* .^ •• N c "I LIBRARY OF THE University of California. Mrs. SARAH P. WALSWORTH. Received October, i8g4, ^Accessions No . 6~^t) ^^ • Class No. h i / / 7 FREE MAN'S COMPANION; A NEW AND ORIGINAL WORK, CONSISTING OP NUMEROUS MORAL, POLITICAL AND PHILOSOPHICAL VIEWS, EXAMPLES AND EXPLANATIONS, TENDING TO ILLUSTRATE THE GENERAL CAUSE OP TRUTH, JUSTICE, VIRTUE, LIBERTY, ^ND HUMAN IMPROVEMENT; AND TO EXPOSE, CONTRAST AND DEFEAT THE SYSTEMS, POLICIES AND CONDUCT OP A CONTRARY AND FATAL TENDENCY. Liberty has crept and cringed, long enough — It is high time she stood upright and boldly maintained her true dignity and independenxe. CiVONIOUS. HARTFORD, PUBLISHED BY ABEL BREWSTER. P. Canfield, Printeb. 1827. l^f DISTRICT OF COJSTJ^ECTICUT, ss. Be it remembered, That on the thirteenth day of September, iu the fifty- Xa. 8> second year of the Independence of the United States of America, Abel Brewster, of the said District, hath deposited in this office the title of a Book, the right whereof he claims as author and proprietor in the words following, to wit : " Free Man's Companion ; a new and original work, consisting of nume- rous moral, political and philosophical views, examples and explanations, tending to illustrate the general cause of truth, justice, virtue, liberty, and human improve- ment ; and to expose, contrast and defeat the systems, policies and conduct of a contrary and fatal tendencv,"— in conformity to the act of Congress of the United States, entitled " An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the co- pies of Maps, Chartsand Books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies, dur- ing the times therein mentioned." — And also to the act, entitled, " An act supple- mentary to an act, entitled ' An act for the encouragement of learning, by secur- ing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned,' and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving, and etching historical and other prints." CHAS A. INGERSOLL, Clerk of the District of Connecticut. A true copy of Record, examined and sealed by me, CHAS. A. INGERSOLL, Clerk of the District of Connecticut PREFACE. IN offering this volume to the public, it is unnecessary to say much in the preface. The work mainly answers for itself. The matter has been the production of an arduous and sincere devotion to the general cause of truth and human happiness. Whatever errors may have occurred, in the selection of subjects, in the arrangement of matter, or in the reasoning indulged on the same, only requires pointing out, by fair and manly explanation and argument, to be acknowledged and corrected in a future edi- tion. But what has been said in truth and reason, it is hoped may be duly appreciated and regarded. Perhaps the language, in some instances, may be considered too strong to suit weak or diseased palates ; but if this should prove the case, it will be observed, that it was not the design of this undertaking, to nurse the vices or follies of mankind — but to enlighten the ignorant ; to caution the unwary ; to strengthen and confirm the virtuous ; and to detect and defeat error. Brevity, and the use of plain language, has been studied in the composition ; so as to render the matter comprehensible to people of common talents and information, without being tedious or ob- scure. Possibly it may be too brief, on some subjects, to satisfy a judicious inquiry ; if so, the matter may be improved in a future edition. By pursuing the volume through, the reader will find many in- quiries that may arise, from the perusal of a separate article, set- 4 tied by matter in others. Different subjects mutually assist in explaining and extending the information of each other. Society is made up of a great variety of different professions, occupations, characters, habits, interests and conditions ol life, each of which have their peculiar qualities, inclinations, connec- tions, bearings and final results. In order to effect an actual im- provement in the great moral and political condition of a nation or people, these parts should be examined separately, and then the whole viewed in operation together. The same as a skilful and judicious mechanic, engineer, or builder, examine their materials, and arrange, proportion and construct their work and designs, to produce the most perfect and desired result, and in the best possi- ble manner. Perhaps it would be impossible, to avoid the injurious prejudi- ces of weak minds, and the unjust and deceptive constructions 4ind imputations of interested and evil minded adversaries : ii is however the good, and the approbation of the common people — chiefly the American farmers and mechanics, that is here [>artic- ularly sought and desired. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Truth, ..... 9 Prejudice, 10 Education, 12 Freedom of Speech, 13 Disinterested Actions, 16 Monopolies, 17 Party, 18 Charity, 21 Novels, 23 Public Schools, 26 Philosophical Debating Societies, 28 Chief Cause of Virtue and Vice, 31 Pillars of a Republic, 34 Remarks on the Acquisition of Property, 34 Indolence inclined to Despotism, 35 Honesty the Best Policy, 36 Honour, .... 38 Justice, .... 39 War, .... 40 Slavery, .... 43 Distinctions of Birth, 44 Credit, .... 44 Commerce, 46 Fine-spun Arguments, 48 Public Celebrations, 49 Costly Local Monuments, 50 Duelling, or the Club Law, 50 Civilization, 52 Kingcraft, .... 55 Ruling Principles of Different Governments, 60 Human Improvement, 67 Effects of Habit, 69 Fool, , . . . 70 Lying, ..... 72 Monarchy in Disguise, 73 The Press, and its Allurements, 79 Newspapers, .... 83 Public Sentinel, 88 VI. TABLE OP CONTENTS. Education and Instruction of the People, Page 93 A few words of Advice to Freemen or Republican Electors, 94 Virtuous and Wise Policy , No. 1, . 98 No. 2, . 102 Established Rate of Interest for the use of Money, 104 Remarks on Taxation, . . 106 Political Knowledge, . 108 A Brief Contrast between some of the leading particulars of Monarchy and Republicanism, . 109 Juryman's Guide, . 110 British System and Policy, 112 The most truly Just and Honourable Profession of Men, 114 True Pride of Civilized Man, 118 Warning concerning three Professional Characters, 119 The Light of Heaven no Mystery, 120 Oratory, 126 Lawyers, 127 Remarks on Government, No. 1, 136 No. 2, 139 No. 3, 140 Judiciary Censor, No. 1, 142 No. 2, 144 No. 3, 146 No. 4, 148 No. 5, 150 No. 6, 152 No. 7, 156 No. 8, 160 No. 9, 162 No. 10, 163 No. 11, 105 No. 12, 166 No. 13, 168 No. 14, 169 Arbitrations, 171 A Brief Contrast between a Miser and Spendthrift, 180 Remarks on the Education of Children, No 1, 181 No. 2, 185 Systems of Education, . 187 College Learning, . 194 Republican Encyclopedia, . 196 Craft, • 199 Conversation between a Lawyer, a Farmer, and iMe- chanic, respecting the formation of a State Con- , stitution, . • 203 TABLE OF CONTENTS. VII. Page Literary Craft, ..... 205 Old Family Compacts, .... 209 Systems of Religion, . . . . 210 Medical Craft, 211 Religious and Political Reviews, . . . 213 Rogues' Policy, . . . . 216 A Hypocrite, ..... 218 Robbers in Disguise, .... 221 Equality of Prices for Nominally the same Personal Servi- ces, ..... 222 Satan's Tax Gatherer, .... 224 Speculating Nobility, .... 225 Balance of Power, .... 228 Caucus System, ..... 229 Sovereignty of the People, . . . 231 Improvements in Legislation, , . . 232 Mercy, ...... 233 Litigation, ..... 234 Keeping Justice Off, .... 237 Terrors of Law, ..... 239 Most Honourable Profession, . . . 240 Contempt of Court, .... 242 Court of Chancery, .... 242 Common Law, ..... 243 Independent Judiciary, . . . . 247 Law-craft, ..... 251 Samples of Law-craft, No. 1, . . . 261 No. 2, ... 264 Interest and Duty of Freemen, . . . 272 General Policy and Fruits of a System of Bankruptcy, 275 Conversations between a Monarchist and a Republican, 276 Political Reflections, No. 1, . . . 302 No. 2, ... 309 The Policy of Satan, .... 314 Brief General Remarks on a Variety of Subjects. 315 ERRATA. The reader will please correct the foUowingf errors, which escaped the press : 13th pag-e, near the middle, for exert in them, read, excites io them 14th 8th line from bottom, for plausible, read peaceable 23rd for interesting-ly, read interestedly ^S 15th for deserving', read discerning 369 near the middle, for arts are base, read acts are base. ^^. TRUTH. We are generally inclined, at first thought — from the natural sincerity of the human senses, to consider those who flatter and deceive us, as our friends, and those who tell us the truth, as our enemies : but, surely, no one can wish to he deceived — although they may wish to deceive others. Hence it is plain, if you are my friend, you will tell me the truth — if not, you'll deceive me. That person, who is offended at merely the truth, must be weak, or wicked, indeed. Knaves and tyrants dread the truth, because it exposes their wickedness and deformity. By encouraging others to tell us the truth, concerning ourselves, it enables one to know himself Truth never injured any ones real character; but error has robbed thousands, and of that which is far more precious than silver or gold. Truth is the noblest attribute of human virtue and wisdom — the guardian of justice and humanity ; and the foe to fraud, oppression and cruelty. The general pnwczpZes of truth, are self-evident, immutable and eternal ; and, properly regarded, they have a powerful tendency to exalt the human character to happiness and glory. But error has no principle. It is a mere fiction, the fruits of ignorance, or the artifice of vice ; and which generally leads men downwards to darkness and misery. The mode of truth, is light, simple and easy ; but the fashion of error, is dark, crooked and complex. It is even within the capa- city of a child, to tell the truth, when he knows it ; but it often baffles the skill of an unprincipled and experienced lawyer, to find a substitute for truth. There can be only one true account, given of any particular matter, transaction or circumstance ; but a thousand partial or er- 2 10 PREJUDICE. roneous statements may be made of the same, and much learning employed to embellish and render them plausible or pleasing. Truth needs no apology ; but error requires all the arts of so- phistry to give it currency. Confirmed bigots and designing knaves, hypocritically cry be- ware of PHILOSOPHY, because philosophy is the light of the world, the key to truth, the actual science of reasoning, whereby the cause and effect are correctly ascertained, and error and hypocrisy detected. Truth, like the light of the sun, banishes the creatures of dark- ness and superstition. Error vanishes like the phantoms of a dream, on inspection ; but truth shines forth in all its glory. The fool marvels at the mysterious darkness and complexity of error, and confides in what he cannot comprehend ; but the wise man admires truth for its simplicity, consistency and usefulness^ and pities or despises those who disregard it. Prejudice. Prejudice, is principally imbibed by education ; and those who have the chief management of education, are most inclined to impose on their fellow beings. Learned men, for the most part, combine to keep the common people ignorant — to let them have no information, only such as forms them for the purpose of subor- dination, imposition and slavery. Prejudice is a tyrant of the human understanding — that blinds men, and often makes the best disposed, counteract, even that which they most desire success. Hence men blunder into un- wise measures — monarchy and slavery ; and three fourths of the world are already shackled with chains of their own forging. — (Is man, indeed, any where enslaved or degraded, and he hath not done it himself 1 Who is there on this globe, to persecute or tyrannise over man, except his fellow man ?) The powers of prejudice, when contrasted, are truly wonderful : when ones prejudice is inclined against a person or character, PRRJUJMCE. 11 jealousy magnifies a mite to a monster, and he criticises only to Jind fault ; but when our prejudices are in favour of an object, charity's mild influence reduces every thing offensive to a mere shadow, and we seek only to commend and approve. And there is few persons or characters under heaven, but may be censured, or approved, in numerous instances. Nothing perhaps shows the powers of prejudice more clearly, than the opinions entertained of the same act, in different coun- tries. For instance, self-murder ^ is considered one of the most odious offences, in christian countries ; but such is their opinion in Hindostan, that the surviving widow of a deceased husband, abandons her tender offspring, and voluntarily hums to death, in the full faith that she shall inherit eternal bliss/br the deed! Suppose two persons, of equal abilities, and of similar disposi- tions — one of whom should hear the evidence and pleadings of only one of the parties, (plaintiff or defendant,) as they are usually employed in a complicated suit at law, and the other person should hear only the opposite evidence and pleadings — would they not differ in their opinions on the merits of the case ? Such is the case of those, who read or hear, only one side. " If every body would hear and believe me," says unprincipled ambition, *' I would soon ride on the top^ Men who read or hear both sides, do not always judge fairly, for mankind are too apt to form opinions, and then seek only such information as pleases them and strengthens the prejudices already contracted. Hence men of violent tempers and strong ♦ passions, frequently get their prejudices so clinched, as to stran- gle reason, and absolutely set truth at defiance ! Such people may be truly said to commit violence on their own understandings. It is disagreeable to hear our own faults and errors ; although nothing is more generally beneficial to mankind, than to knoio the truth. Every man is naturally inclined to consider his own acts or opinions, as wise or consistent. It is very difficult to reason with prejudice — it may be conquer^ ed by stratagem or surprise. The following story may serve to illustrate the subject. Some 12 EDUCATION. fifty years ago, or better, an old man, manifesting his attachment to ancient customs, by the singular antiquity of his dress, and the equipage of his horse, standing out at the door of his house, in the country, and just in the act of putting a large round stone in- to the mouth of a bag to balance a bushel of grain on horse-back, to be carried to mill, an enlightened and friendly gentleman who happened to be passing by at the moment, very civilly accosted the old man, to know why he did not divide the grain in the bag and let it balance itself , and so avoid the necessity of carrying the great stone : at which the old man i«plied, with an air manifest- ing his contempt of his adviser, " Do you think you know more than me, my father , and my grandfather before me 7 we have ALL CARRIED THAT SAME STONE !" When we reflect on the facility with which man harnesses and drives about, large animals of the brUte creation, vastly his supe- riors in bodily strength, we often feel a degree of pity for the ig- norance of the poor brutes ; but when we behold millions of ra- tional beings, reduced to the lowest servitude and degradation — subject to the will of a single fellow being, our astonishment is complete — until we comprehend the powers of prejudice, that fy- rant of the human understanding. Educatimu Nature endows men with genius or talents, and art or educa- tion cultivates and expands them. It is not to be presumed that a man is good, just, virtuous and well disposed, merely because he has had an education ; but frequently the contrary. The means which education furnishes men with to commit fraud, and to avoid detection and punishment, are often strong ex- citements to acts of injustice and cruelty. Education sometimes furnishes men with " skill to grace, A devil's purpose with an Angel's face.'' Education, especially that which is confined to polite or fash- FREEDOM OF SPEECH. 13 ionable accomplishments, is too often directed to arts of hypocri- sy and oppression ; instead of cultivating and expanding the vir- tuous and useful faculties and propensities of the body and mind. The youth of both sexes, often fancy themselves wonderfully ac- complished, when they can successfully disguise an evil disposition, or bad complexion ; the loss of virtue, or the lack of money or an ample fortune. Learned men frequently seem to think better of fraud, commit- ted learnedly, than of a virtuous deed performed clumsily or with- out ceremony. Men of education generally seem to have a kind of sympathy for the fortunes and feelings of those of their own standing or condition in society ; while they often treat with indifferei>ce or contempt, the wrongs and sufferings of those, who are unable to remonstrate or state their cases in what is termed *' respectful language.'^ Liberal educations, as they are usually termed, do not give men liberal minds ; but too often puff them up with hy^cjriUcal and vain ideas of their own worth and consequence, and «i^t in them a kind of hankering for extra privileges. Every man is learned, in what he knows — but ignorant of every thing else. A person the most learned in law, divinity, or the like, frequently appears like a novice, in a tinker's shop.) Freedom of Speech. Republicans, should be bold, manly and ingenuous, in their investigations. Sophistry and quibbling becomes the creeping slaves of bigotry and despotism. The freedom of speech is the very soul of liberty ; without which there can be no such thing as just, rational or manly privi- leges. No persons should ever be punished, or harmed for what they had written or said, without the clearest evidence of malice, and an intention to injure, without any reasonable or just cause of re- sentment ; and then, generally, not until they had been duly noti- 14 FREEDOM OF SPEECH. tied of the offence, and allowed fair time and a reasonable oppor- tunity to retract or correct themselves, as far as practicable, by peaceable means. I have known many serious lawsuits, for alleged violations of the freedom of the press, or privileges of speech ; three fourths of which evidently originated in treachery or malice ; and were eventually productive of, perhaps ten times the evil consequences to society, as the alleged offences — by exciting and indulging treachery, revenge, persecution and oppression, and spreading the contagion of human depravity and misery, far and wide. And after all, the public will believe just as they please about the matter written or uttered. A legal decision does not always alter the case. A wrong verdict may have been procured by false swearing, or other erroneous evidence, or through the secret and extraordinary arts, interests, designs and management of the court, or lawyers ; or it may have happened through the prejudice, ignorance, fear, or even treachery, of a jury. It might also result from accidental causes, in bringing forward evidence ; a defendant may not have been able to prove all that he had said in truth. It has not been uncommon for unprincipled men, when their conductor character has been exposed, and they think the facts cannot he proved, to make a mighty bluster, and perhaps appeal to law — especially when against one whom the court and lawyers de- sire to sacrifice ! Some times this is done to get a person's money wrongfully, or to indulge a persecuting and oppressive disposition, or policy, in order to intimidate and overawe honest men, or si- lence them against knaves, hypocrites and tyrants, by the quibbles, quirks and terrors of lawcraft. It is very seldom necessary to appeal to ,^^ p defence of ones real character, for there is generally a piMBJWe, and pretty sure way of refuting falsehood, and of repelling scandal, that is within the power of most people ; and which is far preferable to any pro- tection the laws afford us, generally, and particularly taking their present obscure, tedious, vexatious, expensive and uncertain issue, into full consideration. Falsehood and scandal often defeat themselves, by their malig- nance and inconsistency ; and at other times, simply to deny a false FREEDOM OF SPEECH. 15 charge, is sufficient to render it harmless, or repel it against its author. It is generally a pretty true saying, that, " Let envy alone, and it will punish itself." Every printer who publishes a false and defamatory charge, should be legally bound to insert a confutation or reply, if offered, and particularly if required by the injured party ; so that the anti- dote might retrace the poison in the same channel in which it ori- ginated, or as nigh so as practicable. To write or print, openly, what one has to say on any subject of public notoriety or importance, so that their exact words and mean- ing cannot easily be denied, or misunderstood, is infinitely more fair and honorable, than to circulate the same by secret or verbal reports, subject to boundless additions, alterations and equivoca- tions. What is said openly and definitely of a person, may be met and contradicted or refuted, if false ; but who can reach the bane of secret falsehood, which ofi;en preys upon its intended victim like a cancer nigh the heart, out of sight and the reach of remedies. — It robs you in the dark, and then sets the premises on fire to con- ceal the escape of the cowardly and infamous assassin.* Fools and knaves dread the general freedom of speech, because it has a tendency to expose their weakness and depravity. * When Job's envious neighbours defamed him, during his awful re- verse of fortune, he exclaimed, •' O, that mine enemy had written a book*' — ardently and honorably wishing, thereby, that they had written their charges against him, instead of verbally giving vent to the same — that he might have fairly met and confuted them. This is the only plain and reasonable construction the matter admits of; and yet, some, from a dread of such a custom — a fear of having their own unjust or infa- mous conduct or policy brought to light, through the definite, loud speak- ing and durable language of the press, endeavour, hypocritically, to stigmatize such a custom — as if it really was a reproach of ignorance and folly, for a person to write or print openly, manfully and fairly, what they think proper to promulgate or make public against others. Note : — The article we now call book, was not known when the histo- ry of Job was written. A bit of bark or skin written upon and rolled up, was called a book. So that any considerable and distinct piece of writing, might then have. been termed " a book."*' 16 DISINTERESTED ACTIONS. Speak the truth out, boldly, and fear not, and eternal infamy be on those who would abridge the common freedom. There is always a fair presumption, of those who wish to en- tangle, intimidate, cramp or destroy the general freedom of speech, or of the press, that their policy and conduct will not bear the light of truth and public inspection. Disinterested Actions. We certainly mistake mankind, and thereby often subject our- selves to the various hypocritical arts and designs of intriguing politicians, and other unprincipled persons, when we give credit to their various disinterested pretensions. Self-love, is obviously the ruling passion of man ; and, because we do not always comprehend the motives that influence or con- trol human actions, is no evidence that mankind art without mo- tives. For my part, I frankly confess I feel a controling impulse that rules me throughout all my voluntary transactions. This moment while I write, I feel a desire to do good, and defeat evil — that I may participate in the former, and avoid the latter. The better the deed, the greater the motive in performing of it^ with a sensible and good man. The vigilant and upright judge, has the honor and emolument of his office, constantly in view. Even the Holy Scriptures, promise a reward of fourfold, for whatever is given in cbarity to the poor. ^ 2>i. IDLE MAN IS THE DeVIL's COMPANION." Indolence is the natural enemy of industry, and of human rights ; and ultimately subsists upon the earnings and property of others — not its own. So when I see a youth growing up in indolence, or luxury at others' expense, I can hardly help considering him as probably a young wolf^ vulture^ or other animals destined to prey upon the rights of others. Sometimes I almost wish to see a bounty offer- ed for the scalps of all animals that prey upon the fruits of human industry, whether they go upon four, or Uoo legs. Despotism is nothing but oi^ergroton indolence. Those virtuous and industrious villagers, who contribute so much to enlighten, enrich, and adorn the interior of our country, view an idle person, who has no honest and ostensible business or means of living, something in the manner a discerning and faith- ful shepherd would regard a wolf, lurking in the vicinity of his sheep fold. Honesty the Best Policy. There is nothing more clear, both in an individual, and na- tional point of view, than that honesty is, truly, the best policy. However individuals may attempt to reason on the subject, dis- honesty generally terminates in the end, to the disadvantage of those who practice it. The time and money spent, in artifices and efforts to deceive and wrongfully deprive others of their rights and property, is a sa- crifice, as it regards mankind generally, in the end, in some shape or other ; and what is unrighteously taken from human virtue and industry, not only has a direct and powerful tendency to weaken and discourage their useful and important efforts and influence in society ; but the amount of property wrongfully obtained, general- HONESTY THE BEST POLICY. 37 ]y goes to strengthen and encourage dishonesty — to nurse the very wolves and vultures of society. Dishonesty plays the very devil in society, by deceiving and en- tangling the innocent and unwary ; robbing industry and merit ; and destroying the peace, vi^ealth and confidence essential to hu- man prosperity and happiness. It subjects the intercourse and transactions of business between mankind in general, to numer- ous and otherways unnecessary delays, vexations, burdens and ex- pences. It greatly abridges human liberty ; wounds, sickens and finally destroys, incalculable numbers of human beings, and fills the world with ignorance, oppression, poverty, cruelty and woes. If every person would make it a general rule, to do as they would be done by, the chief ignorance, poverty, oppression and cruelty experienced in the world, would soon cease, and earth be- come a kind of moral and political paradise. But as this christian rule cannot be fully accomplished at once, the nigher we come to it the better ; and every precept and example that have a tendency to promote it in the end, are highly important. An honest man, is truly, the noblest work of God. A dishonest person is generally watched, shunned and despised, by every virtuous and enlightened member of the community. The established and well known honor of a state, nation or in- dividual, are often of more real importance to them, in the end, than all their other resources. Who, that knows the worth of an honest conscience, would ex- change it, for all the glitter, empty show and sounds that human cunning could contrive. The peace and sweet satisfaction an honest man enjoys within his own conscience — that intellectual paradise mthin himself — which no evil apprehensions disturb, and especially if he believes in the eternal wisdom and justice of the Supreme Being ; the rep- utation and confidence he generally enjoys among his good neigh- bours and fellow men ; and the great saving of time and trouble, which he generally derives in the transactions of business, are considerations of immense importance. Two individuals, in marketing any thing they have to sell ; or in pursuit of employment, as master, or journeyman mechanics. 38 HONOUR. «lerks, laborers, servants, 6lc. — equal in every other qualification and appearance, except that one is known to be honest, and the other is known to be dishonest, would succeed very differently. Every prudent and wise person, in their dealings, would natu- rally give a decided preference in favor of an honest man. A person dealing in choice articles, subject to considerable adul- teration and deception in their appearance, quality and worth, difficult to be immediately detected and understood, and who was known to be honest, and well acquainted with the quality and worth of the articles he had to dispose of, would command a very great preference with every judicious purchaser. Were I to set out with a determination of making the most money I possibly could by the final result of, trading, and espe- cially by dealing in articles or property of an intricate character, subject to considerable adulteration or deception, I would^ make it a rule to be uniform and inflexibly honest in all my representa- tions and dealings. So that people might take my word without the least doubt or delay, or send any distance, and trust their or- ders with even a child, with the utmost certainty of being dealt with as fairly and favorably as if they were present themselves, and had used all the criticism and skill at inspection, and making a bargain, in their power. Such a course of dealing will ulti- mately succeed, if the person thoroughly understands the charac- ter, quality and worth of the articles or property he deals in, and has the capital and other means necessary to conduct his business to advantage. When a person has gained the reputation that a long course of intelligent and honest dealing entitle them to, more especially in a business or situation surrounded by evil temptations, what indeed, would induce them, understandingly, to part with their character, or to change their feelings. Honour. Honour, in its simple and genuine character, consists, solely, in that which evinces human excellence. JUSTICE. 39 A proper sense of honour^ is the noblest impulse of the human mind. It excites mankind to deeds of virtue, justice, humanity and public usefulness. It regulates and controls the actions of men, beyond the immediate power and influence of servile regula- tions and restrictions. True honour, refines our senses — cultivates, enlarges and exalts the human mind and understanding, and produces an excellent course of principles and habits of life. There is a little kind of craft, or cunning cultivated among thieves, professed gamblers, libertines, and other outlatos, or base characters, to keep them from depredating upon one another, which they call honour. Hence the saying of " Honour among thieves." Leading monarchists and aristocrats, have also a standard or rule of action which they call honour, fitted to their peculiar poli- cy and situation, by which they consider themselves bound to re- gard the rights, privileges and feelings of equals ; but which has no great restraint upon their conduct towards those whom they es- timate as of inferior rank or condition in life. It is however ridiculous to call that honour, which is inconsist- ent with virtue, justice and humanity. True honour, is a refined sense of genuine republicanism — it regards all men with equal justice and humanity ; and those the most honourable, who excel in deeds of virtue, justice, humanity and public usefulness. It is indeed a base perversion of the meaning of words, to call that honour, which is inconsistent with virtue, justice and human excellence. Justice. Justice, is the hope of virtue, and the /ear of vice. The guilty villain, cries, in bitter vexation, justice — thou au- thor of my chief fears and torments, thy fixed and unalterable de- crees, anticipates my plots and designs, and thy vigilant and un- coruptible loatchmen, detect and punish me wherever I flee or se- 40 WAR. Crete myself — their activity and discernment fills me with perpetu- al terror and alarm — even in my sleep, I am tormented with pain- ful dreams and apprehensions of detection and punishment. Keep, then, out of my way and imagination, justice, for I dread noth* ing worse !" But the honest man, exclaims, in the fulness of his soul, "O ! JUSTICE — thou vigilant and uncorruptible sentinel of Heaven ! thou guardian angel of virtue, innocence and truth, preside over the country where I dwell, I beseech ye — examine and settle all our differences and evil doings, and exercise thy fostering influ- ence and encouragement over the rising generation, for in thou ar<' my hopes — justice is all i desire." What a change will it produce in the situations, feelings and prospects of mankind, when the Great Ruler of the Universe makes known his decrees of Eternal Justice — unveils the hypo- crites and impostors, strips the despoilers of their ill-gotten wealth, disarms the tyrants and oppressors of mankind, of their influence and controlling power, and brings their authority and pretensiow into insignificance and contempt — and exposes the whole to the world in all their baseness and deformity of character, and causes virtue and human excellence to be acknowledged and rewarded, in all their loveliness and glory ! Such a result is perfectly consistent with the attributes and character of the Creator, and with the purposes of eternal wis- dom ; and most assuredly will take place, ere long, to the astonish- ment and bitter grief of the guilty offenders, and to the inexpres- sible joy and satisfaction of the virtuous and well deserving. fVar. War, for the most part, originates in two opposite and distinct motives, varying in degree, from the most extreme vice to the most extreme virtue. Offensive warfare, however plausible the pretext, nevertheless originates, for the most part, in the same vicious or depraved mo- tives, SLsrobberiff murder, and the like capital offences, committed WAR. 41 by individuals in civil society ; although those who bear arms as common soldiers, are generally ignorant of the nefarious motives that too often influence their principal leaders. Defensive warfare, is mostly dictated by the noblest impulse of the human mind : those who take up arms to repel invasion — to defend their natural and just rights — who put their bold and manly fronts to the storm of war^ to ward off impending ruin — who jeopardize their own lives ^ to screen the innocent, and to save the lives, liberties and fortunes of the virtuous and unoffending — such characters, (and my feelings glow with the choicest sensibility, while I define a holy patriot j) are justly entitled to every impulse of justice and humanity. Such a character was Washington, and the noble souls that fought with him under the American standard, for the rights and privileges we now enjoy. The sin of omission, is sometimes as great as that of commis- sion. The man who stands by quietly and sees an outrage com- mitted on his fellow creatures, while he has power to prevent it, without encountering unreasonable hazards, may be generally considered as a coward or villain, or both. It is ridiculous to suppose that an intelligent being can mea?i weUj when he wilfully neglects to perform that which is obviously his duty. Nature has wisely endowed all creatures with the powers of de- fence, in proportion to their worth and consequence, and evidently for their use and preservation ; but to man, the reputed lord of the creation, has been given Xhe faculties of reason, and the sense of an immortal soul ; and for which man is evidently accountable, as a rational being, for the use or abuse, of those powers and facul- ties. Those who authorize offensive warfare, may be generally con- sidered as legalizing murder, robbery, and the like capital offences, and frequently as offering a bounty for outrages upon humanity. — Such are truly monsters in iniquity. A state of war, generally gives advantages to the most worthless and unprincipled men in society, by affording them frequent and peculiar opportunities to prey upon the distresses and defenceless rights of their fellow beings. 42 WAR. War preys upon the very vittils of society ; by sacrificing the lives, health and principles of the young or middle aged men — thereby leaving an undue proportion of old men, women, children and invalids ; and by corrupting the morals, destroying the pro- perty, and heaping new burdens upon society. Wars are not much unlike an earthquake or tornado — marking their way with death, havock and human misery. It is said that wars are sometimes productive of beneficial con- sequenees to society. This is undoubtedly true in a few particu- lar instances or cases. However, a nation or people who cannot estimate or enjoy the blessings of peace and prosperity, without frequently contrasting their situations experimentally, with war and calamity, are certainly not to be envied for their wisdom or virtue. Mankind have very artfully devised many gaudy decoration* and fantastical allurements, to disguise the true character of war, and to draw designing knaves and heedless fools, into the snare? of unjust and unnecessary warfare. We are in fact, singularly inclined to extremes, in most of our habits, measures and policy — although it is universally admitted that a medium is best, in almost every possible case. First, appeal to reason, and last, if necessary, to arms. Civil employments hold out undertakings sufliciently hazardous and glorious, for noble enterprise. What a hero was Junius, who vanquished a legion of tyrants with a goose-quill! Such deeds are above the acquisition of havock and death. Without taking into consideration the loss of lives, and other human sufferings occasioned by mad or useless wars ; what im- portant national improvements would the bare sums expended, have accomplished, had they been judiciously applied for that pur- pose 1 The intelligent and reflecting mind would be astonished at the conjecture, and almost lost in contemplating the vast and important objects that might have been accomplished by the ap- plication. A grand arbitration, established between different nations, as a civil tribunal to settle national differences, would obviate the necessity of war, and verify their Christian and civilized charac- ters. SLAVER¥. 43 Suppose a congress of delegates from several different nations, should meet and establish written and definite laws, for guiding and controlling their conduct, as nations, towards each other 1 Let the republics of North and South America, commence this earnest of civilization, and form a code of inter-national law, and provide a tribunal for carrying the same into effect. Slavery. Slavery, is evidently of savage origin ; and carries with it all the barbarous cruelties and exactions of outraged humanity. It certainly should never be tolerated in a civilized, or christian country ; and, above all, in a republic. It is totally inconsistent with every impulse of justice and humanity. The human senses revolt at the idea, that one class of fellow-creatures should be for- cibly kept in perpetual and ignominious bondage, and their labour exacted with cruel stripes, merely to enable another class to live in indolence and luxury. Some awful chastisement, no doubt awaits such heedless, and inhuman inconsistency ; and ere long, most assuredly, will break with accumulated vengeance, on the heads of its guilty patrons. Experience, although slow, and al- though sometimes rather high in her charges, yet is sure to teach those who will learn no other may. Pharaoh's heart was hardened against the cries of justice and humanity, and the warning voice of reason — but eternal justice overwhelmed him and his host in the Red Sea ! The man, who is reared up among slaves, and receives his prip- cipal subsistence from their earnings, is no more fit to represent freemen, than an avowed monarchist would be to entrust with the administration of a republican form of government. A proprietor of slaves, is generally a despot in habit, if not in mind and feelings — whatever policy may induce him io profess to the contrary, notwithstanding. Wind is cheap ; but actions have a more substantial meaning. Slavery effeminates and degrades thp human character. The custom of slavery brings industry intp cont^^npt, and /elevates ip- 44 CREDIT. dolence ; and has, generally, a powerful tendency to excite a. spirit of despotism in society. Men who have long been in the habit of domineering over their fellow creatures, and of treating them as brutes, rather than equals, or rational beings ; get, even their natu- ral sympathies and fellow feelings stifled, and frequently become downright despots. The love of dominion becomes their ruling passion. Their will is law. They are often ridiculously mighty in will, while feeble in intellectual and bodily powers. Wherever the custom of slavery is indulged, it curtails the natural increase, as well as vigour and usefulness, of the free pop- ulation. (Tell me not, then, that you are a republican , while you meanly cavil for the unnecessary extension of slavery, and basely com- promise the honour of your fathers, and the future glory of the republic.) Distinctions of Birth. There is, perhaps, no title or distinction under heaven, more truly ridiculous, than an hereditary, or that which is derived from birth ; — It is a proof of no merit, but rather the lack of merit ; it is submitting to chance, that which ought to be decided by reason ; it puts men where they have neither power to ascend, or remain, of themselves, and causes a gag to stifle the voice of truth : It evin- ces folly in the giver, and receiver ; it insults merit, and laughs common sense out of countenance ; and generally has a train of the same kind of creatures at its heels, to trample on the rights of honest industry and merit. Credit. Credit, in its allurements, and consequences, is like spiritous liquors, a good servant, but bad master : — If necessarily or pru- dently used, credit enables the poor to live, to gain strength, and even to prosper ; but if unnecessarily or imprudently indulged — CREDIT. 45 and which is the case for the most part, credit, like spiritous liquors, intoxicates men with vain ideas of their worth and conse- quence — subjects them to be overreached by sharpers — to loose what little property they may have acquired, and often to loose their lib- erties, and sometimes their lives. A person possessing another's property on credit^ like one set out with borrowed clothes and equipage, often fancies himself above his real situation, and ultimately leads him into unwarrantable cal- culations. (It is, it must be confessed, a ridiculous trait in the character of any one, to wish to appear above their real situation — in disguise f or under false colours, as though they were ashamed of their actual and true circumstances and situation ! or had some treacherous designs /) By means of credit, the learned and wealthy take advantage of the ignorant, the poor and needy — ''grind" and make them sub- servient to their will and purposes. A learned man can nmch better calculate the difference betwixt paying down, or at some fu- ture day ; who it would be safe to trust, and who not ; and what the probable change of times would affect, as to raise, or lower, the price of the article : so that, in every stage of the game of credit, the learned and wealthy have the advantage, and none but fools will play with them, unnecessarily, at such odds. Credit occasions numerous lawsuits, and quarrels, and facilitates immense and incalculable frauds. By means of credit, millions are often hazarded, without the knowledge or consent of the real owner. Through the medium of credit, the indolent are frequently ena- bled to riot in luxury at the expense of industry. Credit subjects both the borrower, and lender, to numerous and unforeseen sacrifices, unavoidably occasioned by the change of times and circumstances. Debts contracted beyond one's ordinary means of prompt pay- ment, lead people to fictitious apologies, and false promises, and too oflen make them confirmed liars and knaves, in the end. People secretly embarrassed with debt, are extremely apt to ad- venture property, which in strict justice is not their own, in haz- 46 COMMERCE. ardous speculations,* and otherways to engage themselves in des- perate undertakings, and frequently terminate their course in swindling and other infamous practices. In truth, there are but few people who come out of considerably embarrassed circumstances, with clean hands, and uncorrupted minds. When people feel the pressure of debts beyond their ordinary means of payment, they too often throw themselves into the hands of knaves and tyrants, who, after skinning them, make use of them as instruments for robbing and oppresssing others. Tyrants and knaves, often successfully bate their traps and snares, with credit, to bring their prey within the reach and hold of their fanffs. Finally — every one, who loves his liberty, and would be truly independent, seldom runs much in debt. Free from debt, with one dollar aforehand, a man is independent, in a degree, and Worth millions, he is no more. In fact, no man can be truly said to be independent, who is al- ways indebted to others, for even his opinion. (Jominerce. Intercourse, or an exchange of commodities between differ- ent nations or sections of country, is certainly desirable, when and wherever it can be conducted without sacrijicing a greater good than is received in return. From an aversion to every thing that bears the name of labors and through the influence of excessive avarice, some have carried schemes of trade and traffic, to a degree that perhaps better de- serves the name of gambling, or of swindling, than of commerce. The labor-hater y had much rather lounge in a counting room, or behind a counter, and devise means to set a superficial value on his goods, and thereby get something for nothing worth, than to earn his living by the honest "sweat of his brow ;". and it is much — I rt>. ...-.ti ' ■.-■• • ■ ■ ' -n .. — : ■•'■^ ■ • * lacluding copious purchasers of lottery tickets, to the ukimate loss and injury of their creditors ! COMMERCE. 47 easier to practice fraud, in schemes of trade and speculation, than in cultivating the earth, or in manfacturing useful articles.* Men in commercial pursuits, for the most part, no doubt would be willing to import and retail to the people of this new and rising nation, all the vices and follies of the old, corrupt and oppressed world, ybr the usual profits. The trading craft, would be highly benefitted and delighted, no doubt, if they could so manage as to have all the produce of the arts, the earth, and the ocean, pass through their hands once at least, before they came to the consumers. Besides, their arts and efforts to involve the knowledge and operations of commerce and trade, in unnecessary intricacy and obscurity, often manifests a policy, as base and hypocritical, as it is injurious to the best inter- ests of society. Commerce is too often dictated by indolence and cupidity. Jews are excessively attached to trading. The venders of merchandise address themselves to our vices and follies, more often than to our better senses. Credit is chiefly instituted for the use of commerce ; and through the means of credit, numerous and immense frauds are facilitated.! Men's hearts are apt to be with their fortunes ; and when their property is afloat, or in some foreign country ; or when they con- sider themselves dependent on the favors of any distant nation or power, for their principal means of success, they are seldom true to the interest, honor or independence of the country they inhabit. Practising merchants and traders, generally have but little per- * It is often very convenient, I know, for traders to shift off the blame of deceitful made articles, on to the manufacturers — although the mer- chant or trader himself might have ordered the goods made in a sham or deceitful manner, in order to make up the deficiences by his own crafty displays, representations and management. f To the great benefit and delight of unprincipled lawyers, and sharp- ers generally ; who, therefore, while acting as legislators, judges, and ex- ecutors of the laws, generally study to indulge credit, trade and specu- lation, to the destruction or injury of the best interests of the commu- nity. 4;> FINESPUN ARGUMENTS. manent interest or property. They are often a kind of bird of passage — at home any where they can make money. They can " pack up their duds and be off," readily, when it suits their in- terest or convenience. Those concerned in commerce and trading, chiefly control our new fashions of dress, 6lc. ; and often render them extremely pernicious to the country, for the sake of augmenting their own profits and influence. How great a proportion of the losses experienced by endorsing * and failures, may be fairly imputed to commerce and trading 1 Finally ; can the United States be involved in war, or troubles of any considerable magnitude, abroad or with any foreign pow- er, ?ind foreign commerce not be the chief cause ? Finespun Arguments. Finespun arguments, proceeding either from a foolish vanity to hear ones self prate^ or from an intention to deceive, by com- bining truth and error so nicely together as hardly to be distin- guished, have generally an evil tendency in society. Like a little wheat mixed with a great deal of chaff, such speeches and wri- tings, are hardly worth culling. Besides, such chaff is very liable to bewilder and blind people. Most people who communicate to the public, might be properly advised to think more diud say less. Cull, sift, pack, and give the public only the flour, without the straw, chaff, or bran. " Brevity is the soul of wit." A certain person, in writing to his friend, remarked that, if he had more time he should have iDritten less. This appeared some- what paradoxical, until the writer explained, when he said that, if * When one man endorses for another, without receiving any security, favor or compensation of equal value in return, he insures, and loithout a premium. It is worth a premium to insure, even against the smallest hazards. A man's house, or life, may be less hazardous to insure, than the prompt payment of his debts. PUBLIC CELEBRATIONS. 49 he had time to have selected the most appropriate words and sen- tences, and to have arranged his ideas, he could have expressed much more in fewer words. The most famous Grecian and Roman characters, were cele- brated for their short, clear and comprehensive mode of expression, and so indeed are the good and great men of every age and coun- try. They wish to be understood — not to deceive, consequently they study to express themselves in plain, simple language, suited to the learning, capacities and understandings of the common people. They do not strive to see who can make the longest speech about nothings like some of our windmills of the present day : nor study to obscure the meaning of any part of their communications to the public, m foreign or dead languages, that not more than one person in five hundred generally understands. Franklin would say more to the purpose, in five minutes, than many of our long-winded speech makers do in as many hours. Public Celebrations, Celebrations of a general or national character, such as the 4th of July — the birth-dai/ of our nation, serve to remind us of the origin and worth of our liberty and independence — to cultivate a national sensibility, and to expand the flame of patriotism. On such occasions, if any among us are in pain, it fully manifests their hostility to the nation, and generally compels them to bite their tongues or cover their heads. Party celebrations, where there is not a general occasion for joy, tend to excite the envy and malice of opponents ; and gener- ally terminates to the disadvantage of the party celebrating. — They seem to compel modest believers, to take a rank hold, or none at all — to hiss, or be hissed. 50 DUELLING, OR THE CLUB LAW. Costly Local Monuments, Before mankind were much civilized, a heap of earth or stone was raised as a monument, or token of respect for some person or character, or to commemorate a signal, or meritorious act or event. As the arts progressed, figures and characters were inscribed on those monuments, more expressive of their meaning and intent. Since the art of printing has been perfected, history furnishes a much more correct, extensive, and durable account of human character, and of the singular and interesting events of time, and renders those local and barren monuments, of little or no use. Institutions of a useful or benevolent character, he^LX fruitful evidence of human worth and excellence ; but costly and useless heaps of earth or stone, impoverish and deceive mankind, then moulder into oblivion, or serve to excite the tyrant's rage, or to in- crease the booty of conquest and plunder. Finally, had the same time and money, which has been expend- ed in raising, or constructing costly local monuments, in commem- oration of human character, or of the singular and interesting events of time, been judiciously applied to the founding or aid of benevolent and useful institutions, — real public improvement, we should have a much more valuable evidence of the wisdom and goodness of our ancestors, than we now have. Duellings or the Club Law. It is evidently a base and foolhardy act, for a man voluntarily to jeopardize his own life in a duel, since there is no reasoning in the case, nor evidence of innocence, or of guilt, manifested by the re- sult. " You are a coward, and dare not hazard the public opinion" said one man to another, who had just accepted a challenge to fight a duel. Most duels originate from offences, too trifling to be taxed mth a penalty, by man in his cool and deliberative capacity, or senses. DUELLING, OR THE CLUB LAW. 51 I should rather consider it as infamous, than honorable, for a man to prostrate the laws of civil society, which he had sworn to support, as a freeman, or magistrate; to violate the bonds of mar- riage, which he had called Heaven and Earth to witness, in the comfort and support of a partner, and her tender offspring, by vol- untarily taking a part in a duel. Should this mode of deciding controversies between individu- als of the same country, become general, it would do away the distinction between the injured, and aggressor, by putting both on a par ; render the reasoning faculties of man in a manner useless, and be productive of such consequences, as to make even the brutes mourn^ for the ferocity and despotism of uncivilized man. As an apology for duelling, it has been pretended, by some, that the custom has a tendency to prevent base persons from slander- ing reputable characters ; but my own experience and observation enables me to conclude that tlie reverse is generally the case, and that the bullying, barbarous and despotic influence of duelling, of- ten deters honest and worthy men from exposing, and ultimate- ly defeating profligates, knaves and impostors. The club law, however refined in its mode, implements and op- erations, is nevertheless as brutal or savage in its origin and true character, as it is despotic and unreasonable in its influence and effects ; and whether it is enforced by side or fire arms — with spears, swords, guns, pistols, arrows, tomahawks, daggers, canes, whips, clubs, stones, brickbats, fists, claws, feet, teeth, or nails — with implements furnished by nature, or art, it still manifests its unreasonable, ferocious and brutal character. The terrors of the club law, are chiefly directed against the cause of justice and humanity. The biggest rascal, or brute, is generally the hero of the club law. The club law, seems to exercise a kind of usurped despotism in society, setting at defiance the civil law, justice, reason, and common sense. The prevalence of duelling, is, indeed, a glaring outrage upon the character of a civilized people. It is wonderful what public magistrates do with their oaths to enforce the laws, while they connive at the progress of this barba- 62 CIVILIZATION. rous and destructive custom ; and it is perhaps as singular, that such servants should be continued in public employ. It is contended, as an apology for duelling, that there are many serious insults, and other injuries experienced by individuals, for which the laws of the land afford no adequate and practicable rem- edy. This is a lamentable fact ; but duelling, or the club law, af- fords no certain remedy, for the aggressor stands an equal chance to come off victor, in this savage and unreasonable contest. Be- sides, what satisfaction could it afford a man of truly honorable feelings, to have killed a fellow being, or made him a cripple for life, in a moment or gust of passion, for perhaps some trifling or imaginary offence ? If the object of duelling be not murder^ and the duellist only de- sires a reasonable satisfaction for an insult or injury committed on his person or character, for which the laws of the land do not afford an adequate and practicable remedy ; then let there be a board OF HONOR, either temporally provided for the occasion, or perma- nently established for the trial of such cases. The parties, wit- nesses and judges, should all be bound by the ties of christianized or civilized honour ^ (to do as they would be done by,) in such ca- ses ; and after examining into the merits of the case, the board should decide upon the true nature and magnitude of the offence, and the satisfaction to be rendered. If a party refused compli- ance with this mode of decision, it would generally put them so manifestly in the wrong, as to supersede the necessity of any fur- ther explanation. At best, duelling is an act of desperation ; and generally re- sorted to under a gust of passion, and without any reasonable, jus- tifiable or sufficient cause — and particularly when the parties are under the pledges, and within the range of civilized society. Civilization. Civilization, mainly consists in a due regard to moral ^nd po- litical justice, in our established laws, usages, intercourse and CIVILIZATION. 53 habits of life. It has but little to do with the fashions of dress, dwellings, equipage, ceremonies, or matters of mere external show. That is, a nation or people may have splendid mansions, displaying heaps of polished marble, adorned with curious sculptures and paintings ; they may dress and decorate their bodies gaily, ride in pompous vehicles, and banquet upon wine and high seasoned dain- ties ; they may marshal the multitude into tedious and showy pro- cessions, accompanied with sweet sounding instruments of music, mount high rostrums and make fine speeches ; they may even erect the most costly and splendid temples, decorated with gold and other precious objects, and offer up supplications and sacrifices to the idol of their worship. All this they may do, and even much more, and not be civilized^ in a strict sense of the term. Human improvement, or whatever contributes substantially to the support, peace, health, security, prosperity and happiness of mankind in general, promotes civilization. Intellectual, moral and political improvements, are the highest and best fruits of civilization. The ancient Greeks, and Romans, either taken collectively, could not be considered as a civilized people. They might per- haps more properly be regarded as powerful and accomplished robbers, who enriched and aggrandized themselves upon the spoils of others. War was their chief trade, and conquest and plunder their proudest harvest. The weak were robbed or dispossessed of their earnings and property, by force, and their persons slaughter- ed, or consigned to slavery, for the support and gratification of the strong. Virtue and usefulness were outlawed and degraded, and indolence, treachery and barbarity honored and rewarded. The showy and useless arts were cultivated to excess, to decorate and pamper vice and indolence, while most of the substantial and use- ful arts and comforts of life, were despised and neglected. Vir- tue and human excellence was hunted down with a savage feroci- ty, and the best men obliged to flee their country, or be butchered. The Christian system, which is the basis of real civilization, has taught mankind the wickedness and absurdity of such a course of policy and conduct ; and that it is by a mutual ex- change of good services, that the general prosperity and happiness 54 CIVILIZATION. of the human family, is promoted — by doing unto others as we would that men should do unto us. Man perfectly civilized, is the subject of truth, justice, and rea- son. We now begin to realize some of the good fruits of civilization ; which teaches us, among other things, that every human being has certain natural rights— derived from the Creator, with our being ; that these rights cannot be forfeited, only by our own voluntary acts ; and that every man is justly entitled to the fruits of his own industry — subject to an equal and just tax, or proportion of the preparations and expenses, necessary to protect his person and property, and to maintain the good order and progress of civil so- ciety. When ambition induced Napoleon Bonaparte to seize the reins of monarchy, he adopted a degree of uncivilized policy, and sought to enrich and aggrandize his favourite persons and places, by the conquest and plunder of others. Ik' created privileged orders of men, and lavished boundless honours and favours, upon those who were the most serviceable in his schemes of ambition. He attached to the fortunes and favours of his person, an immense military establishment ; a priesthood ; orators, statesmen, diplo- matists, dramatists, artists, poets, musicians and panegyrists, whose chief business was to open and smooth the way to the ob- jects of their master's ambition, and to garnish over his transac- tions.