GIFT OF 
 
 SEELEY W. MUDD 
 
 and 
 
 GEORGE I. COCHRAN MEYER ELSASSER 
 
 DR. JOHN R. HAYNES WILLIAM L. HONNOLD 
 
 JAMES R. MARTIN MRS. JOSEPH F. SARTORI 
 
 to the 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 SOUTHERN BRANCH 
 
 JOHN FISKE
 
 THE 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 REBELLION, 
 
 BY 
 
 EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 
 
 IN EIGHT VOLUMES. 
 
 Kr^/xa e^ oce'i. Thucyd. 
 Ne quid falsi d'tcere audeat, ne quid veri non audeat. Cicero.
 
 THE 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 OK THE 
 
 REBELLION AND CIVIL WARS 
 
 IN 
 
 ENGLAND 
 
 TO WHICH IS ADDED 
 
 AN HISTORICAL VIEW OF THE AFFAIRS OF IRELAND, 
 
 BY 
 
 EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 
 
 A NEW EDITION, 
 
 EXHIBITING A FAITHFUL COLLATION OF THE ORIGINAL MS., 
 WITH ALL THE SUPPRESSED PASSAGES; 
 
 ALSO 
 
 THE UNPUBLISHED NOTES OF BISHOP WARBURTON. 
 
 VOL. L 
 
 OXFORD, 
 
 AT THE CLARENDON PRESS. 
 
 MDCCCXXVI. 
 
 -> 7 h a =■> '■■■>. J.
 
 . • • t • • •
 
 V ' 
 
 advp:rtisement. 
 
 Jl HE present edition of the History of the Rebel- 
 lion has been carefully collated with the original 
 manuscript of lord Clarendon ; of Avhich, as well as 
 of the transcript employed by the sons of the noble 
 historian in printing the first edition, it may be ex- 
 pected that some account should be given. 
 
 , Lord Clarendon began the History of the Rebel- 
 lion on the 18th of March l64i, in the island of 
 Scilly ; and continued it to the end of the seventh 
 book, (with portions of the three following books,) 
 
 ^'' during his subsequent residence in the island of 
 Jersey, previously to the year 1648, as appears from 
 the dates prefixed to those several portions as they 
 
 ^ were respectively entered upon, and finished ; and 
 that he did not proceed further until some years 
 after his banishment, appears likewise from the same 
 source of information. Indeed, before the completion 
 of this History, it was *' supposed by his family ''," 
 (and the supposition seems to carry with it great pro- 
 bability,) " that seeing an unjust and cruel persecu- 
 " tion prevail against him, he was induced to alter 
 " the original plan of his work, by writing the par- 
 " ticular history of his own life, from his earliest 
 " days down to the time of his disgrace, as the most 
 ^ See preface to the first edition of his Life. 
 
 VOL. I. a
 
 ii ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 " effectual means of vindicating his character ; — but 
 " afterwards, on more mature thoughts, his great 
 " benevolence and public spirit prevailed on him to 
 " drop the defence of his own private character, and 
 " resume his original plan of the History of the 
 « Rebellion." 
 
 But as great portions of the life were to be ex- 
 tracted, and inserted in their proper places in the 
 History, (for which purpose he had introduced in the 
 different manuscripts proper marks and memoranda,) 
 his secretary, Mr. Shaw, was employed to make a 
 fair transcript. This transcript could not have been 
 finished long before lord Clarendon's death ; for the 
 original manuscript was not completed till 1673, and 
 his lordship died in the following yeai'. It is na- 
 tural, therefore, to suppose that the transcript was 
 never revised by the author. Indeed some remarks 
 upon it by archbishop Sancroft, to whom it was 
 submitted, confirm that supposition ; for, to name 
 only one instance, when Shaw had copied into the 
 History a portion from the Life, instead of writing, 
 " the chancellor of the exchequer," he inserted the 
 words, " the person whose life is here set down ;" 
 which words, as referring to lord Clarendon, and as 
 relating to his life, were perfectly intelligible, but 
 when introduced into the Historv of the Rebellion, 
 naturally excited the archbishop's astonishment. Such 
 inaccuracies (of which many more could be given) 
 might of themselves have induced the first editors
 
 ADVERTISEMENT. iii 
 
 to procure a more correct copy of their father's 
 work''. Besides, lord Clarendon had in his will 
 directed them to consult archbishop Bancroft and 
 bishop IVIorley as to the suppression or publication 
 of his manuscripts ; and, under this direction, they 
 were doubtless justified in withholding some parts 
 of the history, which, for many reasons, were at 
 that moment vmfit for publication. Certain it is, 
 that when lord Clarendon revised his ninth book 
 in the summer of 1671, it was his decided opinion, 
 that the pulse of the nation would not be able to 
 bear such medicines. " Wherefore," says he, " as I 
 " first undertook this difficult work with his (king 
 " Charles I.) approbation, and by his encourage- 
 " ment, and for his vindication ; so I enter upon 
 " this part of it, principally, that the world may 
 " see {at least if there ever he a jit season for such 
 " a communication y ivhich is not likely to he in 
 " the present age) how difficult it was for a prince, 
 " reduced to those straits his majesty was in, to find 
 " ministers and instruments equal to the good work 
 " that was to be done." 
 
 But in addition to this, the immediate descendants 
 of several of the principal actors in that tragedy were 
 
 ^ Accordingly under the di- scribed by Mr. Wogan, a West- 
 rection of Dr. Sprat, (then dean minster scholar, and the re- 
 ef Westminster, and after- mainder by Mr. Low, the bi- 
 wards bishop of Rochester,) shop's secretary, 
 the first five books were tran- 
 
 a 2
 
 iv ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 alive; many were high in favour'^, and deservedly so, 
 with the reigning monarch ; others were connected 
 with the noble editors by a political tie ^, if not by 
 the closer link of friendship or alliance. The state 
 of our foreign relations likewise operated no doubt 
 in the same way, by preventing the insertion of the 
 long, circumstantial, and for the most part unfavour- 
 able, characters of the Spanish ministry, while a fear 
 of tediousness would cause the omission of many 
 pages respecting the amusement of the toros, &c. 
 at Madrid, when their father was ambassador at the 
 court of Spain. Even without any of the foregoing 
 reasons, distance of time might have blunted the 
 edge of their animosities ; common charity might 
 have influenced them somewhat to soften even the 
 merited severity of the historian ^ ; or to omit an 
 unfavourable part ^ of a character not absolutely ne- 
 cessary to illustrate any particular transaction. The 
 
 *■ See the account of the con- rendon's MS. in the notes to 
 
 duct and escape of lord keeper this edition. 
 Finch, inserted in Appendix B. " In the character of bishop 
 
 in vol. i. and bishop Warbur- Williams, the expression " he 
 
 ton's remark upon it, vol. vii. " was the most generally abo- 
 
 p. 540. " minated," is altered to " he 
 
 '^ In the beginning of the " was generally unacceptable.'* 
 
 sixth book, " the pleasant story And once lord Clarendon shews 
 
 " then much spoken of at court ' his high displeasure of the 
 
 loses much of its point by the Scottish nation by calling them 
 
 suppression of the names of the "the vermin," which expres- 
 
 persons concerned in that trans- sion his sons suppressed, 
 action; their names will be ^ As in the character of lord 
 
 found inserted, from lord Cla- Arundel.
 
 ADVERTISEMENT. v 
 
 present collation however satisfactorily proves that 
 the noble editors have in no one instance added, 
 suppressed, or altered any historical fact. 
 
 Since the History of the Rebellion was first pub- 
 lished, much more than a century has passed away, 
 and with it all those inducements to soften or with- 
 hold severe remarks ; and as the genuineness of the 
 \ work has at various times, however rashly, and for 
 party purposes, been called in question, there can 
 be no longer a reason to withhold any portion of 
 the original matter. Accordingly, though the text 
 is given as it was first published by the sons of lord 
 Clarendon », it has been carefully collated with the 
 author's original MSS. now in the Bodleian library ; 
 and wherever it varies, even in a single word, such 
 variation, as well as all the omitted parts, will be 
 found either in the notes at the foot of the page, or 
 in the Appendix at the end of the volume. The 
 manuscripts are regularly paged. In the eighth 
 book unfortunately there is a chasm of twenty-four 
 pages ; excepting this small portion, the whole of 
 what has been and is now made public, is to be found 
 in them ; and this collation will, it is hoped, besides 
 satisfying the curious by the insertion of the sup- 
 pressed passages, establish the genuineness of the 
 History beyond the reach of cavil. 
 
 8 Their transcript of the of the Life is designated as 
 work is referred to in the notes MS. B. ; and that of the His- 
 as MS. A. ; the original MS. tory as MS. C.
 
 vi ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 Shortly after this edition was put to the press, 
 the dean of Worcester, now bishop of St. David's, 
 informed the Delegates of the Clarendon Press, that 
 a copy of the History, with numerous manuscript 
 notes by bishop Warburton, was preserved in the Epi- 
 scopal library at Hartlebury, bequeathed to the see of 
 Worcester by the late bishop Hurd. The dean also 
 kindly requested of the bishop of Worcester that 
 these notes might be added to the present edition, 
 which his lordship most readily and courteously 
 permitted, having first consulted Mr. Hurd, the ne- 
 phew and executor of bishop Hurd. That gentleman 
 stated it to have been his uncle's opinion, that the 
 notes would be published on some future occasion. 
 The public are therefore deeply indebted to the bi- 
 shops of Worcester and St. David's for much va- 
 luable matter subjoined to the seventh volume. 
 
 With respect to the History of the Rebellion in Ire- 
 land, of which some doubts were once entertained, 
 whether it was written by lord Clarendon, a few 
 words must be added. About half of that History 
 in the handwriting of lord Clarendon, and an entire 
 transcript in the handwriting of his secretary, are 
 in the Bodleian library. A marginal correction in 
 the former exactly corresponds with the handwriting 
 of the latter ; besides which, on the first leaf of the 
 entire copy is to be seen lord Clarendon's motto, 
 " Ne quid veri" &c. in his lordship's own hand- 
 writing. It will be recollected, that this History
 
 ADVERTISEMENT. vii 
 
 of the Rebellion in Ireland was written in defence 
 of the duke of Ormonde ; and the entire copy is to 
 be found among the Ormonde papers, formerly the 
 property of Carte the historian. 
 
 It has been thought advisable to compile an en- 
 tirely new Index, embracing all the additional mat- 
 ter now first published. Dates also have been added 
 in the margin throughout the whole of the work. 
 
 It is further proposed to publish without delay, as 
 an accompaniment to this History, a new edition of 
 the Life of Lord Clarendon, exactly upon the same 
 plan, inserting all the passages which have been 
 heretofore omitted. 
 
 BULKELEY BANDINEL. 
 
 Bodleian Libra?-?/, 
 
 Jan. 14, 1826.'
 
 THE 
 
 PREFACE 
 
 TO 
 
 THE FIRST EDITION. 
 
 At length comes into the world, i\\e Jirst volume 
 of the History of the Rebellion, and Civil Wars in 
 Engkmd, begun in the year 1641, icith the prece- 
 dent passages and actions that contributed there- 
 unto, and the happy end and conclusion thereof, by 
 the king's blessed restoration, and return, upon 
 the 2Qth of May in the ijear 1660 ; written by Ed- 
 ward earl of Clarendon, once lord high chancellor 
 of England, and chancellor of the famous university 
 of Oxford. The first of these great dignities king 
 Charles the Second had conferred on him, whilst he 
 was yet in banishment with him; which he held, 
 after the restoration, above seven years, with the 
 universal approbation of the whole kingdom, and 
 the general applause of all good men, for his justice, 
 integrity, sound judgment, and eminent sufficiency 
 in the discharge of that office ; a praise, which none 
 of his enemies ever denied him in any time. The 
 other he received from the choice of the university, 
 who, upon the vacancy of that place, by the death 
 VOL. I. b
 
 2 THE PREFACE 
 
 of the marquis of Hertford, then duke of Somerset, 
 judged they could not better manifest their steadi- 
 ness in the cause for which they had suffered, and 
 their resolutions of adhering to their old principles, 
 in support of the church of England, and the an- 
 cient monarchical government of this kingdom, than 
 in choosing to place the protection of their interest 
 in both under the care of one, who had so early dis- 
 tinguished himself, even from the first approaches of 
 the civil war, in asserting and maintaining the dis- 
 tressed rights of the church and crown. 
 
 This history was first begun by the express com- 
 mand of king Charles the First, who, having a de- 
 I sire that an account of the calamities, God was 
 I pleased to inflict on the unhappy part of his reign, 
 should be reported to posterity by some worthy, ho- 
 nest, and knowing man, thought he could not aji- 
 point any one more adorned with such qualifications, 
 than this author. 
 
 It is a difficult province to write the history of 
 the civil wars of a great and powerful nation, where 
 the king was engaged with one part of his subjects 
 against the other, and both sides were sufficiently 
 inflamed: and the necessity of speaking the truth 
 of several great men, that were engaged in the 
 quarrel on either side, who may still have very con- 
 siderable relations, descended from them, now alive, 
 makes the task invidious, as well as difficult. 
 
 We are not ignorant that there are accounts, 
 contained in this following History, of some emi- 
 nent persons in those times, that do not agree with
 
 TO THE FIRST EDITION. 3 
 
 the relations we have met with of the same persons, 
 published in other authors. But, l)esides that they 
 who put forth this History dare not take upon them 
 to make any alterations in a work of this kind, so- 
 lemnly left with them to be published, whenever it 
 should be published, as it was delivered to them ; 
 they cannot but think the world will generally be 
 of opinion, that others may as likely have been mis - 
 taken in the grounds and informations they have 
 gone upon, as our author ; who will be esteemed to 
 liave had opportunities, equal at least with any 
 others, of knowing the truth ; and, by the candour 
 and impartiality of what he relates, may be believed 
 not to have made any wilful mistakes. 
 
 However, all things of this nature must be sub- 
 mitted, as this is, with great deference to the judg- 
 ment of the equal reader ; who will meet, in his 
 progress through this work, with many passages, 
 that, he will judge, may disoblige the posterity of 
 even well meaning men in those days : much more 
 then of such as were crafty, cunning, and wicked 
 enough to design the mischiefs that ensued : but he 
 shall meet with none of malice, nor any but such 
 as the author, upon his best infoi'mation, took to be 
 impartially true. He could not be ignorant of the 
 rules of a good historian, (which, Cicero says, are 
 such Joundations, that they are known to every 
 hody,) That he should not dare to speak any 
 falsehood; and shoidd dare to speak any truth. 
 And we doubt not, but through the whole progress 
 of this History, he will be found to have given no 
 
 b 2
 
 4 THE PREFACE 
 
 occasion of suspecting his writings guilty of 'partial 
 favour, or unjust enmity; and we hope, that the 
 representing the truth, without any mixture of pri- 
 vate passion or animosity, will be so far from giving 
 offence to any ingenuous man of this time, that it 
 will be received rather as an instruction to the pre- 
 sent age, than a reproach upon the last. 
 
 Moreover, the tenderness that might seem due, 
 out of charity, good manners, and good nature, to 
 our countrymen, our neighbours, or our relations, 
 hath been indulged a long space of time ; and 
 might possibly be abused, if it should not give 
 way, at last, to the usefulness of making this work 
 public, in an age, when so many memoirs, narra- 
 tives, and pieces of history come out, as it were on 
 purpose to justify the taking up arms against that 
 king, and to blacken, revile, and ridicule the sacred 
 majesty of an anointed head in distress ; and when 
 so much of the sense of religion to God, and of al- 
 legiance and duty to the crown, is so defaced, that 
 it is already, within little more than fifty years 
 since the murder committed on that pious prince, 
 by some men made a mystery to judge, on whose 
 side was the right, and on which the rebellion is to 
 be charged. 
 
 We hope therefore it will be judged necessary as 
 well as useful, that an impartial account of the most 
 material passages of those unhappy times should 
 at last come out ; and that we shall have the gene- 
 ral approbation, for having contributed thus far to 
 awaken men to that honesty, justice, loyalty, and
 
 TO THE FIRST EDITION. 5 
 
 piety, which formerly Englishmen have been valu- 
 able for, and without which it is impossible any 
 government, discipline, or authority can be long 
 maintained. 
 
 There is no doubt, but this good king had some 
 infirmities and imperfections ; and might thereby be 
 misled into some mistakes in government, which 
 the nation, in parliament represented, might have 
 reformed by moderate and peaceful counsels. But 
 the reformation lost its name, and its nature too, 
 when so many acts passed by him in parliament, 
 that did restrain the prerogative of the crown from 
 doing the mischiefs it had been taxed with, had not 
 the effect they ought to have met with, of restrain- 
 ing the people too from further demands ; and when 
 the inordinate ambition, anger, and revenge of some 
 of the great leaders could not be limited within any 
 bounds, till thev had involved the nation in blood, 
 destroyed many thousands of their own country- 
 men and fellow citizens, and brought at last their 
 own sovereign to lose his head on a scaffold, under 
 a pretended form of an high court of justice, unpre- 
 cedented from the beginning of the world ; and, to 
 finish their work, had overthrown all the laws of 
 their own country, in the defence of which, they 
 would have had it thought, they had been obliged 
 to draw their swords. 
 
 AVithout question, every body that shall duly 
 consider the whole account of these transactions, 
 will be able to impute mistakes, miscarriages, and 
 faults enough to both sides: and we shall leave 
 
 b 3
 
 6 THE PREFACE 
 
 them to their own sedate and composed reflections. 
 But we cannot omit making this one observation, 
 that where any king by ill judgment, or ill fortune, 
 of his own, or those intrusted by him in the chief 
 administration of his government, happens to fall 
 into an interest contrary to that of his people, and 
 will pursue that mistake, that prince must have ter- 
 rible conflicts in the course of his reign, which way 
 soever the controversy ends. On the other hand, 
 that people, who, though invaded and oppressed in 
 their just rights and liberties, shall not rest satisfied 
 with reasonable reparations and securities, but, hav- 
 ing got power into their hands, will make unjusti- 
 fiable use of it, to the utter subversion of that go- 
 vernment they are bound in duty and allegiance to 
 support, do but at last make rods for their own 
 backs, and very often bring upon themselves, from 
 other hands, a more severe bondage than that they 
 had shook off*. 
 
 To demonstrate this general observation, let it 
 be considered in particular, what was the advan- 
 tage this poor nation gained from all the victories 
 obtained over king Charles in the field, and, after- 
 wards, in the imprisoning, and prosecuting him to 
 death : what amends did it make for the infringe- 
 ment and prejudice, they complained of, in their 
 rights and liberties, to set up the protector Crom- 
 well, who, under a thousand artifices and cruelties, 
 intended no other reformation, but, instead of whips, 
 to chastise the poor people with scorpions ; and, in- 
 stead of their idol commonwealth, which some had
 
 TO THE FIRST EDITION. 7 
 
 vainly imagined to themselves, to make himself that 
 very hated thing, a king, which had been so abo- 
 minable in his own sight? And after him, what 
 did all the other several sorts of government, set up 
 sometimes to gratify the ambition of one party, and 
 sometimes of another, end in, but so many several 
 ways of oppression ; which, after many years spent 
 in exhausting the blood and treasure of their coun- 
 try, at length made way for the happy restoration of 
 the son and family of that king, (whom they had so 
 barbarously brought to an untimely end,) with the 
 utmost scorn and derision of all that had pretended 
 to rule in his stead ? 
 
 Here we might descend into particulars, to make 
 out the other part of our observation, by giving in- 
 stances, how some of our own kings have, unhap- 
 pily, been led into very dangerous mistakes in their 
 government ; and how many years have passed al- 
 most in one perpetual strife, and unfortunate con- 
 tention between the prince and the people, in 
 points of the highest consequence ; and especially 
 those, which have brought the prince, sometimes, 
 under the disadvantageous suspicion of being in- 
 clined to the love of arbitrary power, and favouring 
 the popish religion ; than which the most mortal 
 enemies to the crown of England cannot possibly 
 contrive, or wish, more miserable circumstances for 
 it to be involved in. But we are rather desirous to 
 draw a veil over all the calamities, that have pro- 
 ceeded fi'om this cause ; as well because the impres- 
 
 b 4
 
 8 THE PREFACE 
 
 sions those mistakes have made, and the marks they 
 have left behind them, will not easily be worn out ; 
 as that it might look like insulting over their mis- 
 fortunes, who have been the chief losers by them ; 
 which we have in no kind the inclination or the 
 heart to do : neither would we be thought to give 
 countenance, by what we write, to the opinions of 
 those, who would justify the rising up in arms of 
 subjects, to do themselves right in any controversy 
 between them and their king. 
 
 Non hcBC 171 feeder a 
 
 The nature of our excellent government hath 
 provided, in the constitution of it, other remedies, 
 in a parliamentary way ; wherein both the preroga- 
 tive of the crown and the rights of the people may 
 be better secured : and besides, we know to whom 
 vengeance peculiarly belongs, and that he who chal- 
 lenges that power to himself, will not suffer it to be 
 communicated to any other. 
 
 But we should think ourselves very fortunate, if, 
 in the reflections we have been making on this sub- 
 ject, we have represented the truth, on both sides, 
 with that fah'ness and impartiality, in the perplexed 
 condition of our own affairs, that all princes may 
 see and judge, that it can never turn to their ad- 
 vantage, to be in an interest contrary to that of 
 their people, nor to give their subjects unreasonable 
 provocations. For (as in other cases, where the 
 laws both of God and man are too often broken, 
 though very strict and positive, so in this point too)
 
 TO THE FIRST EDITION. 9 
 
 the people may not always be restrained from at- 
 tempting by force to do themselves right, though 
 they ought not. 
 
 And we hope no less, that the people will be con- 
 vinced, that it were wiser and better for them to 
 obtain the redress of their grievances by such ways, 
 as the ancient laws of this kingdom have provided : 
 and that the constitution of king, lords, and com- 
 mons, is the happiest composition of government in 
 the world ; and so suited to the nature of English- 
 men generally, that though it be expelled for a time, 
 yet it will return. 
 
 We would therefore heartily wish both for prince 
 and people, if either of them should be guilty of any 
 irregular deviations from their own channels, that 
 they who are injured would content themselves 
 with gentle applications, and moderate remedies, 
 lest the last error be worse than the first : and 
 above all, that whosoever may have a thought of 
 ruling in this land, may be throughly convinced in 
 his own judgment, that it is a crown of briers and 
 thorns that must be set on his head, without he can 
 satisfy all reasonable men, that it is his fixed prin- 
 ciple and resolution, inviolably to defend our reli- 
 gion, and preserve our laws. 
 
 Upon the whole matter, we have often wondered, 
 and rest still amazed, that any prince should care 
 to govern a people against their nature, their incli- 
 nations, and their laws. What glory can it be to a 
 prince of a great spirit, to subdue and break the 
 hearts of his own subjects, with whom he should
 
 10 THE PREFACE 
 
 live properly as a shepherd with his flock ? If two 
 lovers, who should pass their time in renewing, re- 
 peating, and returning all the offices of friendship, 
 kindness, tenderness, and love, were, instead of that, 
 unluckily contriving always to cross, oppose, and 
 torment one another, what could be the effect of 
 such a conversation, but vexation and anguish in 
 the beginning, a short-lived correspondence, and ha- 
 tred and contempt in the conclusion ? 
 
 Our constitution is the main point ever to be re- 
 garded ; which, God be praised, hath been pre- 
 served through so many ages. For though there 
 have been some men often found, and of great parts 
 too, who, for their private advantages, are aiding, 
 sometimes the monarch, and sometimes the party 
 that would be a commonwealth, under specious pre- 
 tences for the pubhc good, to exceed the limits the 
 constitution hath pi-escribed in this country ; yet 
 the nation still finds, in all ages, some truly public 
 spirits, that preserve it from being long imposed 
 upon. There is a craft, and a perpetual subtiity, 
 that men of private interest must work with to sup- 
 port their own designs : but the true interest of the 
 kingdom is the plainest thing in the world : it is 
 what every body in England finds and feels, and 
 knows to be right, and they are not long a finding 
 it neither. This is that interest, that is supported 
 non tarn Jxima, quam sua vi ; its ov/n weight still 
 keeps it steady against all the storms that can be 
 brought to beat upon it, either from the ignorance 
 of strangers to our constitution, or the violence of
 
 TO THE FIRST EDITION. 11 
 
 any, that project to themselves wild notions of ap- 
 pealing to the people out of parliament, (a parlia- 
 ment sitting,) as it were to a fourth estate of the 
 realm ; and calling upon them to come and take 
 their share in the direction of the public and most 
 important consultations. This we conceive to be 
 another way of undermining the ancient and true 
 constitution, but not like to be more effectual than 
 some others, that have been tried before ; since we 
 have the experience that no violence, nor almost 
 ruin, hath, hitherto, hindered it from settling again 
 upon its old foundation. 
 
 There hath been, within the compass of few 
 years, much talk, and, God knows, too many ill ef- 
 fects too, of factions in this kingdom ; and we have 
 lived, in our days, to see the two great parties, of 
 late known by the names of Whig and Tory, di- 
 rectly change their ground ; and those, who were 
 formerly the anti-courtiers, become as pliant and 
 obsequious, as ever they were who had been the 
 most found fault with on that score. But we are 
 humbly of opinion, that, at this time of day, neither 
 of those parties have the game in their hands, as 
 they have formerly pei'haps fancied to themselves. 
 But they who shall be so honest, and so wise, con- 
 stantly to prefer the true interest of England to 
 that of any other country or people, preserve the 
 religion and the laws, protect and promote the trade 
 of the nation, thriftily and providently administer 
 the public treasure, and study to maintain the so- 
 vereignty of our seas, so naturally, so anciently, and
 
 12 THE PREFACE 
 
 so justly the true defence of this kingdom ; that 
 body, whomsoever it shall be composed of, shall 
 have the weight of England on its side ; and if 
 there can be any of another frame, they must, in 
 the end, prove so many miserable rotten reeds. 
 
 Well may other princes and states, whose situa- 
 tion requires it for their own security, find it their 
 interest, for the preservation of their credit and re- 
 putation amongst their neighbours, to keep con- 
 stantly in pay great numbers of land forces ; in 
 which they are still vieing one with the other, and 
 boasting who can raise his thousands, and who his 
 ten thousands : but they will be found but young 
 statesmen for our government, who can think it 
 advisable, that the strength of this island should be 
 measured by proportions so unsuitable to its true 
 glory and greatness. As well might David have 
 thought it requisite, when he was to encounter the 
 great giant of the Philistines, that he likewise must 
 have had a staif to his spear like a weaver's beam. 
 But that man after God's own heart thought it 
 more expedient to his advantage over the enemy he 
 was to contend with, to come against him with arms 
 that he had tried, and that he could wield. A^Tien 
 Saul armed him with his own armour, and put an 
 helmet ofhrass on his head, and armed him with 
 a coat of mail, David himself says, he could not go 
 with these, for he had not proved them. Which 
 makes us a little reflect on the circumstances of our 
 own nation, that, whereas the fleet of England hath 
 been renowned, through so many ages, for the ho-
 
 TO THE FIRST EDITION. 13 
 
 nour and security of this kingdom, in these latter 
 days, by an unaccountable improvidence, our care 
 has been more industriously applied to the raising 
 great numbers of land forces, than in maintaining 
 and supporting the glorious ancient bulwarks of our 
 country ; and when we have to do wdth an enemy, 
 whom we so far excel in strength at sea, that, with 
 a little more than ordinary application, we might 
 hope to restrain his exorbitant power by our naval 
 expeditions, we have employed our greatest indus- 
 try, and a vast expense, to attack him by land in 
 that part, where, by the strength of his numerous 
 garrisons, he must be, for many years at least, in- 
 vulnerable. 
 
