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"A perfect gem for the sick-room, and should be in every family."— Fe/tang'O Spectator. " Indispensable for the household."— CTica Herald. IV. THIRD EDITION. OTIMULANTS AND NARCOTICS; Medically, Philo- "^ sophically, and Morally Considered. By George M. Beard, M.D. i2mo, 155 Pages. Cloth, 75 cts. "Dr. Beard has pivcTi the question of stbnvlants the first fair discussion in moderate compass, that it has received in this country. * * * The book should be widely read."— A'^ Y. Independent. "One of the fullest, fairest and best works ever written on the subject." — Hearth and Home. V. THIRD EDITION. T7ATING AND DRINKING. A Popular Manual of Food and Diet in Health and Disease. By George M. Beard. M.D. i3mo, i So Pages. Cloth, 75 cts. " We can thoroughly commend this little book to every one."— iV. Y. Evening Mail. "The best manual upon the subject we have seen."— i^T". Y. World. FIFTH EDITION. T^HE STUDENTS' OWN SPEAKER. By Paul Reeves. A Manual of Oratory, comprising New Selections, Patriotic, Patlietic, Grave and Humorous, for home use and for schools. i2mo, 215 Pages. Cloth, 90 cts. "We have never before seen a collection so admirably adapted for its purpose." —Cincinnati Chronicle. "It will be of real service to all young students of the art of oratory."— /'oW/a/tU Transcript. "This is an excellent Spcaker."—JV. Y. Worid. THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES SOCIAL ECONOMY. BY J. E. THOEOLD EOGERS, TooKE Professor of Economic Sciesce, Universitt op Oxford. REVISED FOR AMERICAN READERS. NE\V YORK: G. P. PUTI^AM'S SONS. FouBTH Avenue and 23d Street. 1874. ICDDLETON i CO., STEEEOTTPEBS, BEIDGEPOKT, CONN. UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA LIBRARY 17\.T FREFA CE TO THE AMEBIC AN EDITION. In preparing this volume for Amei'ican Students, I have made no changes in the original plan, and have not pretended to add any thing to the clear and satisfac- tory text of the author. I have merely translated his references to currency, measurements, trades, etc., from the English to the American terms, and changed some of the more important illustrations, so as to make them apply to American circumstances. I do not of course suppose that the American boy who will read this vol- ume, does not understand what is meant by a jraund sterling, or a stone weight, but as the lesson to be taught is one of principles, and not of comparative values, I think the changes I have made will save him from giving time to any imnecessary details. The spirit and purpose of the book are excellent, and its teachings combine to a rare degree, simplicity and thoroughness. A full imderstanding of the princi- ples it explains, will give to our young American stu- dents the basis of the knowledge that is indispensable for the clear-headed citizens and wise legislators, they should aim to become. a. H. p. June, 1873. PREFACE. The object of this little book is to give instruction in the rudiments of social science, and to do so in such language and in such a form as will make the subject clear to the youngest students. The author has stated what he has to say in the shape of a series of lessons, each of which should be carefully read and understood before the pupil passes on to the next. It is hoped that when he has read through the whole, he will have got some insight into the laws which regulate social life. It does not follow that knowledge will make the person who possesses it discreet and wise ; but no person will be discreet and wise without knowledge. After that training which is necessary for each person in order that he may earn his living, no knowledge can be more usefully turned to account than that which explains the circumstances under which men live together in a civil- ized society, and confer benefits on each other. It is this knowledge which the author hopes to have given in the following pages. Oxford, Dec. i, 1871. CONTENTS. -o- LESSON L PAGE. Savage and CiTilized Life 11 LESSON n. A Loaf of Bread 15 LESSON m The Sharing of the Loaf— Eent 19 LESSON IV. The Share of the Workman 33 LESSON V. The Cotxrse of Lnprovement .27 LESSON VL Variety of Employments ....... 31 LESSON vn. Various Eates of Wages ,,.36 LESSON VnL Unpaid Work .••«•,••• 40 8 CONTENTS. LESSON IX. PAGE. Motives for Labor 44 LESSON X. PartnersMps of Labor , 49 LESSON XL The Eigbt of the Sellef to fix a Price 53 LESSON xn. The Employer's "Wages 58 LESSON xm. The Use of Gold and SHver 62 LESSON xrv. Money 66 LESSON XV. Substitutes for Money 71 LESSON XVI. Ereedom and Slavery 75 LESSON xvn. Parent and Child 80 LESSON xvni. Public Education 84 LESSON XIX. Special Learning ......■••89 CONTENTS. ' 9 PAGE. LESSON XX. Inventions and Books 94 LESSON XXL Restraints on Buving and Selling 99 LESSON xxn. Public Charities 104 LESSON XXTTT. Tlie Work of Government 109 LESSON xxrv. Taxes 113 LESSON XXV. What do Taxes come from ? 117 LESSON XXVI. The Punishment of Crime 121 LESSON xxvn. The Principle of Punishment 126 LESSON XXVHL Restraints on Freedom 130 LESSON XXIX. Restraints on Callings 134 LESSON XXX. :e8 1* Laws Fixing Prices 138 10 CONTENTS. ''^ PAGE. LESSON XXXL Regulations on Professions ...*.. 143 LESSON xxxn. Eorbidden Callings 147 LESSON XXXTTT. Callings wMch are under a Police # , • • 3~ • ■"•^^ LESSON XXXIV. Poor-Laws ...••••••• 156 LESSON XXXV. The Protection of the Weak . . . m m . 160 XESSON XXXVI Elmigration ..«•*•• 5» 1^* .-• • ^^'^ % SOCIAL ECONOMY. LESSON I. SAVAGE AND CIVILIZED LIFE. Few of the readers of this book have not seen a town, and most of them have probably lived in or visit- ed the larger towns or cities. But nearly all American boys and girls will knoAV that a little more than two centuries ago, there were not any cities or towns on this continent, and the people who lived on it, the Indians, wandered about vhe coun- try, chasing the wild animals, or fishing, or digging roots, in order to get food. In other countries, such as England, France, or Ger- many, the time when there were no towns was a good deal further back, but in them also some centuries ago, people had to get their living by hunting or fishing, or by pasturing such flocks and herds as they possessed Avherever they could find grass for them to live upon. In those old days the people who could get their liv- ing in a country like England for instance, by the chase or by pasturing cattle, were very few, not more indeed than could be reckoned in a middle-sized town at the present day. Few as they were, they were all that could live. If the summer was very dry, or the spring very 12 SOCIAL ECONOIIT. backward, many were starved. The whole of England and Wales in those ancient times did not maintain a hundredth part of the number who live in it at present, and did not maintain this hundredth part as securely and as comfortably as every Englishman is maintained now. There are parts of the world where the inhabitants live just as our forefathers lived in England ages ago, such as the Indian territories of the United States, the greater part of Africa, and large tracts in Asia. The inhabitants of these scantily settled and unculti- vated countries are said to be savages. Those who live in countries settled and civilized like our own are said to be civilized. The savage is poor, ignorant, and lives from day to day. The civilized man is, in compari- son at least, rich, wise, and has made some provision for the future. What are the causes which make so great a diiFerence between the condition of the savage and that of the civilized man ? I purpose in this little book to give an account of some among the causes which make this mighty diiier- ence. I cannot give them all, for if I tried to do so the book would not be little, and what is perhaps more to the purpose, I should mix up things which had better be kept separate. For example, good and just laws, wise and lair government on the part of rulers, virtuous and honest action on the part of subjects, are powerful causes of civilization. But I am not writing a book about law, or government, or moral conduct : I shall only try to show what is the reason why a hundred civ- ilized people can live on the space of ground which will hardly keep one savage alive ; why it is civilized people can live together in great towns, and are the better for theu" neighbors, while a savage man is anxious to have as SAVAGE AND CIVILIZED LIFE. 13 few neighbors near him as possible. Stated in a verj'' few words, the savage is obliged to do every thing for himself, and the civilized man is able to get an mfinite number of things done for him. The principal necessaries of life are food, clothing, lodging. If we add to these the means of moving from place to place, Ave shall find that most labor is given with a vicAv to satisfying those wants, either immediate- ly or indirectly. For example, a farmer who sows a field with wheat is immediately engaged in the supply of food, while the smith who constructs a plough is in- directly concerned with the same service. There is the same difiierence between one M'ho shears wool, or grows cotton, and another who makes the weaving machine wherewith to spin either substance into cloth. The savage man has to provide himself with food, and with the implements or Aveapons necessary to obtain food, to make himself clothing, and to manufacture the tools needed for piecing the skins together Avhich he Avears. But the civilized man gets his fellow-man to do a vast number of these services for him, and does some service himself, in return for which he is able to get such conA^eniences as he requires. And ho gets Avhat he needs more regulai-ly, more easily, more plentifully, and more cheaply than he Avould if he lived a savage life. As the civilized man gets what he Avauts more cheap- ly than a savage does, so he gets it more regularly. A great city like New York depends for its food, for the materials of the clothes Avhich its inhabitants Avear, and of the houses in Avhich they live, on other regions. It is, so to speak, Avholly dependent on other places for all Avhich its inhabitants need. But it fjets them rei»'. LESSON xm. THE WOEK OF GOVERXMEN'T. B r this time, I suppose, my readers will have foimd out that it is an error to imagine that work can be got ■without paying for it. There are, no doubt, some great services which are done to mankind, but for which no wages are ever paid. There are some persons, again, who devote