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Sh2ikespeare's Influence 
 upon Grabbe 
 
 HORACE LIND HOCH, Ph. D. 
 
Shakespeare's Influence 
 upon Grabbe 
 
 HORACE LIND HOCH, Ph.D. 
 
 A Thesis presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the 
 
 University of Pennsylvania in partial Fulfillment of 
 
 the Requirements for the Degree of 
 
 Doctor of Philosophy 
 
MOTHER 
 
 ;28319 
 
CHAPTER ONE. 
 
 Shakespeare in Germany. 
 
 Shakespeare's influence upon a German dramatist is not a new 
 theme. From the earliest production of Shakespeare in Germany by 
 the English Comedians, during the poet's life, down to the present 
 time he has been a guiding star of the German drama. He was the 
 model for the first attempt at dramatization in the modem concep- 
 tion of the drama; he was the model whom Lessing followed to a 
 very large extent in laying the foundation of the German drama; 
 he was the inspiration to Goethe and Schiller in their early dramatic 
 attempts ; he was the watchword of the Storm and Stress ; through the 
 Schlegels and Tieck he became a part of German literature; and 
 future investigation will show how great a debt the drama of the 
 nineteenth century owes to him. 
 
 The first dramatic author of Germany in whom we can see the 
 influence of Shakespeare is Herzog Heinrich Julius von Braunschweig 
 (1563-1613), who was one of the first to maintain a regular theatre 
 at his court. This influence was exerted upon the Duke through the 
 so-called "Englisehe Comodianten ". Albert Cohn sees a very close 
 connection between three of the Duke's dramas and Shakespeare. 
 Cohn thinks the connection of the Wolfenbiittel with the old English 
 stage becomes very manifest from the general coloring of the Duke's 
 pieces, as, for instance, the "Tragoedia von einem ungerathnen Sohn." 
 Here he is reminded of Titus Andronicus, and in the later develop- 
 ments of the play of Macheth, Richard the Second and Cymheline. 
 There is a still closer connection in the Duke's Comoedia von Vincentio 
 Ladislao. It, according to Cohn, contains the rough prototype of 
 Benedick in 3Iuch Ado about Nothing. Still more closely connected 
 with Shakespeare is the Duke's Tragoedia von einer Ehehrechin, the 
 plot of which agrees entirely with that of the Merry Wives of Windsor. 
 
 There were English Comedians at the court of Landgraf Moriz von 
 Hessen at the same time as at the Court of Herzog von Braunschweig. 
 The Landgraf is credited with a number of original plays, but none 
 has been preserved. 
 
 5 
 
In the consideration of this early period a much more important 
 dramatist than the two mentioned is found in Jacob Ayrer. A fol- 
 lower of Hans Sachs, Ayrer nevertheless shows the effects of the in- 
 fluence of the English Comedians. Ayrer 's connection with Shake- 
 speare has never been definitely settled. In certain of his works a close 
 relationship exists; but whether Ayrer borrowed from Shakespeare 
 or Shakespeare borrowed from Ayrer, or whether the two had a 
 common source has not been settled. The most striking similarity 
 is to be found in Ayrer 's Comedia von der schonen Sidea and Shake- 
 speare's Tempest. The general opinion is that both plays had a 
 common source. The very close resemblance of Ayrer 's comedy Von 
 der schonen Phonicea to Shakespeare's Much Ado about Nothing was 
 first pointed out by Tieck and enlarged upon by Cohn. Cohn also 
 calls our attention to the similarity between Ayrer 's Comedia von 
 Zweyen Brildern auss Syragusa and Comedy of Errors, pointing out 
 that their subject was familiar to the English stage long before Shake- 
 speare. 
 
 In a volume entitled Englische Comedien und Tragedien, which 
 appeared in 1620, there is a piece entitled Tragodia von Julio und 
 Hyppolita, which bears a strong resemblance to the principal plot of 
 Shakespeare's Two Gentlemen of Verona. In the same volume ap- 
 pears another piece "Tragodien von Tito Andronica" which has a 
 closer connection with Shakespeare's time. 
 
 In 1626 the Comodia von Josepho Juden von Venedigk was given 
 at Dresden. Cohn thinks that this is probably a piece, the manu- 
 script of which is in the Imperial Library at Vienna, and is entitled 
 Comodia genandt dass wohl gesprochcne Urtheil eynes weihlichen 
 Studenten, oder der Jud von Venedig. It appears to be a mixture 
 of Shakespeare 's Merchant of Venice and Marlowe 's Jew of Malto. 
 
 By means of a program of 1658 we learn that Die wunderhare 
 Heurath Petruvio mit der hosen Katharine was acted by students of 
 the GjTnnasium at Zittau. As the piece has not come down to us 
 we cannot say how closely it followed Shakespeare. 
 
 Up to this point the influence of Shakespeare has shown itself 
 more upon the stage than upon literature. The Shakespeare influence 
 has been thus far the result of the English Comedians. To them 
 belongs the credit of creating the beginnings of the professional stage. 
 These players brought with them not only the theatrical effects of the 
 English theatre but also the histrionic art of Shakespeare 's time. They 
 introduced historical and popular subjects in place of biblical and 
 
polemical ones. Thus an advance in the drama had been made through 
 this English influence. The German drama had advanced far beyond 
 that of Hans Sachs. 
 
 An even greater advance is shown in the works of Gryphius. 
 He represents on the one hand the French Pseudo Classical School, and 
 on the other the influence of the English. In the construction of his 
 tragedies he was greatly influenced by Seneca. In his comedies he 
 profited not only from Moliere but from the Shakespearian plays. 
 He stands at the beginning of a new dramatic period. Shakespeare's 
 influence upon him is seen at its best in his Absurda Comica Oder 
 Herr Peter Squentz. This is a version of the comic episodes of the 
 Midsummer Night's Dream. It is almost the same arrangement 
 scene for scene, and hardly one of Shakespeare's jokes has been 
 omitted. In an ''Address to the reader" Gryphius confesses to have 
 taken it from a version by Daniel Schwenter. 
 
 Genee records a play entitled Tugend und Liebesstreit, which was 
 produced in 1677 at a private castle. It treats of the material of 
 Shakespeare's Twelfth Night. 
 
 It is interesting to note that in this period a German poet, Michael 
 Kongehl (1646-1710), treated Shakespearian materials without having 
 known Shakespeare's plays. Kongehl wrote two plays Die vom Tode 
 erweckte Phonizia and Der unschuldig-beschuldigten Innocentien Un- 
 schidd, which deal with Shakespeare 's subjects. The former treats the 
 plot of Much Ado about Nothing, the latter that of Cymbeline. 
 
 During this century we have records of several of Shakespeare's 
 plays having been performed one or more times. The most popular 
 appear to have been Merchant of Venice, Hamlet, Romeo and Juliet, 
 King Lear and Jidius Caesar. 
 
 At the beginning of the eighteenth century Christian Weise 
 wrote a play entitled Die bose Catharina. The play is a very poor one 
 and reflects Shakespeare's Taming of the Shrew only in the general 
 idea and the names of important characters. "Weise at an earlier 
 period also wrote an imitation of Gryphius' Peter Squentz. 
 
 In 1741 Caspar Wilhelm von Borck, Prussian ambassador in 
 London, made a translation of Julius Caesar. The translation is in 
 rhymed Alexandrines and as a translation is not of much value. It, 
 however, marks the beginning of a real and lively interest in Shake- 
 speare in Germany. Gottsched at once raised his voice against the 
 translation. This opposition of Gottsched was only the beginning of a 
 series of attacks which Gottsched made against Shakespeare. Von 
 
8 
 
 Borck's translation brought forth shortly after a more favorable 
 criticism of Shakespeare from J. E. Schlegel. In his essay, Ver- 
 gleichung Shakespeares unci Andreas Gryphius, he re-translated the 
 speech of Antony over the dead body of Caesar, as he did not think 
 Von Borck's translation close enough to the original. This transla- 
 tion is also in Alexandrines and is a slight improvement upon von 
 Borck 's. 
 
 This translation of von Borck was followed some years later by 
 several translations: in 1756 a translation of several scenes from 
 Bicliard the Third, in 1758 a translation of Romeo and Juliet, in 1757 
 a translation of Hamlet by Moses Mendelssohn, and a second transla- 
 tion of the same play in 1767. Mendelssohn was also active in the 
 Litteratur Brief e in holding up Shakespeare to the German people.* 
 Friedrich Nicolai also was a defender of the English poet.f 
 
 The defense of these men in behalf of Shakespeare, however, 
 was mild compared with Lessing's defense of him. The work which 
 Lessing did for the German drama is too well known for me to dwell 
 upon it here. In the particular field in which he labored he stands 
 out as one of the greatest men Germany has ever produced. It was 
 he who prepared the way and made possible the splendid literary 
 productions which have followed him. There is no student of 
 German literature who fails to appreciate the great debt Germany 
 owes to him. Part of the praise which is accorded Lessing belongs 
 to Shakespeare, for Shakespeare was the model to whom Lessing con- 
 tinually directed the German people. This admiration for Shake- 
 speare is to be found in the Litteratur Brief e and the Hamhurgische 
 Dramaturgie. Here are found numerous passages in which Shakes- 
 peare is praised or his superiority over the French is shown. Perhaps 
 more significant than these are the many passages in which his 
 statements on the principles of dramatic art are justifications of 
 Shakespeare's art and have been used as such by English defenders of 
 Shakespeare. It is especially noteworthy how strongly Lessing speaks 
 for Shakespeare ; not doubtingly nor hesitatingly, but in the strongest 
 possible terms. How many times in criticising a play and wanting 
 something to show how it should have been done did he turn to 
 Shakespeare for his model: Shakespeare was to be studied, Shakes- 
 peare was to be used as a camera obscura, it was Shakespeare 's ghost 
 
 *See the 84th and 123d Briefe of 1760, and the 147th of the following year. 
 fSee No. 11 "Briefe iiber den jetsigen Zustand der schonen Wissenschaften 
 in Beutschland" of the year 1755. 
 
which was the real ghost, it was Shakespeare who possessed a deep 
 insight into the nature of love. It was Shakespeare who followed the 
 rules of the ancients, it was Shakespeare who was true to nature, 
 it was Shakespeare who understood properly the unities of Aristotle, 
 and he finally suspects that some of his readers will inquire, "Is it 
 always Shakespeare who has understood everything better than the 
 French." Thus we can have no doubt as to how the reformer of 
 the German drama considered Shakespeare. Who can doubt that 
 Lessing's own works were either directly or indirectly influenced by 
 Shakespeare. In his earliest plays Lessing stood entirely on the 
 basis of the French model. But that condition did not continue long. 
 The impulse to follow Shakespeare even in his early career was 
 active in him. In his Henzi he breaks through two essential rules of 
 the style of the Renaissance, namely, the law which required that 
 the scenes of the tragedy shall be laid in remote time; and the other, 
 which demands that the principal characters shall be warriors, kings 
 and princes ; since he takes for his subject a historical event of his own 
 day, the political revolution of a Swiss canton, and for his characters 
 plain citizens of a petty republic. In this fragment we perceive 
 the effects of the German translation of Julius Caesar* Two other 
 republican tragedies were planned at this time under its inspiration — 
 Virginia, which afterwards became Emilia Oalotti, and Brutus. The 
 same influence is also manifest in the fragments and sketches of other 
 tragedies such as Das hefreite Rom and Alcihiades in Persien and even 
 in the poems of the period the terse, ironical portrayal of the famous 
 republican leaders who conspired against Caesar is traceable to 
 Shakespeare's example. These were direct results. And surely, the 
 Hamlmrgische Dramaturgie, Laokoon, Minna von BarnJielm and 
 Emilia Oalotti were indirect results. Would Lessing hold Shakes- 
 peare up to his contemporaries and not make use of him himself. 
 Especially when we consider that Minna von Barnhelm was written 
 to show how the principles of dramatic art which he expounded should 
 be used. Lessing had said give us action, and referred to the action 
 in Shakespeare's plays. Any one who has read Minna von Barnhelm 
 will not deny the presence of action in it. In regard to Emilia Oa- 
 lotti, we know that it is the outgrowth of his early Virginia, which 
 was inspired by Shakespeare. 
 
 *See Adolf Stahr Life and Works of G. E. Lessing. 
 
10 
 
 But Lessing's great work was not so much his use of Shakespeare 
 as it was his preparation of the way for the real entrance of Shakes- 
 peare influence into German literature. It was he who brought 
 Shakespeare before the German public in a favorable light. It was 
 he who removed much prejudice and many difficulties out of the 
 way of a favorable reception of a Shakespeare translation. It was 
 he who made Wieland's translation possible. It was he who protected 
 the first disciples of Shakespeare from the storm of criticism which 
 hailed any tendencies to stand imder the banner of the English poet. 
 Lessing's defense of Shakespeare is to be strongly contrasted with the 
 defense of Shakespeare in England. In England the defenders of 
 Shakespeare had stood on the defensive. His most enthusiastic ad- 
 vocates spoke ignorantly when they did not speak hesitatingly. But 
 such was not the case with Lessing. There was neither lack of Imowl- 
 edge nor of insight on his part, nor of the confidence which is based 
 upon them. Beside his keen analysis and masterly exposition of prin- 
 ciples, most English criticism of that day seems shallow and incon- 
 clusive.* 
 
 But something else was needed before Lessing's influence could 
 work much good, and that was a German translation of Shakespeare. 
 This want was supplied by Wieland. His translation appeared be- 
 tween 1762 and 1766, and consisted of eight volumes containing 
 twenty-one plays in the following order: Midsummer Night's Dream, 
 King Lear, As You Like It, Measure for Measure, The Tempest, 
 Merchant of Venice, Timon of Athens, King John, Julius Caesar, 
 Anthony and Cleopatra, Comedy of Errors, King Richard II, first part 
 of Henry IV, Mitch Ado about Nothing, Macbeth, Two Gentlemen of 
 Verona, Romeo and Juliet, Othello, Twelfth Night, Hamlet, and A 
 Winter's Tale. All of these translations except one Avere in prose. 
 
 In 1763 Bodmer attempted to write a Jxdius Caesar. He himself 
 called it a "politisches Drama" and says "dass dieses Werk in Ver- 
 gleichung mit des Shakespeares Julius Caesar keine blendende, son- 
 dern eine sittsame Schonheit sei, die sich immer einen stillen, freiwil- 
 ligen Beifall abnothigt wenn sie gleich nicht auf Entziickungen An- 
 spruch macht. " Shakespeare furnished the inspiration to Bodmer, 
 but Bodmer made no use at all of Shakespeare. Bodmer, in 1768, 
 wrote another "politisches Trauerspiel" entitled Marcus Brutus. This 
 play has almost nothing in common with Shakespeare 's Julius Caesar. 
 
 *Lounsbiiry "Shakespeare as a Bramatic Artist," Vol. I, page 77. 
 
11 
 
 In one of Lessing's contemporaries, Felix Ch, Weisse, we see 
 a strong tendency to follow Shakespeare. His Richard III and 
 Romeo und Julie are, at least, adaptations from Shakespeare.* 
 
 This brings us down to the period of the "Sturm und Drang." 
 The chief elements of this literary revolution were: worship of 
 Shakespeare, return to nature, and hostility to the French, Shakes- 
 peare 's works became the center of literary criticism in Germany. In 
 every Zeitschrift appeared champions and antagonists of his art. 
 Every new literary production was measured by a Shakespearian 
 standard. Nature was exalted as the supreme law; Shakespeare was 
 Nature. Down with all rules and conventions; "Down with the 
 influence of the French," was the watchword inscribed upon their 
 banners. Gerstenberg's Brief e ilber Merkwiirdigkeiten der Litteratur, 
 Herder's Shakespeare, Goethe's Shakespearerede and Lenz's Anmerk- 
 ungen ilber das Theater, all reflect this Shakespeare worship. 
 
 This movement is much indebted to Herder for its Shakespeare 
 enthusiasm. Herder, as a student at Konigsberg first learned to know 
 Shakespeare through Haaman. He was strongly influenced by Les- 
 sing at first; but later he appreciated Shakespeare for himself. His 
 real knowledge of the English poet was through no translation, but 
 through the English copies. He himself translated many scenes from 
 Shakespeare. The enjoyment of Shakespeare poetry worked so 
 strongly upon him that in 1772 he attempted a drama which he 
 named Brutus. Concerning this drama he wrote to his wife that the 
 best parts of it did not belong to him but to history and Shakespeare. 
 Herder's opinion and views of Shakespeare are so well known that it 
 seems unnecessary for me to quote them here.f 
 
 Perhaps the most important thing which Herder did in his 
 Shakespeare work was his introduction of Shakespeare to Gcethe. 
 He it was who taught Goethe to imderstand and appreciate more 
 fully the magic power of Shakespeare's genius. Now this influence 
 upon Goethe is one of the great results of the Shakespeare influence 
 upon the German drama. The Shakespeare influence between 1740 
 and 1770, and above all Lessing's efforts in this direction, was a strong 
 factor in preparing the way and making possible the great German 
 
 *See "Lessings Jungendfreunde," D, N, L, Vol, 72, pages 18-20, See Jo- 
 hanna Gruber "Das Verhdlt7iis von Weisses 'Borneo und Juliet' zu 'Shakespeare 
 und den NoveUen." In " Studien sur vergleichenden Litteraturgeschichte." 
 Fiinfter Band, Heft IV, 1905, page 395, 
 
 •{■See "Shakespeare" in "Fan Bexitschei' Art und Kunst." 
 
12 
 
 literature of the eighteenth century. And this was a really great 
 service to the German drama. 
 
 To go into the Shakespeare influence in this period in detail is not 
 my purpose. That Goethe and Schiller were influenced is an accepted 
 fact. No one will minimize the importance of this Shakespearian in- 
 fluence, particularly in their early careers. It is worthy of more 
 attention that I have opportunity to give in this study. In addition 
 to Goethe and Schiller, Lenz and Klinger were greatly influenced, and 
 to a less extent Maler Miiller, Leisewitz, L. Phil. Hahn and H. L. 
 Wagner. 
 
 Prof. J. J. Eschenburg directed his attention to Shakespeare. As 
 a result of his effort we have Versuch ilher Shakespeares Genie und 
 Schriften, 1771, a revision of Weiland's translation with notes, 1775- 
 1782, and his own Shakespeare translation, 1778-1783. 
 
 In 1797, August "Wilhelm Schlegel commenced his translation of 
 Shakespeare. From then until 1803, in quick succession, followed 
 eight volumes, each volume containing two dramas, but then other 
 labors forced themselves upon him, and he published no more until 
 1810, when the ninth volume appeared, containing Bichard III. The 
 nine volumes contain the following: Romeo, Sommernachtstraumy 
 Julius Caesar, Was ihr Wollt, Sturm, Hamlet, Kaufmann von Vene- 
 dig. Wis es euch gefdllt, and the English histories with the exception 
 of Heinrich VIII. 
 
 Schlegel found a most able and active co-worker in Ludwig 
 Tieck, who had early acquired a taste for English literature and for 
 Shakespeare. As early as 1796 he had translated The Tempest and 
 written an essay on Shakespeare 's treatment of the supernatural. He 
 pursued his studies vigorously in this direction until it was said of 
 him that he know more of Shakespeare and the contemporaneous litera- 
 ture of his time than any foreigner, if not any Englishman. In 1825 
 he commenced the revision and completion of Schlegel's translation 
 which was concluded in 1833. Tieck 's daughter, Dorothea, and the 
 Count Wolf von Bandissin did the translating. Dorothea translated 
 six pieces: Coriolanus, Two Gentlemen of Verona, Timon of Athens, 
 Winter's Tale, Cymheline and Macbeth. Count Wolf von Bandissin 
 translated King Henry VIII, King Lear, Antony and Cleopatra, Titus 
 Andronicus, Othello, Troilus and Cressida, Taming of the Shrew, 
 Much Ado about Nothing, Merry Wives of Windsor and Measure for 
 Measure. The remainder were those which Schlegel had prepared. 
 Of this translation it is almost impossible to speak too highly. It was 
 
13 
 
 one of the greatest achievements of German literature. Through it 
 Shakespeare has become a part of German literature. Some even be- 
 lieve that it surpasses the original. And it has also been said that it 
 was a sufficient reward for the Romantic Period of German literature. 
 Comparatively little investigation has been made in Shakespeare 
 influence upon the nineteenth century. Sufficient has been done, how- 
 ever, to show that Tieck, Kleist, Grabbe, Grillparzer, Hebbel and 
 Ludwig have operated more or less under the inspiration and influ- 
 ence of Shakespeare. 
 
CHAPTER TWO. 
 
 Grabbe's Knowledge of and Enthusiasm for Shakespeare. 
 
 Shakespeare has had no greater admirer than the youthful Grabbe. 
 His letters, his own statements, and the statements of his contem- 
 poraries show us conclusively that he was under the spell of the 
 English dramatist. A careful study of his dramas will force the 
 conclusion to this premise, which a preliminary investigation of the 
 aforesaid letters and statements sets up. To his letters, his essay 
 Ueher die Shakspearo-Manie, and extracts from different sources we 
 shall turn to show his knowledge of Shakespeare and to give Shakes- 
 peare the credit for a very great deal of Grabbe 's inspiration to write 
 dramas. The latter is one of the purposes of this treatment. To his 
 dramas we shall direct our attention to show that Grabbe has turned 
 to Shakespeare for the motive of the Gothland; the choice of subject 
 in his historical dramas — Marius und Sidla and Hannibal; the speech 
 of his early dramas, and the Aschenhrodel. In detail, then, this paper 
 will attempt to show that Grabbe is much indebted to Shakespeare 
 for the inspiration to write a drama, the motivation of the Gothland, 
 the character of the Moor, and minor details of the drama. I also 
 wish to show Grabbe 's indebtedness in the speech of his early dramas, 
 namely, Herzog Theodor von Gothland and Scherz, Satire, Ironie und 
 iiejere Bcdeutung, as well as traces of it in some of his other dramas. 
 I further wish to show that Grabbe was influenced in his choice of sub- 
 jects by Shakespeare, calling attention to the similarities between 
 Theodor von Gothland and Titus Andronicus, Marius und Sulla and 
 Coriolanus, Hannibal and Antony and Cleopatra, and between the Ho- 
 henstaufen tragedies and Shakespeare's English historical dramas. 
 Finally, I wish to present a comparison of Grabbe's Aschenbrodel 
 with Shakespeare's Merchant of Venice. 
 