 But it is to be hoped the great allies themselves, 
 to whom, we doubt not, the English nation wishes 
 all happiness and prosperity, as being bound up 
 with them in the same interest, will at last be sen- 
 sible, that this kingdom cannot be useful to the 
 common cause in any other way, so much as at sea. 
 The situation of this country adapts it for advan- 
 tages by sea : the trade of it enables it to go on 
 with a war by sea : and neither of them can long 
 bear a great expense of a war in a foreign land : 
 the experience of former successes at sea makes the 
 nation ever fond of employing its vigour there : and 
 the perpetual jealousy that, some time or other, en- 
 deavours may be used, by the increase of land forces, 
 to advance another greatness, and another interest, 
 will fix the genius of the nation still to depend on 
 its greatness, and its security by sea.
 
 14 thp: preface 
 
 Sunder e pri?icipi quod oporteaf, 7nagni lahoris ; 
 assentatio erga principem quemcunque sine qffectu 
 peragitur, was a saying of Tacitus, and one of those 
 that is perpetually verified. For we see, in all times, 
 how compliance and flattery gets the better of ho- 
 nesty and plain dealing. All men indeed love best 
 those that dispute not with them ; a misfortune, 
 whilst it is amongst private persons, that is not so 
 much taken notice of; but it becomes remarkable, 
 and grows a public calamity, when this uncomely 
 obsequiousness is practised towards great princes, 
 who are apt to mistake it for duty, and to prefer it 
 before such advice as is really good for their service ; 
 at least till the folly and vanity of such proceedings 
 comes to be seen through ; and then the reward of 
 their unseasonable courtship frequently overtakes 
 the miserable authors, though the discovery come 
 too late to preserve from ruin the master, who hath 
 been deluded. 
 
 An eminent poet of our own nation calls this flat- 
 tery the food of fools ; and yet it is a plant so 
 guarded and fenced about, so cherished and pre- 
 served in all courts, that it never fails of bringing 
 forth much wretched fruit ; and will ever do so, till 
 God Almighty shall send such a discerning spirit 
 into the hearts of princes, as may enable them to 
 distinguish between those that serve to obtain their 
 own ends, and those who have only in their view the 
 true interest and honour of their masters ; and to 
 punish, instead of encouraging, those bold corrupters 
 of all right judgment, justice, honesty, and truth.
 
 TO THE FIRST EDITION. 15 
 
 If at any time it miglit be hoped this dangerous 
 generation of men should be discountenanced, one 
 might be allowed to look for it in an age, when a 
 revolution hath been thought necessary to make a 
 reformation : for where the foundations of the earth 
 were taken to be out of course, more steadiness, a 
 stricter virtue, and a more unlilameable administra- 
 tion will be expected to come in the room of it. 
 
 If princes would bear it, it would be an advan- 
 tage to them, as well as happiness to their subjects, 
 to hear plain and bold truths, when delivered with 
 duty, and decency, and privacy, from their faithfid 
 servants, in their own lifetime ; whilst they might 
 yet redress and correct any mistakes of their judg- 
 ment, or will. But because they generally defend 
 themselves from those approaches by their great- 
 ness, and the awe they usually strike on those that 
 come near them, the next best way to incline them 
 to reflect duly upon themselves, is to get them to 
 read the memorials of times past : where they will 
 see how those who have once governed the world 
 are treated, when they are dead and gone ; and that 
 it is the privilege and practice of all present ages, to 
 speak without restraint of those that are past : as, 
 we may be confident, the next that comes after this 
 we live in, will not forget to put their stamp, and 
 their censure, on what they shall judge good or bad 
 in any part of it. And this truth will be allowed 
 in all times, that a great king, who is known to 
 govern in his own person, who is not managed by 
 his ministers, but does himself give the direction.
 
 16 THE PREFACE 
 
 the life, and determination to all his commands, as 
 he ought to have the glory, and the merit of his 
 conduct and skill, brought to his own account with- 
 out a rival, so he will have the misfortune of having 
 the errors of his reign, if any there be, imputed 
 likewise to himself. 
 
 We have been led, from one step to another, fur- 
 ther than the scope of a preface to this History 
 might properly have drawn us, were it not that the 
 observation of the miscarriages in former times, con- 
 tinued down by degrees, as we conceive, from the 
 like mistake, and the like root of animosity and dis- 
 content, had engaged us to make some remarks on 
 the most eminent of them, and to lay them together 
 in one view, for every man's calm judgment and 
 animadversion, as the best means, in our opinion, to 
 prevent any such for the future. Which makes us 
 hope the reader will not be offended with some ex- 
 cursions, upon publishing such a work, that hath so 
 much of information and instruction in it, that it 
 must furnish to every one great variety of reflec- 
 tions ; and, amongst others, the observation of this 
 particular, and almost continual misfortune to all 
 princes, who are apt to think that, out of the great 
 numbers of their subjects, and the crowd of their 
 courtiers and flatterers, they can never want a sup- 
 ply of just and faithful servants; which makes them 
 so little value, and so often throw away, their best 
 and ablest ministers ; whereas there is in truth no- 
 thing so difficult for a prince, as to find a good, ho- 
 nest, just, well tempered, and impartial servant ; and
 
 TO THE FIRST EDITION. 17 
 
 it is almost impossible to preserve him long. For 
 whosoever comes to the yoke of true painful 
 drudgery in his master's service, from that moment 
 creates to himself so many industrious enemies, as 
 he cannot gratify in all their several wild preten- 
 sions, to displace and destroy him. So that such a 
 man's station must be extreme slippery, and his fa- 
 vour oftentimes shortlived, whose whole time being 
 taken up in promoting the solid greatness of his 
 master, and the good of his country, he cannot 
 have leisure to take care of himself For whilst he 
 is watching the enemies of the state, and laying 
 foundations for the happiness of future times, as 
 well as for the security of the present, and looking 
 after all the parts of the administration ; that the 
 rehgion of the land may be reverenced ; the justice 
 of the nation unblemished ; the revenues of the 
 crown carefully and honestly collected, and distri- 
 buted with an equal hand of generosity and good 
 husbandry, according to the several occasions that 
 may require either; how can such a minister be 
 watching the secret machinations of the enviers and 
 underminers of his credit and honesty ? And there- 
 fore he may be forgiven, if, being conscious to him- 
 self of his own integrity towards the public, he con- 
 temns the little arts of ill designing men ; by which 
 however, from the first hour of his entering into the 
 service of his master, he is continually pursued, till 
 he is at length hunted down, and unavoidably de- 
 stroyed at court. 
 
 We do not intend here to write the particulars of 
 VOL. I. c
 
 18 THE PREFACE 
 
 the life of this author ; but we may say in short, 
 that such a figure as is here described of a great 
 and superior minister, and, in some degree, of a fa- 
 vourite too, this excellent man made, for about two 
 years after the restoration of the king his master, 
 who, during that time, relied entirely on his advice 
 and conduct. There were indeed some other great 
 and wise men, whom the king, for some consider- 
 able time, consulted in his weightiest affairs. There 
 was the earl of Southampton, then lord high trea- 
 surer of England, with whom our author had al- 
 wiiys an entire and fast friendship, and whom all 
 men, that knew him, honoured for his great abi- 
 lities, and eminent integrity. There was the duke 
 of Albemarle, then lord general, who had the ho- 
 nour and good fortune of bringing most things, and 
 men, at that time to bear together, for the restora- 
 tion of that king, and the royal family to the seat 
 of their ancestors. There was the then marquis of 
 Ormond, soon after his majesty's return made lord 
 steward of the household, and lord lieutenant of 
 Ireland; who had not only followed, but even 
 graced his master's fortunes, in all the time of his 
 exile, with the attendance of so eminent and me- 
 ritorious a subject ; who had often ventured his 
 person, and lost all his large estate in the steady 
 pursuit of loyalty and duty to the crown, and zeal 
 for the true religion. There was the earl of Sand- 
 wich, who had, when admiral, and general at sea, 
 to his share the glorious part of bringing the fleet of 
 England, and the body of the English seamen, to
 
 TO THE FIRST EDITION. 19 
 
 concur in the king's restoration ; and had, before 
 that time, been very meritorious towards his ma- 
 jesty, as is mentioned at large in the ensuing parts 
 of this History. These were the principal ; and be- 
 sides these, there was one more, who, though in a 
 different rank, was admitted, at that time, into the 
 most intimate trust and confidence, old secretary 
 Nicholas; who had served his two masters, king 
 Charles the First and Second, with so much faith- 
 fulness and integrity, as to be justly entitled to a 
 part in the most important administration. But, 
 without the least design of detracting from the cre- 
 dit or interest of these great and honourable per- 
 sons, we may truly say, our author had the pre- 
 ference of them all in the king's favour and esteem ; 
 and by his prudence, knowledge, and experience, in 
 which he shared with the others, and his indefa- 
 tigable labour and pains, wherein, it is most certain, 
 they did not share with him, he had the happiness, 
 without their envy, and with their concurrence, to 
 have the greatest share in disposing the minds of 
 the people, and the king too, to agree then on such 
 measures in parliament, as laid the foundation of 
 that peace, plenty, and prosperity this nation hath 
 enjoyed since. 
 
 He had the happiness to have the greatest share 
 in preserving the constitution of our government 
 entire, when the then present temper of the people 
 was but too ready to have gone into any undue com- 
 pliance with the crown. 
 
 He had the happiness, amongst several other 
 
 c 2
 
 20 THE PKEFACE 
 
 good acts of parliament, to have the greatest share 
 in compassing and perfecting the act of oblivion 
 and indemnity; the act for confirming judicial pro- 
 ceedings ; and the act of uniformity ; by which the 
 people of England were quieted in their minds, and 
 settled in their possessions ; and the church of Eng- 
 land redeemed from the oppressions it had lain un- 
 der, and established and set up by the law of the 
 land, as it was also by our blessed Saviour's promise 
 to all those that serve him in holiness and truth, on 
 that Rock, against which the gates of hell were not 
 to prevail. This is that church, which desires to 
 have her doctrine understood, as well as obeyed ; 
 and which depends on the infallibility of scripture 
 for her guide ; but never could be drawn to allow it 
 to any mortal men, whether in a single person, or a 
 greater number ; and which, of all the churches in 
 the world, does most rationally inform her members 
 in the practice of pure religion and undefiled to- 
 wards God, with decency in worship, without affec- 
 tation, superstition, or ostentation ; and obedience 
 to the king, with due regard to the constitution and 
 the laws of the land. By God's blessing on these 
 means, our author had the happiness to leave last- 
 ing monuments of his judgment and his piety; of 
 his loyalty to his prince, and his entire love to his 
 country. 
 
 It was during the ministry of this person, and 
 whilst he was in his greatest credit, that memorable 
 expression was used, in one of king Charles the Se- 
 cond's speeches to both houses : that in all his de-
 
 TO THE FIRST EDITION. 21 
 
 liberations and actions, his principal consideration 
 should be. What will a parliament think of them ? 
 
 Every body then knew, by whose advice that 
 king was inclined to make that wise declaration. 
 And certainly it had been happy for him, if he had 
 always practised it ; and all England hath reason to 
 wish, that all ministers had continued, to this day, to 
 give the like wholesome counsel. 
 
 HcB tihi erunt artes, 
 said our author, to a king of England : Keep always 
 well with your parliaments. Let no vain whimsey 
 of the example of other countries, but utterly im- 
 practicable in this, delude you. Keep always in the 
 true interest of the nation ; and a king of England 
 is the greatest and happiest prince in the world. 
 
 How this person came first to lessen in his cre- 
 dit, and afterwards, in the space of about five years, 
 to fall quite out of that king's fav'our, to be dis- 
 graced, as the language at court is, and banished, 
 must be a little touched ; and we shall make an 
 end. They who were then most concerned in his 
 misfortunes, and felt the most sensible strokes of his 
 majesty's displeasure in their family, have it not in 
 their hearts to lay any thing hard at the door of 
 that king, once a most gracious and indulgent mas- 
 ter to our author, and who was certainly not of a 
 disposition to do harsh things to any body ; and 
 who, as we have reason to believe, out of the sense 
 of unkind usage to the father, did afterwards, by his 
 own singular goodness and favour, much against 
 the mind of some in credit with him, draw his two 
 
 c 3
 
 22 THE PREFACE 
 
 sons, who yet survive, into a very great degree of 
 trust and confidence near him ; and particularly 
 bestov^^ed on the second extraordinary marks of 
 honour and bounty, that are to descend to his pos- 
 terity. 
 
 We take them both to be men of so much piety 
 to their father, and so much spirit in themselves, 
 that they would by no means be bribed to omit any 
 thing upon this occasion, that might be of use or 
 advantage to the honour of one they owe so much 
 duty to ; if they could conceive, that there was 
 need, at this time of day, to contribute to the justi- 
 fication of his innocency. The world hath lasted 
 long enough, since the misfortunes of this honour- 
 able person, to be throughly convinced, that there 
 was nothing in all those articles exhibited against 
 him in parliament, that did in the least touch or 
 concern him. One of his sons, then of the house of 
 commons, offered in that house, that if they who 
 accused him would but take the pains to prove to 
 the house any one of the articles, and take which 
 they would, if they made out but any one of them 
 all, himself, and all his friends, woidd acknowledge 
 him guilty of all. 
 
 But there is no need now of the vindication of 
 such a man, whom every body, in their consciences, 
 do not only acquit of any crime, but all good men 
 speak of with honour ; and who still lives in the 
 opinion of all true Englishmen, in as high a reputa- 
 tion as any man to this day. 
 
 Yet, although we intend to decline all manner of
 
 TO THE FIRST EDITION. 23 
 
 reflection on the memory of that king, we may be 
 allowed to say, that that excellently well natured 
 prince, who did very few ill natured things in his 
 reign, was prevailed upon, in this case, not only to 
 put out of his service one of the most faithful and 
 ancient servants then alive to his father, or himself, 
 (which is not to be so much complained of; for it 
 would be a hard tie indeed for a prince to be, as it 
 were, married to his servants for better, for worse,) 
 but to consent to an act of parliament, that obliged 
 this his poor servant to end his days in banishment, 
 with old age and infirmities to attend him : this 
 might be thought a little hardhearted to inflict 
 upon a man, who had the honour and happiness, in 
 the more vigorous part of his life, to have led the 
 king himself through his own exile, with credit and 
 dignity, and in more honour and reputation, than 
 usually attends unfortunate princes, that are de- 
 prived of their own dominions ; and at last, in the 
 fulness of God's own time, had the happiness to 
 have so considerable a share in the conduct of his 
 restoration. For it was by this author principally, / 
 that the continual correspondence was kept up with 
 
 the loyal party in England, in order to cultivate \ 
 
 '■1 
 good thoughts of his majesty in the minds of his 
 
 people, and to bring them, in some sort, acquainted 
 
 with his temper and disposition, before they could 
 
 know his person. This author likewise framed, 
 
 disposed, and drew those letters and declarations 
 
 from Breda, which had so wonderful an effect all 
 
 over England, and were so generally approved here, 
 
 c 4
 
 24 THE PREFACE 
 
 that they were, ahnost all, turned into acts of par- 
 liament. 
 
 Many perhaps may not unreasonably believe, that 
 the marriage of the then duke of York with the 
 daughter of this author might have been one great 
 occasion, if not the foundation, of his fall ; and 
 though it be most undoubtedly true, that this very 
 unequal alliance was brought to pass entirely with- 
 out the knowledge or privity of this author, but so 
 much the contrary, that when the king, at that 
 time, made him more than ordinary expressions of 
 his grace to him, with assurances that this acci- 
 dent should not lessen the esteem and favour his 
 majesty had for him ; yet his own good judgment 
 made him immediately sensible, and declare it too, 
 to those he was intimate with, that this must 
 certainly be the occasion of the diminution of his 
 credit. 
 
 The continual dropping of water does not more 
 infallibly make an hollow in a stone, than the per- 
 petual whispers of ill men must make impression in 
 the heart of any prince, that will always lie open to 
 hear them : nor can any man's mind be sufficiently 
 guarded from the influence of continued calumny 
 and backbiting. 
 
 When the duke of York had made this marriage, 
 it was not unnatural to those ill-minded men to 
 suggest, that, for the time to come, that minister 
 would be contriving advantages for the good of his 
 own posterity, to the prejudice of his sovereign and 
 master. What their wickedness, possibly, would
 
 TO THE FIRST EDITION. 25 
 
 have allowed them to practise, was ground enough 
 to them for an accusation of his innocency. 
 
 It was true, that the duke of York was become 
 the chancellor's son-in-law ; and therefore they hoped 
 to be believed, when they said, that to satisfy his 
 ambition, he would forfeit his integrity ; which, God 
 knows, was not true. 
 
 Thus what Tacitus observes, in the time of Ti- 
 berius, of Granius MarceUus, who was informed 
 against to have spoken ill words of that emperor, 
 was here, in some sort, verified on our author : 
 
 Inemtahile crimen, says Tacitus concerning those 
 words, nam, quia vera erant, etiam dicta credehan- 
 tur. 
 
 The aUiance was undeniable ; there were chil- 
 dren born of it ; and the king was not blessed with 
 any from his marriage. An inevitable crime laid on 
 our author. For, because it was true, that there 
 were children from one marriage, and not from the 
 other, it was suggested, that both marriages had 
 been so contrived by the chancellor : though the 
 king knew very well, that his own marriage had not 
 been first projected or proposed by this author ; and 
 that he had often told his majesty, what suspicions 
 there were in the world, that that great and virtu- 
 ous princess might prove unfruitful. 
 
 Another inevitable misfortune, which was then 
 laid as a crime too on our author, was a report very 
 falsely but very industriously spread abroad, that 
 first begat a coldness, and, by degrees, very much 
 disinclined a great many of the royal party to him ;
 
 26 THE PREFACE 
 
 a report, that he should have instilled into the king's 
 mind a principle, that he must prefer his enemies, 
 and advance them, to gain them to be his friends ; 
 and for his old friends, it was no matter how he 
 used them, for they would be so still. To which 
 very scandalous misrepresentation we must give this 
 true answer : 
 
 It fell out indeed, that every man's expectation, 
 that had laboured all the heat of the day in the 
 vineyard, who had received wounds in their persons 
 in the day of battle, or suffered in their fortunes or 
 liberties, for the preservation of a good conscience 
 during the usurpation of tyranny and anarchy, was 
 not, and, alas ! could not be recompensed immedi- 
 ately according to their merit, or the hopes they 
 had entertained : and because it was true that they 
 were disappointed, it was believed by some of them, 
 that our author, being minister at that time, had 
 instilled this damnable doctrine and position, that it 
 was no matter how the king used his old friends : 
 and because it was true that they were not consi- 
 dered as they deserved, it must be believed, as they 
 would have it, that he was the author of that ad- 
 vice. 
 
 It was true that the king, who was so wonder- 
 fully restored with all that glory and peace, more 
 perhaps upon the confidence of his declarations and 
 promises from Breda, than any other human means, 
 and who had thought it necessary to recommend, in 
 his most gracious speech to both houses, upon the 
 passing the act of indemnity, that all marks of dis-
 
 TO THE FIRST EDITION. 27 
 
 tinction and division amongst his subjects should be 
 for ever buried and forgotten, did not think it for 
 his honour, and true interest, to reign over a party 
 only of his subjects; and therefore, immediately 
 after his restoration, in order to the settlement of 
 his court and family, the then earl of Manchester, 
 whOvSe part every body remembered to have been 
 very eminent, in the time of the rebellion, against 
 king Charles the First, but wlio had industriously 
 applied himself several years to the king, to make 
 reparation for his former errors, and had been con- 
 siderably serviceable to him in several occasions, was 
 honoured with the office of lord chamberlain of the 
 household; to let the kingdom see, how the king 
 himself began with practising what he exhorted his 
 subjects to, that admirable art of forgetfulness, when 
 he put such a person into so eminent a station in 
 the gov^ernment, near his own person. And it was 
 certainly of advantage to the king, in the beginning 
 of his settlement here, as well as a mark of justice 
 in his nature, to let his subjects know and feel, that 
 every one of them might capacitate himself, by his 
 future behaviour, for any dignity and preferment. 
 
 But it could never be in the heart of a man, who 
 had been all along on the suffering side, to do his 
 own party so base an office with the king, as this 
 false report did insinuate. He might be of opinion 
 that the fatted calf was to be killed, for the enter- 
 tainment of the prodigal son, whenever he return- 
 ed; that there might be no distinction of parties 
 kept up amongst us : but he could never forget the
 
 28 THE PREFACE 
 
 birthright of the eldest son, who had served the 
 king so many years, and had not at any time trans- 
 gressed his commandment, and so well deserved that 
 praise, and that reward. Son., thou art ever with me, 
 and all that I have is thine. And yet this calumny, 
 false as it was, was another inevitable crime, or at 
 least misfortune. For without that opinion, which 
 some of the royal party had sucked in, that the 
 chancellor had abandoned their interest, it had been 
 impossible to have engaged a majority in that par- 
 liament to have consented to that act of banish- 
 ment. 
 
 God forgive the inventors and contrivers of that 
 foul calumny ! But, by his almighty providence, who 
 from heaven reveals secrets, it was not long before 
 that party was disabused. For, though the chan- 
 cellor for some time bore the blame, that they had 
 not been more considered, it was quickly found, that 
 it was not from him, but from the mistaken politics 
 of the new statesmen, that they were designed to 
 be neglected. Nor did they at all find themselves 
 more taken notice of, after his removal ; nor have 
 the several other parties in the kingdom, that have 
 been cherished and countenanced in opposition to 
 this, much declined, as we conceive, to this day. 
 
 But after all, we are humbly of opinion, that it 
 was neither of these above-mentioned unavoidable 
 misfortunes, nor both together, that gave the fatal 
 and last decisive blow to the fortune of this good 
 man. The king had too good a judgment, and was 
 too well natured, to have been imposed upon barely
 
 TO THE FIRST EDITION. 29 
 
 by such attacks as these ; which he knew very well 
 himself, as to our author's guilt in them, were fri- 
 volous and unjust. 
 
 But there are always in courts secret engines, 
 that actually consummate the mischiefs, that others, 
 in a more public way, have been long in bringing to 
 pass : and in this case there were two principal 
 ones: 
 
 The one, the interest of some of the zealots of the 
 popish party, who knew this minister had too much 
 credit in the nation, though he should lose it with 
 the king, to suffer the projects, they perpetually had 
 of propagating their religion, to take effect, whilst 
 he should be in the kingdom : 
 
 The other, the faction of the ladies, too prevalent 
 at that time with the king, who were afraid of such 
 a man's being near him, as durst talk to him, as he 
 had several times taken the liberty to do, of the 
 scandal of their lives, and reprove both the master 
 and the mistresses, for their public unlawful conver- 
 sations. 
 
 Thus these two interests, joining their forces, 
 were so powerful, that there was no resisting them, 
 by a man, who could not make court to either. And 
 so he fell a sacrifice to the ambition and malice of 
 all sorts of enemies, who were desirous of getting 
 new places to themselves in the court, and of trying 
 new inventions in the state. 
 
 And yet it is to be observed, that that king, who 
 was, almost all his reign, ever labouring, with much 
 pains, to get a little ease, which he might perhaps
 
 30 THE PREFACE 
 
 have attained with less trouble, and, no doubt, 
 hoped, by getting rid of this old importunate coun- 
 sellor, to terrify any man from presuming afterwards 
 to tell him such bold truths, had scarce ever after 
 any serenity in his whole reign : but those very wo- 
 men, or others in their places, and the factions he 
 himself had given countenance to, grew too hard 
 for him, and tore him almost to pieces, sometimes 
 in the favouring of one party, and sometimes of an- 
 other, without steadiness of his own, or confidence 
 enough in any of his servants, to guide him through 
 those perplexities, that could not have been brought 
 upon him, but by his own consent. 
 
 We dare say, there were some hours in his life, 
 that he wished he had had his old chancellor again ; 
 who, he knew, was a more skilful pilot than any of 
 his new statesmen : 
 
 ( — Tempus erit, magno cum optaverit emptum 
 Intactum) 
 and that he had not, by his too much eagerness to 
 get rid of one old servant, given too great an handle 
 to have new measures and new counsels so often 
 imposed upon him, throughout the whole remaining 
 part of his life. 
 
 Thus we have finished our Preface, which we 
 thought incumbent on us to make, who had liv^ed 
 to be acquainted with this author, and to have 
 known his merit, that it might attend the publish- 
 ing this History, to give the present age some in- 
 formation of tlie character of him they are to read. 
 And as we desired to perform it with respect to his
 
 TO THE FIRST EDITION. 31 
 
 memory, so we hope we have not exceeded the 
 bounds of truth and modesty, which he himself 
 would have taken unkindly from those that are 
 doing this office to him. Whatever misfortunes he 
 might have in his life ; whatever enemies he might 
 have had ; or whatever errors he might have com- 
 mitted, (which few men in his high stations escape 
 quite clear of,) we presume to think he deserves, 
 from all impartial men, the praise of an honest, 
 just, and able servant to the church and crown, and 
 to be ranked amongst the great and good ministers 
 of state. 
 
 And now we will conclude all, with a thanks- 
 giving to God in Saint Luke, Gloi^y he to God on 
 high, and on earth peace, good-will towards men. 
 
 For God's name ought ever to be glorified in all 
 his dispensations ; whether they be attended with 
 the prosperities or adversities of this present world. 
 We speak it knowingly, that our noble author did 
 so throughout the course of his misfortunes, and 
 that he did adore and magnify God's holy name, for 
 all his mercies so plentifully bestowed upon him ; 
 and particularly for giving him the courage and vir- 
 tue constantly to act and suffer honourably through 
 all the considerable employments of his life ; and, 
 more especially, to endeavour to keep things even 
 between the king and the people, (the everlasting 
 labour of a faithful servant,) rather than advance 
 his own favour, by unreasonably advancing the pre- 
 rogative on the one hand, or his credit, by courting 
 the popular interest, on the other ; which we hear-
 
 32 PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. 
 
 tily wish all men, in the highest authority under a 
 king of England, may ever remember to practise. 
 
 And whoever are acquainted with the sons of 
 this noble author, must do tliem this justice to own, 
 they have often declared, that they liave found 
 themselves as well the better Christians, as the bet- 
 ter men, for the afflicted as well as prosperous parts 
 of their father's life ; which hath taught them, to be 
 the less surprised with the various turns they have 
 met with in the course of their own. With Saint 
 Paul, they have learnt to know how to he exalted, 
 and how to he ahased. This as Christians : and 
 with Horace, who attributes more to fortune, they 
 have learnt to have always in their minds, 
 
 Laudo manentem : si celeres quatit 
 
 Pe7inas, resigno quce dedit. 
 And having thus glorified God on high, that they 
 may do all in them lies towards promoting peace on 
 earth, they do very heartily declare and profess good- 
 will towards all men ; and bear no vmkindness to 
 any that were the contrivers of the undeserved mis- 
 fortunes of their noble father.
 
 DEDICATION 
 
 PREFIXED TO 
 
 VOL. II. OF THE FIRST EDITION. 
 
 TO 
 THE QUEEN. 
 
 MADAM, 
 
 Ao your majesty is most humbly dedicated this 
 second part of the History of the Rebellion and 
 Civil Wars, written by Edward earl of Clarendon. 
 For to whom so naturally can the works of this 
 author, treating of the times of your royal grand- 
 father, be addressed, as to yourself; now wearing, 
 with lustre and glory, that crown, which, in those 
 unhappy days, was treated with so much contempt 
 and barbarity, and laid low even to the dust ? 
 