themselves to works of charity and well- doing, who neither exj^ect reward nor would accept it if it were offered them ; and there are, moreover, many ways in which persons may be paid for their services, apart from the common mode in which men are re- warded for Avork. But the rule holds good, that in some way or another most of those who work earn wages. Now some of the most important work which can be done is performed by the Government of a country. It undertakes the defence of the whole people, either by police and courts of justice against those who break the peace or commit frauds at home, or by an army and navy against the passion of conquest in which States are sometimes apt to indulge. It controls education, gives relief to the destitute, and sits in judgment upon cases where people are likely to have a mistaken vicAV of their own interests. Whether it always does what is best is a question ; but it always does that which those who have the gi*eatest power and influence think is best. 110 SOCIAL ECONOMY. Again, it sometimes undertakes the management of a kind 'of work itself. Thus it always regulates the coins of the country, and frequently takes ujDon itself the business of issuing those pieces of paper which, as I mentioned in a former lesson, can, imder certain cir- cumstances and under certain rules, be made to act as money. So, again, in every civilized country, the Gov- ernment undertakes the collection and distribution of letters. In many countries it does the same thing by the conveyance of persons and goods, for it takes rail- ways in hand. Sometimes, as in England, it establishes bajnks for the poor. At times it lends money to per- sons who wish to improve property, or even to acquire property. Now it is very easy to see why a Government undei*- takes some of these duties. We have already found out that human labor is always best bestowed when per- sons occupy themselves with some one business, and tliat to try a dozen things, unless under necessity, is to do the whole dozen ill. If, therefore, it would be a waste and an inconvenience for a man to undertake the defence of his own home, property, and person against domestic and foreign enemies, it is expedient to commit this office to some one else. But to whom could it be committed except to a Government which has the power to compel the strictest discipline, and if it be so disj^osed, can do the work in the best and the cheapest manner ? In short, a whole society may be compared to a vast factory, eveiy one of the workmen in which is occupied in some industry for the general good. But it is neces- sary that over the whole of this huge partnership some management should be established, the officers of which should see that each man is allowed to do his work with THE WORK OF GOVERNMENT. HI the least possible hindrance and loss, that the whole of those who exercise their industry, should do so with the greatest possible safety ; and that each person should feel that right will be done him, in case he thinks that wrong has been put upon him. The managers of this great partnership engage to maintain peace and order in the interests of all, and to check and control all whose con- duct would throw the safe and constant working of the partnership out of gear. It is not easy to say when a Government should take upon itself to hire laborers in order to perform indus- tries which priA'ate persons or private partnerships can undertake. Three causes, however, may induce this kind of action. A Government may hire labor, and manufacture or perform a public service, either because it cannot trust ordmary traders ; or because the work can be done at a cheaper rate by Government than it can by private enterprise ; or because the necessary spirit of enterprise is wanting. Unluckily, honesty bears a price. Peoj^le are obliged to pay for that which only exists in limited quantity, and which it is at the same time very necessary to get. Now the habits of some persons, owing to the negligence of law, are so dishonest, that it is difficult to say whether you can trust their word at all when they pretend to sell genuine goods. Frauds and adulterations are part of the stock-in-trade of some men. But it is not difficult to see that a Government may be put to serious incon- venience, and a nation to great danger by the roguery of such tradesmen. Suppose this nation were forced to go to war, and found that the powder which it had bought was bad, because the manufacturer had cheated the nation, or that the preserved meat was unwholesome, 112 SOCIAL ECONOMY. or the bread made of bad flour, tlie country might be brought to the verge of ruin Cases of this kind have often happened, and in view of this danger, it may be. and it has often been, necessary for the Government to do this kind of work for itself In the second place, a Government dealing with a public service on the largest possible scale, may do the work more cheaply and efiectually than any private com- pany can. A trade partnership could undertake the business of the Post Office, but it is very doubtful whether it would distribute letters with such cheapness, accuracy, and disj^atch, as the Government does. In the third place, the spirit of enterprise may be weak in a society. The subscription of private capital has constx-ucted English and American railways ; but in every other cotmtry such works have been undertaken by Government, either in whole or in part. And even in the United States, the great Pacific Railroad, com- pletmg the line across the Continent, was largely assist- ed by the Government. So Government has made and maintained roads, erected public buildings, undertaken irrigation on a large scale, reclaimed waste land. Among an active and enterprising people such work would be superfluous or even mischievous, but when an important object has to be attained, it is not always wise for the State to wait till private persons take it in hand. LESSON XXIV. TAXES. If a GoYernment does a service, it must, like eveiy one else, be paid for doing it. It may possess an estate, the rents of which may be sufficient for meeting the charges to which it is put for performing the service which it undertakes. Sometimes this happens to a lim- ited extent in this country. There are many ancient towns which possess large estates, the value of which has been greatly increased by the demand for building sites. But no general Government has ever had an es- tate sufficiently large to meet the expenses which are thought necessary for carrying on the various duties which a Government fulfils. Recourse must therefore be had to some other source of income. The several persons who live in a community are called upon to contribute something out. of their means towards the cost of a service which is a benefit to everybody : in other words, they pay taxes. You will see at once why some taxes are put upon the inhabitants of certain places, and not on the whole nation. For example : suppose the land in any district of New Jersey were being washed away by the sea, as it is occasionally on the coast, and that by some outlay 114 SOCIAL ECONOMY. the waste of land might be stopped. In this case the people who live in Chicago should not be called on to pay towards saving the property of the people who pos- sess land in those maritime counties : the necessary ex- penses should be met by a local rate. Again, it is no doubt desirable in the minds of all who have any idea of what is the public good, that pau- perism should be checked, and that crime should be de- tected and punished. To a certain extent both these so- cial evils affect everybody : but they ought to affect the place where they occur most of all — pauperism almost en- tirely, crime to a great extent. It is the wise and just rule of our law that such a system should be adopted. The State aids the cost of pauperism a little, the cost of crime a great deal. The locality pays the greater part of the charges incurred for the first, and a considerable amount of the cost incurred for the second. But, on the other hand, if the tax is devoted to pur- poses which benefit everybody, the tax should be col- lected from everybody, in so far as each person can pay it. The public defence is a matter of universal benefit. The invasion of an enemy may destroy the property of the wealthy, it is sure to stop the industry of the poor, who suffer even more than the rich by the miseries of war. Let us suppose, again, that part of the work of Government consists in rewarding those who have done some special benefit to their fellow-countrymen. Here also the whole nation should pay for that by which the whole nation is benefited. There is then, apart from another consideration, which I shall refer to presently, a great propriety in distinguish- ing between taxes which are paid by the inhabitants of particular regions, and which ^re called local, and taxes TAXES. 