 The part I am about to give is to serve as a foundation for 
 this treatment. This part consists of letters and extracts which show 
 Grabbe's knowledge of and enthusiasm for Shakespeare. They do not 
 comprise everything that Grabbe has written on Shakespeare, only 
 those which have a direct bearing upon the subject. 
 
 14 
 
15 
 
 A. Letters and parts of letters in chronological order. 
 
 An die Wohllobl. Meyersche Hofbuehhandlung zu Lemgo. 
 
 Die Wolillobliche Hofbuehhandlung ersuche ich gehorsamst, mir 
 baldmoglichst zu iibersenden : den sechsten Band von den dramatic 
 works of Shakespeare, published by Charles Wagner, Brunswick. 
 
 Unser Lehrer der englischen Sprache versicherte uns, dass dieser 
 Band einzeln zu bekommen sei weil die Wagnersche Edition eine 
 Schulausgabe ware. Da wir nun aus Mangel an Exemplaren in den 
 englischen Privatstimden nicht eher die Lesung des Shakespeare be- 
 ginnen konnen, als bis ich diesen sechsten Band erhalten habe, so muss 
 angelegentlichst urn Eile bitten gehorsamst Ch. D. Grabbe. 
 
 Detm. 4. V. 1818.* 
 
 This volume contains Julius Caesar, Antony and Cleopatra, 
 Timon of Athens, Troilus and Cressida and Titus Andronicus. 
 
 An Herrn Zuchtmeister Grabbe zu Detmold. 
 Liebe Eltern ! 
 
 Ich habe ein Buch verschrieben, aber schon seit einem halben 
 Jahre, und konnte es zuriicksenden, wenn es kam. Ich will eine 
 
 Kritische Beleuchtung 
 hieriiber anstellen. 
 
 1. War es erlaubt, ein Buch ohne das Wissen meiner Eltern zu 
 verschreiben ? 
 
 Erlaubt war es nicht, aber zu entschuldigen ist es, weil ich fiirch- 
 tete es euch zu sagen, weil es ein halb Jahr wohl hin ist und weil ich 
 das Geld desselben ersparen Iconnte. 
 
 Nun ist die Frage iibrig ob es das Buch werth ist, dass es ver- 
 schrieben wird. — In jedem meiner Biicher kannst Du das Lob seines 
 Verfassers lesen. Es ist in seiner Art das erste Buch der Welt und 
 gilt bei Vielen mehr als die Bibel, denn es ist das Buch der Konige und 
 des Volkes, es ist das Buch wovon Einige hehaupten, dass es ein Gott 
 geschrieben habe, es sind 
 
 die Tragodien Shakespeares, 
 (des Verfassers des Hamlet) die schon 300 Jahre bekannt sind. Die- 
 sen hat Deutschland seine Bildung zu verdanken, denn sie regten zu- 
 erst Goethe, den grossten Deutschen auf; sie waren es, um welche 
 Schiller, als er eine Stelle aus ihnen hatte vorlesen horen, nach Stutt- 
 gart reiste und von ihnen befeuert, die Rauber schrieb : deshalb kannst 
 Du mir verzeihen, dass ich von ihnen eingenommen bin. 
 
 Du weisst, wie niitzlich es ist, sich durch Nebenarbeiten auf Uni- 
 versitaten Geld zu erwerben, oder auch nach der Studentenzeit im 
 Ueberfluss leben zu konnen. — Das kannst Du nur durch Schrift- 
 stellerei, denn man hat sogleich kein Amt. — Ich kann aber bios das 
 schreiben (ausser der Jura oder Medicin, die ich vielleicht studire). 
 
 *See H. Bartmann " Grabbes Verhaltnis sti Shakespeare." 
 
16 
 
 was Shakespeares Faeh schlagt: Dramen — durch eine Tragodie kann 
 man sich Ruhm bei Kaisern und ein Honorar von Tausenden erwer- 
 ben, und durch Shakespeares Tragodien kann man lernen, gute zu 
 machen. Denn er ist der erste der Welt, wie Schiller sagt, bei dessen 
 Stiicken Weiber zu friihzeitig geboren haben — der Shakespeare ist 
 aber so schwer zu verstehen, dass man Monate an einer Seite, wie an 
 dem Monolog im Hamlet: Sein oder Nicht-Sein usw. studiren muss, 
 und Jahre lang, wenn man etwas daraus lernen will. Danim wiinschte 
 ich ihn eigen zu haben. — Im Englischen habe ich einen Band von 
 ihm und daraus kann ich Englisch lernen. 
 
 Sieh, so nothig habe ich ihn ! — Du meinst, es koste Dir zu viel 
 Geld, von diesen Ostern an bis Ostern 1819 will ich keinen Groschen 
 Taschengeld haben. Hiermit kannst Du das Buch bezahlen, ohne 
 mehr Geld als sonst auszugeben, Dein 
 
 Sohn 
 
 Die Schuld ist abbestellt. Zeig ja ! diesen Brief Niemand. 
 This letter is attributed to the early part of the year 1818. 
 
 Du weisst wie sehr ich mich mit Shakespeare beschaftige, dessen 
 Ruhm Du in jedem Buche lesen kannst; Du weisst, dass ihn Einer, 
 der sich mit den Dramen abgibt, durchaus kennen muss; Du weisst, 
 dass ich mir auf diese Weise vielleicht einstens noch Geld verdienen 
 werde. Shakespeare hat fiinfzig Stiicke geschrieben. Davon habe ich 
 18 Stiicke in der beriihmten Uebersetzung von Schlegel, die ebenso 
 gut, wie das Original ist. 
 
 This is an extract from a letter to Grabbe's father attributed to 
 the close of the year 1818. 
 
 An die Wohllobl. Meyersche Hofbuchhandlung zu Lemgo. 
 
 Da in der Leipziger Fleischerschen Ausgabe der plays of Shakes- 
 peare die Teile auch einzeln zu erhalten sind, so bitte ich gehorsamst 
 mir den Teil baldigst zu iibersenden, in welchem Timon of Athens und 
 Pericles, prince of Tyrus enthalten sind. Sollten diese Teile nicht 
 einzeln zu erhalten sein, obwohl dies in der Ankiindigung Fleischers 
 des Jiingeren versichert wird, so bittet um gefallige Nachricht gehor- 
 samst.* Ch. D. Grabbe. 
 Detm. 7. V. 1819. 
 
 "Die Idee zu einem andem Faust, der mit dem Don Juan zu- 
 sammentrifft, entwickelt sich in meinem Gehirnkasten mehr und 
 mehr; ich habe in Bezug auf dieses Stiick dem heitem Humor, der 
 
 *See H. Bartmann "Grabtes Verlialtnis zu ShaJcespeare." 
 
17 
 
 das Tragische im Hamlet so mildernd durchweht, fleissig nachge- 
 spiirt. ' ' 
 
 This is aB extract from a letter to Tieek dated Detmold, August 
 29, 1823. 
 
 "Den Schluss maeht Sulla, noch nicht vollendet; er darf aber 
 nach meiner klaren Ueberzeugung nicht fehlen, besonders da er zeigt 
 das der Autor (nicht Auctor) sich vielleicht auf historischen Blick 
 versteht, und beizu auch in jener friiheren Zeit (vide die Vorrede) 
 sehon Volksscenen individualisirt a la Shakespeare (vide Sulla und 
 Marius, 2. act) schildern konnte, welches angebliche Talent ziemlich 
 rar ist und sich aus Verfassers iibrigen Stiicken nicht spiiren lasst." 
 
 This is an extract from a letter to Kettembeil dated Detmold, June 
 1, 1827. 
 
 "Der Mann (Shakespeare) hat keinen aufrichtigeren Verehrer 
 als ieh, es kennen ihn auch wenige besser, aber mancher Narr, hier 
 und da auch verniinftige Manner, z. B. Tieck, schiitzen ihn vor well 
 sie selbst nicht so hoch kommen konnen als er und daher in seiner von 
 ihnen erregten Bewunderung sich — selbst geschmeichelt fiihlen." 
 
 This is an extract from a letter to Kettembeil dated Detmold, 
 Jime 25, 1827. 
 
 "Dass ich Shakespeare und seine Anhanger kenne, ergibt sich 
 wohl deutlich, " — 
 
 This is an extract from a letter to Kettembeil dated Detmold, July 
 26, 1827. 
 
 "Aber da ich den Hrn. Shakespeare und die Hrn. Poeten recht 
 gut kenne, so glaube ich doch, es steckt etwas darin, und was mehr ist, 
 er passt in die Zeit, also lass ihn hinterdrucken. Mancher kauft die 
 Stiicke, um iiber den lieben Shakespeare etwas zu horen." 
 
 This is an extract from a letter to Kettembeil dated Detmold, 
 August 3, 1827. 
 
 "Bin ich nicht ein Bischen ein Sackermenter ? Den Sir Shakes- 
 peare wollen wir doch wohl unterkriegen. Fiir sein bestes historisches 
 Stiiek gebe ich nicht einmal den Barbarossa. " 
 
 This is an extract from a letter to Kettembeil dated Detmold, 
 April 18, 1829. 
 
18 
 
 "Karl der Grosse unci die Sachsen mit ihrem Heidenthum ware 
 ein gutes Vorspiel zu den Hohenstaufen, mehr als Shakespeares Jo- 
 hann ohne Land zu seinen Heinrichen." 
 
 This is an extract from a letter to Kettembeil dated Detmold, 
 April 8, 1830. 
 
 ' ' Ich glaube dass ich besonders Shakespeares Sachen gut vorlesen 
 kann, vielleieht audi andere. " 
 
 This is an extract from a letter to Immermann dated DUsseldorf, 
 Feb. 24, 1835. 
 
 B. Extracts from dramatical writings. 
 
 "Dass aber auf das Gute und Grosse in der Kunst oft gezeigt 
 werden muss, bevor die Menge es schatzt, beweisen die anderthalb 
 Jahrhunderte, in denen Shakespeares und Miltons Werke todt lagen. ' '* 
 
 * ' Shakespeare ist der rathselhaf teste, eigenste der Dichter, und legt 
 im Konig Johann keine geringe Probe davon ab. Augenblicks weiss 
 man oft nicht, was aus den pomphaften Worten, Wortspielen und ge- 
 hauften Antithesen dieser Dichtung zu machen, imd doch liegen iiber- 
 all versteckte Angeln fiir Kopf und Herz. Ich glaube dieses Stiick ist 
 als der etwas lauttonende, aber wohlberechnete Prolog zu seinem Dra- 
 mencyclus aus der englischen Geschichte zu betrachten, sowie seiri 
 Heinrich VIII. der feine, sehr praktisch belehrende Epilog dazu ist. 
 Mochten wir nur all diese Stiicke nach ihrer Ordnung bald auf un- 
 serer Biihne so folgen imd geben sehen, als den Johann. 
 
 Durch den, um mit Leicester in Maria Stuart zu reden, so "ge- 
 fahrlich dornenvollen Pfad" der shakespearischen Dichtersprache sich 
 gut zu winden, ist so schwer, als olme zerrissenen Rock einen Priih- 
 lingskraft sprossenden siidamerikanischen Urwald zu durchschreiten. "f 
 
 C. Extracts from the essay Ueber die Shakspearo-Manie. 
 
 "Der Verfasser kann iiber die zur Mode gewordene Bewunderung 
 des Shakespeare vmi so eher sprechen, als er selbst daran etwas gelit- 
 ten hat. Der Gothland (keines der iibrigen Stiicke) triigt vielleieht 
 einige Spuren davon, jedocli glaubt der Verfasser, dass sowohl der 
 Geist des Gothland als audi seine formelle Behandlmig im Ganzen 
 mehr eigenthiimlich, als shakespearisdi sind. " 
 
 *See Blumenthal Grdbhes Werlce, Vol. IV, page 209. 
 •j-See Blumenthal Grabbes Werke, Vol. IV, page 221. 
 
19 
 
 "Ich gestehe vorliiufig, dass mir in der englischen schonen Litte- 
 ratur nur zwei Erscheinungen von hoher Wichtigkeit sind : Lord Byron 
 und Shakespeare, — jener als die moglichst poetisch dargestellte Sub- 
 jectivitat, dieser als die eben so poetisch ausgedehnte Objectivitat." 
 
 "Niemand wird dem Shakespeare wahrhaftiger huldigen, als ich 
 es thue. Sein iimfassendes Genie welches iiberall, wohin es den Blick 
 wirft, sei es auf die E^rde, in den Himmel, oder in die Holle, Leben 
 in die Wiisten schafft, — seine Sehopfungskraft, welche ihm manche 
 Charaktere mit einer Selbststiindigkeit auszustatten vergonnt, nach 
 welche man fast an ein inneres wirkliches Leben derselben glauben 
 sollte, und wenigstens, wenn man sie aus dem Rahmen des Schaiispiels 
 nahme und in das Leben treten liesse, nicht (wie bei den meisten heu- 
 tigen Tragodien) befiirchten diirfte, nur ]\Iarionetten zu produciren, 
 — seine vielseitige und geniale Phantasie, — sein tiefer Blick in das 
 Leben und in die Weltgeschichte, — die gottliche Ruhe (welche Fried- 
 rich Schlegel wohl mit seiner '"gottlichen Faulheit" verwechselt), mit 
 der er oft auf dem von Archimedes ersehnten Punkte ausser der Welt 
 zu stehen luid sie zu bewegen scheint, — der Humor, die Ironie, mit 
 welchen er selbst durch Thranen liichelt, — alles dieses und noch viel 
 mehr erkenne ich mit Erstaimen im Shakespeare an, und hoffe es 
 einst in einer besonderen Schrift, die ich um die Mode zu ehren, gleich 
 dem Franz Horn " Erliiuterungen zum Shakespeare" nennen werde, 
 mit Beweisen niederzulegen. " 
 
 "Shakespeare schuf weder eine Schule, noch eine neue Schau- 
 spiel-Art, er fand vielmehr eine Schule vor, war Mitglied derselben, 
 und zwar, was seine einzige wahre Originalitat ist, das grosste Mit- 
 glied dieser Schule." 
 
 "Es ist wahr, dass alle seine Vorziige in ihnen (Shakespeare's 
 historical plays) strahlen, und dass da, wo er eigenthiimlich ist, 
 kaum Goethe (z. B. im Egmont), noch weniger Schiller mit ihm wett- 
 eifern konnen." 
 
 "Hochst ausgezeiehnet ist Shakespeares dramatischer Verstand. 
 Shakespeares alles iiberfliigelnde Phantasie, sein Pathos, sein Humor, 
 alles steht wenigstens in seinen spateren Stiicken unter der strengen 
 Herrschaft eines berechnenden Verstandes. " 
 
 "Im Shakespearischen Scenenwechsel liegt oft wahre Poesie, die 
 ich nicht missen moehte." 
 
 " Wir konnen und sollen alle iibrigen guten Dramatiker (unter ih- 
 nen auch den Shakespeare) studiren, benutzen. aber wir miissen auf 
 eigenen Fiissen stehen bleiben, die Nahrung in eignes Blut verwan- 
 deln." 
 
20 
 
 D. Miscellaneous. 
 
 1. Tieek, in a criticism of the Gothland, makes the following 
 statement : — 
 
 "Hier fande ich kein Ende mit meiner Kritik, Sollte Shakes- 
 peares "Titus Andronicus" und der Mohr Aaron, die Grausamkeit 
 dieses alten Schauspiels Sie nicht verleitet haben?"* 
 
 2. A statement of Heines to show Grabbe's enthusiasm for 
 Shakespeare : — 
 
 ' ' Obige Notiz ist mehr an den deutschen als an den franzosischen 
 Leser gerichtet, und fiir letzteren will ich hier nur bemerken, dass be- 
 sagter Dietrich Grabbe einer der grossten deutschen Dichter war und 
 von alien unseren dramatischen Dichtern wohl als derjenige genannt 
 werden darf, der die meiste Verwandtschaft mit Shakespeare hat. Er 
 mag weniger Saiten auf seiner Leier haben als andre, die dadurch ihn 
 vielleicht iiberragen, aber die Saiten, die er besitzt, haben einen Klang, 
 der nur bei dem grossen Briten gefunden wird. Er hat dieselben 
 Plotzlichkeitcn, dieselben Naturlaute, womit uns Shakespeare er- 
 schreckt, erschiittert, entziickt. 
 
 Aber alle seine Vorziige sind verdunkelt durch eine Geschmaek- 
 losigkeit, einen Cynismus und eine Ausgelassenheit, die das Tollste 
 und Abscheulichste iiberbieten, das je ein Gehirn zu Tage gefordert. 
 Es ist aber nicht Krankheit, etwa Fieber oder Blodsinn, was derglei- 
 chen hervorbrachte, sondern eine geistige Intoxikation des Genies. Wie 
 Plato den Diogenes sehr treffend einen wahnsinnigen Sokrates nannte, 
 so konnte man unsern Grabbe leider mit doppeltem Rechte einen be- 
 trunkenen Shakespeare nennen."t 
 
 3. His love for the theater and Shakespeare. 
 
 a. He saw plays under the guise of a city musician. 
 
 "Es spielte namlich damals die Karschin 'sche Truppe auf der 
 Detmolder Biihne, welche damals noch in einem grosseren Orange- 
 riegebaude des Lustgartens hergeriehtet war und hier ging er denn 
 mit dem Herm Stadtmusikus. eine Flote in die Hand nehmend, als 
 ob er zur Stadtcapelle gehore. "t 
 
 6. He saw Shakespeare produced on the stage at Berlin. || 
 
 c. His own talent. 
 
 "Ueber mein etwaiges Talent zur Biihne wage ich mich nicht wel- 
 ter auszulassen, well ich dabei zu leicht in den Schein der selbsthu- 
 
 *See Blumenthal Grdbhes WerTce, Vol. IV, page 621. 
 
 f See Heines Werke, Elster Edition, Vol. VII, 469. 
 
 +See Ziegler Grahbes Leben und CharaJcter, page 16. 
 
 1 1 See Strodtman H. Heines Leben tind Werke. Second Edition, Vol. I, 
 page 164. Also see E. Willkomm in Jahrbiicher fiir Drama, Bramaturgie und 
 Theater. 1837, page 70. 
 
21 
 
 delei verfallen mochte ; ich versichere nur ganz einfaeh, dass ich meine 
 Stimme ohne Anstrengung vom feinsten Madchendiscant bis zum tief- 
 sten Basse moduliren kann, und dass der hochste Tadel, welchen man 
 in Gesellschaften iiber meine Darstellung aussprach, darin bestand, 
 dass ich die Charaktere beinahe zu scharf und eigenthiimlich aufgrif fe 
 und im Tragischen den Zuschauer zu sehr erschreckte. Aueh lautet es 
 lappisch, aber ich muss es doch sagen, dass ich in dem Augenbliek 
 keine Rolle wiisste, die ich mir nicht binnen zwei Wochen zu spielen 
 getraute ; mindestens zweifle ich nicht, dass, wenn ich z. B. den Ham- 
 let oder Lear gut sollte darstellen konnen, ich den Fallstaff oder Dup- 
 perieh nicht weniger gut agiren wiirde. "* 
 
 d. He read Shakespeare in company. 
 
 In the circle of Heine, Uechtritz, Robert and others, Shakespeare 
 was read with assigned parts. In this circle Grabbe was admitted 
 during his abode in Berlin. t 
 
 E. Translation of Shakespeare. 
 
 Grabbe, during the closing years of his life, attempted a transla- 
 tion of Shakespeare's Hamlet 4 
 
 His variations of the closing lines of Borneo and Juliet are rather 
 interesting : — 
 
 "For never was a story of more woe 
 Than this of Juliet and her Romeo. ' ' 
 
 This Grabbe cited as 
 
 "Und never was a greater woe 
 
 As that of Juliet and their Romeo. ' ' 
 
 Uehersetzungsvariationen. 
 
 Und nimmer war ein grosser Weh 
 Als Romeos und seiner Julie. 
 
 Und nimmer gab's ein schlimmres Loos 
 Als Julias und ihres Romeos. 
 
 Und nimmer grosser Weh geschah 
 Als das des Romeo und der Julia. 
 
 Und nimmer gross ein "Wehe so 
 Als das von Julia und Romeo. 
 
 *See Blumenthal Grabbes Werle, Vol. IV, page 362. 
 
 j-See Brief von Uechtrits an Hebbel, Hebbels Briefwechsel, Volume II, page 
 218. 
 
 |See Blumenthal Grabbes Werl-e, Vol. IV, page 529-533, and 540. 
 
22 
 
 (A la Wieland). 
 
 Und nimmer ist solch Leid passirt 
 Als an den Zwei'n gesehen wird. 
 
 Und nimmer ein unsel'ger Ungliick 
 Als Julias und Komeo's Geschick, 
 
 (Wohl a la Benda). 
 
 Ein grossres Wehe gab's noeh nie 
 Als das der beiden Todten hie. 
 
 Und wo gab es ein grossres Well jemals 
 Als dieses Romeos und Julias. 
 
 (A la Adrian). 
 
 Ein grossres Well ist nie gesehn 
 Als das an Romeon und Julian, 
 
 (Oder a la Adrian und Voss). 
 
 Ein grossres Ungliick ist nie gesehehn 
 Als dies an Romeo und sein'm Julchen. 
 
 (A la Meyer in Hildeburghausen und ausser New York.) 
 