 This second part comes with the greater confi- 
 dence into your presence, by the advantage of the 
 favourable reception the first hath met with in the 
 world ; since it is not to be doubted, but the same 
 truth, fairness, and impartiality, that will be found 
 throughout the whole thread of the History, will 
 meet with the same candour from all equal judges. 
 
 It is true, some few persons, whose ancestors are 
 VOL. I. d
 
 34 DEDICATION TO VOL. II. 
 
 here found not to have had that part during their 
 lives which would have been more agreeable to the 
 wishes of their surviving posterity, have been of- 
 fended at some particulars, mentioned in this His- 
 tory, concerning so near relations, and would have 
 them pass for mistaken informations. But it is to 
 be hoped, that such a concern of kindred for their 
 families, though not blameable in them, will rather 
 appear partial on their side ; since it cannot be 
 doubted, but this author must have had his mate- 
 rials from undeniable and unexceptionable hands, 
 and could have no temptation to insert any thing 
 but the truth in a work of this nature, which was 
 designed to remain to posterity, as a faithful record 
 of things and persons in those times, and of his own 
 unquestionable sincerity in the representation of 
 them. 
 
 In this assurance it is humbly hoped, it will not 
 be unprofitable to your majesty to be here informed 
 of the fatal and undeserved misfortunes of one of 
 your ancestors, with the particular and sad occasions 
 of them ; the better to direct your royal person 
 through the continual uncertainties of the greatness 
 of this world. And as your majesty cannot have a 
 better guide, throughout the whole course of your 
 reign, for the good administration of your govern- 
 ment, than history in general, so there cannot be a 
 more useful one to your majesty than this of your 
 own kingdoms ; and it is presumed, without lying 
 under the imputation of misleading your majesty, it 
 may be asserted, that no author could have been
 
 OF THE FIRST EDITION. 35 
 
 better instructed, and have known more of the times 
 and matters of which he writes, than this who is 
 here presented to you. 
 
 Your majesty may depend upon his relations to 
 be true in fact ; and you will find his observations 
 just ; his reflections made with judgment and weight ; 
 and his advices given upon wise and honest princi- 
 ples ; not capable of being now interpreted as sub- 
 servient to any ambition or interest of his own ; and 
 having now outlived the prejudices and partialities 
 of the times in which they were written. And your 
 majesty thus elevated, as by God's blessing you are, 
 from whom a great many truths may be industri- 
 ously concealed, and on whom a gi-eat many wrong 
 notions under false colours may with equal care be 
 obtruded, will have the greater advantage from this 
 faithful remembrancer. 
 
 This author, once a privy counsellor and minister 
 to two great kings, and, in a good degree, favourite 
 to one of them, hath some pretence to be admitted 
 into your majesty's council too, and may become ca- 
 pable of doing you service also ; whilst the accounts 
 he gives of times past, come seasonably to guide 
 you through the times present, and those to come. 
 
 This History may lie upon your table unenvied, 
 and your majesty may pass hours and days in the 
 perusal of it, when, possibly, they who shall be the 
 most useful in your service, may be reflected on for 
 aiming too much at influencing your actions, and 
 engrossing your time. 
 
 From this History your majesty may come to 
 
 d 2
 
 so DEDICATION TO VOL. II. 
 
 know more of the nature and temper of your own 
 people, than hath yet been observed by any other 
 hand. Neither can any living conversation lay be- 
 fore your majesty in one view, so many transactions 
 necessary for your observation. And seeing no 
 prince can he endued in a moment with a perfect 
 experience in the conduct of affairs, whatever know- 
 ledge may be useful to your majesty's government, 
 if it may have been concealed from you in the cir- 
 cumstances of your private life, in this History it 
 may be the most effectually supplied; where your 
 majesty will find the true constitution of your go- 
 vernment, both in church and state, plainly laid be- 
 fore you, as well as the mistakes that were com- 
 mitted in the management of both. 
 
 Here your majesty will see how both those in- 
 terests are inseparable, and ought to be preserved 
 so, and how fatal it hath proved to both, whenever, 
 by the artifice and malice of wicked and self-design- 
 ing men, they have happened to be divided. And 
 though your majesty will see here, how a great king 
 lost his kingdoms, and at last his life, in the defence 
 of this church, you will discern too, that it was by 
 men who were no better friends to monarchy than 
 to true religion, that his calamities were brought 
 upon him ; and as it was the method of those men 
 to take exceptions first to the ceremonies and out- 
 ward order of the church, that they might attack 
 her the more surely in her very being and founda- 
 tion, so they could not destroy the state, which they 
 chiefly designed, till they had first overturned the
 
 OF THE FIKST EDITION. 37 
 
 church. And a truth it is which cannot be contro- 
 verted, that the monarchy of England is not now 
 capable of being supported, but upon the principles 
 of the church of England ; from whence it will be 
 very natural to conclude, that the preserving them 
 both firmly united together is the likeliest way for 
 your majesty to reign happily over your subjects. 
 
 The religion by law established is such a vital 
 part of the government, so constantly woven and 
 mixed into every branch of it, that generally men 
 look upon it as a good part of their property too ; 
 since that, and the government of the church, is 
 secured to them by the same provision. So that it 
 seems that, next to treason against your sacred per- 
 son, an invasion upon the church ought to be 
 watched and prevented by those wlio have the ho- 
 nour to be trusted in the public administration, with 
 the strictest care and diligence, as the best way to 
 preserve your person and government in their just 
 dignity and authority. 
 
 Amongst all the observations, that may be made 
 out of this History, there seems none more melan- 
 cholic, than that, after so much misery and deso- 
 lation brought upon these kingdoms by that unna- 
 tural civil war, which hath yet left so many deep 
 and lamentable marks of its rage and fury, there 
 have hitherto appeared so few signs of repentance 
 and reformation. 
 
 Some persons will see, they are designed to be 
 excepted out of this remark, whose conduct hath 
 happily made amends for the mistakes of their an- 
 
 d 3 
 
 O ■-:i ^J O-t
 
 38 DEDICATION TO VOL. II. 
 
 cestors, and whose practice in the stations they are 
 now in does sufficiently distinguish them. Happy 
 were it for the nation, had all the rest thought fit 
 to follow so good examples, and that either acts of 
 indemnity and oblivion, or acts of grace and fav^our, 
 or employments of authority, riches, and honour, 
 had hitherto been able to recover many of them to 
 the temper of good subjects. The truth of this ob- 
 servation is set forth by this author in so lively a 
 manner, that one hath frequent occasions to look on 
 him as a prophet as well as an historian, in several 
 particulars mentioned in this book. 
 
 That this remark may not look fro ward or angry, 
 with great submission to your majesty, it may be 
 considered, what can be the meaning of the several 
 seminaries, and as it were universities, set up in di- 
 vers parts of the kingdom, by more than ordinary 
 industry, contrary to law, supported by large contri- 
 butions ; where the youth is bred up in principles 
 directly contrary to monarchical and episcopal go- 
 vernment ? What can be the meaning of the con- 
 stant solemnizing by some men the anniversary of 
 that dismal thirtieth of January, in scandalous and 
 opprobrious feasting and jesting, which the law of 
 the land hath commanded to be perpetually ob- 
 served in fasting and humiliation ? If no sober man 
 can say any thing in the defence of such actions, so 
 destructive to the very essence of the government, 
 and yet impossible to be conducted without much 
 consultation and advice, it is hoped this reflection 
 will not be thought to have proceeded from an un-
 
 OF THE FIRST EDITION. 39 
 
 charitable and ill-natured spirit, but from a dutiful 
 and tender regard to the good of the nation, and 
 the prosperity of your majesty's reign. 
 
 In the mean time, whether this does not look like 
 an industrious propagation of the rebellious princi- 
 ples of the last age, and on that score render it ne- 
 cessary that your majesty should have an eye to- 
 ward such unaccountable proceedings, is humbly 
 submitted to your majesty ; who will make a better 
 judgment upon the whole than any others can sug- 
 gest to you : you have a greater interest to do it ; 
 you have much more to preserve, and much more 
 to lose ; you have the happiness of your kingdoms, 
 your crown, and your government to secure, in a 
 time of as great difficulties, as ever were yet known, 
 under a very expensive war at present, and some 
 circumstances attending it in relation to these na- 
 tions, that may continue even after a peace ; besides 
 the danger of a future separation of the two king- 
 doms, very uncomfortable to reflect on ; which yet, 
 in all probability, will have influence upon the pre- 
 sent times too, if it comes once to be thought that it 
 is inevitable. 
 
 God give your majesty a safe and prosperous pas- 
 sage through so many appearances of hazard; you 
 can never want undertakers of divers sorts, who, ac- 
 cording to their several politics, will warrant you 
 success if you will trust them : but your real happi- 
 ness will very much depend upon yourself, and your 
 choosing to honour with your service such persons 
 as are honest, stout, and wise. 
 
 d 4
 
 40 DEDICATION TO VOL. II. 
 
 If informations of times past may be useful, this 
 author will deserve a share of credit with you, whose 
 reputation and experience were so great in his life- 
 time, that they will be recorded in times to come 
 for the real services he did, besides the honour, and 
 gi'eat fortune, unusual to a subject, of having been 
 grandfather to two great queens, your royal sister 
 and yourself; both so well beloved and esteemed by 
 your people ; both so willing and zealous to do good. 
 Her power indeed was more limited and dependent ; 
 but her early death made room for your majesty's 
 more unrestrained and sovereign authority, and re- 
 signed to yourself alone the more lasting dispensa- 
 tion of those blessings that came from Heaven to you 
 both. 
 
 If the benefit your majesty may reap by the per- 
 usal of this History, shall prove serviceable to after- 
 times, it will be remembered to the praise and ho- 
 nour of his name ; and your majesty yourself will 
 not be displeased to allow his memory a share of 
 that advantage ; nor be offended with being put in 
 mind, that your English heart, so happily owned by 
 yourself, and adored by your subjects, had not been 
 so entirely English, without a communication with 
 his heart too, than which there never was one more 
 devoted to the good of his country, and the firm 
 establishment of the crown. 
 
 It being designed by this dedication only to in- 
 troduce this noble author into your presence, it 
 would be contrary to the intention of it to take up 
 more of your majesty's time here ; it is best there-
 
 OF THE FIRST EDITION. 41 
 
 fore to leave this faithful counsellor alone with you. 
 For God's sake, madam, and your own, be pleased 
 to read him with attention, and serious and frequent 
 reflections ; and from thence, in conjunction with 
 your own heart, prescribe to yourself the methods 
 of true and lasting greatness, and the solid maxims 
 of a sovereign truly English : that during this life 
 you may exceed in felicities and fame, and after this 
 life, in reputation and esteem, that glorious prede- 
 cessor of your majesty's, the renowned first Semper 
 Eaclem, whose motto you have chosen, and whose 
 pattern you seem to have taken for your great ex- 
 ample, to your own immortal glory, and the defence, 
 security, and prosperity of the kingdoms you go- 
 vern. 
 
 And God grant you may do so long.
 
 DEDICATION 
 
 PREFIXED TO 
 
 VOL. III. OF THE FIRST EDITION. 
 
 TO 
 
 THE QUEEN. 
 
 MADAM, 
 
 ▼\lTH all duty and submission comes into the 
 world the last part of this History imder your ma- 
 jesty's protection ; a just tribute to your majesty, as 
 well on the account of the memory of the author, so 
 long engaged, and so usefully, in the service of the 
 crown, as of the work itself, so worthily memorable 
 for the great subject he treats of, and so instructive, 
 by his noble way of treating it. 
 
 This work, now it is completely published, relates 
 the transactions of near twenty years ; hardly to be 
 paralleled in any other time, or place, for the won- 
 derful turns and passages in it. In this space of 
 time, your majesty sees your own country at the 
 highest pitch of happiness and prosperity, and the 
 lowest degree of adversity and misery. So that, 
 when a man carries his thoughts and his memory 
 over all the occurrences of those times, he seems to
 
 44 DEDICATION TO VOL. III. 
 
 be under the power of some enchantment, and to 
 dream, rather than read, the relations of so many 
 surprising revolutions. The peace and the plenty 
 of this kingdom, and, in so short a space of time, 
 the bloody desolation of it by a most wicked rebel- 
 lion, the ruin of so many noble and great families, 
 and the devastation of their estates ; and, after this, 
 the restitution of all things as at the l>eginning, is 
 hardly credible at this time, even so soon after aU 
 these things came to pass. 
 
 When your majesty sees one of your royal an- 
 cestors, the first who lived to reign as heir to the 
 two crowns of Great Britain united, and, on that 
 account, higher in reputation, honour, and power, 
 than any of his predecessors, brought, by unac- 
 countable administrations on the one hand, and by 
 vile contrivances on the other, into the greatest 
 difficulties and distresses throughout all his king- 
 doms ; then left and abandoned by most of his ser- 
 vants, whom he had himself raised to the greatest 
 honours and preferments ; thus reduced to have 
 scarce one faithful able counsellor about him, to 
 whom he ,could hreathe his conscience and com- 
 plaints, and from whom he might expect one ho- 
 nest, sound, disinterested advice : after this, how 
 he was obliged to take up arms, and to contend 
 with his own subjects in the field for his crown, 
 the laws, his liberty, and life ; there meeting with 
 unequal fortune, how he was driven from one part 
 of the kingdom, and from one body of an army to 
 another, till at last he was brought under the
 
 OF THE FIRST EDITION. 45 
 
 power of cruel and merciless men, imprisoned, ar- 
 raigned, condemned, and executed like a common 
 malefactor : and after this still, when your majesty 
 sees his enemies triumphing for a time in their 
 own guilt, and ruling over their fellows, and first 
 companions in wickedness, with successful inso- 
 lence, till these very men by force, and fraud, and 
 sundry artifices, still getting the better of one an- 
 other, brought all government into such confusion 
 and anarchy, that no one of them could subsist ; 
 and how then, by God's providence, the heir of 
 the royal martyr was invited and brought home 
 by the generality of the people, and their represen- 
 tatives, to return, and take on him the govern- 
 ment, in as full an exercise of it as any of his pre- 
 decessors had ever enjoyed ; not subject to any of 
 those treaties, or conditions, which had been so 
 often offered by his father to the men then in 
 credit and power, and, in their })ride and fury, had 
 been as often rejected by them : when your ma- 
 jesty sees before you all this begun, and carried 
 on in violence and war, and concluded in a peace- 
 ful restoration, within the space of twenty years, 
 by Englishmen alone amongst themselves, without 
 the intervention of any foreign power ; many of 
 the same hands joining in the recovery and set- 
 tlement, as they had done before in the destruc- 
 tion, of their country ; your majesty will certainly 
 say, 
 
 This was the Lord's doing, and it must ever he 
 marvellous in our eyes.
 
 46 DEDICATION TO VOL. III. 
 
 An account of this great work of God coming to 
 be published in your majesty's time, it is humbly 
 conceived not improper to congratulate your good 
 fortune, that, in the beginning of your reign, such a 
 history of the greatest matters, passed within your 
 own dominions, comes to light ; as well for the ne- 
 cessity there may be, after above forty years run out 
 in a very unsettled and various management of the 
 public affairs, to put men in mind again of those 
 mischiefs under which so many great men fell on 
 both sides, as in hopes, that on your majesty's ac- 
 count, and for the glory of your name, whom your 
 people have universally received with joy, this ge- 
 neration may be inclined to let these fresh examples 
 of good and evil sink into their minds, and make a 
 deeper impression in them to follow the one, and 
 avoid the other. 
 
 From the year 1660 to very near 1685, which 
 was the time of king Charles the Second's reign 
 here in England, it must needs be owned, that, 
 with all the very good understanding and excellent 
 good nature of that king, there was a great mix- 
 ture of counsels, and great vicissitudes of good and 
 bad events, almost throughout that space of time 
 attending his government. They seem indeed to 
 be somewhat like the four seasons of the year ; of 
 which three quarters are generally fair, hopeful, 
 flourishing, and gay ; but there come as constantly 
 severe winters, that freeze, wither, destroy, and cut 
 off many hopeful plants, and expectations of things 
 to come.
 
 OF THE FIRST EDITION. 47 
 
 It must be owned too, since it can never be con- 
 cealed, that, from the beginning of the restoration, 
 there was, certainly, not such a return to God Al- 
 mighty for the wonderful blessings he had poured 
 out with so liberal a hand, as, no doubt, was due to 
 the great Author and Giver of all that happiness : 
 neither was there such a prudence in the admi- 
 nistration, or such a steadiness in the conduct of af- 
 fairs, as the fresh experience of the forgone misfor- 
 tunes might well have forewarned those that were 
 intrusted in it, to have pursued with courage and 
 constancy. It is but too notorious there was great 
 forgetfulness of God, as well as manifest mistakes 
 towards the world ; which quickly brought forth 
 fruits meet for such undutifulness and ill con- 
 duct. 
 
 The next four years after that reign were at- 
 tended with more fatal miscarriages ; over which it 
 may be more decent to draw a veil, than to enter 
 into a particular enumeration of them. Many great 
 princes have been led unawares into irrecoverable 
 errors ; and the greater they are, so many more 
 particular persons are usually involved in the ca- 
 lamity. 
 
 What followed after this time, till your majesty's 
 most happy coming to the throne, is so fresh in the 
 memory of all men yet living, that every one will 
 be best able to make his own observations upon it. 
 Such deliverances have their pangs in the birth, that 
 much weaken the constitution, in endeavouring to 
 preserve and amend it.
 
 48 DEDICATION TO VOL. III. 
 
 And now your majesty, who succeeds to a revo- 
 lution as well as a restoration, has the advantage of 
 a retrospect on all these accidents, and the benefit 
 of reviewing all the failings in those times : and 
 whatsoever was wanting, at those opportunities of 
 amending past errors, in the management of affairs, 
 for the better establishment of the crown, and the 
 security of the true old English government, it will 
 be your majesty's happiness to supply in your time : 
 a time in some sort resembling the auspicious begin- 
 ning of king Charles the Second's restoration ; for 
 in that time, as now in your majesty's, the people 
 of this kingdom ran cheerfully into obedience ; the 
 chiefest offenders lay quiet under a sense of their 
 own crimes, and an apprehension of the reward 
 justly due to them ; and all your subjects went 
 out to meet your majesty with duty, and most with 
 love. 
 
 Comparisons of times may be as odious as that of 
 persons ; and therefore no more shall be said here 
 on that subject, than that since the restoration, and 
 some few years after it, given up to joy and the for- 
 getfulness of past miseries, there hath been no time 
 that brought so much hope of quiet, and so general 
 a satisfaction to these kingdoms, as that on which 
 we saw your majesty so happily seated upon the 
 throne of your ancestors. Among all the signs of 
 greatness and glory in a prince's reign, there is 
 none more really advantageous, none more comfort- 
 able, than that which Virgil remarks as a felicity in 
 the time of Augustus,
 
 OF THE FIRST EDITION. 49 
 
 When abroad the sovereign is j^^'osperous, and 
 at home does govern subjects ivilUng to obey : 
 When it is not fear that drives and compels them, 
 but affection and loving-kindness that draws them 
 to their duty ; and makes them rejoice under the 
 laws by which they are governed. Such was cer- 
 tainly the time of your majesty's first entrance ; and 
 such God grant it may be ever. 
 
 The two first volumes of this History have laid 
 before your majesty the original causes and the 
 foundations of the rebellion and civil war ; the con- 
 trivances, designs, and consultations in it ; and the 
 miserable events of it ; and seemed to have finished 
 the whole war, when the author, at the very end of 
 the ninth book, says, that^*0/w that time there re- 
 mained no possibiUfy for the king to draw any 
 more troops together in the field. And when 
 there is an end of action in the field, tlie inquiries 
 into the consequences afterwards are usually less 
 warm. 
 
 But it happens in the course of this History, that 
 several new scenes of new wars, and the events of 
 them, are opened in this volume ; which, it is hoped, 
 will prove exceeding useful, even in those parts, 
 where, by reason of the sadness of the subject, it 
 cannot be delightful, and, in all other parts of it, 
 both useful and delightful. 
 
 Your majesty especially, who must have your 
 heart perpetually intent to see what followed in the 
 close of all those wars, and by what means and me- 
 thods the loss of all that noble and innocent blood, 
 
 VOL. I. e
 
 50 DEDICATION TO VOL. III. 
 
 and particularly that portion of tiie royal stream 
 then spilt, was recompensed upon their heads who 
 were the wicked contrivers of the parricide, and 
 how at last the miseries of these nations, and the 
 sufferings of your royal family, were all recovered 
 by God Almighty's own unerring hand, will, no 
 doubt, be more agreeably entertained in this volume 
 with the relation of the secret steps of the return of 
 God's mercy, than when he still seemed openly to 
 have forsaken his own oppressed cause ; wherein so 
 much of what was dearest to yourself was so highly 
 concerned. 
 
 Of the transactions within these kingdoms, soon 
 after the war was ended, especially just before and 
 after the barbarous murder of the blessed king, 
 this author could have but short and imperfect in- 
 formations abroad. It cannot therefore justly be ex- 
 pected that he should be so full or minute in many 
 circumstances relating to the actions and consulta- 
 tions of that party here at home, as are to be found 
 in some other writers, whose business it was to in- 
 tend only such matters. 
 
 One thing indeed were very much to be wished, 
 that he had given the world a more distinct and 
 particular narrative of that pious king's last most 
 magnanimous sufferings in his imprisonments, trial, 
 and death. But it seems the remembrance of all 
 those deplorable passages was so grievous and in- 
 supportable to the writer's mind, that he abhorred 
 the dwelling long upon them, and chose rather to 
 contract the whole black tragedy within too narrow
 
 OF THE FIRST EDITION. 51 
 
 a compass. But this is a loss that can only now be 
 lamented, not repaired. 
 
 But when the History brings your majesty to 
 what the noble writer esteemed one of his principal 
 businesses in this volume, to attend king Charles 
 the Second, and his two royal brothers, throughout 
 all their wanderings, which take up a considerable 
 share of it, and are most accurately and knowingly 
 described by him, as having been a constant witness 
 of most of them, it is presumed, this part may give 
 your majesty equal satisfaction to any that is gone 
 before it. It will not be unpleasant to your majesty, 
 since you have known so well the happy conclusion 
 of it, to see the banished king under his long ad- 
 verse fortune, and how many years of trouble and 
 distress he patiently waited God Almighty's ap- 
 pointed time, for his redemption from that captivity. 
 
 In that disconsolate time of distress and lowness 
 of his fortune, your majesty will find cause to ob- 
 serve, that there were factions even then in his 
 little court beyond sea ; so inseparable are such in- 
 decent and unchristian contentions from all com- 
 nmnities of men : they are like tai'es sown hy cm 
 enemy amongst the wheats whilst good men sleep. 
 
 Upon tiie subject of the factions in those days, 
 there is a particular passage in this History, of two 
 parties in that court abroad, who thought it f^orth 
 their while, even then to be very industrious in pro- 
 secuting this author with unjust and false accusa- 
 tions. And the author himself observes, that, how- 
 soever those parties seemed, on most other accounts, 
 
 e 2
 
 52 DEDICATION TO VOL. III. 
 
 incompatible the one with the other, they were very 
 heartily united in endeavouring to compass his de- 
 struction ; and for no other reason, that ever ap- 
 peared, but his being an unwearied assertor of the 
 church of England's cause, and a constant friend 
 and servant to the true interest of it ; to which 
 either of them was really more irreconcileable, 
 than they were to each other, whatsoever they pre- 
 tended. 
 
 This passage seems to deserve a particular reflec- 
 tion, because, within few years after that king's re- 
 storation, some of both those parties joined again 
 in attacking this noble author, and accusing him 
 anew of the very same pretended crimes they had 
 objected to him abroad; where there had been so 
 much malice shewed on one side, and so much 
 natural and irresistible innocency appeared on the 
 other, that one would have thought, no arrow out 
 of the same quiver could have been enough enve- 
 nomed to have hurt so faithful, so constant, and so 
 tried a servant to the church and crown. 
 
 This particular, and another, wherein your ma- 
 jesty will find what advice this author gave his 
 royal master, upon the occasion of his being much 
 pressed to go to church to Charenton, and how 
 some intrigues, and snares, cunningly laid on one 
 side, were very plainly and boldly withstood on the 
 other by this author, will let the world see, why 
 this man was by any means to be removed, if his 
 adversaries could effect it, as one that was perpe- 
 tually crossing their mischievous designs, by an ha-
 
 OF THE FIRST EDITION. 53 
 
 bitiial course of adhering iinmoveably to the interest 
 of this church and nation. 
 
 In the progress of this book, your majesty will 
 also find some very near that king whilst he was 
 abroad, endeavouring to take advantage of the for- 
 lorn and desperate circumstances of his fortune, to 
 persuade him, that the party who had fought for 
 his father was an insignificant, a despicable, and un- 
 done number of men; and, on this account, putting 
 him on the thoughts of marrying some Roman ca- 
 tholic lady, who might engage those of that religion, 
 both at home and abroad, in his majesty's interest ; 
 others at the same time, with equal importunity, re- 
 commending the power of the presbyterians, as most 
 able to do him service, and bring him home. 
 
 This noble author all this while persisted, in the 
 integrity of his soul, to use that credit his faithful- 
 ness and truth had gained him, to convince the 
 king, that foreign force was a strength not desir- 
 able for him to depend on, and, if it were suspected 
 to be on the interest of popery, of all things most 
 likely to prevent and disappoint his restoration ; 
 that for his own subjects, none of them were to be 
 neglected; his arms ought to be stretched out to 
 receive them all ; but the old royal party was that 
 his majesty should chiefly rely on, both to assist him 
 in his return, and afterwards to establish his govern- 
 ment. 
 
 This noble author had been a watchful observer 
 of all that had passed in the time of the troubles ; 
 and had the opportunity to have seen the actions, 
 
 e 3
 
 54 DEDICATION TO VOL. III. 
 
 and penetrated, in a good measure, into the consul- 
 tations of those days, and was no ill judge of the 
 temper and nature of mankind ; and he, it seems, 
 could not be of opinion, but that they who had ven- 
 tured all for the father, would be the truest and 
 firmest friends to the son. 
 
 Whether this grew up in him to be his judg- 
 mentj from his observation of the rules of nature, 
 and a general practice in all wise men to depend 
 most on the service and affection of those who had 
 been steady to them in their distresses ; or whether 
 a lukewarm trimming indifferency, though some- 
 times dignified with the character of politics, did 
 not suit with his plain dealing, it is certain, he never 
 could advise a prince to hold a conduct that should 
 grieve and disoblige his old friends, in hope of get- 
 ting new ones, and make all his old enemies rejoice. 
 But, however his malicious prosecutors afterwards 
 scandalized him, as being the author of such coun- 
 sels, and objected to him what was their own ad- 
 vice and practice, he really tliought this kind of 
 conduct weakened the hands, and tended to the 
 subversion of any government. And the success 
 has approved this judgment ; for in the very incon- 
 stant and variable administration under that king, 
 it was found by experience, and to this day the 
 memorials of it are extant, that he had quiet and 
 calm days, or more rough and boisterous weather, 
 as he favoured or discountenanced his own party ; 
 called indeed a parti/ by the enemies of it, upon 
 a levelling principle of allowing no distinctions ;
 
 OF THE FIRST EDITION. 55 
 
 tlioiigh all who have contended against it were pro- 
 perly but ^jr/r//(?* ; whilst that was then, and is 
 still, on the advantage-ground of being established 
 by the laws, and incorporated into the govern- 
 ment. 
 