* The same policy is more or less pursued by all chiefs who get their power, or retain it, hy force ^ or any way in contempt of the people. Every village despot y or petty aspirant to power, even in our own country, generally studies to render the hopes and fears * It is fair to notice, that Bonaparte benefitted the best part of the French people, and in a manner reconciled and attached them to his government and person, by practising a degree of genuine civilized pol- icy ; in promoting useful agricultural and manufacturing improvements, constructing roads and canals, and, above all, by causing all the ancient, complex, intricate, obscure and absurd systems of law, to be revised in- to, or superseded by. one simple and definite code, suited to the general wants, understanding and use of the common people. KINGCRAFT. 56 of his neighbours and fellow men, subservient to his will and pur- poses, by a similar course of uncivilized policy. The right of conquest, as maintained by the nations of Europe, is a barbarous and highly uncivilized policy. I doubt whether there can be such a thing, as a civilized state or nation, truly considered, without a written, definite and estab- lished constitution or form of civil government, emanating in the free will and choice of the people, and subordinate to their altera- tion and control. I consider the declaration of American independence, as the first charter of civilized rights ; and I have no doubt but that it ultimately will be universally regarded, as the most sacred instru- ment that ever emanated from men. It would be just and rational to conclude, that real civilized n^- tions, would cause a congress of delegates to assemble, at some central and convenient place, to legislate, and form, or otherwise agree upon a definite and complete code op inter-national LAW, for the future government of their national rights, transac- tions and concerns ; and that they would provide for a grand arbi- tration, or some other judicious mode of enforcing the laws and settling national disputes or differences : so as finally to do away the savage custom of warfare ; by which men often descend below the general character of brutes, in striving to see " which can do the other the most harm !" Kingcrajt. Kingcraft, mainly consists in a systematic combination of ig- norance and corruption^ artfully interwove, connected and train- ed together, by a variety of hypocritical and crooked ties, policies and habits of life, co-operating to maintain the chief sovereignty of a state or empire, in a single individual, or family compact, against the understanding and free will or choice of the people. The dictates and general policy of kingcraft ^ would represent the world as a cheat ^ and the biggest cheat as the best fellow : And, consequently, in a general sense, whatever frauds or impo- 56 KINGCRAFT. sitions are practised on mankind, are right and proper, provided they are done learnedly and systematicalhi^ and are performed un- der a legitimate f or / PUBLIC SENTINEL. against hypocrites and public impostors, as a faithful public sen- TINEL. A man who will compromise his principles for an office, is al- ways ready for a bribe. Discussions of the principles and measures of government ; the morals of society : and every thing, in fine, that concerns the pub- lic in general, should be conducted with a degree of independ- ence, candor and fairness, becoming the dignity and importance of the general concern. Indeed, no man should ever, with impu- nity, be permitted to trifle with the public. The majesty op a MILLION OF SOVEREIGN PEOPLE, should Command at least as much respect as that phantom of human greatness, commonly called a king, emperor, or sovereign prince. Many of our editors and publishers are so miserably poor and dependant, in their pecuniary circumstances and supplies, as to be unable to act with any degree of firmness, candor and ability be- coming a PUBLIC SENTINEL. In order to enable a public sentinel to act with necessary inde- pendence and steadiness of purpose, his pay should be somehow secured to him, and not left dependant on the carelessness, extreme poverty or knavery of whoever might apply for the publication. Perhaps a subscription scattered throughout a state, or nation, that would hardly pay for insurance and collection, is left for his reward, in the common way. Every honest and prudent man, who duly considers the subject, and calculates the advantages secured to himself, and to the com- munity, by the practice, would certainly prefer paying in advance, in such cases — and especially when there was ample responsibility pledged, (as there always should be,) for the faithful performance, on the part of the publisher, or a prompt return of the funds. Only the difference that might be afforded in the price of a paper or publication of the kind, would make a saving of importance, to all who ever calculate io pay. The editors and publishers of our newspapers and other publi- cations, have an immense power and influence in forming and regulating our moral and political principles, habits, and general character. We should therefore always be extremely thoughtful EDUCATION AND INSTRUCTION OF THE PEOPLE. 93 of whom we patronize and encourage in such undertakings — see that we are not in fact practising treason against society, by afford- ing aid and comfort to the emwy of truth, and human prosperity. If the people of the United States will duly encourage and sup- port, those who ably and faithfully investigate, point out and vin- dicate the public good — whatever concerns the general peace, se- curity, intelligence, prosperity and happiness of the community, our future task will be easy, and the burden light. One man may display the light of his knowledge and discernment, for the bene- fit of thousands and millions. There is a mutual obligation between a public sentinel and his patrons, which ought never to be. lost sight of — He is in duty bound to serve them, as a faithful public sentinel — to spy out the enemy at a distance, and give the necessary alarm or information — to dart his eagle eyes over their extensive and numerous public concerns, while they are busily engaged with their daily labours and private cares, and warn them of the existence, or approach of, public evils : and they are not only bound to 7'ewardhimy punctu- ally and honorably, but to support him, promptly and manfully, in the performance of his duty. And last of all, to honour him as a public benefactor, if he finally proves to deserve the gratitude of his fellow-beings. Education and Instruction of the People. Among the immense mass of literary and other matter that cir- culates in this country, in the form of books, magazines, &c. there is scarcely one thousandth part that is well calculated to improve the education, intelligence and actual condition of the people. Some think our college learned men, (who generally contrive to control, directly and indirectly, most of the sources of education and learning,) do not desire to have the people better or more suitably educated and instructed, lest they should no longer be able to had and drive them : others impute the evil, in a great measure, to the want of adequate and efl[icient protection to the rights of American authors of useful books and publications — 94 A FEW WORDS OF ADVICE that, as our laws concerning copy rights, are now miserably defec- tive, trifled with and evaded, no prudent man would hazard any considerable labour and expense on an original work or publica- tion — however valuable, and however much they are needed by the people. It is certainly feared that many, if not most of those who have the chief hand in making and administering our national laws, from habit, inclination, interest and policy, feel opposed to the genuine republicanism of our country— and that they finally study to promote the interests of the/etr, to the neglect, embarrassment and injury of the many. This is a serious matter, and loudly demands the attention of every true and consistent republican of our country. It is indeed affirmed as the solemn conviction of some, that in many of our cities, towns and other considerable districts of country, a major- ity of the inhabitants, and altogether the most productive, efficient and worthy members of society, have but little more political influ- ence, than so many cattle or machines ; that lawyers^ and a few of their particular interest, policy, feelings and designs, claim and exercise the chief rule — a kind of political — inquisitorial — SOVEREIGNTY. If the people had a proper and sufficient republican education, and were suitably instructed on their several interests and public concerns, these things would soon be altered, and the wolves and vultures of society, would no longer be able to rule, and to prey upon the industry, virtue and best interests of the community ; but the general good would be studiously sought for, and substan- tially promoted — virtue, industry and public usefulness would be protected, encouraged, and truly honoured, and indolence and treachery punished, discouraged and finally put down. A few words of Advice to Freemen and Republican Electors. It is not necessary, or expedient, in general, to have many words with those who have forfeited our trust and confidence as TO FREEMEN AND REPUBLICAN ELECTORS. 95 imhlic servants J by violating the proper business of their appoint- ment, or any way betraying, or trifling with, the public concern — until at least some efficient method of bringing them t^o justice, like other offenders, shall have been effected. To be true to ourselves, and act as intelligent, interested and consistent members of the community, we should always endeav- our to select for public servants, those whom we know to be honest, and capable y and devoted to the general ^n*«c?p/c5 of human rights and improvement ; and particularly those who participate in the common interests and welfare of society. We certainly never should entrust with the public authority and concern, those who, professionally or otherways subsist or enrich themselves upon the spoils of human virtue, industry and merit — ^the very wolves and vultures of society ! It may have been very readily foreseen, that unprincipled and designing men, generally, whether professionally or otherways in- terested against the peoples' best good — seeing their craft detected and their policy and influence declining, would endeavour to pro- mote to office and popularity, their particular friends, or depend- ents, and those who were secretly or otherways interested, or pledged to the support of their views — that they may thus rule in disguise, until some turn or circumstance might bring them back again into open and undisguised authority. It would also be fair to presume, that those of this craft and policy, would conspire, with every little artifice and cunning in their power, secretly or openly to hinder the popularity and elevation of men who are known to be opposed to their conduct and policy. Nothing is more probable than, that unprincipled and designing lawyers, and their confederates in interest and policy, with their spies, tale-bear^ ers, false witnesses and undertakers, will labor to hunt down the actual and best friends of the people. Indeed, the warfare has long been going on, and in many instances with an effrontery and appearance of design, too glaring and detestable to be doubted or neglected, a moment longer. To govern, and not be governed, is the common trade, interest and policy, of unprincipled and aspiring individuals, and combi- nations of men — whether as lawyers, priests, aristocracies, or those 9b A FEW WORDS OF ADVICE trained up as sovereign princes — although they exercise different powers, and contend for different privileges. The members of our national legislature — representatives in congress, are one, to forty or fifty thousand inhabitants, and gen- erally differ widely from the common people, in their circumstan- ces, interests and feelings ; and consequently, they seldom truly represent the people. Some, busy themselves while in office, in seeking undue privileges and advantages for themselves, families, friends, dependents, or confederates in policy, over their constitu- ents and fellow-men. Our United States senators, exist upon a far more aristocratic scale, as to numbers, being one from about forty thousand, to upwards of eight hundred thousand! The representatives in our state legislatures, including the sen- ates or upper houses, are probably one to, from five hundred, to one hundred and ninety thousand inhabitants ! and are proportion ably subject to the same inequality of general circumstances, interests and 'feelings. Send one of our plain substantial citizens to congress, or to some of our state legislatures, a few years, and quite likely he would contract a kind of hankering after higher power, and more perquisites and privileges of office. These matters we should al- ways bear in mind, when delegating authority, and when review- ing the conduct of public servants. Our town or freemen's meetings — where the people meet and act for themselves y are by far the most important sources of public expression, intelligence and authority. And here we might act much more intelligently, extensively and effectually, than we now do, for our general good, if the public business and proceedings were properly systemized^ arranged, understood^ and prepared for, in season. If the public business was properly prepared for, and seasona- bly made known, discussed or understood, so as to enable the free- men or electors to come forward duly prepared to act, in cases that required their attention and decision, one day's meeting in a year might generally be sufficient for all common purposes. This would render town meetings, or primary assemblages of the peo- ple, freemen or electors, sufficiently interesting and important to gain their prompt and general attention. TO FREEMEN AND REPUBLICAN ELECTORS. 97 We should never delegate authority to others, which we can conveniently and effectually perform ourselves. As every unne- cessary or injudicious relinquishment of authority, has a general tendency to diminish the liberty, influence and power, of those who give it, and to increase the power and influence of those who receive it. The people are the true, just and only sovereigns of this coun- try, to whom all public power and authority, of right belongs ; and who always have a right to make, alter, or amend the supreme law of the land — our public constitutions ; and without ever ob- taining leave or permission of public servants ! In strict republican justice, every good and eflicient citizen — after they have come of age, or arrived at common manhood, and while they contribute specifically and essentially to the support and defence of the country, are entitled to a voice in the public concerns, as good, intelligent and interested members of the com- munity, or great family concern. Interest^ and not principle, chiefly govern and control the ac- tions of those who rule mankind. The French revolution soon produced a more powerful monarchy and aristocracy, than the one it had upset ; and which was chief- ly owing to the lack of honesty in the leaders. An unusual share of hypocrisy and impudence^ seems to be the leading points of character, of many who are studiously pushing themselves forward, in our time and country, by nominating and electioneering machinery ; and generally with a design and intent to rule, as far as possible, appointments to inferior offices, so as to extend their influence and control. We see leaders, here among us, professedly devoted to the com- mon interests and best good of the people, turning out one set of men in power, pretendedly to correct their errors and abuses of public confidence and authority, but really to obtain their places and practice essentially the same, or worse, under some hypocritical difference, or quibbling pretence. It should be remarked, and constantly bore in mind — as a branch of human policy and cunning ; that, soon after our politi- cal revolution of '98, had been established, many of the most de- 13 90 VIRTUOUS AND WISE POLICY, No. !. termined and influential democrats, were courted — urged to send their sons to college ; have them enter into the study and practice of law ; engage or become interested in foreign commerce and trade, and otherways wed and tie themselves and families to the habits, interests and ultimate policy of the old aristocracy of the country ! A similar courtship was commenced soon after the termination of the revolutionary, and late war ! We should denounce, and indignantly dismiss from office, sup- port and encouragement, whoever attempts to deceive the people, or any way violate, or trifle with, the public interest and concern. The majesty of a million of freemen, ought not to be trifled with. If the freemen of the United States, will only be thoughtful of what papers or publications they read, encourage and support, and be careful how they vote, their actual and best good may be soon accomplished, and at the cheapest and best rate. Come to the resolution, at once, that you will not support, nor encourage, those who do not conduct themselves faithfully to the general and best good of the people, and the work is done. Virtuous and Wise Policy. No. 1. To prevent the origin of natural, moral, and political evil, is far more important than to devise remedies. To avoid the infirmities and diseases that are inclined to afllict the human body, by well timed and appropriate precautions, is better than to neglect their origin and rely upon remedies or means of cure. To prevent the commission of criminal and other offences against the Iiws and good of society, by a seasonable and judi- cious education, and means of restraint, is of much greater im- portance, both in a moral and political point of view, than to neg- lect their origin and depend chiefly upon modes of conviction, pun- ishment and reformat\pn. To prevent the origin and existence of human poverty, degra- VIRTUOUS AND WISE POLICY, No. 1. 9§ dation and misery, by seasonably promoting the best means to in- duce, and enable mankind, to take timely and proper care in pro- viding for themselves, is infinitely better, than to neglect the cause of human vagrancy and want, and then provide bountifully for their support and accommodaticm. Perhaps a doctor might entertain objections to this course of policy and conduct— and say that, if he were actually to employ his best advice and assistance, to enable mankind to avoid debility, disease and ill health, as much as possible — teach them, in plain practical language, to understand the cause and nature of their complaints, and the best remedies within their common means ; he might, by so doing, not only lose his time and trouble, in a measure, but would be pretty sure to curtail the sources of his fu- ture professional business and gains, in proportion to his success in the undertaking. It is true, all the precautions in the power of human wisdom, could not prevent the final destruction of human life ; yet a reasonable and wise attention to the best means of pre- serving health, and avoiding every possible infirmity and disease ; and of understanding them, and managing the remedies within our common control, would greatly abridge the business and ulti- mate profits of the physician. Perhaps a lawyer, too, might object, and say that, if those of his profession were to employ the best means in their power topre- vent the excitement and commission of criminal and other offen- ces, against the laws and general good of society, they might no doubt diminish the evil to one fourth, and perhaps to one eighth of its present magnitude ; but then, by so doing, they would decrease the usual profits and sources of their professional business, poWer and influence, in a like proportion. The rich, haughty and overbearing aristocrat, compares his sit- uation with the ignorant, the poor and needy about him, and feels a proportionate consequence and exultation bi/ the contrast. Extreme poverty and dependence, humbles, awd ultimately en- slaves, those, who, in this free country, might otherwise enjoy a degree of freedom and political equality. Ignorance, depravity of eharacter, and extreme poverty or dependence, disqualifies men 100 VIRTUOUS AND WISE POLICY, No. J. for self-government, and forms an excuse for the establishment and exercise of arbitrary restrictions upon human liberties. The pride, and policy, of the haughty and overbearing aristo- crat, is pampered and indulged by every additional burden, calam- ity and degradation, suffered by the common people. Every thing, in fine, that has a tendency to diminish the general intelligence, virtue, competence and self-dependance of the common people, ul- timately subverts our liberty and independence, to arbitrary and overbearing ruthorities. We can perceive, by the examples of the old world, that every additional burden and affliction, heaped directly or indirectly upon the common people, reduces them to dependance for employment, and support, upon the wealthy and powerful. Ignorance, depravity of character, and want, among the com- mon people of the old world, seems to justify, in a measure, their strong measures of government, or the imposition of uncondition- al control. Hence every good member of society who desires the progress of virtue, liberty and human happiness, should employ every rea- sonable means in his power, to promote the most effectual preven- tatives to natural, moral and political evils. The choice of healthy countries, situations and employments, should be regarded ; early and judicious instruction and habits of industry, virtue and self-defendance, should be inculcated and en- couraged, by all who desire the perpetuation and prosperity of this republican community. Indiscriminate imprisonment for debt, wherever individuals are found destitute of property, without first having an investigation of their general circumstances and conduct, and ascertaining the reality and cause of their embarrassment, confounds rogues and honest men in one common result, and absolutely encourages knave- ry, and discourages honesty and fair dealing. If a man has lost his property or been deprived of the means of paying his debts, by actual and unforeseen misfortunes, it might be unjust and impolitic to imprison his body — in some instances it would be absolutely barbarous ; but if an individual has stupid- ly spent his time in indolence, or wantonly squandered his proper- VIRTUOUS AND WISE POLICY, No. 1. 101 ty in profligate habits, or basely lost the property trusted to him, in heedless or hazardous speculations, he actually deserves some pa?iishment, for the offence. Never shut a man up and maintain him at the expense of the public, or individuals ; but provide him with work or means to support himself^ if able to work ; and let his punishment be meas- ured ancording to the nature and magnitude of his offence. Indiscriminate relief to all who solicit alms, or claim support as public paupers, without first ascertaining the reality of their con- dition, and the cause of their want or inability to support them- selves, confounds impostors with real objects of charity ; and ul- timately encourages indolence, vagrancy and fraud, and discoura- ges virtue, industry and self-dependence. When people ask charity, or claim support as common paupers, it should first be ascertained that they were unable to support themselves, and otherwise deserving of our charity, before their requests should be granted. It is ofton an unpleasant task to in- quire and ascertain the real character and condition of those who solicit our charities and indulgences, but it is a duti/ we owe to ourselves and society ; and those who perform this duty, with can- dor and ability, often do, for the present and future good of socie- ty, more, by far, than those who indiscriminately bestow immense indulgences and charitable donations, for the benefit of pretended objects of charity. By establishing a general rule for distinguishing between honest men and rogues, before we act definitely in regard to either, would produce an excellent effect on the habits and morals of society, by encouraging people to be honest and industrious, in order to be entitled to our sympathies and indulgences, and denying or pun- ishing them for a contrary course of conduct. Every plan, effort or undertaking, judiciously calculated to pre- vent human want and misery, are more entitled to the approbation, support and gratitude of mankind, than the most liberal efforts and bounties in relief. One preventive U worth ten cures. 102 VIRTUOUS AND WISE POLICY. No. 2. if you would have vagrancy and want, only encourage them with a liberal bounty or indulgence. People who have idled away their time, or wasted their proper- ty, ought to suffer, as a matter of justice to themselves, and as a warning to others. Why then should our sympathies be indulged at the sight of poverty or want, before we know whether they were tlie just punishment of vice and folly, or the result of real accidents and unforeseen causes. Many of our poor-house establishments and other charitable appropriations, might be properly entitled .schools of human fk- gradation^ want and misery, with comfortable accommodations for all who despise habits of carCj industry , tem^erancej economy and self-dependence. Want begets want, and misery begets misery. Indolence and poverty loose their disgrace and terrors, by gen- eral sympathy and increase of numbers. Men won't work, when they can obtain, even a miserable sub- sistence, by begging. Mankind will naturally cease to exert themselx^s in making pro- vision for their own future wants and accommodation, in propw* tion as they see others making those provisions for them. Virtuous and Wise Policy. No. 2. There should be a specific and appropriate bounty , established by law, for the detection and final apprehension of those who com- mit capital offences, against the laws and good order of society, especially when they attempt to escape, or conceal their offences : so that any person might pursue suspicious circumstances or indi- viduals, sure of receiving a certain reward, in case they finally succeed in detecting or bringing into the hands of public authori- ty, a capital offender. There ought also to be a suitable and permanent encourage- ment held out to induce individuals to lead evil designers into the hands of justice, when plotting their schemes of villainy ; and al- VIRTUOUS AND WISE POLICY. No. 2. 103 so for inducing offenders to bring each other out. This will no doubt meet the disapprobation of rogues or unprincipled men gen- erally, and especially those who expect great gains from the multi- plicity of trials for criminal and other offences. Howeve*-, if this plan or policy is judiciously managed, conspiracies for base purpo- ses would nighly cease, from the jealousies that would naturally be excited between evil minded individuals, and especially increasing the danger of commencing a plot, and of finally committing the overt act. Those who administer the laws, and particularly judges, law- yers, and sheriffs, should always be bound, by their oaths, and ev- ery other obligation and consideration of principle and duty, to convict and punish offenders, whenever the laws will permit. — Not to connive at their final escape, after securing their own fees and profits of a trial — that they may excite, rather than restrain, evil passions, and thereby increase their own future business and gains, by the multiplication of criminal and other offences, and by prolonging a tedious, expensive and uncertain process of trial. A similar craft, in some measure, to t^|at manifested by the rat- catchers — a profession of men in Liverpool, who, after they have cleared a ship of rats, by contract, (they take them alive in a large sack, by some bait or artifice peculiar to their business,) they re- fuse to kill them, but take them on to the wharf and let them loose — well knowing that the rats will soon be on board of some vessel, and that some of their crafit will probably have the job of catching them again, and again ! It may be observed, however, that the rat-catchers only sport with the petty depredation of brutes, for their own peculiar benefit ; but those who study to ef- fect the escape, and multiplication of criminal and other offend- ers, for their own peculiar ends, not only trifle with the human character in a most infamous manner, but set the whole good of civil society at defiance, to increase their own private gains ! The certainty of punishment, is the greatest terror to rogues or persons dishonestly inclined, and its uncertainty, is their greatest hope and encouragement.' This fact should never be lost sight of, by those who wish to promote the good of society. Some of our State prisons might be appropriately styled schools 104 ESTABLISHED RATE OF INTEREST of human degradation and villainy^ with comfortable accommoda- tions for all who despise voluntary labor, and the rights and good of their fellow-beings. Some, who have taken their second and third degrees in these schools of infamy and corruption, might properly be entitled mas- ftrs and doctors of villainy ! Established Rate of Interest for the Use of Money. Our laws, regulating the rate of interest for the use of money, are neither consistent with justice, nor good policy. Nothing proves more generally true, than that, laws imposing unjusty or unnecessary restrictions upon the common transactions of society, excite both disrespect for the laws, and evasions of their final penalty. Suppose there should be laws regulating the price of labour, or of any particular article of produce, manu- factures, or merchandize, without any regard to the scarcity or dc- mand for the same — the quantity contemplated, or the terms of payment — we should certainly consider them as unjust and unne- cessary regulations. This is precisely the case with the laws reg- ulating the rate of interest for the use of money. One man wants to borrow, only 5 or 20 dollars, another 50 or 100, and others 1000, to 10,000, or more; one wants the money for only 10, 30, or 60 days, another for six months, or a year, and others for 5 or 10 years, or upwards ; one pledges the most sure property for the final payment of the money, another gives a good endorser, and others have no other security than their own names, and those often precarious. Now it would appear absurd to sup- pose that a man should be obliged to take precisely the same rate of interest, for all these different hazards and accommodations. — The interest would not more than pay him for transacting the bu- siness, of taking security, inspecting and counting the money out, and back, in cases of small sums and short loans ; and in others, the interest would not more than pay a fair premium for hazarding the credit ; and if the money was loaned on short terms, it must be on hand a considerable part of the time, so that a man might FOR THE USE OF MONEY. 105 not have his money actually out at interest, more than half the time, or six months in a yean This restriction upon the receipt of interest, induces people to evade the provisions of the law ; but, as there is a risk of being detected, and of losing the whole sum, the hazard must be made up by the borrower, in an addition to what would bfe otherwise sat- isfactory. The loss ultimately falls chiefly upon a class of people who are the least able to bear it, and the gain generally goes to enrich a set of hard and crooked sharpers, who have already become dan- gerous to the well-being of the community. These are not all the evil consequences resulting from regula- ting the rate of interest. It occasions an immense number of law suits, and sacrifices of property. When money is scarce, and the use of it is worth considerable more than the rate of legal interest, many will enforce the collection of monies due them, merely to in- vest it more profitably ; others take such times to exercise a kind of despotism over their fellow men, and oppress them, or compel them to sacrifice property, that they may take the advantage of it. Yet in most cases the suits and sacrifices would both be avoided, if men were permitted to come into a fair competition for the use of money, and to take a just rate of interest. The rate of interest for the use of money, should be left a free matter of contract. If individuals are disposed to make foolish bargains, there is a variety of other ways for them to do it in, be- sides borrowing money at more than legal interest — which, in fact, the laws do not prevent. As the case now is, the laws regulating the rate of interest for the use of money, cause numerous sacrifices and embarrassments, to the ultimate injury of a worthy class of people, and chiefly for the benefit of lawyers, sheriffs, and sharpers. There might be a certain rate of interest established by law, in all cases where it was not defined, by written contract ; and per- haps some bounds might be set above what it should not go ; and contracts defining the rate of interest, might be specially witness- ed with an attested knowledge of the contract. 14 106 REMARKS ON TAXATION. I could produce a volume of evidence and arguments in support of this subject ; but perhaps what has already been said, may be sufficient. Remarks on Taxation. Visible property and privileges, are the only just, and wise, or consistent subjects of taxation. That which is not visible or tangible, is imaginary, as a proper- ty, or the representative of something that is real, and as it respects a state or nation at large, it is generally useless, as it must be based in something that is a real property of itself Notes, bonds, or obligations for the payment of money, are promises, which are only valuable as they are founded in something that is real, and available as a property — something that has an intrinsic value in itself — which is of itself, subject to taxes. — Hence, if you tax both the real property, and the promise which is founded in it, you ultimately subject the holder of the real prop- erty, thus situated, to an undue proportion of taxes ; for every pru- dent and calculating money lender, generally estimates the nett per centage of interest that would be satisfactory for the use of his money, and then adds the probable amount of taxes, risks, troubles and expenses, or some how includes the same in the con- tract and final obligation : so that the borrower is, at last, saddled with every thing that operates as a burden on money at interest. Suppose a township, or district of country, the inhabitants of which hold a million dollars worth of real property, subject to tax- ation, and owe half a million dollars borrowed money, for which the holders of their obligations are taxed — in such case, they pay taxes for treble the amount of property they are actually worth — that is, the holders of the real property, are actually worth but half a million, over and above what they owe, and yet have finally to pay the amount of taxes that occurs on one million and a half — three times the amount of what they are worth ! Or, to show the subject upon a smaller scale. Suppose a man in REMARKS ON TAXATION. 107 possessisn of ten thousand dollars worth of visible property, sub- ject to taxes, which is pledged for the final payment of five thou- sand dollars — he would then have to pay the taxes that actually occ\ix on fifteen thousand, although in fact, he is worth but jive thousand. A law requiring every man to give an account of his private loans, is considered so unjust and absurd, that but few people will comply with it. Burdening money at interest, is like taxing promises, or an im- aginary property, and ultimately placing an undue proportion of taxes on those who employ borrowed capital. It is much worse, for every attempt to tax the holders of promises for money loaned, operates in the end, as a tax on industry and honesty, for the en- couragement and final support of indolence and dishonesty. Every thing in fact, that subjects borrowed money to an unne- cessary expense, hazard, quibble or delay in collection, operates as a final burden on the industry and integrity of the country, and for the encouragement and support of indolence and knavery. Real property, is located and distributed with a degree of per- manence and equality, throughout a state or country ; but promis- es for the payment of money, are generally as fluctuating in the place of their existence, and nighly as uncertain in their final value, as the faith and fortune of traders and speculation. If it were just and reasonable, to tax money at all, the burden and penalty should be fixed on those, who hoard up the actual treasure of a country, and stop its circulation and public useful- ness. But never tax those, who lend their money on just and hon- ourable conditions, for promoting the useful industry and business of the country. Every attempt to tax, or jeopardise money at interest, induces people to hoard up, or make concealments of their funds, or to send the active capital out of the state or country, to avoid unrea- sonable hazards and burden ; and this too, often to the great inju- ry of the taxing, or jeopardizing state or country. The title to real estate, should be rendered as plain and sure as possible ; and the pledging of it, for the final security of money,, bould be divested of every unnecessary litigation, hazard and ex- T08 POLITICAL KNOWLEDGE pense ; as in such cases, it enables the owners, whenever they need, to borrow money on the best terms ; and generally with the least final risk to themselves, for when a man of good property or responsibility, obtains an endorser ^ as security for the final condi- tions or payment of his note, by endorsing in return, he thereby assumes a risk for others, that, in this case, would be entirely avoided. By taxing the vices, and follies or extravagances of mankind, has a double tendency to improve the condition of society ; as in the first place, it discourages and corrects the excesses so taxed, and at the same time produces a fund out of those who transgress, for the ultimate correction and support of their own unruly or helpless victims. Thereby relieving the better part of communi- ty from the troubles and expense, resulting from intemperance. If only the tavern, and store-keepers, or those who retail ar- dent spirits and other intoxicating liquors, were subject to a rea- sonable and proportionable tax, for their licences or privilege of retailing, it would raise a fund for the future correction and sup- port, of their own unruly or helpless victims. Political Knowledge. The people of the United Sates, have probably had more polit- ical light and experience, than all the world besides ; for, in the first place, the population of this country, are, in a greater or less degree, made up of emigrants from almost every other place or country, who generally bring along with them more or less infor- mation in regard to the laws, customs, and political institutions of their own native country ; and history hands down to us, all that was thought worth recording of the different governments, down to the present time. Besides, our own experience, in all our different state sovereignties, and national concerns ; through all our changes, and extremes, of war, and peace, oppression, and liberty, adver- sity and prosperity, together with the general freedom of discus- sion established in this country, gives us far greater means of pes- BRIEF CONTRAST, &c. 109 sessing correct and extensive political knowledge, than the people of any other nation or country. We began the world anew, as it were, and employed all the light and experience of foreign countries, and former times, in aid of our own judgment, in making experiments in the science of govern- ment. While the people of other countries, hardly dare think on the subject of politics, for fear of bringing their own shackles and wounds to bear more grievously. In this country, every individual of the community, in general, are interested in the government, and every sensible and good man feels more or less disposed to aid in the adoption of the wisest and best measures for the general good. Having actually carried into effect and demonstrated the great- est improvements in government, of any other nation or people ; our care and attention should be rigidly directed to detect, and eradicate from our systems, and habits, whatever remains of king- craft, or the plagues of monarchy ; and studiously to avoid every thing of the kind in future, in our civil policy, measures of gov- ernment, education, customs and habits of life. A Brief Contrast between some of the Leading Particulars of Monarchy and Republicanism. Monarchy, has a tendency to enrich, embellish and aggrandize, the metropolis or chief residence of the sovereign and his court, to the neglect, impoverishment and degradation of the other parts of the nation or their dominions. Under the Roman despots, the city of Rome was the privileged place, to be enriched, embellished and aggrandized, with the plun- der and exactions drawn from other provinces and places : Con- stantinople, is the chief receptacle of tributary and degraded Tur- key : Petersburgh, glitters and banquets, with exactions drawn from the Russian dominions : The chief spoil and playthings of the French monarchy, centre at Paris ; and London teems and sports with the riches, for which British provinces and foreign do- no JURYMAN'S GUIDE. minions are stinted, and tasked, or robbed of their wealth, liberty and independence. In a REPUBLIC, tliere is no privileged place ; nor sovereign chief with his pensioned and tinselled brood, to attract the gaze and won- der of the silly throng ; or to draw together and fatten a host of corrupt and hypocritical courtiers and sharpers : But every part, place, and individual, are entitled to their equal and just care, representation, protection, and encouragement. One place, part, or individual, cannot be stinted or tasked for the benefit of anoth- er ; but all subsist upon terms of reciprocal justice and good fel- lowship — '■'Jill served — all serving." Monarchy, forbids the common freedom of speech, and of the -press, to prevent the liglit and progress of truth, justice, reason, and human improvement, and to veil and protect the corrupt and deceptive policy and conduct of its chief managers, from de- tection and punishment. Republicanism, invites and protects the freedom of speech, and of the press, to encourage and facilitate the progress of truth, jus- tice, reason, and human improvement, and to expel darkness, cor- ruption and oppression, from human society. Monarchy has a tendency to enrich, elevate and adorn, indo- lence, vice and folly, and to tax and degrade industry, virtue and human excellence. On the contrary, republicanism tends to punish and degrade in- dolence and dishonesty, and to enrich, elevate and honor human virtue, industry and merit. Juryman's Guide. Juries — in order to act consistently, and wisely, and to pro- long and extend their usefulness and respectability, should endeav- our to act with as much understanding, and independence, as pos- sible. Many men, while acting as jurymen, have suffered them- JURYMAN'S GUIDE. Ill selves to be dictated and trifled with, by judges, and lawyers, and often ruled so much that they can scarcely be said to have exer- cised any judgment or opinion of their own, in their final decision of cases. Such jurymen generally seem to study to catch and fol- low the opinion or will of some judge, lawyer, or other leading or driving character, instead of forming an opinion of their own, from the evidence and law, in the case before them. This, un- fortunately for the cause of justice, liberty and humanity, is chief- ly owing to the want of proper intelligence and instruction on the subject of their duties. The highly important duties required of us as jurymen — so indis- pensable to the cause of justice, liberty and humanity — and which in fact, properly belongs to every man who sits in solemn judg- ment upon the life, liberty, reputation, or fortune, of a fellow be- ing, demands that we should let every other consideration rest, but that of our duty towards God and society, and seriously exert our reason and best judgment, in deciding whatever properly comes before us, in such cases. Lord Mansfield, that tyrant of law, was not perhaps more hos- tile to the actual usefulness, respectability and preservation, of JURIES, than some of our little knaves and tyrants on the throne of judgment. There ought to be published, in a neat little volume, a correct definition of the nature and character of the various criminal and other offences, subject to the examination, trial and final decision of jurors, duly simplified, classed and arranged ; together with a faithful explanation of the proper business, province and duties of jurors, to serve as juryman's guide : so that every body, at least, of grand and petit jurymen, should have the same, to guide and assist them in the correct and faithful performance of their ardu- ous and important duties ; and so as to guard against the errors, and partialities, of every different court, and different judge — their various charges, (no two of which was ever alike,) defining, (ac- cording to their individual will, or judgment — but seldom if ever correctly, and never sufficiently extensive and explicit,) the duty of jurors, and the nature and character of the different offences within their province, and of what was law, in the several cases. 1 12 BRITISH SYSTEM AND POLICY. Such a publication, if ably and faithfully performed, would save our jurymen individually, a great deal of time, and trouble ; cor- rect, improve, and systematize the proper business of juries gen- erally, and finally serve to perfect, extend and perpetuate their usefulness. It is inconsistent with our character, as a community of repub- licans, and certainly at direct variance with the professions of our republican leaders, that such a work has not long ago been pub- lished and in general use, and particularly when its necessity, utility, and importance, are duly considered. We ought, also, to have a corle of probate law, comprising all the law generally necessary for the settlement of deceased persons estates, duly simplified, arranged, and published in a neat little volume, to serve as a guide in such transactions ; and to save us, the common people, as much as possible, from the unnecessary vexations, and ruinous expences, snares ^nd fangs of lawcraft. British System and Policy. Mankind are too apt to be dazzled out of their senses, by the pomp and ceremony of corrupt and arbitrary authorities, until we are made to feel the oppressor's gripe. An American merchant, who had spent a considerable time in England, in a kind of trading visiting cyiC\xt^\oi\* became a great admirer of the British system and policy — that is, he thought them very fine for gentlemen to live under.t * All clever and jolly — fine eating and drinking, and the prospect of good profits on his return home. John Bull, I guess, knows how to bait his best customers ! f Mechanics, manufacturers, and sailors, (the most valuable part of their population,) are not allowed common freedom, in Britain. They have to disguise themselves, under the assumed appearance of mer- chants or gentlemen, in order to get a passport or permission to leave the kingdom. Sailors are taken by force, as a kind of public property^ wlienever the ministry want them. But if a man has the appearance of BRITISH SYSTEM AND POLICY. 113 Some years after, (1803 — 4 — 5) the merchant had returned home to America, he embarked, with a valuable cargo of coffee, and other articles, for some port on the continent of Europe. They were captured, by a British cruizer, nigh the port of their desti- nation, and carried into a port in England, for adjudication, as enemy's property ; and, after undergoing a tedious and vexatious detention and trial, and being subjected to an enormous bill of cost and other expenses, they were finally cleared, as bonatide American property.* During their detention, the cargo got damaged, and the market to which they were bound, became glutted ; so that the voyage finally terminated in a very heavy loss. After the American merchant had returned home, one of his old acquaintance, asked him how he then liked the British system and policy, to which he replied and said, " I would sooner take my dog and gun and retire to the wilderness and live like the In- dians, than again put myself within the power of those tyrants of the ocean — who rob under colour of law^ and justice^ and make ^ne speeches, and solemn prayers, and perform tedious ceremonies , to conceal their actual designs ; the chief part of whose labour- aw^ population are actually but little better off than slaves." a merchant, or gentleman — that is, dresses finely, and has not the vulgar airs or g-arb of having earned his living by the habitual exercise of some mechanical or manufacturing business, or by the occupation of a sailor, then, if he has none of these marks of John Bull's privileged sub- jects about him, he is entitled to locomotion — the privilege of going where he pleases. This is *' British freedom !" This is the fruits of a sys- tem and policy, that some of our American gentlemen ^re so much charm- ed and delighted with ! * The lawyers made a fine haul ; and seemed to say to the British crui- zers, " Go catch another neutral for us — no matter whether he is inno- cent, or guilty — we would like to try them, all— over and over again. ^' This LAW WITHOUT JUSTicfi makes fine picking for lawyers ! 15 114 THE MOST TRULY JUST AND The most truly Just and Honourable Prof ession of Men. The PARMER, is the most truly just and honourable profession : — In the first place, the profession or business of the farmer, is the most necessary or useful of any other ; and his habits are uniformly the most athletic, manly, temperate, healthy and wise. His business is also the freest from evil temptations, fraudulent transactions and designs. Farmers are usually the most firm, undeviating patriots and sup- porters of our country, in peace and in war. Our farmers are generally the most secure, and just in their dealings ; sincere in professions, and truly benevolent and hu- mane, in their general conduct and disposition. The Ameican farmer, first subdues the forest and its wild in- habitants, and brings the country into a state of productiveness, order and embellishment, for the general support, security, com- fort and enjoyment of civilized man. It is his labour, enterprise and skill, that supplies us with the most important necessaries and luxuries of life, produced from the soil. Farmers generally reside in the country, where good air, good water, health, temperance and virtue most abound ; and where, with the use of plain solid food, regular and manly industry, the human constitution and character, both, are improved, renovated and preserved from the desolating and fatal effects of an idle and corrupt city life. The regular and manly employment, which the body and mind of the farmer receives in the practice of his profession, gives him unequalled stability of character. The country is emphatically the home of true virtue and liber- ty- Most of our large cities and towns, would degenerate, if not actually depopulate and run out, were it not for the recruits they are continually receiving from the country and smaller towns. The farmer generally despises those idle and dissipated habits ; monkey airs, and artificial wants, that distinguish the bloated pride, vanity and hypocrisy of a corrupt city life. Farmers form no professional clubs or combinations for con- HONOURABLE PROFESSION OF MEN. 115 cealing a knowledge of their profession, or for the monopoly of its practice : they use no mysterious artifices, blind language or jug- gling, to perplex or conceal the light or knowledge of their pro- fessional business, improvements or concerns : they require no test or license, to he permitted to exercise their honourable calling. But they freely and liberally give, without fee or reward, the light or knowledge of their improvements, and best advice, to the inex- perienced and whoever may need or desire them. They enter into no combinations to set the laws, or the rights of their fellow-men at defiance ; or any way to secure to those of their profession, undue privileges or advantages. The American farmer despises the base and unmanly customs and policies of the old world, combined and practised to rob and degrade honest labour. He discountenances their schemes of tenanting, and under-tenanting ; and generally chooses to culti- vate his own soil, and to participate in the labor himself, as his regular and principal business. Our farmers generally bring up their families in the regular habits of industry, economy and usefulness. The American farmer has no interest in involving his fellow-men in ignorance, depravity or oppression ; nor in any way exciting, or indulging schemes of general calamity or distress, for he knows who, at last, has got to bear the chief public burdens and expen-- ces. His permanent interests, active employments, temperate and prudent habits, engage the farmer's body and mind, and leaves him no loose inclinations for unlawful indulgences, or treacherous hankerings after extra privileges. The property of the farmer is visible, and permanent ,• and hi» pursuits are not likely to involve his neighbours or fellow-men, in Wind hazards or ruinous speculations. The good habits of our farmers, with their usual candour, and practical good sense, give them unequalled stability and worth of character ; and finally render them, truly, the chief supporters and defenders of this republic : and I will honor and reward the true character of the American farmer, to the last dash of my pen. They are truly the first lords of this country. Next to the farmer, on the general scale of honour and public 116 -THE MOST TRULY JUST AND worthj stand our mechanics and manufacturers. The business of their ])rofession is the next most necessary and useful; and their habits of industry and prudence, are generally equal, and in some instances superior to those of the farmer. The ingenuity and persevering industry of mechanics and manufacturers, furnish innumerable necessaries, conveniences, and comforts of life. They devise and make the various tools and utensils with which the farmer subdues the forest and culti- vates the soil to the greatest advantage, and conveys his produce home or to market. They build our houses, ships, and land car- riages ; furnish the main articles of our clothing, furniture, and the chief instruments for the acquisition and support of human rights — including the press, that mighty engine for the propaga- tion of human kn' I fear he is only put- ting on a sanctified evil, the better to conceal his bad intentions and de- signs. ARBITRATIONS/ 175 the other for the army, appeared as the only purchasers ; each of whom made an offer for the whole cargo, at specified prices for each of the three articles, but neither would take any part, unless they had the whole. Each of the agents wanted the biggest part of the cargo for govertiment^ which they rated at more than worth, and the remainder for themselves ^ which they rated at much less than worth. The master found he could not do better than to take the offer that averaged the most for the whole cargo ; and then, concluding that such a quere transaction would hardly be under- stood, or believed by his employers, if related, he made an en- tire account of sales, equalizing the prices of the different articles, as fairly as possible^ On his return home, the shippers appeared well satisfied, and even pleased with their returns. Some time after, however, information, some how or other, got to the understanding of the shipper, whose part of the cargo was rated at much more than worth, by the purchaser — but which price could not have been obtained separately, nor without sacri- ficing on the rest of the cargo ; and being a hasty and violent tempered man, he immediately flew to arms — consulted a lawyer, who, (without making any candid inquiries into the probable cause of excitement, or perhaps without any further concern than regarded his prospect of obtaining a good round sum for his ser- vices, in the end,) said it was a gross piece of fraud, and no man- ner of doubt, exemplary damages would be recovered. A suit, of course, was authorised, and an action was immediately brought, of the most severe and aggravating character ; and all was a scene of bustle, irritation, and preparation for the final conflict, on both sides — peace and good felllowship had fled the neighbourhood. A few days after the suit had been commenced, the said master and supercargo, after relating the whole transactions out of which the suit originated, to one of his neighbours, expressed a regret that he should be obliged to abandon his next intended voyage, for which his vessel was nighly loaded and ready for sea, in order to attend to this unnecessary, perplexing, and vexatious lawsuit. The neighbour, who was well convinced that no fraud was either affected, or intended, offered his services as a mediator, to effect a compromise or peaceable reference of the matter. But, although 176 ARBITRATIONS. both of the parties appeared wilhng enough to avoid the trouble, vexation and expense?, of a protracted and bitter contest, yet nei- ther would authorise an advance, or explanation, for fear his ad- versary might get some advantage by it.* They however agreed to meet the friendly neighbour, at a given place, in the evening ; where he had convened three judicious and experienced individ- uals, who were practically acquainted with the West India trade. When met, the active mediator invited his neighbours, (the par- ties at issue,) to submit their case to the three individuals assem- bled and then present ; they accepted the invitation, and the bu- siness was soon settled to their mutual and complete satisfaction. And no body was heard to complain, except the lawyers ; who pro- bably calculated on a long and profitable job, out of these neigh- bours' differences, which they knew how to aggravate and keep along — no matter if it had have terminated to the injury, or even ruin,of both the parties, and disturbed the peace and happiness of the neighbourhood for years. In some places where arbitrations are indulged, they are ren- dered the subordinate creatures of other courts, and are so ham- pered and restricted, as to be finally rendered more tedious, haz- ardous and expensive, than the ordinary established courts of law. This was no doubt designed, by the litigious craft, in or- der to render arbitrations unpopular. " Hang 'cm,'' (said a lawyer, to one of his craft, while he was making a mighty bluster and parade, in managing a case before an arbitration,) " if they will have arbitrations ^ Til make them sick of 'em.'* The Quakers adjust their differences, by a peaceable refer- ence to the arbitration of a few judicious neighbours, or individ- uals. And no man, who is well acquainted with the state of ♦It is astoDishing, that, in this enlightened age, and country, any ob- stacles should be permitted to lie in the way of a peaceable compromise, or settlement of personal differences ; and yet, true it is, that such hin- drances are openly and unblushingly licensed and imployed ! Justice, and good policy, both, invUe parlies to mutual reconcihations, and a peaceable adjustment of differences. ARBITRATIONS. 