115 •which are paid by the whole community, because they are employed for piirposes which are called imperial, or national. The distinction is founded on the fact, that people pay taxes in order to obtain some real or sup- posed benefit. The other consideration, which could not, except for the last-named reason, be of very great weight, but which, taken with that reason, is of great value, is that the local collection and expenditure of taxes promotes saving and educates jieople to carry on the government under Avhich they live, and to understand its working. If all the taxes needed for public purposes in the United States were paid into one vast treasury, and spent by some board or boards situated in "Washington, there would certainly be great waste, and everybody but those who managed matters in these boards would be un- trained in public business. Now no country has ever yet succeeded in obtaining real freedom where there has been no local Government, but where every thing has been done by the central Government. The benefit of protection is general, and the cost ought as far as possible to be met by payments from all. At first sight it would seem as though women and chil- dren were more protected than strong men are. In a sense, perhaps, they are. But a little inquiry will show that everybody is so much protected by a good and wise Government, that the diiference between the help given to one and to another is not worth reckoning. The eflEect of insecurity is to take away strength from all industry, enjoyment from all property. If society were at the mercy of violence, the strongest man would be only a little more helpful than a child. Of course, it is the business of a Government to 116 SOCIAL ECONOMY. make the cost as light as possible. Every tax that a person pays is so much taken away from his power of enjoyment, and every man has a natural right to enjoy the fruits of his labor. At any rate, it is clear that if the right of such an enjoyment were denied him, he would be in the condition of a slave, and as we have al- ready seen, a slave has only the lowest motives for ex- ertion, and no motives for improvement. All cost is so much taken away from enjoyment. It cost far more labor to our forefathers to get the neces- saries and comforts of life than it costs us, and as a con- sequence their enjoyments were fewer. It is impossible for labor to be carried on without cost, but the inge- nuity of man is always directed towards making the cost as light as can be. So it is impossible for Govern- ment to be carried on without taxes, but it is the duty of Government to make the taxes as few as possible, and such as distress the peojDle who pay them, as little as possible. I have compared society to a great partnership in which the government are the managers. You will see from what I have already said in this lesson, that the comparison is made more clear by the way in which taxes are collected, and by the principle which ought to guide those who put taxes on the people. To take a tax for some purpose which does not benefit all who are in the partnership, would be a wrong; to lay more taxes on the people than are sufficient to manage the great part- nership, would be a waste — would be to pay one kind of labor more than its due. But it is plainly out of the question to imagine that the management could be car- i-ied on without cost or expense. All good service must be paid for, and wise government is the best of service. LESSON XXV. WHAT DO TAXES COME FROM? Everybody who gets the aid of Government should bear a portion of its expenses. But it is plain that those who have nothing cannot pay. A person who is main- tained at the public charge, Avithout being able to do any work in return for his maintenance, can pay nothing except in so far as those who maintain him pay taxes on his behalf So those who can earn nothing, but are maintained from private sources, pay to the needs of the State only through their relatives and friends, Now this very plain fact leads us to a very important rule. The only source from which a person can pay a tax, is from that portion of his earnings which is over and above the cost qf his own subsistence, and the cost of those whom he must maintain by his labor. In our country it is seldom the case that the earnings of people leave them nothing whatever to pay in taxes. Some people allow themselves to pay a great deal more than they ought to pay, if they considered the true needs of themselves and their children. But it is rarely th6 case that a man's income is wholly consumed in bare neces- saries, and that he has nothing left for enjoyment. Such men, then, can and do pay taxes ; it may be very little, but they generally pay something. 118 SOCIAL ECONOMY. Some taxes are paid of a man's own free will — /.c, he can avoid paymg them if he chooses. No man need drink beer, wine, or spirits, or smoke tobacco against his will ; and it is certain that he can contrive to live without the use of any of these. In the same way, tea and coffee are not absolute necessaries of life, though they have become such very familiar comforts that they may be almost called necessaries. Sugar, on the other hand, is a necessary of life ; it is a kind of food, and a very important kmd of food too. Now these articles are nearly the only objects on the use of which the Government of tliis country lays any taxes. Some taxes, however, are paid whether a man wills or not. Most local taxes, poor-rates, house-tax, and the like are of this kind. So is a tax on a man's earnings, or his prof)erty, taken from the annual income of the former, or on the value of the latter. Such also are taxes levied on business, as on buying and selling. It is im- l^ossible to carry on the affairs of life without buying and selling. Generally, however, small houses, low earnings, and little business dealings are not taxed. Perhaps the rea- son is that it would cost too much to collect them ; per- haps it is seen that they would tend to cripple business , perhaps it is allowed that there is a class of persons who should not be made liable to pay taxes which they can- not avoid, because they have little more than enough to live on. It' will be clear, then, that if all taxes were put upon the earnings of people, and none on their spendings, the tax would be much heavier in the case of a man Avho has a family of children to keep, than it would be on one who has none ; and would be much heavier also in ^TIAT DO TAXES COME FROM? 119 the case of a man who cannot earn his income without great outgoings, than in that of a man whose income comes to him without any outlay whatever. A man who can choose his own expenses, and who is constrained to meet certain regular demands on him, may keep within compass. But if his expenses are fixed by some other will than his own, as would be the case if the taxes he j^ays were laid on his earnings and not on his spendings, it may very well happen that the tax he pays may press severely on his means. Again, it will be clear that the tax which is paid by a man of small earnings, is felt to be harder than a far larger tax paid by a man of large earnings or large in come, if it be the case that the jjoorer man is imable to avoid the tax. The sacrifice which poverty makes is fai greater than that Avhich wealth makes, just as the charity of the poor is greater self-denial than the gifts of the rich. A tax of fifty cents a week out of five dollars earnings, is a much more serious affair than taxes of five dollars a week out of an income of five thousand dollars a year. And when the wealth of the taxpayer is still greater, the sacrifice is still less. Men M^hose incomes are very little may, however, pay a veiy large part of the taxes of a country; foi though the earnings of each may be small, they become when added up a vast sum. The same rule holds good in their spendings. It has been reckoned that half tlie taxes of England are paid by people ^\'hose earnings are under ten dollars a Aveek. They would, no doubt, be vastly better off if they saved a portion of that which they spend ; but the amount which they do spend in tax- paying articles of their own free choice, is so great, that if it were saved, it would keep half the work of the 120 SOCIAL ECONOMY. country going on. So vast is this amount, that it is hard to say Avhat would be done, if the money received by the Government from this quarter were to cease pour- ing in. But it is certain that more than half the misery, poverty and crime which disgrace this country — and a good many other countries too — would be arrested, if people forbore to spend on those articles from which the Government gets so much by taxation. Sometimes a country does not take all that it needs by taxes, but borrows money, and pays interest on that which it has borrowed. The reason why this is done — if the true reason is given — is that when a time of great difficulty arises, it would be next to impossible to get what is needed by ordinary taxation. It would be bet- ter to do so, but as long as the art of putting taxes on is in so imperfect a state, a great increase in the expenses of the Government would j^ress with the greatest sever- ity on the poorer classes — that is, on those whose earn- mgs very little exceed their expenses. Most countries have borrowed great sums of money, and require a great income in annual taxes to pay the charge for these loans. These sums have not always been borrowed for the wisest purposes. Perhaps as time goes on, and nations get to be wiser, and rulers get wiser also, the disposition to enter upon projects which require wasteful borrowing will be a great deal checked. It is to be hoped that it will be ; for there is no doubt that in the long run, a country which has no debts, and therefore comparatively slight taxes, will win in the race against others which have incurred debts, and have therefore put on heavy taxes. LESSON XXVI. THE PUNISHMENT OF CEIME. Why do men pxinisli crime ? Why are some offences chastised by law, while others which are often very mis- chievous in their consequences, are either visited by light punishments, or not punished at all? A crime is an offence agamst one individual or more, or against all individuals — i.e., against the community at large. To the former class belong acts of violence or fraud committed on any person or persons ; to the latter, acts which offend against society itself Now there is a constant tendency to treat offences against persons as being offences against society, and to neglect to com- pensate the person who has undergone harm and loss, in the anxiety to chastise an offence wliich may be said to injure all men who live in the same community. Nay, the usages of modern law go further still ; and Govern- ments engage by treaty to give up persons who have committed crimes in their own country, and have fled to a foreign country in order to escape detection and pun- ishment. In early times the law took notice only of the in- jured person, and made it its business to assist or re- compense him against a wrong-doer. In the oldest sys- tems of European law, wrongs done to persons were 6 122 SOCIAL ECONOMY. looked on as debts incurred, and when the injury was proved, the judge directed the wrong-doer to pay a sum of money to the wronged person ; or in case lie could not pay, adjudged him to be the slave of such a person. Even murder was punished with a heavy fine only. And to carry this notion out most fully, the quantity of the fine vaiied with the rank of the person against whom the crime was committed. In course of time, however, another opinion began to prevail. It was seen that an oifence, committed mali- ciously, was not only a wrong on the person injured, but a wrong to society itself So important is the mainte- nance of order, and so serious are the consequences of disorder, that it was plainly the duty of Government to save society from these outrages. Thus if a man com- mits a forgery, though this is really an attempt to cheat some individual only, it was felt that this offence was so mischievous to credit and good faith — which are the bonds of society — that the punishment of the offence must be referred to Government only. Again, no grosser wrong can be conceived than wilful murder. But for many a year the law has ceased to trouble itself with the injury done to the family and friends of the murdered person, in its anxiety to avenge the wrong done to the order and security of society. As nations become more civilized, this tendency to look on offences from a social, rather than from a per- sonal point of view, grows stronger, and offences are constantly treated as crimes rather than as wrongs. Of course there are and always will be a number of cases in which the injury done to the individual is the only thing to be considered, and the only thing to be righted. Thus the carelessness which makes men suffer by a rail- THE PUNISHMENT OF CRIME. 