 By degrees your majesty is brought, in the course 
 of this History, as it were to the top of some exalted 
 height, from whence you may Ijehold all the errors 
 and misfortunes of the time past with advantage to 
 yourself; may view armies drawn up, and battles 
 fought, without your part of the danger; and, by 
 the experience of former misfortunes, establish your 
 own security. 
 
 It seems to be a situation not unlike that of the 
 temple of wisdom in Lucretius ; from whence he 
 advises his readers to look down on all the vanity 
 and hurry of the world. And as that philosophical 
 poet does very movingly describe the pursuits of 
 those whom lie justly styles miseral)le men, distract- 
 ing themselves in wearisome contentions about the 
 business and greatness of an empty world ; so does 
 this noble historian, with true and evident deduc- 
 tions from one cause and event to another, and such 
 an agreeable thread of entertainment, that one is 
 never content to give over reading, bring your ma- 
 jesty to an easy ascent over all the knowledge of 
 those miserable times ; from whence, not in specu- 
 lation only, but really and experimentally, you may 
 look down on all the folly, and madness, and wick- 
 edness of those secret contrivances, and open vio- 
 lences, whereljy the nation, as well as the crown, 
 
 e 4
 
 56 DEDICATION TO VOL. III. 
 
 was ])roiight to desolation ; and see how falsely and 
 weakly those great and busy disturbers of peace 
 pretended reformation and religion, and to be seek- 
 ing God in every one of their rebellious and sinful 
 actions ; whereas God was not to be found in their 
 thunder, nor their earthquakes, that seemed to 
 shake the foundations of the world ; but in the still 
 voice of peace he came at last, to defeat and disap- 
 point all their inventions : that God, to whom ven- 
 geance belongs, arose, and shewed himself in de- 
 fence of that righteous cause of the crown and 
 church ; which your majesty will observe to have 
 been combined against, fought with, overthrown, 
 and in the end raised and reestablished together. 
 Now these thing's happened for ensamples^ and 
 they are written for our admonition. 
 
 It is now most humbly submitted to your ma- 
 jesty's judgment, whether the consideration of these 
 matters, set forth in this History, be not the most 
 useful prospect, not for yourself only, but your 
 noblest train, your great council, the lords spiritual 
 and temporal, and the commons in parliament as- 
 sembled. 
 
 When your majesty is so attended, by God's 
 blessing, no power on earth will be able to disap- 
 point your wisdom, or resist your will. And there 
 may be need of all this power and authority, to 
 preserve and defend your subjects, as well as your 
 crown, from the like distractions and invasions. 
 There may want the concurrence of a parliament 
 to prevent the return of the same mischievous prac-
 
 OF THE FIRST EDITION. 57 
 
 tices, and to restrain the madness of men of the same 
 principles in this age, as destroyed the last ; such as 
 think themselves even more capable than those in 
 the last, to carry on the like wicked designs ; such 
 as take themselves to be informed, even from this 
 History, how to mend the mistakes then committed 
 by the principal directors on that side, and by a 
 more refined skill in wickedness to be able once 
 again to overthrow the monarchy, and then to per- 
 petuate the destruction of it. 
 
 There is no doubt, madam, but every thing that 
 is represented to your majesty of this nature will 
 find a party ready to deny it ; that will join hand 
 in hand to assure the world there is no such thing. 
 It is a common cause, and it is their interest, if 
 they can, to persuade men, that it is only the heat 
 and warmth of high-church inventions, that suggest 
 such fears and jealousies. 
 
 But let any impartial person judge, to whom all 
 the libertines of the republican party are like to 
 unite themselves ; and whether it is imaginable, that 
 the established government, either in church or 
 state, can be strengthened, or served by them. 
 They must go to the enemies of both, and pretend 
 there is no such thing as a republican party in 
 England, that they may be the less observed, and 
 go on the more secure in their destructive projects. 
 
 They can have no better game to play, than to 
 declare, that none but Jacobites alarm the nation 
 with these apprehensions ; and that Jacobites are 
 much greater enemies than themselves to your ma-
 
 58 DEDICATION TO VOL. III. 
 
 jesty. Let that be so : no man, in his wits, can 
 say any thing to your majesty in behalf of any, let 
 them be who they will, that will not own your 
 government, and wish the prosperity and the hap- 
 piness of it, and contribute all they can to main- 
 tain it. 
 
 But whilst these men most falsely asperse the 
 sons of the church of England for being Jacobites, 
 let them rather clear themselves of what they were 
 lately charged before your majesty, that there are 
 societies of them which celebrate the horrid thirtieth 
 of January, with an execrable solemnity of scandal- 
 ous mirth ; and that they have seminaries, and a 
 sort of universities, in England, maintained by great 
 contributions, where the fiercest doctrines against 
 monarchical and episcopal government are taught 
 and propagated, and where they bear an implacable 
 hatred to your majesty's title, name, and family. 
 
 This seems to be a torrent that cannot be resisted 
 but by the whole legislative authority ; neither can 
 your throne, which they are thus perpetually assault- 
 ing or undermining, be supported by a less power. 
 
 In these difficulties your great council will, over 
 and above their personal duty to your majesty, take 
 themselves to be more concerned to be zealous in 
 the defence of your royal prerogative, as well as of 
 their own just rights and privileges, in that it was 
 under the name and style of a parliament, though 
 very unjustly so called, that all the mischiefs men- 
 tioned in this History were brought upon tlie king- 
 dom.
 
 OF THE FIRST EDITION. 59 
 
 They best can discover the craft and subtilty for- 
 merly used in those consultations ; which first in- 
 veigled and drew men in from one wickedness to 
 another, before they were aw are of what they were 
 doing ; and engaged them to think themselves not 
 safe, but by doing greater evils than they began 
 with. 
 
 They will, no doubt, be filled with a just in- 
 dignation against all that hypocrisy and villainy, 
 by which the English name and nation were ex- 
 posed to the censure of the rest of the world : they 
 only can be able to present your majesty with re- 
 medies proper and adequate to all these evils, by 
 which God may be glorified, and the ancient con- 
 stitution of this government retrieved and sup- 
 ported. 
 
 There is one calamity more, that stands in need 
 of a cure from your own sovereign hand. It is in 
 truth a peculiar calamity fallen most heavily on 
 this age, which though it took its chief rise from 
 the disorderly, dissolute times of those wars, and 
 has monstrously increased ever since, yet was never 
 owned so much as now, and that is a barefaced 
 contempt and disuse of all religion whatsoever. And 
 indeed what could so much feigned sanctity, and so 
 much real wickedness, during that rebellion begun 
 in 1641, produce else in foolish men's hearts, than 
 to say. There is no God f 
 
 This irreligion was then pretended to be covered 
 with a more signal morality and precise strictness 
 in life and conversation, which was to be a recom-
 
 60 DEDICATION TO VOL. III. 
 
 pense for the loss of Christianity. But now, even 
 that shadow of godliness and virtue is fled too. 
 Atheism and profaneness, diligently cultivated, have 
 not failed to produce a prostitution of all manners 
 in contempt of all government. 
 
 This profaneness and impiety seems, next to the 
 horrible confusions of the late rebellion, to have 
 gained ground chiefly by this method, that, when 
 many who have been in authority have not, on se- 
 veral accounts, been heartily affected to the support 
 of the church established by law, there has crept 
 in, by little and little, a liberty against all reli- 
 gion. For where the chief advisers or managers 
 of public affairs have inclined to alterations, which 
 the established rules have not countenanced, they 
 durst not cause the laws to be put in execution, 
 for fear of turning the force of them on them- 
 selves ; so their next refuge has been to suffer men 
 to observe no discipline or government at all. 
 
 Thus the church of England, put to nurse, as it 
 were, sometimes to such as have been inclined to 
 popery, and sometimes to other sects, and some- 
 times to men indifferent to all religion, hath been 
 in danger of being starved, or overlaid, by all of 
 them ; and the ill consequence has redounded not 
 only to the members of that communion, but to all 
 the professors of Christianity itself. 
 
 Whoever have ventured to give warning of these 
 wicked designs and practices, have been rendered 
 as persons of ill temper and very bad affections. 
 They that have been in credit and authority, have
 
 OF THE FIRST EDITION. 61 
 
 been frequently inclined to be favourable to the 
 men complained of; it has been oifered on their 
 behalf, that their intentions were good; and that 
 it was even the interest of the government to cover 
 their principles, whatever might be the consequences 
 of them. 
 
 Thus these mischiefs have been still growing, 
 and no laws have hitherto reached them ; and, pos- 
 sibly, they are become incapable of a remedy ; un- 
 less your majesty's great example of piety and vir- 
 tue shall have sufficient influence to amend them : 
 no honest man can say it is not reasonable, and 
 even necessary to watch them ; and that, in com- 
 passion to your subjects, as well as justice to your- 
 self. This History hath shewn your majesty their 
 fruits in the late times, by which you shall know 
 them still ; for your majesty well remembers who 
 has said, that Men do not gather grajoes of thorns^ 
 or Jigs oj" thistles. 
 
 That God may give your majesty a discerning 
 spirit, a wise and understanding heart, to judge 
 aright of all things that belong to your peace; 
 that he may enable you to subdue your enemies 
 abroad by successful counsels and arms, and to re- 
 duce your ill-willers at home by prudent laws, ad- 
 ministered with the meekness of wisdom ; that he 
 would give you length of days in one hand, and 
 riches and honour in the other ; that you, in your 
 days, may have the glory to restore good nature 
 (for which the English nation was formerly so ce- 
 lebrated) and good manners, as well as the sin-
 
 62 DEDICATION, &c. 
 
 cere profession and universal practice of the true 
 religion, in your kingdoms; and that his almighty 
 power may defend you with his favourable kind- 
 ness as with a shield, against all your adversaries 
 of every kind, are the zealous, constant, and de- 
 vout prayers of so many milHons, that it were the 
 highest presumption in any one person, to subscribe 
 a particular name to so universal a concern.
 
 THE 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 REBELLION, &c. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 Deut. iv. 7, 8, 9. 
 For what nation is there so great^ zcho hath God so nigh 
 
 unto them, as the Lord our God is in all things thai we 
 
 call upon him for ? 
 And what nation is there so great, that hath statutes and 
 
 Judgments so righteous as all this laia, which I set before 
 
 you this day ? 
 Only take heed to thyself, and keep thy soul diligently, lest 
 
 thou forget the things which thine eyes have seen.^ 
 
 A HAT posterity may not be deceived, by the The preface 
 prosperous wickedness of those ^ times of which I h.oi!^ '*"" 
 write, '^ into an opinion, that nothing^ less than a 
 
 * THE HISTORY OF THE RE- THAT CONTRIBUTED THERE- 
 
 BELLION, &C.] A TRUE HISTO- UNTO. 
 
 RICALL NARRATION OF THE RE- ^DeUT. IV. SeenJ] NotiniMS. 
 
 BELLION AND CIVILL WARRS ^ tllOSe] these 
 
 IN ENGLAND BEGUNN IN THE '^ of which 1 Write,] Not in 
 
 YEARE 1641, WITH THE PR^- MS. 
 
 CEDENT PASSAGES AND ACTIONS ^ nothing] Not in MS. 
 VOL. I. B
 
 2 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK general combination, and universal apostasy in the 
 whole nation from their religion and allegiance, 
 could, in so short a time, have produced such a total 
 and prodigious alteration and confusion over the 
 whole kingdom ; and that^ the memory of those, s 
 who, out of duty and conscience, have opposed ^^ that 
 torrent, which did overwhelm' them, may not"^ lose 
 the recompense due to their virtue; but,' having 
 undergone the injuries and reproaches of this, may 
 find™ a vindication in a better age ; it wiU not be 
 unuseful, for the information of the judgment and 
 conscience of men," to present to the world a full 
 and clear narration of the grounds, circumstances, 
 and artifices of this rebellion : not only from the 
 time since the flame hath been visible in a civil war, 
 but, looking farther back, from those former pas- 
 sages and accidents," by which the seed-plots were 
 made and framed, from whence those^^ mischiefs 
 have successively grown to the height they have 
 since arrived at.i 
 
 And"^ in this ensuing history,^ though the hand 
 and judgment of God wiU be very visible, in the in- 
 fatuating a people (as ripe and prepared for destruc- 
 tion) into all the perverse actions of folly and mad- 
 ness, making the weak to contribute to the designs 
 of the wicked, and suffering even those, by degrees, 
 
 ' that] so men,] at least to the curiosity 
 
 g those,] those few, if not the conscience of men, 
 ^ opposed] opposed and re- " and accidents,] accidents 
 
 sisted and actions, 
 ' did ovcrwhehii] hath over- P those] these 
 
 whehiied ^ have since arrived at,] are 
 
 k not] Not in MS. now at. 
 ' but,] and, •■ And] And then 
 
 ™ may find] may not find ' in this ensuing history,] 
 
 " for the information of the Not in MS. 
 
 judgment and conscience of
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 8 
 
 out of a^ conscience of their guilt, to grow more book 
 wicked than they intended to be ; letting the wise ' 
 to be imposed upon by men of small understanding,y 
 and permitting the innocent to be possessed^ with 
 laziness and sleep in the most visible article of dan- 
 ger ; uniting the ill, though of the most different 
 opinions, opposite^ interests, and distant affections, 
 in a firm and constant league of mischief; and di- 
 viding those, whose opinions and interests are the 
 same, into faction and emulation, more pernicious 
 to the public than the treason of the others : whilst 
 the poor people, under pretence of zeal to religion, 
 law, liberty, and parliaments, (words of precious es- 
 teem in their just signification,) are furiously hur- 
 ried into actions introducing atheism, and dissolving 
 all the elements of Christian religion ; cancelling all 
 obligations, and destroying all foundations of law 
 and liberty ; and rendering, not only the privileges, 
 but the*^ very being, of parliaments desperate and 
 impracticable :'^ I say, though the immediate finger 
 and wrath of God must be acknowledged in these 
 perplexities and distractions ; yet he who shall dili- 
 gently observe the distempers and conjunctures of 
 time, the ambition, pride, and folly of persons, and 
 the sudden growth of wickedness, from want of care 
 and circumspection in the first impressions, will find 
 all these miseries'^ to have proceeded, and to have 
 been brought upon us, from the same natural causes 
 and means, which have usually attended kingdoms 
 
 ^ a] the '^ opposite] divided 
 
 y small understanding,] no ^ the] Not in MS. 
 
 understanding, "^ impracticable :] impossible: 
 
 ^ permitting the innocent to '^ these miseries] this bulk of 
 
 be possessed] possessing the in- misery 
 nocent 
 
 B 2
 
 4 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK swoln with long plenty, pride, and excess, towards 
 ' some signal mortification,^ and castigation of Hea- 
 ven. And it may be, upon the consideration how 
 impossible it was to foresee *^ many things that have 
 happened, and of the necessity of overlooking s many 
 other things, we may not yet find the cure so des- 
 perate, but that, by God's mercy, the wounds may 
 be again bound up ;^^ and then this prospect may 
 not make the future peace less pleasant and du- 
 rable. 
 
 I have' the more willingly induced myself to this 
 -~ unequal task, out of the hope of contributing some- 
 what to that blessed '" end : and though a piece of 
 this nature (wherein the infirmities of some, and the 
 malice of others,^ must be boldly looked upon and 
 mentioned) is not likely to be published in the age"" 
 in which it is writ, yet it may serve to inform my- 
 self, and some others, what we ought" to do, as well 
 as to comfort us in what we have done." For which 
 work, as I may not be thought altogether an incom- 
 petent person, i" having been present as a member of 
 parliament in those councils before and till the break- 
 ing out of the rebellion, and having since had the 
 honour to be near two great kings in some trust, so 
 
 ^ mortification,] mortifica- age 
 tions, " ought] are 
 
 ^ consideration how impossi- ° have done.] MS. adds: and 
 
 ble it was to foresee] view of then possibly it may not be 
 
 the impossibihty of foreseeing very difficult to collect some- 
 
 B overlooking] overseeing what out of that store, more 
 
 •^ bound up;] MS. adds: proper, and not unuseful for 
 
 though no question many must the public view. 
 
 first bleed to death ; i' For which work, as I may 
 
 ' 1 have] And I have not be thought altogether an 
 
 ^ blessed] Not in MS. incompetent person,] And as I 
 
 ' others,] MS. adds : both may not be thought altogether 
 
 things and persons, an incompetent person for this 
 
 "1 in the age] at least in the communication,
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 5 
 
 I shall perform the same with all faithfulness and book 
 ingenuity; with an equal observation of the faults ______ 
 
 and infirmities of both sides, with their defects and 
 oversights in pursuing their own ends ; and shall no 
 otherwise mention small and light occurrences, than 
 as they have been introductions to matters of the 
 greatest moment ; nor speak of persons otherwise, 
 than as the mention of their virtues or vices is es- 
 sential to the work in hand : in which I shall, with 
 truth, '^ preserve myself from the least sharpness, 
 that may proceed from private provocation,"^ and in 
 the whole observe^ the rules that a man should, who 
 deserves to be believed. 
 
 I shall not then lead any man farther back in 
 this journey, for the discovery of the entrance into 
 those' dark ways, than the beginning of this king's 
 reign. For I am not so sharp-sighted as those, who 
 have discerned this rebellion contriving from (if not 
 before) the death of queen ElizaJjeth, and fomented 
 by several princes and great ministers of state in 
 Christendom, to the time that it brake out. Neither 
 do I look so far back as* I do, because I believe " the 
 design to have been" so long since formed ;y but 
 that, by viewing the temper, disposition, and habit, 
 
 'J in which I shall, with >' since formed;] MS. adds: 
 
 truth,] in which as I shall have (they who have observed the 
 
 the fate to be suspected rather several accidents, not capa- 
 
 for malice to many, than of ble of being contrived, which 
 
 flattery to any, so I shall, in have contributed to the several 
 
 truth, successes, and do know the 
 
 ^ provocation,] MS. adds: or persons who have been the 
 
 a more public indignation, grand instruments towards this 
 
 * and in the whole observe] change, of whom there have 
 
 in the whole observing not been any four of familiarity 
 
 ' those] these and trust with each other, will 
 
 " as I do, because I believe] easily absolve them from so 
 
 as believing much industry and foresight in 
 
 ^ to have been] to be their mischief;) 
 
 B 3
 
 6 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK at that time,^ of the court and of the country, we 
 
 ' may discern the minds of men prepared, of some to 
 
 act,^ and of others to suffer, all that hath since hap- 
 pened ; the pride of this man, and the popularity of 
 that ; the levity of one, and the morosity of another; 
 the excess of the court in the greatest want, and 
 the parsimony and retention of the country in the 
 greatest plenty ; the spirit of craft and subtlety in 
 some, and the unpolished'^ integrity of others, too 
 much despising craft or art ; all contributing*^ jointly 
 to this mass of confusion now before us. 
 
 A view of King James in the end of March 1625 died, 
 
 the begin- 
 ning of king leaving his majesty that now is, engaged in a war 
 
 his reign, with Spain, but unprovided with money to manage 
 i?25'' ^^' ^^ ' though it was undertaken by the consent and 
 advice of parliament : the people being naturally 
 enough inclined to the war (having surfeited with 
 the uninterrupted pleasures and plenty of twenty- 
 two years peace) and sufficiently inflamed against 
 the Spaniard; but quickly weary of the charge of 
 it : and therefore, after an unprosperous and charge- 
 able attempt in a voyage by sea upon Cadiz, and 
 as unsuccessful and more unfortunate one*^ upon 
 France, at the Isle of Rhe, (for some difference had 
 likewise about ^ the same time begotten a war with 
 that prince,) a general peace was shortly concluded 
 with both kingdoms ; the exchequer being so ex- 
 hausted with the debts of king James, the bounty 
 
 . ^ at that time,] of that time, ^ all contributing] like so 
 
 " to act,] to do, many atoms contributing 
 
 ^ unpolished] rude and un- '' one] a one 
 
 polished ^ about] at
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 
 
 of his majesty that now is, (who, upon his first ac- book 
 
 I. 
 
 cess to the crown, gave many costly instances of- 
 his favour to persons near him,) and the charge of ^^ 
 the war upon Spain, and France, that botli the 
 known and casual revenue being anticipated, the 
 necessary subsistence of the household was unpro- 
 vided for ; and the king on the sudden driven to 
 those straits for his own support, that many ways 
 were resorted to, and inconveniences submitted to, 
 for supply ; as selling the crown-lands, creating peers 
 for money, and many other particulars, which no 
 access of power or plenty since could repair. 
 
 Parliaments were summoned, and again dissolved 1628. 
 in displeasure*^: and that in the fourth year (after 
 the dissolution of tlie two former) was determined 
 with a profession, and declaration, that, " since 
 *' for several ill ends the calling again of a parlia- 
 " ment was divulged, however his majesty had 
 " shewed, by his frequent meeting with his people, 
 " his love to the use of parliaments ; yet the late 
 " abuse having, for the present, driven his majesty 
 " vmwillingly out of that course, he shall account it 
 " presumption for any to prescribe any time to his 
 " majesty for parliaments." Which Avords Avere ge- 
 nerally interpreted, as if no more assemblies of that 
 nature were to be expected, and that all men were 
 prohibited, upon the penalty of censure, so much as 
 to speak of a parliament, s And here I cannot but 
 let myself loose to say, that no man can shew me 
 a source, from whence those ^' waters of bitterness 
 
 ^ in displeasure] Not in MS. men inhibited upon the penalty 
 
 s declaration, that, — of a par- of censure, so much as to speak 
 
 liament.] declaration that there of a ])arliament. 
 
 should be no more assemblies ^ those] these 
 
 of that nature expected, and all 
 
 B 4
 
 1628. 
 
 8 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK we now taste have more probably flowed, than from 
 ■ these unreasonable,' unskilful, and precipitate disso- 
 lutions of parliaments ; in which, by an unjust sur- 
 vey of the passion, insolence, and ambition of parti- 
 cular persons, the court measured the temper and 
 affection of the country ; and by the same standard 
 the people considered the honour, justice, and piety 
 of the court ; and so usually parted, at those sad 
 seasons, with no other respect and charity one to- 
 ward the other, than accompanies persons who never 
 meant to meet but in their own defence. In which 
 the king had always the disadvantage to harbour 
 persons about him, who, with their utmost industry, 
 false "^ information, and malice, improved the faults 
 and infirmities of the court to the people ; and 
 again, as much as in them lay, rendered the people 
 suspected, if not odious to the king. 
 
 I am not altogether a stranger to the passages of 
 those parliaments, (though I was not a member of 
 them,) having carefully perused the journals of both 
 houses, and familiarly conversed with many who had 
 principal parts in them. And I cannot but wonder 
 at those counsels, which persuaded the courses then 
 taken ; the habit and temper of men's minds at that 
 time' being, no question, very applicable to the pub- 
 lic ends ; and those ends being only discredited by 
 the jealousies the people entertained from the man- 
 ner of the prosecution, that they were other, and 
 worse than in truth they were. It is not to be de- 
 nied, that there were, in all those parliaments, espe- 
 cially in that of the fourth year, several passages, 
 and distempered speeches of particular persons, not 
 
 ' unreasonable,] unseason- ^ false] Not in MS. 
 able, ' at that time] Not in MS.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 9 
 
 fit for the dignity and honour of those places, and book 
 unsuitable to the reverence due to his majesty and— — 
 his councils. But I do not know any formed act ^^'^^• 
 of either house (for neither the remonstrance or 
 votes of the last day were such) that was not agree- 
 able to the wisdom and justice of great courts, upon 
 those extraordinary occasions. And whoever con- 
 siders the acts of power and injustice of some of the 
 ministers,"' in those" intervals of parliament, will not 
 be much scandalized at the warmth and vivacity of 
 those meetings. 
 
 In the second parliament there was a mention, 
 and intention declared, of granting five subsidies, a 
 proportion (how contemptible soever in respect of 
 the pressures now every day imposed) scarce ever" 
 before heard of in parliament. And that meeting 
 being, upon very unpopular and unplausible reasons, 
 immediately dissolved, those five subsidies were ex- 
 acted, throughout the whole kingdom, with the 
 same rigour, as if, in truth, an act had passed to 
 that purpose. Divers^ gentlemen of prime quality, 
 in several'J counties of England, were, for refusing 
 to pay the same, committed to prison, with great 
 rigour and extraordinary circumstances. And could 
 it be imagined, that those "^ men would meet again 
 in a free convention of parliament, without a sharp 
 and severe expostulation, and inquisition into their 
 own right, and the power that had imposed upon 
 that right? And yet all these provocations, and 
 many other, almost of as large an extent, produced 
 
 '^ of some of the ministers,] p Divers] Very many 
 
 Not in MS. q several] all the several 
 
 " those] the •■ those] these 
 " scarce ever] never
 
 10 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK no other resentment, than the petition of right, (of 
 Tin prejudice to the crown,) which was likewise pur- 
 1G28. chased at the price of five subsidies more, and, in a 
 very short time after that supply granted, that par- 
 liament was likewise, with strange circumstances of 
 passion on all sides, dissolved. 
 / The abrupt and unkind' breaking off the two first 
 parliaments was wholly imputed to the duke of 
 Buckingham; and of the third, principally to the 
 ^ lord Weston, then lord high treasurer of England ; 
 both in respect of the great power and interest they 
 then had in the aifections of his majesty, and for 
 that the time of the dissolutions happened to be, 
 when some charges and accusations were preparing, 
 ^\ and ready to be preferred against those two great 
 persons. And therefore the envy and hatred, that 
 attended them thereupon, was insupportable, and 
 was visibly the cause of the murder of the first, 
 (stabbed in* the heart by the hand of a villain," upon 
 the mere impious pretence of his being odious to 
 the parliament,) and made, no doubt, so great an 
 impression upon the understanding and nature of 
 the other, that, by degrees, he lost that temper and 
 serenity of mind he had been before master of, and 
 which was most fit to have accompanied him in his 
 weighty employments : insomuch as, out of indigna- 
 tion to find himself worse used than he deserved, he 
 cared less to deserve well, than he had done ; and 
 insensibly grew into that public hatred, tliat ren- 
 dered him less useful to the service that he only in- 
 tended. 
 
 I wonder less at the errors of this nature in the 
 
 * unkind] ungracious * in] to " a villain,] an obscure villain.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 11 
 
 duke of Buckingham ; who, having had a most ge- book 
 
 nerous education in courts, was utterly ignorant of - 
 the ebbs and floods of popular councils, and of the 
 winds that move those waters ; and could not, with- 
 out the spirit of indignation, find himself, in the 
 space of a few weeks, without any visible cause in- 
 tervening, from the greatest height of popular esti- 
 mation that any person hath ascended to, (insomuch 
 as sir Edward Coke blasphemously called him our 
 Saviour,) by the same breath tlirown down to the 
 depth of calumny and reproach. I say, it is no 
 marvel, (besides that he was naturally to follow such 
 counsels as were'' given him,) that he could think 
 of no better way to be freed of these y inconveni- 
 ences and troubles the passions of those meetings 
 gave him, than to dissolve them, and prevent their 
 coming together : and that, when they seemed to 
 neglect the public peace, out of animosity to him, 
 he intended^ his own ease and security in the first 
 place, and easily believed the public might be other- ^ 
 wise provided for, ])y more intent and dispassionate 
 councils. But that the other, the lord Weston, who 
 had been very much and very popularly conversant 
 in those conventions, who exactly knew the frame 
 and constitution of the kingdom, the temper of the 
 people, the extents'^ of the courts of law, and the 
 jurisdiction of parliaments, which at that time had 
 seldom or^ never committed any excess of jurisdic- 
 tion, (modesty and moderation in words never was, 
 nor ever wiU be, observed in popular councils, whose , 
 
 ^ counsels as were] counsel tended 
 as was ^ extents] extent 
 
 >■ of these] of the ^ seldom or] Not in MS. 
 