177 their society, can be ignorant of the important benefits resulting from such a practice. It is also one of the rules of the Methodist church, to avoid going to law, as much as possible, by studying to promote a peaceable reference or settlement of their differences. I have heard of men forming themselves into societies, for the express purpose of having all their disputable matters, settled by arbitration. An attempt to organize an extensive society, for this purpose, has lately been publicly announced, at Pittsfield, Massachusetts, and another at Westchester, or some where nigh New- York : but I presume they will both have been defeated, before this goes to the public. It is certainly inconsistent with our character, either as Chris- tians, or enlightened politicians, to continue much longer to liti- gate in the usual way. The unnecessary delays, vexations, and expenses, attending the ordinary course of law proceedings — (to say nothing of their unjust decisions, and corrupt excitements and examples, in other respects,) has discouraged thousands of honest and worthy individuals, in attempting to possess, or de- fend their privileges and property, and ultimately driven them to despair, and either added them and their dependents to the num- ber of public paupers, or multiplied the criminal and other offen- ces against the laws and good order of society. A general change, in favour of well regulated and judiciously conducted arbitrations, is loudly demanded, by every considera- tion and regard for the public good. Let the experiment be fairly tried, on a general scale, and a beneficial consequence will undoubtedly result — and so the law- yers believe, else they would not be so generally opposed to the plan. If there was a law in each state, making due provisions for such references, whereby either party could compel the other to a peaceable reference of any matter in dispute, or in a train of legal inquiry, to an arbitration, it would be extremely important. The arbitrations should have original jurisdiction of causes ; and be conducted independent of other courts, and without the 23 178 ARBITRATIONS. aid or interference of lawyers — mainly upon Washington's PLAN.* After hearing the statement of each party, and the facts or ev- idence in the case, and making such inquiries of the parties, wit- nesses, or other where, as the arbitrators think just and necessa- ry ; and then reasoning the case over among themselves, they should give their opinion, in writing ; and, at the request of ei- ther party, they should state the principal /ac/5 they found in the case, and the evidence from which they derived those facts, to- gether with the law, or rule of equity, on which they founded their final judgment : — so that either party might file an excep- tion to their decision, for the review and final correction of the same, or a higher tribunal, in case there should be any gross er- rors or grounds for correction. Any one of the arbitrators might also file their exceptions, to any thing that occurred on the trial, or in the decision, to attend the review. * The following is extracted from Washington's will, and contains provisions for the final settlement of his estate. It is well worthy of par- ticular attention. After defining the disposition of his property, &c. and naming the persons for administering and settling his estate, according to bis WILL AND TESTAMENT : — he procceds thus, in reference to his will : — *' in the construction of which, it will readily be perceived, that no professional character has been consulted, or has had any agency in the draught ; and, that although it has occupied many of my leisure hours to digest, and to throw it into its present form, it may, notwithstanding, ap- pear crude and incorrect ; but having endeavoured to be plain and ex- plicit in all the devises, even at the expense of prohxity, perhaps of tau- tol(^y, I hope and trust, that no disputes will arise concerning them ; but if, contrary to expectation, the case should be otherwise from the want of legal expression, or the usual technical terms, or because too much or too little has been said on any of the devices to be consonant with law, my will and directions expressly is, that all disputes, if unhap- pily any should arise, shall be decided by three impartial and intelligent men, known for their probity and good understanding : two to be chosen by the disputants, each having the choice of one, and the third by those two ; which three men thus chosen shall, unfettered by law or legal con- structions, declare the sense of the testator's intentions ; and such decis- ion is, to all intents and purposes, to be as binding on the parties, as if it had beengiTea ia the supreme court of the United States." ARBITRATIONS. 179 Arbitrators should always be encouraged and required, to act with the greatest possible impartiality, candor and faithfulness. If this system of arbitration was once judiciously established in our country, it would soon be improved into the most perfect system of adjustment for human differences and offences, and ul- timately bring the most pure and wholesome justice, home to our own doors, as it were. Such a tribunal would combine the principles of law and equity ^ and ultimately supersede' both courts. They would be chiefly governed in their decisions, by the common statutes or laws of the land, where they were explicit and to the purpose, but equity and reason would rule their decisions, in other points or cases. Their object would be to do justice to the parties, and when the laws were doubtful or insufficient, the principles of justice and equity would rule their conduct. All of which they would declare in their final award, and especially whenever required. In cases where there were several individuals acting together as arbitrators in a case, they would have in a considerable degree the effect of a court and jury, and might ultimately supersede them both, as a tribunal of superior excellence and advantages. A brief and explicit statement should be made in writing y of every disputable case referred for decision, by each of the parties, plaintiff and defendant, with the arguments or reasons they think proper to urge in their favor ; so that an arbitration, court, jury, or whoever were to act as judges in the case, might have the same before them ; and so that a case might often be referred and set- tled without the presence of the parties or their special agents — and particularly so as to avoid any long-winded speech making on the subject. The award being definitely stated in writing — giving the princi- pal grounds on which the case was decided ; the whole might be referred to a superior tribunal, for reviewal and correction, in case of any errors worthy of the trouble and expense. In the supreme court of the United States, which closed their term in the spring of 1825, at Washington city, after a laborious session, only about thirty cases were actpd upon ; at the rate of which it has been computed that it would take them five years to 180 CONTRAST BETWEEN A MISER & SPENDTHRIFT. get through with the cases then remaining on the docket of the court ! If a written summary of each case had been judiciously referred, as above alluded to, (which is absolutely all that is neces- sary, if the judges know the law, and are otherwise fit for their sta- tions,) it would have been sufficient to have enabled the court to have reviewed the cases on necessary points, and made all the cor- rections i\\^i justice and reason require ; and save the parties, and the public, much unnecessary delay, cost, trouble and expense. By publishing the most correct and important decisions, made by arbitrations, as before noticed, would promote the improve- ment of a system and operation of trials, and ultimately perfect one of the most just, safe, economical, expeditious, and important branches of human government. Arbitrations might be suitable to try cases of any magnitude, and assembled at any timey and place^ most convenient for the par- ties, and thereby save them much of the time, trouble and ex- pense, occasioned by ordinary courts, and with a far grater proi- pect of ^omg justice to the parties. A Brief Contrast between a Miser, and a Spendthrift. A SPENDTHRIFT, by his profusion, in the hour of plenty, lures the generous and unsuspicious youth, into the train of hi&^muse- ments and excesses, and ultimately carries them down with him, in his wreck of fortune and constitution. The spendthrift often squanders that which is not his own ; and what he spends goes chiefly to encourage and support some of the worst sharpers and other bad members of society — those who are interested in promoting excesses of eating, drinking, gambling, frolicking and debauchery. The spendthrift plays havock with the flower of society, by corrupting, impoverishing and debilitating, the most promising youth, and by feeding and encouraging the wolves and vultures of society. And finally leaves the world greatly the worse for hi?; existence. EDUCATION OF CHILDREN, No. 1. 181 Not so the miser. He is not likely to corrupt or ruin any by his conduct and examples. He only cheats himself for the benefit of posterity. The miser's accumulated and hoarded treasure, often excites envi/ ; while the squandered fo»'tune, debauched habits, and bro- ken down constitution of the prodigal, rather provokes our scorn and contempt. But I would neither recommend a spendthrift, nor a miser. Ex- cesses ^ are generally bad : somewhere between the extremes is the course. Remarks on the Education of Children, No. 1. The first duty required of parents, after providing for the lives and health of their offspring, is to attend to their education — io bring them up to be useful and ornamental members of society. We often see parents encountering great hardships, and under- going painful deprivations, merely to accumulate and save wealth for their children, and at the same time so negligent of their chil- dren's future happiness and prosperity in the world, as almost to- tally to neglect their education. A family of children, brought up in decent good manners, and taught some useful profession or calling in society, are infinitely bette^ff, with little or no property, than those who have been kept in a state of ignorance, or neglected to contract habits of in- dolence and dissipation, and left with considerable or large estates. What can afford a more pleasing sight, or present matter for more agreeable reflection, than a well bred family of children ? It is a kind of Heaven in miniature, with all its beauties, harmony, and pleasing consequences. On the contrary, how disgusting and painful to a sensible and reflecting mind, is the sight of an ill-bred family of children ? It is a kind of hell in miniature, with all its deformity of human character, confusion and horrible consequen- ces. Well-bred children are generally a consolation and support ta their parents in affliction and old age. They also form supporters 188 EDUCATION OF CHILDREN, No. I. and ornaments of society. But when neglected in their breeding and usefuhiess, children too often become scourges to their parents, and moths or pests in society. Indeed, it seems as though Pro?i- dence had wisely ordained the chastisement of such parents, as wilfully neglect the good breeding of their offspring. At any rate, the contrast is surprisingly great, and shows the importance of bringing up children in habits of good manners and usefulness, to the neglect of accumulating and saving wealth, and especially be- yond a tolerable competence, or beginning.. Children left in the world with considerable or large estates, without the knowledge of accumulating and making a wise ap- propriation of their wealth, are like a purse without a sword, or a full storehouse without lock, or tender. They often serve as prey for pickpockets, and food for sharpers. Habits of industry and care, judiciously inculcated while the mind is tender and ardent, are more lasting, and less expensively acquired, than after the mind becomes callous, or occupied with useless impressions. Experience teaches the youth for cents ^ and dimes ; but she charges old blockheads for instruction, in dollars, and eagles — sometimes by thousands, and millions ! System is the very regulator of human actions, whereby rea- son is enabled to govern our passions, by deliberately and wisely planning out the general course of our conduct, beforehand. It does not, indeed, generally require one half the care and at- tention to manage our concerns, after they have been properly regulated or reduced to system. A man without system in his habits and concerns in life, is like a ship at sea without ballast, compass, or rudder, liable to be cap- sized by every gust of passion, or to be thwarted or carried astray by the tides, currents, and attractions of fortune. And yet, we should never be such slaves to rules, as to abide by them, when reason is clearly to the contrary. Mules were intended as leading-strings for simpletons and shack- les for rogues — but never should be permitted to cramp the geniuys of honest and enlightened minds. Children have a natural desire to know the meaning of what EDUCATION OF CHILDREN, No. !. 183 they see and hear about ; and, although their inquisitiveness i« often troublesome, yet they should be answered correctly, or not at all ; for, by deceiving them, bewilders and misleads their minds; but giving children correct ideas of things in the begin- ning, often determines their course and fortune through life, by setting them in a right way of reasoning and reflection. Parents often forfeit the confidence and respect of their chil- dren, by attempting to trifle with, or impose on their credulity and tender years : and in other respects, they sometimes employ the most effectual means to make their children stupid, sickly, treach- erous, or other ways troublesome. For instance, a sugar-plum or some other unhealthy or foolish knicknack J is given to a child to make peace. Hence it becomes a bounty for crying. " What are you crying for, Charles, you great booby ?" says an older brother, " why mother never will give me any thing unless I cry for it^'^ answers honest Charles. " Sally," said a too-indulgent mother, '^ how many times must I tell yoUy before you will leave off putting your hands into victuals set for other folks ?" " John, you rogue, you," said an unthinking mother, " if ever I catch you at that closet, again, stealing cake and sugar, I will whip you, AS sure as you live" — " Why, no, you won't, mother," answered impertinent John, shrewdly, " for you have told me so ABOVE a thousand TIMES !" If parents would have their children regard the truth, they should observe it themselves. Nothing could scarcely teach chil- dren more effectually to lie, steal, and to be otherways trouble- some, than such heedless and inconsistent conduct of parents. Children have got better memories, and are more observing of passing events, than parents are apt to imagine. As soon as children are capable of reasoning, (and that is earlier than is generally imagined,) they should be taught to ask, handsomely, for whatever they want, and reproved for crying without any reasonable or just cause. Because the services of children are not needed, or their first efforts will not compensate for instructing and keeping them em- 184 EDUCATION OF CHILDREN, No. 1. ployed, a suitable portion of their time, they are too often left to contract habits of indolence and mischief It is obviously the wisest and best policy that ever dictated or controlled any government, from that of children up, to hold out some bounty for extra good deeds, and to cause some deprivation, or chastisement, for a wilful transgression, or neglect of common duty. It is also important, both in a moral and political point of view, to hold out a reasonable encouragement for evil doers to repent and reform. " He that stumbles and falls not, mends his pace" — and not unfrequently becomes a better citizen after, than before, a petty transgression. After children come to years of sufficient discretion or under- standing, to know right from wrong, they often punish themselves for mischievous or disobedient conduct, and particularly if the subject is properly managed. For instance, instead of pitying the child for some petty hurt or injury brought upon himself by carelessness, or a disregard of the directions and warnings of proper authority, let the child know that it was the natural con- sequence or result of his disobedience, or want of proper care and attention. " Well, George, you have got stung — I told you the bees would sting you, if you went to plague them. I hope you will remem- ber next time what your father tells you." *' That's good for you, Sam — I don't pity you a bit — it will do you as much good as if I had punished you, for meddling with the chickens : did not I tell you the old hen would hit you a clip, if you did not let her chickens alone?" The human mind, in its infancy, is like a piece of uncultiva- ted ground, varying in its local situation, fertility, and productive qualities, and each having in themselves the seeds or germs of good, and evil. If the good and useful plants are not cultivated, weeds and briars will occupy the soil, and ultimately root out the gcions of virtue and usefulness. Vice is of a rugged and savage character. When it gets full growth, and its rule established in the human mind, reason has but little or no influence with it. Vice and ignorance, are generally at war with virtue and wis- EDUCATION OF CHILDREN, No. 2. 185 dom ; and wherever the wild, ferocious impulse of human depravity gets possession, every amiable and excellent quality of the human character, are soon strangled or expelled. Some people actually take more pains in bringing up and train- ing brute animals, to be valuable and useful in society, than they do in the good breeding of their children. But the error chiefly originates from the lack of proper reflection or timely reasoning on the subject. Remarks vn the Education of Children, No. 2. By endeavoring to impose on the minds of inquiring youth, bigoted and false ideas, parents, and teachers, not only violate a most sacred duty, but often bring themselves into contempt there- by ; for whether the parent or instructor thus errs from ignorance or design, the youth, when once he discovers the deception, will very naturally withdraw his confidence from such parents and teachers, in a greater or less degree. By cultivating the reasoning faculties of youth, by fair pre- cepts and examples, excites their gratitude, and exalts their honor and understanding ; but blinding and deceiving inquiring youth, provokes their worst passions, and often leads them to degradation and ruin. It is often astonishing, and quite painful to a sensible and re- flecting mind, to behold the miserable and worthless stuff" that is thrown in the way of children, or purposely given out to young people disposed to read — tending to tire their patience and occupy their minds to no valuable purpose, or to bewilder their under- standings, and corrupt their minds, and finally leave them mis- guided and discouraged in the pursuit of truth and human im- provement : Instead of forming a judicious beginning, and lining out a course for their improvement and future excellence. This early discouraging, or misguiding the minds of inquiring youth, often happens from the circumstance of the books having been given to the young learner, or cost little or nothing, or bfv 24 186 EDUCATION OF CHILDREN, No. 2. cause they had pictures in or about them. The poison pill was gilded — this food for the mind cost but little or nothing, and there- fore it may be taken, although in fact much worse than nothing. To say nothing of the absurd prejudices inculcated by the opera- tion ; it would be a waste of time and money, were we to instruct apprentices at the mechanic and manufacturing arts, agreeable to the rules, implements and operations employed in promoting those undertakings, fifty or an hundred years ago. After people have learned the better way, or come of sufficient years of discretion to be able to judge and choose for themselves, error is comparatively harmless. But books that are not judi- ciously fitted to their wants and capacities, should not be given to young people, ever inquiring after truth and human improve- ments. Wrong information is much worse than nothing. Books or matter that is- calculated to inculcate obsolete, bigot- ed, erroneous or useless ideas, are much worse than nothing, and better be destroyed, rather than kept to clog and distemper the minds of inquiring youth. A prudent man, would not give any thing to his hogs or cattle, that would do them more hurt than good — even although it cost him nothing. When the human mind is once set out right, in the pursuit of useful knowledge, it will often go alone, and is seldom or never tired, dicouraged, or fully satisfied. The intellectual appetite and capacity, increases by judiciously feeding and exercising the mind. It is a solemn and alarming fact, and one that ought to rouse the attention of our common people^ that most of the books and otiier matter employed for their education and instruction, are the systems and designs of weak, or wicked men — those, who, from the want of sufficient talents, correct knowledge, and industry, were incapable of the task, or others, who, secretly and hypocrit- ically demote themselves to promoting the ignorance, delusion, de- pravity and downfall of the common people. There cannot he too much excitement, and alarm given out oo the subject of educating and truly enlightening our common peo- SYSTEMS OF EDUCATION. 187 pie. I say our common people, for those in possession of extra* ordinary advantages of learning, wealth, or power — the natural aristocracy of a country, will hardly be expected to give a judicious republican education, and the light of proper intelligence and in- struction, to those, over whom they already triumph, and expect to maintain an ascendancy. Si/stems of Education. Our colleges and academies, or seminaries for promoting the highest branches of education, are chiefly governed by rules, reg- ulations, and authorities, borrdwed from the countries of mon- archy, and designed for the support of kings and privileged or- ders of men. They are not only adverse to many of the clearest principles and habits of republicanism, but often prove injurious to the morals and health of the students. A considerable part of the scholar's attention is devoted to the study of matter, that too often proves worse than a dead waste of his time and money, as they serve to burden and bewilder his senses, rather than enlighten his understanding truly, and guide him in the persuit of truth and public usefulness. Suppose we were to put those designed to learn the mechanic arts, to study and practice, according to the rules, implements and operations employed in promoting those undertakings, one or two thousand years ago; and then, after a few years instruction, apply them in our modern workshops — what would the thinking world say of such conduct? The prejudices, policy and conduct, that were designed to aid and support monarchy, or to pamper and indulge aristocracy, should be promptly eradicated from our systems and habits of life. Many of our young students, not only get their minds encum- bered and distempered with the dead languages, and subjects of ancient literature, so that they have little room or taste for a cor- rect knowledge of the living language, even of our own country, and a tnorough and practical understanding of modern sciences 1S8 SYSTEMS OP EDUCATION. and improvements ; but they too generally get their understand- ings bewildered and poisoned by the prejudices and hypocritical arts of king-craft and its subordinate agencies. The worst of this, however, is their afterwards insulting and bothering the pub- lic with their blind lingo and ancient learning.* Those who have exchanged the open air, plain, solid food, pru- dent dress, industrious and athletic habits of a country life, for the sedentary situation and mode of life, of a college student, most generally contract a hatred for honest industry, and a con- tempt for those who earn their living by it ; besides, they too of- ten pine and languish for the solid food and manly exercise of a country life, and spend their chief vigor in doing mischief. Here, too, the students get their aristocratic ideas, and habits ; that often keep them hankering after the privileges and pensions, conferred by arbitrary authorities on their favorites and tools. To prevent these habits and their pernicious consequences, and to create a love of industry, and a due respect for those who earn their living by honest labor ; a certain proportion of the students' time should be regularly applied to some useful bodily labor, in practising farming and mechanical operations. To accommodate which, there ought to be attached to every college, academy, or establishment for promoting the higher branches of education, an experimental farm, and an extensive mechanics' work shop, with every material and convenience ne- cessary to employ the students a certain part of their time, at set hours, and in convenient seasons, in practising farming, and some of the most useful and convenient mechanic arts and operations. They should practice both, occasionally, at convenient times and seasons, under the care and instruction of competent and judicious teachers of the diflerent branches. Such kinds of farming operations, as might be conveniently * Something like a man who had spent several years in acquiring the art of walking bar hoards, which he represented as preferable to the common way of walking. In order to show his superiority ovet his neighbours in this art, or rare accnmplishinmt, he took occasion to intro- duce the subject frequently — and generally to their no small disgust and Annoyance. SYSTEMS OF EDUCATION. 189 carried on upon a middling or small scale, and as would be of most general use, in affording the students proper exercise, and in- struction in the most general and important branches of farming : — including the cultivation of common fruit, plain gardening ^ with the raising of domestic animals ; together with a prudent and wise regulation and management of our domestic and private concerns. The students should be taught the different situations, charac- ters and qualities of soil, and how to cultivate and manage the same, to the best advantage ; the good and bad qualities of do- mestic animals, so as to distinguish, and raise them to the most useful purpose.* In fine, the students should be experimentally taught the science of good practical husbandry, upon a finished scale. The mechanic arts and operations selected for the students' exercise and instruction, should be those kinds and branches thai would afford them the most appropriate and convenient employ- ment, in stormy weather, and in the winter season. They should also be active, healthy kinds of mechanical employments, and such as were of general use. In their mechanical labors, the students might perform the chief part of the labor of building, and keeping in repair, work- shops and other buildings for their own use and accommodation. They might also do the principal making and repairing of many of the tools for their mechanical and farming operations ; with oth- er articles of furniture and domestic usefulness. The students might raise the chief part of the provisions for their own supply ; and get their own wood. They should always prepare their wood, and make their own tires ; brush their own boots and shoes ; shave themselves, and keep their own persons, and apartments, in complete order ; and be taught to perform all these operations in the best manner. * It is a fact worthy of uniTersal attention, that it generally costs as much to raise vegetables from bad seed^ and to feed and raise animals from a bad breeds as it does from good ones — the original stock only excep- ted : although the value of the product, often varies, immensely, in their actual worth. IW SYSTEMS OF EDUCATION. The man who has learned to select the materials, keep them in order, and shave himself, in a good and workman-like manner, has made no trifling acquisition to his comfort, convenience, and independence. Good manners, fit and becoming a republican gentleman, should always be inculcated and enforced in such institutions, as far as practicable and reasonable. The general principles of good morals ; and the theory and practice relating to health, should be judiciously explained and inculcated among the students. The students should early be taught a degree of political sci- ence, and economy, especially the general principles of our re- publican system ; and I think it would be well to have them form ' a jury, or arbitration, as occasion might require, for the trial of their fellow students, for offences against the rules and regula- tions of their school, or college, or for violations of good conduct in any respect, subject to the interpretation, correction and final control of proper authorities. At a proper period of their studies, the students should receive written or printed lectures or explanations, from competent teach- ers, on the various farming and mechanical operations they prac- tice, giving the reasons for their preference ; including a system of domestic economy, and the best private habits and management of individual concerns. These would not only afford the scholars constant guide and instruction, but they would excite improvement in every essential branch and particular. Students, and all in sedentary employments, should be taught, and accustomed to sit with their bodies as straight as possible — rather leaning back, than forward, so as not to cramp the stom- ach, or depress the digestive and vital organs and operations. A chair with rockers, leaning backwards, is peculiarly well cal- culated to ease and accommodate persons in habits of reading or study, by facilitating a change of position, and throwing the head and shoulders back. By getting up and walking only across a room, a few moments, every hour or oftener, has a tendency to promote and equalize the general circulations that renovate the body and mind. SYSTEMS OF EDUCATION. 191 Our college students, have generally contracted an effeminacy 6f character, and a contempt or hatred for military duty. This has been aided and encouraged, in many places, by an indulgence, or system o^ favoritism^ tending to boost them out of the reach of the chief burdens of military duty, by some short and delicate part — an easy and honorable appointment in the staff, or some of- fice of civil authority or exemption from military duty. This is the chief cause that has rendered military duty irksome, and filled most of our military offices with ignorant and unmilitary charac- ters. The fault is not generally with the rank a.nd Jile, for I never would elevate a man over me, who despised the common defenders of my country. The blame chiefly rests with our colleges and government. They never should nurse or indulge privilegd or- ders. When the nerves or muscles are tender, and the mind ardent, a degree of military exercise and instruction, gives a young man a prompt, efficient and manly habit — a correct attitude of body, a graceful motion, and a sense of patriotism and human excel- lence — in a word, a deportment and feeling that properly belongs to the scholar and gentleman, as necessary accomplishments, and especially those who are qualifying themselves for places of dis- tinction and high trust. A degree of military science and practice,'" judiciously iijrtro- duced and cultivated among our college and academical students, would contribute to their general health, as well as usefulness and eminence. There was a military spirit inculcated among the students of Dartmouth college, some time the latter part of the last century, that, although injudicious, in a degree, has been productive of some important consequences. For a length of time^ at least, it will be necessary to- keep up a prompt and efficient lUilitary spirit, in sonde shape or other, among our youth, and especially those qualifying themselves for distinction in the support of our national liberty and independence. There is a spirit, in a truly republican soldier, that justly ex* cites the admiration of every liberal and enlightened mind. Who indeed is there, worthy of the name of good and great, that doeii? 192 SYSTEMS OF EDUCATIOISr. not admire the character of Washington, Lafayette, Bolitar, RiEGo, and the thousands that have volunteered in the genera) cause of justice and humanity. Such a system of education, judiciously established and promo- ted, would not only preserve, but greatly improve the students' health, morals and habits of life, and at the same time afford hira much more suitable, substantial and useful information, than they usually acquire at our colleges ; and ultimately prepare them for the highest stations of public usefulness and eminence. Our college learned men would then be real men of business, possessed of a. practical knowledge of some of the most important transac- tions and concerns in the community. Many of the speeches, and other pieces selected for the instruc- tion and improvement of scholars, and particularly in their public declamations and exercises, are, in their general style of language and magnitude of subject, as much above the learning and capa- city of the young student, as a giant's armour and equipage would be beyond the size and strength of a pigmy. Hence we may not wonder at many of the empty, gasconading, dandy-like characters, that have " been through college" — mighty in sounds and imaginary worth, but feeble in practical and useful knowledge. Education, in order to be consistent, and useful, should, like a well proportioned tree, spring up from the centre, form the main body and limbs, and then increase in magnitude, height, num- ber and extent of branches, as the natural strength of the plant, and fertility of soil, will support. The first inquiries of youth, should be directed to matters suita- ble to their wants, and capacity to comprehend. The youth should always endeavor to acquire, at least a general history and knowledge of his own country, before that of any oth- er. And modern history and science should be taught before an- cient. The ancient custom of teaching morals by fabulous stories, wherein brutes are represented as the principal agents of intelli- gence, is absurd and pernicious, since real examples, and human characters, are sufficiently abundajit, and can be much better era- vSYSTEMS OF EDUCATION. * 19S pioyed for that purpose. It is not only difficult for children of common judgment and reflection to reconcile such stories with truth, or to draw moral or practical conclusions from them, with- out the powers of second siglit^ as it were ; but their minds often labour under a degree of delusion for a considerable time after, occasioned by the study of those fabulous subjects. We impose on the credulity and tender minds of children, false and ridiculous stories about the talking and other wonderful performances of brutes, and then leave them to get rid of the delusion, as they can. This is what some call playing the 4(^vil with children. Neither should fictitious cases be employed for the exercise and instruction of scholars in arithmetic. It is also important that the forms of business, and instruments of writing, selected for copies and practice, should be of the most approved in modern use. In this way the students would acquire a history of many real and important subjects ; and be finally taught to love and respect truth, virtue and human excellence, and to honour and reward in- dustry and usefulness, both by precept and example. Regular and manly exercise, preserves and extends the health and vigor, of the body and mind. The human mind effeminates and becomes debilitated, and of- ten highly diseased, merely from the want of proper exercise of the body. When the mind gets set, or unable to proceed in its intellectual labours, a judicious exercise of the body, generally affords relief, by enforcing and equalizing the circulation of the animal and vi- tal fluids, and thereby recruiting and renovating the energies of the body and mind. One young man, judiciously brought up and educated in this way, would be worth a dozen of those efleminate, lazy, labor- hating, ungrateful, haughty, hypocritical and worthless charac- ters, often produced by our colleges ; and let loose to get a living in society. Perhaps to cheat some honest female, by their ficti- tious acquirements and worth, and get a fortune by marriage ; or by their obscure language, and other hypocritical and juggling arts and designs, complex, garnish over and manage some profes- 25 194 COLLEGE LEARNING. sioiial policy, and take the advantage of their fellow beings, in the practice of schooUcraft ^ priest'craft^ Imc-craft^ medical-crafty literary-craft J or any of the family or subordinates of king-craft ; or in office-seeking, or other speculations and trespasses on the rights and happiness of others. The competition between our numerous college establishments and other seminaries for instruction, many of which are now get- ting into operation, will, it is hoped, ultimately improve the mat- ter and manner of education, and render them more consistent with our interests, habits and republican character. College Learning. The rules, regulations and authorities, that chiefly guide and control a college education, have a tendency against the general cause of truth, justice and humanity — by prejudicing the minds, corrupting the morals, and effeminating the habits of their stu- dents ; and finally excite and aid men, so interested, instructed and accustomed, in devising and employing hypocritical and base arts and designs, to degrade, rob and oppress the common people. Our colleges, have, indeed, too generally been schools of priv- ileged orders — nurseries of aristocratic pride, habits, ideas and interests. College learned men, for the most part, combine their know- ledge and talents, to bind up the light of Heaven and Earth in obscure language — to render a knowledge of the arts and scien- ces, tedious, and expensive, in order to exclude their light and benefit from the common people, and to secure to themselves un- due advantages. Spain, probably has more colleges and college learned men, in proportion to her numbers, than any other nation ; and who, un- der " hismo5^ catholic majesty," are the chief impostors and tyrants of that degraded and unhappy country. Who, in fact, but those who have been most indulged with ed- COLLEGE LEARNING. 195 ncation and other advantages, are the most base tyrants and impos- tors of the old world. Learning^ is power ; and extra learning or knowledge, is extra power. Why, then, should we give this extra power ^ indiscrim- inately to any one, without knowing their disposition. Those who have proved themselves the best friends and bene* factors of mankind, seldom have been educated and brought up at college. Christianity — which teaches mankind, among other excellent things, to do unto others as we would that men should do unto us, owes its origin, and the progress of its just, humane and benevo- lent principles, mostly to men who were not reared or educa- ted at college — who had no uncommon interests j learning or ad?, vantages, over their fellow men. Witness also the first charter of civilized rights, which de- clares, among other things, that all men are born free, and equal —entitled to certain unalienable rights, to it, freedom, and the pursuit of happiness. And so indeed are the most important improvements that have actually been made in the great cause of justice and humanity, mostly indebted for their origin and chief impulse, to men who were not educated or bred at college — or even indulged any way with extraordinary privileges over their fellow men. It is quite an extraordinary occurrence, for those who possess considerable advantages over their fellow men, to befriend the cause of equal justice. William Penn, Franklin, Samuel Adams, Patrick Henry, Washington, Jefferson, Roger Sherman, generals Greene, Put- nam, Jackson, with Rittenhouse, Pulton, and a host of our greatest and best friends and benefactors, were not brought up and educated at college. Watt, Arkwright, and Wedgewood, three mechanics, of Eng- land, have rendered more important sevices to their country, than probably most or all of their college learned men together, for the period of their active existence. 196 REPUBLICAN ENCYCLOPEDIA. Republican Encyclopedia. There is a great want, in this country, of a truly Republican Encyclopedia — a kind of universal dictionary — a publication giving a brief and explicit general explanation and account of the proper meaning of all the important words in common use, as they concern us in general, relating to history, geography, statisticks, biography, the arts, sciences, and human improvements. There should be nothing in it only what is of importance and general use, and given in our own language ; all alphabetically arranged under proper and intelligent heads, with plates or prints illustra- tive of the most necessary and important subjects, that could not be sufficiently described without their aid. Tlhe New Edinburgh Encyclopedia^ republishing in this coun- try, is a valuable and important work of the kind. The main substance of the matter has been re-written^ abridged, and gene- rally given in good language. Yet there is a considerable part in latin^ and much more that is objectionable, or worse than useless to common readers, as it greatly increases the expense of the work, detains its publication, and encumbers the volumes, to no manner of use, to at least ninety and nine hundredths of the people of this country in pursuit of general knowledge. It is cal- culated for men of extra wealth and learning — the natural aristo- cracy of a country. The volumes are much too large for common use, and for admission into ordinary bookcases. Besides, there is a great deal too much matter concerning foreign countries, and nothing nigh enough relating to the history, geography, statisticks, biography, arts, sciences and improvements of our oum country. In short, the New Edinburgh Encyclopedia is m&mly aristocratic ^ and foreign ; we want an Encyclopedia that is domestic in its matter and usefulness, and republican in form and manner. The publication should be undertaken by a number of persons associated in the general concern, one at least of whom should reside in every considerable state or section of our country, who should take ujjon himself the disposal of a certain number of co- pies, and to procure and furnish for printing, the original mat- REPUBLICAN ENCYCLOPEDIA. 197 ler necessary for the publication, relating particularly to his dis- trict or section of the concern. The work should be printed at some central and convenient place in our country, and conducted by an able and well qualified editor, with a number of assistants. There would probably be from six to eight volumes, of about the size of the English and Classical Dictionary ^ published at Burlington, N. J. in 1813. Or the volumes might be smaller and more numerous. More than three-fourths of the prints contained in the N. Edin- burgh Encyclopedia, are useless to common readers ; and many of the rest might be abridged and simplified ; and most of these might be executed by wood cuts, and printed off typographically along with the main letter work. This alone would make an immense saving in the time and expense of execution. There should be no prints bound in the volume over the size of two leaves. Maps, if larger, should be printed on strong bank- paper, and used in an atlas, with a limber paper cover. The volume should be completed, bound, and all the prjjits in their places, ready for immediate use, when the books are deliv- ered. Two volumes might be completed in a year ; and from ten to fifty thousand sets would meet with ready subscription or sale, if the publication is properly taken hold of and conducted, or sufl[i- cient assurances are given for the faithful performance of the work. Probably it might be afforded at from five to six dollars a volume, if of the largest size proposed, and proportionably less for a smaller size. Such a work would admit of constant improvement,^ from new matter alone ; and the utility and importance of the publication, would justify the belief, that a new edition might be immediately commenced, as soon as the original was completed, and so on, a third, fourth, &c. Such a publication would be most admirably calculated to col- lect, digest, concentrate, and diffuse throughout this extensive na- tion, a general knowledge of the world, and particularly of the 198 REPUBLICAN ENCYCLOPEDIA. history, geography, statisticks, biography, the arts, sciences, and improvements, of our own time, and country. The several volumes of this publication would constitute a li- brary, as it were, of themselves, for common readers. And one the most perfectly adapted to their general wants, circumstances, and convenience, giving a brief general explanation and description of all the most necesaary, interesting and important subjects of histo- ry and general science ; arranged under their proper heads, with references at the close of every extensive subject, to the principal authors or books that treat further on the same ; so that, if the reader desires further information on any particular subject, he is directed where to find it. Subjects of general importance to the common people, would be detailed the most minutely, and others of less consequence more briefly noticed, and so on in proportion to their general utili- ty and the public wants. The people of tliis country generally, and particularly those of a common school education, and those in middling circumstances, are most in want of such a publication ; where they can readily turn, in their leisure moments, when any circumstance or idea occurs on which they want to make enquiries, in regard to history or general science. By such a course of reading and reflection, their minds would be constantly acquiring the most valuable and desirable information, in the most effectual way to retain it, and at the least trouble, expense, and loss of time. The book-making'craft — those who wish to spin out every sub- ject to its greatest possible length ; those who have got large stocks of obsolete, useless or unsaleable books on hand — heaps of stuff*often not worth culling, or storage ; and those whose interest or policy devotes them to the promotion of complex, obscure and expensive systems of education : and in fact, all who are any way against employing the best means for instructing and en- lightening the common people, will feel interested in opposing the publication and sale of a truly Republican Encyclopedia. It may therefore be of some importance to bear these hints in mind. CRAFT. 199 Craft. Men often employ little subtleties and artifices, to deceive and rob, or enslave their fellow beings, quite similar to those used by fishermen, trappers, and hunters, to decoy and take wild game or animals of the hrute kind. For instance — Lottery brokers, halt with a few capital prizes, pompously fig- ured out on hand bills, containing flattering and deceptive accounts of the ** scheme ;" perhaps the lucky character of the oflice at which the tickets are offered for sale ! and other hypocritical allurements to induce the purchasers of tickets to expect a final gain ! and then hook their silly and deluded customers, with ficti- tious advances on the price of tickets, myriads of blanks, and a good round discount on the amount of prizes. Some lotteries have been managed to cheat in the drawing, and actual result of prizes ; and in some failures have taken place, so that the amount of pri- zes drawn, never were paid. Quack doctors and hypocritical nostrum venders, hait with their pretended remedies and cure-alls, and then hook you with, perhaps increased illness, or confirmed debility, or disease. At any rate, they are pretty sure to get their customer's money without giving them an equivolent of equal value in return. Venders of deceitful made wares, or articles of fictitious value, often lure and take in their customers, with as much deceitfulness, as fishermen employ, when they angle and take their game with an artificial fly. Banks, and brokers, often bait and decoy people into their pow- er and confidence, with accommodation discounts, when money is plenty, and when it becomes scarce, hawl in and take their customers in the snares of debt, vexation, and bankruptcy. Some banking companies — by displaying heaps of gold and silver on their counters, and by other manifestations of promptness and ability, have obtained a valuable currency for their pretty little pictures J and even induced people to deposite their money with them for safe keeping ; and some, by fictitious representations, or pretended profits, have obtained a premium, on the amount and 200 CRAFT. sale of their capital stock, and then managed to take the multi- tude of their confidents, in the trap of their specieless vaults, absconding integrity and responsibility. Grog-shops, are a kind of squat traps^ where old sottish block- heads miserably squander their time and money, and at the same time serve as a kind of hover ers, or decoy s, to entice silly boy? and other simpletons, to creep in and get their pates squashed, with confirmed indolence, intemperance, poverty, disease, debt, and perhaps crimes.* Prisons are often a kind of wire-trap, to those who foolislily run in debt, or treacherously pursue some object or impulse of evil temptation, and ultimately find themselves brought up and confined where they can look through, and see others outside the trap enjoying their liberty. Men sometimes unite to obstruct, or monopolize, the natural and fair course of things, and glide people into their power, as fisher- men build weirs across rivers to turn the fish into their pots and pounds. Tyrants and men in arms, often frighten people into the snares of slavery ; or take their persons and property by force, as fisher- men sweep and take their game with scoop-nets and seines. Unprincipled and designing priests, and lawyers, study to i\\ their puzzling " mi/strries," and perplexing and vexations ** un- certainties," to entangle and rob those in pursuit of political Jw tice, and divine happin^'ss, with as much art and diligence, a- spiders employ to make their webs and entangle the flies and * A person complaining" of grog-shops, (in their usual loose and un- guarded condition,) as the hot beds of indolence, vice, and poverty — the real nurseries of human misery and degradation, was called to account for his formerly having been an advocate for unbounded licenses to grog shops; when he explained and said, that at the time they referred to, he was practising law, and expected the chief part of his business and gains - from the improvident debts, quarrels, crimes — deeds of ignorance, want and depravity generally that originate in grog-shops : But now, he had done with the practice of law, and grog-shops only increased his insecii rity, and burden of taxes, in common with others in society. And. therefore, he did, most sincerely desire the decrease, and rigid restriction of, grog'ihops. CRAFT. 201 other weak insects, in their passages and other inviting places of resort. Lewd and other unprincipled seducers, hait and dexov unsuspi- cious virtue and innocence into their power and confidence, by false flattery, professed friendship, and apparent generosity. There is a method of hunting partridges, or pheasants, as some call them, by starting them up in the woods, on to the middle or under limbs of trees, by a little yelping dog, whose threatening and harmless blustering, engages the attention of the bird, while the huntsman deliberately approaches, unobserved, or unheeded, chooses his position and makes the fatal explosion. How many little yelpers do we often see striving to attract and pervert the peoples' attention, while some fatal adversary of the republic is choosing his position and taking deliberate aim at our national virtue, liberty, independence and prosperity 1 Some of our knavish and hypocritical politicians, have laboured to fix the public attention on some distant or harmless object, while they approached and secured their game : at one time, the haughty and corrupt tyrants of the old world, were just a going to swim over and devour the republic ! at another time the little yelpers of our own country, were the particular objects of terror and watch- fulness — they seemed to say, ** Look at the overgrown tyrants of the old world — see how they devour the common people ! watch their scenting ! growling ! crouching ! and leaping ! Watch the little yelpers of our own country — see they don't crites' robes and make the wretches feel, the stings of TRUTH, Human corruption and depravity, are measured by the con- trast, between precept and example, betwixt /^rq/csstow and practice. To profess fairly, and practice foully in reverse of one's profes- sion, is the very extreme of human corruption and depravity. Hence, those who pretend to act under the holy and sacred in- fluence and obligation of religion, or divine justice ; and those who profess a regard for the personal, or political rights, prosperity and happiness of their neighbours, or fellow beings, as a cloak or dis- guise of their real and base designs, betray the very excess of hu- man wickedness and depravity. A person who watches the conduct of religious professors, and judiciously compares their practice with their precepts or profes- sions, and the whole with the true christsan character, and bold- ly detects and exposes hypocrites and imposters, does more to promote the real cause of virtue and human happiness, than a host of idle declaimers — who preach without attending to the practice, and often prove, by their works, that they don't believe what they say. The same remarks may be apphed to false patriots, and political hypocrites, and impostors. ROBBERS IN DISGUISE. Robbers in Disguise. There is often a mistaken or base policy observed, in concealing a person's true character, circumstances, or situation in regard to property, and in omitting to expose the same, when they are known to be obtaining a credit, confidence, or consequence, be- yond their merits. Perhaps on false representations, or fictitious appearances of wealth, character, or responsibility, by which they are enabled to rob others of their property, or that which is equal- ly essential to their enjoyment. I should generally doubt the honesty of any person, who was unwilling to have their true character, circumstances or situation made known, and especially to those of whom they requested credit, confidence or assistance. Generally speaking, a person has no business to contract debts or engagements beyond their means of fulfilment. If this rule was only faithfully adhered to, a man seldom would lie at the mercy of his creditors. * It may be good policy for lawyers, and some description of sharpers, who make money out of the treachery and embarrass- ments of mankind ; but it is attended with ruinous consequences to the best part of community. That which conceals the truth, or induces people to remain si- lent, at the sight or apprehension of fraud, or injury meditated against a fellow-being, is at best, rogues' policy. Knaves, or bankrupts, in disguise, are not much unlike "wolves in sheep's clothing," or traps and snares set and disguis- ed to take fellow-beings ; and wilfully to avoid exposing them to the ignorant and concerned, is like a man's neglecting to give the usual notice or alarm, when he sees thieves preparing to rob a fel- low being, or the midnight incendiary setting fire to his neigh- bour's buildings. There is often a strange delicacy manifested about enquiring into a man's actual circumstances or situation, for fear of " in- juring his credit" — ^juBt as if the simple truth could wrong an homst man ! 228 EQUALITY OF PRICES FOR NOMINALLY If any person makes ^l false representation, or appearance, iu regard to tlieir wealth, character, circumstances or situation, whereby others are liable to be deceived and injured, it is our common duty to expose them ; and, surely, none but rogues and fools will complain of such a custom. Equality of Prices for Nominally the same Personal Services. There probably is no regulation between individuals, in our country, more unequal and pernicious in its general consequences, than that which fixes the same price, for nominally the same per- sonal services — as is the case among men of various professions and occupations in some of our cities. If all men of the same trade, profession or occupation, were equally capable, and faithful to tlieir employers, there would be some propriety in such a regu- lation. But as there is a great difference between the abilities, ciiaracter and trust of men of the same trade, profession and occu- pation, there certainly can be no justice or propriety in fixing pre- cisely the same price or rate of compensation for their norforining nominally the same service. Under such a regulation of prices, we should all generally cal- culate to employ onjy the very best of every trade, profession or occupation, since their compensation is fixed at the same rate ; although we might prefer others of inferior talents and skill, at a due and proportionate rate of charges — the same as we prefer dif- ferent qualities of goods, on various occasions, and for different purposes, at their appropriate worth. Physicians, lawyers, master and journeymen mechanics, sea- men, house and domestic servants, labourers, &/C., are sometimes included under this regulation. It would however be just as fair and proper, to have uniform and fixed prices for all articles of merchandize, of the same kind, without any regard to their vari- ous qualities and real worth. One piece of calico may be worth only 20 cents the yard, and another 7.5 cents, from their dif- ference in quality — and yet a yard of calico is a yard of cali- THE SAME PERSONAL SERVICES. 223 CO, and both may render essentially the same service. The same kind of goods have different prices attached to them, on account of some specific and material difference in their real quality and worth. This extra high price which we pay for articles of su- perior worth, as for the most excellent personal services, is gene- rally designed to compensate and encourage real merit. Both the public and individuals are wronged by this regulation of prices. A few of the best of every profession and occupation, subject to the regulations referred to, get much more business than they can do ; the middling and inferior ones, being obliged to charge at the same rate for their services, have not often half em- ploy—although they might have a full share, at just and merited prices. The result is, they often have to seek employment and do work under the na?ne of others, and have only dipart of what is actually paid for their labors. Established master mechanics — for instance, watch-repairers, tailors, and the like, under such regulations, in some of our large cities, are said to do piece or job work for others of their profes- sion, and receive only about half the price that is finally paid %r the same — the surplus goes te increase the riches of those, who have, otherways the advantage. Had those customers or persons for whom the work was finally done, came direct to these master mechanics who did their work, and paid them three-fourths of the price they actually gave, they would have paid at the rate of three dollars, instead of four^ and those who did the work, would have received at the rate of thret dollars, instead of two. And besides, in this way, there would be nothing extra furnished on the mechanic or his customers to in- crease the riches of those who have already the advantage. This operates something like the European system of tenan- ting and under-tetanting. All combinations for affecting such purposes by force, should be put down, as conspiracies against merit, reason, justice and hu- manity. A nominal amount of work, or service, performed by journey- men mechanics, seamen, labourers, domestic servants, and the like, by no means justifies the payment of the same wages ; for 224 SATAN'S TAX GATHERER. one may be strictly honest, temperate, punctual in his attendance, and careful in his attention and business to the interests ofhia employer ; civil, and exemplary in his general conduct, and in every respect the most capable, trusty, ^n^ faithful of any of his profession or occupation, while another may be the reverse. By giving the opposite character the same rate of wages, for nominal- ly the same work or service, lea/es virtue and merit unrewarded and unencouraged ; and no doubt this rule of compensation is the scheme of some knave or blockhead of the defective class, to raise their services upon a par with the best — with real virtue and merit. We might almost as well attempt to fix an equality of prices for every article of the same name and quantity, without any regard to their various qualitivs and actual worth. This custom of fixing the same price or rate of wages for nom- inally the same personal services, has an unjust, immoral and an- ti-republican tendency ; and all combinations and efforts to effect or enforce sucli regulations, ought to be prohibited and promptly fginished by law. iSatans Tax Gatherer. A MAN who hired horses and carriages at a livery stable, com- plained that the same price was exacted of him, as was asked of the most profligate and uncertain customers. He said that he was well known to the livery man, to be a safe and trusty person, who always used the horses and carriages well, gave a true account of the use he had made of them, and paid down in cash for their use, and yet he perceived that no higher price was asked, of the most precarious and unworthy customers ; and even most of that amount, was booked, and the payment deferred, and much of it totally lost. The livery man agreed that this was a fair statement of the ease ; but said, with intent to justify himself, that he was obliged to ask more of honest men, than he other ways should do, in or* SPECULATING NOBILITY. 