 Ein furchtbarer schreeklieher Geschick 
 
 Ist wohl, so lang der Erdball rollt, 
 Der Soun' ein brausend Loblied zollt, 
 Noch nie geseh'n, mit diistrem Blick, 
 Als Julia, die hehre, schlank gewachsen, 
 Und Romeo mit dem Haare, golden, flachsen, 
 Hier todt aus Liebe hingestreckt, 
 Er qualvoll aufgezehrt vom Arsenik, 
 Sie wunderschon dahingereckt, 
 Das pracht'ge Kleid mit Blut befleckt — 
 ungeheuer ! doch, das ist des Schicksals Loos, 
 Zu grosses Gliick : Es hat Ungliick im Schooss ! 
 
 F. Shakspearo-Manie und Theaterkritiken at Diisseldorf. 
 
 The existence of the essay on Shakespeare, and the essays and 
 criticisms on Shakespearian plays during Grabbe's abode at Diissel- 
 dorf show to what extent he knew Shakespeare.* 
 
 *See Blumenthal Grahhes Werke, Vol. IV, pages 139-301. 
 
CHAPTER THREE. 
 
 Herzog Theodor von Gothland. 
 
 In this treatment of Herzog Theodor von Gothland my purpose 
 will not be to make an exhaustive study of it, nor to go into all the 
 influences vs^hieh affected its author during its composition. A com- 
 plete study would involve more than I care to take up at this time. 
 One could not present an exhaustive treatment without taking into 
 consideration a great many factors which were operating at the time 
 our poet wrote Gothland. Grabbe wrote during that period of German 
 literature known as the period of Romanticism. The ''Shicksals- 
 drama" was at its height during his early youth. This fate element is 
 very easily detected in Gothland. The pessimistic writings of Schopen- 
 hauer were beginning to appear. Although at this time they did not 
 exert a great influence. The work of Gcethe and Schiller in the drama 
 was well recognized and many were trying to follow in their foot- 
 steps. Schiller particularly exerted a great influence upon the drama 
 of this period. 
 
 Shakespeare continued to be the model to a greater or less ex- 
 tent. The Shakespeare influence direct and Shakespeare influence in- 
 filtrated through Gcethe and Schiller must be distinguished. The 
 unpleasant environment of Grabbe 's childhood and the peculiar tem- 
 perament of the man could not fail to leave their traces upon his writ- 
 ings. 
 
 These and other factors must be reckoned with if one is to thor- 
 oughly treat the Gothland. My purpose, however, will be to treat 
 the Gothland more particularly with reference to its relation to 
 Shakespeare, or rather Shakespeare 's influence upon it. 
 
 I have shown in a previous section that Grabbe was acquainted 
 with Shakespeare's works at the time he wrote the Gothland. He 
 was more than acquainted with them, he was enthused by them and 
 filled with them. To prove this and to show justification for my 
 position towards the Gothland, I wish to insert here parts of letters 
 which have been previously given. In a letter to his father which 
 Blumenthal assigns to the latter part of the year 1818, Grabbe says : 
 
 23 
 
24 
 
 "Du weisst wie selir ich mich mit Shakespeare beschaftige, dessen 
 Ruhm Du in jedem Buche lesen kannst; Du weisst, dass ihn Einer, 
 der sich mit den Dramen abgibt, durchaus kennen muss." In 
 another letter to his parents which Blumenthal assigns also to the year 
 1818 we find stronger praise: 
 
 "In jedem meiner Biieher kannst Du das Lob seines Verfassers 
 lesen. Es ist in seiner Art das erste Buch der Welt und gilt bei 
 Vielen mehr als die Bibel, denn es ist das Buch der Konige und des 
 Volkes, es ist das Buch, wovon Einige behaupten, dass es ein Gott ge- 
 schrieben habe, es sind 
 
 die Tragodien Shakespeares, 
 (des Verfassers des Hamlet) die schon 300 Jahre bekannt sind. Die- 
 sen hat Deutsehland seine Bildung zu verdanken, denn sie regten zu- 
 erst Goethe, den grossten Deutschen auf; sie waren es. um welche 
 Schiller, als er eine Stelle aus ihnen hatte vorlesen horen, nach Stutt- 
 gart reiste und von ihnen befeuert, die Rauber schrieb, deshalb kannst 
 
 Du mir verzeihen, dass ich von ihnen eingenommen bin Ich kann 
 
 aber bios das schreiben (ausser der Jura oder Medicin, die ich vielleicht 
 studire), was in Shakespeares Fach schlagt: Dramen — durch eine 
 Tragodie kann man sich Ruhm bei Kaisern und ein Honorar von Tau- 
 senden erwerben, und durch Shakespeares Tragodien kann man lemen, 
 gute zu machen. Denn er ist der erste der Welt, wie Schiller sagt, bei 
 dessen Stiicken Weiber zu friihzeitig geboren haben — der Shakespeare 
 ist aber so schwer zu verstehen, dass man Monate an einer Seite, wie 
 an dem Monolog im Hamlet : Sein oder Nicht-Sein usw. studiren muss, 
 und Jahre lang, wenn man etwas daraus lemen will. Darum wiinsehte 
 ich ihn eigen zu haben." 
 
 I cannot see what stronger proof could be asked to show to what 
 an extent Grabbe was inspired and influenced by Shakespeare at this 
 time. 
 
 "Deshalb kannst Du mir verzeihen, dass ich von ihnen (die Tra- 
 godien Shakespeares) eingenommen bin." "Ich kann aber bios das 
 schreiben, was in Shakespeares Fach schlagt: Dramen." "Durch 
 Shakespeares Tragodien kann man lemen, gute zu machen. " " Darum 
 (wenn man etwas daraus lernen will) wiinsehte ich ihnen eigen zu 
 haben." 
 
 Statements of this character are proof conclusive. And if more 
 were needed we have Grabbe 's own declaration that the Gothland was 
 influenced by Shakespeare. In the introduction to his essay, Ueher die 
 Shakespearomanie, he says : 
 
25 
 
 "Auch diese Abhandlimg entstand vor mehreren Jahren und ist 
 jetzt niir revidirt. Der Verfasser kann iiber die zur Mode gewordene 
 Bewunderung des Shakespeare um so eher spreehen, als er selbst daran 
 etwas gelitten hat. Der Gothland (keines der iibrigen Stiicke) tragt 
 vielleicht einige Spuren davon . " 
 
 I have repeated the above quotations, all of which appeared in 
 a previous section, to more fully impress upon the reader Grabbe's 
 enthusiasm for Shakespeare at the time he wrote Gothland. This 
 admiration of Grabbe for Shakespeare must be considered in a study 
 of Gothland. No work of literature can be analyzed without a knowl- 
 edge of the poet's mental attitude at the time he wrote. The above 
 statements and a careful study of the text, together with a con- 
 servative opinion in regard to the extent to which a man makes use 
 of another literature have guided me very much in my treatment of 
 Gothland. 
 
 At this point I \vasli to call attention to the dramas contained in the 
 volume of Shakespeare which Grabbe ordered while a student at 
 Detmold : Jidius Caesar, Antony and Cleopatra, Timon of Athens, 
 Troilus and Cressida and Titus Andronicus. I also wish to call atten- 
 tion to a statement of Grabbe that he read Titus Andronicus in the 
 original. (See Blmnenthal Grahbes Werke IV, 619.) I am aware 
 that this statement denies the claim I am about to set up that Titus 
 Andronicus is that work of Shakespeare which is particularly re- 
 flected in Gotldand. My claim, however, is not that Grabbe intended 
 to produce an imitation of Titus Andronicus but that the general idea 
 of the Titus Andronicus is reflected in Gothland. Grabbe, as he says in 
 this reference, read Titus Andronicus at a time when he only half 
 understood the English language. Is it not logical that the impressions 
 gained by such a reading of Titus Andronicus would appeal to 
 Grabbe's easily inflamed mind, and he in turn would be uncon- 
 sciously, if not consciously influenced by them and would incorporate 
 them into his own work ? This is the more probable when we consider 
 Grabbe's temperament and the type of man he was. A drama like 
 Titus Andronicus would strongly appeal to Grabbe's youthful mind. 
 A comparison of it with Gothland will show all the treachery, cruelty 
 and brutality of it duplicated in Gothland. It will also show many 
 minor similarities which will bear out this claim. Are not the two 
 dramas in many respects dramas of the same type? Should they not 
 be classed together? This is what I shall endeavor to set forth. 
 
 The drama opens in what I should call a Shakespearean manner 
 
26 
 
 of opening a drama. "With short, abrupt questions, answers and 
 exclamations, the exposition is placed before the reader. For this 
 particular method of beginning a drama in Shakespeare I cite Hamlet, 
 The Tempest and Coriolanus. In fact, this is a favorite method of 
 Shakespeare for the beginning of a scene, whether it is the opening act 
 or not. One need but to leaf through any edition of Shakespeare to 
 see this. Grabbe in the Gothland makes use of this method of begin- 
 ning a scene in a number of places. An opening of this character 
 serves to catch the attention of the hearer at once. The situations 
 are often startling and the action is advanced by this method. 
 
 The scene of action in Gothland is laid on the coast of Sweden. 
 Sweden is being invaded by a Finnish fleet, commanded by Berdoa, a 
 Moor. This invasion is detected by the coast guards of Sweden, who 
 raise an alarm. A storm arises which dashes the Finnish fleet upon 
 the cliffs. Notwithstanding this misfortune the Finns succeed in 
 making a landing, although their leader, Berdoa, is apparently fatally 
 injured. Very shortly after their landing Holm, a messenger from 
 the Swedish king, arrives. In the course of the conversation between 
 Holm and Berdoa mention is made of Herzog Theodor von Gothland. 
 The mere mention of the name arouses the anger of Berdoa, and he 
 swears vengeance against the Duke. Here is the keynote of the entire 
 drama. All the horrible crimes which follow are the result of the 
 Moor's desire for vengeance. Upon this desire rests the drama. 
 Herein is the underlying motive of Gothland similar to the underlying 
 motive of Titus Andronicus. In Gothland there is the determination 
 on the part of Berdoa to destroy the entire family of Herzog Goth- 
 land in order to satisfy his desire for revenge. In Titus Andronicus 
 there is the determination on the part of Tamora to destroy the entire 
 family of Titus Andronicus in order to satisfy her desire for revenge. 
 While Tamora swears vengeance, yet it is Aaron who plans the crimes 
 and sees to their execution. 
 
 Berdoa: leh soil an ihn denken? 
 
 Das will ich! 
 
 Sein Weib, sein Kind, sein Vater, seine Briider, 
 Ein Jeder, der ihn liebt, und er vor Allen, 
 Sie sollen dich, der mich an ihn erinnerte, 
 Und diesen Augenblick in dem's geschah, 
 Verfluchen, sollen wiinschen, du warst nie 
 Geboren, weil dein Mund Schmach, Ungliick und 
 Verderben herrief iiber Gothlands Ilaus! 
 Den Herzog Gothland, der mir furchtbar seyn soil, 
 
27 
 
 Will ich zum Kinderspott erniedrigen ! 
 Mein Leben setz ' ich an das seinige ; das Herz 
 Reiss' ich ihm aus und werf s den Hunden vor 
 Es zu zerfleischen, luid vermag ich's niclit, so 
 Zersprenge Zornwuth meine Brust ! 
 
 Tamora: I '11 find the day to massacre them all, 
 
 And raze their faction, and their family. 
 The cruel father, and his traitorous sons, 
 To whom I sued for my dear son 's life ; 
 And make them Icnow what 'tis to let a queen 
 Kneel in the streets and beg for grace in vain. 
 
 It is this motive of the extinction of an entire family by a Moor 
 which I claim Grabbe borrowed from Shakespeare. This is no small 
 borrowing, for this is the principal motive of Gothland, and upon 
 it rests the drama. In Titus Andronicus it is quite natural that the 
 mother Tamora, her pride humbled and her heart broken by the death 
 of her child, would demand so heavy a retribution as the extinction 
 of an entire family, in order to satisfy her revenge. Here the desire 
 for revenge is in proportion with the wrong suffered. But in Goth- 
 land Grabbe was so eager to get at the revenge of the Moor and the 
 extinction of a family that he neglected to work up a sufficient motive 
 for his revenge. Simply because Theodor von Gothland had had 
 Berdoa whipped at one time, he is going to murder Gothland and 
 everyone dear to him, Grabbe 's lack of skill at this point betrays 
 his eagerness to portray the thing uppermost in his mind, a list of 
 horrible crimes committed to satisfy the cravings of his desire for 
 revenge. He even changes the plan of the entire Finnish army; 
 instead of proceeding against the King of Sweden, he sets off at once 
 to reap vengeance upon Gothland, 
 
 My second point of similarity between Titus Andronicus and 
 Gothland is the figure of Aaron and the figure of Berdoa. Both, as 
 has been said, are Moors. Neither one is the principal of the play, 
 but each is a secondary character. Each is connected with a bar- 
 barian army, which, for the time being, is in a civilized or christian 
 land. Neither actually commits the crimes, but has them committed 
 through his accomplices or plots. Each conspires against the bravest 
 and best general of the opposing army. Each is finally put to death 
 through the instrumentality of the family he attempted to overthrow. 
 In each case the Moor is led away to be put to death, neither death 
 occurring on the stage. 
 
28 
 
 Their views on their own color, as Piper* has pointed out, stands 
 apart from other figures of Moors in literature. Piper points out the 
 fact that Hassan in Fiesko calls the color of his skin a Mondfinsternis, 
 and Othello says to Desdemona : 
 
 Ihr Name, wie das Antlitz 
 
 Dianens rein, ist nun befleckt und sehwarz 
 
 Wie mein Gesicht! — 
 
 But Aaron says : 
 
 * * * * * is black so base a hue ? — 
 
 Sweet blowse, you are a beauteous blossom sure. ' ' 
 
 Again Aaron says : 
 
 What, what, ye sanguine shallow-hearted boys ! 
 
 Ye white-lim 'd walls, ye ale-house painted signs ! 
 
 Coal black is better than another hue. 
 
 In that it scorns to bear another hue ; 
 
 For all the water in the ocean 
 
 Can never turn the swan's black legs to white, 
 
 Although she lave them hourly in the flood. 
 
 Berdoa says : 
 
 Im vollsten Ernst, 
 Ein ordentlicher Mohr muss aussehen wie 
 Ein gut gewichster Stiefel! 
 
 The characters of the two Moors are very similar. This is shown 
 not only in their vengeance against the particular family from whom 
 they are seeking revenge, but also by the light esteem in which they 
 hold human life and their attitude towards crime in general. Aaron 
 kills the nurse and midwife without compunction, in order to hide the 
 birth of his child. Berdoa. in the same spirit, betrays Rolf and brings 
 about the death of Rolf and the Leichenweib. To show the attitude of 
 Aaron and Berdoa towards particular crimes, how they murdered with- 
 out mercy or any feeling of compassion, I quote their remarks at the 
 time of the crimes referred to: 
 
 Aaron. * * *But say again, how many saw the child ? 
 
 Nurse. Cornelia the midwife, and myself; 
 
 And no one else, but the delivered empress. 
 
 *See Bettrage sum Studium Grabbes, by Dr. Carl Anton Piper in Forsch- 
 ungen zur neueren Litteraturgeschichte. Miinchen, 1898. Page 113. 
 
29 
 
 Aaron. The empress, the midwife, and yourself : 
 
 Two may keep counsel when the third's away, 
 Go to the empress; tell her this I said. — 
 
 [Stabbing her, she screams.] 
 Weke, weke ! — so cries a pig, prepared to the spit. 
 
 Demetrius. What mean 'st thou, Aaron ? Wherefore did 'st thou this ? 
 
 Aaron. O lord ! sir, 'tis a deed of policy. 
 
 Shall she live to betray this guilt of ours, 
 
 A long-tongued, babbling gossip ? No, lords, no, 
 ******* 
 
 But send the midwife presently to me: 
 The midwife, and the nurse, well made away, 
 Then let the ladies tattle what they please. 
 
 Here the nurse had come in good faith to Aaron to help hide the 
 birth of the child. Her reward from Aaron was death. As can be seen 
 from the passages there is no feeling for the nurse or regret for the 
 crime. 
 
 Gothland : Hinein mit dir ! 
 
 Rolf: (sich straubend) : Herr Gott, da drinnen muss ich ja ver- 
 hungern ! 
 Gothland : Ei, das sollst du auch ! 
 
 Rolf: Jetzt, Neger! halt' was du versprachst! Errett' mich! 
 Berdoa: Herzog, werft doch den Hund hinein, dass ihm 
 Die Zahne klappern! 
 Rolf: Ha, gemartert miisst' 
 
 Ich werden, weil ich einer Natter traute ! 
 
 (zu Berdoa) : 
 Wart ' Satan ! wart ! noch hab ' ich eine Zunge ! 
 Hort, Herzog ! horet, hort mich an ! 
 
 (zu Berdoa) : 
 
 Erbosse 
 Dich nur! 
 Berdoa: (grimmig zu Gothland): Erlaubt mir, dass ich ihn 
 durchstosse ! 
 
 This was the conversation at the murder of the Leichenweib: 
 Berdoa : 1st mein Befehl vollzogen ? 1st das Leichenweib 
 
 Erdrosselt? 
 Irnak: Ihre hagre Kehle ward 
 Auf ewig zugesclmiirt. 
 Berdoa: Gut; das 
 
 Soil spaterhin noch seinen Nutzen stiften ! 
 
 In the former of these passages from Gothland it was through 
 the aid of Eolf that Berdoa was able to deceive Gothland and carry 
 out his plan. Eolf had been promised not only his life, but a reward 
 
30 
 
 of money by Berdoa for his part of the work. Notwithstanding this, 
 Berdoa does not interfere when Gothland puts Rolf into the tomb, 
 but, on the contrary, he offers to kill him. In the second of these 
 passages notice how calmly Berdoa receives the news of the execution 
 of his order to kill the Leiehenweib. These passages are not offered 
 as parallels but for the purpose of showing the sentiments and char- 
 acters of the two Moors. 
 
 In regard to the attitude of Aaron and Berdoa towards crime in 
 general, the passages about to be given not only show the same atti- 
 tude towards crime and the fiendish nature of the two Moors, but 
 they could be offered as parallels. 
 
 Lucius. Art thou not sorry for these heinous deeds? 
 Aaron. Ay, that I had not done a thousand more. 
 
 Even now I curse the day, (and yet I think, 
 
 Few come within the compass of my curse) 
 
 "Wherein I did not some notorious ill : 
 
 As kill a man, or else devise his death; 
 
 Ravish a maid, or plot the way to do it; 
 
 Accuse some innocent, and forswear myself; 
 
 Set deadly enmity between two friends; 
 
 Make poor men's cattle break their necks; 
 
 Set fire on barns and hay-stacks in the night. 
 
 And bid the owners quench them with their tears. 
 
 Oft have I digged up dead men from their graves, 
 
 And set them upright at their dear friends' doors, 
 
 Even when their sorrows almost were forgot; 
 
 And on their skins, as on the bark of trees. 
 
 Have with my knife carved in Roman letters, 
 
 ' ' Let not your sorrow die, though I am dead. ' ' 
 
 Tut ! I have done a thousand dreadful things. 
 
 As willingly as one would kill a fly ; 
 
 And nothing grieves me heartily indeed. 
 
 But that I cannot do ten thousand more. 
 
 A character such as Aaron pictures here we find in Berdoa. 
 Grabbe produced in Berdoa a character who did such deeds and one 
 who took the same pleasure in the fiendish deeds as Aaron did. In 
 addition to the crimes Berdoa committed we have a statement of his 
 which bears a similarity to the statement of Aaron : 
 
 Berdoa: Nie will ich mich erfreu'n, nie will ich lachen, 
 Als wenn ich Europaer leiden sehe ! 
 Kein Schlaf soil mir am Abend jenes Tages nah'n 
 An welehem ich nicht Einen dieser Brut 
 Erwiirgte! Auf jedes, jedes Gliick 
 
31 
 
 Des Himmels imd der Erde leiste ich, 
 Verzicht, Ermordimg nur der Europaer 
 Sei meine Seligkeit ! Ihr Wimmem sei 
 Mir Wonnelaut ; ihr Blut mein "Wein ; ihr Tod 
 Mein Lebeu, ihre Freude meine Holle ! 
 
 I wish to call attention to two sentences taken from the above quo- 
 tations : 
 
 Aaron. Even now I curse the day wherein 
 
 I did not some notorious ill. 
 Berdoa : Kein Schlaf soil mir am Abend jenes Tages nah 'n. 
 An welehem ich nicht Einen dieser Brut erwiirgte ! 
 
 My third point of similarity is the manner in which the revenge 
 is carried out. Not one act against the family of Andronicus does 
 Aaron himself commit, but every one is planned by him or brought 
 about as a result of his revenge. Likewise not one act against the 
 family of Gothland does Berdoa himself commit, but every one is 
 planned by him or brought about as a result of his revenge. Almost 
 every murder of Titus Andronicus follows as a result of an alleged 
 crime brought about by Aaron. This crime is as follows: Aaron 
 causes the death of Bassianus, brother of Saturninus the emperor, 
 through the two sons of Tamora. He then leads the two sons of 
 Titus, whose death he desires, to where the body of Bassianus has 
 been hidden. Having left Quintus and Martius, the sons of Titus, in 
 a compromising position with the corpse of Bassianus, he conducts 
 Saturninus, Roman emperor and brother of Bassianus, back to the 
 pit in which are Quintus, Martius, and the corpse. He also causes 
 a forged letter which is a confession of the crime, to be found by the 
 father of Quintus and Martius. This letter, together with the finding 
 of a bag of gold which Aaron has previously hidden, and which the 
 letter assigns to be the motive for the murder, causes the arrest of 
 Quintus and Martius, and they are led away to prison. Later they 
 lose their lives because of this crime, which is charged against him. 
 Thus, by a foul and horrible plot, Quintus and Martius are killed, 
 Lucius their brother is banished, and from this crime later results the 
 death of Titus, Lavinia, Saturninus, Aaron, Tamora, Demetrius and 
 Chiron. 
 