 ^ he intended] that he in-
 
 12 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK foundation is liberty of speech;) that he'^ should be- 
 
 I. 
 
 . lieve, that the union, peace, and plenty of the king- 
 1628. ^QYn could be preserved without parliaments, or that 
 the passion and distemper gotten and received into 
 parliaments could be removed and reformed by the 
 more passionate breaking and dissolving them ; or 
 that that course would not inevitably prove the most 
 -- pernicious to himself, is as much my wonder, as any 
 thing that hath since happened. 
 
 There is a protection very gracious and just, which 
 princes owe to their servants, when, in obedience to 
 their just commands, upon extraordinary and neces- 
 sary occasions, in the execution of their trusts, they 
 swerve from the strict letter^ of the law, which, 
 without that mercy, would be penal to them. In 
 any such^ case, it is as legal (the law presuming it 
 will always be done upon great reason) for the king 
 to pardon, as for the party to accuse, and the judge 
 to condemn. But for the sovereign *^ power to in- 
 terpose, and shelter an accused servant from an- 
 swering, does not only seem an obstruction of jus- 
 tice, and lay an imputation upon the prince, of being 
 privy to the offence ; but leaves so great a scandal 
 upon the party himself, that he is generally con- 
 cluded guilty of whatsoever he is charged withe ; 
 which is commonly more than the worst man ever 
 deserved. And it is worthy the observation, that, 
 as no innocent man who made his defence ever suf- 
 fered in those times by judgment of parliament ; so 
 many guilty persons, and against whom the spirit of 
 the times'' went as high, by the wise managing their 
 
 *^ that he] Not in MS. ' sovereign] supreme 
 
 •i letter] rule B with] Not in MS. 
 
 ' such] Not in MS. ^ tinies] time
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 13 
 
 defence, have been freed from their accusers, not book 
 only without censure, but without reproach; as the 
 
 bishop of Lincoln, then lord keeper, sir H. Marten, ^^^^' 
 and sir H. Spiller; men, in their several degrees, as 
 little beholden to the charity of that time, as any 
 men since. Whereas scarce a man, who, with indus- 
 try and skill, laboured to keep himself from being 
 accused, or by power to stop or divert the course of 
 proceeding, scaped without some signal mark of in- 
 famy or prejudice. And the reason is clear; for 
 besides that, after the first storm, there is some com- 
 passion naturally attends men like to be in misery ; 
 and besides the latitude of judging in those places, 
 whereby there is room for kindness and affection, 
 and collateral considerations to interpose ; the truth 
 is, those accusations (to which this man contributes 
 his malice, another' his wit, all men what they 
 please, and most upon hearsay, with a kind of un- 
 charitable delight of making the charge as heavy as 
 may be) are commonly stuffed with many odious 
 generals, that the proofs seldom make good: and 
 then a man is no sooner found less guilty than he is 
 expected, but he is concluded more innocent than 
 he is; and it is thought but a just I'eparation for 
 the reproach that he deserved not, to free him from 
 the censure he deserved. So that, very probably, | 
 those two noble persons had been happy, if they * 
 had stoutly submitted to the proceedings were de- 
 signed against them ; and, without question, it had 
 been of sovereign use to the king, if, in those peace- 
 able times, parliaments had been taught to know 
 their own bounds, by being suffered to proceed as 
 
 ' another] that 
 
 Jr-
 
 14 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK far as they could go; by which the extent of their 
 
 I 
 
 -power would quickly have been manifested: from 
 1628. whence no inconvenience of moment could have 
 proceeded ; the house of commons never then pre- 
 tending to the least part of judicature, or exceeding 
 the known verge of their own privileges ; the house 
 of peers observing the rules of the'' law and equity 
 in their judgments, and proceeding deliberately 
 upon clear testimony and evidence of matter of 
 fact ; and the king retaining the sole power of par- 
 doning, and receiving the whole profit of all penal- 
 j ties and judgments ; and indeed having so great an 
 influence upon the body of the peerage, that it was 
 scarce' known that any person of honour was se- 
 verely censured in that house, (before this present 
 parliament,) who was not either immediately prose- 
 cuted by the court, or in evident disfavour there ; 
 by which,'" it may be, (as it usually falls out,) some 
 doors were opened, at which inconveniences to the 
 crown have got in, that were not then enough 
 j^weighed and considered. 
 
 But the course of exempting men from prosecu- 
 
 if 
 
 \ 
 
 tion, by dissolving of parliaments, made the power 
 of parliaments much more formidable, as conceived 
 to be without limit ; since the sovereign power 
 seemed to be compelled (as unable otherwise to set 
 bounds to their proceedings) to that rough cure, 
 and to determine their beings," because it could not 
 determine their jurisdiction. Whereas, if they had 
 been frequently summoned, and seasonably dissolv- 
 ed, after their wisdom in applying medicines and 
 cures, as well as their industry in discovering dis- 
 
 k the] iVoi in MS. >" by which,] in which, 
 
 ' scarce] never " beings,] being,
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 15 
 
 eases, had been discerned, they would easily have book 
 
 I. 
 
 been applied to the uses for which they were first, 
 instituted; and been of no less esteem with the ^^^^* 
 crown, than of veneration with the people. And so 
 I shall conclude this digression, which, I conceived, 
 was° not unseasonable for this place, nor upon this 
 occasion, and return to the time when that brisk 
 and improvident^ resolution was taken of declining"! 
 those conventions ; aU men being inhibited (as I 
 said before they generally took themselves to be"^) ' 
 
 by the^ proclamation at the dissolution of the parlia- 
 ment in the fourth year, so much as to mention or 
 speak as if a parliament should be called. 
 
 And here it will srive much light to that which The state 
 
 . [. „ of the court 
 
 follows, if we take a view of the state of the court about that 
 and of the council at that time, by which' we may 
 best see the face of that time, and the affections 
 and temper of the people in general. 
 
 For" the better taking this prospect, we will be-Thenseof 
 
 ... r> I the duke of 
 
 gm with" a survey or the person ot that great man, Bucking- 
 the duke of Buckingham, (who was so barbarously '^'"' 
 murdered about^ this time,) whose influence had 
 been unfortunate in the pubhc affairs, and whose 
 death produced a change in all the counsels. The 
 duke was indeed a very extraordinary person ; and 
 never any man, in any age, nor, I believe, in any 
 country or nation, rose, in so short a time, to so 
 much gi'eatness of honour, fame, and fortune, upon 
 
 ° was] Not in MS. » the] Not in MS. 
 
 P and improvident] Not in * by which] by which as in a 
 
 MS. mirror 
 
 'i declining] totally declin- " For] And for 
 
 ing X begin with] take 
 
 '^ they generally took them- > about] at 
 selves to be] Not in MS.
 
 16 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK no other advantage or recommendation, than of the 
 ___1__ beauty and gracefulness^ of his person. I have*^ not 
 1628. ^j^g least purpose of undervaluing his good parts and 
 ■^ qualities, (of which there will be occasion shortly to 
 give some testimony,) when I say, that his first in- 
 troduction into favour was purely from the hand- 
 someness of his person. 
 
 He was a younger^ son of sir George Villiers, of 
 Brookesby, in the county of Leicester ; a family of 
 ^ an ancient extraction, even from the time of the 
 conquest, and transported then with the conqueror 
 out of Normandy, where the family hath still re- 
 -^ mained, and still continues with lustre. After sir 
 George's first marriage, in which he had two or 
 three sons, and some daughters, who shared an 
 ample inheritance from him ; by a second mar- 
 riage, with a lady^ of the family of the Beaumonts, 
 he had this gentleman, and two other sons and a 
 -- daughter, who all came afterwards to be raised to 
 great titles and dignities. George, the eldest son of 
 this second bed, was, after the death of his father, 
 by the singular affection and care of his mother, 
 who enjoyed a good jointure in the account of that 
 age, well brought up ; and, for the improvement of 
 his education, and giving an ornament to his hope- 
 ful person, he was by her sent into France ; where 
 he spent two or three years in attaining the lan- 
 guage, and in learning the exercises of riding and 
 dancing ; in the last of which he excelled most men, 
 and returned into England by the time he was 
 twenty-one years old. 
 
 ^gracefulness] MS. adds: and <' a younger] the younger 
 becomingness *-' a lady] a young lady 
 
 •^ I have] And I have
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 
 
 17 
 
 1628. 
 
 King James reigned at that time ; and though he book 
 was a prince of more learning and knowledge than 
 any other of that age, and really delighted more in 
 books, and in the conversation of learned men ; yet, 
 of aU wise men living, he was the most delighted and 
 taken with handsome persons, and with fine clothes. 
 He begun *^ to be weary of his favourite, the earl of 
 Somerset, who was the only favourite that kept that 
 post so long, without any public reproach from the 
 people: but,g by the instigation and wickedness of 
 his wife, he became, at least, privy to a horrible 
 murder, that exposed him to the utmost severity of 
 the law, (the poisoning of sir Thomas Overbury,) 
 upon which both he and his wife were condemned 
 to die, after a trial by their peers ; and many per- 
 sons of quality were executed for the same. 
 
 Whilst this was in agitation, and before the ut- 
 most discovery was made, Mr. Villiers appeared in 
 court, and drew the king's eyes upon him. There 
 were enough in the court sufficiently^ angry and in- 
 censed against Somerset, for being what themselves 
 desired to be, and especially for being a Scotsman, 
 and ascending, in so short a time, from being a 
 page, to the height he was then at, to contribute all 
 they could to promote the one, that they might 
 throw out the other : which being easily brought to 
 pass, by the proceeding of the law upon his afore- 
 said crime,' the other found very little difficulty in 
 rendering himself gracious to the king, whose na- 
 ture and disposition was very flowing in affection 
 towards persons so adorned. Insomuch that, in few 
 
 ^ begun] began 
 
 s but,] and, 
 
 h sufficiently] enough 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 ' aforesaid crime,] crime a- 
 foresaid. 
 
 C
 
 18 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK days after his first appearance in court, he was made 
 
 ■ cup-bearer to the king ; by which he was, of course,'^ 
 
 ^^^^- to be much in his presence, and so admitted to that 
 conversation and discourse, with which that prince 
 ahvays abounded at his meals. 
 
 His inclinations' to his new cup-bearer disposed 
 him to administer frequent occasions of discoursing 
 of the court of France, and the transactions there, 
 with which he had been so lately acquainted, that 
 'T he could pertinently enlarge upon that subject, to 
 the king's great delight, and to the gaining "^ the 
 esteem and value of all the standers-by to himself:" 
 which was a thing the king was well pleased with. 
 He acted very few weeks upon this stage, when he 
 mounted higher ; and, being knighted, without any 
 other qualification, he was at the same time made 
 gentleman of the bedchamber, and knight of the 
 order of the garter ; and in a short time (very short 
 for such a prodigious ascent) he was made a baron, 
 a viscount, an earl, a marquis, and became lord high 
 admiral of England, lord warden of the cinque ports, 
 master of the horse, and entirely disposed of all the 
 graces of the king, in conferring all the honours and 
 all the ofl&ces of three ° kingdoms, without a rival; 
 in dispensing whereof, he was guided more by the 
 rules of appetite than of judgment ; and so exalted 
 almost all of his own numerous family and depend- 
 ants, whose greatest merit wasP their alliance to 
 him, which equally offended the ancient nobility, 
 N and the people of all conditions, who saw the flowers 
 
 ^ of course,] naturally, him : 
 
 ' His inclinations] And his "of three] of the three 
 
 inclination i' whose greatest merit was] 
 
 '" gaining] reconciling who had no other virtue or 
 
 " to himself:] likewise to merit than
 
 1628. 
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 19 
 
 of the crown every day fading and withered ; whilst book 
 
 the demesnes and revenue thereof were^i sacrificed '- — 
 
 to the enriching a private family, (how well soever 
 originally extracted,) scarce ever"^ heard of before 
 to^ the nation ; and the expenses of the court so 
 vast and unlimited S that they had a sad prospect of 
 that poverty and necessity, which afterwards befell 
 the crown, almost to the ruin of it. 
 
 Many were of opinion, that king James, before 
 his death, grew weary of this" favourite; and that, 
 if he had lived, he would have deprived him at least 
 of his large and unlimited power. And this imagi- 
 nation so" prevailed with some men, as the lord 
 keeper Lincoln, the earl of Middlesex, lord high 
 treasurer of England, and other gentlemen of name, 
 though not in so high stations, that they had the 
 courage to withdraw from their absolute dependence 
 upon the duke, and to make some other essays, 
 which proved to the ruin of every one of them ; 
 there appearing no mark, 5^^ or evidence, that the 
 king did really lessen his affection to him, to the 
 hour of his death. On the contrary, as he created 
 him duke of Buckingham in his absence, whilst he 
 was with the prince in Spain ; so, after their z re- 
 turn, the duke'' executed the same authority in con- 
 ferring all favours and graces, and in^ revenging 
 himself upon those, who had manifested any unkind- 
 ness towards him. And yet, notwithstanding all 
 this, if that king's nature had equally disposed him 
 
 •J were] was ^ so] Not in MS. 
 
 ^ scarce ever] not y mark,] marks, 
 
 ' to] ever to ^ their] his 
 
 * unlimited] MS. adds: by ^ the duke] he 
 
 the old good rules of economy ^ in] Not in MS, 
 " this] his
 
 20 ' THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK to pull down, as to build and erect, and if his cou- 
 ____rage and severity in punishing and reforming had 
 1628. |3ggj^ ag great as his generosity and incUnation was 
 to oblige, it is not to be doubted, but that he 
 would have withdrawn his affection from the duke 
 entirely, before his death ; which those persons, who 
 were admitted to any privacy witli him^, and were 
 not in the confidence of the other, (for before those 
 he knew well how to dissemble,) had reason enough 
 to expect. 
 Anaccoimt^ For it is Certain,'^ that the king was never well 
 Charles'! plcascd with tlic dukc, after the prince's going into 
 l^^g^'^V"' Spain ; which was infinitely against his will, and 
 . --" contrived wholly by the duke : who, out of envy, 
 that the earl of Bristol should have the sole ma- 
 nagement of so great an affaii'u (as hitherto that 
 treaty had been wholly conducted'^ by him in Spain, 
 where he was^ extraordinary ambassador, and all 
 particulars upon the matter" agreed upon,) had one 
 day insinuated to the prince the common misfortune 
 of princes, that in so substantial a part of their hap- 
 piness in this world, as depended upon their mar- 
 riage, themselves had never any part, but must re- 
 ceive only an account from others of the nature, 
 and humour, and beauty of the ladies they were to 
 marry ; and those reports seldom proceeded from 
 persons totally uninterested, by reason of '^ the parts 
 they had acted towards such preparations?^. From 
 hence he' discoursed how gallant and how brave a 
 thing it would be, for his highness to make a jour- 
 
 '^ him] Not in MS. s upon the matter] Not in 
 
 '^ it is certain,] it is not to 31S. 
 
 be doubted, ^ by reason of] at least un- 
 
 ^ conducted] managed inclined from 
 
 •" was] Avas now ' he] Not in MS.
 
 1628. 
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 21 
 
 ney into Spain, and to fetch home his mistress ; tliat book 
 it would put an end presently to all those formali- 
 ties, which, (though all substantial matters were 
 agreed upon already,) according to the style of that 
 court, and the slow jDrogress in all things of cere- 
 mony, might yet retard*^ the infanta's voyage into 
 England many months ; all which would be in a 
 moment removed by his highness's' own presence ; 
 that it would be such an obligation to the infanta 
 herself, as she could never enough value or requite ; 
 and being a respect rarely'" paid by any other 
 prince, upon the like addresses, could proceed only 
 from the high regard and reverence he had for her 
 person ; that in the gi'eat affaii' that only remained 
 undetermined, and was not entirely yielded to, 
 though vmder a very friendly" deliberation, which 
 was the restoring the palatinate, it was very pro- 
 bable, that the king of Spain himself might choose, 
 in the instant, to gratify his personal inteii30sition, 
 which, in a treaty with an ambassador, might be 
 drawn out in length, or attended with overtures of 
 recompense by some new concessions, which would 
 create new difficulties : however, that the mediation 
 could not but be frankly undertaken by the infanta 
 herself, who would ambitiously make it her work to 
 pay a part of her great debt to the prince ; and that 
 he might with her, and by her, present to his ma- 
 jesty the entire peace and restitution of his family, 
 which by no other human means could be brought 
 to pass. 
 
 • These discourses made so deep imjDression upon 
 the mind and spirit of the prince, (whose nature 
 
 ^ retard] long retard m rarely] never 
 
 ' highness's] Not in MS. ° friendly] civil 
 
 c 3
 
 22 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK was inclined to adventures,) that he was transported 
 
 I 
 
 _ with the thought of it, and most impatiently soli- 
 1 628. citous to bring it to pass. The greatest difficulty in 
 view° was, how they might procure the king's con- 
 sent, who was very quick-sighted in discerning dif- 
 ficulties and raising objections, and very slow in 
 mastering them, and untying the knots he had 
 made : in a word, he knew not how to wrestle with 
 desperate contingencies, and so abhorred the being 
 entangled in such. This was first to beP attempted 
 by the prince himself, by communicating it to the 
 king, as his earnest desire and suit, with this cir- 
 cumstance ; that since his doing or not doing what 
 he most desired, depended wholly and entirely upon 
 his majesty's own approbation and command, he^ 
 would vouchsafe to promise not to communicate the 
 thing proposed, before he had first taken his own 
 resolution ; and that this condition should be first 
 humbly insisted on, before the substantial point 
 should be communicated; and so, this approach 
 being first made, the success and prosecution was 
 to be left to the duke's credit and dexterity.' All 
 things being thus concerted between his highness 
 and the duke, (and this the beginning of an entire 
 confidence between them, after a long time of de- 
 claimed jealousy and disi)leasure on the prince's part, 
 and occasion enough administered on the other,) 
 they shortly found fit* opportunity (and there were 
 seasons Avhen that king was to be approached more 
 hopefully than in others) to make their address to- 
 
 " in view] that was in ^ and dexterity.] dexterity and 
 view cultivation. 
 
 P first to be] to be first = fit] a fit 
 
 '1 he] that he
 
 his father. 
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 23 
 
 gether. His" majesty cheerfully consented to the book 
 condition, and being well pleased that all should __!l__ 
 depend upon his will, frankly promised that he ^^28. 
 would not, in any degi'ee, communicate to any per- 
 son the matter, before he had taken, and communi- 
 cated to them, his own resolutions." 
 
 The prince then, upon his knees, declared his suit The prince 
 and very importunate request, the duke standing a[our,°ey\o* 
 long time by, without saying a word, while^ the 
 king discoursed the whole matter to the prince, Avith 
 less passion than they expected, and then looked 
 upon the duke, as inclined to hear what he would 
 say ; who spoke nothing to the point, whether in 
 prudence advisable,'' or not; but enlarged upon the 
 infinite obligation his majesty would confer upon the 
 prince, by his concession of the violent passion his 
 highness was transported with ; and, after many ex- 
 alted expressions to that purpose, concluded, that he 
 doubted that his majesty refusing to grant the prince 
 this his humble request would make a deep impres- 
 sion upon his spirits, and peace of mind ; and that 
 he would, he feared, look upon it as the greatest 
 misfortune and affliction, that could befall him in 
 this world. The prince then taking the opportunity, 
 from the good temper he saw his father in, to en- 
 large upon those ^ two points, which he knew were 
 most important in the king's own wishes and judg- 
 ment, that this expedient would put a quick end to 
 this treaty, which could not be continued after his 
 arrival in that court; but that his marriage must 
 
 " His] And his point of prudence counsella- 
 
 ^ resolutions.] resolution. ble, 
 
 y while] and until " those] these 
 
 ^ in prudence advisable,] in 
 
 c 4
 
 24 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK presently ensue, which, he knew well enough/ the 
 . king did most '' impatiently desire of all blessings in 
 
 1 G28. this world : he said likewise, he would undertake 
 (and he could not but be believed from the reason- 
 ableness of it) that his presence would in a moment 
 determine the restitution of the palatinate to his 
 brother and sister ; which was the second thing the 
 king longed most passionately to see before he should 
 leave this world. 
 King James These discourses, urged with all the artifice and 
 
 consents to ^ '-' 
 
 it. address imaginable, so far wrought upon and pre- 
 
 vailed with the king, that, with less hesitation than 
 his nature was accustomed to, and much less than 
 was agreeable to his great wisdom, he gave his ap- 
 probation, and promised that the prince should make 
 the journey he was so much inclined to : whether 
 he did not upon the sudden comprehend the conse- 
 quences, which would naturally attend such a rash 
 undertaking, or^ the less considered them, because 
 provisions,^ which must be made for such a journey, 
 both with reference to the expense and security of 
 it, would take up much time, and could not be done 
 in such a secret way, but that the counsel itself 
 might be resumed, ^ when new measures should be 
 taken. But this imagination was too reasonable not 
 to be foreseen by them ; and so they had provided 
 themselves accordingly. And therefore, as soon as 
 they had the king's promise upon the main, they 
 told him, the security of such a design depended on 
 the expedition, without which there could be no 
 secresy observed, or hoped for ; that, if it were de- 
 
 *= knew well enough,] well "^ or] or whether he 
 knew, ^ provisions,] the provisions, 
 
 '' moat] the most ^ resumed,] resumed again,
 
 OF THE REBELLION. ' 25 
 
 ferred till such a fleet could be made ready, and book 
 such an equipage prepared, as might be fit for the____ 
 prince of Wales, so much time v\'ould be spent, as l^-^- 
 would disappoint the i3rincipal ends of the journey : 
 if they should send for a pass to France, the cere- 
 mony in the asking and granting it, and that which 
 would flow from it, in his passage through that 
 kingdom, would be at least liable to the same objec- 
 tion of delay : besides that, according to the myste- 
 ries and intrigues of state, such a pass could not in 
 13oint of security be reasonably depended upon ; and 
 therefore they had thought of an expedient, which 
 would avoid all inconveniences and hazards ; and 
 that it should be executed before it should be sus- 
 pected : that it had never hitherto been, in the least 
 degree, consulted but between themselves, (which 
 was really true ;) and therefore, if they now under- 
 took the journey only with two servants, who should 
 not know any thing till the moment they were to 
 depart, they might easily pass through France, be- 
 fore they should be missed at Whitehall : which was 
 not hard to be conceived, and so with the less dis- 
 quisition was consented to by the king : and the far- 
 ther deliberation of what was more to be done both 
 in matter and manner, and the nomination of the 
 persons who should attend them, and the time for 
 their departure, was defeiTed to the consultation of 
 the next day. 
 
 When the king, in his retirement, and by himself, 
 came to revolve what had been so loosely consulted 
 before, as he had a wonderful sagacity in such re- 
 flections, a thousand difficulties and dangers occurred 
 to him, and so many precipices, which could hardly 
 be avoided in such a journey. Besides those consi-
 
 26 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK derations, which the violent affection of a father to 
 ^' his only son suggested to him, he thought how ill 
 
 1628. an influence it might have on his people, too much 
 disposed to murmur and complain of the least inad- 
 vertency ; '^ and that they looked upon the prince as 
 the son of the kingdom, as well as his own.' He 
 considered the reputation he should lose with all fo- 
 reign princes, (especially if any ill accident should 
 happen,) by so much departing from his dignity in 
 exposing the immediate heir of the crown, his only 
 son, to all the dangers, and all the jealousies, which 
 particular malice, or that fathomless abyss of reason 
 of state, might prepare and contrive against him ; 
 and then, in how desperate a condition himself and 
 his kingdoms should remain, if the prince miscarried 
 by such an unparalleled weakness of his, contrary to 
 the light of his understanding, as well as the current 
 of his affections."^ 
 
 These reflections were so terrible to him, that 
 they robbed him of all peace and quiet of mind; 
 — insomuch as when the prince and duke came to him 
 about the despatch, he fell into a great passion with 
 tears,^ and told them that he was undone, and that 
 it would break his heart, if they pursued their reso- 
 lution ; that, u23on a true and dispassionate disquisi- 
 tion he had made with himself, he was abundantly 
 convinced, that, besides the almost inevitable ha- 
 zards of the prince's person, with whom his life was 
 bound up, and besides the entire loss of the affec- 
 tions of his people, which would unavoidably attend 
 this rash action, he foresaw it would ruin the whole 
 
 ^ inadvertency ;] inadvertize- ^ affections.] affection, 
 
 ment ; ' with tears,] of tears, 
 
 ' his own.] his natural son.
 
 1628. 
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 27 
 
 design, and irrecoverably break the match. For book 
 whereas all those particulars, upon which he could _ 
 positively and of right insist, were fully granted, (for 
 that, which concerned the prince elector, who had 
 unexcusably, and dii'ectly against his ad\dce, in- 
 cuiTed the ban of the empire in an imperial diet, 
 must be wrought off by mediation and treaty, could 
 not be insisted on in justice,) nor could Spain make 
 any new demands, all the overtures they had made 
 being adjusted; the prince should no sooner arrive 
 at Madrid, than all the articles of the treaty should 
 be laid aside, and new matter "^ be proposed, which 
 had not been yet mentioned, and could never be 
 consented to by him : that the treaty of this mar- 
 riage, how well soever received, and how much so- 
 ever desired by the king and his chief ministers, was 
 in no degree acceptable to the Spanish nation in 
 general, and less to the court of Rome, where, 
 though the new pope seemed more inchned to grant 
 the dispensation than his predecessor had been, it 
 was plain enough, that it proceeded only from the 
 apprehension he had to displease the king of Spain, 
 not that he was less averse from the match, it 
 having been always believed, both in Spain and in 
 Rome, that this marriage was to be attended with 
 a full repeal of all the penal laws against the pa- 
 pists," and a plenary toleration of the exercise of 
 that religion in England, which they now saw con- 
 cluded, without any signal or real benefit or advan- 
 tage to them. And therefore they might expect, 
 and be confident, that when they had the person of 
 the prince of Wales in their hands, the king of 
 
 ^ matter] matters " papists,] catholics,
 
 28 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK Spain (though in his own nature and inclinations 
 full of honour and justice) would be even compelled 
 
 1 f\'?fi 
 
 ' by his clergy (who had always a great influence 
 upon the counsels of that kingdom) and the impor- 
 tunities from Rome, who would tell him, that God 
 had put it now° into his hand to advance the ca- 
 tholic cause, to make new demands for those of that 
 rehgion here ; which, though he could never consent 
 to, would at best interi30se such delays in the mar- 
 riage, that he should never live to see it brought to 
 pass, nor probably to see his son return again from p 
 Spain. Then he put the duke in mind (whom he 
 hitherto believed only to comply with the prince to 
 obHge him, after a long alienation from his favour) 
 how inevitable his ruin must be, by the effect of this 
 counsel, how ungracious he was already with the 
 people, and how many enemies he had amongst the 
 greatest persons of the nobility, who would make 
 such use of this occasion, that it would not be in 
 his majesty's power to protect him. And then ^^ he 
 concluded with the disorder and passion, with which 
 he begun, "^ with sighs and tears, to conjure them, 
 that they would no more j)ress him to give his con- 
 sent to a thing so contrary to his reason, and under- 
 ^sc standing, and interest, the execution whereof would 
 Y break his heart, and that they would give over any 
 
 further pursuit of it. 
 '^ The prince and the duke took not the pains to 
 
 answer any of the reasons his majesty had insisted 
 on ; his highness only putting him in mind of the 
 promise he had made to him the day before, which 
 was so sacred, that he hoped he would not violate 
 
 ° put it now] now put it 'T then] Not in MS. 
 