225 der to make up the amount or proportion that dishonest and pre- carious characters cheated him out of. Then, replied the customer, you tax honest men for the benefit of rogues ! So does every body, who do not make a suitable difference in price or terms, between an honest customer, and ready pay, and a knave, and uncertain pay. Speculating Nobilit I/. There is a kind of self-created order of speculating gentry, in this country, who claim extra privileges. They are generally to be found formed into little knots or par- ties, in almost every considerable city, town, district or section of country, co-operating to enforce their claims to a part of the earn- ings of the vulgar, and particularly to a share of the profits of every considerable enterprise or undertaking, as due for their in- fluence and indulgence. This order of gentry commenced their career soon after the revolutionary war ended, in public security^ soldier note, and new land SPECULATIONS. It so happened, that some of them soon got bit, and then bit others, until the speculating mania became a kind of general disease, affecting, by turns, almost every considerable interest or branch of business in the union.* These little knots of speculating gentry, (which are mostly composed of lawyers, traders, bank managers, brokers and sharp- ers — many of whom are in the exercise of some office or public employment,) generally claim a participation, or share of the * During the rage of new land speculation, at one period, a shrewd character, who happened among the speculating gentry, at one of their head quarters — on hearing some hoast of the mighty sums they had made by their speculations, (probably done to lure him and others to take hold,) coolly said, that was nothing : — when he was a hoy, he made Jt/ty thousand dollars, one morning before breakfast, only just f^APPiNfi '29 226 SPECULATING NOBILITY. prqfitSy at least, of every new establishment, enterprise or under- taking of any considerable magnitude or prospect of gain. When they are unsuccessful in their endeavours to obtain a direct or indirect participation in the profits ; or even when they think they have not been sufficiently consulted, or their advice ad- hered to, in the commencement or progress of the business, scheme or undertaking, they frequently manifest their policy and resentment, by endeavours to embarrass, or upsef the whole con- cern, and speculate on the rttins ! In which case, lawyers and sharpers are pretty sure to make a good haul ! The bank making business, and their ultimate management, and consequences, has afforded them an almost boundless harvest. To gain an interest in the profits of an establishment, enter- prise or undertaking, these knights of speculation, generally offer to aid with their influence^ or protection * or a degree of credit, or real capital ; but in most cases they contrive to avoid the actu- al hardships and hazards of the business ; and some how arrange the same, so that they can control its operations, and embarrass or arrest its progress, at pleasure : so that, if they finally find they can do no better, they can generally sweep the whole, or wreck the concern and speculate on the ruins ! It seems to be quite a matter of policy and calculation, with this order or fraternity of speculating gentry, to induce young and inexperienced persons to commence business ; and others to en- large, or engage in business beyond their skill, capital, or means of managing to advantage : and also to excite unwarrantable com- petitions in business ; and to influence or induce mankind gen- erally, to borrow money, and otherways involve themselves, un- necessarily : and all to increase their own influence and control, and to multiply their chances for final spoil and speculation, out * It is believed that piracy, negro stealing, treason, counterfeiting, smuggling, swindling the public, and individuals, and the like enterpri- ieSi, have uccasiooally engaged the interest and attention of some of this order or fraternity of speculating gentry: who generally contrive, in such cases, to manage rogues as their tools or instruments for robbing others, without subjecting themselves to the penalty and odium attached to the execution of the ofiences. SPECULATING NOBILITY. 227 of the embarrassments and wreck of human fortunes and under- takings. Something like wreckers who hoist y«/5c /2^/i^5 to lead vessels in the night, on to shoals and breakers, that they may gain something by theft, salvage, or spoils out of their unfortunate vic- tims. When there are two or more doing business in company con- cern, these speculating gentry — when they are unable to effect their purposes by other means, sometimes endeavour to seduce one or more of the concern, to league with them, against the rest, for a participation or share in the spoils thereof! After a breach or wound has been effected in the fortune or un- dertakings of a person, who is not of their fraternity, or under their special influence or indulgence, and particularly if caused by their attacks, their greedkiess and ferocity, for completing his destruction, sometimes seems truly horrible. The cries and blood of the wounded victim, increase the fierceness and cruelty of the greedy pursuers. When any one is firm enough, or has sufficient hardihood, as they often term it, to resist their claims, and especially to remon- strate with them on their conduct, and expose their transactions and designs to the public, they frequently manifest a disposition, quite similar to the despoilers and despots of the old world. I think it might be well to have this order of speculating gen- try, duly recognized and established by law, with appropriate badges and decorations or marks of distinction, that the public might know them, at once, and pay them the homage that prop- erly belongs to their rank and importance ; and that they might receive a pension, suitable \6 their merits, without having recourse io forced contributions and loans, to support their dignity and in- dependence ! It often seems greatly to disturb the temper and calculations of these enemies of human rights and integrity, to see a man quietly enjoying the just fruits of his own ingenuity, industry and enter- prise, or usefulness. Like the Jews, (probably from what has been recorded by their master Moses,) they seem to regard labor as a curse, and there- fore contrive every scheme to avoid it themselves, and to dishonor it in others. 22d BALANCE OF POWER. While these speculating gentry are permitted a participation, or controling influence in the transactions and affairs of govern- ment, honest industry and merit must pay them tribute, for there is scarcely a chance or possibility of avoiding the effect of their combined power, influence and designs. Balance of Power. The doctrine and idea, of a balance of power — an equality of strengthy so as to be always able to repel force to force, being necessary between civilized nations, in order to preserve their rights ; and which some pretend is indispensable— even between different parts of our own government, is a bigoted error, or hyp- ocritical fallacy ; and particularly as relates to our own country, where there is but one acknowledged source of sovereign author- ity, and is not, or should not be, any clashing between different and contending sovereigns. In this political union, Each are but parts, of one united whole ; The people's voill^ the sovereign and the soul. The late bloody and desolating conflict, that long kept Europe in tears and agony, to regulate this pretended magic of human government, has left the matter just about as doubtful and unset- tled, as it found it. Conflicts between despots, raging for slaughter, plunder, or do- minion, should have another name. But in this country, where there is but one acknowledged source of human power and au- thority — ^where the sovereignty is entirely in the free will of the people, such a thing as a balance of pmoer, is a hypocritical fallacy, or belongs to some of those bigoted ideas of misguided and bewildered politicians — who, the more they think, the less they know. This matter, however, has been fairly settled. I once saw two flocks of sheep approaching each other, in a large open pasture, when two old rams, which had long headed CAUCUS SYSTEM. 229 each flock, stepped forth and ended this mighty question of a bal- ance of power, by a tremendous bunting conflict. Trained to fight ; proud of dominion, and eager to control, the two wary chiefs, after fiercely eyeing each other, for a moment, menaced the terrible combat, and soon settled it, by one's having his neck broke ! The two flocks, although strangers, had no disposition to quar- rel with each other, and there being no haughty and rival chiefs to conflict with each other, or contend by force for a balance of power, all remained in peace and general harmony. Caucus System. When there was two great political parties in the United States, nighly equal in numbers, contending for different pWwci- ples of government, and both violently struggling for supremacy, necessity seemed to justify the concentration of party forces, in favor of the most popular candidate, through the recommendation of a few confidential leaders, as an expedient for the particular case, or as a choice of evils. Since the violence of party contention has mainly subsided, and the principles of our government have been established, in a measure,^ by precept and example ; together with the general increase of political information ; caucus nominations have be- come less justifiable in principle, and more dangerous in prac- tice. To those who regard them, caucus nominations have assumed, in a great measure, the form and force of law^ restraining their subjects from the free exercise of their rights and best judgment as FREEMEN — SO that they have almost done thinking and acting FOR THEMSELVES. When preparing for an election, instead of ex- ercising their own reasons and best judgment, in the selection of suitable men for the various public offices, they generally inquire of some caucus master or manager, " who are the candidates to he voted for ?" and then put in their ballots accordingly ; ard 230 CAUCUS SYSTEM. ^ generally without venturing to say a word in objection, for fear some caucus spy or informer will reporl them to their masters or head men, for punishment — proscription and persecution. All this is generally done under the hypocritical pretext of ne- cessity, (that general excuse for outrages upon human rights,) in- order to prevent a defeat of the republicans — although it is plain that those who manage to affect a government of the many, by the few, through the discipline and dictation of a caucus system, are not republicans in practice — whatever they may have been, or now profess to be. Many of the caucus masters, talk precisely as aristocrats do, in the energy of their power and control — that we, the common people, must give up our opinions, to the direction and manage- ment of a few knowing ones! The man, who is so nominated to an elective office, generally feels much more dependent, on the very fete, comparatively, who nominate him, than the many whose suffrages he finally obtains through the artifice. The districting of the states, for the choice of representatives in congress, presidential electors, state senators, and the like offi- ces, has been studiously deferred and defeated, in many instan- ces — under some hypocritical or quibbling pretext, in order to de- tain the only plausible excuse, at present, for caucus nomina- tions ; and which is, that the freemen generally are not sufficient- ly acquainted throughout a whole state, to make suitable selec- tions — although they might do it within their own district, if the states were so divided. And, therefore, the candidates must be picked out, by a few knowing ones, for the freemen to choose ! Some, have endeavoured to assimulate a convention of dele- gates, to a caucus, and to regard all as regular nominations, made by either ; there is however a total difference, between the acts of men, duly chosen, authorised, and instructed, by the people, and immediately assembled for the express purpose of making a suita- ble selection of candidates t9 he recommended for an election to a particular office, and a voluntary meeting of individuals — without authority, instruction, or responsibility — perhaps composed of men, mostly actuated by their own personal vanity, or a con- SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE. 231 tempt for the peoples' rights and best good, holding up particular men as duly nominated for certain offices — a kind of usurpers, alike dangerous to republicanism, and odious to a genuine repub- lican spirit. Sovereignty of the People. It is admitted, that the sovereignty of this country, is in the people, and that their will, fairly expressed, is the supreme law of the land. But, who are the sovereign people 1 By the laws of the different states, various qualifications are re- quired to admit a person to an efficient voice in the public con- cerns. In some, if not in most of our states, men of color are not allowed to be qualified and vote ; in Virginia, a freehold, or a certain amount of real estate, is required, by existing laws, to qualify a man for voting ; and in other states, the qualifications required, vary, until they come to what they call universal suff- rage — although even this seems variously construed. In strict political justice, every good and efficient member of the community, should be, some how, entitled to a voice in the common concerns thereof — Perhaps every free-born, white, male citizen, of common good sense, information, and character, after they have become twenty -one years of age, while they contribute to the general defence of the country and government, by the per- formance of their military duty, or by the payment of a speci- fic and appropriate tax for the general support, should be intitled to a voice in the selection and appointment of public servants. This power exists in the living members of the community, to exercise for all just, necessary, humane and reasonable purposes, for the general good, as the perpetual sovereigns of the country ; and in whom power is annually changing, in a degree, from the hands of one set of men, to another, by old ones going off, and new ones coming into active life. Hence it ia very absurd to suppose that, the sovereign acts of one set of freemen or voters, should be any further binding on Z32 IMPROVEMENTS IN LEGISLATION. their successors, than the public faith had been justly and necessa- rily pledged. Ten years may change a majority of the whole freemen or vo- ters of a state, by the loss or reduction of those who go off, by death, removal out of the state, and by ceasing to be qualified, and by the gain or addition of those who come in, by coming of age, moving into the state, and by getting qualified to vote. If this was not the case, we could destroy the liberty and inde- pendence of our successors, hy Jiiing every thing unalterably, be- fore they come into active life, and thereby prevent whatever im- provements human experience and wisdom might justly require for the general good. Improvements in Legislation. The main object of all actual improvements, in legislation as in other arts, sciences and operations, is to produce the most perfect and desired result, and with the least trouble and expense. An incorporated body, or any association of individuals in want of a plan for a building, or a device for any intricate and compli- cated subject, would generally prefer offering a premium or suita- ble reward for the best production that could be offered : by which means, they avail themselves of the best and most suitable talents in the country, and at the same time accomplish the object in view at the cheapest rate. Suppose a state, or nation, in want of a new, or revised and improved constitution ; or a system of taxation or revenue ; or a code of civil, criminal, or military law, or a code of original or improved law for any particular purpose — instead of assem- bling a host of delegates to deliberate from day to day, in order to devise and form the same; they would generally ac- complish the object in view, much better, and at far less trouble and expence, by seasonably making their wants known, with the oflTer of ample premiums or rewards for the best production that could be offered for the purpose ; and then, at a given time, when delegates were assembled, they might make their choice or selec- tions, and assign rewards. MERCY. 23S Whenever it should be thought expedient for a state or nation lo license associations for banking, insurance, and a variety of other purposes, under certain circumstances, regulations and re- strictions, consistent with the general good — by simply enacting one uniform and general law for the purpose, would accomplish the object in the best manner, and at the least trouble and expense. There would be a degree of fairness and impartiality, in such a measure ; and all who were similarly situated, or able to comply with the general and required conditions of a charter, might ob- tain the same without a special act of legislation for their particu- lar purpose. A legislative assembly, could not then be approached and teased^ ox juggled with — corrupted, and half their sessions wasted, by public robbers and beggars in pursuit of extra privileges. Legislatures are generally too numerous, heavy and expensive bodies of men, to be employed on subjects of private claims, or individual and separate cases ; where the actual expense of legis- lation often exceeds the whole value and importance of the claim, or matter acted upon. (How absurd, too, is it to judge from ex- parte evidence, which is generally done in such cases.) This legislating by inches, is too small work to employ such nu- merous and expensive bodies upon, and generally costs the people much more than their work is worth. A well regulated general system of laws, would do away most of the troublesome and ex- pensive legislating, singly , on private claims, and individual or separate cases. Mercy, The knaves and hypocrites of the world, have twisted the MEANING of words, in order to pervert them to their base and crooked purposes, until many important sentences in common use, have no definite and practical application. Among which, that has not been noticed under their respective titles, is the word MERCY. 30 hi LITIGATION. According to the most common and important application of this word, the act of suspending, or finally annulling a judicial sentence, or public actor decree, incurring a penalty, is an act of mercy. If a wrong act, sentence or decree, has been produced, from the ignorance, haste or evil intentions, of a legislative body, or judicial tribunal, to correct or annul the same, is an act of jms- ticc: but to interrupt or defeat the execution of final ^'ms^icc; and especially to favor the guilty and unrelentmg, is any thing but an act of mercy. Mercy is nothing but complete justice, in a high moral and political point of view. To suspend, or annul an unjust or imperfect law, or an errone- ous and cruel sentence, is an act of final justice. It is an act of mercy, to interfere with and restrain a rash and cruel mandate, or master, in favor of justice and humanity ; but to favor the evasion of justice, or any way to facilitate the designs of the unprincipled, is a base and unmerciful transaction. God is always just and merciful. Eternal justice and wisdom are the immutable attributes of His nature. Justice to the guilty, is mercy to the innocent. Litigation. A LITIGIOUS spirit has been so artfully excited, and so long in- dulged, in some places, that as soon as a considerable lawsuit is talked of, the parties fly to arms, and endeavour to enlist, or press into their service, the prejudices, passions, interests and feelings of their neighbours and fellow-men, each on his own side of the case. Thus conflicts are sometimes aggravated and spread to an immense extent, involving those within their range, on one side or the other, like a civil war ; and all, too, frequently about some tri- fling circumstance, hardly worth minding. The same conflicts, in some instances, if only divested of the " colour of law," might be construed into vicious assaults, or disturbances of the common peace- LITIGATION. 235 This litigious spirit has been so thoroughly cultivated, in many places, and especially where lawyers have a controlling power, that it has become a common disease — inflaming, corroding and de- stroying the peace, virtue, prosperity and happiness of the body politic, like the fiery and acrimonious humours of a cancer upon the human body. No wonder that lawyers, who gain most of their wealth and power, by unnecessarily exciting, aggravating, complexing and prolonging litigious and inquisitorial struggles, investigations and quibbles, should study to keep mankind at variance as much as possible ; but that fellow-beings — neighbours, even professed Christians^ should encourage one another to quarrel, and be treacherous — " to see which ckn do the other the most harm,'^ in litigious warfare, is truly infernal. What a scene is this for the contemplation of a virtuous and re- flecting mind ! Lawyers no doubt often laugh in their sleeves, to see what fools we are to quarrel for their benefit. Do we reflect on the consequences of fostering— enriching and elevating to influence and power, a host of hard-hearted and hy- pocritical inquisitors? Will they not, one day, form the chief tools and machinery of a haughty and overbearing aristocracy, and rule^us with a rod of iron ? Who, indeed, that comprehends all the secret springs, windings and bearings of human policy and cunning, and does not see the future designs of an odious and overbearing aristocracy, growing out of an intricate and compli- cated system of laws, aided by a host of other crooked transac- tions and subordinate designs, and particularly favoured by the late (1819-20,) embarrassment of the times? Did any one ever consider how lawyers were aiding their own private policy and future gains, by the establishment of a great number of banks — not putting them under proper regulations and restrictions ? inducing people to borrow money unnecessarily, and to enter into numerous and unwarrantable speculations 1 The embarrassments, frauds, and human depravity that would final- ly result, or grow out of them, to the great benefit of lawyers ; and, in a degree, every description of sharpers, and others inim- 236 « LITIGATION. ical to the rirtue, liberty, independence and prosperity of the people ? And are not many of the measures devised and applied to keep of justice— or unjustly embarrass and defer the payment of honest debts, and otherways professedly to relieve the embar- rassment of the times, of the same crooked policy and charac- ter ? together with many of the swindling defalcations, and other loose uses of public funds ? If such are the interests and designs of lawyers, (and their par- ticular participators and tools,) are they a proper set of men to manage the public concerns ? Is it safe for the public, or indi- viduals, to entrust both sides of a cause, or concern, to men of Me same professional and other views, lest they should form a secret understanding and designedly play into each others hands? — Such a concern is by no means improbable, if not highly suspi- cious, more especially when in the employ of ignorant or unsus- picious persons, and of dependent and defenceless individuals. Wherein does the litigious inquisition, materially differ from the holy inquisition ? It is true, the holy inquisition managed their affairs chiefly in secret ; but has not the cunning and in- trigue of lawyers formed nighly a substitute in some of our courts, by having the chief ceremonies performed openly, while the real motion and design are governed by secret springs and machinery, managed behind the curtain or out of public view ? — The king of Spain, has probably found a litigious inquisition, a good substitute for the holi/ inquisition, in enforcing his schemes of plunder, persecution and oppression. Some of our litigious inquisitors, are certainly as zealous in the cause of fraud, persecution, vexation and oppression, as were the knights of the holy inquisition ; and are nighly or quite as expert in effecting confiscations , and in the contrivance and application of racks and tortures ^ (though some are of a different construc- tion,) especially against the real friends and benefactors of man- kind — the common subjects of the most bitter hatred and perse- cution of both inquisitors — holy^ and litigious. In order to avoid, as much as possible, the ruinous effects of litigation^ some have expressly provided, in their wills,* con- * See Washington's will, for one. KEEPING JUSTICE OFF. 337 tracts, and other doings, to refer all disputes or differences arising therefrom, which the parties cannot settle among themselves, to the adjustment of an arbitration. Such examples have greatly alarmed the craft, for the decline of their power and gains ; who have generally manifested their malice and designs, by studying to wreak their vengeance on such instruments, and their authors and patrons. But are we to be thus plainly told, with impunity, that if we study to avoid the vexatious and ruinous snares and fangs of litigation, as much as possible, by a candid and peaceable reference or settlement of differences among ourselves, without the aid or intervention of lawyers, that we shall suffer the utmost vengeance in their pow- er ? Not, I trust, until we invest them with the sovereignty of the country, and acknowledge them our masters. , The following may serve to give some idea of the disgusting and ruinous effects of litigation, to those who have never experi- enced any of its baneful consequences, or otherways had the sub- ject properly brought home to their own interests or understand- ings. A man of high respectability, who was originally a practising lawyer, but who had been in a high public office for several years — having a suit of his own, wherein he employed another lawyer to assist him ; on complaining to his assistant lawyer, of the un- necessary delays, quibbles and expences, indulged by the court, the latter charged him with inconsistency, and expressed much surprise that he — a man who had practised law twenty years or up- wards, could not have patience to get through with one suit, when it became his own concern. To which the original replied and said, that he was situated, something like a man who had lived so long upon skunks, that he fairly sickened at the sight of a burrow ! Keeping Justice off. Deferring judgment, or execution, in indisputable cases ; 23« KEEPING JUSTICE OFF. carrying suits from one court to another ; putting over trials, from term to term, of suits pending in the same court ; are ail artifices too often resorted to. under some fictitious or frivolous pretext, to indulge intrigue and seduction, in favor of profligates and knaves, and ultimately to increase the wealth and influence of lawyers, and others who are interested in the profits of vexa- tious, tedious and vnntcessary law proceedings. Merely the unnecessary delays^ that are indulged in some of our judicial and executive proceedings, are often more injurious to one or both of the parties, than the final judgment. Justice is prompt, and reasonable, and always has the cause of virtue, and the good of the community, in view. The painful and protracted amietieSy to which the parties are subject, during a protracted or deferred contest, or decision of a case, wherein they have any considerable interest at stake ; the dangers of intrigue and corruption^ which time generally favors with opportunity for indulgence ; the interruption and injury oc- casioned to the private interests and concerns of the parties, as well as the ordinary increase of expenses, attending delays ; all powerfully co-operate to urge a prompt and manly discharge of the judicial and executive duties. Receipting property taken on execution and then sueing the receipt, in order to keep off the collection of money due, and favor delinquents, lawyers, and sheriffs, is a most shameful prac- tice. By preventing the payment of one debt, often embarrasses the settlement of others, and ultimately occasions numerous other suits. A judge, who had practiced law a number of years, l>efore his judicial services commenced, remarked to a neighbour one day, to whom he had just paid a hundred dollar bill, that the same bill had passed thi-ough nine different hands, within forty-eight hours, and had been the principal medium of cancelling nine debts — some debts being more, and others less, than the exact amount of the bill. That, had not the first payment been made, probably many of the others would have been neglected ; and had suits been brought in all the cases, the cost, vexation, trouble and sa- TERRORS OF LAW. 239 crifices of time and property, that would have resulted, would probably have exceeded the amount of the bill, several times. This may serve to show us, in some degree, the importance resulting from the prompt fulfilment of our engagements; and which should be encouraged, as a matter of principle, as well as g^)od policy, by the real friends of human improvement, and prosper- ity. Terrors of Law. In many places, the mere threat of a prosecution, especially for any thing of a disputable nature, strikes a kind of terror on the person threatened, however free he may be from having given any just provocation or grounds for an action ; for the trouble, loss of time, interruption of business, anxiety, vexation and expenses attending his defence, beyond what the courts generally allow in cost, if he finally '' heats, ^' amounts usually to a sacrifice or seri- ous injury. But the horrible uncertainty of the law, at last, is one of the greatest terrors, with an honest man. I have heard of a lawyer, (sometimes called the village despot,) who became so terrible, in his intrigues and management of ca- ses, that some of the inhabitants actually stipulated to pay him a certain annual fee, {tribute,) that he should not engage in any suits against them — not do them any harm ! I knew a lawyer, who was emphatically styled the king of ter- rors, fi-om his prodigious power and influence, in bearing down all before him — right, or wrong. I never learned whether any stipulated to pay him tribute, for fear he would do them harm ; but it was pretty generally known that he had amassed an immense property, by grinding and overbearing those who coald not resist him. 24e MOST HONOURABLE PROFESSIOA. 3fosi Honourable Profession. What is a lawyer's oath ? and how many of the profession re- gard it ? Does the lawyer's oath, practically bind him, to consult his cli- ent's actual and best good ? Does he advise and assist his cli- ents, truly and faithfully, to the best of his abilities, to avoid go- ing to law as much as |)ossible — to pursue a fair and honourable course of conduct towards all men, and when differences occur, which cannot well be avoided, or finally settled by the parties, without too great sacrifice, to endeavour to effect a peaceable and fair reference of the same, to other men ? especially when he knows that justice is more generally to be expected, and with far less delay, anxiety, trouble and expense, than is generally to be apprehended from ordinary lawsuits. Is there one lawyer in ten, who has had considerable practice, that can truly say he has not repeatedly, and knowingly occasioned his clients unnecessary trouble, delay, anxiety, loss, hazard, or expense, to favor his own private gain or other purposes ? If a lawyer gives his client wrong advice, or loses his case by sheer indolence or carelessness — where is the remedy 1 Or sup- pose a lawyer should manage your cause designedly, to have it terminate unjustly, or against you, (which is not very difficult, nor perhaps uncommon,) without pitblickly seeming to violate his duty — where, then is your remedy, or safety against such designs ? After entrusting a lawyer with the secrets of a cause, your hands are, as it were, ** in a bear's mouth." If you find your con- fidence misplaced — that he is incapable, indolent, careless of your concern, or treacherously inclmed, you cannot safely go on, nor retract — he can do pretty much as he pleases with you, and yet leave you no remedy. Lawyers have their own peculiar interests, prejudices and feel- ings, and are much more experienced in the art of disguising their intentions, than people of most other professions. Where then is the safety or propriety of entrusting them with our dear- est interests and concerns, and especially without any competent i MOST HONOURABLE PROFESSION. 241 authority to watch over them, and to bring them to a proper ac- count for their misconduct ? Inquisitorial authorities have generally studied to rob, persecute and oppress, men of extraordinary virtue, genius and worth — the best friends and benefactors of mankind : although they have oc- casionally varied their pretence and method for accomplishing their purposes. Let us not, then, mistake the object of all human crafty since actions speak louder than words. The man who comprehends the human character, with all the various interests, prejudices and policies that influence and control the diffeient sit- uations, and habits of life, pays little regard to the hypocritical professions of men. Men who are professedly so pious and holy, that they can do no wrong ; and those who are so learned, liberal and patriotic, or honourable and exalted, as to be above all suspicion or accounta- bility for their conduct, can hardly be too strictly watched and guarded, especially when possessed of considerable trust or pow- er. If we look into the real history of the world, we shall find that mankind have been shockingly robbed, enslaved and tor- mented, under fine sounding titles and pretensions. The following is an extract from Mr. M'Duffie's speech in con- gress, published in a Washington paper, of March 31st, 1826 ; and may serve to show what some of the self-styled " most honour- able profession," conceive it proper for them to do. Says Mr. M'Dufliie, " I have been for seven years of my life engaged in the constant practice of the law — a profession in which every body knows it is the duty of the advocate to vindicate right and wrong INDIFFERENTLY, by every argument or artful appecd, that can af- fect the judgments, the passions, or the prejudices of men." It would be a burlesque upon reason and common sense, to suppose that a virtuous and enlightened being could, seriously ad- vocate right and wrong with indifference, and designedly use de- ceitful and unfair means to accomplish his purposes ; and, cer- tainly, no such man could rationally conceive it to be his duty, so to do. We need not often wonder at the result of a practice, so revolt- ing to justice and humanity. 31 242 COURT OF CHANCERY. Contempt of Court. What is a contempt of court ? May a judicial officer, however high in authority, seize an individual, at his own will and pleasure — become accuser, evidence, and judge, in his own case, and sub- ject the person to fine and imprisonment, agreeable to his own will, for what he may please to consider a contempt of his judicial dignity or authority ? This is certainly an extraordinary power, if it really does exist, or is tolerated, in this land of professed justice, liberty, and equal- ity. Our rights, surely ought to be better defined and protected. A judge, may, it would seem, circumscribe or abridge the ne- cessary freedom of enquiry, and give poin/ and colouring to evi- dence, to gratify his partialities, or to affect his crooked policy and designs ; or he may otherways conduct himself so as to merit the contempt and indignation of every virtuous and deserving observ- er, and yet hU judicial sanctuary protects him against every effi- cient correction. Like a king or sovereign prince, he can do no wrongs in the exercise of his judicial sovereignty. Court of Chancery. It is not a little remarkable, that these anti-republican tribunals should have been so long tolerated, as they have been, in this re- publican country — taking from us, almost at the pleasure of the court, our boasted right of trial by jury ; and subjecting causes of unlimited magnitude or amount — involving a man's fortune and rep- utation, to the decision of one man, who sits as legislator and judge — makes law to fit any particular case, and then judges to suit himself! The following will serve to show the character and operations of one of those courts in England. " Court of Chancery — When Mr. Erskine was one day pressing the case of a client with great earnestness, in the court of kings' bench, lord Ellenborough, a little provoked at his perseverance. COMMON LAW. 243 observed to him that his client might carry his case into cjiancery. Has your lordship, replied Mr. Erskine, the heart to send a fellow creature there ? The force of Mr. Erskine's observation will be understood from the case of Sir Watkin Lewis. He has a case now in the high court of chancery, that has been pending 47 years. Thirty years ago the present lord Chancellor acted as counsellor for him in the court of Exchequer. The property which he will be entitled to receive when the case is ended, is .£35,000 sterling. In the meantime Sir Watkins is a prisoner for debt in the fleet prison. The last time the case was in Chan- cery, the noble lord told him that his appeal to the house of lords should be laid before the committee of appeal with all possible despatch. He has another case in the court of Exchequer, in which he has property to the amount of <£75,000. About one tenth of the sum would relieve him from his embarrassments. The lives of his wife and daughter have fallen a sacrifice to the vexation of this long suit in chancery." The English papers mention this case without any marks of censure or even surprise. The truth is, that such occurrences are too common in England to excite wonder. And yet there are people in this country who would persuade us that the English system of law, " is the most stupendous fabrick of wisdom that was ever reared hy the genius of man.^^ — Portland Argus. Note. — These courts most generally are called courts of chance- ry, but in some places, (probably to avoid the infamy in which many hold them by this name,) they are called courts of equity. I believe, however, it would often be more appropriate to denomin- ate them courts of chance and iniquity. Common Law. This subject, is so vague, complex and unintelligible, that it would perhaps puzzle any one to define, accurately, what is gen- erally regarded as common law, in this country. — It is not written or statute law — but custom, chiefly grown out of the practice and decisions of British courts, to be found in their 244 COMMON LAW. law reports, giving particular cases and the grounds or principles on which they were decided. These are quoted in the proceed- ings of our courts, as precedents, rules, or authorities for guid- ing the decisions of similar cases. They are not, I believe, re- garded as absolutely binding on our courts, but may be followed, as far as our judges think proper to indulge them. These rules or law authorities, are perpetually augmenting, by the continued practice and decisions of the British courts ; which, together with the practice and decisions of our federal, and highest state courts, — (which are perpetually augmenting, and form part of our common law,) make perhaps the most com- plicated system of laws, that any other people on the globe are subject to : and among which, something may generally be found, to serve as a precedent or authority, for almost any decision, however right, or ttrong. It is not indeed uncommon, to have a number of these law authorities, quoted for^ and against^ any particular point or decision urged in our courts. No wonder that lawyers should hail the uncertainty of law, as glorious for them ; but it has indeed already proved, vexatious and ruinous for the people. The importation of new law doctrines, established by the con- tinual practice and decision of the British courts, are sought for as eagerly, by some of our law characters, as the London and Paris fashions of dress are, by our tailors, milliners and mantua makers.* One maxim of the British law, in regard to libels, is, *' the greater the truth the greater the lihel.^^ This infamous doctrine was absolutely cherished, for a while, by many of the learned, in this country. It has indeed been considered as an indulgence, of the court, to allow the truth to be given in evidence, in defence of actions brought for alleged libels. Yes, and let the fact be re- membered, too. * An Englishman, on hearing an American boast of the Independence of our country, said he should like to know what our independence con- sisted of — that he should think brother Jonathan might go alone, by this time, but he perceived we still followed the leading strings of mother Britain ! COMMON LAW. 245 Nothing can be more absurd, than to suppose that laws, design- ed for the subjects of an old, arbitrary and corrupt monarchy, are fit examples for a young, virtuous and rising republic ; al- though it might be readily admitted that some of their rules are worthy of our adoption. But first let them be severally examin- ed, and established as the laws of the land, by proper legislative authority, and published as such, before they are regarded as bind- ing, or even as legal doctrines of our country. It is really a common, and most dangerous assumption of power, for the judicial authority of our country, to make law, as well as administer it.* Are the enemies of our liberty, gradually and artfully forming us to the rules and habits of monarchy, for their ultimate purpo- ses ? Let republicans beware ! Complicated and intricate law systems, reqiiire lawyers to ad- minister them. The more ignorant and corrupt mankind become, the better for lawyers. But when the laws are rendered so intricate and complicated, that the common people cannot understand them, then, good by to your liberty ! Laws that are so complex, vague, or intricate, as to require men of extraordinary learning, or wealth, to understand and use them, were never designed for a community of republicans. They are, to all intents and purposes, privileged laws. The following is an extract from Judge Trumbull's letter, late- ly published in the newspapers, concerning Mr. Sampson's dis- course, delivered before the Historical Society, N. Y. (and pub- lished in a pamphlet,) on the origin and nature of the Common Law ; and carries its own important convictions with it, to Amer- icans of common sense and experience. " Since the establishment of our Independence, nothing can be more servile, nothing more absurd, than to consider the decisions of the Judges in Westminster Hall as precedents binding on our own courts, or entitled to any authority, but what is due to the ac- * Chief Justice Saunders (of Britain) boasted that he made more laws than Kings, Lords and Commons. 246 COMMON LAW. curacy of their investigations and the force of their reasoninge. We ought to abolish all those intricate forms and fictions, which we were obliged to adopt, when under the dominion of Great Britain ; to throw aside the mass of useless rubbish, with which we are encumbered ; to simplify our forms of contract, convey- ances and judicial proceedings ; to reduce our law to plain, fixed and general principles, and enable our courts to do every thing by direct process, which they can now effect only by circuitous modes, and through the medium of artificial fictions, always un- necessary and often absurd and ridiculous." The following is from the learned president Cooper, of Colum- bia College, South Carolina, and is extracted from his letter to Counsellor Sampson, (published in the news papers,) on the fore- going subject. "I havcread, with much interest, your lecture on law ; the public is greatly your debtor for the honest and independent view you have taken, of a system based on the ignorant notions of our half savage ancestors, and exhibiting a superstructure worthy of its origin. What business have we with a code of landed proper- ty founded on the aristocracy of the feudal system." " Is it not a disgrace that the glorious uncertainty of the law should be verified by 1200 conflicting decisions?" " Our common law varies in principle and in application with every change of the bench." " Our own legislatures unwittingly combine with the lawyer t© make the laws so voluminous, so wordy, so unintelligible, that they serve only to bring, not the law, but the lawyer home to every man's door. While the unwritten code of common law i» any thing that the lagislative propensity of the common law bench may choose to make it. Then again our servility to the English decisions in this country — to decisions made by men proverbially and contemptibly ignorant of every subject but the technics of their profession, is disgraceful to us. We seem content to remain in perpetual infancy, and venture no step out of our imported go- cart." *' I am almost inclined to think with Barlow, that when a man applies to a lawyer, he is like a hero of the eastern tales, who INDEPENDENT JUDICIARY. 247 boldly mounts the back of a griffin, and takes all the risks of his temerity, in complete ignorance of the course he is to be carried. Is it impossible to do as the greatest man that ever lived has done ? Is it impossible to draw up a plain code of principles, in language without verbiage, and intelligible to a plain man ? I think not. It becomes America at least, to try it. Uncertamty arises from con- flicting principles of law, and dissonance in their application to individual cases. The first course of uncertainty we might sure- ly get rid of; and that would be doing a great deal. A set of plain and honest legal principles and rules, would go near to establish a code of ethics. — Every man in the community would be wiser and honester for it. But then it must be drawn up with the brevity and precision of the French code ; which, imperfect as it is, yet stands an honor to the age that produced it." Independent Judiciary. The idea of having the judges of our courts, placed beyond the control of their constituents — unless for some flagrant offence, or capital violation of their official duty, is so palpably absurd, and inconsistent with our republican creed and policy, that 1 cannot believe the subject has been duly considered by the people of this republican nation. Of whom are the judges to be rendered independent ? why, Of their masters, the sovereign people ! But why not have legisla- tive, executive, and all other public servants, appointed for life or during good behaviour — that they may act "wiih. firmness , and be INDEPENDENT of those they were appointed to serve — so that they may, in fact, look down upon the sovereign people with contempt J Suppose we had a clergy, too, rendered equally permanent, or independent of the approbation and control, of those whom they were appointed to serve, (with or without an organized and su- preme or temporal head,) how long would it be before the people of this country would be as miserably dependent, as the half eir- slaved people of the old world ! 248 INDEPENDENT JUDICIARY. To day you select those considered best qualified to perform the highest judicial offices in the state — they are from forty to fifty years of age, consequently, if they were to be disqualified by death or old age, at seventy, they would have an average of twenty-five years to serve. In the mean time others might come forward and be possessed of far superior qualifications ; and those in office might decline from what they were when first appointed ; or when tried, their abilities and fitness for the station might prove inferior to what they were expected. And yet, according to the notion of an independent judiciary, the judges first appoint- ed cannot he superseded or replaced, without being impeached and convicted of some flagrant offence, or capital deficiency, or violation of their official duty. By a silent vote, the people can prefer and elect to office, whom they please, and without seriously implicating or injuring any one else — ^provided the right is not usurped or obstructed by de- spotic rules or men. There seldom are individuals to be found, willing to take upon themselves the trouble and responsibility of bringing forward and supporting the impeachment of a high judicial officer, however faulty he may have proved, for there generally is powerful combi- nations, and efforts made to justify the most artful and corrupt offenders in such cases — from prejudice, and a variety of direct and indirect participations, and other interested motives. So that, when we duly consider the trouble, expense, delay, and final uncertainty J of an impeachment, it scarcely can be said to afford any remedy against the misconduct, deficiencies, and evil inten- tions of a high judicial officer. An experienced lawyer, once made judge for life, or during good behaviour* may generally calculate to indulge his crooked •"It would be pretty difficult to determine what was meant by '•^ good behaviour" in such cases, if wemay judg-e from the conduct of many in undisturbed possession of their judicial offices, and others who have qui- etly occupied the stations before them. Any thing that answers their own crooked designs, or serves the general purposes and poUcy of law- crafl^ especially if well managed, seems to stamp the character of aD «6/c judg'e. INDEPENDENT JUDICIARY. 249 policy and inclination, without much serious apprehension. — When it suits his purposes to decide according to the public opin- ion, he can quote popularity for his justification, and when he sees fit to treat the comK.jn interest and sentiments with contempt, and follow his own inclination and purposes, he can then make a virtue of his independence. So that the latitude for his indulgen- cies is sufficient to embrace every enormity. Many people, no doubt, would be willing to act as " a judge in the land" — to exercise judicial sovereignty, without any salary, or other compensation than the mere gratification of their own per- sonal prejudices, pique, or inclination and designs against parties and individuals ; more especially when they can be permitted to sit upon the tlirone of judgment, alone, and to send down ven- geance, instead of justice, upon their fellow-men, without any in- spection, explanation or practical and sufficient responsibility for their conduct. In the British government, where there is tliree sources of pow- er or political sovereignty — namely, the Mng, the nobles, and the people, it is important that the judges should be rendered free from the immediate power and control, of either — and especially of the king, who appoints them ; so that the judges may act with a de- gree of independence, as administers of justice between the par- ties. But even in that government, the judges are removable on the address of both legislative houses. But, in this country, where there is but one acknowledged source of power or political sovereignty, such an establishment as is termed an independent judiciary, is absurd, and highly danger- ous to our best interests. A court composed of a single judge-, is much more despotic, anti- republican, and dangerous to the rights and liberties of mankind, than one composed of three or more ; because one man, is much easier, and of course more liable to be ' approached and prejudi- ced, or corrupted, than three or more. One man acting as sole Says Mr. Jefferson, in his letter to W. T. Barry, " We already .■see the power, installed for life, responsible to no authority, (for impeach- ment is not even a scarecrow,) advancing with a noiseless and steady pace, to the object of consolidation." 32 250 INDEPENDENT JUDICIARY. judge in a case, might retain to himself, and indulge secret and base designs against a party, or individual, while it would be diffi- cult or impracticable to influence three or more judges wtth the same unworthy designs, or for them safely to unite in the accom- plishment. Besides, a court composed of a considerable number of judges, would be more likely to retain or include some of the common interests and feelings of justice and humanity, than a court composed of one man ; and certamly, a number of persons, can see, hear and understand, more of the evidence and proceed- ings before a court, than one man. A court composed of three or more judges, would commit few- er errors, and give fewer occasions for new or second trials — of- ten resorted to for the correction of errors occasioned by a single judge. The proper duty and business of a judicial officer, is to admin- ister the laws within his judicial location and capacity, and to cause them to be carried into effigct, faithfully, and impartially ; and requires no more indef>endence or sovereignty of power, for the protection of his official conduct, than that of any other office of equal magnitude. A judge is certainly nothing nigh so much exposed in his person, character or fortune, as sheriffs and constables, who execute the laws. There is not an equal number of men in office in the United States, who are generally so despotically inclined, as the judges of our highest courts. If the subject was once fairly and understand ingly considered, and acted upon by the sovereign people, I believe they would ren- der all the judicial offices u|X)n a par — and, with the legislative and executive branches, make them directly subordinate to the public will, deliberately, fully, fairly and understandingly ex- pressed. Judicial officers, like other men, should be held accountable for the injustice and injury they occasion parties or individuals, by gross violations of their proper duty — or it should be admitted, at once, that they, like kings, can do no wrong. The new and sovereign decrees^ issued by some of our court? LAW -CRAFT. 251 or judicial officers, often excite nigh or quite as much interest in this country, as those proclaimed by emperors and kings, do ia the old world. Law-craft. This crooked, quibbling, wolf-hearted and self destructive craft or policy, in a national point of view, is preying upon the best in- terests of society — destroying, as it were, the very vitals of the republic ; and highly deserves some explanation, and attention oh the part of the public. Perhaps a volume would hardly contain all that might be appro- priately detailed under this head ; I shall however only state some of the most general acts and distinguishing characters of the craft, that will not be found under other titles. Lawyers have been so much indulged, with the power of legis- lating and making the laws, as well as in the managing , pleading, judging y and final execution thereof, that, in many places, they have formed and exercised a kind of political inquisitorial SOVEREIGN lY, over the common people ; and have finally involved human rights in such a train of litigious perplexity, vexation and uncertainty ^ as to place us pretty much at their own sovereign will and control. Many of the forms of legal instruments of writing, and other law proceedings, bear ample evidence of law-craft, in their unne* cessary intricacies, complexity and obscurity. The following extract from the form of a deed annexed to Black- stone's commentaries on law, may serve to begin with, as a speci- men of the form of one of the writings alluded to, and of those the craft generally choose to employ, wherever they are sufficient- ly indulged.* * " Wilson's farm, containing- by estimate five hundred and forty acres, be the same more or less, together with all and singular houses, dove houses, buildings, stables, yards, gardens, orchards, lands, tenements, meadows, pastures, feedings, commons, woods, underwoods, ways, wa~ 252 LAW-CRAFT. In some parts of our country, the title to real estate has been rendered so intricate, obscure and uncertain^ as to have given em- ployment to a profession of men, to search out the title, and make an entire new and expensive deed ; and after all the purchaser is not sure tiie deed conveys an actual title, until after a given time has transpired ! Whereas, all that is necessary to convey the title to real estate, is a simple instrument, containing a brief general description of the property, defining its bounds, quantity, and terms on which it is sold. The common appurtenances properly belonging to real estate, are generally understood. At any rate they do not require a definite description in the deed. After a deed has been sign- ed, and the act of sale acknowledged before a proper magistrate, (in order to render the title and conveyance of real estate more permanent and secure than ordinary property,) by having the deed entered for record at the clerk's or recorder's office, before any other transfer, or hold of the property, has been made and there entered, (as is the custom in some places,) is a straight, practical and sure way to confirm a title to real estate. Blind^ or sleeping titles, should never be tolerated, or permitted to exist, to real estate — nor in fact, to any other kind of proper- ty : no good and sufficient reason can ever be assigned for such a practice. Mortgages, or the pledges of real estate, in some places, are subject to quibbles, delays, and expenses, that are as unnecessary, as they are injurious to the best interests of society. There is, as they call it, a suit for the equity of redemption, and frndAfore* closure. Every quibble and uncertainty may be easily avoided, by sim- ply having the exact conditions of the mortgage, and the manner ters, watercourses, fishing privileges, profits, casements, commodities, advantag^es, emoluments, hereditaments, and appurtenances whatsoever to the said capital measurage and farm belonging or appertaining, or with the same used or enjoyed, or accepted, reputed, taken or known, as part, parcel, or member thereof, or as belonging to the same or any part thereof." LAW-CRAFT. 253 of proceeding to the end, duly defined and fixed beforehand, by a uniform and definite law for the purpose. "When the legislative wisdom of a certain state was convened, and several complicated bills had been projected, for the avowed purpose of preventing the passing of bills from unincorporated banks, or individuals, all of which were considered insufficient ; an individual told some of the leading members, that they had only to make it penal for issuing or using printed bills, without a license or act of incorporation, for no other bills could be render- ed sufficiently intelligible, and sure against counterfeiting, to ob- tain general circulation. This was allowed to be sufficient ; but it was too plain to suit the craft — every body could understand it ; so that they would not want any legal advice on the subject ; nor was there any blind or crooked crevice to entrap the ignorant, or to encourage the knavish to attempt to creep through or other- ways evade the law. In settling the accounts of a deceased officer, who died nigh the close of the revolutionary war, his heirs employed lawyers, as is usual, to prepare and bring the matter before government, where, after being kept along, (as is also usual,) for several years, (in the true litigious style,) the amount of about ten thousand dollars, was finally recovered — but only about one-sixth of which came to the heirs — the rest was claimed by the managers, as their own charges and expenses in procuring the settlement ! How many of our soldiers have been unrighteously, and unne- cessarily kept out of their pay, or bounty lands, for several years, and thus exposed to sharpers on the way to justice 1 the payment of pensions embarrassed, or delayed, for the purpose of feeing lawyers, or indulging sharpers ? The settlement of deceased persons estates, in many places, is subject to the same kind of robbery, vexation and delay.