 In Herzog Theodor von Gothland, almost every murder follows as 
 a result of an alleged crime which Berdoa invents. Manfred, the 
 brother of Gothland, has died and has been buried at Northal. 
 Berdoa is at the castle of Gothland when Rolf, the servant of Fried- 
 
32 
 
 rich, another brother of Gothland, brings the news that Manfred is 
 dead. In this sudden death of Manfred Berdoa sees how he can 
 stir up a strife between Theodor and his remaining brother Friedrich. 
 From Rolf he secures the facts in the case. Then he approaches 
 Theodor and accuses Friedrich of the murder and gives Friedrich 's 
 love of gold as the motive for the crime. Having aroused Theodor 's 
 suspicions, he hastens to Northal with Rolf and Irnak to arrange mat- 
 ters to corroborate his charges. With an axe he mutilates the corpse 
 of Manfred and then sends Irnak to kill the Leichenweib so that there 
 will be no witness to frustrate his plot. Meanwhile Theodor has 
 journeyed to Northal and arrives at the tomb just after Berdoa has 
 completed his horrible work. Horrified, Theodor rushes from the tomb 
 and sends for Berdoa. Berdoa now changes liis tactics and pretends 
 not to believe that Friedrich was the murderer. Theodor shows him 
 the wounds and finally convinces him. Rolf is now introduced by a 
 previous arrangement of Berdoa and he confesses that he stood by 
 while Friedrich slew Manfred. At the conclusion of Rolf's narra- 
 tive he is thrust into the tomb to die from hunger. Berdoa, as has 
 been shown, plays the traitor to Rolf at this point, as he wishes all 
 witnesses to be put to death. Every act and every speech of Berdoa 
 has been to arouse Theodor against his brother Friedrich. Craftily 
 he works him up to so great a point of excitement, grief, and rage that 
 Theodor goes in search of his brother, and after making a vain 
 plea for the king to pass judgment upon Friedrich he himself kills 
 Friedrich thereby causing himself to be driven from the Swedish 
 army and the sentence of death passed upon him. As a result of this 
 crime the old Herzog von Gothland, father of Theodor, Theodor, Ber- 
 doa, Erik, Arbogo, Cacilia, Gustav and Rolf later lose their lives. 
 
 What points of similarity do we have between the crimes of these 
 two plays? In each drama the Moor is the instigator of the crimes 
 and responsible for their execution. This point Piper has pointed 
 out. In each drama the Moor keeps his hands clean from the actual 
 commission of the crimes. In each case the man accused is innocent 
 of the crime which the Moor has invented against him. In each case 
 the man accused is a member of the family the Moor desires to ex- 
 terminate. In each case the man accused loses his life through the 
 instrumentality of the principal member of the household against 
 which the Moor has directed his hatred, Friedrich through his brother 
 Theodor who thought he was acting justly, and Quintus and Martins 
 through the testimony of their father by the letter which he has found. 
 
33 
 
 In each ease the motive of money is charged by the Moor as the motive. 
 In each case, in addition to the circumstantial evidence against the 
 accused, the Moor brings in direct evidence that leaves no doubt as to 
 their guilt; in the one case the testimony of Rolf, the servant of 
 Friedrich, and in the other, the letter foimd by Titus, the father of 
 Quintus and Martins. In each case the entire plot was a device of the 
 Moor whereby innocent men were to suffer in order to satisfy his 
 desire for vengeance. In each case a series of murders was the 
 result of this particular plot. Finally the Moors are killed by members 
 of the family they attempted to exterminate. 
 
 The motive of the extinction of an entire family by a Moor, the 
 character of the Moor Berdoa, and the method of destroying the family 
 of Gothland are the principal points in which Grabbe was influenced 
 by Shakespeare's Titus Andronicus. To these more important points 
 of resemblance will be added several points of resemblance upon which 
 not so much stress is laid. First, let us consider the general situation 
 of the two plays. In Titus Andronicus a civilized land is for the time 
 being under the domination of a barbarian people. Saturninus, who 
 temporarily rules, is imfitted to rule, neglects the state of Rome, and 
 is finally killed. Lucius, who has been banished, returns at the close 
 of the drama with a foreign army and secures the empire for himself 
 without a struggle, the temporary rulers having brought about their 
 own destruction. In Herzog Theodor von Gothland a christian land is 
 invaded and for the time being is under the domination of a barbarian 
 people. This fact is impressed particularly upon the reader. There 
 are no less than four references to it in the first scene of Gothland: 
 
 Ushek : Und pflanze meines Volkes Schlachtpanier 
 
 Der Christenheit 
 Ushek : Fallt 
 
 Der Mohr, so ist auch Finnlands Fall nicht fern. 
 
 Die Gotter hassen uns: Wo find' ich ihn? 
 Berdoa : Hexerei 
 
 Der schwedischen Christenpriester — qual ' sie Gott ! — 
 
 Hat mir dies Ungliick angethan. Warum 
 
 Traf jener Balken grade meine Brust? 
 Holm: Mohr, du stehst 
 
 Am Grabesrand ; der rohste Heide denlrt 
 
 In seiner letzten Stunde, wo dies Leben 
 
 Zu Niehts, die Ewigkeit zu Allem wird, 
 
 An die Vergeltung, sucht voll heisser Reue 
 
 Durch Thranen und Gebet die Fiirchterlichp 
 
 Mit seinem Leben zu versohnen. 
 
34 
 
 In the opening of Titus Andronicns this contrast is shown by the 
 religious rites of the Romans and frequent references to their religion. 
 In addition to this may be given a speech of Aaron to further show 
 the contrast between the two peoples : 
 
 Lucius. Whom should I swear by ? thou believ 'st no god : 
 That granted, how canst thou believe an oath? 
 
 Aaron. What if I do not, as, indeed I do not; 
 Yet, for I know thou art religious. 
 And hast a thing within thee, called conscience, 
 With twenty popish tricks and ceremonies, 
 Which I have seen thee careful to observe. 
 Therefore I urge thy oath: — 
 
 Gothland, who temporarily is in power neglects Sweden for his- 
 own purposes, and is finally dethroned and killed. The real king 
 of Sweden, Olaf, who has been driven out of the coimtry, returns 
 towards the end of the drama, with foreign armies, and secures the 
 empire for himself without a struggle the temporary rulers having 
 brought about their own destruction. 
 
 In the general situation of Titus Andronicus an incident occurs 
 which is paralleled by an incident in Gothland. When Tamora is 
 made queen and has the power to wreak vengeance upon her enemy 
 she refrains at the time for the sake of policy. 
 
 Tamora. My lord, be ruled by me, be won at last ; 
 Dissemble all your griefs and discontents : 
 You are but newly planted in your throne; 
 Lest then, the people, patricians too. 
 Upon a just survey, take Titus' part, 
 And so supplant you for ingratitude. 
 Which Rome reputes to be a heinous sin, 
 Yield at entreats, and then let me alone, 
 I '11 find a day to massacre them all. 
 And raze their faction and their family. 
 
 In Gothland when Gothland is about to be chosen king and has 
 the power to wreak vengeance upon Berdoa, he refrains at the time 
 for the sake of policy. 
 
 JJsheh (zu Gothland) : Wenn du ilm willst getodtet haben, so 
 
 Trag mir es auf — lass mich den Vater rachen ! 
 Bossan (leise zu Gothland) : Treibt es fiir's erste nicht zu weit; 
 schon wird 
 
 Der Pobel nach der alten Weise wieder 
 
 Mitleidig, — immer halt er es mit dem, 
 
 Der unterliegt! 
 
35 
 
 Gothland: Wie wahr das ist, mein lieber Rossan I 
 
 (fiir sicli) : 
 — Erst Grausamkeit zur Folie und dann 
 Ein bischen Grossinuth draufgefliekt das wirkt, 
 Das muss zu Thranen riiliren — Jetzt, 
 Die Grossmuth ! 
 
 Irnak, 
 Berdoa ward von dir am wenigsten 
 Beleidigt; beim Erwachen, denk' ich, sieht er 
 Dich lieber als ims Andre ; bringe ihn 
 In Sicherheit, imd wenn dir meine Gnade auch 
 Nur etwas gilt, so pfleg' ihn wie 'nen Freund. 
 (Irnak und Soldaten bringen den Neger von der Biihne). 
 Rossan : 1st das nicht edel ? 
 
 Die Finnen: Ja, grossmiithig ist's 
 
 Gehandelt ! 
 
 There are some resemblances in the characters of the two 
 fathers, Titus Andronicus and the old Herzog von Gothland. In the 
 attitude of the two men towards their respective kings is the first 
 point of similarity. When Saturninus, the emperor, desires Lavinia 
 for a wife, his brother Bassianus steps in and takes her upon the 
 ground of a previous betrothal. Bassianus is assisted by the sons of 
 Titus in carrying out his purpose. Titus, however, takes the part of 
 the emperor, calls his sons traitors, and attempts to bring Lavinia 
 back to the king by force. When he is opposed by his son Mutius, he 
 kills and disowns him. He even refuses to allow IMutius to be buried 
 with his brethren, and his speeches show how base he considers dis- 
 obedience to the emperor. 
 
 In Gothland the old duke remains loyal to the king at the cost 
 of his son's life. Theodor, contrary to the decree of the king, kills 
 his brother Friedrich. The king then demands the life of Theodor. 
 The old duke, torn by love for Theodor, at first hesitates, but later he 
 stands with the king against his son. 
 
 Der alte Gothland: Weh', iiber mich! Es ist mein Sohn, den ihr 
 Verfolgen wollt, imd dennoch strecke ich 
 Die Hande iiber euch, ihr Racher, aus 
 Und segne euch ! 
 
 Later he attempts the life of Theodor, and finally he offers a re- 
 ward for news of his death. One cannot fail to perceive the great 
 loyalty which exists in the two men. Honor and loyalty stand 
 above everything else to them. 
 
36 
 
 Both men present similar characters throughout the plays. Both 
 have been afflicted with great griefs and sufferings. As a result of 
 these sufferings both men wander through the plays an object of pity 
 to all with whom they come in contact. Both are presented to us 
 without wives. Their sons have been lost to them in similar manner. 
 Mutius is killed before Aaron begins his revenge, Quintus and Martins 
 are killed through the revenge of Aaron, and Lucius is banished be- 
 cause of this same revenge. A similar fate meets the sons of the old 
 duke. Manfred dies before Berdoa begins his revenge, Friedrieh dies 
 through the revenge of the Moor, and Theodor is banished by the same 
 revenge. Thus the old men are left practically alone. Their laments 
 and pleadings present to us similar pictures, two old men alone, and 
 suffering great griefs through the revenge of the Moors. Finally both 
 come down to death demented by their griefs. 
 
 It has been shown how the revenge of the two Moors worked along 
 the same line. There is another part of the revenge which is similar, 
 Titus has a daughter, Lavinia, who is raped and mutilated by the 
 sons of Tamora at the instigation of Aaron. Seduction as a part of the 
 revenge is also brought into the Gothland. Theodor in Gothland has 
 a son whom Berdoa seduces as part of his revenge. At first glance this 
 may not seem parallel to the seduction of a girl; however, Grabbe 
 took a youth who was innocent and pure and seduced him as clearly 
 as any maid was ever seduced. Grabbe makes clear that it is a seduc- 
 tion he wishes to portray. He presents to us an innocent youth in love 
 with a pure girl. Into the mouth of Berdoa he puts the statement 
 that he will seduce him ; he has Berdoa hunt out the girl whom he has 
 planned should entice the boy; he dresses the girl in an enticing 
 manner ; in fact everything is done to impress upon the reader that the 
 boy is to be seduced.* 
 
 A statement of Grabbe substantiates what I have attempted to set 
 forth in regard to the seduction of Gustav, and shows that he intended 
 to make an important character of Gustav. In a letter to Kettembeil 
 dated July 12, 1827, he says, "Die Zoten sind in den Gesprachen 
 zwischen Berdoa und Gustav (der ein Hauptcharakter ist) am 
 nothigsten. "t 
 
 *See Blumenthal, Vol. 1, pages 181-185, 222, 234, a speech of Erik 271, and 
 304. 
 
 fSee Blumenthal Grabbes Werke, Vol. IV, page 395. 
 
CHAPTER FOUR. 
 
 MARros AND Sulla, Shakspearo-Manie, Die Hohenstaufen, 
 AND Hannibal. 
 
 For the majority of his subjects Grabbe went into the realm of 
 Shakespeare, indeed Shakespeare seems to have been his reference 
 book. In his Gothland, as has been shown, Shakespeare furnished the 
 suggestion by his Titus Andro7iicus, a drama full of horrors, and its 
 Moor. In Scherz, Satire, Ironte und tie fere Bedeutung Grabbe had 
 in mind the affairs of his own day for which we do not give Shakes- 
 peare the credit. In Marius und Sulla, which was written during 
 the same period as the two just mentioned, we have a drama dealing 
 with Roman history, a theme which Shakespeare treated in Corio- 
 lanus, Jidius Caesar and Antony and Cleopatra. This fact in itself 
 may not indicate much, but when we consider how many of Grabbe 's 
 dramas are paralleled by dramas of Shakespeare, that is dealing with 
 similar situations, it forms a link in the chain of Grabbe 's indebtedness 
 to Shakespeare. The presentation which I am about to make will at 
 least give Shakespeare credit for the suggestion of the subject, if no 
 greater credit. The reference here is to the situations and characters 
 of Coriolanus, which Grabbe 's Marius und Sulla very much resembles 
 in general outline and particular situations. 
 
 Coriolanus is a character which presents to the reader two different 
 types of men, the one, a great soldier full of courage and firmness of 
 mind, the other, a proud and obstinate personage. He lived at a time 
 when Rome was disturbed by civil troubles. The common people had 
 risen against the senate, claiming that they were oppressed for the 
 advantage of the rich. The drama opens with the common people 
 demanding corn at their own price. Throughout the piece they are 
 represented by two evil tribunes who constantly arouse the people 
 against the senate, and particularly against Coriolanus. The tribunes 
 do not act in good faith, but are treacherous and deceitful. The people 
 are silenced at first by the argument of Menenius. At this time news 
 is brought that the Volsces are in arms. Coriolanus, Cominius and 
 Lartius go against them, and through the great bravery and valor 
 
 37 
 
38 
 
 of Coriolanus the Volsces are defeated. IVIarcus comes home and 
 stands for the consulship. Through the machinations of the two evil 
 tribunes he is banished from Rome because of his pride and rough- 
 ness to the people. He now seeks his old enemy, the Volsces, and 
 joins with them against his own people. The Romans are terror 
 stricken and plead with Coriolanus to return to them. He refuses, 
 but finally yields to the entreaties of his mother, who accompanied by 
 his wife and children, has come to plead with him. For his yielding 
 he later suffers death at the hands of the Volsces. 
 
 Marius and Sulla present to us two characters representing the 
 two different natures of Coriolanus. Marius is the proud and arrogant 
 one who has been driven from Rome, Sulla is the great soldier who 
 possesses the bravery and courage of Coriolanus. The conditions in 
 Rome are similar to the conditions in Shakespeare's drama. Almost 
 half of the completed part of the drama is consumed in presenting to 
 us a situation almost identical with the uprising of the people against 
 the senate in Coriolanus. We know that Grabbe considered the folk- 
 scenes of Coriolanus and criticized them. He may have been attempt- 
 ing to surpass Coriolanus in the folkseenes of Marius und Sulla, just 
 as he thought to rival Shakespeare in his Hohenstaufen Dramas. The 
 passage relating to the folkseenes of Coriolanus is as follows : 
 
 "Dagegen erscheinen im Coriolan die Romer als wahrer "elen- 
 der, kindischer Pobel," mit Fleiss und Liebe dazu ausstaffirt. Nie 
 scheint Shakespeare begriffen zu haben, was zur Zeit Coriolans der 
 Kampf der Patricier und Plebejer sagen woUte, wie dieser Kampf 
 aus der aussersten Nothwendigkeit, aus dem innersten Leben sich ent- 
 wickelte. Eine Lektiire Niebuhrs wird das shakspearische Drama in 
 dieser Hinsicht dem Leser unertraglich machen, und ich bemerke nur 
 beilaufig, dass aus dem Coriolan und mehreren anderen Stiicken 
 mir hervorzugehen scheint, dass Shakespeare einen fast aristokrati- 
 schen Sinn gehegt babe."* 
 
 "Sulla ist Fragment, nur von AVenigen (aber vielleicht grade von 
 den Tiichtigsten), dessen Ende zu ahnen, Volksscenen von einem Phi- 
 lologen gar nicht zu schatzen." — t 
 
 Grabbe pictures the people in a state of revolt against the senate, 
 demanding from it grain. There is the same feeling against the senate 
 and the members of the wealthy class that we find in Coriolanus. The 
 two tribunes are men of the same type as Shakespeare's tribunes. 
 
 *See Blumenthal Grabbes Werle, Vol. IV, page 159. 
 
 fBlumenthal Grabbes Werke, Vol. lA^, page 398. Letter to Kettembeil. 
 
39 
 
 They incite the people against the senate and at the same time play- 
 false to both the senate and the people. In both dramas we see them 
 inciting the people, whom they use as tools to further their own 
 schemes, and trying to present themselves to the senate as not respon- 
 sible for the attitude of the people. In the first outbreak of the 
 people against the senate in Coriolamis the crowd is quieted by the 
 logic of Menenius and Coriolanus, at the close of whose speeches a 
 messenger announces that the Volsces are in arms. In Marius und 
 Sulla, when the first trouble arises between the tribunes and the senate, 
 Octavius attempts to quiet the tribunes by reason. At the close of his 
 speech a messenger arrives who announces that the Samnites have 
 joined themselves with Marius and that the Army of Rome is crushed. 
 In Coriolanus the second outbreak of the people has been caused 
 by the tribunes. This Coriolanus and the senators put down by force, 
 for the time being. In Marius und Sulla the first outbreak is con- 
 tinued by the tribimes. It is put down for the time being by the 
 troops which the Senate has called out. During these outbreaks a 
 similar incident occurs in both dramas. 
 
 Briitus. — Lay hands upon him and bear him to the rock. [Later 
 this rock is referred to as the Tarpeian rock.] 
 
 Crassus der Sohn — Reisst ihn zum tarpej 'schen Felsen ! 
 
 The common people are finally the victors and Coriolanus is ban- 
 ished. In Marius and Sulla the common people, by uniting them- 
 selves to Marius, become the victors, and the principal members of the 
 senate are either killed or expelled from Rome. 
 
 In Marius we have one side of Coriolanus' nature, that which 
 shows pride and oppression. That side of Coriolanus is pictured in 
 Marius. It was through this that Coriolanus was banished. Marius, 
 likewise, has been banished. Our sympathy is aroused by seeing these 
 two men exiled from Rome. It is further aroused by seeing these 
 men inhospitably met where they hoped to find a refuge, — Coriolanus 
 by the servants of Aufidius, and Marius by the Lictor of Sextilius. 
 Each, after this treatment, goes into a compact with the enemies of 
 Rome, — Coriolanus with Aufidius, and Marius with Cinna. There is a 
 striking parallel in the attitude of Cinna and Aufidius to these two 
 men. Both Marius and Coriolanus become very popular with the 
 troops, and Cinna and Aufidius both become jealous and regret hav- 
 ing allowed Marius and Coriolanus to join themselves to them. 
 
40 
 
 Aufidius. 
 Lieutenant. 
 
 Aufidius. 
 
 Lieutenant. 
 
 Aufidius. 
 
 Do they still fly to the Roman ? 
 I do not know what witchcraft 's in him, but 
 Your soldiers use him as the grace 'fore meat, 
 Their talk at table, and their thanks at end ; 
 And you are darken 'd in this action, sir. 
 Even by your own, 
 
 I cannot help it now. 
 Unless, by using means, I lame the foot 
 Of our design. He bears himself more proudlier. 
 Even to my person, than I thought he would 
 When first I did embrace him ; yet his nature 
 In that 's no changeling, and I must excuse 
 What cannot be amended. 
 
 Yet I wish, sir, 
 (I mean, for your particular) you had not 
 Join'd in commission with him; but either 
 Had borne the action of yourself, or else 
 To him had left it solely. 
 I understand thee well; and be thou sure, 
 When he shall come to his account, he knows not 
 What I can urge against him. Though it seems, 
 And so he thinks, and is no less apparent 
 To the vulgar eye, that he bears all things fairly, 
 And shows good husbandry for the Volscian state, 
 Fights dragon-like, and does achieve as soon 
 As draw his sword ; yet he hath left undone 
 That which shall break his neck or hazard mine, 
 Whene'er we come to our account. 
 
 Sertorius : Man vergisst uns, Consul ! Wie gef allt dir das ? 
 
 Cinna: Ich wiinschte, dass ich den Arpinaten nicht gerufen hatte. 
 
 Sertorius: Mir ist es nicht wohl um die Seele. Sulla und 
 Marius! Das heisst, das Chaos ist wieder da 
 und die Elemente streiten sich um ihre Existenz. 
 Cinna: Es gehe wie es will, wir miissen iiber kurz oder 
 lang dazwischen treten. 
 
 Sertorius: So denke ich auch und bin erfreut, dass du mit mir iiber- 
 einstimmst. Lass ims also im Stillen zusammenhalten 
 und thatig seyn. Da der Marius nun einmal wie eine 
 Ueberschwemmung hereingebrochen ist, so kann er wenig- 
 stens dienen, das Feuer unseres Feindes zu losehen. 
 Cinna: Heute Abend, wenn die Lagerwalle aufgeworfen sind, 
 komme ich in dein Zelt. 
 
 Sertorius: Vor allem suche dir deine Truppen zu verpflichten. Wir 
 konnten in Zukunft leiclit gezwungen seyn, sie gegen diese 
 sogenannten Marianer zu gebrauehen. (beide gehen ab.) 
 
