenio.) A contrivance, device, invention ; stratagem. Invettrasco, (re, — , — , incomp., {in, veterasco.) To grow old, continue long ; become inveter- ate or incurable. Invet(rdtus, a, um, part., {in, Vetera.) Old, long-continued, confirmed, inveterate. 27 Invictus, a, um, part, and adj., {in, V nco.) Unconquercd, in- vincible ; unwearied, indefatiga- ble. Invidco, ere, idi, isum, {in, video.) To envy, hate. Invidia, (B,f., {invidus.) Envy; hatred ; ill-will, odium. Them, viii. Invidus, a, um, adj., {invideo.) Envious ; malicious, spiteful. Inviolatus, a, um, part, and adj., {in, violatus.) Inviolate, un- hurt, uninjured ; incorrupted, pure, immaculate. Invisus, a, um, part, and adj., {invideo.) Unseen ; hated, odi- ous. Invito, dre, dvi, dtum. To in- vite. Invitus, a, um, adj. Unwilling, reluctant. Invbco, dre, dvi, dtum, {in, voco.) To call upon, invoke ; implore ; beg assistance. Ipse, a, um, pron. Himself, her- self, itself. Ira, (B, f. Anger, wrath, rage, displeasure. Irascor, i, — , dep., {ira.) To be angry, to be in a passion. Irdtus, a, um, adj., {irascor.) Angry, enraged. Irrideo, ere, isi, isum, {in, video.) To laugh at. Irritus, a, um, adj., {in, ratus.) Not ratified ; vain, of no effect ; spei, disappointed in hope. Is, ca, id, pron. He, she, it, or that ; such ; opposed to hie, it sometimes signifies the former, and hie, the latter. Iste, a, ud, pron. That ; he, she, it ; iste is generally used in contempt. Ita, adv. So, thus ; yes. Itaque, conj. And so ; therefore. Item, adv. Also, likewise. Iter, itintris, n., {eo.) A journey, ^ a march ; a road. It(rum, adv. Again, the secoad time. 314 Jaceo, ere^ Hi. To lie, bo situ- ate ; be low ; be fallen or slain. JaciOi ^re, ecijj actum. To throw, cast, fling, hurl. JactOf are, dvi, alum, (Jrcq.jacio.) To throw ; toss ; throw out ; alter : boast ; revolve in one's mind. J actus, a, um. See Jacio. Jam, adv. Now, presently,, im- mediately. Janua, rdinary, com- mon, familiar. Quotidie, adv.,Cquot, dies.) Daily, every day. Quotiescunque, adv., {quoties.) As often as. Quum, or cum, adv. and conj. When, seeing, since. R. Radix, ids, f. A root ; the bot- tom of a hill. Rapio, Sre, ui, tum. To snatch or seize by force ; carry or sweep away by force ; plunder, ravish. Rarus, a, um, adj. X^in, not close or thick ; uncommon, rare ; pL, few. Ratio, onis, f. Reason, cause, manner, fashion ; account, cal- culation ; consideration, regard RATUS 337 Rafus, a, um, adj. Ratified, con- firmed. Recedo, tre, ssi, ssum, neut., (re- tro, cedo.) To retire or with- draw ; retract, go back ; de- part Recens, tis, adj. New, fresh ; late, recent. Recenfer, adv., (recens.) Newly, lately. Receptus. See Recipio. Recido, Sre, idi, asum, (retro, cadn.) To fall back or recoil ; fall or light upon ; relapse. Recido, tre, di, isurn, (re, ccBdo.) To cut off, cut down, cut away, pare away, cut up ; lop off, re- trench, reduce. Recipio, ire, epi, eptum, (re, ca- pio.) To take or get again, re- cover ; receive ; se, return, be- take one's self. Reconcilio, are, dvi, dtum, (re, conrilio.) To regain, recover; reinstate, re-establish, restore ; reconcile, make friends. Rrcreo, are, dvi, dtum, (re, creo.) To recover, refresh, recruit, re- pair. Rectus, a, tim, part, and adj. Right, straight, direct, not crooked. ^ecuho, dre, ui. Hum, (re, cuho.) To lie down, lie down a^aiu, recline.. Renumbo, Sre, cuhui, cuhitum. To lay one's self down, lie down again ; lean against, fall down, recHne, settle down, sub- side. Recupiro, dre, dvi, dtum, (re- cipio.) To regain, recover, get back, get again. Recuso, dre, dvi, dtum, (re, causa.) To refuse, deny, re- ject ; to plead in defence. Reddo, ire, idi. Hum, (re, do.) To give back, restore ; make or render ; deliver. Redeo, ire, ivi and ii, itum, irreg. ncut., (re, eo.) To go or come back, return ; be restored. . 