* Ai^d yet, the principal authors and managers of these frauds, vex- ations and cruelties, have the hypocrisy and impudence to boast 6f their regard for the patriots of our revolution, and for the faith- *See the last clause of Washington's will^ by which he endeavoured o ^uard against the snares znd fangs of law-craft. 254 LAW-CRAFT. fill soldiers of our country generally, and style themselves, the friends and protectors of the widow and orphan. When, and wherever the common road to justice is thus usurp- ed, or infested with robbers, who study to render the way darkf hazardous and ezpcnsivf, that they may the more readily embar- rass, detain and plunder the passengers therein, it is high time the guardians of justice and public safety, should attend to their duty -—clear and protect the road to justice. Instead of applying our ingenuity, time, and capital, to usefu/ purposes ; if mankind would direct their talents and enterprise, to schemes of fraud and villainy, how much better it would be for lawyers, since every transgression generally brings a job or two for them ? Those who are taken for forgery, passing counterfeit money, robbery, theft, swindling, and a variety of criminal and other offences, generally give most of the money they have wronged others of, to the lawyers they employ to facilitate their evasion of justice ; and the lawyers employed against them, on the part of government, or individuals, get another fee ; so that lawyers cer- tainly have a powerful interest in the multiplication and increase of criminal and other offences.* If only the malicious, and unnecessary suits, that are brought, together with the unnecessary delays, vexations and crpences, that are indulged in other suits, were properly punished, discouraged and finally prevented, more than one half of the ordinary business and gains of lawyers, would cease. It was the opinion of Lord North, that the amount or value of all the cases decided by lawsuits, in England, fell short of the charges and general expences — that law suits, generally, cost more * How much more profit would lawyers g^enerally derive, from setting- ingenious men by the ears — in exciting and keeping them at war with each others rights and best good — in exhausting their time, talents and property in lawsuits and vexatious disputes about their rights, reputa- tions or other concerns, more than they would derive by the harmony, and united co-operations of such characters, in useful undertakings, and in ultimately promoting the general good f* LAW-CRAFT. 255 than they come to — owing to the ruinous quibbles, delays and ex- pences, indulged. No wpnder ihdX perjury should be excited, and its punishment connived at, or finally evaded, since the use and gains of lawyers is promoted by every increase of human depravity, and the intrica- cy of examining witnesses, and of every thing else that relates to law proceedings. Ambiguous and obscure terms, often used in law proceedings, are extremely absurd and perplexing ; for certainly every thing that concerns the public, should be given in the plainest lan- guage. The craft are extremely fond of resorting to what they term spccm/ pleadings ; causing new or second trials ; and of trying ques- tions of law ; in which they often display a prodigious sight of " law knowledge ^^' and perseverance. In their perseverance, lawyers sometimes put one in mind of the cunning of the old squaw ; who had a bottle of rum put into her hands to take a mouthful, just to hold in her mouth to allay the agonies of the tooth ache, when, after letting a number of mouthfuls of the exhilirating liquor slip down her throat, in her pretended efforts to hold one, she exclaimed, with extacy, " / clare ! Til try twenty times hut that I make urn stick P^ Lawyers often plan out a good many fine jobs for themselves, by trying questions of law, at other peoples expense ! (I here enter my solemn protest against legislating at the expense of individu" als. If there is any parts, points or passages of law, that require interpretation or improvement, let them be referred back to pro- per legislative authority, and there discussed and settled at the public expense ; and duly promulgated or made public as law^ be- fore they are rendered binding.) There has lately been one mighty question of law going the rounds of discussion, between the state of Virginia, and the Co- hens, lottery brokers, which I shall here briefly notice. This question, involves an absurdity, too common in legisla- tion, of government, expressly instituted for the protection of the people against fraud and evil temptations, licensing, by spe- cial acts, % speciei of gambling, and not of the least pernicious i:66 LAW-CRAFT. kind, especially as lotteries and the sale of tickets, are usually conducted, of late years. The following is the case referred to : — The tickets of a lotte- ry, licensed by congress, in their acts of legislation for the inter- nal government of the district of Colombia — whether they can be sold in any of the states, against an express law thereof — when congress have no delegated authority to grant lotteries, even in their capacity of legislators for the general government of the Unite 5 states, but which right is reserved to the states, and is by them exercised. The acts of congress, in their capacity of legislators for the internal government of the district of Colombia, have no more authority, certainly, than a single state actijig in unison with the general government ; and nobody can pretend that such an au- thority could annul the political sovereignty of the individual States. If it were possible for congress to get at an object in this way, without any express authority, and against the usages of the sev- eral states, why then, the little district of Columbia might serve as a place to fix iheir fulcrum upon, and upset the sovereignty of every state in the union, under pretext of legislating for the inter- nal government of the said district. Horse-racing, cock-fighting, bull-bating, pugiling, farrobanks, billiard tables, wheels of for- tune, brothels, in fact almost every kind of gambling, lewdness, and barbarity, might be licensed throughout the union, by con- gress, in their acts of legislation for the internal government of the little district, however hostile to the laws and well being of the several states. The agitation and progress of this " law question," has probably been productive of considerable employment and profit to some of the craft. But are men who agitate and prolong such quibbling, worthy of public confidence and employ ? The fact is, the craft are so strongly interested in having ignor- ant and corrupt citizens, and intricate, complicated and expen- sive law systems and proceedings, that but few of the profession of lawyers, it is feared, are real and sincere republicans. Like the ecclesiastical inquisitors and confessors of the old world, they LAW-CRAFT. 257 derive so much power and profit from the ignorance and depravity of mankind, that they are strongly inclined to foster the sources of their gains and advantages, under some shift or pretext. At one time, this craft seemed chiefly devoted to an energetic policy — the masters of which, were the principal contrivers and arbiters of an unequal, oppressive, cruel and relentless system, favourable to the learned, rich, haughty and overbearing, and op- pressive and ruinous to the common people. When this became so odious and unpopular as to be no longer practicable, upon an open and general scale, from the increased information, power and influence of the common people, the craft then professed to turn round and embrace more just, liberal and enlightened views of public policy, (many turned editors!) but hypocritically became the chief plotters and managers of a loose, profligate, shuffling, or swindling policy — favourable to rogues — exciting and facilitating defalcations, bankruptcies, frauds and other offences, of almost every description, to the very great inju- ry and discouragement of honest industry, integrity and fair deal- ing, and to public usefulness generally — in order to /ca mined to embarrass, pervert and defeat every effort for improving the road to justice. Like the haughty and corrupt tyrants of the 21i THE INTEREST AND DUTY OF FREEMEN. old world, they seem resolved to throw every obstacle in the way most to baffle the progress of genuine civilization^ and to yield nothing but to absolute force. The Interest and Duty of Freemen. We are generally too much in the habit of puffing great men, or tliose possessed of considerable fame, influence or authority, and of concealing their real faults. This cowardly, hypocritical and sypophantic course of policy and conduct, is a shameful and dangerous deviation from our duty, both as Christians and repub- licans. Many of our pretended biographies, are mere eulogies. Their subjects are prodigies, or all perfection from their very birth. Franklin wrote his own history, and candidly admitted his faults and errors — which he studied to retrieve and amend. It would be important for mankind if all histories had been written with as much candor and faithfulness. The best friends and benefactors of mankind, denounce the errors of those from whose conduct and examples we generally have the most to apprehend. The founder of Christianity, and its first faithful teachers, plainly told the faults of men in power. Witness the following bold declaration of Jesus Christ : — " Beware of the scribes, which love to go in long clothing, and love salutations in the market places. And the chief seats in the synagogues, and the uppermost rooms at feasts. Which devour widows' houses, and for a pretext make long prayers. Wo also, unto ye lawyers ! for ye lade men with heavy burdens griev- ous to he home, ye yourselves touch not the burdens with one of your fingers. Wo unto you lawyers ! for ye have taken away the key of knowledge !" Look also to the declaration of American Independence, and there see what the fathers of republican justice and humanity, told our unjust and despotic rulers. Some, from fear and cowardice, and others from a treacherous THE INTEREST AND DUTY OF FBEEMEN. 273 policy and design, flatter and fawn round those in possession of considerable influence^ wealth, or authority. Error becomes dangerous, in proportion as the source from which it emanates, is elevated. We should habituate ourselves, freely to examine the policy and conduct of public servants, as truly becomes the proprietors and actual sovereigns of this vast and improving country. I probably entertain my due share of respect and esteem, for the illustrious individuals who have been chief-magistrates of this nation. Yet they were fallible beings, like ourselves. Washington, can scarcely be said to have had a public fault. If, in the wane of life, those who enjoyed his confidence as friends, undertook to deceive him, and to use his good and great name as a cloak to their evil designs and purposes, it was no fault of the man. His good sense — honesty, wisdom and general consistency of conduct and character, most contributed to his unparalleled excel- lence. The eldet president Adams, although ardent in the cause of our independence^ was, it is believed, by constitution, education and habit, rsither inclined to aristocracy. Discipline, however, probably brought him right at last. Jefferson, with all his goodness of mind, philanthrophy, con- sistency, and regard for republican justice and equality, lately headed a petition to congress for exempting from the common importing duties, classical books for the promotion of extra learn- ing. Madison's pardoning about forty pirates at one batch, after they had been taken, tried, and duly convicted, at New Orleans ; and some other weaknesses or indulgences of nighly the same character, probably led to much, if not most of the late piracy. The late war, blundered and lingered under incompetent'leaders, until the people got roused to their public dangers and took a de- gree of their national concerns into their own private hands. Monroe, in addition to some of his predecessors pardoning weaknesses ; has been endeavouring, (though probably with good intentions,) to do away party — which is as necessary for the pr«- 35 i274 THE INTEREST AND DUTY OF FREEMEN. servation of free government, as bile is to that of the human bod} His " era of good feeling s^^^ or general truce of party vigilance and inspection^ (the forerunner of numerous and immense public defalcations and delinquences of duty,) let the enemy into the very heart of the republic, and so confused and confounded right and wrong, friends and foes, profession and practice, that it has become extremely difficult, without long and critical inspection, to tell what a man's political principles are, or whether, in fact, lie has any principles or established rule of conduct. Notwithstanding the numerous, loud and glorious sounds — it is the opinion of some, that the substance of real republicanism, was probably never more fatally declining among us, than at the present day : And that this is manifested, chiefly by the neglect of duly educating the common people — their growing ignorance and political apathy, resulting from their want of adequate intel- ligence and instruction on subjects of general interest and con- cern, and their consequent neglect or misdirection of personal at- tention thereto — while the most extraordinary exertions are ma- king to promote the extra education, elevation and interests of a priviledgedypir, and mainly at the expense and degradation of the many ; the introduction and prevalence of frivolous, effemin- ating, hypocritical, demoralizing and corrupting fashions, manners and customs, favorable to the existence and growth of aristocracy — right from their fashionable hotbeds in Europe ; the growing dread and contempt of every thing that truly bears the name of honesty and public usefulness, and the consequent schemes and efforts to get a living without work, and to make fortunes by per- nicious speculations, *' tricks in trade," corporation and other swindling, and the like spoils on the common virtue and industry of the country ; the increase of pauperism, begging and spung- ing, under a variety of hypocritical and frivolous pretexts, tend- ing to check the growth and exercise of manly, self-dependent feelings and actions, and to bring the common people into a kind of cringing, fawning dependence on the few, more wealthy, in- fluential and powerful ; and, above all, the alarming multiplica- tion and increase of criminal and other offences, with the various and detestable excitements thereto, and the growing facilities and exertions to evade good and wholesome justice. All tending, roost OF A SYSTEM OF BANKRUPTCY. 275 powerfully, to promote the ignorance, inequality, delusion, pover- ty, depravity and downfall of a virtuous and free people. It is certainly to be feared, that the vigilance and enquiry that was awakened at the latter part of the last century, into the prin- ciples and actions of public men, and to the measures of govern- ment generally, is sinking into apathy, and finally yielding up to a low, hypocritical, local, personal, degrading and ruinous policy. General Policy and Fruits of a System of Bankruptcy . The British government have done a great deal to recruit and support the rotten cause of monarchy and aristocracy in their country, by a system of bankruptcy ; which is of itself a privi- ledged law — exciting and promoting commercial gambling and swindling — tending to impoverish and corrupt the middling, most republican, worthy and useful class of people in society ; and at the same time producing desperate characters — fit instruments to carry on the corrupt and cruel work and designs of arbitrary gov- ernment. The holy inquisition, and religious despotisms of the old world generally, have been served by bankrupts — men rendered despe* rate in fortune and character, in promoting their dark and infa- mous designs and purposes. '' Misery loves company ;" and when one man is ruined in for- tune or character, he generally becomes a fit instrument in the hands of knaves and tyrants, for promoting the misery and des- truction of others. A law in this country, to promote bankruptcy among mer- chants and traders, must have essentially the same effect in the end. One would imagine, there would be merchants and traders enough for the good of society, without granting them any extra privileges or indulgences. If merchants and traders would be honest — hazard nothing for their own benefit but what was actually their own property, and properly secure the amount of risks they are unable to bear them- 276 CONVERSATIONS BETWEEN A selves, by insurance against the dangers of fire, and of the seas, there would in general be no more necessity for their failure, than of farmers and mechanics. All of whom are liable to have their property injured or destroyed, by fire, tornadoes, drought, vermin, pestilence, and a variety of calamities and misfortunes. And, if any of them injudiciously trust out their property ; enter into hazardous speculations, or any way encounter foolish risks, they are liable to lose their property and be cast upon the world poor, or in destitute circumstances. But what then, are we not bound, in perfect justice and humanity, to have, at least as much sympa- thy and respect for the rtal misfortunes and sufferings of men, who earn their property by the industrious, laborious, useful and honorable profession and occupation of a farmer, mechanic or man- ufacturer, as for a scheming and slippery trader ? It is affirmed, that honest men don't need or desire any law to absolve them fi-om the obligation of fair contracts, and that knaves would abuse such a law. It does finally appear, on the whole, that there is something rot- ten in these systems of bankruptcy, and insolvency, tending pow- erfully to the destruction of republican virtue, justice and equality, and to furnish fit instruments for carrying on the desperate work of corruption and despotism. Conversations between a Monarchist and a Republican. Monarchist. I don't like this kind of mob-like government. Jtepublican. What do you mean, by mob-like government? M. A government where the rabble rule — where the sovereign people reign in might and majesty ; and who can do no wrongs whether they knock a man's brains out for daring to speak the truth out openly against their will and pleasure, or for excising their envy or greediness, by the superiority of his talents, pro ductions or acquirements. JR. The sovereign people can do wrong ; and they do com- mit a wrong action, whenever they violate the principles of mor- MONARCHIST AND A REPUBLICAN. 277 al or political justice — the acknowledged standard of our com- pact or government, towards a nation, or individual. But, tlie people generally bear their own wrongs ; not like the wrongs of kings or sovereign princes, for which the people suffer. By the rabble, do you mean a majority of the people ? M. Yes, — the multitude. jR. How great a proportion of the people of the United States, would you designate as the rabble, or multitude ^ M. Ninety-nine hundredths, or more. JR. How would you have us governed, if not by the will of the majority 1 M. The science of government, is a deep, intricate and com- plicated subject, that requires great talents and learning to under- stand ; and is as much above the general reach and comprehen- sion of the rabble, as the planetary system is beyond the inspec- tion of the naked eye. R. The science of government, with many other arts, have been rendered as intricate and complex as possible, in order to exclude them from the comprehension and understanding of the common people. The fallacy and wickedness of this crafty has been pretty well demonstrated, already, by the experiments of govern- ments in this hemisphere. However, there are many, I presume, even in this country, nighly of your opinion or liking. Perhaps one half, twothirds, or more, of the learned professions, together with many possessed of large estates, and some few others. But how is feuch a change of government to be brought about ? surely it can- not be effected by force of arms, for the multitude, as you call them, would be able to bear down all before them ; and quite likely they would think proper to shoot or hang those who should rebel against the established government and laws of the country ; and confiscate the estates of internal enemies — more especially the rich men, if any should be so base, ungrateful, or unwise, as not to be sat- isfied with equal justice, or even with having their persons and pro- perty protected without bearing an active part themselves ; but should actually conspire against the common rights and good of community, for the purpose of obtaining further, and undue ad- vantages over their fellow men. And if foreign troops should be t278 CONVERSATIONS BETWEEN A brought in to aid in the subjugation of the people of this country, ten to one they would come over and join us. The glorious ex- ample set by the troops of Spain, (in 1820,) has taught mankind what can be accomplished, when those who bear arms resolve to use them in fmwr of justice and humanity. But who shall our national sovereignty be entrusted with, if not with the people 1 They are the supporters and defenders of the country, and have to bear the final result of good or bad measures and government, and why should they not dictate and controul ? Those who talk of a monarchy or arbitrary government in this country, know little or nothing about the matter. If an attempt should be made to es- tablish a government here, in contempt of the public will, it would soon be found that the people were their own masters, and abundant- ly able to guard and protect themselves. If an undertaking should commence to create orders of nobility, with titles, privileges and badges of distinction, it would require an immense number of po- litical slaves and mercenary butchers to maintain their authority. How then could such a change be effected, do tell me ? AT. If you must know, I will tell you how it may, and proba- bly will be accomplished. In the first place, I would not call it a monarchy or arbitrary authority — although the names sound well enough to me, yet there is such a prejudice against them among the rabble of this country, that you might almost as well go to war with the elements as attempt to overcome it — at least, sudden- ly. Neither would I undertake to effect a change by force of arms, for such an attempt, it is pretty well conjectured, would go wrong. I should 'not care much what name was given to the gov- ernment ; call it a republic, if you please, that seems to sound best to suit the rabble; and let the political chief be styled a president ; and, for the present, dispense with the name of a no- bility. Privileged orders are growing quite fast enough in this country, and in time they will assume names and distinctions to suit themselves. A change of government is only the work of time and management. Much is already done, and more is con- tinually doing to effect the object. To complete, however, in the first place, your laws need only to be continued so deep, intricate, and complicated, that none but regular bred lawyers and a few MONARCHIST AND A REPUBLICAN. 279 others the most learned, can understand them. This essentially fixes the civil authority in the hands of learned and respectable characters. The next efficient aid, is, perhaps a learned and re- spectable clergy. If possible, organized as a priesthood, or any way to have them act together — with or without a temporal head ; and paid by government, or by permanent funds, so as to render them independent of the rabble. This would finally bring the ec- clesiastical power to co-operate with the civil authority. With these two powers united, (the military being subordinate to the civil authority,) there would, I think, be but little to fear from the rabble. By the way, I don't think much, at present, of the political power of the clergy of this country, taken generally throughout the whole United States ; although their influence is apparently growing and linking itself together for national purpo- ses. Tolerating all religious denominations, and leaving them to the free choice and support of the parishioners, without the inter- ference of government, as is chiefly the case at present, operates, in a measure, like so many different checks and balances, or makes the clergy in a degree, counteract their own political power and influence. The different sects are generally jealous of the polit- ical power and influence of each other, and therefore act, in some measure, as censors on their own policy and conduct. Howev- er, if power is their main object, they may somehow unite in their political purposes, at least a majority of them, notwithstanding their different sectarian creeds. After all, it mainly rests with the lawyers, to complete this change. They already Exercise a kind of political sovereignty over the multitude ; who dare not resist them ; nor criticise much into their policy and conduct. It is, in fact, this ; with the con- tinued aid and influence upon society here, of European systems and rules of education, literature, customs, manners, new fash- ions of dress ; systems and doctrines of law, religion, court eti- quette, &c. ; with your usual dependance on their manufactures and other supplies. Europeans also control an immense amount of your public stocks and other monied resources, ready to wield for your embarrassment, discipline and correction, when ever you rebel against their lead. By these means, the mother country de- •280 CONVERSATIONS BETWEEN A rives a considerable tax and homage from you, without the trouble and expense of your government. These laws, and weapons ; together with some of the interests and practices of those who bear rule in authority here, are well calculated to promote the change. R. There has, I know, been such juggling, slight-of-hand tricks, or strange management, in many of our political transac- tions, that a man might often profess republicanism and practice monarchy, or any of its subordinate c aft, without being much out of fashion. But as to this hypocritical and ruinous course ; with the DEEP, intricate and complicated law systems, that afford so much aid and comfort to the enemy — by promoting monarchy and aristocracy in this country ; together with the influence and power of their chief designers and managers : and our lack of a wise and consistent internal or national system and policy — they arc all, I trust, in a fair way of correction and improvement. If I am not greatly mistaken, the people of this country are getting their eyes open pretty fast, to these subjects — as well as to the use and operation of some of your learned and respectable characters. "For instance, such men as Absalom Ali.gab, Esq., the spouter, who can make a speech four or five hours long, upon almost no- thing, and combine truth and error so lea nedly together, as hardly to be distinguished ; and the big law character, Squire Quibble ; who beats all creation for law knowledge ; and who, it is said, cwajind law, for almost any thing ; or draw a special writ so in- tricate and complicated, as to puzzle a juggler. He councilled and assisted G. M. Swindle, to twist old Mr. Barnall out of the chief part of his property ; and when the old man complained and told his neighbours of the transactions. Squire Quibble, (thinking the old man could not prove all the transactions, or that ike truth would not be admitted in evidence against him, according to a well known British law maxim,) just had an attachment put upon the old man's body, for a good round sum, and sent him to prison, for defaming his " good name, fame and reputation," as he called it. There is the honorable John Two-face, Esq., who, after being turned out of public confidence and employ, for his hyp- ocritical and oppressive policy and conduct, got made a bank di- MONARCHIST AND A REPUBLICAN. 281 rector, through the aid and influence of his aristocratic and moni- ed friends and connexions, to make up for his lost power and hon- ors — where he might rule over thousands and tens of thousands of money that was none of his own — loosen the purse strings, and then draw in again, first to bait, and then to hook or snare his game, to gratify his overbearing feelings and designs, and finally to make the rich, richer , and the poor, poorer. ^ And there is Nat Premium, who would almost shave a man's pluck, for money, I suppose, too, would be called respectable, in a true monarchical or aristocratic sense, because he has got rich without exercising any laborious or vulgar profession. — And Tim Dash, who took a for- tune by adventuring in hazardous speculations, for his own bene- fit, other people's money, without their knowledge or consent. There is the big Mr.SLEAVEBENDER, who is enabled to lie in bed un- til ten o'clock, and afterwards to ride in a coach, only jui^t by marrying a daughter of the commissary — who was one of those trading, contracting or commission patriots, who went into the war poor, and came out rich, and always carefully avoided scenes of battle and danger. And there is also, Artemus Underwag, the old dandy, who wears none but the best of " London Cloth" — cuts a great figure at a dining-out, or supper party — d s off the rabble most genteelly, and sings "God save the king," to admira- tion. But we, republicans, don't think much of such learningf, accomplishments and characters. They don't make good and useful members of society. But, pray. Sir, what is the press — that mighty foe to tyranny and oppression, to be doing while your managers are completing their political snares to entangle liberty and bind the common people of this country 1 M. The press, is an article of commerce ; and what are not already, directly and indirectly under the control of lawyers, deal- ers in foreign productions, and others who are aiding the cause, from ignorance or design, may be readily bought, or terrified into silence. Many are waiting for a bid. At least, nine tenths of the political scribblers are to be bought and sold, like other tools or articles of traffic. The highest bidder generally gets them. Bonaparte had as many political scribblers as he pleased, to gar- 36 '282 CONVERSATIONS BETWEEN A nish over his work and designs. Cobbet wrote atgainst your gov- ernment, until he got out with his employers, and then he turned his quills against them, and wrote in your javour ; but now, (1819 — ^20,) he is shedding his ink in the pure cause of the radi- cals — a kind of half way monarchist. Political writers, and managers, like lawyers in the pleading and management of their client's concerns, often prefer a triumph over principle, or truth, justice and reason, as it manifests the greater abilities on the part of the victor. By purchasing a num- ber of your /eoc^tii^ presses, (which would not cost much — if, in fact, they are not mainly in the right course already,) most of the rest would probably/o//oir ; and, at least nineteen-twentieths of the multitude, are so ignorant, stupid and inattentive, that they might, with proper management, be led, even to shackle themselves. An artful manager may generally lead the rabble where he pleases, although he might not be able to drive one, an inch. R. I am sensible that the press is extremely liable to be cor- rupted, enslaved, or basely employed ; and that it never is safe to put a lengthy dependence or blind confidence, in any man, or set of men. But the people of this country are pretty generally aware of these facts, already ; and are so much in the habit of watching and thinking for themselves, that, with the aid of those presses and leading politicians remaining faithful to republican principles, there is not, I apprehend, much danger. Some of our politicians are in the habit of keeping a sailor's reckoning, and of taking an observation, once in a while ; when they cry out, where AUE WE NOW ? What is our political course and situation ? Is ev- ery thing snug J safe, and well conditioned, as resj>ects our pro- gress and situation ? The fact is, most of our creic are experien- ced political pilots and navigators, of some size or other ; so that, if a few knaves and blockheads should get hold of the helm or main rigging of state, they would soon be detected and removed. M. Your sovereign pfMple, are wonderfully discerning, watch- ful, active and resolute, to be sure, to permit their rights to be usurped, and their common interests to be trifled with and treated with contempt — even their express will, in many instances, has been evaded and set at defiance for years, by a few political knaves MONARCHIST AND A REPUBLICAN. 283 joid petty tyrants. The fact is, your common people are the game and spoil of fevery political swindler in the country ; who can em- ploy the basest and most deceitful means to obtain an election or appointment to office — without fear of punishment ; and then, when he has succeeded, perhaps reward his secret spies, jugglers and undertakers, by appointments to office, under him, and over the sovereign people ! by which he sometimes makes himself the magic centre of their glory ! and expects them to serve Mm, in preference to the people ! If your leading demagogues and a few of their tools and ad- herents, are not managing with a hopeful eye to some future event that m^y Jix them in power, and hind the common people to their will and future policy, why then, in the name of common sense, do they not punish and suppress political and other frauds on the people 1 and especially when it is their official duty to do so 1 — And why, in particular, do they studiously defer and defeat regu- lations that a sincere regard to republicanism, or the common good of the people, requires them to perform ? The world must be very ignorant and thoughtless, not to have noticed the inconsistency of many of your leaders, and govern- mental proceedings. If your congress or national rulers could not have done justice to the poor soldiers and other patriots of your revolution, by the payment of the full amount of their just dues, why, in the name of common honesty, did they do them enormous injustice^ by se- curing the amount to others, and thus tax the principal losers, and their posterity, to pay the same over again ? R. You have reference to what was commonly called the sol- dier note, and public securtiy, speculation. — A more infamous transaction, perhaps, never took place in this country ; and the like of which, I feel confident, could not be again practised. The inability of our provisional government, to pay for the mil- itary services, stores and other expenses necessary to conduct the revolutionary war to a successful close, caused the evidence of our public debts to depreciate or fall in worth, until they finally settled down at about one-eighth of their original or nominal val- ue — at which rate they generally stood current, until some time 284 CONVERSATIONS BETWEEN A after the close of the war ; when a combination, of speculators and sharpers, (many of whom were members of congress, and otherways in power, or possessed of the secret intentions of con- gress,) managed, chiefly by secret agencies, to purchase up and get into their possession, or under their control, those claims or evidences of public debts, and then made them good ! By which means, most of the original owners and losers — and particularly those who had been under the necessity of parting with their soldier notes and other public sureties, at their deprecia.ed cur- rency and reduced worth, to obtain the necessaries of life — they and their posterity, were subjected to be taxed — to bear their public proportion of making good the amount they had thus been deprived of, to this combination of speculators — and so they were twice wronged ! This was calculated to create the beginning of a monied aris' tocrtuy ; who, with the well bom of the country, were chiefly to constitute our nobility — to rule over us, for better or for worse ! This transaction, was in utter contempt of all principle, or in open violation of common justice, and the public good ; and, to have raised themselves chiefly upon the ruins of those who con- tributed and suffered most in our successful revolt against mon- archy, would have recommended them to the rank and favour of the legitimates of the old world. Soon after the principal advantages of this speculation had been secured to its authors, many of the sons of these enriched speculators, with those of the well bom, went out to Europe to witness examples and take samples of legitimate nobility, in order to qualify themselves for their expected stations : and when they returned, many of them dashed and sported away, upon a prodi- gal, profligate and ruinous scale — generally manifesting their con- tempt of the common people, and of the rules and good of socie- ty, in the true style of legitimate noblemen. However, the virtue and good sense of our common people, or their intelligence and firmness, sustained this attack, and defeated the designs of aristo- cracy and monarchy combined ; and those of this young brood of intended noblemen, who have not fallen the miserable victims of intemperance, profligacy, and their own folly, dulusion and mad- MONARCHIST AND A REPUBLICAN. 285 ^aess, have become men of business, and otherwise attached them- selves to the prosperity and good of the country. It is a curious fact, that many of these well born^ considering themselves entitled to the honours and emoluments of public office, on account of their birth or family connections — finding themselves disappoint- ed, complained most bitterly, of their ill usage, as though the will ' of Heaven had been set at defiance, and some even threatened terrible things as the consequence ; and then finally sunk down into a sullen, sottish mood and habits, and have been sulkily mouldering and rotting out, like logs cast upon the sod ! M, It has been a subject of serious and loud complaint, (but without redress, for those who have got the advantage, like other tyrants, hold on^ without justice, or reason,) that the representa- tion in several of your states, and in other particulars, is extreme- ly anti-republican, or unequal in its apportionment. The district- ing of your states, has also been long and loudly demanded, by the public voice, and by every consideration of justice and re- publicanism, that the people may have a chance to Jaiow whom they vote for, or invest with power to act for them, in the impor- tant stations of representatives in congress, presidential electors, state senators, and the like offices. Why, too, has there never been formed any state, or national, code of law — which every man of good common sense and information may understand, and use, for his own guide and protection ? Ever since the establishment of your independence, this has been more or less the case. If your sovereign people don't know any bet er, than to permit their rights and interests to be thus tri- fled with and made the game and spoil of every political upstart or unprincipled adventurer, their prospects are certainly not very inviting. It don't signify, education is too cheap in this country. It makes more fools and knaves than any thing else. Your studies should be about twice as extensive as they now are ; and your schools, academies and colleges, should be supplied with the most refined and choice European authors and publications — which pay a pro- per respect to illustrious birth, and noble titles and distinctions, as 286 CONVERSATIONS BETWEEN A well as to men of wealth, learning and exalted piety ; and, by at* tending to their rules of education, would ultimately subdue that rude and disrespectful mode of expression, which is common in this country. Your taste for European education, literature, fashions, customs and refinements, is, however, progressing encouragingly. R. What are the boasted fiddlers^ picture-makers, and novei- istSy— stage-player Sy mountebanks smd jugglers, — spies, pimps and pick-pockets, of large cities, and old over-crowded countries, with all their tinsels and toy-shops, and their barren piles of privilefed spoil — the truits of a diseased and corrupt taste, designed to pam- per the drones and made fools of bloated monarchy, and to feed and rule the miserable slaves that creep and cringe at the foot- stool of arbitrary power, and to animate and regale the silly and corrupt creatures of monarchy, that dance and play round the thrones of sovereign chiefs, together with their millions of lousy beggars, (noblemen beggars, and all,) and an ignorant, degraded and oppressed peasantry, chiefly dwelling in thacthed, mud hovels, and subsisting upon the refuse of their own productions—- the victims of an unjust, corrupt and arbitrary government and policy : What, I say, are these to compare with a nation of free- men, — the virtuous, enlightened, and independent farmers and mechanics of America ; the lords of the harvest and the work-shop, dwelling in permanent and commodious houses, of wood, brick or stone, situated in the pure open atmosphere, of ten thousand country townships and villages, enjoying the fruits of their own la- bor, with all the privileges, dignity and independence becoming an enlightened and free people, subject to no political master or supe- rior under Heaven ! As to respect for empty titles, and nominal distinctions of birth, blood and fortune, they are too palpably ridiculous and absurd to require serious confutation. Away with them, I say, every thing but actual merit and substantial usefulness — they are the fruits and excrescences of overgrown vice — the fewer of them the better. I have no objection to European works of substantial merit and usefulness ; but we have already received too much of our educa- MONARCHIST AND A REPUBLICAN. 287 ticm from the fountains and sinks of monarchy ; and, as to the cheapness of education in this country, I consider it one of our greatest blessings. The people of this country will always, I hope, be such fools as to think and act for themselves. But where will you find men of the old world, to compare with our Washing- ton, Franklin, Jefferson, Hancock, Patrick Henry, Adamses, Sherman, Rittenhouse, Jackson and a host of other benefactors and public worthies that could be named, raised up in our re- publican habits. M. I see you are disposed to soar from your subject, and tri- umphantly top off with some of your most distinguished leaders — republican worthies, as you would call them. But I believe your revolution never would have been attempted, had the leading men been seasonably appointed to office, instead of sending men over here to rule you ; and even as it was, I believe the chief part of your southern nabobs never would have joined the revolutionary cause, as much as they did, had they not utimately intended to rule. Among the complaints, stated in your declaration of indepen- dence, against the king and government of the mother country, is the " sending over swarms of officers, to harrass" your people and eat out their substance. This is certainly the most undigni- fied language of any part of that famous instrument, and shows, pretty clearly, where your leaders felt themselves most bitterly ag- grieved. Had thei/ been employed to have " harrassed the people" and to have " eat out their substance," instead of foreign officers, all most probably would have been well, with them, as in other cases that might be named. R. That there should have been some hypocrites among the leaders of our revolution, is not at all surprising. Indeed, we are warned, by one of the most conspicuous of them, never to expect to find Angels in the form of men. But the world never saw nobler minds united in a political undertaking for the genr eral good, than those who planned and achieved our national lib- erty and independence. Who, but an idiot, or slave, would not have resented the sending over here and placing over \i8,foreignr ers — strangers to our condition and best good— -enemies to our 288' CONVERSATIONS BETWEEN A rights and prosj)erity — the mere agents and tools of a foreign and' despotic master ? M. You have, indeed, blundered into a degree of civilized lib- erty ; but, if your sovereign peop'e are not better informed on the subject, than they now appear, you may soon blunder out again. The principal leaders in your revolution, like others in pursuit of tliat which they could not achieve by force, had recourse to stratagem ; and, in order to induce the people to beat off your foreign masters, that they, themselves, or their posterity, might lord it over you, they talked mighty patriotic, republican and fair, to be sure — and some of them proved faithful to their professions ; but others, as soon as they saw your national independence estab- lished, made known their liking and intentions for dominion over the common people. You have not yet got church and state policy much blended together, in your national government ; but lihertjf and slavery are closely and hypocritically interwoven and connected therein ; and which are as bad, or worse, in the natural consequences of their connexion. Slavery, is, indeed, a mUl'Stone^ as it were, about your neck. Is it possible, that a nation or people can long exist in harmony, and act together faithfully for the general good, when one part are for protecting, honoring and rewarding human industry and mer- it, and the other part feel interested and disposed to degrade, rob and enslave, the most laborious part of their fellow beings? What, in fact, is your boasted declaration of independence, but an empty farce — a solemn and hypocritical mockery ; and what does many of your self-styled gasconading republicans, care about the words or meaning of that sacred instrument, as you would call it, if they can only rule ? By that instrument, they solemn- ly proclaim to Heaven and Earth, that all men are born free, and equal — possessing certain unalienable rights — to it, freedom and the pursuit of happiness, while they hold a considerable por- tion of their fellow creatures in perpetual and ignominious bon- dage, and strenuously persist, even to the iminent jeopardy of MONARCHIST AND A REPUBLICAN. 289 your national liberty and independence, in maintaining an unequal and u?ijust advantage, obtained by your constitution, over their fellow citizens of other states, in an extra representation on ac- count OF THEIR SLAVES ! Common justice, and common sense, would require a deduction of representation, or federal power and influence, from the slave holding states, on account of their public danger, and final inju- ry to the best interests of the community. R. It will be remembered that slavery, was introduced into this country by monarchy ; and since the declaration of our independ- ence and the establishment of our republican government, the efforts made by our government, aided by individuals, to melio- rate the condition of slaves, and finally to abolish slavery from the union, has set the world an example of justice and humanity, that reflects honor upon the nation, as well as the distinguished indi- viduals engaged in promoting the undertaking. M. Some of your lovers of liberty, I know, boast of having abolished the slave trade — that horrid traffic in human beings : That is they have found it more profitable to propagate and raise men, women and children for sale as slaves, than to import them, from a foreign country ! Because you found certain people in slavery, when you com- menced your independence and free form of government, you seemed to consider it right to keep them so ; and also to con- sign their posterity, (without a single fault,) to perpetual and ig- nominious bondage ! The mighty wisdom and greatness of your Jefferson — where was it, in acquiring a territory thrown in your way^ as it were, by European embarrassments. Where, too, was his boasted phi- lanthrophy, or sense of national justice, when he was racking his brain to find out appropriations for the overflowings of your na- tional treasury, while many of the cheated and war-worn vete- rans and patriots of your revolution, or their orphan families, were suffering for want of the common necessaries and comforts of life. R. Monarchists, I know, will never forgive our good and great Jefferson, for the part he has acted in acquiring and extending 37 296 CONVERSATIONS BETWEEN A our national liberty and independence : But they are welcome to console themselves by their petty flirts and insinuations. He is quite out of their reach ; and stands, in fact, as much above the general character of emperors, kings, or sovereign princes, as human virtue and wisdom are more to be esteemed, than igno- rance and corruption. M. What is your much boasted freedom of election, one half the time, but a solemn mockery — an idle and hypocritical ceremo- ny — a mere farce, insulting alike to justice and common sense, ivhen every body knows that it is generally useless to oppose a candidate, once nominated to an oflice by a few irresponsible lead- ers of a ruling party. Might you not just as well acknowledge the legitimacy of a caucus nomination, at once, and save your- selves the trouble and expense of attending the poles and performing the humiliating ceremony of voting ? Bonaparte mount- ed to an imperial throne, by a kind of mock election. Your president^ has, already, nigh or quite as much power and influence, as a king usually possesses under a constitutional or limited monarchy ; and, although he is not elected for life, and the line of succession established in his family, yet he can gene- rally manage to retain the oflice two terms in succession, and then nominate or secure the election of his successor. This seems prodigious, in a country where the people exercise politi- cal sovereignty, and do not profess to believe in the infallibility of a single man. It seems also a little queer, that you should have created a political monster of such fearful power and conse- quences, as to require constant checking and guarding, to pre- vent him from trampling on the rights and interests of the com- munity. Some of your leading politicians already style your pre- sident, chief ruler of the nation. The petitions or prayers of your sovereign people to their public servants^ is also rated among some of the hypocritical and queer transactions of your government and rulers. What, in fact, is your much boasted national constitution, but a leaden rule, or a lump of wax, to be bent to any shape, or to sustain any impression or construction^ that may happen to suit th« interest or convenience of a ruling party 1 For example— one MONARCHIST AND A REPUBLICAN. 29i day, a national banking establishment, of few millions capital, was not only denounced as unconstitutional, but as being a huge mon- ied institution — an overgrown engine of tyranny and corruption — the very " old dagon,^' that would one day destroy your liberty, if permitted to exist. (The capital stock chiefly belonged to for- eigners, and to men of the party out of power.) No sooner than this monied mammoth was slain and quietly in the dust, than the same party who destroyed it, created another of thirty-jive millions of capital — three times and a half bigger than the first ! and which they announced as a measure, not only consis- tent with the powers delegated to the general government by the constitution, but as a very useful and convenient establishment I Your large and overgrowing states, I regard as a kind of polit- ical giants J that singly, or combined, most probably will attempt, sooner or later, to hully — control, or upset, the union^ — unless, in- deed, there is quite a different spirit manifested than now prevails. The sons of Massachusetts and Virginia, claim a kind of birth- right, over the sons of the other states, on account of the lead those states took in your revolution. They have already both had their turns of pouting and raving — manifesting a dissatisfied and rebellious spirit, whenever the presidency or chief rule is taken from them. Indeed, one excess generally follows another ; and those who were the first to revolt against monarchy in this coun- try, might be expected to be the first to attempt the overthrow of your national union and liberties. Your leaders boast of a great deal of patriotism, political wis- dom and foresight ; but the truth is, the prosperity of this country, hitherto, has been chiefly the result of accidental causes. In proportion to your numbers, this country probably has nigh or quite as many interested and designing foes to common free- dom, justice and humanity, as any other — only they are not yet in possession of means to fully accomplish their gratification. Many of the roofs and branches of monarchy, still remain and flourish with you. What else could cause the holding on to so many anti-republican measures, habits and customs ? R. If you could read the secrets of my mind, you would find, that these things are just as foreign from my liking, as they are 292 CONVERSATIONS BETWEEN A injurious to the republican cause. The fact is, since the com- mencement of our revolution, the real republicans of America, have had the monarchists and aristocrats of both the old and new world to contend with. Besides, it would be unreasonable to expect a perfect system of republicanism, to have been immedi- ately formed out of the confused materials furnished by the revolu- tion, especially under all the troubles and intrigues that succeeded that period. It is the work of time, and a great deal of trouble, to establish a perfect system of republican rules and habits of life. What objection can a virtuous and enlightened man, have to a republican government, founded in a system of equal, just and reasonable laws, faithfully and judiciously administered ? Are not talents and learning sufficiently honored and rewarded, by them, if usefully applied ? M. Where is your sense of national justice, honor, or even of good policy y in the treatment experienced by many of your most virtuous, patriotic and meritorious geniuses? Their lives have been a bed of thorns, and the existence of some have been termi- nated by premature death. The ingratitude of republics, is, indeed, proverbial. R. However truly the charge of ingratitude may have been applied to what were anciently called republics ; the character, I apprehend, is not fairly due to the people of this country. That our 7«tsrepresentatives, have, in many instances, disgraced our republican character, I will not deny ; but when, and where, has there been one spontaneous and understanding act of the people of the United States, that may be fairly stamped with the charac- ter of ingratitude 1 Men of extraordinary virtue and genius, have always excited more or less envy, and cupidity, in every age and country where- ever they have existed ; but whenever such characters have been the subjects of fraud, vexation and cruelty, in this country, I have always found that their principal and leading foes, at least, were of that class and character of men, whom you would have us re- gard as learned and respectable; and, although some of the com- mon people have been deceived and led on to give aid and assist- ance to such conspiracies, yet the design and infamy chiefly rests MONARCHIST AND A REPUBLICAN. 293 with the former. Indeed, I am well persuaded there is not a more worthy class of people on the globe, nor more sincere friends of vir- tue, justice and human excellence, than a great majority of the common people of this country. They feel neither above nor helow a proper sense of human rights — the interests and feelings of their fellow beings. No wonder the enemies of justice and civil liberty should im- pute every thing bad to the character of a republican government, that they should endeavor to make mankind afraid vf themselves, and try to terrify them into the ranks of monarchy, as the only place of safety, profit, or honor. Some, who have been perpetu- ally drinking from the fountains and common sewers of monarchy, have got so impregnated with the disease, that they verily believe, no doubt, that monarchies are the real friends and benefactors of mankind, sent down from Heaven, as it were, in God's special mercy, to protect mankind, against themselves ! But if these children of monarchy will only read the Bible, they may find that kings were indulged to punish mankind for their vanity and wick- edness ; and if they will take the trouble to ascertain their trans- actions, truly, they will probably be satisfied that monarchies have pretty generally answered the purposes for which they were in- dulged. Our Divine Saviour and his apostles fully manifested their re- publicanism. Call no man master. Ye are brethren. He that is chief est among you, the same is your servant. Do UNTO OTHERS AS YE WOULD THAT MEN SHOULD DO UNTO YOU. He that exalteth himself, shall be abased, and whomsoever humbleth himself, shall be exalted. One thing is pretty certain, that a majority of several millionn of freemen, can select a better chief, than mere chance ; and that the people are more suitable judges of what is good for them- selves, than a haughty and overbearing aristocracy, who riot in luxury upon the earnings of their fellow-men, and feel few or none of the burdens and actual conditions they impose on others. It is quite a common artifice, with those who wish to degrade^ 294 CONVERSATIONS BETWEEN A or impose on othe»-s, to endeavour to draw off our natural excite- ments and fellow-feelings, from the objects of their intended in- justice or cruelty, by representing them as poor^ ignorant^ or vile creatures — unworthy of common justice and humanity ! perhaps just fit to be slaves ! The absurdity and wickedness of such apol- ogies, or course of argument, however, cannot well be too severe- ly reprehended. Are the persons and property of individuals, any where more secure, than in this republican country ? M. You no doubt, consider yourself as a fortunate and wise people, and that you actually possess the most just, rational and excellent government in the world. Your local situation and natural advantages, are certainly very important. Inhabiting a vast continent, possessed, within your own limits, of every variety of clime, soil and natural production, necessary for the support, convenience, prosperity and happiness of man ; with a territory bordered and intersected with vast seas, bays, lakes, rivers, for- ests, and other facilities of intercourse ; at a distance from the trammels, quarrels, intrigues, and corrupt influence and examples of the old world ; with a peculiar opportunity to be benefitted by the experience of other nations that have gone before you, by wisely adopting their good examples, and rejecting and avoiding their bad ones. Your system of government, mainly, looks fair and wise, on pa- per ; but before I shall becgme a complete convert to republican- ism, I must see it administered or carried into effect, with more consistency and wisdom than I now view it, (1819 — 20.) What would l>e thought of it, if I were to say that I considered some of the measures of your government, and the conduct of some of your men in power, as the most comipty of those of any other country on the globe — evincing the most hypocrisy and contempt of principle — measures and practices, deviating the furtherest from what are professedly regarded as the moral and political standards of the country, and of the individuals alluded to? Your people are hypocritically mocked with an idea of their sovereignty. Suppose all who are properly regarded as freemen — from their having come to the age of common manhood, and paid MONARCHIST AND A REPUBLICAN. 