41 
 
 In the unfinished part of the drama Marius is presented to us in 
 the same light, only his actions become cruel and bloodthirsty. I shall 
 quote two passages to show this : 
 
 "Die Marianer breehen herein, Marius an der Spitze. Sein Sohn 
 fast noch rachbegieriger als er. Schreckensscenen. Sertorius und 
 Cinna suchen den losgelassenen Grimm des Marius zu dampfen. Es 
 nutzt ihnen nichts und zeigt nur, wie leer und nichtsbedeutend sie 
 gegen Marius dastehen. Satuminus dreist auf Marius eindrangend, 
 ruft ihm zu, er wiirde ihm die Verstecke des Merula, des Marc Anton 
 zeigen. Marius folgt ihm. Saturninus stachelt mit Spott und Ernst 
 seine Wuth." 
 
 "Marius tritt ein, Soldaten und Volk hinter ihm. Freudig sieht 
 er den IMerula da legen und wiinscht, dass er die Bildsaule gewesen 
 ware, welehe mit dem Blut des Oberpriesters bespritzt ist. Biirger 
 nahen zitternd und legen dem Marius als einer Gottheit die gesiihnt 
 werden muss, Opferstiicke vor die Fiisse. Marius empfangt sie im 
 Angesichte des Jupiter Stator. Diese Stunde scheint ihm die gliick- 
 lichste und grosste seines Lebens zu seyn. Er fiihlt seine Brust zu 
 enge, um sie ganz zu geniessen. ' ' 
 
 By death he passes out of the drama at the beginning of the 
 fourth act, and the remaining two acts are intended by Grabbe to be 
 used in his portrayal of Sulla. 
 
 In the completed part of the drama Sulla does not take a very 
 prominent part. From the incompleted part we can see that it 
 was in the latter part of the drama that Grabbe intended to bring 
 out the character of Sulla. In the Coriolanus we have a battle in 
 which Coriolanus proves himself a great soldier and a hero. He per- 
 forms a heroic act, or rather, a foolhardy act. When the Romans have 
 forced the Volsces within the walls of Corioli, Coriolanus alone rushes 
 into the city with the following cry : 
 
 So, now the gates are ope : — Now prove good seconds. 
 'Tis for the followers fortune widens them, 
 Not for the fliers : mark me, and do the like. 
 
 [He enters the gates and is shut in.] 
 
 This deed of valor, and fear for his safety cause the soldiers to enter 
 the city with the following cry from Lartius: 
 
 0, 'tis Marius ! Let 's fetch him off or make remain alike. 
 [They fight and all enter the city.] 
 
 With this cry the scene closes and we learn in a later scene that 
 this assault has won. In Marius und Sulla we have a battle in which 
 
42 
 
 Sulla proves himself a great soldier and a hero. He performs a 
 heroic act which is as foolhardy as the one which Coriolanus per- 
 formed. When the army of Mithridates attacks Sulla, they use the 
 Sichelwagen. Sulla cries: 
 
 So werf ich mich allein in ihren Weg — 
 
 Ein Schuft, der nicht mit seinem Feldherrn umkommt! 
 
 This act incites the soldiers, and fear for his safety causes them 
 to rush upon the wagons with the following cry : 
 
 Tim's Himmelswillen ! Wendet die Gefahr 
 
 Von seinem Haupt! Zerstort die Wagen, eh' 
 
 Sie ihn erreichen, es mag kosten, was 
 
 Es wolle! (hinter ihm drein). 
 
 With this the scene is changed to another part of the battlefield, 
 and later we learn of Sulla's victory through this act. There are 
 several minor incidents connected with this battle which were con- 
 nected with the battle in Coriolanus. Coriolanus, before setting out 
 against the Volsees, speaks of their leader with the following words : 
 
 They have a leader, 
 Tullus Aufidius, that will put you to 't. 
 
 Mithridates, before attacking Sulla, speaks of him with the fol- 
 lowing words: 
 
 Sulla ist ein Schlaukopf, 
 Seid auf der Hut. 
 
 After the battle Aufidius speaks of Coriolanus in the following 
 manner : 
 
 Condition ; — 
 
 I would I were a Roman ; for I cannot, 
 
 Being a Volsce, be that I am. Condition ! 
 
 What good condition can a treaty find 
 
 I ' the part that is at mercy ? Five times, Marcius, 
 
 I have fought with thee : so often hast thou beat me ; 
 
 And would 'st do so, I think, should we encounter 
 
 As often as we eat. ' ' 
 
 After the battle Mithridates speaks of Sulla in the following 
 manner: 
 
 Es ist doch unertraglich, dass ein Kerl 
 Wie dieser Sulla nicht mein Unterthan ist, 
 Es macht mir Grimm und Bauchweh! 
 
 The battles in both the dramas are closed in the same manner. 
 Neither brings about the annihilation of the other army. Nor is the 
 
43 
 
 affair closed by these battles. Hostilities cease upon certain stipu- 
 lated conditions. Later, the Volsces prepare for another attack upon 
 the Romans. "When Coriolanus hears of it, he says : — 
 
 Tullus Aufidius, then, has made new head? 
 
 When Mithridates hears of Sulla 's victory he says : 
 
 Pah, 
 Ein gutes Heer ist wie 'ne junge Schlange ; 
 Aus jedem Stiick worin du es zertheilst, 
 Erwachst ein neues. 
 
 In Coriolanus we have the picture of Coriolanus' mother, wife, 
 and children imploring him to cease hostilities against Rome. In 
 the uncompleted part of Marius und Sulla Grabbe has worked out a 
 scene in which a mother with her children fall at the feet of Sulla and 
 beg for safety. All the firmness and severity of Coriolanus, previous 
 to his final yielding, are shown in this short scene. 
 
 Grabbe brings in another similarity in the character of Metella, 
 the wife of Sulla. The desire to be a true and noble Roman woman 
 as well as the love for her husband, which we see pictured in Shakes- 
 peare's Virgilia and Volumnia appears in Metella. Grabbe 's concep- 
 tion of Metella is sho^vn in the following passages : 
 
 Metella (die Gemahlin Sullas) und ihre Amme am Fenster. Sie 
 horen das Einbroehen der Palaste und die Stimmen und Drohungen 
 der suchenden Marianer. Ja, es dringen von den letzteren bisweilen 
 Einzelne in das Zimmer und nur der Zufall errettet Metella und die 
 Amme vor dem Auffinden. Metella charakterisirt sich als eine echte 
 Romerin der damaligen Zeit ; sie ziirnt gegen die Amme auf das Hef- 
 tigste, als diese ihr rath, ihre Gestalt zu verstellen und deshalb ihr gol- 
 denes Haar zu verkiirzen ; dabei aber immer begeisterte Liebe zu ihren 
 Heroen, zu Sulla. 
 
 "Mein Haar verkiirzen? 
 
 Die Freude Sulla 's ? Eher nimm mein Leben ! ' ' 
 
 Metella: Mein Gemahl! 
 
 Sulla : Du siisse Freundin ! Welche Ueberraschung ! 
 Metella: So bin ich hier? Der Feindesmeng' entronnen? 
 Noch hallt ihr wiistes Schreien um mich her 
 Und ihre Lanzen blinken aus den Biischen, 
 Sulla : Sey ruhig, — Du 
 
 Bist in der Mitte meiner Legionen. 
 Metella : Sulla ! was hab ' ich um dich gelitten ! 
 
44 
 
 Grabbe's plans for Sulla throughout the uncompleted part show 
 that he intends to make of him a great military hero. He gradually 
 brings him up to the height of triumph and proclaims his greatness 
 with this sentence: "Er ist der Herr der Welt." 
 
 One other coincidence appears in the two dramas. This is the use 
 of homely fables to present a situation to the people. To quiet the 
 people Menenius uses the fable of the relation of the stomach to the 
 other organs of the body. 
 
 Menenius. 
 
 Second Citizen. 
 
 Menenius. 
 
 Second Citizen. 
 Menenius. 
 
 There was a time when all the body 's members 
 Rebelled against the belly ; thus accused it : — 
 That only like a gulf it did remain 
 I' the midst of the body, idle and unactive, 
 
 Still cupboarding the viand, never bearing 
 Like labor with the rest ; where th ' other instruments 
 
 Did see, and hear, devise, instruct, walk, feel, 
 And, mutually participate, did minister 
 Unto the appetite, and affection common 
 Of the whole body. The belly answered, — 
 
 Note me this, good friend: 
 Your most grave belly was deliberate. 
 Not rash like his accusers, and thus answered : — 
 "True is it, my incorporate friends," quoth he, 
 ' ' That I receive the general food at first, 
 Which you do live upon ; and fit it is, 
 Because I am the storehouse, and the shop 
 Of the whole body : but if you do remember, 
 I do send it through the rivers of your blood, 
 Even to the court, the heart, the senate, brain; 
 And through the ranks and offices of man: 
 The strongest nerves and small inferior veins, 
 From me receive that natural competency 
 Whereby they live. And though that all at once, 
 You, my good friends," this says the belly, mark 
 
 me, — 
 Ay, sir; well, well. 
 
 Though all at once cannot 
 See what I do deliver out to each. 
 Yet I can make my audit up, that all 
 From me do back receive the flour of all 
 And leave me but the bran. ' ' What say you to 't ? 
 It was an answer. How apply you this? 
 The senators of Rome are this good belly, 
 And 5^ou the mutinous members : for example 
 Their counsels, and their cares : digest things rightly 
 Touching the weal o' the common, you shall find, 
 
45 
 
 No public benefit which you receive, 
 But it proceeds, or comes, from them to you, 
 And no way from yourselves. What do you think ? 
 You, the great toe of this assembly? 
 
 Sulla, to impress upon the people his attitude towards them in a 
 certain affair, uses as homely a fable as the one found in Coriolanus. 
 
 Da einige murrende Stimmen im Volke sich zu erheben wagen, 
 spricht Sulla es mit dieser Fabel an : ein Ackersmann riss sich, da er 
 von Ungeziefer geplagt wurde, die Kleider ab und reinigte dieselben. 
 Da er mit seiner Arbeit beschaftigt war, fing es ihn an, von neuem zu 
 beunruhigen mid der Ackersmann todtete zum zweitenmal eine weit 
 grossere Anzahl von diesem beschwerlichen Ungeziefer als er zum er- 
 stenmal gethan hatte. Es fing aber wiederum an, ihn zum drittenmal 
 zu plagen ; da warf der arme Ackersmann seine Kleider in 's Feuer 
 und bekam alles auf einmal vora Halse. Diese Fabel deutet auf euch 
 selbst. Euer Aufruhr hat bisher nur wenig Blut gekostet. Nehmt 
 euch in Acht, dass es euch alien nicht gehe, wie dem Ungeziefer. 
 
 In Don Juan und Faust, Napoleon and Die HermannsscJilacht 
 Grabbe did not operate with the repertoire of Shakespeare. Lord 
 Byron and Goethe were his models for Don Juan und Faust, if indeed, 
 he had any models for them. In Napoleon he was dealing with a po- 
 litical event of his own century. Die Hermannsschlacht treats of a 
 region which was particularly dear to him. This is set forth in a letter 
 to his wife dated Diisseldorf, Jan. 8, 1835.* 
 
 Out of the period of the Don Juan arose his Shakspearo-3Ianie. 
 I do not think that this essay can ever be used as an argument against 
 Shakespeare influence in Grabbe 's works. Grabbe had received his 
 inspiration and early training from Shakespeare. Later he experi- 
 enced to a certain extent a revolt against Shakespeare ; perhaps not so 
 much of a revolt against Shakespeare as against Shakespeare imita- 
 tion. He had now reached a point where he wanted to leave his teacher 
 and test his owti ability. He desired to see originality not only in him- 
 self but in all German dramatists. He was enthusiastic and ambitious 
 for German literature. The third division of the essay shows this 
 clearly. In substantiation of my views, I quote several parts of the 
 third division : 
 
 Die dritte zu Anfang aufgestellte Frage heisst : wohin wiirde die 
 zur "fashion" gewordene Bewunderimg und Nachfolge Shakespeares 
 das deutsche Theater fiihren? 
 
 *See Blumentha] Grabbes Werl'e, Vol. IV, page 491. 
 
46 
 
 Die Antwort ergibt sich schon aus dein Vorigen: blinde Bewun- 
 dermig eines grossen Mannes, der gleich alien grossen Mannern von 
 einer Menge Fehler und Schwachen nicht frei ist, fiilirt zur Nach- 
 beterei ; Nachbeterei stellt sich als etwas Unwiirdiges dar und fiihrt 
 zu nichts Gutem. Das Beste, was sie zu Wege bringt, ist eine stereo- 
 type Manier. und die Manier hat stets das Eigene an sich, dass sie 
 vorziiglich in weiterer Ausbildung der Fehler des Vorbildes sich ge- 
 fallt, wie denn diess schon auf hundert deutschen Comodienzetteln 
 Shakespearisirender Poeten zu sehen. 
 
 Nachahmung ist iiberall verwerfiich, und schickt sich nur fiir 
 gedankenlose Kinder und Affen. Der Deutsche fiihlt das, er lasst sich 
 daher nicht gerne Nachahmer schelten, und sucht fast immerdar die 
 Nachahmung durch Uebertreibung zu verstecken. Audi diess ist bei 
 dem Shakespeare geschehen. 
 
 Wir wiinschen und hoffen Dichter, welche es nicht bei der Neben- 
 buhlerei des Shakespeare beruhen lassen, sondern indera sie alle Fort- 
 schritte der Zeit in sich aufnehmen, ihn iiberbieten. Hat sich ein sol- 
 ehes Talent noch immer nicht gezeigt, so ist das kein Beweis, dass es 
 nicht noch kommen kann, und in mehrerer Hinsicht hat Goethe's Er- 
 scheiniuig hier bereits unsern Wunsch erfiillt. 
 
 Mit Shakespeare, das heisst, durch Streben in dessen Manier, er- 
 wirbt sich kein Dichter Originalitat ; bei jetzigem Stande der Biihne 
 wird er beinahe schon dadurch ein Original, dass er Shakespeares Feh- 
 ler vermeidet. 
 
 Die Englander haben einen musikalischen Shakespeare, ich meine 
 den Purcell. Nichtsdestominder haben wir Deutschen auch noch spater 
 als Purcell die ersten und originellsten Heroen der Tonkimst unter 
 uns aufstehen sehen, einen Handel, Gluck, Haydn, Mozart, Beethoven, 
 Weber, — sollten wir in der dramatischen Kunst nicht dasselbe Gliick 
 haben konnen? 
 
 In this atittude no doubt, he gave himself the task of producing 
 Don Juan und Faust and Napoleon. He wanted to do something 
 great. He wanted to do something which would reflect credit upon 
 German literature. In Don Juan und Faust he had a subject which, 
 through Goethe, has taken a high place in the literature of the world. 
 In Napoleon he had a subject along which line he thought the ten- 
 dency of modern drama would be. From the same section of the 
 Shakespeare essay I quote : 
 
 Man gesteht es sich selten, aber wir wiinschen im Grunde noch 
 mehr: Die neuere Zeit ist in Philosophie, Wissenschaft, Staatsleben 
 (besonders seit der franzosisehen Revolution) und an Erfahrungen 
 aller Art viel weiter als das Shakspearische Zeitalter gekommen.* 
 
 *Bluineiithal Grabbes WerTce, Vol. TV, page 173. 
 
47 
 Also, in a letter to Kettembeil, we have the following : 
 
 endlich spukt mir eine Roman im Kopfe, der in der triiben 
 
 Zeit von 1806 bis 1813 spielt, und Vieles aus unserem Staats- und Wis- 
 senschaftswesen reflectiren soil.* 
 
 To further show my conception of Grabbe's attitude at the time 
 he wrote the essay I refer you to Blumenthal.t The part to which 
 I have referred is the opening of the essay. 
 
 The first division is a little more than it purports to be, for 
 Grabbe allows part of his argument to work itself into his account of 
 the admiration for Shakespeare in Germany. The opening of the 
 second part further shows the substantiation of my claim. The second 
 part comprises the bulk of the essay and of his criticism of Shakes- 
 peare. It is generally agreed that this criticism is very superficial 
 and unjust to Shakespeare.:]: Grabbe is very particular not to criticize 
 Shakespeare for the use of alternation between prose and verse and 
 shifting of the scene. ' ' Abwechslung zwischen Prosa und Vers ist im 
 Drama an der gehorigen Stelle gewiss nicht zu tadeln. " " Im shakes- 
 pearischen Scenenwechsel liegt oft wahre Poesie, die ich nicht missen 
 mochte. " In both these points I think Grabbe followed Shakespeare. 
 
 That Grabbe did have Shakespeare's works clearly in mind at 
 this period is shown by an extract in a letter to Tieck. "Die Idee 
 zu einem andern Faust, der mit dem Don Juan zusammentrifft, 
 entwickelt sich in meinem Gehirnkasten mehr und mehr; ich babe 
 in Bezug auf dieses Stiick dem heitern Humor der das Tragische 
 im Hamlet so mildernd durchweht, fleissig nachgespiirt."|| This 
 shows that while working on material in subjects other than Shakes- 
 peare's Grabbe had Shakespeare's characters, situations, and tech- 
 nique before him. How much more must he have thought of Shakes- 
 peare when he was working in one of Shakespeare's subjects. 
 
 In the Hohenstaufen dramas Grabbe again entered the realm of 
 Shakespeare. He, no doubt, was inspired to write his cycle of dramas 
 by the cycle of English historical dramas which Shakespeare had 
 written. He attempted to create a series of dramas dealing with the 
 royal family, thereby doing for German history what Shakespeare had 
 
 *Blumeiithal Grabhes Werl-e, Vol. IV, page 380. 
 
 ■fGraiies Werle, Vol. IV, page 144. 
 
 |See F. Bobertag "Ch. D. Grahbe, M. Beer und E. Von Schenk," page 6. 
 
 ||See Blumenthal Grabhes Werke, Vol. IV, page 368. 
 
48 
 
 done for English history. In substantiation of this view I shall quote 
 several passages from his letters : 
 
 Das Grosste meines Lebens werden aber doch noch einmal die 
 Hohenstaufen. Sich und die Nation in 6 — 8 Dramen zu verherrlichen. 
 Und welcher Nationalstoff ! Kein Volk hat einen auch nur etwa 
 gleich grossen.* 
 
 "Bin ieh nicht ein Bisclien ein Saekermenter ? Den Sir Shakes- 
 peare wollen wir doch wohl unterkriegen. Fiir sein bestes historisehes 
 Stiiek gebe ich nicht einmal den Barbarossa."t 
 
 "Mich f rent's, dass der Barbarossa Dir immer mehr gefallt. Ich 
 will ihn lieber gemacht haben als den Gotz von B. nebst Shakespeares 
 
 sammtlichen historischen Stiicken. Und sein Deutschthum Ein 
 
 Nationalwerk wie die Hohenstaufen soil Deutschland noch nicht ge- 
 habt haben. "I 
 
 "Karl der Grosse und die Sachsen mit ihrem Heidenthum ware 
 ein gutes Vorspiel zu den Hohenstaufen, mehr als Shakespeares Jo- 
 hann ohne Land zu seinen Heinrichen."|| 
 
 "Ich glaube dieses Stiiek (Konig Johann) ist als der etwas laut- 
 tonende, aber wohlberechnete Prolog zu seinem Dramencyclus aus der 
 englischen Geschichte zu betrachten, sowie sein Heinrich VIII, der 
 feine, sehr praktisch belehrende Epilog dazu ist."§ 
 
 It is difficult to say to what extent Grabbe made use of Shakes- 
 peare in his cycle. The cycle was written during the period when 
 Grabbe was turning from Shakespeare imitation to origmality. Then, 
 too, they are founded upon history. It would be rather a fine distinc- 
 tion to say what part of the character is taken from history, and 
 what part is taken from Shakespeare, especially if both the historical 
 and Shakespearian characters are similar types. An example of this 
 would be Shakespeare's King Richard III and Grabbe 's Kaiser Hein- 
 rich der Sechste. 
 
 Grabbe and Shakespeare have chosen for their dramas the same 
 period of history, the period when the papacy played a considerable 
 role in the affairs of Europe. In the beginning of Shakespeare 's cycle 
 King John is excommunicated by an ambassador of the Pope. In the 
 beginning of Grabbe 's cycle Kaiser Friedrich is excommunicated by 
 an ambassador of the Pope. 
 
 *See Blunienthal Grabbes Werke, Vol. IV, page 429. 
 ■j-See Blumenthal Grabbes Werlce, Vol. IV, page 436. 
 ^See Blumenthal Grabbes Werke, Vol. IV, page 439. 
 ||See Blumenthal Grabbes Werlce, Vol. IV, page 448. 
 §See Blumenthal Grabbes Werlce, Vol. IV, page 221. 
 
49 
 
 King John. "What earthly name to interrogatories 
 
 Can task the free breath of a sacred king? 
 
 Thou canst not, cardinal, devise a name 
 
 So slight, unworthy, and ridiculous. 
 
 To charge me to an answer, as the Pope. 
 
 Tell him this tale ; and from the mouth of England, 
 
 Add thus much more, — that no Italian priest 
 
 Shall tithe or toll in our dominions ; 
 
 But as we under heaven are supreme head, 
 
 So, under him, that great supremacy, 
 
 "Where we do reign, we will alone uphold, 
 
 Without th ' assistance of a mortal hand ; 
 
 So tell the Pope : all reverence set apart 
 
 To him, and his usurp 'd authority. 
 Pandulph. Then, by the lawful power that I have. 
 
 Thou shalt stand curs'd, and excommunicate: 
 
 And blessed shall he be, that doth revolt 
 
 From his allegiance to an heretic ; 
 
 And meritorious shall that hand be call'd. 
 
 Canonized, and worshipp'd as a saint. 
 
 That takes away by any secret course 
 
 Thy hateful life. 
 