29 Redigo, ire, egi, actum, (re, ag(% j To bring or drive back ; reduce, collect, restore. Redimo, ire, emi, emptum, (re, emo.) To purchase back, ran- som, redeem ; recover, get back. Reditus, fis, m., (redeo.) A re- turn ; income, revenue ; interest of money. Reduco, ere, xi, ctum. To bring or lead back, conduct back ; reinstate, restore. Refectus. See Reficio. Refiro, ferre, tuli, latum, (re, fero.) To bring back, restore ; bring back word, report ; refer j reply ;. se, return ; rej'erre aliC" nos mores ad suos, to compare foreign customs with their own. Refert, imp., (res, fero.) It con- cerns, it is the interest of. Reficio, ire, 6ci, ectum, (re,facio.) To repair, refit ; rebuild ; re- fresh, recruit, recover or cure. Refreno, dre, dvi, dtum, (re, freno.) To bridle, curb, check, restrain. Refringo, ire, egi, actum, (re, frango.) To break open ; weak- en or impair; subdue. Refugio, ire, ugi, ugitum, (re, fugio.) To flee away ; fly back ; shun, dread. Regia, cB, /., (sc. domus.) A public building at Rome where the Pontifices assembled. Regio, onis, f. A region, dis- trict, country. Regius, a, um, adj., (rex.) Of a king, royal ; princely : fama cum ad regios (sc. prcafectos) perlata esset, when the report had been brought to the king's • prefects. Regno, dre, dvi, dtum, (rex.) To reign, rule as a king. Regnum, i, n., (rex.) A kingdom, realm. Rego, ire, rexi, rectum. To rule or govern, manage, direct. Relatus. See Refero. 338 Relego, are, dvi, dtum, (re, lego.) To send away or remove, banish. Religio, onis, f. Religion, devo- tion, veneration ; religious obli- gation, oath, Dion. viii. ; re- ligious scruple. Religiose, adv., (religiosus.) Re- ligiously, scirupulously, cautious- ly, Att. XV. Relinquo, ^re, iqui, ictum, (re, linquo.) To leave, forsake, re- linquish, quit, abandon. ReliquicB, drum, /., (relinquo.) Leavings, remains, relics. Reliquus, a, um, adj., (relinquo.) Remaining, left ; tempus, future. Remaneo, ere, si, sum, (re,maneo.) To remain behind ; continue, abide. Remedium, i, n., (re, medeor.) Remedy, cure. Remex, igis, m., (remus.) Row- er, boatman. Remigro, dre, dvi, dtum, (re, mi- gro.) To go back, return. Reminiscor, i, — , (re, memini.) To call to mind, remember. Remissus, a, um, part, and adj. Relaxed, languid ; faint, slug- gish, remiss, negligent ; gentle, mild, moderate. . Remitto, he, isi, issum, (re, mitto.) To send or throw back ; slacken, abate, remit, forgive. Remotus, a, um, part, and adj. Remote ; Jig., having nothing to do with, not connected with, not feeling, not enjoying. Removeo, ere, ovi, dtum, (re, moveo.) To remove, drive or send away. Renovo, dre, dvi, dtum, (re, novo.) To renew, make or build anew ; refresh. Renuncio, and Renuntio, dre, dvi, dtum, (re, nuncio.) To bring back word, report ; renounce, disclaim ; proclaim by the voice of a herald. Reor, reri, rdtus sum, dep. To think, judge, suppose. Repello, ire, iili, ulsum, fre, pello.) To drive or thrust back, repel ; reject, refuse, Lys. iii. Repenie, adv., (repens.) Sudden- ly, unexpectedly. Repentinus, a, um, adj., (repens.) Sudden, hasty, unexpected. Reperlo, ire, i, turn, (re, nario.) To find, discover ; invent, con- trive. Repertus, a, um, part. See JRe- perio. Repeto, He, Ivi, Hum, (re, peto.) To seek back, return to ; repeat, recollect. Repo, ire, psi, ptum. To creep, crawl, go with diflGiculty and caution, Han. iii. Repono, ire, posUi, positum, (re, pono) To lay, set, put or place back, backwards or be- hind one's self; bring forward, repeat, renew. Reprehendo, ire, di, sum, (re, prehendo.) To catch again, lay hold of, seize ; blame, re- prove, reprehend. Repritno, ire, essi, essum, (re, premo.) To repress, check, re- strain, keep within bounds, con- fine. Repudio, dre, dvi, dtum, (repu- dium.) To divorce, reject, for- sake. Repugno, dre, dvi, dtum, (re, pugno.) To fight against, re- sist, oppose, be at variance. Repulsa, about sixty-five years