295 taxes or otherwise contributed essentially to the maintenance, (support and defence) of government, and otherwise conducted themselves as good citizens, were to meet in their respective town- ships or primary assemblies, throughout a state, after general and seasonable notice had been publickly given of the meeting and its particular object, and that they should discuss and settle upon certain articles as their state constitution, or as amendments thereof, by a majority of votes — even by seven-eighths of the whole number of freemen, or of the number of townships, in the state — would not your aristocratic masters, (who have environed themselves about with seeming authority, and trammelled the people, by the forms of legislation,) object, and declare the peo- ple's act a nullity — being void of the customary /brms of legisla- tion, and without the sanction of certain public authorities ? What are your lawyers and priests hut privileged orders or pro- fessions, claiming the lead and head of almost every thing — that they may give an impress and direction peculiarly favorable to their own policy and interests ! They are about as watchful and tenacious of their sovereignty and control, as the princes and no- bles of birth and fortune of the old world. The lawyer is dubbed Esquire^ and the priest Reverend. These distinctions are allow- ed them from dread of their power to do the common people harm — and not from any particular merit in merely being a lawyer or priest. These distinctions are the relics of monarchy ; and have been so long indulged or kept alive in this country, as to have become a kind of law J with the vulgar, and exercise a ;!egree of sovereignty over them that will be difficult to get rid of. Your common peo- ple have been so long in the habit of having lawyers and priests lead and drive them, that it would be difficult to raise men of oth- er professions to offices or stations of any considerable power and influence — however worthy they might be, and however impor- tant for the general concern to have the various offices and pow- ers of government distributed among all classes and professions of men, and so break up this league of privileged and usurped sove- reignty. Men standing upon a common level, as farmers and mechanics generally do, dislike the elevation of those they regard as no more than their equals, or one of their own profession and 296 CONVERSATIONS BETWEEN A standing. Such attempts often excite envy and opposition, ratli- er tlian their approbation and support. The lawyers know how to take advantage of these prejudices and ill calculations — to cul- tivate and keep them alive, in order to maintain their own eleva- tion and control of power. This they do, although they are evi- dently hated, by the common people, who dread their power, poli- cy and conduct. In fact, your lawyers maintain their control of power, by prejudice, stratagem and force — pretty much as the sovereign princes and nobles of the old world, do theirs. R. Our college learnt men, like the princes and nobles of birth and fortune, of the old world, have been so much indulged, and so long in the habit of puffing and boosting each other ; and of unrighteously degrading and keeping down others, that we have been greatly deceived as to the real worth and character of col- lege learnt men, and of college learning generally. However, our people are coming to their senses on this subject ; and I trust that good and practical men, of all classes and professions, will soon be properly educated and instructed, and duly invested with our public concerns ; and that the number of public servants from each class or profession of men, will be proportioned in some measure to the whole number of the same ; so that every consid- erable class or profession of men shall be duly represented and respected, according to their real merits and importance in the community. Nothing else can long maintain the justice and equality necessary to the preservation of our rights and liberties. M. It is now nigh half a century since you revolted from mo- narchy, and have been acting for yourselves as a free, sovereign, independent, and professedly, a republican nation ; and yet you seem about as far from ^.ci\iB\ justice and equality, in much of your public policy and conduct, as if the matter never had seri- ously entered into calculation. The establishment, progress and improvement, of common schools, for the due education and instruction of the people — matters acknowledged to be of vital necessity and importance to the existence and well being of a republican community, with a few honourable exceptions, have not only been neglected, but of- ten embarrassed, and some times strenuously opposed — While the MONARCHIST AND A REPUBLICAN. 297 most extraordinary exertions have been making for the promo- tion of extra learning ! the aristocratic education of i\\efeu\ and, in a measure, at the expense of the many ! You lavish honors and rewards, upon a few fortunate military chiefs, and abandon the rest, (mainly the rank and file, who actu- ally bear the principal burden, hardships and hazards of warfare,) to the picks and kicks of privileged and unprincipled sharpers ! Your late revolution or general pension act, bestowing an al- most indiscriminate bounty, as it were, on the fortunate survivors of those who bore arms and performed nominal services, or did a common duty, without experiencing any considerable injury in the service, with those who rendered important services, and ex- perienced great loss or personal sacrifices ; and finally subjecting the latter class, with other sufferers, and their posterity, to be taxed and burdened to defray the bounty thus unjustly and absurd- ly bestowed upon those — many of whom are lazy, improvident, tippling, worthless characters — encouraging others to become so, for the sake of obtaining the j3wfe/«c bounty thus offered for indolence and improvidence ! Was it too nice, or too laborious a task, for your national government to distinguish actual merit in this case 1 and the natural consequences ? Or did they intend to insult, wound, confound, oppress and discourage true merit? And all this, too, as if there were no other sufferers in your revolutionary contest, but those who bore arms ! Your hardy, enterprising and brave seamen, who have added so much to the wealth, defence and glory of this nation, are left a prey to the vilest sharpers ! Like aristocrats, your rulers take care of the big folks, and leave the little ones to destruction ! They also punish the little rogues, and let the big ones go ! It is really curious to hear the disinterested and patriotic pre- tensions of some of your leading hypocrites and jugglers. An unusual share of impudence and hypocrisy seems to be the leading traits of some of your aspiring and thrifty leaders and drivers ; who push themselves forward, and often with about as little regard to the actual good of the people, as the wolves and vultures have for their prey. 88 298 CONVERSATIONS BETWEEN A What win be the end of your vain love of titles, pomp and powdr 1 A leaning towards confirmed aristocracy, is conspicuous in the bearing of many of your public and private transactions, charac- ters, and habits of life. Indeed, the little knaves and tyrants of this country, are just about as hostile to the genuine freedom of speech, and of the press, as the big ones of the old world, — lest it should eipose their true policy and conduct ! Some of your public servants^ as you call them, in order to bcreen themselves from detection, and punishment, softly, caution against exposing, or publicly acknowledging, the infidelity and baseness of public officers, lest it should go abroad to the re- proach of your country, and form of government ! Something like the artifice of a female, of nameless character, who was about being examined for commitment, on a base charge, when she slighly whispered to the magistrate and lawyers, that it would be a general disgrace to the female character to have her exposed. Better, she said, that ten such offences should escape punishment, than that one female should be convicted and punished ! Is there no danger to be apprehended to your republican cause, by the printing craft ? Will printers publish any thing against their own professional policy and conduct ? Will not printers generally study to promote a complicated, obscure and frivolous course of reading, for the sake of increasing their own business and gains ? iJ. Republican printers, study to serve the people — not ruin and rule them. If the people of this country are only thoughtful and attentive to this subject, they will encourage and support such printers, and such publications, as faithfully promote the common good, and neglect and discourage all other printers and publica- tions ; and thus, the most effectually, and easily, promote their own general and best good. M. Will your public servants, as you call them, act faithfully for the best good of the people, when their own personal and pri- vate interests are otherways inclined ? The individuals, who com- pose your national and state legislatures, are one, to half a mill- ion, one hundred thousand, five thousand, &c., of your conunoo MONARCHIST AND A REPUBLICAN. 299 people, generally differing widely from their constituents, in their circumstances, interests and feelings. How then can they be re- lied upon to promote the best common good 1 Who can reflect on the absurd customs of some of your public authorities, without astonishment — for instance, the judges of some of your courts, wearing pelisses, or setting in the robes of office, like monarchists, or looking perhaps more like so many old monks and friars, than republican magistrates ! and the mock majesty of some of your governours and chief executive authori- ties, parading with their military guards^ as if they actually held their power in contempt of the people ! What encouragement^ or protection^ does the government of this country actually hold out to men of the first rate genius, talents and information, to devote themselves to the promotion of the best good of the people ? It seems to me, that many of your public leaders, have no po- litical principles at all, or that they do not know what is republi- canism. Almost every historical account of your country and govern- ment, dwell upon the blessed security of persons and property, professedly enjoyed under your national and state constitutions, bills of right, statute and other laws ; but I should really like to know what mighty security there could long be expected to the common people, in laws and regulations that chiefly depend on the interpretation and will of one distinct profession of men for their meaning and use ? Might you not as well leave it to the lawyers, at once, to say what your rights and privileges were, and what was final justice, in most cases of personal difference, and other mat- ters of legal investigation and adjustment ? Like causes produce like effects. Give any distinct order, class or profession of men, the chief power of governing a country, and they will soon assume a haughty, corrupt and overbearing influence Siud Jixed policy. For my soul, I cannot help thinking that the laioyers are chiefly your MASTERS, and some how rule the country, against the under- standing and free will or choice of the people. Probably through their control of the press — ruling appointments to office, and be- 300 CONVERSATIONS BETWEEN A ing as it were, masters of law — by which the tenor of every man's life and fortune, is mainly held. This country, or rather certain places in it, has probably got more f eastings toasting, adii essing, resolving and p'ffing politi- cians, than all the world besides. But, if they don't feast, toast, and pujf, or juggle you out of your senses — your virtue, liberties and best good, it will be fortunate for your common people, in the end. When your lawyers find the people determined to take the actu- al sovereignty and power of the country into their own hands, will they not closely league with the worst men in society, to hold you to their will and purposes ? jR. Our most unprincipled lawyers seem to have been long in the habit of doing so, already. M. Notwithstanding all yiur boasting about common rights and liberties, I do not believe there is an actual free press, upon a rational and candid construction, in the whole United States — not one that dare publish, substantially and manfully, even the most important matter that concerns the people. This is a melan- choly state of affairs, for what some have styled the worlds last, best hope ; but I believe it to be substantially true. Your courts still chiefly go by the rules laid down by monarchy , in such cases, when ever it best suits their purposes ; and most of your learned and ablest men, seem to coalesce, or combine their power and in*^ flucnce to entangle liberty — ^to intimidate, terrify and keep down every thing that has a tendency to expose and defeat their policy and conduct. Your laws do not efficiently protect a manly free- dom of speech, and of the press ; and which is indispensably ne- cessary to the support and preservation of genuine republicanism. It does, indeed, appear to me, that many of your leading men, and ruling measures, have a studied and determined bearing to- wards a complex and arbitrary system of government. What else can be the object, in many instances, in keeping off genuine and necessary republican regulations ? and in making a mighty blus- ter and parade about elections — sometimes causing numerous and unnecessary extra meetings of electors, under pretext of ascer- taining, beforehand, and of wianag^tn^ their choice of men for of- MONARCHIST AND A REPUBLICAN. 301 fice ? and in embarrassing the mode and operation of votings, and finally making a choice — unless it is to render the exercise of your rights and duties as freemen, unnecessarily tedious ^ difficulty expensive, and in a measure, ineffectual in the end — and finally to make you tired and sick of elections, that you may neglect your duty and attendance at the polls, and thereby leave every thing pretty much to the management of a few leading and driving characters ; and finally be induced to give up your liberty to who- ever may offer to take the reins ! I am really a friend to justice and rational liberty, and most sincerely desire to see them prosper. In fact, no virtuous and en- lightened mind can truly deny the perfect right of self govern- ment. Therefore, only demonstrate the practicahility of a peo- ple judiciously governing themselves, and you disarm the advo- cates of monarchy of their only plausible argument. R. Our rights and privileges, have certainly been too much and too long at the will and control of lawyers, and their confed- erates in power and policy ; but I have the satisfaction to believe that the virtue and good sense of the people are fast correcting this evil : so that we may soon expect to have measures provided, that will enable every man of good common sense and information, to understand and use the laws, for their own guide and preserva- tion, without the interpretation, aid or consent of lawyers. The late change in the politics of this country, was generally considered as adverse to the arbitrary and crooked policy of law- yers ; many of whom, after they saw themselves defeated in their favourite cowrie, professed io turn round, and embrace the popular cause, with a view to lead the people into the same final condi- tion, which they had, in vain, been endeavouring to force them into. When one of this power loving profession or fraternity of gen- try was changing the tone of his political harp to accord with the party in power, a plain spoken discerning old farmer remarked, that he would never be able to tune himself into his confidence. Since the declaration of independence, the people of this coun- try have had so much of their time and attention engaged, by our revolutionary, and late war ; the revolutions and wars- of other 302 POLITICAL REFLECTIONS, No. 1. countries ; the long violent party struggles among ourselves ; sev- eral extensive speculating manias, which have agitated and be- wildered our country at different times, with the severe pecuniary embarrassments that resulted from them, and the late general peace — by letting down many from their false elevations to a real standing ; together with the politicaI/M^^//w^ carried on by many for offices, contracts and favors ; that there never has been such a general political calmj and leisure, as now exists, (1819 — 20,) for attending to national designs and improvements. Besides, the moral, political and philosophical light which has been constantly opening to our view, by the ** march of mind^" at home and abroad, furnishes new and peculiar aids to the present opportuni- ties for correcting and improving our national and state measures and policies, and ultimately establishing a just, wise and consist- ent system of republican rules and habits of life. Political Reflections, No. 1 . In some of our political changes, the honor of a freeman or re- publican elecfOTy has been degraded, by cheapening the required qualifications and extending the privilege to unworthy characters. There certainly ought to be something more, than merely for a person to arrive at the age of common manhood, in order to ac- quire the important and responsible privilege of a republican elec- tor — the enjoyment of an equal and full participation in the exer- cise of national sovereignty — directly and indirectly selecting, directting and controling, all the civil and military officers, agen- cies and operations of government, including the raising of the public revenue, and the safe keeping and disposal of the public funds and other property. Those who do not support government, efficiently, by the prompt payment of their honest taxes, and the cheerful perform- ance of their military duties, should not be permitted to vote and direct government. Tt is uajust— dangerous — insulting and highly discouraging to POLITICAL REFLECTIONS, NO. 1. 303 the best impulse and interests of republicanism, to permit piau- pers, cowardsy vagrants and miscreants, to a full participation in the exercise of national authority — and on equal terms, too, with the best men in the community. Districting, for the choice of representatives in congress, presidential electors, state senators, and the like officers, is a very important and highly consistent republican regulation ; as it unites superior intelligence, and responsibility. When subject to the election of a single district, the candidate, would not only be better known to his electors, than if he were to be chosen by a general ticket of the whole state ; but he would be far more likely to prove a true representative, of the general prin- ciples and interesting concerns of his constituents. We can judge something, ourselves, of the character, qualifica- tions and fitness for office, of a candidate, when within our own immediate vicinity or district ; but when he resides in a different section or part of the state, electors are mostly left to make up their opinions from hearsay, or other people's representations. Besides, the person elected by strangers, or people at a distance, is just so far removed from a direct responsibility to his constitu- ents. But there is a far more important concern attending the district- ing of the states. It is truly a republican measure, founded in the clearest justice, and wisdom. It affords a minor party a chance to be represented in the pubr lie councils — as every efficient member of the community ought to be, as a matter of the strictest r ght ; and the exertions of a virtuous and active minority, are necessary to the preservation of human rights and liberties. * A ruling party, however moderate and well disposed, on their first coming into power, after quiet possession for a while, are ex- tremely apt to forget the source and responsibility of their author- ity, and neglect their official duties'. It is, therefore, indispensar ble to the preservation of real civilized rights and human liberty, to have a ruling party watched and guarded, and their political measures and transactions duly investigated and made'public, through the vigilance and exertions of a minor party. 304 POLITICAL REFLECTIONS, NO. 1. Five-ninths of the people of a state, being of one political party, by a choice made by their legislative assembly^ or by a general ticket throughout the state, could totally exclude the four-ninths from any representation in congress, state senate, and in the choice of presidential electors — although the people who compose the four-ninths of the population of the state, and are thus excluded from any representation or voice in the public councils, may be equally as efficient members of the community, in the public pro- tection and support, in proportion to their numbers, as those who compose the five-ninths. This is manifestly unjust, and highly dangerous for the community. There is no maxim more correct and sacred, in my republican creed, than that the minority should always be heard^ and fairly and courteously treated. By properly districting the states, a minor party would always have a chance to be represented, in some of the districts, and thereby encouraged to keep up their vigilance and exertions for the detection and exposure of the overbearing influence and cor- rupt designs of party leaders in power. Virtuous minorities should therefore always be encouraged^ as healthy for the body politic. By neglecting to district, party leaders have maintained one of their apologies for caucus nominations ; and which is, that it would be impossible for the electors, in general, to form a correct judgment in the selection and choice of all their representatives in congress, state senators, presidential electors, and like officers, throughout a whole state : And, therefore, the men must be picked out and marked ^ before hand, by a few knowing ones, for the freemen to chouse ! In case of the death, or resignation of a representative in con- gress, state senator, presidential elector, or the like officer, if a state was properly districted, his place might be supplied by the votes of his district, only, and without any further trouble or de- lay — martialing a caucus to tell the freemen who to choose, and calling out the electors of a whole state to make the choice, or rather to confirm the nomination. If the states were properly districted, and the merits of the dii^ ferent candidates that might offer themselves, or be otherwise no- POLITICAL REFLECTIONS, NO. 1. 305 ticed for election, were properly discussed and explained to the public, there is no doubt but the virtue and good sense of the freemen, generally, would enable them to make the best selections. And, certainly, as the people have to bear the consequences, of good or bad public servants, they should be left free and unbridled in the selection and choice thereof Every person entitled to vote at an election, should be allowed to send in their ballots, when inconvenient to attend the polls in person — as if they were proprietors in any general concern. Such a regulation would be both just and wise ; for it is hard, and in a measure injurious to the public concern, that a good and efficient member of the community — one who was equally concerned in the measures of government, and entitled to a vote in the selec- tion of public servants, should, unnecessarily be deprived of his right, when ill health, absence from town, or any inconvenience prevented his personal attendance at the polls, merely to present his written ballot ; and particularly when no unusual trouble or hazard would be encountered by his sending the same. I cannot perceive any mor? impropriety in a man's offering himself as a candidate, for an office, elective by the people, than for one to seek an appointment by an executive officer, or through any other agency of government. The electors are under no obligation to choose a man, because he has offered his services ; and perhaps given them a specimen of his principles, qualifications, and views on interesting and leading subjects. But the public would certainly be much less liable to be deceived, by such a candidate, than one who was si- lent — who had neither explained, nor pledged any thing, and when elected, would perhaps feel indifferent, or prove an unsuita- ble or unfaithful representative of the interests and feelings of his constituents. Experience has indeed proved how often we have been misrepresented and disappointed, when it was too late to correct the mistake. There is, I know, a little crooked policy, cultivated by some of the craft who make a profession of advocating or representing others^ by which they would endeavour to have it considered as ostentatious or otherways disgraceful, for an individual to say any m 3M POLITICAL REFLECTIONS, No. 1. thing in favor of himself; but that, whatever a second persoQ might say of him, however mercenary his views, would be void of selfish or dishonourable reflections. Just as if the truth lost any of its attributes or good qualities by coming direct fi-om the foun- tain head ! or that the real merits of an individual were diminish- ed, by his being able to vindicate or explain himself ! (This same little craft or policy is pursued, in some instances, in regard to a person's serving himself ^ in other capacities, besides that of a spokesman or advocate.) We are frequently called upon to elect to offices of considerable trust and importance, men of whom the public in general know little or nothing concerning their character, qualifications, and general circumstances. A prudent man would hesitate to employ, or entrust as a day laborer upon his farm, a man, without knowing more of him than we frequently do of many who are entrusted with some of our dearest political concerns. When we have all the men, as it were, of the whole district^ state, or nation, as the case may be,"o select public servants from, men of the best characters, qualifications and dispositions to pro- mote the public good, should be employed. Desperate characters, and those destitute of principle, property, or responsibility, are generally the most eager to obtain public office or employ, that they may embezzle a fortune, or increase their wealth out of the public property, by dishonest management ; and especially when examples of success seem to encourage and justify their desires and expectations. Such cases are certainly alarming to the public concern, when, and wherever they exist, and require constant watchfulness. There are other seekers after public office or employ, who, fi'om ignorance, indolence, carelessness, or a lack of real qualifi- cations and habits of business, should be cautiously avoided, as they generally prove worse than a dead weight to the public con- cern. Public servants are far more likely to violate the proper duties of their stations, from carelessness, and design, than from a lack POLITICAL REFLECTIONS, No. 1. 307 «f sufRcient talents and information to know and perform their duties. Any man, of common prudence and discernment, would natu- rally dismiss from his further confidence and employ, a person who should wilfully neglect to give him seasonable and proper in- formation of the trespasses of others on his property, and of the treacherous or unfaithful conduct of those in his confidence or employ — more especially those who should openly attempt to pal- liate such misconduct, or secretly connive at the perpetration and escape of offenders. And certainly the public good requires that our government concerns should be managed, with at least as much wisdom and prudence, as an ordinary individuals. A proper distribution of the offices and agencies of govern- ment, is one of the most important and unquestionable republican rules, that has ever been established. I can hardly help viewing a man, invested with a number of different offices and agencies, as a kind of political monster, with an unusual number of heads ^ legs, Siud fangs, to annoy and devour mankind with, as his appetite and opportunities may urge him and favour his indulgence. There is peihaps no republican rule or regulation, in proportion to its apparent importance, of more vital necessity to the perpet- uity and well being of a republican community, than a rigid ad- herence to a ROTATION in office. Men, long in the exercise of public authority, however republi- can and well disposed they may have been on their first appoint- ment, are extremely liable to forget their accountability and em- ployers interest, and think only of their own ease, riches, and ag- grandizement. By removing public officers and agents, once in a while, not only reminds them of their dependence and accountability, but generally brings their conduct to the test of inspection ; and final- ly interrupts, breaks off and defeats the corrupt intrigues, and systems of favouriteism, that long established power often gene- rates and indulges. It frequently happens, that, after obtaining an election or ap- pointment to office, men cease their public inquiries, and aT« 308 POLITICAL REFLECTIONS, JNo. 1. soon left greatly in rear of the progress of political information and public improvement. They seem to have no further regard for truth, or the public good — nothing but their own private ends. Having ascended to their favorite station, they carefully endeav- our to haul up, or secure the ladder of their political elevation, for fear others might attempt to ascend and disturb their possession. Some times they actually put one in mind of a greedy old sow, who, after obtaining permission, by long grunting and squeak- ing, to put her head into the pail and take one mouthful, eagerly attempts to swallow her Jill ^ or upset the whole ! The FAITHFUL DISCHARGE of public services, should be consid- ered honourable^ and in proportion to the general magnitude of the trust, and of the abilities and fidelity displayed in the per- formance — and not in the mere possession of an office. Public servants should not be sinecures or pensioners, and paid for what their services do not in fact mrrit. Nothing can be more manifestly unjust and absurd, than to render public service more lucrative than private employment, as it pays away the public money unnecessarily, and excites intrigue and political ^*w^^//n^ to obtain public office and employ. If those in the public employ, were not allowed, directly nor indirectly, to receive more value than their services were actually worth, we should soon cease to be troubled with the tricks and in- trigues that are now often resorted to for the obtainment of pub- lic office or employ. There would be no extra gains in prospect to justify the expensive juggling or management for an office, con- tract or agency. Monarchs, and those in the exercise of considerable power, held in contempt of the people, are generally obliged to pension those whom they employ, or entrust with considerable power or secrets of government, both while in, and out of their employ, in order to bribe them to the secrets of their masters policy and conduct. This is one of the most precious charms that monarchy holds out to the little hankerers after power and perquisite ; and is the chief reason why office seekers generally prefer monarchy to a re- publican government. Monarchy also requires a greater number POLITICAL REFLECTIONS, No. 2. 309 of lucrative agencies and employments, than a republic. But, THE PEOPLE, have to sweat and groan for these numerous public employments, high salaries, and pensions. It is this policy that oppresses and degrades the honest labour of the old world. Political Reflections, No. 2. Oaths, to the officers and agents of government, are of little use or necessity, where there is no secret and discretionary per- forntances or exercise of power. Pecuniary bonds are most prop- erly relied upon, in such cases. Oaths to legislative, judicial, and executive officers, and those required of lawyers^ on being admitted to practice, should define, explicitly J and extensively y the general course of conduct proper for each of them to pursue — and always should be written, and subscribed, and filed on public records : so that they might be en- forced, something in the nature of a contract, when violated to the injury of any one, and the offenders subjected to damages and other suitable punishment. There ought, if possible, to be a standard provided for regula- ting the compensation, of those who make, and administer the laws, by which they should be made to feel the burdens and distresses occasioned by a change of times, as well as other peo- ple. In the present extremely depressed price of property, (1819 — 20,) the officers and agents of our states and general govern- ment, who have certain and fixed salaries and rates of compensa- tion, are generally the gainers by every thing that operates as an oppression upon the community ; and are therefore rather inter- ested and inclined to create and prolong public embarrassment and distress, than in promptly devising and executing measures for our relief, and for preventing like unhappy occurrences in fu- ture — more especially if they are lawyers, and sharpers, who thrive in their individual professions, and speculative concerns, 3i0 POLITICAL REFLECTIONS, No. 2. on the pecuniary embarrassments and distresses of their fellow men. Legislatures should consider themselves bound to consult and adopt measures best calculated to promote the general interest and welfare of the whole nation, state, or other community, with- in their special care. In this way, every good and wholesome trade, profession, and interest, may be duly fostered, and the whole preserved and prospered. A member who cannot elevate or expand his mind beyond the local prejudices and limited inter- ests of a few individuals, is not fit to legislate or act for the gene- ral concern. Legislators usually acquire a considerable part, or most of their information on subjects of legislative investigation, by en- quiries and discussions carried on among themselves and others, out of the house, and hours of session ; so that members who are not qualified or disposed to take an active part in public debating — regular speech making, often do more to promote, correct an effi- cient legislation, than a number of more blustering and noisy members. Besides, what is done out of the house and usual hours of session, is generally a saving to the public concern ; while long winded and quibbling members, (political bullies, blackguards &ni\ jugglers,) often perplex, embarrass and detain the proceedings of legislative assemblies, or some how finally defeat the correct and effectual objects of legislation — ^to the great ex- pense and injury of the community at large. Such characters should certainly be marked, and cautiously avoided in future — as we shun poisonous drugs and other dilaterious articles. One good thinker, and voter, is generally worth a dozen quibbling and noisy legislators. In discussing subjects before a legislative body, the members ought to be permitted to write down their remarks in full, and read them, or have them read by a clerk of the house, or some other person. This practice, would enable members to refine and abridge their ideas, on subjects before them ; and at the same time accommo- date those who were not professionally or otherwise in the habit of public speaking. POLITICAL REFLECTIONS, No. 2. 311 The reported speeches of our legislators, are generally defec- tive, partial, and calculated to deceive the public in regard to the conduct of their own immediate representatives. In the first place, the speeches and other legislative proceedings, are only a part taken down, and but a small number of those are ever pub- lished entire. Such, for instance, as are generally calculated to give the hest and worst view of different men, and different mea- sures. In many, if not in most of the speeches published, the matter sketched down by the reporters, undergoes a review and final im- provcwcw', by their authors, or others. Many are abridged, and such matter or parts as are not calculated to appear wellj or to set off their reputed authors to the best advantage, before their con- stituents and the public, are generally suppressed, as a matter of favour, by the reporters or publishers. Some of our highest public officers, have a dangerous power and influence in community, from the great, and continually in- creasing numbers that depend on them for office and employment. For instance, the president of the United States — the immense number that already depend on his will and favor for their stations and support ! We have perhaps been fortunate, in the selection and choice of our presidents ; but suppose some unprincipled and daring char- acter in full possession of that important office — what political purpose could he not accomplish, by his immense power and pat- ronage, and especially if favoured in his designs, by secret opera- tions of internal and foreign foes to our liberty and independence ! Suppose the holy alliance, in their endeavours to check the progress and examples of revolutions in favour of popular govern- ment — if they should move the secret springs of action and set the machine in motion, who could stop it, or tell where it would end, as the power is now vested 1 The president has the chief command of the purse and the sword of the nation — being commander in chief of the army, and navy, and having the supreme executive authority of the union, chiefly concentrated in his single person. He can, in a great measure, controul, directly and indirectly, the selection, appoint- 312 POLITICAL REFLECTIONS, No. 2. inent, and continuance in the public service, of most of the mili- tary and civil executive officers and agents under the general gov- ernment, and direct their operations ; he can pardon (like the pope,) criminal and other offenders, and remit pecuniary penal- ties, and other forfeitures, after a full conviction, and thereby, in a degree, paralyze the laws of our national government. These things, all taken together, seem prodigious, for a com- munity of republicans, who do not profess to believe in the infal- libility of a single individual ; more especially when it is consid- ered that there is no necessity for continuing the practice, what- ever the national good might formerly have required. The chief fortune and fate of a nation, is certainly too impor- tant a concern to be entrusted to a single individual, as chief of all the principal active authorities. A SUPREME EXECUTIVE COUNCIL, compx)sed of fire persons, one from each of five great national districts, to be chosen by the free- men or electors thereof, for five years, so arranged in the begin- ning, that one should go out, and a new one come into the coun- cil, every succeeding year ; the oldest member, for his fifth and last year, to be president of the council. Such a council, to be substituted in the room of our president and vice president, would mainly obviate the dangers and imper- fections of our supreme head. It would be uniting, as it were in our supreme executive na- tional head, the knowledge and capacities of five equal persons, practically acquainted with the different sections and concerns of our country, all chosen by, and responsible to the people ; and thereby guarding against the inabilities, partialities and casualties that appertain to a single chief It would also create far greater responsibility in supreme exec- utive officers, by bringing their election nigher home to their im- mediate constituents. In case of the death or inability of our president, as the case BOW stands, it would generally require some time for the vice president to repair to the seat of national government and col- lect the reins faithfully into his hands. Let the senate choose their presiding officer from among them- selves. POLITICAL REFLECTIONS, NO. 1. 313 Such a regulation, would check the wasteful, vexatious and •corrupt intrigue and juggling, that is sometimes carried on dur- ing an electioneering campaign for a president ; and ultimately do away many pernicious local prejudices and partialities. It would also give every considerable section of the nation their regular turn in furnishing a president or chief executive magistrate of the federal union ; and save congress from their disgraceful squabbles about favorite chiefs. The revolution furnished us more tried and prominent charac- ters to select a chief from, than we have now, or perhaps ever shall have again ; and yet the duties and responsibilities of the office of our president are daily increasing, by our extension of territory, and increase of numbers, and still more by new branches and business, constantly undertaking by the general governmentv As the case now is, the president has an almost resistless power and influence, in securing his own re-election, and in the selec- tion and final choice of his successor. A single executive chief, can also indulge his private and local prejudices and partialities, in the selection and control of the offi- cers and agencies of the general government, to the ultimate det- riment of one section or part of the union, and for the benefit of another. It is indeed extremely difficult to acquire sufficient knowledge and experience, for the transaction of the affiiirs of the general government, of a high political character, without the patronage of the president. He is, for a time, in a measure, the political sovereign of our chief national executive concerns. The president of the supreme executive council, should, of course, devote his attention to the duties of chief magistrate of the union ; but the other four of the council, might appropriate a part of their time to a kind of general superintendence of the four highest or most important departments ; beginning with the lowest or least important, and progressively shifting, each year, until they come to the highest, the fourth year pf their executive term. This would affisrd them peculiar and important advanta- tages in acquiring a correct .and extensive knowledge of our chief 40 S14 THE POLICY OF SATAN. national concerns, and add to their qualfications for presidin^r their fifth and last year. The policy of Satan. Papists, or the chief leaders of the church of Rome, derived their principal craft from the arts practised by satau on our firsi parents. The fallen angel, who had been cast out of Paradise for his unprincipled conduct, was wandering about the world, miserable and discontented, when he discovered tlic felicity and contentment enjoyed by the happy pair in Eden, which stung him to the quick — to see others enjoying that happiness which he had forfeited and lost ! and finally induced him to attempt their annoy- ance. After studying the objects of his envy and evil designs, he at length approached the weakest, with all the subtlety and pleasing cunning he could possibly assume, for the moment. He told young Eve, among other flattering things, how divinely hand- some she was ; — said she ought to rule her husband ; but as she had not the bodily strength to do it by main force, she must en- deavour to accomplish her purposes by artful management — get the lead, by studied smiles, flattering words, and other little arti- ficee and cunning. This, *' the evil one'' probably foresaw, would cause a contention among the human race, and ultimately prevent much happiness. The most crafty of the papal leaders, or priests of the church of Rome, undertook to improve this art to their purposes, for rul- ing the strong by the use of the weak. They generally study to ^lect the handsomest young men for priests, and require them to live single y in order to facilitate their intrigues with women* * When the Spanish inquisition was overtorned a feir years ago, and its books were seized upon and submitted to iQ«pection, it was found that in the small province of Murica, one of the least extensive and popu- lous in Spain, the provincial tribunal of the inquisition had actually insti tuted no less than seven thousand prosecutions against priests for attempt ing the seduction of their female penitents. — JV»/w' Register. BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS, &c. 315 And, by the use of women, children and other weak persons in society, they have contrived and managed to exercise the most horrid despotism over a considerable part of the human family. The priests of the holy inquisition, and those of their craft or policy generally — in addition to the use they make of bankrupts and people of desperate fortunes and characters, employ, as their privileged spies ^ wives on their husbands, children on their parents, and servants and domestics generally, on their masters or em- ployers ; to observe their conversation and conduct, and endeav- our to ascertain their thoughts, and especially their private opin- ions of the ruling clergy, and their works and designs, and to report the same to them, secretly, at their confessions — to enable them to execute their will and purposes, and, as much as possible, to RULE IN SECRET ! Brief general remarks on a variety/ of subjects. The art of reasoning, from correct principles, is one of the greatest sciences of human acquirement ; and is the ke^ to all other arts. It is not a great deal we want, to enable us to encompass all the real goods and happiness, that we are well capable of enjoying, or that this world is able to bestow, if we only reason correctly. The man who desires a great deal more than he can reasona- bly possess, is always distressed with want, however much he may have. The ascent of ambition, is like climbing a pole — the higher we go, the more we see, the more we want, and the more danger there is to be apprehended from falling. True virtue, is naturally of a sincere, modest and retiring char- acter — fond of peace and rural enjoyments : The fruits of a good coHScience, and a reasonable mind. 3U BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS Vice; is of an affected, blustering, and often popular character — the absence of truth and reason. The painted harlot, and design* ing knave, often assume a more specious or pleasing aspect, foi the moment, in the eyes of deluded or unthinking beings, than true virtue and excellence, in all their solid and unaffected charms.- A virtuous and philosophical mind, well stored with informa- tion and matter for reflection, enters into society with itself, and shuts out the world with its chief cares and perplexities. It feasts on the wisdom, goodness and perfection of nature, and enjoys an almost uninterrupted banquet of intellectual pleasures and delights. In our pleasures of eating, drinking, sleeping, and the gratifica- tion of all our bodily desires, man varies but little from the brutes ; but in our intellectual enjoyments, the human capacity is almost boundless. An ignorant old man, is one of the miserablest creatures in life. As the sallies of youth cease to cheer him, he looks forward with doubt and apprehensions, of the account he shall be able to ren- der, at the call of final justice, for the time and talents that have been allowed him, and he looks back without the conscious satis- faction of having lived a well spent life. How happy are they, who, on gradually retiring from an active and well spent life, hear the sweet sounds of eternal justice tingling in their ears, of " well done, tiiou good and faithful, ented tNTO THE JOYS OF THE BLESSED !" We should endeavor to derive some useful ideas or information, fVom every considerable circumstance or situation we may witness or pass through in life, and hand the same down to posterity, by precept and example. Early records, and habits of noticing such matters, tend greatif to yreserve our useful ideas, extend their use to others, and to promote human improvements in general. Every succeeding generation, ought, indeed, to grow wiser than their ancestors ; for it would be absurd to suppose that mankind ON A VARIETY OF-gUBJECTS. 317 would not be benefitted by all the experience, demonstrations and records of those who had gone before them. Refining and arranging our ideas, on subjects and matters of usefulness, is like separating the wheat from the chaff, or like se- lecting the ore, and refining the metal from the dross and impuri- tsies, and preparing the same for useful and important purposes. A man without system, in his general habits and concerns in life, may be mainly regarded as acting from the impulse and op- portunities of the moment, and without any particular respect to the principles of moral and political justice. By reading and hearing, we learn what others knew ; and by thinking and practice, we acquire information ourselves. It is generally easier to bring up a dozen children right, than to reform one grown blockhead. Ruminating antiquity for improvements, is something like go- ing hachoards to make progress ahead. By adopting ancient usages as fit examples for our present con- duct, without examining into their fitness and propriety, is ulti- mately staying every error and absurdity, to the embarrassment and exclusion of truth and reason, and of actual improvement. We are often but half obliged, to those who would be friends, or the benefactors of mankind, when they only warn us of our dan- gers, errors or inconsistencies, without pointing out the better way, or enabling us to make some actual improvement in our course, operations, or final condition. I hardly know which is least worthy of human confidence, a knave, or a fool, for a knave will wrong you designedly, and a fool is generally a tool in the hands of every knave who may olioose to employ him ; but a man must be a fool to be a knav% •3J8 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS and little knaves are the fools and tools of older or more expert knaves, and the devil is the head or chief of all knaves. Mankind are generally apt to attempt too complicated views, on , the subjects of moral and political science, and thereby often get their minds bewildered, without well comprehending, even a part. In order to form a correct estimate of society, and especially with a view to effect an actual improvement in the moral and po- litical condition thereof, it is necessary, in the first place, to ex- amine and understand all the parts, separately — consider their nature, tendency, proportions, stations and general fitness for their various purposes, with a view to the best possible general re- sult. And then, when these parts are well understood, the whole may be viewed in operation together. The same as a skilful and judicious mechanic, builder, or engi- neer, examine their materials, and then arrange, proportion and construct their work and designs, to produce the desired result in the best manner. Society is made up of a great many different professions, occu- pations, characters, habits, interests and conditions of life, all of which have their peculiar inclinations, connections, and bearings^ or final results. These are the a, b, o's of moral and political science. In compounding and tempering the public morals, habits and customs of life, doctors, either from ignorance or design, are per- petually liable to extremes^ that ultimately prove a disease, rather than effect a cure of common evils. For example ; too much religious discipline and instruction, is apt to inculcate vain notions, and finally end in bigotted, supersti- tious, hypocritical, oppressive and degrading ceremonies and ex- amples, rather than cultivate and establish good and practical morals, and improve our happiness positively. Too much law doctrine, is liable to degenerate rules designed for the protection of our persons and property, into complex and obscure systems, that ultimately serve as crooked instruments in the hands of learned, wealUiy and designing individuals, for plan- drring, persecuting and oppressing their fellow-raeiK ON A VARIETY OP SUBJECTS. 319 Consequently, where there is the greatest excess or indulgence of priests, and lawyers, there the people are generally the most liable to be priesUriddtn, and Imcyer'riddm. Court and church, magnificence and splendour , costs more hur man misery than all the avowed infidelity on earth. They serve Id cloak and gild the abominable deeds of overgrown vice. Forms and ceremonies, are the life-guards of despotism and aristocracy. They were intended to keep the common people in ignorance, and in awe, the better to disguise the deeds of crown- ed or sacramental heads ; many of whose acts, would otherways appear, even more barbarous than the rude savages of the wilder- Unprincipled men in power^ will neither promote the public good themselves, nor permit others to do it. Such characters generally regard a public benefactor, with jealousy and bitter- ness ; although they commonly study to disguise the true cause of their hatred, in order to avoid the public indignation or contempt, and to favor the indulgence of their private hostility and evil de- signs. Their conduct, when contrasted with that of a real friend of mankind, demonstrates their baseness and inferiority, and pla- ces them so manifestly in the wrong as to render arguments, unnecessary to prove the fact. Ask a virtuous and enlightened people, who are their best friends, and they will tell you, those, who finally do the most good in society, with the least proportionate trouble and expenses It is ridiculous for a nation or people to pretend their venera- tion and regard for virtue and public usefulness, while they delib- erately elevate to stations of profit and honour, notorious and un- relenting libertines, profligates and knaves, or other foes to com- mon justice, and the good of society. How would a public magistrate appear, punishing others for th.e flame offeRces of which he had been notoriously and unre-* 320 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS lentingly guilty himself 7 Perhaps a judge on the bench, or other executive officer, admonishing, convicting or punishing a cul- prit, convict or party, for the offence of seduction, gambling, adultery, fraudulent conspiracy, swindling or the like transgres- sions, of which himself had been notoriously guilty. Justice, enforced by precept and example, has a treble influ- ence on society. Liberty, without licentiousness, would afford but poor picking for lawyers. One trading, speculating, defaulting, failing, cheating, va- grant, treacherous, quarrelsome or worthless character, is general- ly worth more to lawyers, than fifty or an hundred honest and prudent farmers, mechanics, or others who live upon the fruits of their own useful industry, and do not attempt to wrong others, or disturb the peace of society. Men who have been professionally in the habit of advocating right or wrong, just as suited their own, or client's purposes ; and of perplexing and spinning out every subject to its greatest possi- ble length, to increase their own business and gains, would be extremely liable to make quibbling legislators, and crooked magis- trates. Men who have been in the habit of employing artifices to con- ceal the offences of others, and to facilitate their evasion of jus- tice, or to aid and assist their designs and efforts to rob, perse- cute and oppress their fellow beings, will scarcely scruple to em- ploy the same means for their own accommodation, whenever a temptation or opportunity occurs. The lawyers of this country, generally, with a few highly hon- orable exceptions, if left to themselves, would be just about as un- likely to correct their own crooked policy and conduct, as the prieets of the old world, wherever they have the chief rule. ON A VARIETY OP SUBJECTS. 321 When a man has a professional policy, or private purpose to answer, which is at variance with common honesty, or the public good, he becomes infinitely more dangerous, in the possession and exercise of public confidence and authority, and especially as a public magistrate, teacher, or guide. The knaves and tyrants of the new world, are probably as hos- tile to truth, virtue, justice and human improvement, as those of the old world, only they are not yet so fully established in power, and have not the same means to obtain a complete gratification. The authors of accomplished villainy, frequently use some cha- ritable donation, as a bait for their snares, or cover to their traps and treachery. Such characters often engage in the commencement or promo- tion of some popular establishment, enterprise or undertaking, to serve as a kind of musick, to charm the public senses, and to drown the cries and agonies of their robbed, wounded or distress- ed victims. When the coarse and vulgar villains of society, have committed an outrage upon the person or property of a fellow being, to grati- fy or serve their excessive appetite, lust, avarice, malice, treachery or revenge, sometimes they take the lives of their victims, in or- per to prevent them from giving evidence or information against them ; but when the more learned and accomplished villains tres- pass on the persons, property or privileges of others, they generally study to conceal the facts, by ensnaring, intimidating and shack- ling the press^ and the general freedom of speech,** to prevent the truth from being told, and by endeavours to destroy the character and reputation of their victims, to prevent the truth from being he- licved, when told. There are also other stratagems and ways of taking people's lives, without having recourse to immediate or di- rect assassination ; and by which the learned, wealthy, and those in power, generally contrive to despatch their victims. When hypocrisy and bigotry have perverted and calloused the 41 322 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS understandings of mankind, so that truth and reason, in their ordinary address, are not heard or regarded, it then becomes ne- cessary to speak out in language as loud and forcible as thun- der ^ and as keen and penetrating as lightning. Tell me what government you have rebelled against, and under what circumstances you have acted, and I will tell you whether you are a villain, or a patriot, a wise man, or a fool. Let those who are nothing of themselves^ to be proud of, boast of their birth or family connections, and thus proclaim their own degenerate and fallen condition. Those, who, by arms or other means, forcibly enslave their fel- low men, without any forfeiture of natural liberty on the part of the enslaved, are often worse than cannibals, who only eat their vanquished and dead foes. The fierceness and cruelty of a greedy or malignant foe, is i«- creased by the cries and agonies of his wounded victim. Artful and corrupt professional policy, often cramps and de- forms more real genius, by unnecessary, arbitrary and hypocritic- al rules and regulations, than perhaps all other causes put togetli- er. One of the chief causes why virtue and liberty generally decline with the age of governments, is, that power has been mainly in the hands of those, whose very professions thrive on the ignorance, wounds and depravity of society. When I estimate mankind by their professions, I am inclined to regard justice and virtue, as honorable and desirable ; but were I to judge them by their actions, and especially to compare their precepts with their practice, I should be almost obliged to consid- er the world as a cheat, and the biggest cheat as the best fellow but this is the present corrupt and hypocritical world, as it ha.- been rendered by kingcraft, priestcraft, schoolcraft, literary- ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 323 crctft^ witch-crafty law-craft, and war-craff — but not as it might be, and should be. • I can hardly help regarding every thorough bred and under- standing monarchist, as a cheat in theory, if not in practice, and every designing cheat, as a monarchist in practice, if not in pro- fession. Those who are the least deserving of honorable distinctions, are generally the most eager to obtain nominal titles. A person elevated to a station by the aid of others, and one raised to wealth and distinction by his oian merits, should be very differently estimated : The former, generally passes for more than worth, and the latter is often greatly under valued. Nations, like individuals, when they form treaties offensive, may be said to a^ree as well as old Pooler and his wife, who agreed to Jight ! King-craft, naturally makes man the worst enemy of his own species, in order that he may be rendered instrumental to the rob- bery, persecution and oppression of his fellow men. King-craft, would pervert the best talents of human nature, in- to instruments and playthings to suit " low ambition aod the pride of kings,*' instead of having them cultivated and applied to the best use, for the general good of mankind. Actions that manifest a contempt for the rights and feelings of others, is monarchy in practice— whatever the understanding or intention may be. Justice and reason, have but little to do with knaves and tyrants, Force d.nd fraud are their chiofagfents. 