 Kaiser Friedrich (zum Cardinal:) Meld' du dem Papst, dass ich sein 
 Begehr verweigre, iiber seine Kiibnheit 
 Verwundert bin ! — "Wenn ich mich wundre, streb ' 
 Ich auch, des Wunderns Ursach' zu vertilgen! — 
 — Die rom'sche Kirche kiimmert niclits mein Streit 
 Mit den Lombarden, und Mathildens Erbschaft 
 Gehort dem Reich, als ausgestorb 'nes Lehn, 
 "Verratherei und Felonie war's, wenn 
 Mathilde wie ihr dichtet, sie dem Papst 
 Vermacht. Bei Gott, ich wiirde noch im Grab 
 Sie achten! — Und mein Lehnsherr? Er, der durch 
 Die Gnade Constantins und Carls des Grossen, 
 Erblassern meines Throns, sein bischen Land 
 Erhielt, damit er nicht trotz seines Hochmuths 
 "Verhungre ? 
 
 Cardinal ! Der Papst ist nur 
 Mein erster Bischof — Roma's Kaiserkrone prangt 
 Auf meinem Ilaupt — Nicht lieb' ich Kinderspiele — 
 "Was sie bedeutet, will ich seyn ! 
 
 Frei durch die Gnade Gottes 
 Ist Deutschlands Krone, und die freie "Wahl 
 Der Deutschen iibertragt sie. Dem Erzbischof 
 "Von Mainz gebiihrt dabei die erste Stimme. 
 Dann kront der Erzbischof von Coin den Konig 
 Zu Aachen in der Cathedrale. 
 
50 
 
 Die kaiserliche Kronimg aber muss 
 An ihm der Papst verrichten. — Wird er dadurch, 
 Dass er mir 's Kleid anlegt, mein Herr ? — So ware 
 Der Knecht mehr als der Fiirst! 
 Cardinal : leh spreche 
 
 Den Bann in Christi Namen iiber Dich! 
 Verflueht sey'st du an Leib und Seele. 
 Verderben sollst du Glied vor Glied — Die Holle 
 Soil ewig an dir nagen und an Jedem, 
 Der dir vertraut ist, oder auch mit dir 
 Nur redet ! 
 
 In both dramas peace is made between the kings and the popes 
 in order that the kings may save themselves from their enemies, King 
 John from France and Friedrich from the Italian cities. 
 
 In the second scene of King Richard III the corpse of the king 
 of the preceding drama is carried onto the stage with the king's 
 daughter-in-law as mourner. Before the corpse a scene is enacted in 
 which Richard, who later became king, and Anne, who later became 
 his wife, are the principal characters. Here we see what wrongs 
 have been inflicted upon Anne's family by her future husband. The 
 character of Richard is set forth in this scene. In the second scene 
 of Konig Heinrich der Sechste the corpse of the king of the preceding 
 drama is carried onto the stage with Beatrice, the widow, following 
 as mourner. Here a scene is enacted in the presence of the corpse, 
 which shows the character of Heinrich. Desire for power and his 
 own advancement, with no sincere affection for his wife, is shown 
 to be the ruling passion of his life. In the beginning of this scene 
 his wife pleads for her countrymen and shows the king the wrongs 
 he has inflicted upon them. 
 
 Grabbe has interspersed both of the Hohenstaufen dramas with 
 peasant scenes. The prose peasant scenes are inserted into the verse 
 of the dramas, and present a Shakespearian appearance. The influ- 
 ence here is of a rather subtle character. I shall give a peasant 
 scene from Shakespeare 's First Part of King Henry IV and one from 
 Grabbe 's Kaiser Friedrich Barharossa to illustrate: — 
 
 First Carrier. — Heigh ho! An't be not four by the day, I'll be 
 hanged ; Charles ' wain is over the new chimney, and yet our horse not 
 packed. What, ostler! 
 
 Ostler. — Anon, anon. 
 
 First Carrier. — I pr'ythee, Tom, beat Cut's saddle, put a few 
 flacks in the point ; the poor jade is wrung in the withers out of all cess. 
 
51 
 
 Second Carrier. — ^Peas and beans are as dank here as a dog, and 
 that is the next way to give poor jades the bots. This house is turned 
 upsidedown, since Robin ostler died. 
 
 First Carrier. — Poor fellow ! he never joyed since the price of oats 
 rose : it was the death of him. 
 
 Second Carrier. — I think, this be the most villainous house in all 
 London road for fleas : I am stung like a tench. 
 
 First Carrier. — Like a tench ? by the mass, there is ne 'er a king in 
 Christendom could be better bit, than I have been since the first cock. 
 
 Second Carrier. — Why, they will allow us ne'er a Jordan, and 
 then we leak in the chimney ; and your chamber lie breeds flees like a 
 loach. 
 
 First Carrier. — What, ostler! come away and be hanged; come 
 away. 
 
 Second Carrier. — I have a gammon of bacon, and two razes of 
 ginger, to be delivered as far as Charing-cross. 
 
 First Carrier. — 'Odsbody! the turkeys in my pannier are quite 
 starved. What, ostler ! A plague on thee ! hast thou never an eye 
 in thy head ? canst not hear ? An 'twere not as good a deed as drink, 
 to break the pate of thee, I am a very villain. Come, and be hanged : 
 — hast no faith in thee? 
 
 Gadsh ill. — Good morrow, carriers. What 's o 'clock ? 
 .. First Carrier. — I think it be two o 'clock. 
 
 Gadshill. — I pr'ythee, lend me thy lantern, to see my gelding in 
 the stable. 
 
 First Carrier. — Nay, soft, I pray ye : I know a trick worth two of 
 that, i' faith. 
 
 Gadshill. — I pr 'y thee, lend me thine. 
 
 Second Carrier. — Ay, when? canst tell? Lend me thy lantern, 
 quoth a ? — marry, I '11 see thee hanged first. 
 
 Gadshill. — Sirrah carrier what time do you mean to come to 
 London ? 
 
 Second Carrier. — Time enough to go to bed with a candle, I war- 
 rant thee. — Come, neighbor Mugs, we'll call up the gentlemen: they 
 will along with company, for they have great charge. [Exeunt Car- 
 riers.] 
 
 Gadshill. — What, ho! chamberlain! 
 
 Chamberlain. — [Within.] At hand, quoth pick-purse. 
 
 Gadshill. — That's even, as fair as — at hand, quoth the chamber- 
 lain for thou variest no more from picking of purses, than giving 
 direction doth from labouring; thou lay'st the plot how. 
 
 (Landolph und Wilhelm kommen.) 
 
 Wilhelm : Die Freude lacht dir ja aus dem Gesicht. 
 
 Landolph : Ich habe endlich ein bischen Hafer fiir die Liese auf- 
 getrieben, und sie knuspert darin, dass sieh das Herz umkehrt vor Ver- 
 gniigen. 
 
52 
 
 Wilhelm : Ja, es geht niclits iiber das Knuspern von so einem 
 Pferde. Ohne das kann icli nicht schlafen. — Wie geht's deinem eig- 
 nen Magen? Ich hungre verflueht. 
 
 Landolph: Mein Magen ist leer, wie die Welt vor ihrer Erschaf- 
 fung. Aber die Liese thut sich doeh einmal giitlich! 
 
 Wilhelm : Das Walschland ist ein miserables Land. War' ich der 
 Kaiser, ich nahm's nicht, und schenkte man es mir. 
 
 Landolph: Hor' Wilhelm, dem Herzoge sind die Heer- und 
 Querziige auch nicht recht. Seine Faust und seine Stirn sind seit ein 
 paar Tagen immer geballt und gefaltet, wie Wetterwolken, die zu- 
 sammenzieh'n, bevor sie sich entladen. Und das Lowenfell hangt ihm 
 schief ura die Schulter. — Das Fell ist meine Windfahne. — Es 
 stiirmt ihn wieder nach Norden. 
 
 Wilhelm: Hier ist's auch all zu schlecht. Der Schinken — 
 
 Landolph : Da sprichst du wahr — Der Schinken ist niedertrach- 
 tig! Schweinezucht kennt das Volk gar nicht. Was es da fette 
 Schweine heisst, sind das nicht Thiere, wie zwei zusammengenagelte 
 Bretter, worauf statt der Haare noch die Sagespane sitzen? Beim 
 Geier, ich glaube sie fiittern die Saue mit ihren albernen Oliven ! — 
 — Wilhelm bei ims an der Weser, da sind doch noch Saue zu Haus ! 
 Wetter, welches Vieh lauft da auf alien Strassen ! 
 
 Wilhelm : Die Schinken ! Die Schinken ! Setzen sie mir da neu- 
 lich bei Coma ein Ding vor so zahe — ich meinte, es ware Sohlenleder. 
 Man konnte Riemen daraus schneiden und Simson damit binden. Kein 
 Fett, keine Farbe. Zuletzt spiir' ich, es soil was zu essen seyn. Ich 
 beisse zu ! Donner, wie wurden mir die Zalme ausgebissen ! — Das 
 nannten sie Schinken ! — Den Augenblick scharft ' ich meine Lanze, 
 um sie in der Schlacht jedem Italianer desto tiefer in die Brust zu 
 jagen. 
 
 Landolph : Und, Wilhelm, welch ein Gemiise ! Savoyerkohl und 
 Fleisch mit Syrup und Rosinen ! — Linsen, Erbsen, grosse Bohnen 
 und ein Stiick Speck dazu, — das maclit Westphalen und schafft 
 Fauste, fest und gewaltig wie meine und deine. 
 
 (Er driickt Wilhelm die Hand.) 
 
 (jr^iso (kommt) : Na, Sachsen, was raisonnirt ihr denn da? 
 
 Landolph: Nenn' uns lieber Westphalen. Da an der Elbe, bei 
 Wittenberg und Meissen, sind so ein paar Herren aus unserm eigent- 
 lichen Sachsen hingezogen, haben richtig da etwas unter'm Heiden- 
 volk erobert und ihre neuen Unterthanen nennen sie schon Sachsen, 
 oder gar Obersachsen. — Nun, sind wir niedere Sachsen (hohnisch) : 
 so mocht' ich denn doch einmal die Oberen sehen! 
 
 Wilhelm : Was fiir ein Jammerland ist Italien ! 
 
 Giso: Gott straf mich! Es hat kein Bier von Niirnberg! 
 
 Wilhelm: Und keine Gose vom Harze. 
 
 Landolph: Baier, ich kriege Heimweh, sell' ich die walschen Ge- 
 siehter und Figuren. Wo ist der Kerl, der eine breite Brust hatte 
 wie du? Wo einer, der mir bis an die Schulter ginge? Und die 
 
53 
 
 schandlichen schwarzlichen Fratzen mit den Katzenaugen ! Ich 
 schwore, es sind nichts als Juden. 
 
 Wilhelni: Und welche Spraehe, Landolph! — Kann man die 
 Schurken verstehen? — 1st das deiitsch? 
 Giso: s' ist kauderwalseh, Westphale ! 
 
 Landolph : Da kommen die lustigen Scliwaben — geraubte Hiih- 
 ner in der Hand. — Die Kerle konnen tanzen und stehen doch auf 
 italianisclier Erde ! 
 
 Ulrich und Rudolph (auftretend). 
 Trallala ; 
 
 Die Hiihner gefangen ! 
 Mailander gehangen! 
 Hoch lebe der Kaiser! 
 
 The latter part of Grabbe's life is free from the revolt against 
 Shakespeare, which for a while showed itself in his works. His work 
 in connection with the Diisseldorf Theater shows high regard for 
 Shakespeare, as well as great appreciation of him. To what extent 
 Iramermann influenced his views cannot be said. It was during this 
 period that Grabbe completed Hannibal and Aschefihrodel. 
 
 In Hannibal Grabbe is dealing with Roman history, a subject 
 from which he drew the material for his Marius und Sulla. Here, how- 
 ever, is not so close an observance of historical facts as we find in 
 Marius und Sulla. There is much in Hannibal which is suggestive of 
 Shakespeare's Antony and Cleopatra. Many incidents, as well as the 
 setting and multiplicity of scenes present striking similarities to the 
 above named piece of Shakespeare. Multiplicity of scenes at first 
 glance may not appear to be a similarity of much weight. However, 
 if we read a passage from Grabbe's Shakspearo-Manie in which he 
 criticizes Shakespeare for his numerous changes of scene, the in- 
 consistency between his erticism of Anthony and Cleopatra and his 
 own violation of unity of place in a drama in many respects similar 
 to the criticized one, may find its explanation in an attempt to repro- 
 duce a drama similar to Shakespeare's. Otherwise how are we to 
 explain this flagrant violation of the rules of the drama which in 
 another brought forth his censure ? 
 
 Aber den Scenenwechsel so weit zu treiben wie in Antonius und 
 Cleopatra, wo ohne Vorbereitung, Nothwendigkeit und Wirkung (nur 
 diese drei Stiicke rechtfertigen den Scenenwechsel) Alexandrien, 
 Rom, Messina (und in diesen Stadten wieder die verschiedenen Zim- 
 mer und Strassen), Schiffe, syrische Ebenen usw. usw. im selben Acte 
 wiederholt den Schauplatz bilden, heisst mit der theatralischen Form 
 spielen. 
 
54 
 
 I shall not attempt to go through the two dramas scene by scene, 
 for both contain such a multiplicity of scenes. Act I of both dramas 
 contains five scenes each. Act II of Antony and Cleopatra has seven, 
 while the corresponding act of Hannibal has only three. Act III of 
 Antony and Cleopatra has eleven scenes and Act III of Hannibal 
 eight. The last two acts of Antony and Cleopatra contain fifteen 
 scenes, and the last two acts of Hannibal contain thirteen, making a 
 total of thirty-eight scenes in Antony and Cleopatra and twenty-nine 
 in the Hannibal. There is absolutely no unity of place in either 
 drama. If Grabbe had attempted to make a drama with such a mix- 
 ture of scenes as Antony and Cleopatra contains, he could not have 
 succeeded better than he has in his Hannibal. 
 
 What a host of people and events are portrayed in the different 
 scenes. There are scenes dealing with each of the following: Roman 
 senators, Roman generals, Roman citizens, triumvirate of Carthage, 
 Carthagenian generals, despots, slaves, messengers, love scenes, 
 heathen temples, market places, street scenes, dwellings, palaces, cities, 
 ships, valleys, plains, mountains, ruins, camps, battles, and retreats. 
 One familiar with Antony and Cleopatra knows that such a list is 
 present in it. 
 
 Antony and Cleopatra opens in a room in Cleopatra's palace. 
 There is a conversation between Antony and Cleopatra; the subject 
 under discussion being love. 
 
 Cleopatra. — If it be love indeed, tell me how much. 
 
 Antony. — There's beggary in the love that can be reckon 'd. 
 
 Hannibal opens in a room in the house of Alitta, with a conversa- 
 tion between Brasidas and Alitta. The scene is begun by a conversa- 
 tion about love. 
 
 Brasidas: Du liebst mich? 
 
 Alitta: Ewiges Gefrag. Muss ich stiindlich wiederholen, was 
 man kaum sagt, ohne die Tiefe des Herzens zu entweih'n. 
 
 Both conversations represent the same attitude towards love. 
 There is no answer to either question. One is a love that cannot be 
 measured, the other a love of the deepest type. 
 
 From these introductory remarks the conversation turns to the 
 affairs of the drama, and we are made acquainted somewhat with the 
 two situations. In Antony and Cleopatra Antony is reminded of 
 Rome and his duty towards it. He, however, has his mind on the 
 pleasures of the evening. 
 
55 
 
 Antony. — Tonight we'll wander through the streets and note 
 the qualities of people.' Come, my queen ; last night you did desire it. 
 
 In the next appearance of Antony he receives news from Rome, 
 and a little later, aroused by the news, he returns to Rome. In 
 Hannibal the conversation turns to Carthage and Hannibal. Brasidas 
 wishes a pleasant evening. 
 
 Brasidas: Lass uns die alten Abende erneu'n, wo wir hier sassen, 
 von Hannibal sprachen und seinen Siegen. 
 
 He, however, is aroused by Alitta's speech and leaves to join his 
 general Hannibal. , 
 
 Both these plays opened in the East. Antony was living in the 
 midst of festivities and dissipation when the drama opened. Grabbe 
 evidently wants to picture something similar, for into the mouth 
 of Brasidas he puts these words: "Ich schwelgt' in Liebe und vergass, 
 sie zu verdienen." The oriental setting is given to Shakespeare's 
 play by the surroundings in which Antony and Cleopatra appear, by 
 the people present, and by the conversation between Antony and 
 Cleopatra, which is suggestive of oriental ease and pleasure. An 
 oriental setting it given to Hannibal by the second scene which repre- 
 sents a market place in Carthage where Sclaven, Gemiise, Datteln, 
 Sago, Fisch, Kohl and Wirsing are offered for sale. An Ethiopian 
 caravan led by a sheik of the desert brings horses, ostriches and 
 giraffes. The entire setting is an eastern one and really has no con- 
 nection with the play. Its only purpose appears to be to create a 
 setting. "Why was Grabbe so eager to present this picture of eastern 
 life to us? 
 
 In this same scene appears a messenger who goes through the 
 crowd with the cry, "Bei Conna Sieg! Unermesslicher Sieg!" It 
 is in the second scene of Antony and Cleopatra that a messenger an- 
 nounces to Antony the condition of affairs at Rome. 
 
 In the next scene we learn that Carthage is in charge of a trium- 
 virate who plot against Hannibal and one another throughout the 
 play. We are familiar with the triumvirate of Antony and Cleo- 
 patra which makes its appearance early in the play. This triumvirate 
 is not in harmony with one another, but each is eager, for his own 
 success and to overthrow the others. In Hannibal the triumvirate 
 plot against one another secretly, and the same desire to stand first and 
 to overthrow the others is present. In Antony and Cleopatra the 
 triumvirate dine on board Pompey 's galley. At this banquet it is sug- 
 
56 
 
 gested to Pompey that Menas be allowed to kill the triumvirate, thus 
 placing Pompey at the head of Rome. In Hannibal, while drinking 
 wine in Melkir's palace, Melkir places poisoned wine before the other 
 two members of the triumvirate. 
 
 Hannibal is presented to us away from his home, pursuing a 
 campaign against the enemy. Antony was sent to Egypt to conduct a 
 campaign. However, both men are presented to us as inactive so far 
 as a campaign is concerned. "We see messengers bringing news from 
 their respective homes. Each is eager to know what the people at 
 home think of him. Antony: "Speak to me of home, mince not the 
 general tongue." Hannibal: "Was sprach man von mir als Du 
 Carthage verliessest ? " Both men return home where they are 
 needed because of threatened wars. We see both men as great generals 
 having done valiant service for their respective countries. 
 
 Just as the opening of the two plays presented similar situations, 
 so the close of the plays is very similar. There is much that is common 
 in the close of the two plays. Antony and Cleopatra suffer defeat at 
 the hands of the Romans. Hannibal and Alitta suffer defeat at the 
 hands of the Romans. A servant brings word to Antony that Cleo- 
 patra is dead. Antony falls upon his sword after his faithful friend, 
 Eros, had killed himself in like manner. Cleopatra is held as a host- 
 age by Caesar, she being taken care of by Proculeius and Dolabella. 
 The desire of Caesar is that she be taken back to Rome a prisoner. 
 She, however, outwits her keepers and together with her servants 
 takes poison. When the guards, Dolabella and Ca?sar arrive they find 
 Cleopatra and her servants dead. Hannibal, after the defeat, had 
 taken refuge with King Prusias. He, however, is really held as a host- 
 age. Alitta kills herself and sends word of her death and the de- 
 struction of Carthage by a faithful messenger. Hannibal, upon hear- 
 ing of her death and the destruction of Carthage, together with the 
 servant who brought the message, takes poison and dies. Flamininus, 
 King Prusias and followers arrive immediately afterwards and find 
 Hannibal and his servant dead. Here, as in Antony and Cleopatra, 
 the desire had been to take the noble prisoner back to Rome. 
 
CHAPTER FIVE. 
 
 A Comparison of Shakespeare's ''Merchant of Venice" and 
 Grabbe's ''Aschenbrodel." 
 
 This section consists of a comparison of Shakespeare's Merchant 
 of Venice and Grabbe's Aschenhrodel. The aim of this study is to 
 show that Grabbe in his Aschenhrodel was very much influenced by 
 the Merchant of Venice. Not only is the plot inspired by it but the 
 arrangement of the scenes of Aschenhrodel is an imitation of the ar- 
 rangement of the scenes of the Merchant of Venice. 
 
 In the former we find many passages which are striking parallels 
 to passages in the latter. Of course the source of the Aschenhrodel 
 theme is known to all ; but it is curious to note how Grabbe has turned 
 the Ascheyihrodel plot into a parallel of the Portia plot. There are far 
 more similarities in it to the Portia story than to the old Aschenhrodel 
 story. There remains of the latter theme only the bare frame-work, 
 and about this frame-work are woven many details of the Portia story. 
 
 We shall first compare the arrangement of the two plays. The 
 first scene of Act I of the Merchant of Venice introduces to us An- 
 tonio and Bassanio. Here we learn that Bassanio desires a loan of 
 money to equip himself for the purpose of wooing Portia, a rich lady 
 of Belmont. Antonio is without money but offers to secure some for 
 Bassanio. In the latter part of Act I Antonio secures the loan from 
 the Jew Shylock, who takes a bond which forfeits the life of Antonio 
 if the debt is not paid when it comes due. In the first scene of Act I 
 of Aschenhrodel we meet the Baron von Fineterra and learn of his 
 financial condition. Among other creditors appears Isaak, a Jew, to 
 whom the Baron has given a bond for 80,000 thaler. The debts of 
 the Baron appear to have been incurred largely through his wife's 
 desire to marry her daughters well. So here we have the bond linked 
 with marriage as in the Merchant of Venice. 
 
 The second scene of Act I of Merchant of Venice is given up en- 
 tirely to Portia and Nerissa. Here is set forth the manner of the 
 wooing of Portia. The wooer must choose from three chests of gold, 
 silver, and lead. If he is successful in his choosing, he secures Portia 
 
 57 
 
58 
 
 for a wife. If he fails, he must leave at once and lose all chance of 
 winning her. Portia and Nerissa, her maid, are engaged in conversa- 
 tion over the choosing of the caskets. Almost at the close of the con- 
 versation Nerissa says: 
 
 Do you not remember, lady, in your father's time a Venetian, a 
 scholar and a soldier, that came hither in company of the Marquis of 
 Montf errat ? 
 