before the foundation of Rome ; and destroyed by Scipio Africanus, the younger, in the third Punic war, about one hundred and forty-seven years before Christ. It was twenty-three miles in circumference, and on being set fire to by the Romans, is said to have burned seventeen whole days. It was partly rebuilt by Julius Caesar, Augustus, and Adrian, and was finally demolished by the Saracens, in the seventh century. Its ruins are still to be seen about fifteen miles north- east of Tunis. Carthdginiensis, is, m. or/., a Carthaginian. Carihdginiensis, is, e, adj., of Carthage. Cassander, ri, rn., the son of Antipater, whom he succeeded on the throne of Macedonia. Cassias, i, m., Caius, one of the principal conspirators against Julius CiEsar. Being defeated by Antony, in the decisive battle of Philippi, he ordered his freedman to pierce him through, with that very sword which he had stained in the blood of Ccesar. Brutus lamented him as the last of the Romans. Cataonia, erated with Perdiccas in endeavoring to subdue the other commanders, who had partitioned the empire amongst them. He defeated Craterus and Neoptolemus, the latter of whom he slew in single combat ; and for some time successfully opposed Antigonus. Being at last betrayed by his own party to his an- tagonist, he was doomed to perish by hunger, but after fasting for three days he was killed by one of Antigonus's soldiers, b. c. 318. EuTnolpidce, drwn, m., the descendants of Eumolpus, son of Neptune. Eumolpus, originally from Thrace, was chief priest of Ceres, at Eleusis, an office which his descendants continued for many ages to enjoy. Eurdpa, (B,f.j Europe, one of the four great continents into which the world has been divided. It is situate between 36° and 12° of north latitude, and between 10° west and 65° east longitude. It extends in length about 3,300 miles, from the rock of Lisbon in the west, to the Uraliau mountains in the east ; and in breadth about 2,350 miles from the North Cape in Lapland to Cape Matapan, the southern extremity of Greece. Though the smallest of ihe four great divisions of the globe, it far surpasses them all in politi- cal importance. Almost wholly situate within the temperate zone, its climate is peculiarly favorable to the physical and mental en- ergies of man ; while its numerous and extensive inland seas, fa- cilitating the intercourse between its various nations, have pro- moted their mutual progress in knowledge and civilization. It is here, accordingly, that the human mind has approached nearest to perfection. It is here that learning, science, and the arts, have been most successfully cultivated ; that the native freedom and privileges of men have been most resolutely vindicated, and most generally recognised, and that governments have been estab- lished on the firm basis of mutual advantage to the rulers and the ruled. In consequence of those advantages Europe now gives laws to the greater part of the globe ; and seems destined to dif- fuse over all the other continents the light of knowledge, refine- ment, and true religion. Its ancient divisions were Scandinaviay including Denmark, Norway, Lapland, Finland, and Sweden ; Germania, Germany ; Sarmatiaj or Srythia, Poland, Prussia, Russia, and Little Tartary ; Dacia, Wallachia, Moldavia, and Transylvania ; Moesia, Servia and Bulgaria ; Thracia, Romania ; Macedonia ; Thessalia, Janna ; Gradcia Propria, Livadia ; Pe- loponnesus, Morea ; Epirus, Albania and Janina ; lUyricum, Dalmatia, Bosnia, Sclavonia, and Croatia ; Pannonia, Hungary ; Noricum, Austria ; Rhoetia and Vindelicia, Tyrol, and the country of the Grisons ; Gallia, France, Switzerland, Flanders, 370 niSTORICAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. and Holland ; Britannia^ Britain ; Hihernia, Ireland ; Hispania, Spain and Portugal ; Italia, Italy ; Corsica ; Sardinia ; Sicilia ; and the