123 way accident, is treated as a wrong which requires com- pensation. A theft of projierty is treated as a wrong against society ; but a damage done to property is gen- erally looked on solely as an injury to the person whose property has been diminished in value. Some offences may be treated either as wrongs or crimes. If a man libels another — that is, says something of him which, being false and malicious, will injure hiui in his character or his calling — the person who is wronged may either try to get what are called damages for the in- jury, or may treat the person as a criminal, and try to get him punished. Violence done to a man's body may be chastised similarly in either way. The law has not yet declared, in these cases, that the mischief doiie to society is greater than that done to the person Avho has been the subject of the violence. So much for the person injured. The offender, as soon as it has been decided that the deed is to be treated as a crime against society, is always visited with a heav- ier penalty than his offence could have possibly brought him gain. The reason is clear. It is the business ot law, not only to right wrongs, but to frighten offenders. Now the wrong is not merely loss of property, even when the individual mjured is alone considered. If a man robs his fellow-man of five dollars, it will not be a sufficient penalty to make him pay back the five dollars, for this is not the extent of the injury. He has abused trust, or put another in fear, or to pain. Besides, to mere- ly give back the precise amount of the loss, would be to treat the wrong-doer as though he were only a debtor. Now an involuntary creditor — one who has been made a creditor against his will — may fairly claim more recom- 124 SOCIAL ECONOMY. pense than one who entered into an engagement with another of his fi*ee choice. But, as we have seen, he has not only put the injured l^erson to a loss, but all society. He has rendered ne- cessary the maintenance of a police, of courts of justice, and prisons. Were there not such persons as he, all these costly arrangements need not be made. His con- duct is not only a loss to society, but is a disgi-ace. It is to be regretted that no way has been found out by which those who commit crimes on the greatest scale — those who sacrifice people to warlike ambition — can be punished according to their deserts. Unfortunately, however, these great offences go impunished. Under these circumstances, then, those offenders whom the law does reach, are liable to pay what I may call a multiplied or a double penalty. The penalty is multiplied, because the offence is not to be reckoned only by the direct loss which the wrong has caused to the in- jured person. It is doubled, because not only the man who is the object of the offence is to be considered, but the security of society has to be taken into account too, and the costs to which society is put for the prosecution, correction, and pimishment of crime. But there is even another reason why society should seek to deter offenders. When a man is wronged by no fault of his own, he is not protected as he should be by that Government which guarantees his protection, and for whose guarantee he pays his part towards the expenses of state. To be obliged to defend a right, is to assert that wi'ong has been done. If it be proved that wrong has been done, it is the duty of the State to make the wrong good, if possible, or least to prevent its occurring again. From these motives, it sometimes happens that THE PUNISHMENT OF CRIME. 125 w'Len certain crimes are committed, the law not only strives to seek out and pimish the guilty persons, but puts a fine on the region where the crime was committed, in order that the injured person may be righted, and the criminal be discovered. LESSON xxvn. THE PEIKCIPLE OF PUiTISHMENT. As regards the offender, then, the first motive which influences the law in chastising him, is vengeance and security. To avenge a wrong is a natural impulse ; to commit the duty of exercising this vengeance to the law, is to put it into the hands of a judge who can give sentence without passion, in accordance with a rule which has been laid down before the ofience was com mitted. Nowadays, no one thiuks of passing a law m order to punish an offence committed before the law existed. And it is moreover clear that the law intends by its punishments to afford security. It may, indeed, err in its anxiety to obtain this security, and its punish- ments may have, and have had, exactly the opposite result that was intended, for excessive severity defeats its own purpose. But it has been held that the duty of the law is of a higher kind, and that along with the punishment, it ought to try to reform the criminal. Now there is no doubt that if it can do this, it may sometimes effect a great saving. Of all wasteful persons, there is none more wasteful than one who is constantly leading a life of crime. He is most wasteful if he is not detected and punished ; but he is only a little less wastefol if he is. THE PRINCIPLE OF PUNISHMENT. 127 Still there are limits to the benevolence which seeks to reform bad people at the expense of the State — that is, of those who pay taxes. Most people, perhaps nearly all people, are agreed that we should try to reform youug criminals. There are two reasons for this. In the first place, it may be fairly said that when very yovmg peojile take to bad ways, it is not quite then- own fault that they do so. In ninety-nine cases out of a hundred they have had care- less or bad parents. Now it is not just to punish a child for his parents' fault. It used to be thought just to do so, in barbarous times, but we have arrived at exactly opposite views on the subject in our days, and have even, perhaps, gone a little beyond what might be de- manded, in order to avoid the older and barbarous rule. In the next j^lace, there is sure to be a terrible loss in- curred when a habit of crime begins in childhood. It is more doubtful whether the same kind of care should be shown in the case of older culprits, especially when they happen to be persons who, having had a chance given them, have rej^eatedly ofiended. It seems hard, when there is a great amount of undeserved suffer- ing in the world, that the resources of society should be turned to the benefit of those who have brought upon themselves whatever inconvenience they sufier. If any- body is to be helped, it surely seems that help is due to the deserving rather than to the undeserving. There is yet another reason for the prevention and correction of ofiences. It is a better motive than that of vengeance, and even than that of afibrding security to good order. The crimes of bad men are a loss to society. But they are also a disgrace to it. Now there IS nothing done by man which cannot be prevented by 128 SOCIAL ECONOMY. man, if it be only possible to find out the way in which the prevention may take effect. Probably there are many persons who never commit an offence against law in their whole lives, but who owe their freedom from bad actions to the fact that they are checked by a healthy fear of losing their character or reputation. Now it may be that there is not much hoj)e for those whose charac- ter is lost already, and it may be the fact that very few of those who take to dishonest courses ever mend their ways. But it would be a great thing done if the evil were bounded by the present generation. The good or ill conduct of a man is a matter of srreat interest to their fellow-men. It is a great mistake for anybody to think that he should be merely busied with his own conduct, and that he need be under no concern for that of others. It is true that he may not discover the exact amount of social mischief which crime and vice cause, but he may be certain that mischief is caused, and that his business is to check it. It is easy to see the fact on a small scale in the man- agement of a school. Perhaps order, obedience to law- ful commands, regularity, good manners, mutual kindli- ness, care not to wantonly hurt each other's feelings, truthfulness, and similar acts of good conduct, are quite as important matters of education as the school learn- ing which a boy picks up from his master and in his class. Every boy in school can imderstand the mischief which idle, disorderly, rude, and ill-mannered boys do to its discipline and success. Now no less mischief is done to society at large by these and similar vices, than is done to a school. They are not the less real, because they are not seen so plainly. And this leads me to the last question which I raised THE rRmCIPLE OF PUNISHMENT. 