 I' from] out of ■■ begun^] began,
 
 OF THE REBELLION. g9 
 
 it; which if he should, it^ would make him never book 
 think more of marriage. The duke, who better ^' 
 knew what kind of arguments were of prevalence ' ^28. 
 Tsdth him, treated him more rudely ; told him, no- 
 body could beUeve any thing he said, when he re- 
 tracted so soon the promise he had so solemnly 
 made ; that he plainly discerned, that it proceeded 
 from another breach of his word, in communicating 
 with some rascal, who had furnished him with those 
 pitiful reasons he had alleged ; and he doubted not 
 but he should hereafter know who his counsellor 
 had been : that if he receded from what he had pro- 
 mised, it would be such a disobligation to ^ the 
 prince, who had set his heart now upon the journey, ^ 
 after his majesty's approbation, that he could nev^er 
 forget it, nor forgive any man who had been the 
 cause of it. 
 
 The prince, who had always expressed the high- 
 est duty and- reverence towards the king, by his 
 humble and importunate entreaty, and the duke by 
 his rougher dialect, in the end prevailed so far, (after 
 his majesty had passionately, and with many oaths, 
 renounced the ha\dng communicated the matter with 
 any person living,) that the debate was again re- 
 sumed upon the journey, which they earnestly de- 
 sired might not be deferred, but that they might 
 .take their leaves of the king within two days, in 
 which they would have all things ready that " were 
 necessary, his highness pretending to hunt at Theo- 
 bald's, and the duke to take physic at Chelsea. 
 
 They told him, that being to have only two more 
 in their company, as was before resolved, they had 
 
 * if he should, it] Not in MS. ' to] upon " that] which
 
 so THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK thought (if he approved them) upon sh' Francis Cot- 
 
 '. tington and Endymion Porter, who, though they 
 
 • might safely, should not be trusted with the secret, 
 till they were even ready to be embarked. The 
 persons were both grateful to the king, the former 
 having been long his majesty's agent in the court of 
 Spain, and was now secretary to the prince ; the 
 other, having been bred in Madrid, after'' many 
 years attendance upon the duke, was now one of 
 the bedchamber to the prince : so that his majesty 
 cheerfully approved the election they had made, and 
 wished it might be presently imparted to them; 
 saying, that many things would occur to them, as 
 necessary to the journey, that they two would never 
 think of; and took that occasion to send for sir 
 Francis Cottington to come presently to him, (whilst 
 the other two remained with him,) who, being of 
 custom waiting in the outward room,y was quickly 
 brought in ; whilst the duke whispered the prince in 
 the ear, that Cottington would be against the jour- 
 ney, and his highness answered he durst not. 
 
 The king told him, that he had always been an 
 honest man, and therefore he was now to trust him 
 in an aflfair of the highest importance, which he was 
 not upon his life to disclose to any man alive ; then 
 said to him, " Cottington, here is baby Charles and 
 " Stenny," (an appellation he always used of and to- 
 wards the duke,) " who have a great mind to go by 
 *^ " post into Spain, to fetch home the infanta, and will 
 " have but two more in their company, and have 
 ^ " chosen you for one. What think you of the jour- 
 "ney?" He often protested since ^, that when he 
 
 " after] and after y room,] rooms, ^ since] Not in MS.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. SI 
 
 heard the king, he fell into such a trembling, that book 
 he could hardly speak. But when the king com- __!l_ 
 manded him to answer him, what he thought of the ^^^8. 
 journey, he repUed, that he could not think well of 
 it, and that he beUeved it would render all that 
 had been done towards the match fruitless : for that 
 Spain would no longer think themselves obliged by 
 those articles, but that, when they had the prince 
 in their hands, they would make new overtures, 
 wliich they believed more advantageous to them; 
 amongst which they must look for many that-^ 
 would concern rehgion, and the exercise of it in 
 England. Upon wliich the king threw himself upon 
 his bed, and said, " I told you this before," and fell 
 into new passion and lamentation, that he was un- 
 done, and should lose baby Charles. 
 
 There appeared displeasure and anger enough m 
 the countenances both of the prince and duke ; the 
 latter saying, that as soon as the king sent for him, 
 he whispered the prince in the ear, that he would 
 be against it ; that he knew his pride well enough ; 
 and that, because he had not been first advised with, 
 he was resolved to dislike it ; and therefore ^ he re- 
 proached Cottington with all possible bitterness of 
 words ; told him the king asked him only of the 
 journey, and which would be the best way, of which 
 he might be a competent counsellor, having made 
 the way so often by post : but that he had the pre- V 
 sumption to give his advice upon matter of state, 
 and against his master, without being called to it, 
 which he should repent as long as he lived ; with a 
 thousand new reproaches, which put the poor king 
 
 * that] which ^ therefore] thereupon
 
 32 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK into a new agony on the behalf of a servant, who he 
 
 I 
 
 
 foresaw would suffer for answering him honestly. 
 1 628. Upon which he said, with some commotion, " Nay, 
 " by God, Stenny, you are very much to blame to 
 " use him so. He answered me directly to the ques- 
 tion I asked him, and very honestly and wisely : 
 and yet you know he said no more than I told you, 
 " before he was called in." However, after all this 
 passion on both parts, the king yielded, and the jour- 
 ney was at that conference agreed on,*^ and aU. direc- 
 tions given accordingly to sir Francis Cottington ; the 
 king having now plainly discovered, that the whole 
 intrigue was originally contrived by the duke, and 
 so violently pursued by his spirit and imi^etuosity. 
 
 The manner, circumstances, and conclusion of 
 that voyage, with the extraordinary ^ accidents that ^ 
 happened in it, will no doubt be at large remem- 
 bered by whosoever shall have the courage to write 
 the transactions of that time, with that integrity he 
 ought to do : in which it will manifestly a23pear, 
 how much of the prophet was in the wisdom of the 
 king; and that that designed marriage, which had 
 been so many years in treaty, even from the death 
 of prince Harry, and so near concluded, was solely 
 broken by that journey : which, with the passages 
 before mentioned, king James never forgave the 
 duke of Buckingham ; but retained as sharp a me- 
 mory of it as his nature could contain. 
 
 This indisposition of s the king towards the duke 
 was exceedingly increased and aggravated upon and 
 after the prince's return out of SjDain. For though 
 
 "^ that conference agreed on,] ^ extraordinary] rare 
 
 that very conference agreed ^ that] which 
 upon, s of] in
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 33 
 
 it brought infinite joy and delight to his majesty, book 
 
 which he expressed in all imaginalile transport,*^. 
 
 and was the argument of the loudest and most uni- ^^'^^• 
 versal rejoicing over the whole kingdom, that the 
 nation had ever been acquainted with ; in which the 
 duke had so full a harvest, that the imprudence and 
 presumption (to say no more) of carrying the prince 
 into Spain was totally forgotten, or not remembered ' 
 with any reference to him, and the high merit and 
 inestimable obligation, in bringing him home, was 
 remembered, magnified, and celebrated by all men 
 in aU places ; yet the king was wonderfuUy dis- 
 quieted, when he found (which he had not before 
 their return suspected) that the prince was totally 
 ahened from aU thoughts of, or incHnation to, the 
 mamage ; and that they were resolved to break it, 
 with or without his approbation or consent. And 
 in this the duke resumed the same impetuosity he 
 had so much indulged to himself in the debate of 
 the journey into Spain. 
 
 The king had, upon the prince's return, issued a pariia- 
 
 , . , . , meiit is 
 
 out writs to call a parliament, which was m the caiied after 
 twenty-first year of his reign, thinking it necessary, reT,irn."" * 
 with relation to the perplexities he was in, for the 
 breach of this match with Spain, (which he foresaw 
 must ensue,) and the sad condition of his only 
 daughter in Germany, with her numerous issue, to 
 receive their grave advdce. By the time the parUa- 
 ment could meet, the prince's entu^e confidence being 
 reposed stiU*^ in the duke, as the king's seemed to 
 be, the duke had wrought himself into the very 
 great esteem and confidence of the principal mem- 
 
 ^ transport,] transportation, ^ reposed still] still reposed 
 
 ' not remembered] forgotten 
 
 VOL. I. D 
 
 h-
 
 1628. 
 
 34 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK bers of both houses of parliament, who were most 
 - like to be the leading men, and had all a desire to 
 have as much reputation in the court, as they had 
 in the country. It was very reasonably thought ne- 
 cessary, tha|, as the king would, at the opening or 
 the parHament, make mention of the treaty with 
 Spain, and more at large of his daughter's being 
 driven out of the palatinate, which would require 
 their assistance and aid ; so that the prince and 
 duke should afterwards, to one or both houses, as 
 occasion should be offered, make a relation of what 
 had passed in Spain, especially concerning the pala- 
 tinate : that so the houses being put ' into some me- 
 thod and order of their future debate, they might "^ 
 be more easily regulated, than if they were in the 
 beginning left to that liberty, which they naturally 
 affected, and from which they would not be re- 
 strained, but in such a manner as would be grateful 
 to themselves. 
 
 Things being thus concerted, after the houses had 
 been three or four days together, (for in that time 
 some days were always sj)ent in the formality of 
 naming committees, and providing for common oc- 
 currences, before they made an entrance upon more 
 solemn debates,) the prince began to speak of the 
 Spanish affairs, and of his own journey thither ; and 
 forgot not to mention the duke with more than or- 
 dinary affection. Whereupon it was thought fit, that 
 the whole affair, which was Hkewise to be the prin- 
 cipal subject matter of all their consultations, should 
 be stated and enlarged upon, in a conference be- 
 tween the two houses, which his highness and the 
 
 ' the houses being put] putting the houses "^ might] would
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 35 
 
 duke were desired to manage. How little notice book 
 
 1. 
 
 1628. 
 
 soever any body else could take of the change, the. 
 duke himself too well knew the hearty resentment 
 the king had of what had passed, and " the affection 
 he still had for the Spanish treaty ; and therefore 
 he had done°, and resolved still to do, all he could, 
 to make himself gi'ateful to the parliament, and po- 
 pular amongst the people, who he knew had always 
 detested the match with Spain, or in truth any alli- 
 ance with that nation. 
 
 So when, at the conference, the prince had made The prince's 
 
 , , - . ^ 1 • 1 • 1 ^"f' duke's 
 
 a short mtroduction to the busmess, and. said some account of 
 very kind things of the duke, of his wonderful caYQ^^l^JToS- 
 of him whilst he was in Spain, and the great dex- ^'""' ^^' ,. 
 
 ^ ^ tween both 
 
 terity he used in getting him away, he referred the houses, 
 whole relation to him ; who said, " That p the true 
 " ground of the prince's journey into Spain, which 
 " he well knew had begot such a terrible panting 
 " in the hearts of all good Englishmen, had been 
 " only to make a clear discovery of the sincerity of 
 " the Spaniard, and, if his intentions "i were real, to 
 " put a speedy end to it by marrying of "^ the lady 
 " upon the place : if he found it otherwise, to put 
 " his father and himself at * liberty to dispose of 
 " himself in some other place. That the ambassa- 
 " dor, in whose hands that great affair was solely 
 " managed, when in one despatch he writ ' that all 
 " was concluded, in the next used to give an ac- 
 " count of new difficulties, and new demands : and, 
 " when all things were adjusted at Madrid, some 
 
 " and] and of >• of] Not in MS. 
 
 ° done] Not in MS. ' at] into 
 
 P said, "That] made ' writ] wrote 
 '1 intentions] intention 
 
 D 2
 
 36 
 
 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK 
 I. 
 
 1628. 
 
 unexpected scruples discovered themselves at 
 Rome, with which the councils in Spain seemed 
 to be surprised, and appeared to be confounded, 
 and not to know what to say. These ebbs and 
 floods made the prince apprehend, that the pur- 
 pose was to amuse us, whilst they had other de- 
 signs in secret agitation. And thereupon, that his 
 highness had prevailed with his father (how un- 
 willing soever) to permit him to make the ^ jour- 
 ney, that he might make that useful discovery, 
 which could not otherwise be ^ made in any sea- 
 sonable time. 
 
 " That they no sooner came to Madrid, than they 
 discovered (though the prince was treated with all 
 the respect due to his greatness, and the obligation 
 he had laid upon that nation) that there had never 
 been any real purpose that the infanta should be 
 given to him : that, during so long an abode as 
 his highness made there, they had never procured 
 the dispensation from Rome, which they might 
 easily have done : and that, at last, upon > the 
 death of the pope, Gregory XV. the whole process 
 was to begin again, and would be transacted with 
 the formalities, which they should find necessary 
 to their other affairs. That, instead of proceeding 
 upon the articles, which had been pretended to be 
 concluded, they urged nothing but new demands, 
 and in matters of religion so peremptorily, that 
 the principal clergymen, and the most eminent of 
 that king's preachers, had frequent conferences 
 with the prince, to persuade him to change his 
 religion, and become a papist.^ And, in order to 
 
 " the] that y upon] Nut in MS. 
 
 ^ otherwise be] be otherwise ' a papist.] a catholic.
 
 <( 
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 37 
 
 move him the more successfully thereunto, they book 
 procured the pope to write a letter himself to his '. 
 
 " highness, putting him in mind of the religion of ^628. 
 
 " his ancestors and progenitors, and conjuring him 
 
 " to return to the same faith : but that it had 
 
 " pleased God not only to give the prince a con- 
 
 " stant and unshaken^ heart in his religion, but 
 
 " such wonderful abilities to defend the same in his 
 
 " discourse and arguments, that they stood amazed 
 
 " to hear him, and upon the matter confessed, that 
 
 " they were not able to answer him. 
 
 *' That they would not suffer the prince to confer 
 " with, or so much as to speak to hardly, and very 
 " rarely to see his mistress, whom ^ they pretended 
 " he should forthwith marry. That they could never 
 " ol^tain any better answer in the business of the 
 " palatinate, than that the restoring it was not in 
 " the power of that king, though it had been taken 
 " by the sole power of Spain, and the Spanish army, 
 " under the command of the marquis Spinola, who 
 " was then in the entire possession of it : but that 
 " his catholic majesty would use his interj^osition, 
 " with all the credit he had with the emperor and 
 " duke of Bavaria, without whose joint consent it 
 " could not be done, and whose consent he hoped 
 " to obtain : but that he was well assured, that there 
 " was no more real intention in that point of resti- 
 " tution, than in the other of '^ marriage ; and that 
 " the palatinate could not be hoped ^ to be recovered 
 " any other way than by force, which would easily 
 " bring it to pass." 
 
 ^ unshaken] unshakable "^ could not be hoped] must 
 
 ^ whom] who not be looked 
 
 of] of the 
 
 D 3
 
 ]628. 
 
 38 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK Throughout his whole discourse he made frequent 
 reflections upon the earl of Bristol, as if he very well 
 knew the Spaniards purposes in the whole, and con- 
 curred with them in it. " That he was so much 
 " troubled when he first saw the prince, who alighted 
 " at his house, that he could not contain himself, 
 *' but wished that his highness were at home again ; 
 " that he had afterwards, when he found that his 
 " highness liked the infanta, persuaded him in pri- 
 " vate that he would become a papist;^ and that,, 
 *' without changing his religion, it Avould not be pos- 
 " sible ever to compass that marriage." 
 
 He told them, " That the king had sent for the 
 '^ *' earl to return home, where he should be called 
 " to account for all his miscarriages." Whereas in 
 truth the king had recalled him rather to assist him 
 against the duke, than to expose him to his malice' 
 and fury ; his majesty having a great esteem of that 
 earl's fidelity to him, and of his great abilities. 
 The pariia. The confercncc ended in a wonderful applause, in 
 solution both houses, of the prince and duke's behaviour and 
 dedaie^a*" Carriage throughout the affair, and in a hasty reso- 
 lution to dissuade the king from entertaining any 
 farther motions towards the match, and frankly and 
 resolutely to enter into a war with Spain ; towards 
 the carrying on of which they raised great moun- 
 tains of promises, and, prevailing in the first, never 
 Tr remembered to make good the latter; which too 
 often falls out in such counsels. 
 
 war with 
 Spain. 
 
 ^ 
 
 King When king James was informed of what the duke 
 
 James's in i • i i i j 
 
 perplex- had SO Confidently avowed, for which he had no 
 di'spieas"uie authority, or the least direction from him, and a 
 
 *= a papist ;] catholic ;
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 29 
 
 great part whereof himself knew to be untrue; and book ^ 
 that he had advised an utter breach of the treaty, 
 and to enter upon a war with Spain, he was infi- \ 
 
 1 6"28. 
 
 jitv.nst the 
 
 nitely offended ; so that he wanted only a resolute ''"i^^ "P"" 
 and brisk counsellor to assist him in destroying the sion. 
 duke : ^ and such a one he promised himself in the 
 arrival of the earl of Bristol, whom he expected 
 every day. 
 
 His majesty s had another exception against the Ti.e eari of 
 duke, which touched him as near, and in which he his lisrand 
 enlarged himself much more. Lionel Cranfeild, who,^''^'' 
 though extracted from a gentleman's family, had 
 been bred in the city, and, being a man of great 
 wit and understanding in all the mysteries of trade, 
 had found means to work himself into the good opi- 
 nion and favour of the duke of Buckingham ; and 
 having shortly after married a near relation ^ of the 
 duke's, with wonderful expedition was made a privy- 
 counsellor, master of the wardi'obe, master of the 
 wards, and, without parting with any of these, was 
 now become lord high treasurer of England, and 
 earl of Middlesex, and had ' gained so much credit 
 with the king, (being in truth a man of great parts 
 and notable dexterity,) that, during the duke's ab- 
 sence in Spain, he was not only negligent in the 
 issuing out such sums of money as were necessary 
 for k the defraying those unlimited expenses, and to 
 correspond with him with that deference he had 
 used to do, but had the courage to dispute his com- 
 mands, and to appeal to the king, whose ear was 
 always inclined to him, and in whom he begun ^ to 
 
 f the duke :] him : ' had] had in truth 
 
 s His majesty] He ^ foi.-] ^q 
 
 ^ relation] ally i begun] began 
 
 D 4
 
 1(J28. 
 
 40 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK believe himself so far fastened, that he should not 
 I. . 
 
 stand in need of the future support of the favourite. 
 And of all this the duke could not be v^ithout ample 
 information, as well from his own creatures, who 
 were near enough to observe, as from others ; who, 
 caring for neither of them, were more scandalized 
 at so precipitate a promotion of a person of such an 
 education, and whom they had long known so much 
 their inferior, though it could not be denied, that he 
 filled the places he held with great abilities. 
 
 The duke no sooner found the parliament dis- 
 posed to a good opinion of him, and being well as- 
 sured of the prince's fast kindness, than he projected 
 the ruin of this bold rival of his, of whom he saw 
 clearly enough that the king had so good an opi- 
 nion, that it would not be in his sole power to crush 
 him, as he had done others in the same and as high 
 a station. And so he easily procured some leading 
 men in the house of commons, to cause an impeach- 
 ment for several corruptions and misdemeanours to 
 be sent up to the house of peers against that great 
 minister, whom they had so lately known their equal 
 in that house ; which (besides their natural inclina- 
 tion to that kind of correction"^) disposed them with 
 great alacrity to this " prosecution. The wise king 
 knew well enough the ill consequence that must at- 
 tend such an activity ; and that it would shake his 
 own authority in the choice of his own ministers, 
 when they should find, that their security did not 
 depend solely upon his own protection : which 
 breach upon his kingly power was so much without 
 a precedent, (except one unhappy one made three 
 
 "^ that kind of correction] those kinds of executions " this] the
 
 1628. 
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 41 
 
 years before, to gratify likewise a private displea- book 
 sure,) that the like had not been practised in very _ 
 many o years.? 
 
 ^Vhen this prosecution was first entered upon, 
 and that the king clearly discerned^ it was con- 
 trived by the duke, and that he had likewise pre- 
 vailed with the prince to be well pleased with it ; 
 his majesty sent for them, and with much warmth 
 and passion dissuaded them from appearing farther 
 in it ; and conjured them " to use all their interest 
 " and authority to restrain it, as such a wound to 
 " the crown, that would not be easily healed." And 
 when he found the duke unmoved by all the consi- 
 derations, and arguments, and commands he had 
 otfered, he said, in great choler, " By God, Stenny, 
 " you are a fool, and will shortly repent this folly, 
 " and will find, that, in this fit of popularity, you 
 " are making a rod, with which you will be scourged 
 " yourself." And turning in some anger to the prince, 
 told him, " That he w ould live to have his belly full 
 " of parliament impeachments : '^ and when I shall 
 " be dead, you will^ have too much cause to re- 
 " member, how much you have ^ contributed to the 
 " weakening of the crown, by the two precedents 
 " you areu now so fond of;" intending as well the 
 engaging the parliament in the war, as the prosecu- 
 tion of the earl of Middlesex. 
 
 But the duke's power (supported by the prince's 
 
 ° verj' many] some hundred ^ and when I shall be dead, 
 
 of you will] and that when he 
 
 P years.] MS. adds: and ne- should be dead, he would 
 ver in such a case as this. ' ' you have] he had 
 
 '1 discerned] discerned that " the two precedents you are] 
 
 "■ parliament impeachments :] this precedent he was 
 parliaments :
 
 42 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK countenance) was grown so great in the two houses, 
 _ that it was in vain for the king to interpose ; and 
 
 1628. so (notwithstanding so good a defence made by the 
 earl, that he was absolved from any notorious crime 
 by the impartial opinion of many of those who heard 
 all the evidence) he was at last condemned in a 
 great fine to a long and strict imprisonment, and 
 never to sit in parliament during his life : a clause 
 of such a nature as was never before found in any 
 jvidgment of i3arliament, and, in truth, not to be in- 
 flicted upon any peer but by attainder. 
 
 How much alienated ^ soever the king's affection 
 was in truth from the duke, upon these three pro- 
 vocations; 1. The prince's journey into Spain; 
 2. The engaging the parliament to break the match 
 and treaty with Spain, and to make a war against 
 that crown ; and, 3. The sacrificing the earl of Mid- 
 dlesex in such a manner, upon his own animosity; 
 yet he was so far from thinking fit to manifest it, 
 (except in whispers to very few men,) that he was 
 prevailed with to restrain the earl of Bristol upon 
 his first arrival, without permitting him to come 
 into his presence, which he had positively promised, 
 The earl of and rcsolvcd to do ; and in the end suffered his at- 
 cused in torney general to exhibit a charge of high treason, 
 parimmeut. ^^ j^-^ j^gjgg^y'g name, agaiust the said earl, who was 
 
 thereupon committed to the Tower; but so little 
 dejected with it, that he answered the articles with 
 Accuses the great stcadiuess and unconcernedness, and exhibited 
 another charge of high treason against the duke in 
 many particulars. 
 
 And in this order and method the war was hastily 
 
 "= How much alienated] And how aliened
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 43 
 
 entered into against Spain, and a new treaty set on book 
 foot for the prince of Wales with the daughter of. 
 
 France ; which was quickly concluded, though not ' ^^^* 
 fully completed ^ till after the death of king James ; 
 who, in the spring following, after a short indisposi- 
 tion by the gout, fell into an ague,^ which, meeting 
 many humours in a fat, unwieldy body of fifty- 
 eight^ years old, in four or five fits carried him out King james 
 of the world. After whose death many scandalous 
 and libellous discourses were raised, without the 
 least colour or gi-ound ; as appeared upon the strict- 
 est and most s malicious examination that could be 
 made, long after, in a time of licence, when nobody 
 was afraid of offending majesty, and when prosecut- 
 ing the highest reproaches and contumelies against 
 the royal family was held very meritorious. 
 
 Upon the death of king James, Charles prince of Prince 
 Wales succeeded to the crown, with as universal a succeeds 
 joy in the people as can be imagined, and in a con- j",™g g^^. 
 juncture, when all the other parts of Christendom, f^!^'^f '" 
 being engaged in war, were very solicitous for his 
 friendship ; and the more, because he had already 
 discovered an activity, that was not like to suffer 
 him to sit still. The duke contiaued in the same 
 degree of favour at the least with the son, which he 
 had enjoyed so many years under the father. A 
 rare felicity ! ^ seldom known, and in which the ex- 
 pectation of very many was exceedingly disap- 
 pointed ; who, knowing the great jealousy and in- 
 dignation that the prince had heretofore had against 
 
 ^ fully completed] executed s most] Not in MS. 
 
 ^ an ague,] a quartan ague, ^ A rare felicity!] Which was 
 
 ^ fifty-eight] A blank left in a rare felicity ; 
 MS.
 