324 BRIKF GENERAL REMARKS Men who attempt to play the tyrant, on liowever small a scale, generally refuse to assign reasons for their actions and designs, and particularly to the victims of their fraud and oppression. Man, perfectly civilized, is the subject of truth, justice and reason. Monarchy, teaches mankind to deceive, oppress, and destroy their fellow men ; but republicanism, like Christianity, teaches us to enlighten^ unshackle, and save our fellow beings. Monarchy teaches men to harden the feelings of their fellow- beings; and to make their ignorance and misfortunes a jus- tification for their being robbed, persecuted, and enslaved : republicanism, (and Christianity, which are essentially the same in justice and humanity,) requires us to soften and humanize the feelings and dispositions of our brethren of the human family ; and finally to make their ignorance and misfortunes, the subject of our compassion and forbearance. True charity, begins at home. How often do we see people making a mighty fuss and parade, about contributing for the in- struction, relief or happiness of strangers, or people in a distant or foreign country, when they are surrounded at home by the miserable victims of their own meanness, deceit, oppression and cruelty ? And perhaps the chief reason why they are not warn- ed, or mended of their faults, is the general lack of virtue and intelligence among their own people ! A mind that is given up to treachery, seldom sees itself. The creature is all eyes, ears and mouth — but no soul within which, the subjects of virtue, (relying upon the eternal justice, wisdom and power of the Creator,) recline, with so much sweetness, sat- isfaction and contentment. He who smiles at the commission of a crime, or trifles with the ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 32i offence, is generally as destitute of principle, or understanding, as the perpetrator. If one person gives a bribe, and another receives it, the first who complains of the offence, should not only be exonerated from punishment, but be rewarded, for enabling a detection of the fact. If this plan was judiciously managed, it would soon put a materi- al stop to bribery. There are few tricks of the learned craft, played off to deceive and defraud the common people, more base and hypocritical, than many of their disinterested pretensions. Let me know a man's interest, and I can generally tell his prin- ciples. Men who obtain public office or employ by false and deceitful artifices and representations, will generally devote their opportu- nities to defraud their employers. Law, without justice, is like religion without morality ; and both are generally fit instrument for the service of satan. Priestcraft aids and sanctifies fraud, religiously, and lamcraft, litigiously. Priest-craft artfully obscures the light of Heaven in mystery ; and law-craft studiously involves the principles of justice and equity in uncertainty. Who, or which profession have been the most active and instru- mental in persecuting public benefactors, that of priests, or law- yers? While the knaves and tyrants of society, are openly contribu- ting to honor and reward one patriot or public benefactor, they are often secretly trampling on, or conspiring to suppress and des- troy, perhaps a dozen rising individuals of the same character. 2i% BiUEF GENERAL REMARKS Public parades, often afford hypocrites and designing knaves, a peculiar opportunity to display their outside show to the greatest advantage. The rich, haughty and overbearing aristocrats, are thus put up to out show real merit. Vice and folly are thus pam- pered, and apparently exalted, and virtue and wisdom, insulted, and put down — that is, in the estimation of ignorant or unthinking beings — never otherways. In the impulse, ebbs and flows of public passions, there is an era of good, and of bad feelings ; of which knaves and tyrants are per- petually studying to take the advantage, to effect their base and crooked designs and purposes. It is, therefore, of general impor- tance that the people should be aware of it, in order the better to detect and defeat such designs. Human liberty is as often violated, and finally entangled and destroyed, from the lack of proper attention on the part of the people, as from their ignorance or want of knowledge. Men of corrupt minds, and despotic habits or indulgences, hypo^ eritcally represent remonstrances and arguments, however just and reasonable, when urged against their conduct or designs, as scolding — while in fact these very same little knaves and tyrants themselves, arc more in the habit of raving, pouting .and scolding, when any thing crosses their will, than any other class of men. Morality, truly considered, does not abridge one solid or ra- tional enjoyment ; but on the contrary, it augments and improves our happiness, in the most sure, substantial and lasting manner. A good moral habit — a system of general conduct judiciously arranged before hand, is the course of true wisdom. As health, general competence, and a long life, are desirable, so should w^e practice temjjerance, for intemperance is the parent of debility, disaase, poverty, and death. Mark the dissipaled, profligate and lewd character, and calcu- late their ruin, and most assuredly you will avoid their wretched fate and example. ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 327 To acquire true honor, and enjoy the comforts of a tolerable competence, regard temperance in all things, for it is the surest guide to health, wealth, and honor. Excesses, in eating, drinking, frolicking, sporting, and in the indulgence of our lust, anger or other extreme passions or desires — like a deluge, fire or tornado, upon the natural earth, have a tendency to drown, prostrate, disfigure, wound or destroy the real beauties, worth and excellence of the human constitution and character. Ignorance — torong information^ or a lack of knowing the actu- al truth of whatever concerns us, is the main cause of human mis- conduct ; for it would be a burlesque upon reason and common sense, to suppose that rational beings would, voluntarily and knowingly do any thing against their own general happiness. We all prefer happiness to misery, and should always pursue the most pure and lasting enjoyments, if we could rightly, and sea- sonably, comprehend their true character and course. Wrong information, delusion, and a lack of knowing the actual truth of whatever concerns us, are the real snares and stumbling- blocks of human life. To acquire a general and correct knowledge of the truths that concern us, and thereby avoid the evil consequences of error, re- quires considerable mental and bodily exertion ; but the reward is abundantly equal to the undertaking. Here the duty of parents, guardians, and instructors, assumes an immense responsibility, and importance, in giving true and val- uable impressions, and in correcting erroneous ideas, examples and information. This duty, well performed, is of far greater consequence to the youth, than great wealth without such in- struction. Some priests, have raised up or created a phantom, which they call the devil, ^nd attack with great boldness ; while they seldom interfere with those who are playing the real devil in society. No wonder that tyrants and knaves in power, should be afraid 328 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS of information, and arms, in possession of the people, lest they should discern, and resume their suppressed rights, and perhaps 7'esertt some of the insults, oppressions and cruelties they had ex- perienced. But a virtuous and wise man, duly invested with public author- ity, has rather an occasion to rejoice at the intelligence and force of his constituents. In a republic, the people are chiefly their own guards ; and are generally stationed where their protection is the most needed — namely, to guard their own persons and property. The chief excuse for the existence and continuation of mon- archy or arbitrary government, is the ignorance and depravity of the people ; but if this was really an excuse that would justify the necessity of suppressing human liberty, and those who control the exercise of this absolute power, were desirous of improving the condition of the people, they would adopt measures to have them truly enlightened, and their vices corrected ; so as to enlarge their freedom, and regularly reduce the restraints upon their conduct, as they became more virtuous and enlightened. But, instead of this course, the chiefs, and others who controul the education and government of the subjects of monarchy, pro- hibit the light of truth, and the progress of reason, and human improvement, generally, with the most eager jealousy and inquisi- tive concern, and openly license and encourage the most destruc- tive and fatal examples of ignorance and depravity. In every civilized and well regulated community, there ought to be a perfect harmony and co-operation, between the standards of morality, honour, and the spirit and practice of the law. Our newspapers teem with legislation and projects for making laws, but seldom meddle with the execution thereof — ^the final ENDS of government, which is ten fold more important to the well-being of the people. ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 32^ It requires a great deal of examination, reflection and watchful- ness, to eradicate, and guard against the introduction, and effects of kingcraft^ and all its corrupt, hypocritical and subordinate agents, policies and designs, which are artfully interwoven, and mixed with our systems of education, religion, government, histo- ry, language, laws, fashions, news, information, customs and hab- its of life, and what still continues to invade us, in some shape or manner, from the presses, workshops and agents of the old world. A community of republicans, living together in terms of equity, mutual protection, and social intercourse one with another — each individual enjoying the just fruits of his own honest industry and merit, with nothing to hope from efforts to injuie others, and noth- ing to fear from the evil actions or designs of others to injure him, is the greatest acquisition of human virtue and wisdom, and would be the most interesting and sublime object the world ever 3aw. The only way to make a fair estimate of the general character of a government, or of the condition of those under its care and control, is to take an average of the whole — all the different partff, places, people, grades and conditions, and then to contrast them with the general character and condition of the people and government of another country, state or nation, and see where the people average the most rational advantages of government, and for the least expense. Suppose, for example, we apply the foregoing rule to all the places and people under the dominion, care and control of the Bri- tish government, including Ireland, India, &c. and then compare their average results with the people and government of the Uni- ted States — how important the contrast would be, in favour of our system of government ! And yet, the British government is con- sidered the most favourable one in the old world — except, per- haps the Swiss. What, in all probability, would have been the present moral and 42 330 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS. political condition of England, had it not been for her Botany Bay, and numerous other places for the forced transportation, and volun- tary exile, of her home-bred subjects ? Unprincipled men in power, generally pension those whom they dismiss from statious of considerable trust or confidence, in order to keep them from exposing the secrets of their master's po- licy and conduct ! We often hear it said, that a certain individual has had an of- fice given him, and as a particular mark of personal friendship, or as a compensation or reward for his former good services. From which an intelligent and reflecting mind would rationally conclude that public offices were sometimes sold — not given away, and tliat their salaries or incomes, were more than a fair compensation for the services to be rendered — so as to aflford them a certain gai« beyond what the services actually merited. Men of principle, generally take into consideration the end of every considerable act they intentionally and understandingly pur- sue. Unprincipled and despotic men, sensible of their unjust and cruel conduct and designs, are constantly plotting some new and plausible scheme, device or apology, to patch up and conceal their wretched conduct and characters. Instead of conforming to the general standard of virtue, justice and reason, established for human actions, knaves often endeavour to make their own crooked policy and conduct, a rule and guide for others. Only convince mankind of a future state of rewards and pun- ishments, and that a certain man, or set of men, have the " keys" of heaven and hell, whereby they can save or damn whom they please, and a more complete despotism over the human character, cannot well be conceived of. But I pity the people who are kept in sufficient ignorance and bondage to believe and be led by such a persuasion. ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 331 '* Impious worm of the dust !" would any mortal being pretend that God had specially invested man with a sovereignty over hu- man souls ! It is just as consistent with the true principles of civilization, tor nations, as it would be for individuals, to appeal to arms — to see which can do the other the most harm, on any considerable dif- ference ; instead of settling their matters and various concerns, by written, definite and established laws, peaceably administered, by judicous and established tribunals. When one nation keeps up a horde of mercenary robbers and assassins, ready to let loose upon a neighboring nation, whenever they are off their guard, or rendered particularly vulnerable, the neighboring nations are obliged to resort to similar preparations, in order to be able to defend themselves in case of an attack. But if all nations, pretendedly civilized, would dispense with warlike aggressions, and rely upon a truly civilized code of inter- national law, and a just and reasonable tribunal for carrying the same into effect, there would be no need or justification in keep- ing up large warlike forces and military preparations, and espe- cially in times of professed peace and amity. And this would un- doubtedly be accomplished, if the general good of the whole peo- ple was properly consulted and regarded. What a strange sight it often affords, to a civilized, enlightened and reflecting mind, to behold nations, professedly a civilized and christian people, holding the main body of their citizens in subor- dination by the constant application of the force of arms ! It is equally wonderful to see neighboring nations in professed amity and friendship — perhaps their sovereigns are blood connec- tions, keeping strong military guards on their frontier or division lines. One would imagine that sovereign princes had not much con- fidence in the faith or good intentions of each other. Aristocracy would render industry and usefulness, or true mej:- it, contemptible, and indolence and folly respectable. S32 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS Fashions of dress, manners and customs, are often artfully con- trived to nurse the aristocratic, haught, vanity and deceit of man- kind, to their own general degradation and ruin. Too much money, ruins young men, more fatally than the lack of money. Rules, were intended as leading-strings for simpletons, and shackles for rogues — but never should be permitted to cramp the genius of honest and enlightened minds. Unjust and severe rules or restrictions upon human rights and liberties, has a tendency to provoke desperate actions, which often 5CCOT to justify arbitrary government. One good thinker, is generally worth a dozen quibbling gabbleri, in a deliberative assembly or body of men. Addressed to Liberty, during a disastrous period of tkt war of 1812. O LIBERTY ! thou cclestial goddess of virtue, science, and hu- man felicity — thou, whose cause has been consecrated by the blood of heroes, and the tears of innocence, and whom saints have knelt to adore, forsake not my country, I beseech you ; but continue thy fostering influence over the peoi)le of this new and rising nation — peradventure they may yet erect a temple worthy of thy residence and future glory. On viewing a statue, representing Washington with sandals on and otherways habited as men appeared in their half savage state, some two or three thousand years ago, it was asked whether Washington ever dressed so ? O, no, was the answer ; why, then, continued the inquirer, did they not represent him truly, as he used to dress and appear ? the reply was that this was more classical than his real dress and appearance ! ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 333 Yes, reader, in the true style of ancient literature, /^c^iow, trick and artifice, is regarded as more learned and eminent, than the plain and undeviating truth — that is, hypocrisy and treachery, art- fully and ably embellished, represented and managed, is consid- ered, even at the present day, by some, who would take the lead in matters of education, taste and refinement generally, as more learned, fashionable and elevated, than truth, or unaffected worth and excellence. Sophists, or literary knaves and dunces, would impute more to the manner y than to the matter and real merits of a verbal or writ- ten communication. Monarchy, would establish as the standard of human greatness, the titles conferred by their arbitrary rules and authorities. Our colleges exercise an authority of conferring degrees^ which they would almost seem to have regarded as the criterion of hu* man worth and excellence. While the truly good and great, generally set lightly by such conferments, titles and distinctions. One of the basest and most dangerous arts of kingcraft and its hypocritical co-operators in policy, is the studied perversion of the proper meaning and application of words. Instead of recommending and requiring the restoration of pro- perty wrongfully obtained, or making restitution or amends for in-^ juries done to others ; it seems to be the general policy of unprin- cipled and designing priests and lawyers, to obtain themselves, somehow, directly or indirectly, a part at least of the spoil, for the aid and comfort they afford the transgressors ! Evil example, is the very pilot of corruption. I'alents, without virtue, is like arms or instruments in the way of robbers and assassins. Said a bold, discerning, independent, upright and active repub- "334 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS lican, I have the honor to be hatedj by every designed knave and tyrant who truly knows me. Gratitude — is the first law of civilization — a just and proper sense of favours received — such as children owe to faithful par- ents, and such as is generally due to public and private benefac- tors. It is just as impossible for a person to feel a true Christian tem- per and disposition, without a proper sense oi gratitude ^ as it would be to convert a wolf into a lamb. Ingratitude^ is a heedless, cold or malignant temper or dispo^ sition — generally the result of a neglected, or hypocritical educa- tion ; the manifestations of which, may be considered as the fore- runner of treachery and cruelty. True Christianity, mainly consists in doing as we would be done by ; or, in scripture language, " Therefore all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them : for this is the law and the prophets." It would be unreasonable to expect, that a profession of men, interested, accustomed and indulged as laipycrs generally are, would, professionally, or officially, honestly make and administer laws, to afford good and sufficient aid and protection^ to the works and authors of public usefulness. Let a man undertake to perform a distinguished part as a public benefactor, and he may soon find who are the wolves and vultures of societv. Self-taught men, generally, are less bigoted, and not so much affected by hypocritical examples, and overbearing policies, as those who have had formal educations : and chiefly because they do not implicitly follow the opinion and designs of others — but examine for themselves, and found their faith in practical know- ledge, according to the dictates of truth, justice and reason — in their own understanding. ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 335 Education fashions the mind, almost as arbitrarily, as art forms metallic and other substances into engines and instruments of hu- man agency. God ordained the light of truth, justice and reason, for the in- formation and benefit of mankind : but satan, dreading the ex- posure of his wickedness and deformity of character, and desiring company, as nigh as possible, in his miserable and degraded con- dition, set his evil genius to work to counteract the progress of truth, justice, and reason ; and finally to involve the happiness and concerns of mankind, as much as possible, in moral and po- litical darkness. The general freedom of speech, and of the press, are the or- gans of light and intelligenee, indispensable to the existence of a republic. In a republican country, a man should never be afraid to do any thing, but what was dishonest, inhuman, or mean. Wrong information given to students, is like misdirection to travellers — the longer they pursue the erroneous course, the fur- ther they generally are from the real object of their intentions. Formerly it used to be the fashion, to call rakes, profligates and libertines, high fellows ; but now we begin to rate such as lotv characters. People use many words ceremoniously^ without meaning, or being fully sensible of what they say. This is generally the effect of neglected, or hypocritical education and habits. So when an Irish servant overheard his knavish master repeating his prayers, wherein he used the common form of saying, " I have done those things I ought not to have done^ and left undone that which I ought to have done, and am unworthy to be numbered among the meanest •f thy creatures." Faith, exclaimed Pat, I am glad to hear you speak the truth, once. Oh ! said the surprised hypocrite, you must not take me in earnest — I only say over these words hx form sake ! 336 BRIEF GENERAL EEMARKS Tli^e are some people, who really seem to imagine, that their " Sunday' s piety J blots out the knaveries of the week." Privileged orders. — Why should one man, more than another, be entitled to have his character investigated at the public expense 1 I here particularly allude to naval and military officers, legislators, judges, and others in public employ ; some of whom have cost government much more than they are worthy by court martials, and other public inquiries and investigations, carried on to vindi- cate their conduct and characters. And this, too, when some of the most publicly useful men in the union, while exerting their extraordinary talents and information in the promotion of works, designs and undertakings of great national importance, have been obliged, constantly to defend themselves against the most mali- cious conspiracies, and sometimes against the very men invested with public authority for the aid and protection of such persons and undertakings ! Some, who have proved themselves public benefactors, in an eminent degree, have been obliged to lie upon their arms^ as it were, and while toiling with one hand, defend themselves with the other ! Many of our newspapers, seem to be conducted to serve their few advertising, and office juggling employers, to the sacrifice of their far more numerous subscribing and reading customers. Even those who draw high prizes in lotteries, are not always benefitted, as the sudden possession of considerable property, without acquiring it by some regular business, is apt to lead people into profligate habits, and to ruinous calculations. Inquiries that have truth and justice for their general object, concentrate — become more simple, definite and certain, as they progress ; but investigations that aim at the evasion and defeat of truth and justice — like the juggling of words, scatter, grow more complex, obscure and doubtful, as they progress, and often render that uncertain, which, before, was hardly questionable. ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 337 Virtuous and active minorities, should always be cherished, and iairly and courteously treated, and regarded as healthy for the body politic. Considerable minorities, in politics, and in reli- gion, are far more likely to be guided by a principle of justice and humanity, than large or overwhelming majorities ; because the former generally depend for their justification and support, on the reality and importance of the principles and measures they advocate, or aim to inculcate and establish, while the latter chiefly rely upon the power of their superior numbers, to effect their objects. In fact, most if not all the reforms actually made in govern- ments, and religion, favourable to justice and humanity, were the fruits of virtuous and active minorities. It is, indeed, from the want, or indulgence of virtuous and ac- tive minorities, that bigotry and despotism exist, any where, at any considerable length, in religion or politics. *" When candidates for office or public preferment, give feasts, treats, or public entertainment, it is necessary that freemen should be thoughtful. It may be, they mean no harm ; but many have, unconsciously, sold their birthrights, and for that which was equal- ly insignificant or trifling in value, to *' a mess of pottage." It is always honorable to deceive those who undertake to control our voting, by corrupt or arbitrary means. Indeed, it is the bounden duti/ of every friend of justice and rational liberty, to counteract and defeat the enemy, in any shape. Ancient Greece, Rome, and even modern France, had their liberties perverted and overthrown, chiefly by the influence and control of their overgrown and corrupt cities — which governed the country. But in this republican nation, the country mainly gov- erns legislative bodies ; and thereby, in a measure, guards us against the fatal influence and control of large and corrupt cities. The excitements to the office of president of the United States, has become quite alarming, and dangerous to our liberty, jfromthe 43 V/>^^ art esjtVI 338 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS magnificence and splendor of the public palace furnished for bis official residence, and from the immense and increasing power and patronage of the office. Some of the ignorant slaves, and the desisfning advocates of mo- narchy, from the old world, when travelling in this republican country, wonder, and sometimes profess to cast a reproach upon us, because we have so few of those magnificent temples, costly and splendid palaces, and other extravagances, that like Jugger- nauts ^ have been the principal engines used to crush, as it were, the chief liberties of the common people of the old world. All compromises y involving principle, are generally made for the want of means to enforce or obtain justice, and for the ultimate benefit of knaves and tyrants. To say nothing of the lack of experience, in the early stages of human society ; the imperfection of language ; the great difficulty of circulating and extending knowledge, and the consequent ig- norance of the people of those periods of time : Ancient history is so dependent on tradition, and so blended with romance, fable and fiction, that it is extremely difficult for people of common talents and information, to know what to believe and depend upon. It is therefore, generally the safest and best way, to confide in nothing that we cannot comprehend consistently with reason and common sense, in order to avoid the impositions, that ignorance and treach- ery would, otherways, subject us to. We should endeavour to derive some useful ideas or informa- tion, from every considerable subject we read, or hear, and then digest the matter in our own minds, so as to be able to answer the questions definitely, if put to us. For example — after having read a book, or other publication, or matter, or heard a lecture, oration, sermon, address, speech, or any considerable delivery by voice, let us ask ourselves, or suppose another to make the inqui- ry, " Have you derived any new and useful idea or information, from the same? and what are the ideas or information acquired ? ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 339 and, finally, what practical knowledge or conclusions have you drawn from the subject 1 This habit of inquiry, reflection and conclusion, enables a per- son to select, digest, refine and concentrate information for prac- tical and important purposes. A man, who naturally had a good constitution, and fine talents, and was left young in the world with a handsome fortune — which he had spent in habits of dissipation and debauchery, and ruined his heaUh ; was accosted by one of his old acquaintances, who was endeavouring to console him, in his miserable condition, by saymg that he had many and good friends in the companions of his youth. ** No," said the ruined man ; '^ they were my worst enemies ; for if they had been my real friends, they would have caused a conservator to have been put over me, or otherwise have checked and prevented me from squandering my fortune, and ru- ining my health and talents — and particularly, instead of aiding and encouraging me in my ruinous course, as they did." There has lately been considerable squinting and squirming, about the small salaries for which the chief executive and judicial offices are filled, in the state of Rhode-Island ; and particularly when contrasted with the sums allowed for similar offices in the states of Louisiana and New-York. Those salaries may be too low ; but will any one pretend that justice is not as accessible, and as well executed, in the state of Rhode-Island, as in the two latter named states 1 and even better than in England, or any other country where judges have larger salaries or higher rates of compensation than in any of our states ? . . We should remember, ihdX justice is not meted out with gold scales. The simple truth is, when we go beyond a necessary and just rate of compensation for public services, the artifices of election- eering, and juggling tricks to obtain public office or employ, are naturally excited thereby ; and the higher we go above a medium rate of salaries and perquisites of office, the more learned quib- bles, vexations and delays of justice, are generally indulged. 340 BRIEF GExNERAL REMARKS It is said that, in some parts of our country, certain leading and driving characters, some how manage to dictate and controul, di- rectly and indirectly, the principal newspapers and other publica- tions, that their subjects read ; and that the common people have no practical and G^cieni protection against such persecuting, vex- atious and oppressive conduct and designs. The people — freemen or electors, should lead and rule, in a republic — not be ledj or drove, like cattle ! or voting machines ! People who are not satisfied with themselves, are generally in- clined to be envious of the acquisitions, fame and enjoyment of others. Some people, who have no minds or opinions of their own, or who are under a rigid church or state policy, have to go to their masters or leaders to know what to think, and particularly on mat- ters of religion and politics. There are two dangerous sets of hypocrites in our country, at the present day — one of w hom aim to conceal their knavery and evil designs, under the cloak of piety, or a professed zeal for some religious creed, faith, or sectarian formalities ; and the other study to cover their crooked policy and conduct, under the buzz of some political name, or party distinction, or by the broad mantle of pro- fessed honor or liberality. Hence, professed jiiety, is frequently a cloak for knavery ; and liberality f is often only another name for profligacy or the lack of principle. Some editors and conductors of public journals, strive to lead l^nd dictate — not to collect and follow, public opinion. Unprincipled leaders, generally prefer men of desperate char- acters and fortunes, for under offices and agencies, as they may the more readily convert them into instruments for their own crooked policy and purposes. ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 341 Sympathy for rogues, expressed by looks, words or actions, generally betrays a weak head, or a corrupt policy and under- standing. It may indeed be the result of extreme ignorance, or the person who manifests it may not know what they do ; but generally it is a warning that should be cautiously attended to. Bigots, from ignorance and delusion, and knaves from policy and design, seem ever ready to palliate wrong actions, under some hypocritical or quibbling pretence. A person was complaining of fraudulent transactions, when an- other said, " Lau ! you, rogues must live." Well, replied the former, we have provided, at considerable public expense, a place for their reception, affording them food, clothing, lodging and loorkf with guards for their protection, (state prison ;) and I wish all the rogues were confined there, and not running at large, rob- bing and plaguing honest people. We naturally proclaim a wolf, without any ceremony or hesita- tion, whenever we see one at large, open and undisguised ; but when a wolf is discovered in sheep's clothing — which is infinitely more dangerous, people generally hesitate, and seldom do more than whisper, or give an insinuating hint, to their particular friends and confidants. This strange state of society is brought about by having hypocrites in power, who, in order to screen themselves, generally study to entangle liberty — ^to intimidate discernment, and finally to suppress a manly freedom of speech, and of action. Minds, that have been bewildered and confused, by false pre- cepts and hypocritical examples, like a tangled skein of silk, gen- erally grow worse by hasty or injudicious efforts to untangle them. Persons of variegated fortunes, and of changeable tempers or dispositions, resulting from natural or artificial causes, are gener- ally much more capable of forming correct ideas on subjects in- volving general knowledge, than those of steady tempers, and even or uninterrupted fortunes. Every change of feeling, circum- staace, or situation, gives a different vicnf of the world and its va- 342 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS rious concerns. Health, and sickness ; poverty, and riches ; lib- erty, and slavery ; habitual indolence, and industry ; changes of residence, situation, or occupation, as well as a fluctuating temper of mind ; however they may render one in the world's estimation, nevertheless afford hnn, greatly the advantage over those of more stable tempers, uniform fortunes, and unniterrupted situations, in reasoning on general and extensive subjects. The changes, hardships, and trials, which mankind are often subject to in life, if made a proper use of, tend to strengthen their virtue, and enlighten the understanding. Adversity tests the minds of men, as use or accident rubs off the gloss and exposes the substance of which coin is made. Extreme prosperity, or indulgence, have a natural tendency to excite unwarrantable expectations. Hence, those who have been greatly indulged, by fortune, weak parents, or the like, and those who are best off in worldly goods, are generally the least satisfied with their fortunes and situations. A little adversity tempers life. It generally softens down the too arroi^ant and unreasonable propensities of heedless and incon- siderate beings. Adversity teaches by contrasty and experiment, the worth of health, liberty, peace, and competence. After a person has suffered the deprivation, or particular want of any of the essential privileges or enjoyments of life, for a sea- son, on being restored to his privileges and enjoyments again, he then generally knows their value. It is the height of wisdom, to know when we are well situated, and to estimate fairly, the blessings and privileges we possess. That man, who possesses strength of reason, in unison with the impulse of his temper and the energies of his body, is most happi- ly constituted. ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 343 It is absurd, if not infamous, to represent the Creator — who IS perfect in knowledge, power and goodness, as having made man different from what He would have had him ; and especially as being angry with His own works, when anger is the acknow- ledged attribute of ignorance and folly. And, in His all-right- eous and final judgment, to suppose that the Supreme and perfect Judge of all mankind, would exact perfection, of finite and falli- ble creatures, is a paltry fallacy ; and also, that God — being per- fect in knowledge, truth and justice, should tissign infinite pun- ishment for a temporary offence. Those who hold up such notions, whether from ignorance or design, should be cautiously avoided : for let me tell you, the Su- preme Guardian of truth, justice, virtue and humanity, never sets knaves or blockheads to become guides in the land. A priest was once endeavouring to instruct a man of his par- ish, or " flock," how to die happily — who was told by the man, that he should be much more obliged if the priest would enable him to live comfortably — and which he might easily do, by relinquish- ing a part of his enormous tithes, and arbitrary power. One practical Christian, who proves his faith by his good works, is worth a thousand idle declaimers ; who often prove, by their actions, that they don't believe what they say. The same may be applied, also, as a general rule, to judge of republicans, and of patriots. The Friends or Quakers, have no pope, bishops, or settled sala- ry clergymen to '' rule over'' them. Every good man, and wo- man, among them, are moral and religious instructors, both by precept and example : and although they live in a country where lawyers have the chief power, they have but little to do with law- yers or litigation : and yet the whole world might be challenged for a people of equal good habits and moral worth. The editor or conductor of a newspaper or public journal, should never admit any thing into his columns, that is calculated 344 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS « to deceive or injure his numerous subscribing and reading custom- ers ; and if any tiling of the kind inadvertently obtains an inser- tion, he should immediately on ascertaining its character and probable designs, endeavour to explain and defeat its object. It is entirely a mistake, to suppose that an editor or publisher is un- accountable for his advertising matter. I here would recommend some to read the lottery brokers, nostrum venders, political jug- glers, and other treacherous and base matter, which they deal out to the public, through their printed columns, and then see, in fact, if they are not playing the game of aristocracy — serving the feWf to the injury of the many ! A waste of our thoughts, is almost as pernicious and unwise, as to squander time, or money. Allowing our imaginations, thoughts or reasoning faculties to dwell upon frivolous, useless or mischievous subjects, without any beneficial object in view, is a heedless waste, to say the least of it. As a sample of the inequality and injustice of the British gov- ernment, Manchester — without incorporated or city privileges, with 105,000 inhabitants, chiefly mechanics and manufacturers, is without representation in parliament. Birmingham, and other large manufacturing towis, are similarly situated. The British historian, soberly represents these as " advanta- ges" — "freedom from election canvassing." Yes, the same/rcf- dom and advantages the African slaves might boast of, over a peo- ple who have to read, inquire, reflect, reason and choose for them- selves. The manufacturers, and seamen, of Great-Britain — who are in fact their chief supporters and defenders, have been taught — en- couraged and habituated to the most intemperate, improvident and heedless coarse of life and conduct, to keep them ignorant, cor- rupt, needy and dependent, in order to facilitate their absolute sub- jection and control. Every thing, in fine, that increases the general depravity, ignor- ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 345 ance and want of the British laboring classes, has a tendency to bring them more and more under the control of absolute power. When the laboring manufacturers are obliged to work for little or nothing beyond a bare subsistence, it enables the master man- ufacturers to throw their productions into foreign markets at such low rates, as to injure, and often to destroy the manufacturing es- tablishments of those countries. And then the proud capitalists and managers make money, by a monopoly of the foreign market ; while those who perform the labor, are still left poor and dependent. True CHRISTIANITY, like genuine republicanism, studies the greatest possible good of the whole of mankind ; and sectarian- ism, like king-craft, seeks the benefit of the few, at the expense and injury of the many. Literary-craft — in order to render learning unnecessarily diffi- cult and expensive, would oblige us to have two sets of letters for the use of one word — one to spell, and the other to pronounce by ! Priest-crafty would render religion, a deep, intricate and com- plicated science, known only to ihefew^ who could interpret it to the many, as best suited their own interests and designs ! Law-craft, would render the laws, (a knowledge of which we atl require for our constant guide, and protection,) a deep and in- tricate SCIENCE, known only to ?Lfew professional characters ; who can generally interpret and use them to suit their own particular interests and policy ! Probably the only reason why priests have indulged, or rather have been successful in so many frauds, persecutions and oppres- sions on mankind, is because their policy and conduct has not been promptly met, and freely, publicly and seasonably investiga- ted, like other public concerns. The same reason, applies also, to lawyers, doctors, and men of other public or learned professions, as they are called. The pruning-hook is most needed, where the growth is natoral- 44 346 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS Jy the most luxuriant. The pruning-hook of criticism and corrcc* tion, must be constantly and faithfully applied, or obnoxious weeds and unhealthy shoots and branches will spring up, burden and ex- haust the soil — overshadow, and finally choke and destroy the "true scions and articles of usefulness and good husbandry. There is not any thing that concerns the people of this country generally, more dearly than our political and religious rights and liberties ; and constant vigilance and inspection are necessary to preserve them from the crooks and intrigues of hypocritical and designing crq/ifs : how absurd, then, is it for the editors or con- ductors of newspapers and other public prints, to pledge them- selves, as some do in their prospectuses, not to meddle with reli- gion or politics. There is always a fair presumption, of those who wish to in- timidate, cramp or destroy the general freedom of speech, or of the press, that their policy and conduct will not bear the light of truth and public inspection. A person in the city of Mexico, remarked how very imposing the Roman Catholic Church ceremonies were. Yes, replied a Mexican republican, very imposifig, to be sure, for they have beea the chief means employed to impose ignorance, corruption and oppression, on many millions of the people of the old and new world, for ages past. Monarchy is of savage origin ; and carries with it the barbar- ous injustice and cruelty of outraged reason and humanity : wherein the chief — one individual, claims an absolute sovereign- ty over millions of fellow-beings, and keeps them in subordination to his will and control, by the hypocritical arts and efforts of higotry and superstition, with the constant application of the force of arms. Monarchy enjoins a kind of idolatry on its subjects, wherein the creature — that phantom of human worth and greatness, com- ON A \\\RIETY OF SUBJECTS. 347 monly called a monarch or sovereign chief, often assumes to him- self the homage, which is due only to the Creator. A monarch is therefore an idol — an artificial character — a CHEAT — one set forth to be superior to the common order of be- ings — infallible in his judgment, and above all human accounta- bility and controul — while in fact he is nothing but a man ; gen- erally possessed of the sovereign controul of a state or empire, by chance, and supported by the power oi force diud fraud, with the co-operation of a few interested participators, and expectants of extra gains, privileges and indulgences. A monarch is usually decorated and puffed up with an excessive degree of vanity and deceitfulness ; and, who in point of intellec- tual capacity and moral worth, is often below men in general — sometimes worse than a brute in ferocity and lack of fellow-feel- ings. A sovereign chief, with a large military force on hand, is like an overgrown bully, inclined to swagger and be insolent to his weaker neighbours and fellow-men, that he may provoke them to give him some pretext for battle, wherein he can display his power, and perhaps get something by plunder. The progress of human improvement, and especially that which is made in the science and practice of government, having ren- dered kings, emperors, or sovereign princes and their creatures, with their silly and hypocritical shows, pomp and pretensions, worse than a useless appendage of public authority, which the people wish to get rid of, as soon and as effectually as possible ; they therefore seem resolved, while in the exercise of their sove- reign power, to do their utmost to embarrass the progress, of truth and reason, and, if possible to finally extinguish the main light of civilization ! We often hear the hawlings of mobs and other public assem- blages, in some of the European countries, . particularly France, and Spain — such, for example, as " Live the Bourbons" — ** Sue- cfss to absolute monarchy," and the like, given out as expressive 341 * BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS of the feelings and opinions of a party, or the public body ; but nothing is more hypocritical and absurd, than so to regard the yelpings of a few idlers, who haunt courts and public assembla- ges, and who are generally hired to give the yitch or key-no' e for he mob to bawl out from ; more especially in countries where the common freedom of opinion and expression are notoriously PROHIBITED. The sentiments and opinions of a virtuous, enlightened and free people, are to be ascertained, from very different manifestations. A stout heavy fisted painter, on exhibiting a piece of his work for public criticism and inspection, gave out word that he would hiock down the first person who found a word oi fault with his piece ! This is the liberty of monarchy : You may puff and flatter those in power as mucli as you please — but woe be to the man who dares openly and candidly point out the real faults of their policy and conduct ! People who have had their understandings bewildered and preju- diced, by the bigotry, superstitious and other hypocritical arts and efforts of designing knaves, often act more absurdly than common brutes. They sometimes put one in mind of a cross or vicious horse, muUf or other brute animal, which will kick, bite, or do one some injury, when he goes to feed them, or do them an act of kindness. So if we attempt to reason with the slaves of bigotry and despotism, for their own actual and best good, it is almost an even chance that they become informers and instruments in the hands of oppressive and designing knaves, for the persecution and destruction of their actual and best friends. An example upon a large scale, may be found in the late trans- actions in Spain, and some otlier countries, where a considerable part of the people were brought to war with themselves — to coun- teract their own actual and best good ; and finally to banish or de- stroy their best fi-iends. They mostly seemed insensible of the fiict — the hypocritical and corrupt arts and efforts of school-eraft , ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 849 priest'Craft, law-crajtj Uterari/'craff , war-craft, and king-craft, have PLAYED THE DEVIL with tlicir understandings. Even many of their more enlightened and liberal-minded, vi^ere acting a very absurd and blind part, as appeared to us ; for while the Spanish Cortes were professedly contending for a degree of light and liberty, at home, and making their greatest efforts to sus- tain their position, they were, at the same time, exhausting their feeble strength and resources, in carrying on a cruel and fruitless warfare, with their American brethren, (more numerous taken all together than themselves,) to force them to relinquish their oicn liberty and Independence, and submit to foreign control ! After the late general peace in Europe, in conversation with some of the most knowing and interested monarchists of France, on the best plan for subduing the spirit of liberty that many still cherished, even in that devoted country, a leading tailor of Paris remarked, that, such was the influence and effects of dress and fashion, on the bodies, minds and fortunes of mankind, that he could do more with even his shears and needle, to bring them qui- etly under submission to monarchy, than the most able military commander of the empire, with all his veteran legions ; for art and management may fashion and finally lead mankind, where arms could not force them. If monarchists, or those who hold the rights and liberties of their fellow men in contempt, were only retaliated upon by the people they rob and oppress, they would shrink into insignificance, for they could not withstand the united force of one twentieth part of their victims who have one common interest. But the dif- ficulty of enlightening the common subjects of monarchy, in re- gard to their rights, abilities, and best good, and of uniting their efforts in establishing the same, is the great evil to overcome. According to the rules and policy practised by the old world towards their once infant, and distant colonies — after they became able to take care of themselves, and desirous of so doing ; if pa- rents were to treat their children in like manner, every son, after 350 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS coming to the age and strength of manhood, would have io fight out his liberty and independence ! If the world was completely civilized^ every considerable island, or distant and distinct colony, might subsist as an independent state, or community ; and only be bound to support such rules and regulations as were necessary for the general peace, security and happiness of mankind. Pretty much the same as it now is between different families and individuals in well regulated soci- ety — the few, or the weak, would not be in serious danger of out- rage or violence from the many, or the stronger, and especially witiiout remedy. There would be a natural and mutual bond of interest and fellow-feeling, throughout the whole human race, in support of civilized rights ; and any serious aggression thereon would call forth the united interest, attention and energy of the law, necessary for a prompt and efficient suppression and punish* ment of the outrage. Travellings in different countries, and places, under judicious views, and circumstances ; and reading the journals of candid, able and well directed travellers, has a tendency to refine, enrich and enlarge the human mind and understanding, and to eradicate or correct many erroneous, contracted and local prejudices. But travellers and journalists, too generally confine their views and at- tentions, to some privileged policy, professional interest, or bigot- ed notion. So that they generally give us partial viewy, and er- roneous, or useless accounts, of countries and people, and neglect that information which most interests and concerns us generally, as a free people. We want to know something about the people of other countries — how they differ from ourselves, in their know- ledge, habits, and general condition, and particularly in regard to the possession and enjoyment of their essential rights and privi- leges. Giving, to beggars and others who ask alms of us, something, merely to get rid of them, without first inquiring into their char- acter and ascertaining their real circumstances and situation, gen-^ ON A VARIETY OF StJBJECTS. 351 erally tends to encourage vagrancy and public imposture, and to increase the public annoyance and burdens ; for mankind gener- ally won't work, when they can obtain, even a miserable subsist- ence, by begging. Want begets want, and misery begets misery. Indolence and poverty lose their disgrace and terrors, by general sympathy and increase of numbers. Mankind will naturally cease to exert themselves in making provision for their own future wants and accommodation, in prch portion as they see others making those provisions for them. Unprincipled and designing priests and lawyers, both contrive, by a variety of hypocritical arts and operations, to keep mankind by the ears as much as possible, in order to exercise their con- trouling powers and influence over them. Thus, in some places they rule together — between them ; in other countries they ride and rule separately y or as circumstances favour their designs. Each profession have been known, in some places — even in this country, to have their special advocates, and their separate can- didates for office. Thus — this is the lawyer^ s paper — that is the priest's paper ; this is the lawyer's candidate for governor, &>c. and that is the priest's man, &.c. The people could scarcely be said to have either paper, or candidate. Under such circumstances, it seemed to be considered their business, humbly to submit to the dictation and controul of lawyers and priests, and their special candidates. A people who are so priest-ridden, or lawyer-ridden, are to be pitied, if too ignorant to see through its hypocrisy and degrada- tion ; but they ought to bedespised and shunned, if they neglect to maintain their rights and self-respect, from the lack of courage and manliness, or from inattention to their dearest concerns. Some of our airy republicans, in their haste to climb to the top of the pole of their political ambition, have gone round and round, in order to find some place of more easy or rapid ascen- mon, until they have completely boxed the political compass. 352 BRIEF GENERAL REiMARKS The " era of good feelings" which has been operating on the government and people of this country, for several years past, has brought us into a state of political lethargy ; which, unless we are soon aroused from, to a proper sense of our situation, and daty,^ will sink our boasted national rirtue, intelligence, and liberty, to the scorn and derision of the world. " Call you these Republicans ?" said a proved republican of '98 in remarking upon the late conduct of men, who had been promo- ted to office, in consequence of their express will and determina- tion to correct abuses of power and promote the people's best good ; but who, after they found themselves comfortably clothed with public authority, began to quibble and equivocate, from time to time, about the manner of proceeding to effect the reforms, and finally found great difficulties in the way of every proposition ! In speaking of a man's character and qualifications to entitle them to public confidence and esteem, it is sometimes noticed how vastly clever and ogrceahle they seem to be : But this is often arti- ficial and deceptive — a gloss put on for the moment, and which will not wear. Indeed, the devil is said to assume the most agreC" able and enchanting appearances, imaginable, for the moment when it suits his purposes ; but then, it is soon over, when he is the devil again, with all his infernal ugliness, treachery and cru- elty. The exercise of every useful trade, profession or calling, should be free to every one ; and all should be liable for tlie injury they occasion others, from the lack of adequate skill, or attention — as well as fo-* a studied violation of their proper duty. Such a regulation might make lawyers, judges, and other licen- sed and official characters, a little more careful of how they play the devil with the rights and concerns of their employers. Men, from ignorance, and through a treacherous policy and de- sign, both, oftm recommend to let public evils regulate themselves —Just as if human wisdom, foresight, vigilance and attention, in ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 353 ^discerning, removing, and guarding against public evils, were in- expedient. Fire, pestilence, and other public and private calamities, if no wise precautions are seasonably provided and applied, will come, and most assuredly regulate themselves — and cease, only after there is nothing undestroyed within their reach for them to prey upon ! Some, from ignorance, and others from design, have endeavor- ed to render a prompt execution of the laws, odious, when they operate against their particular interest, feelings, policy or designs. But if the laws are imperfect, or unjust, alter, or repeal them. Certainly, never leave it optional with any one to suspend the law3 whenever it suits their particular interest — lest offenders should contrive to fee executive officers to procure their forbearance, or directly, or indirectly, give the amount of part of their spoil, or ill- gotten wealth, to enable them to escape with the rest, or somehow 4o facilitate their final evasion of justice ; and thus encourage oi fences against the security and common good of society I We have lately seen, public officers, (wlio were probably under an oath to execute the laws against offenders, faithfully, and with- out delay or favor,) not only neglect their duty, (generally under some false or quibbling pretensions,) but actually refuse to enforce the laws, against some of the most notorious and infamous offen- ders. For instance, for the punishment and suppression of the late infamous, alarming and ruinous bank swindling, and other conspiracies to defraud stock-holders, and others ; for dealing in foreign lattery tickets, against positive and express law — with the fraudulent management of lotteries, and the ruinous gambling of late going on therein ; for the effectual punishment and preven- iion of the late extensive conspiracies to evade our general cus- tom-house duties, and to defraud the public revenue : And also the mob-like, and other daring conspiracies to ensnare, intimi- date and put down the actual freedom of the press ; with other wilful neglects, to provide and apply means for the effectual pun- ishment and suppression of other ruinous offences. 