129 when I referred to the fact that many serious offences are visited with light penalties, or are not punished at all. If a man tells a lie in a court of justice, when giving evidence, he commits an offence* which is severely pun- ished. If he tells a he when he is selling something in his shop — as, for example, if he says that a particular ar- ticle is genuine, when it is really adulterated, or that he gives a certain measure of any thing when the quantity is much below the measure — he is not pvmished at all, or punished very lightly- But he may do as much mischief to society by the trade lie as he does by false swearing. So, again, if a man attacks another savagely in the street, or starves his children in order to gratify a base liking for drink, he very often gets off easily, or is not corrected at all ; whereas, if he caused a riot, in whicli far less real mischief is done than in the other cases, he is treated — and justly treated — with great severity. Now there is no doubt that the reason Avhy this neg- ligence occurs is frequently due to the fact, that the law does not take notice of many offences which it could and should chastise. But it is still more due to the fact, that it is desirable to hmit the operation of law as much as is possible, due regard being had to the security and order of society, and to trust as much as possible to the judg- ment of what may be called jjublic consciencx) or pub- lic opinion. If the disgrace which should attach to those who commit offences against what society knows to be right, were strong enough to deter all from evil prac- tices, there would be no need for law or justice. As it is, law trusts much to this influence, and in time may perhaps trust more. 6* LESSON xxvin. KESTKAINTS ON PREEDOM. If a man has any right, it is that of a free control over his own words, acts, and property. All that has been done for mankind, either in assisting it in getting its work done more easily, or in making life more safe and happy, has been done by the activity of free minds. Slavery makes no progress, as I have said before. Nor has there ever been any thing done for the moral good of man, except by those who, of their own free will, have considered their neighbors' good in the first place, and have thought very little of their own profit or ad- vantage. They who have made men wiser and better have always made great sacrifices in order to do so : for there is no exercise of one's own will or freedom, which is more marked than that of the man who chooses what is right for its own sake, and cares nothing for the con- sequences. But it cannot be denied that freedom is of necessity limited in a variety of ways. In the first place, no per son can claim that his freedom should extend to allow ins: him to interfere with the freedom of others. There ought not to be — and properly speaking there cannot be — any right in another man's wrong. If it can be shown that what a man says is his, cannot be his without caus- EESTEAIXTS OX FREEDOM. 131 ing loss or misery to his neighbor, it shoukl not be liis for a moment after such a loss or misery is proved to come from the possession of a miscalled right. One of the most manifest of rights is that of property in that which is the result of one's own labor, or which has been purchased by one's own labor. But if there were a man in a besieged city, or to take a better instance still, on a desert island, who possessed by right of property all the food in the city, or all the food which had been saved from the wreck of the ship, and he would not al- low any of them who were with him to share in any of that which is his, it is plain that in neither case would his companions allow him to exercise his full rights of prop- erty. In other words, they would not permit him to maintain a right, the full exercise of which would cause the direst misery to his neighbors. What is true in the case I have quoted, holds good in other cases. Strict right is very often grievous wrong, "and cannot be endured. This maybe shoAvn m many ways. It would seem to be a right that a man should be able to carry on what industry he pleases on his own premises. But if he carries on some trade which injures the health or destroys the comfort of others, his rights will be restrained. If a man possessing a vast estate were to pull down every house on it, forbid its cultiva- tion, and seek to make it a desert, his claim to do what he wills with his own should be, and probably would be, resisted, even if he were not proved to be mad. It is true that there is generally little necessity for checking the undue use of such a right as that which lias been referred to just now, for no one, Ave should lliiuk, but a madman, would destroy his own property. But acts may be done on a small scale which society woukl 132 SOCIAL ECONOMY. not permit on a large scale. It is a difficulty to decide when they are done on so large a scale as to call for the interference of law. When they are so done, the Legis- lature sometimes deals with the difficulty. Again, the rights of a parent over a child are neces- sary, in order that a home should be well governed. But the law will not allow a father to ill-use his children, to deny them the necessaries of life, and to refuse them proper education. The freedom or discretion of the parent may be granted, but this freedom must have its limits. The same rules apply to other relations — as of husband and wife, master and servant, teacher and pujiil. The best state of society is that in Avhich the greatest possible liberty is given consistently with no wrong beincr done to others. In so far as this result can be secured by law, the statesman makes it his business to decide where liberty can be allowed, and where order must be maintained. He is, as it were, a judge between • those who claim a right, and those who assert thai the exercise of the right is a wrong. But there are a number of instances in which the liberty of the individual is in a manner restrained, though no harm could accrue to society at large if he used his liberty. Thus, for example, there are certain demands w^hich fashion, or custom, or manners make upon every person. Most Americans wear the same fashion of clothes, adopt the same customs, and accept or obey certain rules of politeness or good manners. No real harm would happen if some persons thoiight proper to wear their clothes inside out, or adopt a dress which would be quite diiferent from what is usual, or followed out-of-the-way customs, or practised manners different EESTRALNTS ON FEEEDOM. I33 from what most people think proper behavior. Nations vary much in these particulars, and what would be right conduct in some countries, would be considered very strange and, perhaps, improper in this. Why- should such restraints be put on the freedom of people ? The fact is that the usages and customs of life are part of that training by which people get the most diffi- cult of all accomplishments — the habit of self-restraint or self-control. It does not follow that this habit is peculiar to civilized people only. There are savage or half-savage races who are most carefully polite and self- restrained. This is i^eculiarly the character of the Red Indian tribes of North America, who are nevertheless so uncivilized, in the full sense of the word, that they seem to be incapable of adopting a settled life. That man or boy is not very likely to be worth much to the society in which he lives, who has no respect for the good opinion of others, or who is indiiferent to their just censure. A proper sense of shame at misconduct or any breach of good manners, is the means by which men arrive at the best social gift they can obtain — a nice and careful sense of honor. The self-respect Avhich every one ought to feel, and which is the foundation of true manliness in men and true giace in women, comes from the feeling that one has done nothing to forfeit the respect of those about one. But to get the respect of others, one must show respect to them — and give as well as take. Now, though this is giving up part of one's own will or liberty, it sacrifices a little m order to gain much more LESSON XXIX. EESTEAINTS ON CALLINGS. There are certain callings which any man may enter on, if he is able to take them in hand, and can get liis living by them. There are some which can be entered on only when the law allows the man to follow the occu- pation. There are some which every man is allowed to follow, b Lit in the exercise of which the law puts a man under control. There are some in which the law only allows a limited number of persons to be engaged. Now at the present time, whatever may have hap- pened in time past, it is always supposed that any restraint put on those who have to choose the means by which to get their living, is put for the general good of the whole community, and that reason should be shown that this good is intended. In other words, freedom of occupation in the rule, restraint is the exception. But at different times in the history of all countries, the various kinds of restraint mentioned at the head of this lesson have applied to very different caUings. Rulers have had very different views as to what is the public good. But some occuj^ations have always been put imder restraint, or the rule of a police. The great majority of callings can be followed at pleasure. Any man may become a tradesman in the ordinary meaning of the word, or a common laborer, or a farmer. There never was, and mdeed never could RESTEAINTS ON CALLINGS. I35 be a time, whh G S . Some kinds of callings are absolutely forbidden. They are treated as in themselves illegal or unlawful; illegal, when the necessities of the State forbid persons to engage in an occupation which is not in itself dis- honest or vicious, unlawful when the calling cannot be entered on or practiced without doing some injury to society at large. I will try to illustrate what I have said. It has been stated several times that no reasonable law will proliibit or even control those persons who choose to devote their labor to agriculture. The more wheat or other grain is grown in any country, the more cattle, sheep, and pigs are reared, the better is it for the people at large. If the labor of the husbandman is devoted toward producing luxuries, or comforts, such a person is adding to the enjoyments of the people. Still there is one plant which the farmer in England and some other countries is forbidden to grow. This is tobacco. There is no reason in nature why a farmer should not cultivate tobacco, as well as turnips. But the English government collects a tax on tobacco, and this tax is so considerable, and adds so much to the 148 SOCIAL ECONOMY. price of the article, that a variety of restrictions or regulations must be put on its importation into the country. Now in order to save the revenue from a loss which might arise in case private persons grew this plant for their own use, or for sale, the cultivation ol tobacco is forbidden by law, except under such circum- stances as could not j^ossibly diminish the amoimt of the tax which is collected. I will take another case. There is no natural reason why private persons should not coin money. In ancient times they did so, though always after having obtained a license. There is not much more difficulty m stamp- ing gold, silver, or copper coins, than there is in stamp- ing metal buttons. If the money which such private persons issued were as good or as fine as that which the Government issues from the Mint, the public would be none the worse oif, and some persons think it would be even better oif. The restraint which is laid on the practice of coining — ^by which I do not mean putting bad money into cir- culation, which is one of the basest and meanest crimes which can be committed, but by which I mean the manufacture of as good money as comes out of the Mint — is partly imj)osed for the sake of the Mint itself, partly for the sake of the public. The price of everything in this coimtry is measured by gold. We speak of dimes and cents, because these words are short or convenient ways of expressing frac- tious of a dollar. But a person who buys or sells any article for a dime, or a cent, really buys and sells for the tenth, or the one himdreth part of a dollar. Now if it be inconvenient to reckon in such fractions, it would be impossible to use such little bits of gold as would be rOHBIDDEN CALLINGS. 