 44 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK the duke, insomuch as he was once very near strik- 
 
 _ ; — mg him, expected that he would now remember 
 
 "^°- that insolence, of which he then so often complained; 
 without considering the opportunity the duke had, 
 by the conversation with the prince, during his 
 journey into Spain, (which was so grateful to him,) 
 and whilst he was there, to wipe out the memory of 
 all former oversights, by making them appear to be 
 of a less magnitude than they had been understood 
 before, and to be excusable from other causes, still 
 being severe enough to himself for his unwary part, 
 whatsoever excuses he might make for the excess ; 
 and by this means to make new vows for himself, 
 and to tie new knots to restrain the prince from 
 future jealousies. And it is very true, his hopes in 
 this kind never failed him ; the new king, from the 
 death of the old even to the death of the duke him- 
 self, discovering the most entire confidence in, and 
 even friendship to him, that ever king had shewed 
 to any subject : all prefernfents in church and state 
 given by him ; all his kindred and friends promoted 
 to the degree in honour, or riches, or offices, as he 
 thought fit, and all his enemies and enviers dis- 
 countenanced, and kept at that distance from the 
 ^ court as he appointed. 
 King But a parliament was necessary to be called, as 
 
 first pariia- at the cntrauce of all kings to the crown, for the 
 meiitcaiie continuance of some supplies and revenue to the 
 king, which have been still used to be granted in 
 that season. And now he quickly found how pro- 
 phetic the last king's predictions had proved,' and 
 were like to prove. The parliament that had so 
 
 ' proved,] Not in MS.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 45 
 
 rashly'^ advanced the war, and so passionately • ad- book 
 
 hered to his person, was now no more ; and though _ 
 
 the house of peers consisted still of the same men, ^^~^ 
 and most of the principal men of the house of com- 
 mons were again elected to serve in this parliament, 
 yet they were far from wedding the war, or taking 
 themselves to be concerned to make good any de- 
 claration •" made by the former : so that, though the 
 war was entered in, aU hope of obtaining money to 
 carry it on was even desperate ; and the affection 
 they had for the duke, and confidence in him, was 
 not then so manifest, as the prejudice they had now, 
 and animosity against him, was visible to all the 
 world : all the actions of his life ripped up and sur- 
 veyed, and all malicious glosses made upon all he 
 had said and all he had done : votes and remon- 
 strances passed against him as an enemy to the 
 public; and his ill management made the ground 
 of their refusal to give the king that supply he had 
 reason to expect, and was absolutely necessary to 
 the state he was in. And this kind of treatment 
 was so ill suited to the duke's great spuit, which 
 indeed might have easily" been bowed, but could 
 very hardly be broken, that it wrought contrary 
 effects upon his high mind, and his indignation, to 
 find himself so used by the same men. For they who 
 flattered him most before, mentioned him now with 
 the greatest bitterness and acrimony ; and the same 
 men who had called him our saviour, for bringing 
 the prince safe out of Spain, called him now the 
 corrupter of the king, and betrayer of the liberties 
 
 ^ rashly] furiously " might have easily] might 
 
 ' passionately,] factiously, easily have 
 
 "^ declaration] declarations
 
 46 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK of the people, without imputing the least crime to 
 '■ — him, to have been committed since the time of that 
 
 1628. exalted adulation, or that was not then as much 
 known to them, as it could be now ; so fluctuating 
 and unsteady a testimony is the applause of pojiular 
 councils. 
 Thatpariia- This iudiguation, I say, so transported the duke, 
 the next that hc thought ° necessary to publish and manifest 
 accmintof"^ greater contempt of them than he should have 
 the duke. (jQjie . causing this and the next parliament to be 
 quickly dissolved, as soon as they seemed to enter- 
 tain counsels not grateful to him, and before he could 
 well determine and judge what their temper was in 
 truth like to prove : and upon every dissolution, such 
 as P had given any offence were imprisoned or dis- 
 graced ; new projects were every day set on foot for 
 money, which served only to offend and incense the 
 people, and brought little supplies^ to the king's 
 occasions, yet raised a great stock for expostulation, 
 murmur, and complaint, to be exposed when other 
 supplies should be required. And many persons of 
 the best quahty and condition under the peerage 
 were committed to several prisons, with circum- 
 stances unusual and unheard of, for refusing to pay 
 money required by those extraordinary ways ; and 
 the duke himself would passionately say, and fre- 
 quently do, many things, which only grieved his 
 friends and incensed his enemies, and gave them as 
 well the ability as the inclination to do him much 
 harm. 
 A war de- In this fatal conjuncture, and after many r several 
 Fr^ance!'^'' costly embassies into France, in the last of which 
 
 ° thought] thought it ^ supplies] supply 
 
 V as] who IT many] Not in MS.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 47 
 
 the duke himself went, and brought triumphantly book 
 home^^^L^h him the queen, to the joy of the nation ; ' 
 in a timeT when all endeavours should have been ^ ^^^• 
 used to have extinguished that war, in which the 
 kings -^as gg unhappily engaged against Spain, a new 
 war was as precipitately declared against France ; 
 and the fleet, that had been unwarily designed to 
 have surprised Cales, under a general very unequal 
 to that great work, was no sooner returned without 
 success, and with much damage, than it ^ was re- 
 paired, and the army reinforced for the invasion of 
 France ; in which the duke was general himself, and 
 made that unfortunate " descent upon the Isle of 
 Rhe, which was quickly afterwards attended with 
 many unprosperous attempts, and then with a mise- 
 rable retreat, in which the flower of the army was 
 lost. So that how ill soever Spain and France were 
 inclined to each other, they were both bitter ^ ene- 
 mies to England ; whilst England itself was so to- 
 tally taken up with the thought of revenge upon 
 the person who they thought had been the cause of 
 their distress, that they never considered, that the 
 sad effects of it (if not instantly provided against) 
 must inevitably destroy the kingdom ; and gave no . 
 truce to their rage, till the duke finished his course 
 by a wicked assassination y in the fourth year of the 
 king, and the thirty-sixth of his age. 
 
 John Felton, an obscure man in his own person, ^ The assas. 
 who had been bred a soldier, and lately a lieutenant tlleVuke^of 
 of a foot company, whose captain had been killed |^^j^'''"°' 
 
 ^ king] kingdom wicked means mentioned be- 
 
 * it] the fleet fore 
 
 " unfortunate] notable ^ an obscure man in his own ^ 
 
 ^ bitter] mortal person,] an obscure person, 
 
 y a wicked assassination] the
 
 48 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK upon the retreat at the Isle of Rhe, upon which he 
 
 I. 
 
 .conceived that the company of right ought to have 
 1628, been conferred upon him, and it being refused to 
 him by the duke of Buckingham, general of the 
 army, had s given up his commission of lieutenant, 
 and withdrawn himself from the army. He was of 
 a melancholic nature, and had little conversation 
 with any body, yet of a gentleman's family in Suf- 
 folk, of good fortune and reputation. From the 
 time that he had quitted the army, he resided in 
 London ; when the house of commons, transported 
 with passion and prejudice against the duke of 
 Buckingham, had accused him to the house of peers 
 for several misdemeanours and miscarriages, and in 
 some declaration had styled him, " the cause of all 
 " the evils the kingdom suffered, and an enemy to 
 " the public." 
 
 Some transcripts of such expressions, (for the late 
 licence of printing all mutinous and seditious dis- 
 courses was not yet in fashion,) and some general 
 invectives he met with amongst the people, to whom 
 that great man was not grateful, wrought so far 
 upon this melancholic gentleman, that, by degrees, 
 and (as he said upon some of his examinations) by 
 frequently hearing some popular preachers in the 
 city, (who were not yet arrived at the presumption 
 and impudence they have been since transported 
 with,) he believed he should do God good service, 
 if he killed the duke ; which he shortly after re- 
 solved to do. He chose no other instrument to do 
 it with than an ordinary knife, which he bought of 
 a common cutler for a shilling : and, thus provided, 
 
 s had] lie had
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 49 
 
 he repaired to Portsmouth, where he arrived the eve book 
 of St. Baitholomew. The duke was then there, in '■ — 
 
 order to the preparing and making ready the fleet 
 and the army, with which he resolved in few days to 
 transport himself to the rehef of Rochelle, which was 
 then straitly besieged by the cardinal Richelieu ; ^ 
 and for the ^ relief whereof the duke was the more 
 obliged, by reason that, at his being at the Isle of 
 Rhe, he had received great supplies of victuals,^ and 
 some companies of their garrison from that town, 
 the want of both which they were at this time very 
 sensible of, and grieved at."^ 
 
 This morning of St. Bartholomew the duke had 
 received letters, in M^hich he was advertised that 
 Rochelle had relieved itself; upon which he directed 
 that his breakfast might speedily Ije made ready, 
 and he would make haste to acquaint the king with 
 the good news, the court being then at Southwick, 
 the house of sir Daniel Norton, five miles from 
 Portsmouth. The chamber wherein he was dressing 
 himself was full of company, of persons of quality, 
 and officers of the fleet and army. 
 
 There was monsieur de Soubize, brother to the 
 duke of Rohan, and other French gentlemen, who 
 were very solicitous for the embarkation of the 
 army, and for the departure of the fleet for the re- 
 lief of Rochelle ; and they were at that time " in 
 much trouble and perplexity, out of apprehension ff 
 that the news the duke had received that morning 
 might slacken the preparations for the voyage, which 
 
 ' by the cardinal Richelieu ;] ' victuals,] victual, 
 
 by the cardinal of Richelieu ; '" at.] with. 
 
 '' the] Not in MS. " at that time] at this tinis 
 VOL. I. E
 
 50 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK their impatience and interest persuaded them p were 
 
 I. 
 
 . not advanced with expedition ; and so they had then 
 16-8. jjgjjj j^^uch discourse with the duke of the impossi- 
 bility that his intelligence covdd be true, and that it 
 was contrived by the artifice and dexterity of their 
 enemies, in order to abate the warmth and zeal that 
 was used for theu' relief, the arrival of which relief 
 those enemies had ^ so much reason to apprehend ; 
 and a little longer delay in sending it would ease 
 them of that terrible apprehension, their forts and 
 works toward the sea and in the harbour being al- 
 most finished. 
 
 This discourse, according to the natural custom 
 of that nation, and by the usual dialect of that lan- 
 guage, was held with that passion and vehemence, 
 that the standers by, who vmderstood not French, 
 did believe that they were angry, "^ and that they 
 -^ used the duke rudely.^ He being ready, and in- 
 formed that his breakfast was ready, drew toAvards 
 the door, where the hangings were held up ; and, in 
 that * very passage, turning himself to speak with 
 sir Thomas Fryer, a colonel of the army, who was 
 then speaking near his ear, he was on the sudden 
 struck over his shoulder upon the breast with a 
 knife ; upon which, without using any other words 
 but," " The villain hath killed me," and in the same 
 moment pulling out the knife himself, he fell down 
 dead, the knife having pierced his heart. 
 
 No man had seen the blow, or the man who gave^ 
 it; but in the confusion they were in, every man 
 
 P them] Not in MS. ^ rudely.] very rudely. 
 
 1 which relief those enemies ' that] the 
 
 had] which they had '^ but,] but that, 
 
 >" angry] very angry ^ gf*ve] made
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 51 
 
 made his own conjectures, and declared it as a thing book 
 
 known ; most agreeing that it was done by the '. — 
 
 French, from the angry discom'se they thought they ^^2^- 
 hady heard from them. And it was a kind of a 
 miracle, that they were not all killed in that in- 
 stant ; the sober ^ sort, that preserved them from it, 
 having the same opinion of their guilt, and only re- 
 serving them for a more judicial examination and 
 proceeding. 
 
 In the crowd near the door there was found upon 
 the ground a hat, in the inside whereof there was 
 sewed upon the crown a paper, in which was ^ writ 
 four or five lines of that declaration made by the house 
 of commons, in which they had styled the duke an 
 enemy to the kingdom, and under it a short ejacu- 
 lation or two towards a prayer. It was easily enough 
 concluded that the hat belonged to the person who 
 had committed the murder : but the difficulty re- 
 mained still as great, who that person should be ; 
 for the writing discovered nothing of the name ; and ^ 
 whosoever it was, it was very natural to believe that 
 he was gone far enough not to be found without a 
 hat. 
 
 In this hurry, one running one way, another an- 
 other way, a man was seen walking before the door 
 very composedly witliout a hat ; whereupon one cry- 
 ing out, " Here is the fellow that killed the duke ;" 
 upon which others run ^ thither, every body asking, 
 " Which is he ? Which is he ?" To which the man 
 without the hat very composedly answered, " I am 
 
 he." Thereupon some of those who were most 
 
 y had] Not in MS. =* was] were 
 
 '■ sober] soberer ^ run] ran 
 
 E 2 
 
 (C
 
 52 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK furious, suddenly rune upon the man with their 
 '. drawn swords to kill him : but others, who were at 
 
 ^"^°' least equally concerned in the loss, and in the sense 
 of it, defended him ; himself with open arms very 
 calmly and cheerfully exposing himself to the fury 
 and swords of the most enraged, as being very will- 
 ing to fall a sacrifice to their sudden anger, rather 
 than to be kept for that deliberate justice, which he 
 I knew must be executed ^ upon him. 
 / He was now known enough, and easily discovered 
 to be that Felton, whom we mentioned before, who 
 / had been a lieutenant in the army. He was quickly 
 carried into a private room by the persons of the 
 / best condition, some whereof were in authority, who 
 I first thought fit so far to dissemble, as to mention the 
 
 I duke only as grievously wounded, but not without 
 
 I hope of recovery. Upon which Felton smiled, and 
 
 said, he knew well enough ^ he had given him a 
 blow, that had determined all their s hopes. Being 
 then asked (which was the discovery principally 
 aimed at) by whose instigation he had performed 
 that horrid and wicked act, he answered them with 
 a wonderful assurance, " That they should not trou- 
 " ble themselves in that inquiry ; that no man living 
 " had credit or power enough with^ him, to have 
 " engaged or disposed him to such an action ; that 
 " he had never intrusted his purpose and resolution 
 " to any man ; that it proceeded only from himself 
 " and the impulse ' of his own conscience ; and that 
 " the motives thereunto would appear, if his hat 
 
 '^ run] ran s their] those 
 
 '' executed] exercised '' with] in 
 
 '^ only] only as ' impulse] impulsion 
 
 ' enough] Not in MS.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 53 
 
 " were found, in which he had therefore fixed them, book 
 
 I. 
 
 " because he believed it very probal^le that he might 
 
 " perish in the attempt. He confessed that he had ^^^^' 
 
 " come to the town but the night before, and had 
 
 " kept his lodging, that he might not be seen or 
 
 " taken notice of; and that he had come that morn- 
 
 " ing to the duke's lodging, where he had waited at 
 
 *' the door for his coming out ; and when he found, 
 
 " by the motions within, that he was coming, he 
 
 " drew to the door, as if he held up the hanging ; '^ 
 
 *' and sir Thomas Fryer speaking with^ the duke, 
 
 " as hath been said, and being of a much lower sta- 
 
 " ture than the duke, who a little inclined towards 
 
 " him, he took the opportunity of giving the blow 
 
 " over his shoulders." ^ 
 
 He spoke very frankly of what he had done, and 
 bore the reproaches of those who spoke to him, with 
 the temper of a man who thought he had not done -^ 
 amiss. But after he had been in prison some time, 
 where he was treated without any rigour, and with 
 humanity enough ; and before, and at his trial, which 
 was about four months after, at the king's bench 
 bar, he behaved himself with great modesty and 
 wonderful repentance ; being, as he said, convinced 
 in his conscience, that he had done wickedly, and 
 asked the pardon of the king, the duchess, and of 
 all the duke's servants, whom he acknowledged to 
 have offended ; and very earnestly besought the 
 judges, that he might have his hand struck off, 
 with which he had performed that impious act, be- 
 fore he should be put to death. 
 
 The court was too near Portsmouth, and too The king's 
 
 receiving 
 
 ^ with] at that time to ' shoulders.] shoulder. 
 
 E 3
 
 54 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK many courtiers upon the place, to have this murder 
 (so barbarous "" in the nature and circumstances, the 
 
 16-8. jij^g whereof had not been known in England many" 
 
 the news of in t 
 
 the dukes ages) long concealed from the king. His majesty 
 was at the public prayers of the church, when sir 
 John Hippesly came into the room, with a troubled 
 countenance, and, without any pause in respect of 
 the exercise they were performing, went directly to 
 the king, and whispered in his ear what had fallen 
 " out. His majesty continued unmoved, and without 
 the least change in his countenance, till prayers were 
 ended ; Avhen he suddenly departed to his chamber, 
 and threw himself upon his bed, lamenting with 
 mucli passion, and with abundance of tears, the loss 
 he had of an excellent servant, and the horrid man- 
 ner in which he had been deprived of him ; and he 
 continued in this melancholic ° discomposure of mind 
 many days. 
 
 Yet his manner of i^ receiving the news in public, 
 when it was first brought him ^ in the presence of 
 so many, (who knew or saw nothing of the passion 
 he expressed upon his retreat,) made many men be- 
 lieve,"^ that the accident was not very ungrateful ; at 
 least, that it was very indifferent to him ; as being 
 rid of a servant very ungracious to the people, and 
 the prejudice to v/hose person exceedingly obstructed 
 all overtures made in ])arli anient for his service. 
 
 And, upon this observation, persons of all condi- 
 tions took great licence in speaking of the person of 
 the duke, and dissecting all his infirmities, believing 
 
 "" barbarous] wonderful p his manner of] the manner 
 
 " nianvl in many of his 
 " njelancholic] melancholic '' him] to him 
 and ^ believe,] to believe,
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 55 
 
 they should not thereby incur any displeasure of the book 
 king's.' In which they took very iU measures; for. 
 
 from that time almost to the time of his own death, ^ ' 
 the king admitted very few into any degree of trust, 
 who had ever discovered themselves to be enemies 
 to the duke, or against whom he had ' manifested a 
 notable prejudice. And sure never any prince ex- 
 pressed a more lively ^ regret for the loss of a ser- 
 vant, than his majesty did for this great man, in his 
 constant favour and kindness to his wife and chil- 
 dren, in all offices of grace towards his servants, and 
 in a wonderful solicitous care for the payment of his 
 debts ; which, it is very true, were contracted for 
 his majesty's service ; though in such a manner, that 
 there remained no evidence of it, nor were any of 
 the duke's officers intrusted with the knowledge of 
 it, nor any record kept of it, but in the king's own 
 generous memory. ''^ ..x'^ 
 
 This great man ^ was a person of a noble nature, a ciiaracter 
 and generous disposition, and of such other endow-" "^ 
 ments, as made him very capable of being a great 
 favourite to a great king. He understood the arts ^ 
 of a court, and all the learning that is professed 
 there, exactly well. By long practice in business, 
 
 * king's.] king. with the knowledge of it, nor 
 
 * had] had ever was there any record of it, but 
 " expressed a more lively] in his majesty's own generous 
 
 manifested a most lively memory,) and all offices of grace 
 
 ^ in all offices — generous me- towards his servants, 
 
 mory.] Thus in MS. : in a won- >' This great man] The MS. 
 
 derful solicitous care for the begins thus : After all this, and 
 
 payment of his debts, (which, such a transcendant mixture of 
 
 it is very true, were contracted ill fortune, of which as ill con- 
 
 for his service ; though in such duct and great infirmities seem 
 
 a manner, that there remained to be the foundation and source, 
 
 no evidence of it, nor was any this great man, &c. 
 
 of the duke's officers intrusted ^ arts] arts and artifices 
 
 E 4
 
 56 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK under a master that discoursed excellently, and sure- 
 ly knew all things wonderfully, and took much de- 
 
 1628. light in indoctrinating his young unexperienced fa- 
 vourite, who, he knew, w ould be always looked upon 
 as the workmanship of his own hands, he had ob- 
 tained a quick conception, and apprehension of busi- 
 ness, and had the habit of speaking very gracefully 
 and pertinently. He was of a most flowing courtesy 
 and affability to all men who made any address to 
 him ; and so desirous to oblige them, that he did 
 not enough consider the value of the obligation, or 
 the merit of the person he chose to oblige ; from 
 which much of his misfortune resulted. He was of 
 a courage not to be daunted, which was manifested 
 in all his actions, and in ^ his contests with particu- 
 lar persons of the greatest reputation ; and especially 
 in his whole demeanour at the Isle of Rhe, both at 
 the landing and upon the retreat ; in both which no 
 man was more fearless, or more ready to expose him- 
 self to the highest ^ dangers. His kindness and af- 
 fection to his friends was so vehement, that they 
 were as ^ so many marriages for better and worse, 
 and so many leagues offensive and defensive ; as if 
 he thought himself obliged to love all his friends, 
 and to make war upon all they were angry with, let 
 the cause be what it would. And it cannot be de- 
 nied that he was an enemy in the same excess, and 
 prosecuted those he looked upon as his enemies with 
 the utmost rigour and animosity, and was not easily 
 ': induced to ^ reconciliation. And yet there were some 
 examples of his receding in that particular. And 
 
 « in] Not in MS. *^ they were as] it was 
 
 ^ highest] brightest '' to] to a
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 57 
 
 when he was" in the highest passion, he was so far book 
 
 from stooping to any dissimvilation, whereby his dis- '. — 
 
 pleasure might be concealed and covered till he had ^^^^• 
 attained his revenge, (the low method of courts,) that 
 he never endeavoured to do any man an ill office, 
 before he first told him what he was to expect from 
 him, and reproached him with the injuries he had 
 done, with so much generosity, that the person found 
 it in his power to receive further satisfaction, in the 
 way he would choose for himself. 
 
 In ^ this manner he proceeded with the earl of 
 Oxford, a man of great name in that time, and 
 whom he had endeavoured by many civil offices to 
 make his friend, and who seemed equally to incline 
 to the friendship : when he discovered (or, as many 
 thought, but suspected) that the earl was entered 
 into some cabal in parliament against him ; he could 
 not be dissuaded by any of his friends, to whom he 
 imparted his resolution ; but meeting the earl the 
 next day, he took him aside, and after many re- 
 proaches for such and such ill offices he had done 
 him^, and for breaking his word towards him, he 
 told him, "he w^ould rely no longer on his friend- 
 " ship, nor should he expect any further friendship 
 " from him, but, on the contrary, he would be for 
 " ever his enemy, and do him all the mischief he 
 *' could." The earl, (who, as many thought, had 
 not been faulty towards him, was as great-hearted 
 as he, and thought the very suspecting him to be 
 an injury unpardonable,) without any reply to the 
 particulars, declared, " that he neither cared for his 
 " friendship, nor feared his hatred ;" and from thence 
 
 ^ when he was] Not in MS. ^ In] And in s him] Not in MS.
 
 1628. 
 
 58 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK avowedly entered into the conversation and confi- 
 . dence of those who were always awake to discover, 
 and solicitous to pursue, any thing that might prove 
 to his disadvantage ; which was of evil consequence 
 to the duke, the earl being of the most ancient of 
 the nobility, and a man of great courage, and of a 
 family which had in no time swerved from its fide- 
 lity to the crown. 
 
 Sir Francis Cottington, who was secretary to the 
 prince, and not grown courtier enough to dissemble '' 
 his opinion, had given the duke offence before his ' 
 journey into Spain, as is before touched upon, and 
 improved that prejudice, after his coming thither, 
 by disposing the prince all he could to the marriage 
 of the infanta; and by his behaviour after his re- 
 turn, in justifying to king James, who had a very 
 good opinion of him, the sincerity of the Spaniard 
 in the treaty of the marriage, " That they did in 
 " truth desire it, and were fully resolved to gratify 
 " his majesty in the business of the palatinate ; and 
 " only desired, in the manner of it, to gratify the 
 " emperor and the duke of Bavaria all they '"^ could, 
 " which would take up very little time." All which 
 being so contrary to the duke's purposes and resolu- 
 tions,' his displeasure to Cottington was sufficiently 
 manifest. And king James was no sooner dead, and 
 the new officers and orders made, but the profits 
 and privileges which had used to be continued to 
 him who had been secretary, till some other promo- 
 tion, were all retrenched. And when he was one 
 morning attending in the privy lodgings, as he was 
 
 h dissemble] dissemble well ' purposes and resolutions,] 
 
 ' his] the positions and purposes, 
 
 ^ they] he
 
 1628. 
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 59 
 
 accustomed to do, one of the secretaries of state book 
 came to him, and told him, " that it was the king's _ 
 " pleasure he "^ should no more presume to come 
 " into those rooms ;" (which was the first instance 
 he had received of the king's disfavour ;) and at the 
 same instant the duke entered into that quarter. Sir 
 Francis Cottington " addressed himself towards him, 
 and desired " he would give him leave to speak to 
 " him:" upon which the duke inclining his ear, moved 
 to a window from the company, and the other told 
 him, " that he received every day fresh marks of his 
 " severity ;" mentioned the message which had been 
 then delivered to him, and desired only to know, 
 " whether it could not be in his power, by all du- 
 " tiful application, and all possible service, to be re- 
 " stored to the good opinion his grace had once 
 " vouchsafed to have of him, and to be admitted to 
 " serve him ?" The duke heard him without the 
 least commotion, and with a countenance serene 
 enough, and then answered him, " That he would 
 " deal very clearly with him ; that it was utterly 
 " impossible to bring that to pass which he had pro- 
 " posed : that he was not only firmly resolved never 
 *' to trust him, or to have to do with him ; but that 
 " he was, and would be always, his declared enemy; 
 " and that he would do always whatsoever ° should 
 *' be in his power to ruin and destroy him, and of 
 " this he might be most assured ;" without mention- 
 ing any particvdar ground for his so heightened dis- 
 pleasure. 
 
 The other very calmly replied to him, (as he was 
 
 »" he] that he tington 
 
 " Sir Francis Cottington] " whatsoever] whatever 
 Upon which sir Francis Cot-
 
 60 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK master of an incomparable temper,) " That since he 
 
 '. — " was resolved never to do him good, he p hoped, 
 
 " from his justice and generosity, that he would not 
 " suffer himself to gain by his loss ; that he had laid 
 " out by his command so much money for jewels 
 *' and pictures, which he had received : and that, in 
 " hope of his future favour, he had once presented 
 " a suit of hangings to him, which cost him 800/. 
 " which he hoped he would cause to be restored to 
 " him, and that he would not let him be so great 
 " a loser by him." The duke answered, " he was 
 " in the right ; that he should the next morning go 
 " to Oliver, (who was his receiver,) and give him a 
 " particular account of all the money due to him, 
 " and he should presently pay him :" which was 
 done the next morning accordingly, without the 
 least abatement of any of his demands. 
 
 And he was so far reconciled to him before his 
 death, that being resolved to make peace ^ with 
 Spain, to the end he might more vigorously pursue 
 the war with France, (to which his heart was most 
 passionately fixed,) he sent for Cottington to come 
 to him, and after conference with him, told him, 
 " the king would send him ambassador thither, and 
 " that he should attend him at Portsmouth for his 
 " despatch." 
 
 His single misfortune was, (which indeed was 
 productive of many greater,) that he never made a 
 noble and a Avorthy friendship with a man so near 
 his equal, that he would frankly advise him for his 
 honour and true interest, against the current, or ra- 
 ther the torrent, of his impetuous passion ; which 
 
 P he] that he ') peace] a peace
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 61 
 
 was partly the vice of the time, when the court was book 
 not replenished with great choice of excellent men ; ' 
 and partly the vice of the persons who were most ^^^^' 
 worthy to be applied to, and looked upon his youth, 
 and his obscurity before his lise^ as obligations upon 
 him to gain their friendships by extraordinary ap- 
 plication. Then his ascent was so quick, that it 
 seemed rather a flight than a growth ; and he was 
 such a darUng of fortune, that he was at the top 
 before he was well ^ seen at the bottom ; * and, as if 
 he had been born a favourite, he was supreme the 
 first month he came to court ; and it was want of 
 confidence, not of credit, that he had not all at first "* 
 which he obtained afterwards ; never meeting with 
 the least obstruction from his setting out, till he was 
 as great as he could be : so that he wanted depend- 
 ants before he thought he could want coadjutors. 
 Nor was he very fortunate in the election of those 
 dependants, very few of his servants having been 
 ever qualified enough to assist or advise him ; and 
 they " were intent only upon growing rich under 
 him, not upon their master's growing good as well 
 as great : insomuch as he was throughout his for- 
 tune a much wiser man than any servant or friend 
 he had. 
 
 Let the fault or misfortune be what or whence it 
 will, it may reasonably " be believed, that, if he had 
 been blessed with one faithful friend, who had been 
 qualified with wisdom and integrity, that great per- 
 son would have committed as few faults, and done 
 
 >■ before his rise] Not in MS. effect, not cause, of his first pro- 
 
 * well] Not in MS. motion ; 
 t bottom ;] MS. adds: for the " they] Not in MS. 
 gradation of his titles was the " reasonably] very reasonably
 
 62 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK as transcendent worthy actions, as any man who 
 - shined in such a sphere in that age in Europe. For 
 
 1628. jjg ^^g Qf ajj excellent disposition, y and of a mind^ 
 very capable of advice and counsel. He was in his 
 nature just and candid, liberal, generous, and boun- 
 tiful ; nor was it ever known, that the temptation 
 of money swayed him to do an unjust or unkind 
 thing. And though he left a very gi'eat estate ^ to 
 his heirs ; considering the vast fortune he inherited 
 by his wife, the sole daughter and heir of Francis 
 earl of Rutland, he owed no part of it to his own 
 industry or solicitation, but to the impatient humour 
 of two kings his masters, who would make his for- 
 tune equal to his titles, and the one as much ^ above 
 other men, as the other was. And he considered it 
 no otherwise than as theirs, and left it at his death 
 engaged for the crown, almost to the value of it, as 
 is touched upon before. 
 
 If he had an immoderate ambition, with which 
 he was charged, and is a weed (if it be a weed) apt 
 to grow in the best soils ; it doth not appear that it 
 was in his nature, or that he brought it with him to 
 the court, but rather found it there, and was a gar- 
 ment necessary for that air. Nor was it more in 
 his power to be without promotion, and titles, and 
 wealth, than for a healthy man to sit in the sun in 
 the brightest dog-days, and remain without any 
 warmth. He needed no ambition, who was so 
 seated in the hearts of two such masters. 
 