45 354 tiRIEP GENERAL REMARKS We must no longer set the wolves to guard the sheep, lest (hey somehow contrive to fatten upon the spoil thereof! Indolence and vice, should never be entrusted to foster and guard industry and virtue. About sixteen hundred convicts were said to have beenpardun" edfrom the State prisons of New- York, within a certain period of a less number of days ! They were probably tried and all th(? court expences secured, that could well be created for the benefit of lawyers and others concerned in the profits of law proceed- ings : and then, after a little time and instruction in those famous schools of infamy and corruption, tliey were let loose u|X)n the unguarded public ! to try their luck again ! to practise their new- ly acquired arts, or improved skill in criminal and other base of- fences ! An Irishman was convicted of a crimmal otfence m one of the southern states, who said it was his misfortune to be poor — that if he had possessed a good sum of money, he might no doubt have procured absolution, through the aid and instrumentality of lawi/ers, as readily as he had formerly obtained the same by priests, in the S])anish dominions. It is pretty clear that priests are not the only profession of men in the world, who are interested in screening criminal and other offenders from merited conviction and punishment, for a portion of their spoil or ill-gotten wealth. Justice satisfies every reasonable expectation, and strikes a ter- ror on fraud. Error becomes dangerous, in proportion as the source fi'om which it emanates, is elevated. It would be contrary to reason and the nature of things, to ex- pect that indolence and hypocrisy would ever truly serve the cause of industry J virtue and merit ; and, certainly, to entrust the for- ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 355 met witli the guardianship of the latter, would be the extreme of human absurdity and weakness. Those whom we employ to make and administer law, should never be interested or left any way to enrich or aggrandize them- selves, families or friends, by promoting the ignorance, depravity and misery, of the common people. We profess to despise those of the old world, who, from ignor- ance and the lack of fellow-feeling, bear arms, and otherways become instruments for keeping their fellow-men in subordina- tion to kings, pi iesthoods and other corrupt and arbitrary author- ities ; but how ought we to consider printers, and others of our own country, who prostitute their services and the noble art of printing, to impose on the many for the benctit of the few ! In a country where the priests are in power, (as in the pope's dominions,) they might boast of being the profession that produ- ced the most great men ; and in an empire where the military bear the chief sway, (as was the case in Bonaparte's dominions,) they might boast that the military profession produced the great men ; and in a state, or nation, where the lawyers have the chief controul, they, too, might boast that the profession of law produ- ced the most great men. Something of the latter kind of boast- ing has actually taken place, in regard to the Suffolk " 6ar," in some of the late Boston papers. But what does this actually prove, more than, that, when one profession get at the head of government or power, in any state, or nation, they can draw up after them, those of their own profession and policy, in preference to all others 1 Instead of encouraging and protecting the useful labours of the mind — aiding ingenious and enterprising men to unite and apply their talents, capital, and industry, in the best manner, in promoting useful objects and undertakings, how much more would it benefit lawyers, to have them misapplied, or set by the SSt^' BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS ears, and exhaust their energies in lawsuits, and other vexatious and unprofitable contests 1 The cupidity and hypocrisy of influential and leading charac- ters, has often perverted the public charities, by applying that which was designed for the prevention and relief of human want and misery, to the embellishment of some particular place, and to the elevation , enrichment or convenience, of individuals, as of- ficers and managers of such funds, or institutions. Two of the chief causes of human transgression, misery, and want, particularly in large cities and overcrowded settlements, has generally been the lack of a safe and accumulating deposit for the surplus earnings and accumulations, of unsettled, single, defenceless and inexperienced persons, and the want of candid B.nd friendli/ advice, and, particularly in cases of trouble and em- barrassment. Seafaring people, single women, apprentices, journeymen, ser- vants, laborers and strangers, are generally the most exposed to the tricks and treachery of unprincipled and designing sharpers, in such cases ; and therefore are the most in need of such advico and protection. Every measure that shall encourage and enable the most de- fenceless, dependant, and inexperienced class of people in so- ciety, to promote their honest industry and self-dependence, has a direct, and often powerful tendency to check the main sources of pauperism, crimes, and human misery and degradation ; for those who are rescued from hazardous and despairing conditions, will not only be saved thereby ; but crimes and depravity will ul- timately decrease, both from the diminution of candidates, and objects for them to prey upon. In the early stages of human society, before mankind were much enlightened by experience, history, or the progress of hu- man, science, they adapted their rules and policies of govern- ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 357 itient, to the extreme ignorance or lack of knowledge among the people. Some people, from ignorance or design, have substituted cun- ning for WISDOM, when in fact there is a total and wide differ- ence between the proper meaning of the two words. — Cunnings is of a low, frivolous or mischievous character — such as is often manifested in the peculiar conduct of buffoons, jug- glers, gamblers, pickpockets, pimps, swindlers, hypocrites and cheats in general ; while wisdom, is exalted, just and reasonable, distinguishing the truly good and great. Among the absurd and hypocritical maxims, propagated by de- signing lawyers and others interested in the increase of crimes, trials, and the general profits of law proceedings, is, that a person is presumed to be innocent, until proved guilty — although the very fact of a serious charge, or arrest for examination or trial, is at least a fair presumption, that he is believed to he guilty. Our aristocrats — some of whom love the people, almost as ar- dently as the kings of the old world love their subjects ; are pur- suing their game, by different routes, and under hypocritical pre- tensions. In one case, they study to impose rigid and unreasona- ble restrictions against the popular will ; and in another, they op- pose the restraint of ruinous public indulgences — Among which are unbounded excitements and indulgences in lottery^ and other gambling, keeping tipling houses, &c. &c. The business of litigation, is carried on and increasing to an alarming extent, of late, from the practice of banishing convicts from one neighboring state, or nation, to another — and by the cus- tom of pardoning and turning loose upon our neighbors and fel- low beings, criminal and other offenders — after having caught, and tried them, and carefully secured all the profits of law proceed- ings, and given them a degree of fresh instruction, from the promp- ters and schools of villainy ; so that offenders continue their de- predations upon human society, and with increased skill and ea- 3fi8 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS gerness, to the augmeDtation of lawyers' business and gains ; and finally to the promotion of the depravity and downfall of a virtuous and free people. The following is taken from a piece, in the New- York States- man, of August 20th, 1827, (quoted from the Mercantile Adverti- ser,) signed A Juror. " Old Convicts. — It is worthy of remark that almost every oth- er case, which is tried in the Court of Session, is that of old offen- ders. After long experience, it is evident, that our lenient sys- tem has been unfairly tried. The excessive lenity of Judges, has greatly increased the number of offenders. That portion of our population who live by plunder, calculate with certainty upon this lenity and become more daring. — Another great cause is the abuse of the pardoning power. No sooner is a thief convicted, than an attempt is made to obtain a pardon. — A stop must be put to this in some way or other ; jurors and judges must exercise more firm- ness — they must resist application on the subject. The necessity of pardoning on account of the crowded state of the State Prison, no longer exists ; and no man ought to be pardoned but in cases where it is really and truly required. The improper use of the pardoning |)ower has become a subject of general complaint, and we hope the legislature will consider this cause of crime at their next session. By examination of the records of the Court, it will be seen, that men are daily tried for the second, frequently for the third, and tiicre are cases where parties have been convicted for the fourth and fifth time, to say nothing of the number of trials they may have had where they have been tried and acquitted by absence of wit- nesses or other accidental circumstances." A man of large property, and of active and prudent habits, was accused of being miserly. No, said he, I am not miserly, for I enjoy all the comforts and conveniences of life that I could rea- sonably desire, or possess. My surplus wealth, I intend for the best good of my fellow beings. Not to pamper indolence, profli- gacy and folly ; nor to nurse and encourage pauperism : — but ta ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 359 be finally applied, in the best manner, for encouraging virtue, use- ful knowledge, industry, and the promotion of human improve- ment in general. More than one half of the labor and exertions of mankind, are lost for want of knowing how to make the best application and use of our time and talents ; — and chiefly from the lack of sea- sonable and proper instruction therein. Those who are the least able, generally pay most for what they have ; and chiefly from their lack of seasonable and proper in- struction, forethought, and habit or application. The following is so good a picture of a lazi/ and heedless per- son, that I have resolved to record it. A traveller, overtaken by a sudden shower of rain, sought shel- ter in a nigh building, which he found inhabited by a stupid, lazy man, with a family of several ragged children, all collected to- gether in one room — under the only part of the roof that was ever shingled or finished covering — although the house had apparently been in that condition for several years. The traveller, astonished at such improvident neglect, asked the man tvJii/ he did not finish covering his house ? who answered and said, ** It rains note, and I can't ; and in fair weather, it does well enough without !" There are many, in our own day, and country, who pay a ridic- ulous kind of homage, to articles of property derived from their ancestors or friends, that varies but little if any from idolatry. — Such, for instance, as keeping valuable property useless, to re- member ancestors or friends, by. I will briefly name a case in point. A lady had, by descent from her ancestors, several hundred ounces of old fashioned silver plate — ^which was not only useless, but cost her a great deal of trouble and anxiety to take care of and guard it from being stolen. On learning the circumstance, a friend made an estimate of what the actual use of the silver would have been worth, for the SCO BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS time it had been worse than useless to its possessor, as money at interest, or otherwise judiciously invested in good property — and found that it would have more than trebled the whole amount or value ! and might, at the same time have increased her gratitude and esteem for her said ancestors. So much was foolishly sacrificed to the idolatrous custom of keeping valuable property useless, merely out of gratitude, or re- spect for the donors. In overhauling the property and concerns of a merchant or tra- der, it was ascertained that he had sacrificed upwards of sixteen rnousAND DOLLARS, in about twenty years, simply by his practice of putting out of the way, goods, after they became unfashionable or unsaleable, where they were constantly growing worse, by time, and injuries occasioned by moths, rust, &c. Besides occupying room that might otherways have been useful. Instead of selling off the articles for what they w^ould have fetched at private or public sale, at the various times they were put away, or lay as use- less lumber in the store, and the amount of what they would have fetched, put at interest, or judiciously employed, or invested in good property. So much was sacrificed from a stupid or heedless practice of letting valuable property lie useless, or go to ruin by decay, for the want of a little thoughtful attention. This only shows what may be found in various other branches of our concerns, from the lack of a little forethought, calculation and attention. An over- hauling of our useless property, and a review of our concerns, in general, once in a while, is very important. The order and management of bees, is held out by designing advocates of monarchy, as an indication of Divine Providence, in favour of a system of government, where one is fixed far above all the rest. But the king or queen bee, as they call it, is only the mother of a family ; and every new swarm or emigration from the parent hive, has a mother. While the instructive justice and wisdom, taught by the exara- |)k of these industrious little insects, in casting off their drones^ ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 361 (instead of pampering and almost worshipping them, as the slaves of monarchy and aristocracy do their drones,) seems toha?e been left in silence to speak for itself. Such ill tempered, and unappropriate learning for the common people, as was designed for the support of kings and provileged orders of men, doubtless the great poet meant, where he says, " A little learning is a dangerous thing.' And because it gene- rally tends to enslave mankind. When I hear people of the slave states, threaten a dissolution of the federal union, it puts me in mind of a married woman, who, from a design to torment her good and indulgent husband, or from her insanity of mind, frequently threatened to make way with herself; and who, in one of those strange moments, ran out to a man who was chopping wood nigh the house, and asked him to cut her head off. The man, good naturedly told her, to lay her head on the log he was chopping, and he would cut it off at a blow. As she laid her head on the log, he raised his ax, as if to give the fatal blow, but, designedly struck the log a distance from her with the head of his axe — when she sprang up and ran off screaming murder! murder! she said the man was gwngto kill her ! Notifying delinquent subscribers to newspapers and like pub- lications, that the same will be continued to them until all arrear* ages are paid — as a threat or sort of punishmenf for their dishon- esty — without knowing whether they are able, or ever intend to pat/, is about equal to informing them, that, if they won't pay , they «hall continue to receive the same for nothing, until they arU TIRED OF IT ! Something like the notice given the Irishman, who Was t^ld, by a washer- woman, who espied him retreating from her clothes yard with a stolen shirt, that he would pay for it at the day of judgment." " Faith, madam," replied the Irishman, " if you will nait so long. Til e'ens fake another /" 16 ■302 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS A college learned man,- in a written controversy with a mechan^ ic, briefly concluded his arguments with a line or two of latin i to which the mechanic replied, giving the appjwent pith of his argument in crooked words, that really had no standard meaning. After the classical gentleman had puzzled his head, in vain, to find out their meaning, he wrote for an explanation ; to which the mechanic replied, that he would deal more honourably, than he had been dealt by ; and that the words which had so puzzled hi? classical and learned antagonist, really meant that, A hypocrite vanquished in his own play, is twice beat ! It is contended, by some, that a knowledge of the dead langua- ges is necessary, to enable a complete comprehension and under- standing of the living tongue — by getting at the roots — the ety- mology or derivation of words. But if our dictionaries properly explain the true meaning and application of words in use, it will obviate the necessity of our all turning etymologists, or learning two or more languages in order to understand one. The knaves and little tyrants of this country, are as much op- posed to an ?LCiu^\ free press ^ and to human improvement in gener- al, astheJcnaves and overgrown tyrants of the old world. They have actually managed to exercise a kind of secret censorship over the press, in many, if not in most parts of our country, so as to have rendered it difficult and hazardous to print and circu- late, any matter particularly criticising on their policy and con- duct. In proportion to their power and influence, they are secret- ly or openly as hostile to human improvement, as the league of tyrants of the old world ; and have already played the devil with some of our most important improvements, and their authors and promoters. But why should not knaves and tyrants dread the progress of truth and justice, alx)ut them, as much in one country, as anoth- ler ? Their trades are essentially the same, and darkness and terror are their shield and protection. And, certainly, every thing that has a tendency to improve the knowledge and under- standing of the common people, and to increase their independ- ence, peace, security, prosperity and happiness, must be against ON" A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 363 the policy and designs of knaves and tyrants generally, both little and big, wherever they may be. A knave or tyrant, however small, is nevertheless . opposed to truth and justice, and inclined to baffle or crush their progress and existence, in proportion to his means, as though he had un- limited power ; and the more he is indulged, the stronger and more daring becomes his outrages and evil designs. Like the unprincipled inquisitors and despots of the old world, ours, also, have spies , tale-hearers, false'ioitnesses^ and undertakers^ to carry on their work and designs. Sometimes they undertake to LIE DOWN their intended victims. Our unprincipled litigious inquisitors, like the lioly inquisitors of the old world, make great use of bankrupts y the personal ene- mies of their intended victims, and people of des]^evate fortujjes and characters, to aid their frauds, oppressions and cruelties. It was (\mie fashionable y at one time, for certain characters to insult our common people, by styling them clod-hopperSy the swi- nish multitude, and the like. The fashion, has, however, most wonderfully and fearfully changed ; and men of the same charac- ter and designs, now flatter the common people. There is generally much more danger to be apprehended from the smiles and flatteries of an enemy, than from their open inso- lence and avowed hostility. Our colleges, have generally been schools o^ privileged orders — nurseries of aristocratic pride, habits, ideas, policy and inter- ests. An old revolutionary officer, on hearing some slight remarks made upon \hr dress and appearance, of the men at a country muster or training, compared with those of the city, said — '^ Give me owe thousand of those plain dressed, athletic and brave "coun- try lads," and I will conquer j/ii;e thousand of your *' city dandies,'' 364 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS in the ordinary course of the war-fare of our country. Three fros- ty nights would kill an army of your fair-weather soldiers — your silk-stocking gentry. It was pretty much such looking men as some of you now pretend to despise, who mainly achieved our na- tional liberty and independence ; and who have chiefly sustained us ever since, by tlieir industry, virtue and firmness. " I will hold that man infamous, who shall attempt to trifle with the virtuous and firm supporters and defenders of this blessed land of liberty. But, lot me tell you, most of these industrious and plain dressed country people, have as little esteem and respect for many of your city folks — with their frivolous show of dress, mon- key airs, and empty, hypocritical characters, as any of you pre- tend to entertain for them." The country can live without the city ; but what could the city do without the country ! Thank God, our rights and prospects are based on something of more permanent and intrinsic worth, than the quick-sands of a numer- ous and corrupt city population. We should endeavor to do away, as much as possible, every un- necessary grant and exercise of discretionary or indefinite author- ity, as it has a powerful tendency to nurse and indulge a spirit of aristocracy and despotism. Emperors, kings, military commanders in chief, governors of states and provinces, mayors of cities, and judges of courts, are in the habit of issuing their decrees, and of promulgating their special authorities, hy proclamations ; by which each one exercises diff*erent degrees of sovereignty, and probably feels a pro|x>rtionate con- tempt for those he conceives below him. Even the assessors of taxes, in some places, invested with a degree of discretionary or indefinite authority, have indulged an unjust and shameful par- tiality towards individuals. Every excessive power or indulgence of authority, has a direct and powerful tendency to destroy that sense of equality, and confidence in public authorities, which are essential to our existence and prosperity, as a free people. The issuing o^ proclamations, by chief executive authorities, of- ferring special rewards for the discovery and arrest of capital of- fenders, has a tendency to delay common justice, in some instan- ces, and finally, to produce unjust and odious distinctions and par- ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 3G5 tialities among mankind. The pursuit of offenders should never be delayed a moment for the proclamation of authority, or the of- fer of a suitJ^ble reward. Neither should there ever be a partial value set upon human lives, by public authority. The perpetration of a murder or cap- ital outrage upon a wealthy or influential person or family, (a class of people the most able to take care of themselves,) is much more likely to call forth the sympathy and special aid of a chief magis- trate, than if committed upon a poor and defenceless class of peo- ple, who most need the humanity and special protection of gov- ernment. While the people professedly exercise political sovereignty over a state or country, they should never attempt to evade an indirect responsibility for the conduct of their agents ; and surely they can never exonerate themselves, for the continued misconduct of those whom they have the exclusive power of appointing, restricting and controlling. What must be the character, and ultimate condition, of a coun- try, or people, where a man has more to fear from doing good, than evil — perhaps more injury to apprehend to his person, repu- tation, or fortune, from acting the useful and noble part of a pa- triot or public benefactor, than from playing the knave, the ty- rant, or public despoiler ? more actual harm to dread from detect- ing and exposing a defaulter, knave, or swindler, than from outra- ging virtue, robbing merit, or defaming human excellence ? Can there well be more base, hypocritical and unmanly transac- tions, of a country or people — after having outlawed an indi- vidual of extraordinary virtue, genius, and public worth — perhaps compelled him, by their envy^ rapacity, excessive stupidity, mean- ness, or cruelty, to abandon his nativity, or home, and seek protec- tion and encouragement of strangers, in a foreign country, where his merits had been duly ackowledged and rewarded, and he ulti- mately pronounced a public benefactor — than for them, then, after 366 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS this^ to attempt to compliment themselves^ with a kindred birth place or habitation ? The fact is, the strangers who treated the man of worth with becoming justice and liberality, are entitled to honor, in such case, and those who outraged the good man, should be st^^mped with due and proportionate infamy and disgrace. A virtuous and en- lightened public, would naturally honor and reward a prophet, or public benefactor, in his own day, and country. People act very absurdly, when, after one error, they commit nu- merous others to conceal the first. This is truly making bad worse. Like inventing and deliberately employing a dozen false- hoods, to patch up and conceal one hasty or inconsiderate misrep- resentation, or other single fault. Subscribing for the publication of books, or prints, or agreeing to take them at a given price, before we know their actual con- tents, materials, execution and merits or final worth, is something like the boys' method of trading knives, &c. " unsight — unseen .'" If a book, or print, has intrinsic merit enough to recommend and sell itself\ there seldom is an occasion for teazing the public with subscription papers, or in retailing the article beforehand, by proxy. If the actual amount of expenses for soliciting and obtaining single subscriptions, and delivering and getting the pay, was fair- ly deducted from the true value of meritorious and useful books, and prints, there would be enough dealers to take at wholesale, all that the demand would fairly justify. The speeches of individuals, delivered in our national and state legislatures, often include the joint labors of many ; who, fi-om party motives, or some local, or other particular interest or object, join and assist one of their sqitad, or number, to make notes, col- lect and prepare matter for a speech. Thus, speeches delivered, and particularly those published, of- ten bear a very erroneous idea of the real knowledge and abilities of the person to whose credit they are actually set dov^m. ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 367 This is generally calculated to set off the individuals, whose names they go in, far above their real merits ; and no doubt has a powerful tendency to the rage for syeech-making : And which is becoming ridiculous, if not dangerous, to many of our dearest in- terests and public concerns ; for when a member has conceived and hecome pregnant with matter for a big speech, he is generally use- less for other business, until he has got rid of it to his mind, and frequently manifests as much uneasiness and anxiety for delivery, as a cat in the last stages of travail ! The Grecians, and Romans, before the art of printing came in- to use, through which to instruct and enlighten the public, by the circulation of printed matter, were under the necessity of much declamation or public speaking. Deception in Courtship introductory to Matrimony, There is no deception, perhaps, productive of more pernicious consequences to society, than that which is frequently practised in courtship introductory to matrimony : for while the woman is em- ploying art to disguise her person, or character, and deceive her suitor in matters or things that concern his future enjoyment, she rery little thinks that she is sowing the seeds of future jealousy — the bane of conjugal happiness ; nor does the man consider, when he is making false vows, and vain pretensions, to deceive the ob- ject of his embraces in that which regards the happiness of a married life, that he is poisoning his own cup, and laying the foundation for future misery. In short ; all deception, practised by either party during court- ship, introductory to matrimony, tends to destroy that mutual con* fidencCf so essential to conjugal happiness ; and generally termin- ates in jealousy, strife, debauchery, and all manner of evil conse- quences. To jocky or cheat in the deal of hrute animals, is base and fraudulent, and the laws provide a penalty for the offence ; but how njtich more base and infamous ought it to be considered, to 3G8 BRIE^F GExNERAL REMARKS jocky and cheat in the solemn contract of matrimony — made be- fore Heaven, between two hMman beings, concerning their happi- ness and misery, in the highest degree ! Wonderful Contrast in the Female Character. There is no being on earth, more pleasing as a companion, and seldom any more useful as a member of civil society, than woman — when nature and art have contributed to render her the most excellent of her sex. The natural beauty and gracefulness of her person ; the sweetness and vivacity of her temper, espe- cially wlien aided by a judicious education, make her truly, the fairest part of creation. On the contrary, when nature has not been bountiful, but more especially when education and reason has been neglected, woman often becomes the most vile and dis- gusting monster in society — alike regardless of justice, cleanli- .ness, humanity, or shame for her sex. The passions of women, are generally quicker, and warmer, than those of men ; consequently they are, as nature or education may have particularly inclined them, often the most faithful pat- rons of virtue and humanity, or the vilest instruments of vice and depravity. Satan, certainly betrayed no ordinary knowledge of the human character, when he selected his instrument for the orijrinal seduction of mankind. Jealousy, originates from two opposite and distinct causes. — The e.\cessive cravings, malignance, desires and indulgences, of some, induce them to suspect that their neighbours and fellow-be- ings are dictated by the same evil inclined impulse or inclination as themselves ; and those of the most virtuous habits and disposi- tion, may be taught to consider certain characters, and appearan- ces, with scrupulous apprehensions. Hence, some people can hardly be persuaded to take sufficient precautions againsst the hypocrisy, treachery and malice of their fellow-beings. Honest and reasonably disposed, themselves, they ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 36« are naturally inclined to consider others so, too — until they have learned otherwise : while others, urged by the unceasing dictates of a malignant and corrupt temper, habit or disposition, are sus- picious, without just or reasonable cause. Rogues or made fools, themselves, they are apt to think the world so, too. Mankind seldom declare any thing, which they do not know, believe, or hope to be true. Hence, if a person say you will be beat, in a particular suit at law, or that you will be unsuccessful, or any way unfortunate, in any particular interest, enterprise or undertaking, it is evident he has knowledge of some particular facts or circumstances to justify his belief, or that he only hopes the result will be as he has declared. In either of the former ca- ses, it is obviously his duty, as a neighbour, good citizen, or fel- low-being, to explain himself, and give the particular facts, or rea- sons on which he founds his belief ; but, if he h^;s^ knowledge of any thing that would justify his predictions, and withholds the same from you, or if he only hopes the result will be as he has de- clared, in either case, the arts are base and unmanly. In this way, people frequently betray a malicious or unfriendly disposition, without being fully sensible of their inconsistency. As mankind become depraved in mind, or lose their faculties of reason, just so in proportion do they generally profess to hate those of an opposite character. Hence lunatics or mad men, often strive to injure their natural and best friends ; and hence vicious and corrupt characters, generally study to annoy the most virtuous and best people in society. But it is evident that the hatred of the latter, proceeds, rather from fear and policy y than from a sense of any thing that is really bad in human virtue and excel- lence. Extreme ignorance and depravity cannot bear the light and contrast of wisdom and virtue. A corrupt and depraved monster, sickens at the very thoughts of an excellent and upright man. They hypocritically profess to hate, that which they actu- ally admire, and even envy^ but which they have neither the cour- age, wisdom, nor patience, to attain. Vicious and depraved char- acters, dread the contrast of truth and virtue, becaftse it exposes 47 870 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS their crookedness and inferiority. But when any thing is really bad in its nature and tendency, we hate it, sincerely. Hence, too, bad governments, or corrupt and unprincipled men in power, generally study to annoy and sacrifice the btst men in vociety, for the gratification and benefit of the worst — sacrifice virtue, industry, and true merit, to pamper and indulge indolence, vice and folly. Pruits of political imbecility and corruption. In some places, men get rid of their debts, by their own acts of insolvency. In such cases, the individual who thinks proper to fail, gener- ally selects two or three of his particular friends, to whom be pri- vately assigns, what he pleases to call his property, for distribution among his creditors, according as he has chose to class or rate their particular claims. And thus, in some places, every bank> rupt or failing character, makes a law particularly to suit himself.' If any of the creditors refuse to abide by his law — that is, if they object to take the amount, or proportion of property assigned for them, and give up or discharge their claims, they are generally made to understand, that, if they persist in their determination, they will lose tlie whole of their claim, as the debtor will consume the property in his expenses of living, and in fighting them in law, if they attempt to enforce a collection of their dues. Notwithstanding all this indulgence to bankrupts, insolvents, or failing characters^ some have the hypocrisy and impudence to complain, and whine about their hard case, and style themselves unfortunate insolvent debtors — but seldom a word do we hear about the truly unfortunate and abused creditors, who are continually swindled out of their property, in this way. After all this, if an honest creditor or other person has the dis- cernment to detect the knavery and hy|X)crisy of a swindling debt- or, and makes the facts known to his neighbors ; or if any one has the courage to make frequent and special notice of the knav- ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 371 ery and fraud of individuals in such cases— perhaps their retiring from business upon a fortune thus swindled out of their poor cre- ditors ; or if a cheated creditor or other person has the spirit to re- sent the insolence, haughtiness or airs of some of these exonerated bankrupts soon after their pretended misfortunes ; it is quite pro- bable, by so doing, where, and while such a loose state of morals and of the laws, or their execution exist, (actually encouraging swindling,) he may be threatened with some outrage or infliction of the cluh law. There is no considerable body of men often assembled in this country, more puffed for their talents, learning, experience and patriotism, than those who have had the principal making and al- teration of our constitutions — (who are mostly lawyers ;) and yet, if a dozen farmers and mechanics, of good common sense and information, could not be found in almost any populous coun- ty, that could have devised a more just and efficient rule for ap- pointing senators for congress, than appears in practice, of late, in several of our state legislatures, they certainly ought to be pitied for their ignorance and want of capacity. When the two houses of a state legislature disagree in their choice of a senator for congress, let there be a joint ballot — and especially if the feio persist in attempts to govern the many ; and if there is no one who has a majority of the whole number of votes given in joint ballot on the first vote, then let the second vote be for one of the three highest candidates, and the third for one of the two highest ; and if there should possibly be an exact tie in any case or stage of the business, let it be decided by the casting vote of the presiding officer. This would aflbrd a just, expeditious and sure mode of electing senators for congress ; and which I recommend to the people of Pennsylvania, New- York, Connecticut, New-Hampshire, Massa- chusetts, and some other states. Some think we have got a new fangled aristocracy organizing in this country — ihefew striving to controul the many, by a com- bination of privileged interests, and an obstinate adherence to tlieir own will. 87f BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS King-craft, priest-craft, and other hypocritical artifices of un- principled and designing men, has perverted the true meaning and proper application of words to their base and crooked de- signs and purposes. Thus, in the true style of this language and policy, we find rakes, profligates and libertines, called high fel- lows — when in strict truth and veracity, they are Imo characters ; and when a person is enticed or prompted to a base action, it is called, in this language, putting them vp to it — ^just as if vice was the upward, and virtue the downward way of life. Those, too, who have taken the lead in playing the devil with mankind, have sometimes assumed the titles of (His) ** holiness'* ; " Most CcUho' lie" (majesty ;) " 3Iost Christian" —(Uis) " excellency" — (His) ''grace"—" Right reverend"—'* Right honourable"--" Most worshipful" and the like hypocritical, absurd and pernicious per- versions of the true meaning and proper application of words. It appears quite common, I would almost s^y fashionable ^ with some people — who profess to lament the ruinous excitements and indulgences in lottery gambling, and drunkenness, to impute the evil to " the rabble" — (just as if they ruled in society,) and say there is no remedy for the evils, in the present state of our politi- cal affairs, as it would render unpopular, whoever should under- take to make or enforce good and wholesome laws and regulations for their correction. The simple truth is, the farmers and me- chanics, who constitute three-fourths of our freemen or electors, generally are subjected to the most burdens and other injuries, by the progress of these evil excitements and indulgences ; and nine-tenths of whom are interested in their correction and re- straint, and wherever their interests and wishes have been duly consulted and regarded, the business has been effectually done. The people of the state of New- York, in order to regulate and restrain their legislators more effectually in the performance of their duty and prevent further mischief, have expressly forbid them, by the provisions of their new constitution, from granting any more lotteries. This language is unequivocal of the virtue and good sense of the people, when and wherever they are duly consulted and regarded. ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. S73 In order to understand this business fairly, we must see who — what profession, class of men, or persons individually or collect- ively, are instrumental, or interested in furnishing the means of excessive drinking, and gambling, and in the fruits of intemper- ance generally — in the promotion of human ignorance ? poverty 1 ill health ? embarrassments ? crimes 1 and degradation ? — Who are they ? Surely not the farmers and mechanics, who are inter- ested in directly the reverse. Their interest and true glory chiefly depends on the general prevalence of human knowledge, sobriety, industry, prosperity and happiness. True courage, is presence of mind, wisely exercised in peril- ous situations, or exerted in cases of extreme danger. It mainly consists in encountering dangers iinderstandingly — necessarily, and wisely, to remove some existing evil, or to com- bat and ward off impending injuries, or to guard against approach- ing troubles, and finally to gain relief, security, or some benefit, by resolute and discerning exertions. To encounter hazards ignorantly, or unnecessarily, evinces stu- pidity and folly, or any thing, rather than true bravery. A truly brave action, is founded in superior virtue and wisdom. An honest and well informed man, wisely acting in a good cause, feels a conscientious approbation and support, that makes him resolute, bold and determined. But a person knowingly act- ing against the cause of justice and humanity, often trembles at the mere rustling of a leaf. National glory, is the just fruits of superior virtue and know- ledge, in a nation or people. A true pride of character, or an exultation understandingly resulting from the possession and ex- ercise of exalted virtue and wisdom. But to plunder, slaughter, or . nslave our fellow-beings ; and especially because they are not BO polite, accomplished, numerous, warlike or expert in the use of arms, as their assailants ; or because they were peculiarly vulner- able or exposed in their local situation, property or concerns ; or in consequence of some overruling calamity, misfortune or dis- tress ; or from their being off their guard, or putting too much 374 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS confidence in the justice, good faith, or civilized character of their neighbours or assailants ; ought to brand a nation or people with infamy ^ rather than honour. Extract from the published proceedings of the New- York state legislature. " The speaker presented a report from the clerk of Monroe county, of the number of appeals from justices' courts made in the county, which report was made at the request of the grand jury, and by direction of the court. The clerk reports that during the year 1826, 114 justices' re- turns were filed on appeals. Forty-two causes were tried, in which 261 witnesses were sworn. Costs in 28 causes in which records have been filed, amount to $1161. In the remaining cases the probable amount of costs is $535 44. Total 81701 44. And the whole amount for which verdicts were rendered is only 8545 57. In tlie remaining 72 causes, which are either pending or have been settled or dismissed by the court, the probable cost is $8 on each side, wliich amounts to 81152, which sum, added to $1701 44, makes a total of 82852 44 ; the amount of costs on appeals in that county, in one year, besides expenses not taxable in loss of time, of parties and witnesses." Here may be seen the ruinous progress of litigation, as cultiva- ted and managed, from small beginnings, by persons interested in instituting, perplexing and prolonging, unnecessary, vexatious and expensive law squabbles. Had it not been for the aid, advice or design of lawyers ; and perhaps a few others like themselves, interested or habituated in promoting unnecessary, perplexing, and expensive law systems and proceedings, probably most of the suits never would have been brought ; and many of the rest of the cases would have been settled, or the acti )ns complied with without trial or any ac- tual and serious resistance to justice ; and few or none of the par- ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 375 ties would have been so unwise as to have appealed, and particu- larly under such vexatious, expensive and ruinous circumstances. Every unnecessary or injudicious delegation or grant of au- thority, has a general tendency to diminish the liberty, influence and power of those who give it, and to increase the power and in- fluence of those who receive it. Hence it is bad policy for indi- viduals, and for communities in general, to delegate more, or higher authorities, than is actually necessary for judiciously con- ducting their respective concerns. A virtuous and enlightened people, would therefore be cautious how they granted special privileges to individuals, singly, or col- lectively, and how they enlarged the authority of men for public purposes. Licenses, investing individuals with special indulgen- ces, and those incorporating associations of men with peculiar privileges, for whatever purpose ; and commissions, and acts in- vesting individuals with special authorities for public purposes, are cases most commonly indulged. In delegating authority to the federal government, the states should grant no more, nor greater powers, than what were actually necessary for the judicious management of the general concern ; and these, as well as all other grants of public authority, should be correctly and explicitly defined. Besides, every additional grant of power, generally increases the expectations and demands of those invested with them. Men will very naturally expect an increased rate of compensation, as you elevate their rank, power or employment. Greater wages will generally be expected for serving the public, than for like per- formances for individuals ; and more for fulfilling an engagement ander the national government, than for a like oflice or agency rendered to a state. Hence, although the public means are far greater than those of any individual, it often costs the public much more to carry into operation an undertaking, than it would a private individual, or even a common company concern. The Cumberland road is a memorable evidence of public extravagance and mismanagement 376 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS In the ancient world, to discourage lives and deeds of consid- erable virtue and public usefulness — to render actions of distin- guished beneficence and humanity, unnecessarily difficult and hazardous, cruelties were practised, and martyrdom generally clo- sed the lives of public benefactors ; and, after they were dead^ the knaves and tyrants of society, sometimes sainted them, or othervvays hypocritically exalted their character as much above their actual merits, as they had kept them below, while living. — This was done, as is even practised at the present day, by some, to hoist actual merit out of the common reach — to check the pro- gress of true civilization — a correct knowledge and practice of truth, justice, virtue, and human improvement. Some biographers, from the same error, sometimes attempt to make out, in the life and character of those who have acquired distinguished excellence, that in their birth or nature^ something extraordinary had been indicated about them. As much as to say, to those who have none of these wonderful indications of na- ture in their favour, that it would be vain or useless for them to attempt the acquisition of any considerable degree of merit, or human excellence ! Satan, certainly could not have devised a more efficient meth- od of discouraging emulation to deeds and lives of distinguished virtue and human excellence. Imputing corruption, deceit, or evil designs, to the human heart, is absurd, since the heart is not an organ of perception, compari- son and reflection, susceptible of entertaining ideas y thought, mo- tive, choice, intention or design. The head contains the organs of perception, thought, reason, will and design, that chiefly guide and rule the voluntary actions of rational beings. " Reason's compariog balance rules the whole.'' It is the mind — the human understanding, that is susceptible of corruption, by being impressed with false ideas, and misdirected by hypocritical examples, and thereby perverting the human fac* ulties to bare designs and purposes. ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 377 Malice and treachery, are harboured, cultivated, and directed, by the human will. *' The mind is the standard of the man." Passions are the elements of life — the current and the wind that propels, while reason hands the sails and guides the helm of life : or, to use a more modern emblem — the heart is the boiler, that unconsciously ejects the propelling fluid, and the head is the steward, engineer, and pilot, that provides fuel and water, regu- lates the operations of the machinery, and guides the helm. To impute motive or design to the current, wind, or steamer, would be ridiculous, since they are incapable of reason or under- standing — like the simple organ through which the invigorating fluid of animal life involuntarily rushes into its arterial conduct- ors. Imputing moral depravity and imperfection to the works and involuntary operations of nature, is charging the Creator with turpitude, injustice, and imperfection ; and, of course, exonera- ting the creature from the charge of moral depravity, corruption and evil designs. With individuals, as with nations, and communities of long standing, the head, and not the body, is the general seat of cor- ruption. Properly speaking, the heart of a healthy and perfectly made man, is never bad — but the mind is often shockingly corrupted, the understanding bewildered and depraved, and the human fac- ulties thereby perverted to base designs and purposes. Sailors call a healthy and generous minded man, a fellow of good pluck : this appears more to the purpose, as a well construct- ed and healthy state of the liver, and lights or lungs, (which to- gether with the heart constitute the pluck,) materially affects our temper and disposition. Finally — " the mind is the standard of the man" — the centre and seat of intellectual knowledge — the ruler of the voluntary ac- tions of all rational beings. 48 378 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS The Power and Worth of a Good Moral Sense and Habit. Practice is far more powerful tlian precept : for although we may specify very correctly the obligations aiid duties of human beings, yet the letter of the law may be evaded ; while the exam- ple and practice of just and wise rules, carries a language and force that cannot easily be mistaken or evaded. In proportion as a sound and valuable coin is put into circula- lion, the debased currency disappears ; and truth, justice, and merit prosper. When respectable married ladies refused to associate with kept mistresses, it effected far more than the written law to break up the custom. If mechanics and manufacturers would resolve not to encour- age runaway apprentices — by refusing to employ those who come to them without a proper discharge from the obligations of their apprenticeship, and a certificate of good character, it would do more to restrain giddy-headed youth, and to maintain the fidelity and respectability of minai- apprenticeships, than perhaps all our legal regulations, without such a practice. Were I to choose the condition of my birth, education and for- tune, I would prefer to be born of honest parents, in moderate circumstances, and to possess a good constitution, and natural talents, and to be brought up in habits of virtue, industry and use- fulness, and regularly to increase my information and fortune, with the progress of years. If a person was wisely and properly educated and instructed, they might be taught to have rational ideas of adversity and prosperity, without experiencing any con- siderable degree of the actual miseries of life ; and thus their whole lives might be rendered one continual scene of temperate and rational enjoyments. Acts of incorporation, for companies allowed to contract debts upon the faith of their alleged capital, should never exempt the private property of the stock holders from the final fulfilment of ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 37^ their engagements ; for if there is no danger of their failure, the responsibility is merely nominal ; but if tliere is an actual hazard in assuring the fulfilment of their engagements, certainly the risk ought to fall upon those who are to be immediately benefitted by the concern ; more especially as they have the keeping, manage- ment and controul of the property and business of the concern. If banking privilege's are really worth considerable sums of money, why do our public servants give them away ? and espe- cially for the particular benefit of a few wealthy or speculative in- dividuals ? Why not ratlier sell the privileges for the public ben- efit, at what they are actually worth, under such regulations and restrictions as amply to secure the public against any losses or in- jury from loose or improper transactions. It is very easy to lay banking and other company concerns, un- der such restrictions and regulations, as to guard the public against any serious injury from their transactions ; and no doubt this would always be the case, if those who have the chief man- agement in making and administering the laws, had not, unfortu- nately, a different and distinct interest from the common good. — We have heard no complaints of late years from the numerous banks and other company concerns in the state of Rhode-Island ; and most probably because the people ^ and not the lawyers ^ chief- ly govern in that state ; and, of course, endeavour to make and administer laws for their own general use, protection, and the promotion of the common good. This is a proud monument to the justice and wisdom of the people of Rhode-Island, more es- pecially at this unparalleled period of hanh and other company swindling — 1 825-6. Suppose the laws should restrict the holding of bank stock — so that not less than a certain number should be allowed to controul the stock of any banking concern — varying their number in some measure to the amount of capital invested in the institution ; that no person should be allowed to hold bank stock to more than one third, or one half the amount of the free and clear property they 380 BRIEF GENER4L REMARKS were actually worth ; and that their private property should be hoJden to an equal amount of their bank stock, for the final pay- ment of the debts of the concern. We employ public agents to 7n>;/>cc^ provisions, lumber, and a variety of articles of merchandize, to guard the public against fraud in their quantity, quality, and condition ; while the issuing 6T bank bills — the currency of the country — the common reward for labour — the most sought for exchange for property generally — as to their essential quality and fitness for public intelligence and security, and the amount put in circulation from each bank re- spectively, are pretty much left to the ignorance and cupidity of interested, designing and irresponsible individuals, without an ef- ficient public inspection and controul. If there was a uniform stamp — an accurate impression of con- siderable size, of some kind of work the most difficult to coun- terfeit, put on all the bills of every bank and denomination exact- ly alike — under the inspection and controul of a public agent, to serve as a kind of public test, or general standard fur genuine bills, lawfully issued, it would be of great use and importance to the public generally. Magistrates, and the public in general might be thus furnished with a convenient and infallible guide to detect counterfeits by ; the banks, as well as individuals, might be easily restrained, by this regulation, from all unlawful issues of bills.' If these hints were duly attended to, the good people of this country would soon cease to be rubbed of their earnings and prop- erty, and the weak and unwary corrupted, by the arts and efTorts cf counterfeiters, bank-swindlers, and their aids and participators. Adventuring in lotteries, is a kind o^ secret and silent gambling, that tends powerfully — and particularly where it is cncuurnged, to the waste and destruction of the very elements of genuine repub- licanism — the justice, equality and self-dependence of the people —by deluding, impoverishing and corrupting the jnani/ for the benefit of the few ; and finally plunging its hapless victims, from 0N A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 381 a condition of comparative virtue and self-dependence, into a state of despair, depravity, poverty and servitude. Paris, and other fashionable hotbeds and nurseries of vice and monarchy in Europe, make great use of lotteries to promote their objects ; and no doubt many of the leading promoters of lotteries in this country, at the present day, hypocritically aim at the de- pravity and downfall of a virtuous and free people. The cause of truth and virtue, is so self-evident, and manifest- ly reasonable, just and humane, that even knaves and tyrants, in pursuing their unjust and cruel purposes, upon an open and learn- ed scale, generally have to resort to some pretext of error or wick- edness, in their intended victims, for which they are professedly convicting and punishing them. We have had tioo revolutions in this country — the first took the rule from the British king and nobles, and left it chiefly in the hands of lawyers and others who composed the natural aristocra- cy of our own country ; the second, although designed to disarm this aristocratic league of privileged interests and individuals, in favour of just and equal measures, and place the power of govern- ment firmly in the hands of the people, was, nevertheless, mainly defeated, by the hypocritical arts and management o^ pretended republicans and patriots — who, while they openly professed to be XzhoMung for the people , were secretly striving to delay, pervert, or defeat, every measure and attempt to complete the reform in- tended ; and have finally left the government of the whole United States, pretty much in the hands of the lawyers and their aristo- cratic confederates in interest and policy, with their several tools and underlings. A third revolution, it is hoped and trusted, will soon place the power of government effectually in the hands of the people, and guard them against any further dominion and controul, of any distinct interest, profession, or class of men. This, it is ho- ped will be effected peaceably, by the force of truth, justice and reason, and without bloodshed or violence. 332 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS ** In the vice chancellor's court, Great-Britain, a suit lately ended with the consent of both parties, which has lasted ^fit/ years. "The statues of England occupy 45,000 close quarto pages, and the reports of common law decisions continaally referred to, are contained in do less than 35,000 other pages. So that the evidential books of legal authority consist of about 100,000 pa- ges. These books are of course exclusive of the different abridgments and treatises of law, and arguments and comments on legal decisions. Of these, Vesey's Comyn's and Bacon's works, contain a quantity of tyi)e equal to 200,000 common octa- vo pages 1" — Niles' RegiUer. These are among the numerous facts and examples concerning the character and operation of the British law system, which many of our lawyers are endeavouring to patronize and follow ; while others, however, of the better sort, (who deserve every aid, protection and encouragement, and the highest honour and reward for their noble conduct,) have devoted themselves to the prepara- tion and establishment of a truly civilized and republican code <^ law. Many of our courts, and particularly that of the United States, is so tedious, and exorbitantly expensive, as to prove ruinous to many who have concerns therein, and is far beyond the means and use of many who have occasion for its protection. The ex- penses of one of the parties to a suit of ordinary magnitude in this court, has been known to be as high as twe.nty thousand DOLLARS ! " The present Attorney General of England, in a speech rela- tive to the Chancery Court, delivered on the 22d of May last, (1827,) observed that there were then six thousand certificated at- torneys in the country, each making, on an average, a thousand pounds sterling a year by his profession." (Amounting to over twenty-six and a half millions of dollars!) Is the American press free, to promulgate every good and wholesome truth that concerns the people at large — or is there a ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 383 secret censorship and controul exerted over it, by any profession class, league or combination of men, who have an interest differ- ent and distinct from the general good ? and who finally manage to ensnare, intimidate and prevent the exercise of a necessary and manly freedom of the press. It highly concerns our good people to see to this matter, in earnest, for themselves, and before it be too late If the press is not sold, enslaved, or any way prevented from doing its duty to the people, let it speak out boldly and answer for itself. There is ev ery reasonable encouragement for the attempt. By maintaining the truth and usefulness of printed matter, enhances its value, and increases a general desire for reading. Which tends greatly to promote the business, honour and usefulness of printing. An article or product, will generally diminish, both in value, and de- man(2, in proportion as it is adulterated, or any way debased or in- jured, in quality and worth. *' During the period which elapsed between the overthrow of the British government in the United States and the establishment of the various systems of government, in the various states of the union, there was a pretty strong current, in favour of a proposi tion, that there is, in the nature of human society a foundation for thp three-fold divisions of the one, iYiQfeto, and the many." — North American Review. Laws, and appointments to office, made by the public servants, should be faithfully designed for the promotion of the best good of the many — the people, the whole community together — instead of the aristocracy — ihefew individuals who generally study to con- troul the making and administration of the laws, and the appoint- ments to office, to favour their own privileged interests and de- signs. When the learned and wealthy form aristocratic leagues ; and when any body or number of men, secretly or openly join for the purpose of taking unjust and undue advantages of their fellow- men ; and whenever men combine their power and efforts to- 384 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS wrong, distress or any way injure a fellow-being, the commoB people should unite against them — the friends of justice and hu- manity slibold exert their best efforts to counteract and defeat the design ; and Hnally to establish and maintain, good and equal rules for the government of the whole. This is just, and abso- lutely necessary for the preservation of human liberty, and the rights of mankind in general. Some people say, " we must takr the world as it is" — ^just as if it were not the duty of every good man, and every good woman, to counteract the efforts of those, who from ignorance or design, are labouring to make the world worse; and finally to exert our- selves to improve the general character and condition of mankind. THE END. / THIS BOOK IS DUE ON THE LAST DATE STAMPED BELOW AN INITIAL FINE OF 25 CENTS WILL BE ASSESSED FOR FAILURE TO RETURN THIS BOOK ON THE DATE DUE. THE PENALTY WILL INCREASE TO 50 CENTS ON THE FOURTH OVERDUE, ■ mm XT /El\ MAR lln ^?i -F (N) WAj 1 3 li'bb 3 5 HW?^'^^ 3RC0 1 ! LD 21-100m-7,'39(402s) i YB 072^2 ! uNivERsrry of caufornia library