149 worth what a cent represents, or even what a dime does. Some of such pieces would be so small as to be almost invisible, most of them would be constantly lost, and would very rapidly wear out. It is therefore the prac- tice of this country, and of other coimtries, to use pieces of silver and bronze or copper to denote those fractions of a sovereign, or whatever else may be the measure of price. If the Government issues these pieces of silver and copper, and pledges itself to take them back at the rate of ten dimes, or one hundred cents to a dollar, these coins will be worth what they profess to be, even though the amount of silver or copper contained in them may not be actually worth the tenth and one hundredth part of the piece of gold we call a dollar. Now during the time that such pieces are in circulation, the Government is making a profit on the dilference between the real and the nominal value of the silver and copper coins. Tliis profit is devoted to two objects. It covers, in the first place, the cost of coming gold, the Mint being enabled to do this at no charge whatever. It covers the cost of the wear of silver and copper coins; for however much worn silver coins are, the Government will ex- change these coins for new coins of full weight. The action of the Mint, therefore, is that of doing a great public service at no cost to the public.'' * *At the date when this is \\Titton (June, 1872) gold and silver coins are not in use in the United States. They were used until the breaking out of the war in 1861, when paper currency, which had before been used for nothing smaller than a dollar, was intro- duced for dimes, quarter dollars and half dollars. The credit of the Government having been depreciated by the risks and losses of the war, its paper " promises to pay" are not yet worth as much 150 SOCIAL ECONOMY. If private persons were allowed to coin silver and copper at their own will, part of the advantage which the Mint gets and gives to the public would become a matter of private profit. Were private coining carried out on a large scale, the Mint would be obliged to j^ut a tax on the people in order to cover its expenses, or to charge the public for coining its gold. But tliere is a stronger reason for keeping the right of coining money in the hands of the Government. It is A-ery difficult for any person to find out when gold and silver are mixed with inferior metals, unless the lat- ter is mixed to a large amount. Unfortunately, when frauds cannot be found out, many people are ready to practise them, and there is good reason to believe that if freedom in coining were allowed, it would very soon become freedom for swindling. There are certain occupations which are not only illegal but unlawful — ^.e., are so bad in themselves that they are not allowed at all. Thus, for example, English law forbids the establishment of gambling-houses. Now, in one sense, there is a kind of gambling which nobody can prevent. If a man engages to buy any goods on what is called speculation — that is, in the hope that he will hereafter get a better price for what he buys than could be got at present — he may be said to gamble, for he is risking his property on an uncertainty. But no as gold and silver. Each year since tlie close of the war they have come a little nearer to the value of specie ; and doubtless in the course of a year or two, they will again be taken equally with specie for the full amount of their nominal value. When this comes about, gold and silver coins now hoarded iip, or withdrawn from the country, will reappear, and be used as far as is found conveikient. — EDITOR. FOUBIDDEN CALLINGS. 151 law should ever interfere with this kind of speculation, partly because it is a necessary part of trade, partly be- cause the practice does a real good, by bringing about a thrifty use of articles when they are dear, and a prudent use of them when they are cheap. But the law interferes with gambling when no possi- ble good can come to the public by the practice, and when it is probable or certain that clever persons will cheat less shrewd people by apparent fairness. No pos- sible good can come to society by betting on the success of a particular horse in a race, while a great many worth- less people live, and a great deal of dishonesty is prac- tised in connection with such wagers. It is doubtful, indeed, whether it be wagering or drimkenness which is the most pov^-erful cause of ruin or crime. Still there is a certain amount of openness in this kind of specula- tion. The case is far worse when certain parties set up a gaming-booth, the players at which must certainly lose, however fau' the game may seem ; or when some wager is laid on a conjuring trick, which the inexperienced cannot see through. On such practices as these the law lays penalties, not only because the public ought to be protected against cheats, but because ivt is a crime to cheat, and those who are cheated are tempted to dis- honesty by their losses. LESSON xxxm. CALLDTaS WHICH AEE UNDER A POLICE. There are certain occupations, again, entrance into which is free, or nearly fi-ee to anybody who chooses to engage in them, but in which the persons who follow the calling are brought under stricter regulation than those who are engaged in ordinary trades or professions, and are rendered liable to police regulations. Some of these restraints are imposed in the interests of the reve- nue, some in the interests of the public. Of those which are imposed in the interests of the public, some respect its safety or comfort, some its morals or conduct. Of these occupations, the most notable instance or example is that of the persons who are engaged in the sale of fermented or intoxicating drinks. Such persons, before they can follow this calling, are obliged to get some evidence of their character. They are called on to pay a sum of money for permission to keep their shop open at all. They are compelled to close the place in which they carry on their business at certain hours of the night, and on Sundays during certain hours of the day. They are at all times liable to the visits of the police. If they break the rules under which they are allowed to carry on their trade, they may be disabled from carrying on their business at all, or in other words CALLINGS ^'HICH ARE UNDER A POLICE. 153 be refused their license. It will be seen, therefore, that such persons are restrained or controlled in a great manjr directions m which ordinary traders are free. These restraints are imposed partly in order to assist the morals and health of the people ; partly in order to prevent breaches of public order and crime. The police authority which is exercised over public-houses, was first established because it was thought to be a duty to keep people from some temptations to drunkenness But it is upheld quite as much because drunken people are apt to be violent, and becaue public-houses may be, and in- deed often are, places where crimes are hatched. Of course, such a use of them applies only to a very limited number, but unless the same regulation were extended to all, it would be impossible to deal with the cases in which the abuse might occur. Similarly, as the vendors of unwholesome drinks do a great mischief, it seems natural that the public should be protected against frauds, the effects of which might be very baneful. Again, there is another class of traders which is put under restraints nearly as strict as those laid on the keepers of public-houses. This trade is that of a pawn- broker. This sort of calling is, unfortunately, a very necessary one for the poor, whose fortunes are frequently so much depressed, that they are obliged to borrow small sums on the security of such property as they have. Hence it has been said that the pawnbroker may be called the poor man's banker. But the circum- stances which make such a person useful to those whose means are very narrow, render the shop of a pawn- broker a very convenient place for the sale of stolen goods. The pledge which is deposited must not bo sold for a given time, and hence il" the article has been 154 SOCIAL ECONOMY. Stolen, and the pawnbroker is unsuspicious, still more if he is tacitly in league with the thief, all trace of the article may be lost for so long a time as, in a great many cases, to defy detection. For this reason this calling is one which is brought considerably within police control, the public good curtailing the freedom which trade should generally enjoy. Again, it is believed to be a necessary protection to public morals that theatres and places of public amuse- ment should be controlled. What mio-ht be amusinor may easily become vicious, and may consequently do a great deal of mischief There are a great many things which had better not be talked about, and many more which had better not be seen. It may therefore be right and proper that they who wish to talk about and exhibit such things should be checked from doing so. Some callings are regulated with a view to the public safety. No Government, unless it were wholly careless, would allow a manufactory of gimpowder to be set up in a crowded town, or indeed in any place but that in Avhich the least possible injury could be