Baleares, Majorca, Minorca, and Ivica. EuroptBus^ a, um, adj., European, belonging to Europe. Euryhiades, is,m., a king of Sparta, who commanded the Lacedce- monian army when Themistocles commanded the Athenians, during the invasion of Xerxes. Euryd'ice, es, /., the wife of Amyntas, king of Macedonia, and mo- ther of Perdiccas and Philip. EurysthSneSf is, m., a Lacedaemonian, a descendant of Hercules F. Fabidnue, a, um, adj., of Fabius. Fahius, i, in., the name of a patrician family in Rome, illustrious for their heroic virtues, and for the important services which they rendered to their country. Quintus Fabius Maximus was ap^ pointed dictator to oppose Hannibal ; and by his caution and skil- fully watching the motions of his enemy, often thwarted his measures and checked his progress. He died in the 100th year of his age, after having been five times consul, and twice honored with a triumph. Falernus, a, um, adj., Falemian ; — ager, a district at the foot of Mount Massicus, in Campania, celebrated for its wine. Feretrius, i, m., a surname of Jupiter, (a feriendo,) given to him by Romulus, who had been enabled, through the aid of that god, to conquer his enemies. Romulus built a temple to Jupiter Fere- trius, to which the spolia opima were always carried. Flaccus, i, m., Lucius Valerius, a Roman patrician, who was Cato's colleague in the censorship. Flaminius, i, m., Caius, a Roman consul, of a rash and impetuous disposition, who was defeated by Hannibal, near the lake of Thra- symenus, and perished in the engagement. Flaminlnus, i, m., a Roman consul, sent as ambassador to the court of Prusias, king of Bithynia, to demand that Hannibal, who had fled for refuge to Prusias, might be delivered up to the Romans. Flavins, ii, m., Caius, a Roman, who was a friend of Brutus. Fregellm, arum,/., a city of the Volsci, in Latium, on the Liris. Fulvia, <£, /., a Roman lady, who was first the wife of the tribune • Clod i us, next of Curio, and afterwards of Mark Antony. She was divorced by Antony that he might marry Cleopatra. When she repaired to him in the East, his coldness and indifference broke her heart. Furius, i, m., L. Purpureo, a Roman consul in the time of Hannibal. G. Oalba, (B, m., Servius, a Roman orator. During his prastorship he plundered Lusitania, and, being accused by M. Cato, escaped only by producing his sons to the Roman people, and imploring their protection in the most abject manner. Oallia, , m., an Athenian commander, who, through jealbusy, re- jected the advice of Alcibiades, and was, in consequence, defeated by Lysander at iEgos Potamos. Philocrates, is, 7/1., a Syracusan, brother to Dion. Philostratus, i, m., a Syracusan, brother of Dion. Phociun, onis, 7/1., an Athenian, contemporary with Demosthenes, alike distinguished by his private and public virtues. He with- stood the attempts of Philip to take possession of Euboea ; and with still nobler heroism, rejected the liberal offers by which that crafty monarch endeavored to lull asleep his patriotism. After performing the most signal services to his country, and by his unbending integrity meriting the honorable appellation of Good, he was suspected by his ungrateful countrymen of partiality to their enemies ; and when upwards of 80 years of age was con- demned to die by poison. PhoebidaSy (E, m., a Lacedaemonian general who seized the citadel of Thebes. Though the Lacedaemonians affected to condemn this aggression, and even imposed on Phoebidas a heavy penalty, yet they retained the citadel till their garrison was expelled by Pelo- pidas. PhaeniceSy urn, m., the inhabitants of Phoenice. Phcenice, es, /., Phoenicia, a country in Syria, of which Tyre and Sidon were the principal towns. Phrygian io/?, 4, [1]. Ilpoffifuvctv. Con. 3, [3]. Prospicere. Dat. 3, [3] Publice. Arist. 3, [3] ; Dion, 10, [3]. P M Ivinar and pulvinus. Timoth 2. [2]. Qu