 Portia. — Yes, yes, it was Bassanio ; as I think, so was he called. 
 
 Nerissa. — True, madam; he of all the men that ever my foolish 
 eyes looked upon, was the best deserving a fair lady. 
 
 Portia. — I remember him well, and I remember him worthy of thy 
 praise. 
 
 The second scene of Act I of AscJietibrodel is given up to the king 
 and his attendants. Here the conversation turns on the selection of a 
 wife for the king, as in the Merchant of Venice the conversation was 
 about the selection of a husband for Portia. The king, upon the ad- 
 vice of a former teacher, decides to go incognito into a neighboring 
 city and select a wife. And towards the end of the conversation we 
 have the name of the future wife of the king brought in in much the 
 same way as the name of the future husband of Portia was brought in. 
 
 Riipel : Und ist nicht noch eine aus der ersten Ehe — 
 Isaak: Ja, Ja, Olympchen, Olympia — Auch unverheirathet. 
 
 (Fiir sich) : 
 
 Aschenbrodelchen ! das Luehsaug'! Sie attrapirte mich zweimal als 
 
 ich besah und priifte das Silberzeug des Barons. 
 
 Konig (in sich) : — Olympia ! — mir ist als ob der Name aus fer- 
 
 ner Kindheit mir heriiberwehte ! 
 
 The third scene of Act I of the Merchant of Venice shows Bassanio 
 securing the loan and starting for Belmont to make a selection of the 
 caskets. There is no third scene in Act I of Aschenhrodel, but the 
 first scene of Act II shows the preparation of the baroness and her 
 daughters for the king's castle, where the selection of a wife is to be 
 made. 
 
 Act II and the first scene of Act III of the Merchant of Venice 
 show the choosing of the caskets by unsuccessful suitors and the 
 elopement of Jessica. The second scene of Act II of Aschenhrodel 
 treats of Olympia, the baron 's daughter by a former marriage, and the 
 Fairies. Here the most of the matter introduced does not form a 
 vital part of the plot. 
 
 Pursuing our account of the Merchant of Venice we see the 
 selection of the caskets and the winning of Portia by Bassanio, At a 
 
59 
 
 corresponding place in Aschenhrddel we have the selection of Olympia 
 by the king. Almost immediately following the selection of the caskets 
 by Bassanio is the trial of Antonio on complaint of Shylock because 
 Antonio did not meet the note when it came due. Here Shylock wishes 
 the life of Antonio in order that he may secure his bond. Shylock 
 appears in court with his knife ready to cut a pound of flesh from 
 Antonio. Portio is present in disguise and by a clever decree rules 
 in favor of Antonio. Likewise immediately following the selection 
 of Olympia by the king. Olympiads coachman eats the bond of Isaak 
 and Isaak appears before the apparent king and seeks the life of the 
 coachman in order that he may secure his bond. Isaak is present 
 with his knife and his attempts to secure the coachman and kill him 
 are just as strong as Shylock 's attempts to secure the life of Antonio. 
 The case is not decided at this time. Immediately following the 
 trial scene in the Merchant of Venice Portia disappears. Immediately 
 following the scene where Isaak wished the life of the coachman 
 Olympia disappears. Here the lovers are separated at a similar place 
 in both plays. 
 
 In the last act of the Merchant of Venice Portia and Bassanio 
 are reunited. The thing which plays the most important part in their 
 reunion is a ring which Bassanio gave Portia immediately after the 
 trial. The loss of this ring signified according to the original agree- 
 ment when Portia gave it to Bassanio, the loss of Bassanio 's love. 
 Thus the ring was necessary for their future union. And it is through 
 the ring that the full explanation of everything is given. In the 
 last act of Aschenhrodel the king and Olympia are reunited. The 
 thing which plays the most important part is a slipper which the 
 king secured from Otympia immediately after the trial scene as 
 Olympia was escaping from the palace. Without this slipper the 
 king could not have found Olympia. By means of this slipper Olympia 
 and the king's reunion takes place and a full explanation follows. 
 
 The plot of the Merchant of Venice is composed of two distinct 
 stories : that of the bond, and that of the casket. The plot of Aschen- 
 hrodel is likewise composed of two distinct stories: that of the bond 
 and that of Aschenhrodel. Now I desire to show that the Jew plot 
 of Aschenhrodel has been taken from the Jew plot of the Merchant of 
 Venice, and that the Aschenhrodel story has been moulded to resemble 
 the Portia plot. In the Merchant of Venice Antonio is to suffer death 
 in order that Shylock may secure his bond. In Aschenhrodel 
 Olympia 's coachman is to suffer death in order that Isaak may secure 
 
60 
 
 his bond. In both cases the one to suffer death received no benefit 
 from the loan. In the Merchant of Venice Bassanio receives the 
 benefit, and in Aschenhrodel the baron receives the benefit. In both 
 cases the loan is associated with a marriage. Bassanio borrowed the 
 money to equip himself for the wooing and his only hope of returning 
 it was through his marriage with Portia. The baron, it appears, had 
 gone into debt through his wife, who was very eager to marry her 
 daughters well; and the only hope of paying the debt appears to rest 
 in the marrying of the daughters to a rich man. When Isaak im- 
 portunes the king for the collection of the debt, Riipel says : ' ' Hat 
 der Baron keine Schwiegersohne, die fiir ihn biirgen? Er soil zwei 
 schone Tochter haben ! ' ' And this is the only solution offered. 
 There is a further similarity in that Antonio and the baron had other 
 creditors in addition to Shylock and Isaalc. And both seem to have 
 met with utter destruction so far as their financial interests were 
 concerned. Antonio's letter to Bassanio says, "Sweet Bassanio, my 
 ships have all miscarried, my creditors grow cruel, my estate is very 
 low, my bond to the Jew is forfeit." Act III, scene I, also shows 
 Antonio's complete financial destruction. 
 
 The baron's condition is shown by the following statement of the 
 Baron. "Die Hypotheken driicken gewaltig darauf, — das thun die 
 Visiten, der Putz, die Thee's" — 
 
 The following conversation also shows the same condition : 
 
 Baronin (zu Andreas). Geh, (Andreas ab.) Hier, im Visiten- 
 zimmer wird geraucht? Gott, Gott, ich ungliickliche Frau! Tochter, 
 welch ein Mann ! — Branch einmal dein Hausrecht. Schick den Hau- 
 fen der unverschiimten Glaubiger im Vorgemach aus dem Hause. 
 
 Baron: Sind die schon wieder da? Ich bin nicht Schuld daran, 
 ich babe sie nicht gemacht, und ihre Forderungen auch nicht — 
 
 Baronin: Ich hoffe, was ich gemacht, das machst Du mit. Ich 
 muss wissen, was liaushalt, Kleidimg — 
 
 Baron: Das musst Du — 
 
 (Durcli das Thiirfenster blickend). 
 Beim Gewitterhimmel, da stehen sie: der Kaufmann, glatten Rocks, 
 als wollt' er in 'nen Geldbeutel schliipfen, — die Putzmacherin, miui- 
 ter und frisch, als hatte sie vorige Nacht nur sechs Liebhaber bedient, 
 und da — Schachermachai ! der hagere Sohn von Zion, mit seinen 
 Papierchen und Wechselchen ! Der ist der Schlimmste ! 
 
 Finally the debt is cleared in both cases through marriage. The 
 marriage brings into the plot two persons who would not otherwise 
 have been interested in the payment of the debt. In the Merchant of 
 
61 
 
 Yenice Portia clears the debt for the friend of her husband. In 
 Aschenhrodel the king pays the debt for the father of his wife. 
 
 The defense of the two Jews in regard to their sharp practices is 
 identical. Both defend themselves with illustrations from the Old 
 Testament. Shylock's defense is as follows: 
 
 Shylock. When Jacob grazed his uncle Laban 's sheep, 
 
 This Jacob from our holy Abram was, 
 
 As his wise mother wrought in his behalf, 
 
 The third possessor ; ay, he was the third. 
 Antonio. And what of him ? did he take interest ? 
 Shylock. No, not take interest ; not as you would say, 
 
 Directly interest; mark w^hat Jacob did. 
 
 When Laban and himself were compromised 
 
 That all the eanlings which were streaked and pied, 
 
 Should fall as Jacob's hire 
 
 The skilful shepherd pill'd me certain wands. 
 
 And stuck them up before the fulsome ewes, 
 
 Who, then conceiving, did in eaning time 
 
 Fall party-coloured lambs; and those were Jacob's. 
 
 This was a way to thrive and he was blest; 
 
 The thrift is blessing, if men steal it not." 
 
 Isaak's defense is a most striking parallel. 
 
 Isaak : Ich habe studirt den grossen Joseph in Egypten, nicht den 
 unachten, der in der Oper Conditerwaaren aufsetzt, sondern den ach- 
 ten in der Historic, dann habe ich ihn glossirt mit den Thaten des 
 jetzigen Vitzkonigs von Egypten, und dem was er zu seiner Provinz 
 gestohlen, und zuletzt tief hineingesehen in meinen eigenen Geist, und 
 gefunden Eppes — 
 
 Riipel: Hast Du gefunden! Ich mache Dich zum Baron und 
 gebe Dir einen Orden. 
 
 Isaah : So ? Einen Orden ? — Dass jeder der mich sieht, sagt : 
 Seht, da geht der Isaak hin, und hat bekommen einen Orden ! Und 
 Baron ! Was habe ich davon ? Von meinem Geschaf t kam ' ich leicht 
 davon. — Herr, mache einmal einen reichen Baron zu einem Juden — 
 Das soil uns sein eine Ehre ! — Hore nun meinen Vorschlag : Joseph, 
 Monarch, kaufte sieben Jahr alles Kom im Land auf. 
 
 Kutscher: Alles Korn? 
 
 Isaak : Zuletzt, im achten Jahr, kam, wie zu erwarten, endlich 
 ein schlechtes Jahr, und das war gut. Denen, welchen er alles abge- 
 kauft hatte, verkaufte er es nun wieder, imd ich wette, um den drei- 
 doppelten Preis. — Und that er nicht klug? 
 
 Now let us see the similarity between the trial of Antonio and 
 Isaak's attempt to secure the life of the coachman. In the Merchant 
 of Venice Shylock has his knife in open court ready to kill Antonio. 
 
62 
 
 In Asckenbrodel Isaak draws his knife and attempts to kill the coach- 
 man. Shylock says in Act III, scene III, "I will have my bond" 
 and again, in Act IV, "I stay here on my bond" or to take the 
 Schlegel translation of the Merchant of Venice we have Shylock say- 
 ing "Ich will den Schein" and "Ich stehe hier auf meinen Schein." 
 Isaak, in Aschenhrodel, uses the exact words. In Act III, Isaak says, 
 ' ' Ich stehe hier auf meinen Schein ! Ich will den Schein ! ' ' And the 
 speech of Eiipel, which follows immediately shows that Grabbe inten- 
 tionally used the words of Shylock. Riipel says, ' ' Haltet den Shylock 
 am Bart!" 
 
 Now notice in Shylock 's defense of his act how lightly he regards 
 human life. He defends his own injustice by the example of as great 
 an injustice of every-day occurrence, 
 
 Duke. How shalt thou hope for mercy rendering none? 
 
 Shylock. What judgment shall I dread, doing no wrong? 
 You have among you many a purchased slave, 
 "Which like your asses and your dogs and mules. 
 You use in abject and in slavish parts. 
 Because you bought them : shall I say to you, 
 Let them be free, marry them to your heirs? 
 Why sweat they under burdens? let their beds 
 Be made as soft as yours and let their palates 
 Be seasoned with such viands? You will answer. 
 The slaves are ours. So do I answer you : 
 The poimd of flesh which I demand of him. 
 Is dearly bought; it is mine and I will have it. 
 If you deny me, fie upon your law ! 
 There is no force in the decrees of Venice. 
 I stand for judgment : answer, shall I have it ? 
 
 Isaak 's regard for human life is just as light. 
 
 Riipel : Todt doch Niemand um lumpiges Geld, Isaak! 
 
 Isaak: Lumpig. Achtzigtausend Thaler machen sich schwer zu- 
 sammen und ein Mensch ist gemacht sehr leicht — man kann einen 
 bekommen um einen Pfennig, oft gar umsonst — Mit 80,000 Thaler 
 kannst Du in Deinen Staaten binnen einem Jahre machen lassen eine 
 Million Kinder. 
 
 This statement of Shylock was made to the Duke before whom 
 the case was being tried. Isaak 's statement was made to Riipel 
 to whom he was appealing for the death of the coachman. Another 
 similarity of the trial is that neither case was settled before the 
 duke or Riipel, but both were disposed of later before Portia and 
 the king respectively. And those who decided the cases finally. 
 
63 
 
 in a sense, had a personal interest in the cases. Another similarity of 
 these scenes was that Portia in the Merchant of Venice appeared in 
 dis^ise at the trial of Antonio and the king in Aschenhrodel was 
 present in disguise when Isaak made his demands. 
 
 There are several parallels in the characters of the two Jews, 
 Shylock and Isaak. We find Shylock lacking in the finer sensibilities 
 when Jessica elopes. There is no regret at losing his daughter. His 
 mourning is for the money she took with her. (For this, see Act 
 III, scene I.) Isaak likewise, when he is thrown out of the house of 
 the baron does not feel the insults that have been heaped upon 
 him. He thinks only of the money side. 
 
 Isaak : Auwaih ! Er bat mich geworfen aus dem zweiten Stock- 
 werk und ich babe nicht einmal was gebrochen am Kopf oder am 
 Beinchen! Sonst konnte ich ihm liquidiren grosse Schmerzengelder ! 
 Au waih! Hatte er doch nur gegossen den Nachttopf iiber mein 
 Haupt, ich wollte ihm theuer machen den Guss ! Waih, au waih ! 
 
 In the actions of Isaak while alone in the house of the baron we 
 see a likeness to Jessica's actions in her father's house. Jessica alone 
 in her father's house before eloping helped herself to money and 
 jewels of her father, and one of the jewels taken was a very precious 
 one. Jessica would justify her act in that she took from her home 
 which in a sense belonged to her. Isaak alone in the baron's house 
 takes many things of the baron. Among the things which he takes 
 is a jewel and this jewel is a precious one. Isaak justifies his taking 
 of the Baron 's property by saying : ' * Alles was ich bier sehe ist mein 
 — ist er mir doch schuldig 80,000 Thaler! Nicht zahlen will er, die 
 Gerichte sind langsam — Mai! ich helfe mir selbst! Hier Silber, da 
 Shawls — Eingesteckt, liebes Isaakchen!" 
 
 There are some interesting parallels between the double character 
 of Jessica as Jew and Christian, and the coachman as rat and human 
 being. Launcelot raises the question of Jessica's future life because 
 of her double character. 
 
 Launcelot. — ^Yes, truly; for, look you, the sins of the father are 
 to be laid upon the children: therefore, I promise you, I fear you. 
 I was always plain with you, and so now I speak my agitation of the 
 matter ; therefore, be of good cheer, for truly I think you are damned. 
 There is but one hope in it that can do you any good. 
 
 Jessica. — And what hope is that, I pray thee? 
 
 Launcelot. — Marry, you may partly hope that you are not the 
 Jew's daughter. 
 
 Jessica. — So the sins of my mother should be visited upon me. 
 
64 
 
 Launcelot. — Truly, then I fear you are damned both by father 
 and mother ; thus when I shun Scylla, your father, I fall into Charyb- 
 dis, your mother : well, you are gone both ways, 
 
 Jessica. — I shall be saved by my husband; he hath made me a 
 Christian. 
 
 Launcelot. — Truly, the more to blame he : we were Christians enow 
 before ; e 'en as many as could well live, one by another. This making 
 of Christians will raise the price of hogs; if we grow all to be pork 
 eaters, we shall not shortly have a rasher on the coals for money. 
 
 [Enter Lorenzo.] 
 
 Jessica. — I'll tell my husband, Launcelot, what you say; here he 
 comes. 
 
 Lorenzo. — I shall grow jealous of you shortly, Launcelot. 
 
 Jessica. — Nay, you need not fear us, Lorenzo; Launcelot and I 
 are out. He tells me flatly, there is no mercy for me in Heaven, be- 
 cause I am a Jew's daughter; and he says, you are no good member 
 of the commonwealth, for in converting Jews to Christians you raise 
 the price of pork. 
 
 In Aschenhrodel the question arises as to the coachman's future 
 life because of his double character as rat and human being. 
 
 Konigin der Feen : Bleib ruhig nur, was Du nun bist 
 
 Und lebe und stirb als frommer Christ. 
 
 Kutscker: Viel lieber leb' und sterb' ich auf dem Mist! 
 
 Konigin der Feen : Das Paradies kannst du verschmahen ? 
 
 Kutscher : Ich mag es gar nicht sehen ! 
 
 — In Euren Himmel will ich nicht, in den Ratten- 
 himmel will ich — dahin, wo keine Menschen, keine Katzen, keine Fal- 
 len, keine Himde sind, insbesondere keine Pinscher, — dahin, wo ich 
 meinen ermorderten Vater wieder finde, und meine zwolf Kinder, die 
 ich ohnlangst aus purer Liebe gefressen habe, und dort wieder zu essen 
 hoffe, — da, wo jede edle Ratte, je mehr sie geraubt hat, so mehr mit 
 Roggen, Speck, Schinken, Papier belohnt wird, — wo kein Gerausch, 
 kein Singsang, kein Psalm uns aufstort, — wo der Rattenkonig mit 
 siebzigtausend Rattenkopfe auf einem Thron sitzt, und siebzigtausend 
 Schwanze 
 
 In the passage quoted above from the Merchant of Venice there 
 also appears the question of Jessica eating pork as a Christian, which 
 thing she could not do as a Jewess. In Aschenhrodel the coachman 
 is confronted with the question of his diet. Will he eat what human 
 beings eat or will he continue the diet of rats? 
 
 Kutscher: Trinken! ich bin schrecklich durstig! 
 Baron : Weissen oder rothen Wein ? ' ' 
 Kutscker : Wein ? Miserable ! — Wasser oder Papier ! 
 Baron: Papier? 
 
65 
 
 "When Jessica elopes slie goes in the guise of a boy. Notice how 
 her sex feelings revolt against the public appearance in the attire of a 
 boy. "We can almost see her keeping in the darkness and crouching 
 close to the buildings. 
 Jessica. Who are you? tell me, for more certainty, 
 
 Albeit I '11 swear that I do know your tongue. 
 Lorenzo. Lorenzo and thy love. 
 Jessica. Lorenzo, certain ; and my love indeed. 
 
 For who love I so much ? and now who knows 
 
 But you, Lorenzo, whether I am yours ? 
 Lorenzo. Heaven and thy thoughts are witness that thou art. 
 Jessica. Here, catch this casket; it is worth the pains. 
 
 I am glad it is night, you do not look on me, 
 
 For I am much ashamed of my exchange ; 
 
 But love is blind, and lovers cannot see 
 
 The pretty follies that themselves commit; 
 
 For if they could, Cupid himself would blush. 
 
 To see me thus transformed to a boy. 
 Lorenzo. Descend, for you must be my torch bearer. 
 Jessica. What, must I hold a candle to my shame ? 
 
 They in themselves goodsooth, are too, too light. 
 
 Why, it is an office of discovery, love; 
 
 And I should be obscured. 
 
 When the coachman appears in public his animal instincts make 
 him fear the light and the people. He has a desire to run up the wall. 
 
 Kutscher: (springt hin und her): Licht! iiberall Licht! Man 
 sieht mich ! Ich bin verloren ! 
 
 Baron: 
 
 Kutscher: Will mich der Mensch da fangen? Wie er glotzt? — 
 Holle ! es ist der Baron, in dessen Hause ich stahl und liebte ! Welch 
 Ungliick, erkennt er mich! Als ich noch Ratte war, lief ich einmal 
 Nachts iiber sein Bett — er schnarchte, seine Frau traumte, tiefster 
 Friede unter ihnen — mein Laufen machte beide wach, und die Baronin 
 fiel dem schuldlosen Mann in die Haare, 
 
 Baron: 
 
 Kutcher : Ich krieche an der Wand hinauf vor Angst ! 
 
 I have already shown how the details of the Merchant of Venice 
 plot were worked into the Aschenhrodel story. Let us see what the 
 Aschenbrodel story offered to Grabbe if his desire was to imitate 
 Shakespeare. The Portia plot hinges on the proper selection of one 
 of three caskets, Li the old Aschenbrodel story which Grabbe used 
 there is to be a selection by the king from three daughters. In the 
 Merchant of Ve^iice the chooser wins Portia by selecting the poorest 
 of the three caskets. In Aschenhroclel the king secures Aschenbrodel 
 
66 
 
 by selecting the apparently poorest of the three daughters. And just 
 ag in the Portia plot the choosing of the caskets is thrown open to 
 everyone who would try, so in the Aschenbrodel story every woman 
 had the privilege to compete by trying on the shoe. It seems to me that 
 it was these points of similarity which attracted Grabbe to the 
 Aschenbrodel story. And especially since he inserted in the Aschen- 
 brodel story so many things from the Merchant of Venice which were 
 not in the old Aschenbrodel story. Another illustration of this can 
 be shown in the following: Portia did not devise the plan of the 
 choosing of the caskets, but simply carried out her father's wishes. 
 In Aschenbrodel the king makes the selection of wives incognito at 
 the suggestion of Mahan, his former teacher. 
 
 Mahan : Das eben sollst Du auch vermeiden. — Lasse 
 
 Aussprengen : Du zogst nach der zweiten Hauptstadt, 
 Dort die Gemahlin zu erwahlen — Selten 
 Hast du den Ort besucht, er kennt Dich wenig, 
 Und war's auch mehr, der Schein, die Namen wiirden 
 Das beste Auge tauschen, — dort dann lasse 
 Als Konig Deinen Riipel figuriren, 
 Und Du im einfachen Gewand des Schlossvogts 
 Suchst unter den herstromenden Geschlechtern 
 Die Edle, die Dich lieben konnte, 
 Nicht als den Konig, sondern als den Mann. 
 The purpose here is for the king, as a man, to secure a true and 
 noble wife. Compare the latter part of this speech with the speech of 
 Nerissa. 
 