done by any accident. So with manufacturers of fireworks and of similarly explosive ai'ticles. Even the storing of gun- powder in a town is — or ought to be — forbidden, or at least watched with great care. They who are familiar with danger get careless in taking proper precautions against it. It is said that half the terrible accidents in coal-mines are the direct consequence of carelessness, and that they would never have occurred if miners and owi::ers of collieries were only commonly prudent. Lastly, there are certain callings on the jiroduct of which the Government collects a tax. It does so on all fermented Uquors which are manufactured for sale. CALLIXaS WHICH ARE UNDER A POLICE. I55 Such, for example, are the trades of the brewer, the maltster, and the distiller. If there were no (superin- tendence exercised over these callings, and they who engaged in them were allowed to return to the proper officers what they said they had produced, without any inquiry or scrutiny into the truth of their statements, it is very likely that some persons would state what was false. In such a case two wrSngs are done. One of these is to the public at large, which has, by proper authority, imposed a tax on such and such articles, with a view to meet pubUc expenses. The other is to the fair dealer, who having paid what is due on his own part, is trading against and along with a man who has taken an unfair advantage. In countries in which a great number of foreign articles are taxed, the business of the unfair shipper — ■ or, as he is called, the smuggler — ^is followed by many persons. As to many there seems to be no justice in the laws which Governments impose for the sake of preventing the use of foreign-made goods, very many people encourage the smuggler in his calling. Now that, however, a wiser notion of trade commences to prevail, the smuggler is considered but a vulgar cheat, who not only defrauds the Government, but will most likely defraud those who are foolish enough to have dealings with him. LESSON XXXIV. POOK-LAWS. They who will not work for themselves have no right to live on the labor of others. To claim that they should so live, either wholly or partly, is to demand that the laws which govern society, and by which it subsists, should be suspended in their favor. But that which they have no right to claim, society may be generous enough to grant, and that for very good reasons. In most countries the law allows no one to perish for want of the necessaries of life, if the destitute person make application to those who are appointed to the duty of relieving this distress; in other words, the relief of the poor, by means of a great public charity, is established by law. Of course .the law intends that this charity should not be abused; that persons should not have the assistance unless they are really destitute ; that it should be only of the neces- saries of life, and that the relief should not be of such a character as to make people careless or improvident. The laws of most civilized countries then, acknowl- edge that every living person has a right to the means of life. It is probable that the origin of this rule of our law was a sense of religious duty. But the custom is defended for other reasons. To see human misery, and POOE-LAWS. 157 to aWovr it to be unrelieved, is apt to harden the heart, to make men cruel. Now it is better that this relief should be given on system, rather than by the hand of private charity, which is often indiscreet, and must be partial. Besides, even where the relief of distress is very sparingly allowed by law, it is found necessary to check begging. Again, since the mass of those who obtain relief have passed or are passing a life of toil, and as it often happens that the wages received are not in proportion to the work which has been done, and its value, it is thought that they who have worked for others should live, partly at least, on the labor of others. Again, there are many misfortunes which no human fore- sight can prevent, and these, it is said, common humanity should constrain iis to succor. It is moreover asserted that society is saved from risks of a very serious kind as long as destitute persons are not made desperate and therefore dangerous. There is much force in these arguments. It is wor- thy of note that in those countries where distress is not relieved by law, another claim is set up — the right to work or employment. There are many who say that as long as people are willing to work, society or the State 'ought to find them occupation. But there is a great deal of difference between these two demands — every- body has a right to subsist : everybody has a right to work. If you have read this little book to any advantage, you will have seen that by far the largest number of people in every country do work ; that they work best when they choose for themselves that kind of labor for which they find themselves most fit, and that any attempt on the part of Government to parcel out work for each 158 SOCIAL ECONOMY. person is no very wise act. A man with a great estate, or a great business, often works very hard indeed — per- haps harder by far than any who labor for ordinary wages. Now if this right to labor were maintained, every- body who is Avilling and able to work should be pro- vided with his own special kind of industry. It is not sufficient only that that the carpenter, the mason, the compositor, the tailor, the shoemaker, the baker, and others who are occupied in manual employments, should be fomid work ; but other persons must be equally cared for — the doctor ought to be supplied with patients, the lawyer with clients, the shopkeeper with customers, the teacher with pupils, the author with readers of his books. I do not think it will be difficult for you to see that such an undertaking would induce utter confusion — is, indeed, a manifest absurdity. It will be plain also, that under such circumstances, most of the motives which induce men to improve their work would be taken away. If it be answered that they who make this proposal do not intend their rule to apply to any but certain kinds of labor, then it is plain that they are asking that cer- tain workmen should live on the labor of other work- men, and that they are attempting to draw a line which cannot be drawn with fairness. For unless some prin- ciple be laid down which shall decide what kind of laborers must be provided with emplojTnent, all that the proposal means is that certain persons should be treated with favor at the expense of other persons. There is one dano-er attendina; the law which relieves the destitute. I have already spoken of it, when I said that it may make j^eople careless or improvident. To take away the motives to foresight and thrift is a serious POOR-LAWS. 159 evil, and there is no doubt that there have been times when assistance has been given so indiscreetly that work- ing men have been degraded by it. The only way in M'hich this danger can be avoided is by making the acceptance of relief very irksome to those who receive it, while they are able to work, by raising up a wholesome feeling that it is disgraceful for strong men and women to get their living at the expense of other people, and only a little less disgraceful for persons not to provide, when they are strong and in full work, against the risks of sickness and want of employ- ment. If working men had only common prudence and forethought, there would be very little real poverty in this country. Distress does not often come because there are too many workmen for the employment that miirht be got, but because the workman lives from hand to mouth. Those poor persons are most to be pitied, and have the best title to public charity, who are not themselves to blame for the poverty in which they are placed. Such are the destitute and orphan cliildren of the poor. Such are also a great many women, employment for whom is scanty and ill-paid. Perhaps in such cases the law might incline a little towards finding a field for labor. Now it is not always easy to find such labor at home ; but there are many colonies and territories where women's labor is very scarce, and where children, who are just begin- nino- to be able to work, would be taken and well cared for. It is not proper to send vicious or idle people to a newly-settled country, but such a country is just the place for those who are willing to work, and find little room for themselves at home. LESSON XXXV. THE PROTECTIOlf OF THE WEAK. We are told that the existing races of animals have BTirvived, or have been changed from ancient forms oi life, because they have had certain advantages of form or structure, by which they have been enabled to live while other kinds have perished. This may be a very good account of the way in which most animals have successfully struggled for existence, but it does not cor- respond with the history of human civilization. There have been times in which the strong habit- ually oppressed the weak; in which inferior races of men — that is, those nations which had less strength, or skill in war — have been enslaved and destroyed by su- perior or more powerful tribes, in which therefore the might of the strongest formed the rule of human life. But these practices prevailed in barbarous ages, and are justly condemned by good sense as well as by hu- manity. As regards man, there is just so much truth in the theory, that certain races grow weaker or disappear before others. Thus the red man in America seems to be slowly perishing before the white. So does the black in Australia and the Maori in New Zealand. But there are other peoples which are able to exist and POOR-LAWS. IGl thrive, even when they are brought into contact Avitb the most highly-civilized races, or are placed in the most unfavorable circumstances. Thus, the negro does not fail before the white man in Africa, his own home, or in those parts of the American continent to which he has been forcibly carried. Nor has there ever been any race which has been, one would have thought, so con- stantly within the risk of being destroyed by violence as the Jewish ; but the Jews present one of the highest types of civilization and strength. The more thoroughly men act on the principles of social science, and on the laws which govern society, the more tender are they of those who are weak and help- less. The reason is plain. The spirit of civilization is that of law, and the first business of law is to protect the weak against the strong — that is, to resist the operation of that tendency which has been said to have selected in course of time the races of animals which exist in the world. For the strength of social life consists in the helplessness of each man apart from his fellow-men. An individual in a civilized society strives, as I told you at first, to do one thing only in the best possible way. A savage is obliged to do every thing for himself In order that the first may live in comfort, he should be surrounded by as many persons as can also live in com- fort. > In order that the savage may thrive and live in plenty, there should be as few persons as possible to share existence with him. The willingness to protect the weak is no doubt, then, derived from a sense of self-interest. Insecurity affects everybody more or less, the mass of men most of all. Hence it is often necessary in a civilized country for those wbo are well-to-do to seek how they may bet- 162 SOCIAL ECONOMY. ter the condition of those who are badly off, because the neglect of svich a course of action brings inconvenience or loss or evil to those who might be supposed to have no connection with the fortunes of others. For example, if society were governed only by the interest of the strongest, and if it did not signify what became of the weak, provided that interest was served, there would be no necessity for the proper administra- tion of justice. But the wealthiest i:)erson in a civilized community needs the protection of the law as much as, perhaps more than, an ordinary workman. His proper- ty, if it were not for the equal protection which the law affords, might be exposed to injury, rapine, or robbery from a thousand quarters. Unguarded by law, he is helpless in the extreme. Hence it has always happened in the history of the various steps by which we have gained our social and civil liberties, that the richest men have had to make common cause with the people. Let us take another example. In times bygone no- body troubled himself, except so far as he was himself concerned, with the laws of health. Two centuries ago London was wasted by the plague, year after year. The cause was the great filthiness of the j^eople. Since that time England has been visited with several diseases, which have been more or less deadly. In time peo- ple began to notice that the worst ravages of these dis- orders occurred in places where no attention was paid to cleanliness. At last it has been distinctly understood that there are very few complaints of an infectious kind which cannot be prevented by attention to certain rules, and that if persons would abide by these rules many plagues would disappear. It is not enough, however, that this or that man POOR-LATH'S. 1C3 should regularly wash himself, wear clean linen, or other clothing, take care to live in a house which is kept pure, and provide himself "with wholesome food and water ; it is found to be of importance that his neighbor should do too. Hence the public health has come to be a matter of great consideration, and although much remains to be done before cleanliness is imiversal, there is a great diflerence between the j^resent and the past. We have found oiit at last that the best way to keep one's self in safety is to better the condition of one's neighbor. There is not a single law of nature which is contrary to or inconsistent with any other law. Take, if you choose, society, and consider the members of it as pur- suing only their private interest, and you will find that they Avill pursue it best, if they follow exactly the course of action which duty would bid them adopt ; that vice and loss are the same things ; that virtue and gain cor- respond in the long run. In the same way it will be discovered that the laws of health are only another form of the laws of prudence and good sense ; that what is foolish is wrong, and that what is wise is right. But if this be the case, how is it that the world is so full of vice, crime, misery, poverty ? It is because people are always jireferring the present to the future, neglect- ing what conscience prompts and experience affirms, for the sake of some immediate temptation or pleasure. It is the faculty of man to remember in order that he may foresee. Kor can people begin the practice of foresight too young. At first they use the wise and atiectionate experience of their elders. In time they find out that what was at first without meaning or reason to them ia full of truth and order ; and that if they please they can gee and work with the truth and wisdom which they have learned. LESSON XXXVI EMIGKATION". Let it be supposed that too many persons are living m any country to be comfortable, or even to subsist decently, either because some sudden scarcity has oc- curred, or because some dearth of employment has arisen. How far can such persons be put into a position to better themselves by emigrating to colonies or new settlements ? There is one way in which a country may b.e relievea of lan excess of inhabitants. A whole slice, so to speak, of the community may be taken — from the highest and richest personages down to the poorest and lowest — and this may be transplanted bodily to the new country. In such a scheme there must be some persons of all ranks, conditions and callings. • But this means of relieving any community of an excess of persons has never been adopted in modern times ; it used to be done anciently. Now it is quite clear that society would be all the better if it could get rid of its worst people. At one time the Government of England used to carry out such a plan ; but it has now abandoned it. It is plainly wrong to take or transport such persons to a place where other and honest people live. It is the same sort of thing as putting all one's refuse into another person's house. And even if no honest people lived in the settlement, it EMIGRATION. 1(35 is a very serious or dangerous act to try to make a colony of the worst kind of people. Xext, it would be a good thing if all the idle people could go ; but it would not be right to, force them, and it is perfectly clear that they will not do so of their own accord. There is no room for idle people in a new set- tlement. They would find it difficult to get such enjoy- ments as are to be got in a country where there is a crowd, and where any one M'ho spends is welcome. But it is clear that idle people, and those who follow callings which add nothing to wealth, or who exercise no profit- able labor, are the plainest examples of an excess of persons. They do no real work, and they compete asrainst others for the means of life. But it is also clear that the colonists would not care to have them. Nor would those go who cannot work for their own living. This is another class of persons who are in excess. If there were no inmates of workhouses, it is plain that the country would be the better off; but no society would be better off by gaining those who are obliged to be inmates of workhouses, because they can- not get their own living. It is not easy to get rid of thieves, idlers, and paupers. A colony is anxious to take those only who are wil- ling to work, and able to work with advantage. Many people are willing to work, but unluckily their work is not wanted. It will always, for instance, take agricultural laborers. The reason is clear : the natural industry of a colony is asrriculture. A laborer who can do agricultural work in all its branches is always serviceable, but in a colony he is wo)-th any pains to get. It is unfortunate for such laborers that they are usually so poor that they cannot 166 SOCIAL ECONOMY get away ; generally so ignorant of any thing but the work which they do so well, that they do not know how to better themselves. But there is no doubt that if they did leave this country it would be a gain to them. It would be no advantage to the country which they leave. A handy artisan, like a carpenter or mason, and especially such an artisan as can do a number of things, is, after the agricultural laborer, the best sort of person to get on in a new settlement. His work is always wanted, he can get regular employment ; and if, in addi- tion to what he actually knows, he is also drilled so well in what I called in a former lesson the master-knowledge, that he can easily learn how to do other things, he is still more sure to succeed. A jack-of-all-trades in a thickly-peopled country is not very likely to prosper ; but a jack-of-all-trades in a new country, provided he be industrious and honest, has every chance of success. Again, a person who is able to get his living in a thickly-peopled country, will very often find that there is no place for him in a new settlement. He may be honest, industrious, intelligent ; but he may find no room for his work, his character, or his abilities. The reason for this is as follows : — You have learned in former lessons how it is that in a country like our own, the division of employments is carried out to the fullest extent. It is discovered that the greatest quickness and power is attained, when each .person does one thing, or a part of one thing. Now the greater the quickness and power, the greater is the cheapness; or, in other words, the more fully is the article on which the workman is employed, supj)lied for the wants of those who need it. EMIGEATION. 1(37 But in a new country no such rule holds. In course of time, no doubt, the same cause which brings about this division of employment will work in such countries. They will then become like such places as those which supply new-comers to new settlements ; but till such a state of things takes place, the most useful persons are not those who can do a part of one thing, but those who can do the whole of a great many things ; and thus the more completely persons are trained to do one thing, or the part of one thing only, the less fitted are they to become colonists in a new settlement. Now what is the result of these facts ? It is that old and fully-settled countries will be found to stand to these new coimtries in much the same position that the inhab- itants of a town do to those of the country. Each does the other a great service. The town makes the comforts of life easier of attainment ; the country supplies the necessaries of life more regularly and certainly. 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