 Nerissa. — Your father was ever virtuous, and holy men at their 
 death have good inspirations; therefore, the lottery that he has de- 
 vised in these three chests of gold, silver, and lead — whereof who 
 chooses his meaning chooses you — will, no doubt, never be chosen 
 by any rightly but one who shall rightly love. 
 
 This element of disguise to secure a good wife is entirely absent 
 from the old Aschenbrodel story. And likewise are absent the many 
 details which I have pointed out previously in this discussion. 
 
 The question may arise, where is a character in Aschenbrodel 
 to compare with the matchless Portia. In reply, I should say that 
 Olympia was as much famed for her beauty and her good deeds as 
 was Portia. The absence of a female character in Aschenbrodel who 
 takes a prominent part to compare with the prominent part of 
 Portia, can be explained by the fact that in all Grabbe 's dramas he is 
 exceedingly weak in his portrayal of female character. According 
 to one of his critics all his plays lack strong female characters. 
 
67 
 
 In conclusion let me quote the references to English poets and 
 literature which appear in the play to show that at the time Grabbe 
 wrote Aschenhrodel his thoughts were on English literature. 
 
 Baron: Es kommt iiber mich, mit Othello zu spreehen wie der 
 Rabe iibers Siechenhaus — 
 
 Kutscher : Ja, Papier, sind 's auch nur ein paar Bande von Kenil- 
 worth Oder dergleichen — . 
 
 Baron: Setzen Sie sich zu mir, meine Freunde. 
 (Den Kutscher Producirend:) 
 Sir Walter Scott, esquire. 
 
 Alter Herr: Deutschlands Litteratur wird im Auslande endlich 
 anerkannt? — Schiller durch Benjamin Constant, Goethe durch 
 Carlyle — . 
 
 Baron : Hoch der Verfasser Kenilworths und des Walladmor. 
 
 Clorinde: Ganz Natur, bis auf die letzte Faser — niehts Phantas- 
 tisches im Stiick, wie bei Shakespeare oder Calderon, — nein so wie 
 man es zu Hause hat. 
 
 To my mind these are external evidences of the claims I have 
 made. 
 
CHAPTER SIX. 
 
 Reflection op Shakespeare's Speech in Grabbe's "Works. 
 
 Grabbe's speech in his early period shows very plainly the effects 
 of his study of Shakespeare. The Gothland, Scherz, Satire, Ironie 
 und tiefere Bedeutung and Marius und Sulla are more or less saturated 
 with it. In Don Juan und Faust, which follows these in point of time, 
 it is plainly perceptible but not to the extent which we find it in the 
 above-named dramas. Here there appears to be the beginning of a 
 revolt against Shakespeare in Grabbe, and this revolt can also be 
 seen in his speech. In Friedrich Barharossa there is still less of it. 
 However, in Heinrich VI there appears to be a return, as certain 
 Shakespearian characteristics of speech are very evident. This may 
 be accounted for partly by the fact that Grabbe is here dealing with 
 a Shakespearian subject, the historical drama. In the Napoleon 
 there is again a marked falling off. And by the time we come to the 
 closing period of Grabbe's life these elements of his speech are 
 almost entirely absent. Hannibal, Die Hermannsschlacht and Aschen- 
 brodel are written very differently from the three dramas of his 
 early period. The results of this study of his speech corroborate my 
 views in regard to Grabbe's relation to Shakespeare. 
 
 Repetition of single Words. 
 Citizen. — Peace, peace, peace! stay, hold, peace! {Coriolanus, III, 1.) 
 Menenius. — Fie, fie, fie * * * (Coriolanus, III, 1.) 
 Volumnia. — son, son, son! * * * (Coriolanus, III, 2.) 
 Volumnia. — * * * Come, come, come. (Coriolanus, IV, 2.) 
 First and Second Servant. — What, what, what? * * * (Corio- 
 lanus, IV, 5.) 
 All Conspirators. — Kill, kill, kill, kill kill him! (Coriolanus, V, 5.) 
 Second Senator. — Weapons! weapons! weapons! (Coriolanus, III, 1.) 
 Thersites. — Lo, lo, lo, lo * * * (Troilus and Cressida, II, 1.) 
 Enobarus. — But why, why, why? (Antony and Cleopatra, III, 7.) 
 Antony. — No, no, no, no, no. (Antony and Cleopatra, III, 11.) 
 Charmian. — O madam, madam, madam! (Antony and Cleopatra, 
 IV, 13.) 
 
 68 
 
69 
 
 Branca. — O my dear Cassio! My sweet Cassio! O Cassio, Cassio, 
 
 Cassio. {Othello, V, 1.) 
 Desdemona.—O Lord, Lord, Lord! {Othello, V, 2.) 
 Titus.— 0, 0, 0! {Titus Andronicus, III, 2.) 
 Lear. — Lear, Lear, Lear! {King Lear, I, 4.) 
 Lear. — Never, never, never, never, never! {Lear, V, 3.) 
 Macduff. — horror! horror! horror! {Macheth, II, 3.) 
 Timon. — Rogue, rogue, rogue! {Timon of Athens, IV, 3.) 
 Hamlet. — Words, words, words. {Hamlet, II, 2.) 
 Polonius.— What, ho! help! help! help! {Hamlet, III, 4.) 
 Ghost. — horrible! O horrible! most horrible. . {Hamlet, I, 5.) 
 Othello. — O monstrous! Monstrous! {Othello, III, 3.) 
 Edmund. — Well then, 
 
 Legitimate Edgar, I must have your land; 
 Our father's love is to the bastard Edmund, 
 As to the legitimate : fine word, legitimate ! 
 Well, my legitimate. * * * Edmund the base 
 Shall top the legitimate. * * * {Lear I, 2.) 
 
 Bossan: Mir, mir, mir! mir! (Gothland III, 1). 
 
 Ushek: Morder! Teufel! Teufel (Gothland III, 1.) 
 
 Gothland: Still, still, still — (Gothland III, 1). 
 
 Berdoa: Gnade! Gnade! Gnade! (Gothland V, 5) 
 Gothland: Gib sie mir wieder! wieder! wieder! wieder! (Goth- 
 land V, 5). 
 
 Gustav: Zu Hiilfe! Hiilfe! Vater, Vater ....( Gothland V, 5.) 
 Gothland : Nein ! nein ! nein ! (Gothland IV, 1). 
 Usbek: Entsetzlich! graulieh, graulich (Gothland V, 2) 
 Cdcilia: O Theodor! Mein Theodor! (Gothland IV. 1). 
 Berdoa: Mord! Mord! Mord! (Gothland IV, 2.) 
 Schnlmeister : Schicksal, Schicksal, unerflehliehes Schicksal ! . . 
 (Seherz, Satire, Ironie und tiefere Bedeutung III, 1). 
 
 Mollfels. O Wonne! Wonne ! Wonne! (Seherz, Satire, Ironie 
 und tiefere Bedeutung III, 1). 
 
 Heinrich der Lowe: Entsetzlich! — auf! Empor! Empor! Em- 
 por! (Kaiser Friedrich Barbarossa II, 2). 
 
 Otto: Meine Mutter! Meine Mutter! (Kaiser Heinrich der 
 Sechste II, 3). 
 
 Elizabeth: O Vater! Vater! (Kaiser Heinrich der Sechste II, 4.) 
 Herzogin von Angoideme: O Waff en, Waffen, Waff en ! (Napo- 
 leon II, 4). 
 
 Vorstddter und anderes Volk: Ha! Blut! Blut! Blut! Schaut, 
 schaut! schaut, .... (Napoleon III, 1). 
 
70 
 
 Don Juan: Luft! Luft! — O Worte ! Worte! .... (Don Juan 
 nnd Faust I, 1). 
 
 Donna Anna: Ruft, ruft, ruft ihn! (Don Juan und Faust II, 2). 
 
 Yiele: Flieht! flieht! M'ir sind unbewaffnet! ruft Hiilfe! Flieht! 
 Flieht! (Marius und Sulla II, 3). 
 
 Leporcllo : Connexion ! Ja, Wenn das ist ! Connexion ist viel ! 
 Verstand, verbrechen, Recht sind gar nichts. Lieber Verstand ver- 
 lieren als die Connexion. (Don Juan und Faust IV, 1). 
 
 Repetition of short Sentences. 
 
 Agamemnon. — We go wrong; we go wrong. (T roil us and Cressida, 
 V, 1.) 
 
 Cinna. — I am Cinna, the poet ; I am Cinna, the poet. (Julius Caesar, 
 HI, 3.) 
 
 Shylock. — I thank God ! I thank God ! Is it true ? Is it true ? (Mer- 
 chant of Venice, III, 1.) 
 
 Lady Capulet. — Alack the day! she's dead, she's dead, she's dead! 
 (Romeo and Juliet, IV, 5.) 
 
 Albany. — O save him! save him! (King Lear, V, 3.) 
 
 Volumnia. — She shall, she shall. (Coriolanus, I, 3.) 
 
 Pandarus. — Sweet queen, sweet queen ; that 's a sweet queen, — i faith. 
 (Troilus and Cressida, III, 1.) 
 
 Lear. — 0, let me not be mad, not mad, sweet Heaven ! Keep me in 
 temper: I would not be mad. — (King Lear, 1, 5.) 
 
 Shylock. — Let him look to his bond : — let him look to his bond : * * 
 let him look to his bond. (Merchant of Venice, III, 1.) 
 
 Portia. — I grant, I am a woman ; but withal a woman that Lord 
 Brutus took to wife. I grant I am a woman, but withal a woman 
 well reputed, Cato's daughter. (Julius Caesar, II, 1.) 
 
 logo. — * * * Put money in thy purse * * *I say put money 
 in thy purse * * * put money in thy purse * * * put 
 money in thy purse * * put but money in thy purse * * 
 fill thy purse with money * * * therefore put money in thy 
 purse. (Othello, I, 3.) 
 
 Gothland: Mich liebt ihr doch auch? Ha Tod und Holle! 
 
 Mich liebt ihr doch auch? (Gothland IV, 2). 
 
 Berdoa: O gebt mir etwas zu vernichten, etwas zu vemichten! 
 Ja vemichten! vernichten! (Gothland III, 1). 
 
 Gothland: Lass mich nicht binden, Mohr! Lass mich nicht bin- 
 den ! . . . . aber lass mich nicht binden ! (Gothland Vj 3) . 
 
 Dcr alte Gothland: Blut aus, Blut aus am Vaterbusen, theurer 
 Sohn! Blut aus, blut aus! (Gothland II, 2). 
 
71 
 
 Teufel : das ist meine Grossmutter, das ist meine Grossmutter. 
 (Scherz, Satire, Ironie und tiefere Bedeutung III, 6.) 
 
 Schniid: O, o, wir Schmide sind nicht dumm, wir Schmide sind 
 nicht dumm. (Scherz, Satire, Ironie und tiefere Bedeutung III, 1). 
 
 Schulmeister: Gottliebchen ! Aus dem Bette! Aus dem Bette.. 
 Aus dem Bette ! Aus dem Bette . . . . ( Scherz, Satire, Ironie und tiefere 
 Bedeutung III, 1). 
 
 Skiold: Weh, Wehe, mir, sie stirbt! sie stirbt! (Gothland IV, 4). 
 
 Gothland: O lass das Trosten, lass das Trosten. (Gothland I, 2). 
 
 Ephraim: Ich bin es, ich bin es. (Napoleon V, 2). 
 
 Ephraim: Das ist nicht wahr, ist nicht wahr. (Napoleon V, 2). 
 
 Frau: Ja, Mann, lass uns fliehen, lass uns fliehen. (Marius und 
 Sulla I, 1). 
 
 Sulla: Er fliegt? er fliegt? (Marius und Sulla I, 4). 
 
 Repetitions with slight modifications or additions. 
 
 Nurse. — We are undone lady, we are undone. (Borneo and Juliet, 
 
 III, 2.) 
 Nurse. — O woe! O woeful, woeful, woeful day! 
 Most lamented day, most woeful day, 
 
 (Romeo and Juliet, IV, 5.) 
 Emilia — You told a lie; an odious damned lie; 
 
 Upon my soul, a lie; a wicked lie — (Othello, II, 2.) 
 Pandarus. — To do what? to do what? — let her say what: — ^what have 
 
 I brought you to do. (Troilus and Creisida, IV 2). 
 Thersites. — I am a bastard too. I love bastards ; I am a bastard begot, 
 bastard instructed, bastard in mind, bastard in valor, in every- 
 thing illegitimate. (Troilus and Cressida, V, 8.) 
 Gloster. — She may. Lord Rivers, — ^Why, who knows not so? 
 She may do more, sir, than denying that : 
 
 She may help you to many fair preferments. 
 
 ******* 
 
 What may she not ? She may, — ay, marry, may she. 
 
 (King Richard III, I, 3.) 
 Third Citizen. — I thank you for your voices, — thank you — 
 
 Your most sweet voices. Now you have left your voices 
 I have no further with you." (Coriolanus, II, 3.) 
 
 Gothland: Lass, lass mich! Todter lass mich. (Gothland IV, 1). 
 
 Wernthal : Bei Gott, dass sind ja lauter Damenschriftsteller, lau- 
 ter geschatzte Damenschriftsteller. ( Scherz, Satire, Ironie und tiefere 
 Bedeutung I, 3). 
 
72 
 
 Battengift : Ich bin ein Wurm, ich bin ein armlicher Tropf ! . . 
 Ich bin ein Wurm, ein winziger Wurm ! 
 (Scherz, Satire, Ironie und tiefere Bedeutung III, 1). 
 Gothland: 'Ne schone Stunde! 
 
 'Ne schone Hure ! Mehr war es 
 Dir nieht? Also 'ne schone Stunde nur? (Gothland II, 1). 
 
 Teufel : .... Ich bin zwar geme verdammt, bin zwar gerne f ilzig, 
 rasend gerne filzig, bin aber noch lange nicht filzig genug! (Scherz, 
 Satire, Ironie und tiefere Bedeutung II, 1). 
 
 Teufel : 'Sist kalt — kalt — in der Holle ist 's warmer ! Satiri- 
 sche Grossmutter hat mir zwar sieben Pelzhemdchen, sieben Pelzman- 
 telchen und sieben Pelzmiitzchen angezogen — aber 's ist kalt, — kalt 
 — Hoi ' mich Gott, es ist sehr kalt ! ( Scherz, Satire, Ironie und tiefere 
 Bedeutung I, 2). 
 
 Repetition in Dialogue. 
 Othello. — Thy husband knew it all. 
 Emilia. — My husband? 
 Othello.— Thy husband. (Othello, V, 2.) 
 Othello. — Is he not honest? 
 lago. — Honest, my lord? 
 Othello. — Ay, honest. (Othello, III, 3.) 
 Othello.— WhSit dost thou think? 
 lago. — Think, my lord? 
 
 Othello.— Think, my lord! (Othello, III, 3.) 
 Queen. — Thou know'st 'tis common. * * * 
 Hamlet. — Ay, madam, it is common. * * * (Hamlet I, 2.) 
 Coriolanus. — Under the canopy. 
 
 Third Servant. — Under the canopy? (Coriolanus, IV, 5.) 
 Coriolanus. — I' the city of kites and crows. 
 
 Third Servant. — I' the city of kites and crows? (Coriolanus, IV, 5.) 
 Oswald. — My lady's father. 
 
 Lear. — My lady's father? * * * (Lear I, 4.) 
 Queen. — Hamlet, two hast thy father much offended. 
 Hamlet. — Mother, you have my father much offended. (Hamlet 
 
 III, 4,) 
 
 Rolf : .... auf das Grausamste ermordet ! 
 Gothland: Ward ermordet! 
 
 Bolf : Er ward gesehlachtet ! 
 Gothland: Ward gesehlachtet; (Gothland I, 3). 
 Gothland : . . . . durch die Luftregionen heult es ohne Sinn ! 
 
 Erik: Ohne Sinn! 
 Gothland: Ohne Sinn! (Gothland III, 1). 
 
73 
 
 Gothland: Habt ihr getraumt? 
 
 Arhoga: leh traume nie. 
 Gothland: Du traumst nie? (Gothland IV,1). 
 
 Berdoa : Ein Einf altspinsel, der sie glauben kann ! 
 Gothland: Ein Einf altspinsel, der sie glauben kann ! (Gothland IV, 1). 
 Irnak : . . . . er hat sicli sehr verandert. 
 Berdoa: Ja, er hat sich sehr verandert. (Gothland IV, 1). 
 Konig Heinrich: Ertrank! 
 
 Hohenzollern: Ertrank! (Kaiser Friedrieh der Seschste I, 2). 
 Kaiser Friedrieh : Grimm und Zorn ! 
 Heinrich der Lowe: Jr, Grimm und Zorn und Gefecht. 
 
 (Kaiser Friedrieh Barbarossa V, 1). 
 Faust : . . . . Todt ist er ! 
 Donna Anna: Todt! (Don Juan und Faust III, 2). 
 
 Teufel: Nicht immer: Wenn ich in einem wolileingeheizten Of en 
 sitze, nicht! 
 
 Ziveiter Naturhistoriker: "VVie? Sie setzen sich in einen wohlein- 
 geheizten Of en? (Scherz, Satire, Ironie und tiefere Bedeutung I, 3). 
 Schniid : Es macht einen Gulden. 
 
 Teufel: Einen Gulden? (Scherz, Satire, Ironie und tiefere Be- 
 deutung I, 4). 
 
 Berdoa : Freund, hier ist Geld. 
 
 Rolf : Geld ? ( Gothland 1,2). 
 
 Berdoa: Ja, der Herzog Gothland war es! 
 
 Holm : Ja, der war es. ( Gothland I, 1 ) . 
 
 Wehrfried : SoUte der Lowe nicht ausbleiben ? 
 
 Christoph: Ausbleiben. (Kaiser Friedrieh der Secliste II, 3), 
 
 Don Juan : Woher kennst du ihren Namen ? 
 
 Leporello: Ihren Namen? (Don Juan und Faust I, 1.) 
 
 Don Juan : Meinst Du die Anna ? 
 
 Faust: Die Anna! (Don Juan und Faust IV, 4). 
 
 Heinrich der Loive : .... Du maehtest zu gross ! 
 
 Kaiser Friedrieh: Zu gross? (Kaiser Friedrieh Barbarossa I, 2) 
 
 Heinrich der Lowe: Halt mein Kaiser, gnadig! 
 
 Schone und bedenke ! 
 Kaiser Friedrieh: Bedenken. (Kaiser Friedrieh Barbarossa I, 2). 
 Beginning of consecutive lines with the same zvords. 
 Warwick. — Nor how to be contented with one wife. 
 Nor how to use your brothers brotherly. 
 Nor how to study for the people's welfare, 
 Nor how to shroud yourself from enemies ? 
 
 (Third Part of King Henry VI, IV, 3.) 
 Demetrius. — She is a woman, therefore may be woo'd; 
 She is a woman, therefore may be won ; 
 She is Lavinia, therefore must be loved. 
 
 (Titus Andronicus, II, 1.) 
 
74 
 
 Aaron. — And tell them both the circumstance of all; 
 
 And how by this their child shall be advanc'd, 
 And be received for the emperor's heir, 
 And substituted in the place of mine. * * * 
 
 (Tikis Andronicus, IV, 2.) 
 Constance. — Thou little valiant, great in villainy, 
 
 Thou ever strong upon the stronger side ! 
 Thou fortune's champion, thou dost never fight. 
 
 (King John, III, 1.) 
 King Richard. — My gorgeous palace for a hermitage, 
 
 My gay apparel for an alms-man's gown. 
 My figur 'd goblets for a dish of wood, 
 My sceptre for a palmer's walking staff, 
 My subjects for a pair of carved saints. 
 
 (King Richard II, III, 3.) 
 Gothland : Du warst vereinet mit dem Brudermorder, 
 
 Du hast gefrevelt, weil Du ihm nicht wehrtest, 
 
 Du hast gefrevelt weil Du ihm geholfen. 
 
 Du hast gefrevelt, weil Du es so laug verschwiegst. 
 
 (Gothland I, 3). 
 Gothland: Ich glaube, dass es Panther gibt, 
 Ich glaube, dass es Baren gibt, 
 Ich glaube, dass die Klappersehlange giftig ist. 
 
 (Gothland III, 1). 
 Gothland: Deshalb sind unsere Glieder so gebrechlich, 
 Deshalb sind wir so fasernackt geboren! 
 
 (Gothland III, 1). 
 Gothland: Du thust ihn an mit rothem Prachtgefieder, 
 Du lehrst ihn seine Donnerlieder, 
 Du leihst ihm thurmeinschmetternde Gewalt. 
 
 (Gothland III, 1). 
 Gustav: Sah' ich die Rosenbiische bliihen, 
 
 Sah' ich des Aethers Hohen schimmem. 
 
 (Gothland III, 1). 
 Gustav : Die Sonnen flogen auf und nieder. 
 Die Stunden hatten Morgenrothen, 
 Die Auen waren Paradiese, — und 
 
 (Gothland III, 1), 
 
 Alle : Dort darf man jede Pflicht verachten, 
 Dort darf man sich im Blute rothen, 
 Dort darf der Kneeht den Konig todten, 
 Dort hort man nicht auf 's Gnadenfleh'n. 
 
 (Gothland IV, 2), 
 
75 
 
 Leporello (kommt) : O welch ein Lohn fiir meine treuen Dienste, 
 welch ein Gang der Welt! 
 
 (Don Juan und Faust I, 1). 
 Faust : Dass ich in eines Madchens Kreis mich bannen, 
 Dass ich Stecknadeln losen sollte, statt. 
 
 (Don Juan und Faust I, 2). 
 
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