 There are two particulars, which lie heaviest 
 upon his memory, either of them aggravated by cir- 
 cumstances very important, and which administer 
 
 > disposition,] nature, '■* estate] inheritance 
 
 2 mind] capacity ^ as much] Not in MS.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 63 
 
 frequent occasions by theii- effects to be remem- book 
 bered. '• 
 
 The first, his engaging his old unwilling master 1628. 
 and the kingdom in the war with Spain, (not to 
 mention the bold journey thither, or the breach of 
 that match,) in a time when the crown was so poor, 
 and the people more inclined to a bold inquiry, how 
 it came to be so, than dutiful^ to provide for its 
 supply : and this only upon personal animosities be- 
 tween him and the duke of Olivarez, the sole fa- 
 vourite in that court, and those animosities from 
 very trivial provocations, which '^ flowed indeed from 
 no other fountain, than that the nature and educa- 
 tion of Spain restrained men from that gaiety and 
 frolic humour,^ to which the prince's court was more 
 inclined. And Olivarez had been heard to censure 
 very severely the duke's familiarity and want of re- 
 spect towards the prince, (a crime monstrous to the 
 Spaniard,) and had said, that " if the infanta did 
 " not, as soon as she was married, suppress that li- 
 " cence, she would herself quickly undergo the mis- 
 " chief of it :" which gave the first alarm to the ^ 
 duke to apprehend his own ruin in that union, and 
 accordingly to use all his endeavours to break and 
 prevent it : and from that time he took all occasions 
 to quarrel with and reproach the Conde duke. 
 
 One morning the king desired the prince to take 
 the air, and to visit a little house of pleasure he had 
 (the Prado) four miles from Madrid, standing in a 
 forest, where he used sometimes to hunt ; and the 
 duke not being ready, the king and the prince and 
 
 '^ dutiful] dutifully humour,] from that gaiety of 
 
 '' which] and humour, and from that frolic 
 
 '^ from that gaiety and frolic humour,
 
 64 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK the infante don Carlos went into the coach, the king 
 likewise calling the earl of Bristol into that coach 
 
 I. 
 
 1628. to assist them in their conversation, the prince then 
 not speaking any Spanish ; and left Olivarez to fol- 
 low in the coach with the duke of Buckingham. 
 When the duke came, they went into the coach, 
 accompanied with others of both nations, and pro- 
 ceeded very cheerfully towards the^ overtaking the 
 king : but when u23on the way he heard that the 
 earl of Bristol was in the coach with the king, he 
 broke out into aS great passion, reviled the Conde 
 
 4 duke as the contriver of the affront, reproached the 
 
 earl of Bristol for his presumption, in taking the 
 place which in all respects belonged to him, who 
 was joined with him as ambassador extraordinary, 
 and came last from the presence of his '' master, and 
 resolved to go out of the coach, and to return to 
 Madrid. Olivarez easily discovered by the disorder, 
 and the noise, and the tone, that the duke was very 
 angry, without comprehending the cause of it ; only 
 found that the earl of Bristol was often named with 
 such a tone, that he began' to suspect what in truth 
 might be the cause. And thereupon he commanded 
 a gentleman, who was on horseback, with all speed 
 to overtake the king's coach, and desire that it 
 might stay ; intimating, that the duke had taken 
 some displeasure, the ground whereof was not 
 enough understood. Upon which the king's coach 
 stayed ; and when the other approached within dis- 
 " tance, the Conde duke ahghted, and acquainted the 
 king with what he had observed, and what he con- 
 ceived. The king himself ahghted, made great com- 
 
 ^ the] Not in MS. e a] Not in MS. *' his] their ' begun] began
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 65 
 
 pliments to the duke, the earl of Bristol excusing book 
 himself upon the king's command, that he should ___il__ 
 serve as interpreter.' In the end don Carlos went ^^2*^- 
 into the coach with the favourite, and the duke and 
 the earl of Bristol went with the king and the 
 prince ; and so they prosecuted their journey, and 
 after dinner returned in the same manner to Ma- 
 drid, 
 
 This, with all the circumstances of it, adminis- 
 tered wonderful occasion of discourse in the court 
 and country, there having never been such a comet 
 seen in that hemisphere ; their'"' submiss reverence to 
 their princes being a vital part of their religion. 
 
 There were very few days passed afterwards, in 
 which there was not some manifestation of the high- 
 est displeasure and hatred in the duke against the 
 earl of Bristol.' And when the Conde duke had 
 some eclaircissement with the duke, in which he 
 made aU the protestations of his sincere affection, 
 and his desire to maintain a clear and faithful friend- 
 ship with him, which he conceived might be, in some 
 degree, useful to both their masters ; the other re- 
 ceived his protestations with all contempt, and de- 
 clared, with a very unnecessary frankness, " that he 
 " would have no friendship with him." 
 
 The next ™ day after the king returned from ac- 
 companying the prince towards the sea, where, at 
 parting, there were all possible demonstrations of 
 mutual affection between them; the king" caused 
 a fair pillar to be erected in the place where they 
 last eml)raced each other, with inscriptions of great 
 
 ' interpreter.] a trustman, other. 
 
 ^ their] and their ■" The next] And the next 
 
 1 the earl of Bristol.] the " the king] and the king 
 
 VOL. I. - F
 
 66 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK honour to the prince ; there being then in that court 
 
 '. not the least suspicion, or imagination, that the mar- 
 
 > '"^^* riage would not succeed. Insomuch that afterwards, 
 upon the news from Rome, that the dispensation 
 was granted, the prince having left the desponsorios 
 in the hands of the earl of Bristol, in which the in- 
 fante don Carlos was constituted the prince's proxy 
 to marry the infanta on his behalf; she was treated 
 as princess of Wales, the queen gave her place, and 
 the English ambassador had frequent audiences, as 
 with his mistress, in which he would not be covered : 
 yet, I say, the very next day after the prince's de- 
 parture from the king, Mr. Clark, one of the prince's 
 bedchamber, who had formerly served the duke, was 
 H-j sent back to Madrid, upon pretence that somewhat 
 
 was forgotten there, but in truth, with orders to 
 the earl of Bristol not to deliver the desponsorios 
 (which, by the articles, he was obliged to do within 
 fifteen days after the arrival of the dispensation) 
 until he should receive further orders from the 
 prince, or king, after his return into England. 
 
 Mr. Clark was not to deUver this letter to the 
 ambassador, till he was sure the dispensation was 
 come ; of which he could not be advertised in the 
 instant. But he lodging in the ambassador's house, 
 and falling sick of a calenture, which the physicians 
 thought would prove mortal, he sent for the earl to 
 come to his bed side, and delivered him the letter 
 before the arrival of the dispensation, though long 
 after it was known to be granted ; upon which all 
 those ceremonies were performed to the infanta. 
 
 By these means, and by this method, this great 
 affair, upon which the eyes of Christendom had been 
 so long fixed, came to be dissolved, without the least
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 67 
 
 mixture with, or contribution from, those amours, book 
 which were afterwards so confidently discoursed of ^' 
 For though the duke was naturally carried violently ' ^"^• 
 to those passions, when there was any grace or 
 beauty in the object ; yet the duchess of Olivarez, 
 of whom was the talk,^ was then a woman so old, 
 past children, of so abject a presence, in a word, so — 
 crooked and deformed, that she could neither tempt 
 his appetite, nor v magnify his revenge. And what- 
 soever ^ he did afterwards in England was but tueri 
 opus, and to j^rosecute the design he had, upon the 
 reason and provocation ' aforesaid, so long before 
 contrived during his a})ode in Spain. 
 
 The other particular, by which he involved him- 
 self in so many fatal intricacies, from which he could 
 never extricate himself, was, his running violently 
 into the war with France, without any kind of pro- 
 vocation, and upon a particular passion very unwar- 
 rantable. In his embassy in France, where his per- 
 son and presence was wonderfully admired and es- 
 teemed, (and in truth it was a wonder in the eyes 
 of all men,) and in which he appeared with all the 
 lustre the wealth of England could adorn him with, 
 and outshined all the bravery that court could dress 
 itself in, and overacted the whole nation in their 
 own most peculiar vanities ; he had the ambition to 
 fix his eyes upon, and to dedicate his most violent 
 affection to, a lady of a very sublime quality, and to 
 pursue it with most importunate addresses : inso- 
 much as when the king had brought the queen his 
 sister as far as he meant to do, and delivered her 
 
 " was the talk,] the talk was, '' reason and provocation] 
 P nor] or reasons and provocations 
 
 1 whatsoever] whatever 
 
 F 2
 
 68 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK into the hands of the duke, to be by him conducted 
 
 '■ into England; the duke, in his journey, after the* 
 
 16-8. (departure from that court, took a resolution once 
 more to make a visit to that great lady, which he 
 believed he might do with much * privacy. But it 
 K was so easily discovered, that provision was made 
 for his reception ; and if he had pursued his attempt, 
 he had been without doubt assassinated ; of which 
 he had only so much notice, as served him to de- 
 cline the danger. But he swore, in the instant, 
 " that he would see and speak with that lady, in 
 " spite of the strength and power of France." And 
 from the time that the queen arrived in England, 
 he took all the ways he could to undervalue and 
 exasperate that court and nation, by causing aU 
 those who fled into England from the justice and 
 displeasure of that king, to be received and enter- 
 tained here, not only with ceremony and security, 
 but with bounty and magnificence ; and the more 
 extraordinary the persons were, and the more noto- 
 rious theii'" king's displeasure was towards them, 
 (as in that time there were very many lords and 
 ladies in those circumstances," ) the more respectfully 
 they were received and esteemed. He omitted no 
 opportunity to incense the king against France, and 
 to dispose him to assist the Hugonots, whom he 
 likewise encouraged to give their king some trouble. 
 And, which was worse than all this, he took great 
 pains to lessen the king's affection towards his young 
 queen, being exceedingly jealous, lest her interest 
 might be of force enough to cross his other designs : 
 
 '^ the] his ^ in those circumstances,] of 
 
 * much] great that classis, 
 
 " their] the
 
 1628. 
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 69 
 
 and in this stratagem, he so far swerved from the book 
 instinct of his nature and his proper inclinations, . 
 that he, who was compounded of all the elements 
 of affability and courtesy towards all kind of people, 
 had brought himself to a habit of neglect, and even 
 of rudeness, towards the queen. 
 
 One day, when he unjustly apprehended that she 
 had shewed some disrespect to his mother, in not 
 going to her lodging at an hour she had intended to 
 go,> and was hindered by a mere^ accident, he came 
 into her chamber in much passion, and, after some 
 expostulations rude enough, he told her, " she should 
 " repent it." Her majesty ^ answering with some 
 quickness, he replied insolently to her, " that there 
 " had been queens in England, who had lost their 
 " heads." And it was universally known, that, dur- 
 ing his life, the queen never had any credit with the 
 king, with reference to any public affairs, and so 
 could not divert the resolution of making a war with 
 France. 
 
 The war with Spain had found the nation in a 
 surfeit of a long peace, and in a disposition inclin- 
 able enough to war with that nation, which might 
 put an end to an alliance the most ungrateful to 
 them, and which they most feared, and from whence 
 no other damage had yet befallen them, than a 
 chargeable and unsuccessful voyage by sea, without 
 the loss of ships or men. But a war with France 
 must be carried on at another rate and expense.' 
 Besides, the nation was weary and surfeited with 
 the first, before the second was entered upon ; and 
 it was very visible to wise men, that when the ge- 
 
 y go,] do, ' mere] very =• Her majesty] And her majesty 
 
 F 3
 
 THE HISTORY . 
 
 BOOK neral trade of the kingdom, from whence the sup- 
 port of the crown principally resulted, should be ut- 
 
 I. 
 
 1 628. terly extinguished with France, as it was with Spain, 
 and interrupted or obstructed with all other places, 
 (as it must be, in a great measure,^ in a war, how 
 prosperously soever carried on,) the effects would be 
 very sad, and involve the king in many perplexities ; 
 and it could not but fall out accordingly. 
 
 Upon the return from Cales without success, 
 though all the ships, and, upon the matter, all the 
 men were seen, (for though some had so surfeited 
 in the vineyards, and with the wines, that they had 
 been left behind, the generosity of the Spaniards 
 had sent them all home again ;) and though by that 
 fleet's putting in at Plymouth, near two himdred 
 miles from London, there could be but very '^ imper- 
 fect relations, and the news of yesterday was con- 
 tradicted by '^ the morrow ; besides that ^ the expe- 
 dition had been undertaken by the advice of the 
 parliament, and with an universal approbation of 
 the people, so that nobody could reasonably speak 
 loudly against it ; yet, notwithstanding all this, the 
 
 ' -^ ill success was heavily borne, and imputed to ill con- 
 duct ; the principal officers of the fleet and army di- 
 vided amongst themselves, and all united in their 
 murmurs against the general, the lord viscount Wim- 
 bledon ; who, though an old officer in Holland, was 
 never thought equal to the enterprise ^ In a word, 
 there was indisposition enough quickly discovered 
 against the war itself, that it was easily discerned it, 
 
 '^ in a great measure,] Not in ^ that] Not in MS. 
 MS. ^ enterprise] MS. adds: and 
 
 "^ there could be but very] so had in truth little more of a 
 
 that there could be very Holland officer than the pride 
 
 ^ by] Not in MS. and formality.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 71 
 
 would not be pursued with the vigour it was en- book 
 
 tered into, nor carried on by any cheerful contribu-— — 
 
 tion of money from the public. ^ ^'^^• 
 
 But the running into this war with France (from 
 whence the queen was so newly and s joyfully re- 
 ceived) without any colour of reason, or so much as 
 the formality of a declaration from the king, con- 
 taining the ground, and provocation, and end of it, 
 according to custom and obUgation in the like cases, 
 (for it was observed that the manifesto '^ which was 
 j)ublished was in the duke's own name, who went 
 admiral and general of the expedition,) opened the 
 mouths of all men to inveigh against it with all bit- 
 terness, and the sudden ill effects of it, manifested 
 in the return of the fleet to Portsmouth, within such 
 a distance of London, that nothing could be con- 
 cealed of the loss sustained ; in which most noble 
 families found a son, or a' brother, or near kinsman 
 wanting, without such circumstances of their deaths 
 which are usually the consolations and recompenses 
 of such catastrophes. The retreat had been a rout 
 without an enemy, and the French had their re- 
 venge by the disorder and confusion of the English 
 themselves ; in which great numbers of noble and 
 ignoble were crowded to death, or drowned without 
 the help of an enemy : and as some '^ thousands of 
 the common men were wanting, so few of those 
 principal officers who attained^ to a name in war, 
 and by whose courage and experience any war was 
 to be conducted, could be found. 
 
 The effects of this overthrow did not at first ap- 
 
 s and] and so ^ some] many 
 
 *• manifesto] declaration ' attained] hud attained 
 
 ' a] Not in MS. 
 
 ¥ 4
 
 72 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK pear in whispers, murmurs, and invectives, as the 
 retreat "^ from Cales had done ; but produced such 
 
 1 628. r^ general consternation over the face of the whole 
 nation, as if all the armies of France and Spain 
 were united together, and had covered the land: 
 
 .^0/ mutinies in the fleet and army, under pretence of 
 their want of pay, (whereof no doubt there was 
 
 j^a much due to them,) but in truth, out of detestation 
 
 ^ of the service, and the authority of the duke. The 
 counties throughout the kingdom were so incensed, 
 and their affections poisoned, that they refused to 
 suffer the soldiers to be billetted upon them; by 
 which they often underwent greater inconveniences 
 and mischiefs than they endeavoured to prevent. 
 The endeavour to raise new men for the recruit of 
 the army by pressing (the usual " method that had 
 commonly" been practised upon such occasions) 
 found opposition in many places ; and the autho- 
 rity by which it was done not submitted to, as 
 being counted ^ illegal. This ^ produced a resort to 
 martial law, by which many were executed ; which 
 raised an asperity in the minds of more than of the 
 common people. And tliis distemper was so uni- 
 versal, that ^ the least spark still meeting with com- 
 bustible matter enough to make a flame, all^ wise 
 men looked upon it as the prediction of the destruc- 
 tion and dissolution that would follow. Nor was 
 there a serenity in the countenance of any man, 
 who had age and experience enough to consider 
 things to come ; but only in those who wished the 
 
 '" retreat] retirement 'i This] which 
 
 " usual] only >• that] Not in MS. 
 
 " commonly] ever ^ all] that all 
 P being counted] Not in MS.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 73 
 
 destruction of the duke, and thought it could not be book 
 purchased at too dear a price, and looked upon this ^' 
 flux of humours as an inevitable way to bring it to ^ ^28. 
 pass. 
 
 And it cannot be denied, that from these two 
 wars so wretchedly entered into, and the circum- 
 stances before mentioned, and which flowed from 
 thence, the duke's ruin took its date ; and never 
 left pursuing hmi, till that execraljle act upon his 
 person ; the malice whereof was contracted by that 
 sole evil spirit of the time, without any partner in 
 the conspiracy. And the venom of that season in- 
 creased and got vigour, until, from one licence to 
 another, it proceeded till the nation was coiTupted 
 to that monstrous degree, that it grew satiated, and 
 weary of the government itself; under which it had 
 enjoyed a greater measure of felicity, than any na- 
 tion was ever possessed of; and which could never 
 be continued to them, but under the same govern- 
 ment'. And as these calamities originally sprung 
 from the inordinate appetite and passion of this 
 young man, under the too much easiness of two in- 
 dulgent masters, and the concurrence of a thousand 
 other accidents ; so," if he had lived longer,^ the ob- 
 servation and experience he had gained 5^^, which had 
 very much improved his understanding, with the 
 greatness of his spirit, and jealousy of his master's 
 honour, (to whom his fidelity was superior to any 
 temptation,) might have repaired many of the incon- 
 veniences which he had introduced, and would have 
 
 t government] Not in MS. was taken away at the age of 
 
 " so,] so that, thirty-six years) 
 
 " longer,] MS. adds: (for he y gained] Not in MS.
 
 74 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK prevented the mischiefs which were the natural ef- 
 ' fects of those causes. 
 
 1628. There were many stories scattered abroad at that 
 
 An account _ •' _ 
 
 of apredic- time, of scveral prophecies and predictions of the 
 duke's duke's untimely and violent death. Amongst the 
 ^^^^^' rest there was one, which was upon a better foun- 
 dation of credit than usually such discourses are 
 founded upon. There was an officer in the king's 
 wardrobe in Windsor castle, of a good reputation 
 for honesty and discretion, and then about the age 
 of fifty years, or more. This man had, in his youth, 
 been bred in a school, in the parish where sir George 
 Villiers, the father of the duke, lived, and had been 
 much cherished and obliged, in that season of his 
 age, by the said sir George, whom afterwards he 
 never saw. About six months before the misei-able 
 end of the duke of Buckingham, about midnight, 
 this man being in his bed at Windsor, where his 
 office was, and in a^ very good health, there ap- 
 peared to him, on the side of his bed, a man of a 
 very venerable aspect, who drew the curtains of his 
 bed, and, fixing his eyes upon him, asked him, if 
 he knew him. The poor man, half dead with fear 
 and apprehension, being asked the second time, 
 whether he remembered him ; and having in that 
 time called to his memory the presence of sir George 
 Villiers, and the very clothes he used to wear, in 
 which at that time he seemed to be habited, he an- 
 swered him^, " that he thought him to be that per- 
 " son." He replied, " he was in the right ; that he 
 " was the same, and that he expected a service from 
 
 ' a] Not in MS. « him] Not in MS.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 75 
 
 " him; which was, that he should go from him to book 
 " his son the duke of Buckingham, and tell him, if ^' 
 " he did not ^ somewhat to ingratiate himself to the ^ ^28. 
 " people, or, at least, to abate the extreme malice 
 " they had against him, he would be suffered to live 
 " but ^ a short time." After '^ this discourse he dis- 
 appeared ; and the poor man, if he had been at all 
 waking, slept very well till morning, when he be- 
 lieved all this to be a dream, and considered it no 
 otherwise. 
 
 The next night, or shortly after, the same person 
 appeared to him again in the same place, and about 
 the same time of the night, with an aspect a Uttle 
 more severe than before, and asked him, whether he 
 had done as he had required him : and perceiving 
 he had not, gave him very severe ^ reprehensions ; 
 told him, " he expected more compliance from him ; 
 " and that, if he did not perform liis commands, he 
 " should enjoy no peace of mind, but should be al- 
 " ways pursued by him ;" upon which, he promised 
 him to obey him. But the next morning waking ' 
 
 out of a good sleep, though he was exceedingly per- 
 plexed with the lively representation of all particu- 
 lars to his memory, he was wiUing still to persuade 
 himself that he had only dreamed ; and considered, 
 that he was a person at such a distance from the 
 duke, that he knew not how to find any admission 
 to his presence, much less had any hope to be be- 
 lieved in what he should say. So ^ with great trouble 
 and unquietness, he spent some time in thinking 
 
 ^ did not] did not do ^ severe] sharp 
 
 " but] Not in MS. f So] And so 
 
 ^ After] And after
 
 76 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK what he should do, and in the end resolved to do 
 ' nothing in the matter. 
 
 1628. The same person appeared to him the third time, 
 with a terrible countenance, and bitterly reproach- 
 ing him for not performing what he had promised 
 to do. The poor man had by this time recovered 
 the courage to tell him, " That in truth he had de- 
 " ferred the execution of his commands, upon con- 
 " sidering, how difficult a thing it would be for him 
 " to get any access to the duke, having acquaintance 
 " with no person about him ; and if he could obtain 
 " admission to him, he should never be able to per- 
 " suade him, that he was sent in such a manner; 
 " but he should at best be thought to be mad, or to 
 *' be set on and employed, by his own or the malice 
 " of other men, to abuse the duke ; and so he should 
 " be sure to be undone." The person replied, as he 
 had done before, " That he should never find rest, 
 " till he should perform what he required ; and 
 " therefore he were better to despatch it : that the 
 " access to his son was known to be very easy ; and 
 " that few men waited long for him : and for the 
 " gaining him credit, he would tell him two or three 
 " particulars, which he charged him never to men- 
 " tion to any person living, but to the duke himself; 
 " and he should no sooner hear them, but he would 
 " believe all the rest he should say ;" and so repeat- 
 ing his threats s he left him. 
 
 In ^^ the morning, the poor man, more confirmed 
 by the last appearance, made his journey to London ; 
 where the court then was. He was very well known 
 
 8 repeating his threats] repeated his threats *' In] And in
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 77 
 
 to sir Ralph Freeman, one of the masters of re- book 
 quests, who had married a lady that was nearly al- ^' 
 lied to the duke, and was himself well received by ^^^S. 
 him. To him this man went ; and though he did 
 not acquaint him with all particulars, he said enough 
 to him to let him see there was somewhat extraordi- 
 nary in it ; and the knowledge he had of the sobriety 
 and discretion of the man made the more impression 
 in him. He desired that " by his means he might be 
 " brought to the duke ; to such a place, and in such 
 " a manner, as should be thought fit :" affirming, i 
 " That he had much to say to him ; and of such a 
 " nature, as would require much privacy, and some 
 " time and patience in the hearing." Sir Ralph pro- 
 mised " he would speak first with the duke of him, 
 " and then he should understand his pleasure :" and ~^ 
 accordingly, in the first opportunity, he did inform 
 him of the reputation and honesty of the man, and 
 then what he desired, and of all he kneAV of the 
 matter. The duke, according to his usual openness 
 and condescension, told him, " That he was the next 
 " day early to hunt with the king ; that his horses 
 " should attend him at Lambeth-bridge, where he 
 " would land by five of the clock in the morning ; 
 " and if the man attended him there at that hour, 
 " he would walk, and speak with him, as long as 
 " should be necessary." Sir Ralph carried the man 
 with him the next morning, and presented him to 
 the duke at his landing, who received him courte- 
 ously ; and walked aside in conference near an hour, 
 none but his own servants being at that hour in that 
 place ; and they and sir RaljDh at such a distance, 
 
 ' affirming,] Not in MS.
 
 78 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK that they could not hear a word, though the duke 
 
 '■ — sometimes spoke, and with great commotion ; which 
 
 ^ ' sir Ralph the more easily observed, and perceived, 
 because he kept his eyes always fixed upon the 
 duke ; having procured the conference, upon some- 
 what he knew there was of extraordinary. And 
 the man told him in his return over the water, 
 " That when he mentioned those particulars which 
 " were to gain him credit, the substance whereof he 
 *' said he durst not impart to him, the duke's colour 
 " changed, and he swore he could come to that 
 " knowledge only by the Devdl ; for that those par- 
 *' ticulars were known only ^ to himself, and to one 
 " person more, who, he was sure, would never speak 
 " of it." 
 
 The duke pursued his purpose of hunting ; but 
 was observed to ride all the morning with great pen- 
 siveness, and in deep thoughts, without any delight 
 in the exercise he was upon ; and before the morn- 
 ing was spent, left the field, and alighted at his mo- 
 ther's lodgings in Whitehall; with whom he was 
 shut up for the space of two or three hours ; the 
 noise of their discourse frequently reaching the ears 
 of those who attended in the next rooms : and when 
 the duke left her, his countenance appeared full of 
 trouble, with a mixture of anger; a countenance 
 that was never before observed in him, in any con- 
 versation ^ with her, towards whom he had a pro- 
 found"^ reverence. And the countess herself (for 
 though she was married to a private gentleman, sir 
 Thomas Compton, she" had been created countess 
 
 •^ known only] only known profound] towards her he had 
 ' conversation] encounters ever a most profound 
 
 "" towards whom he had a " she] Not in MS.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 79 
 
 of Buckingham, shortly after her son had first as- book 
 sumed that title) was, at the duke's leaving her, ^- 
 found overwhelmed in tears, and in the highest 1^28. 
 agony imaginable. Whatever there was of all tliis, 
 it is a notorious truth, that when the news of the 
 duke's murder (which happened within few months 
 after) was brought to his mother, she seemed not in 
 the least degi-ee surprised ; but received it as if she 
 had foreseen it ; nor did afterwards express such a 
 degree of sorrow, as was expected from such a mo- 
 ther, for the loss of such a son. 
 
 This digression, much longer than it was intended, 
 may not be thought altogether improper" in tliis 
 discourse. For as the mention of his death was 
 very pertinent, in the place, and upon the occasion, 
 it happened to be made; so upon that occasion it 
 seemed the more reasonable to digress p upon the 
 nature, and character, and fortune of the duke ; as 
 being the best miiTor to discern the temper and 
 spirit of that age, and the wonderful "i concurrence 
 of many fatal accidents, to disfigure the government 
 of two excellent kings ; under whom their kingdoms f^ 
 in general prospered exceedingly, and enjoyed a 
 longer peace, a greater plenty, and in fuller security, 
 than had been in any former age."^ 
 
 " improper] unnatural adds : and who was so far 
 
 ^ digress] enlarge from any acrimony to the me- 
 
 '1 and the wonderful] and the mory of that great favourite, 
 
 rather and because all the par- (whose death he had lamented 
 
 ticulars before set down are to at that time, and endeavoured 
 
 be found in the papers and to vindicate him from some li- 
 
 memorials of the person, whose bels and reproaches,which vented 
 
 life is the subject of this dis- after his death,) that he took 
 
 course, who was frequently delight in remembering his 
 
 heard to relate the wonderful many virtues, and to magnify 
 
 "" any former age.] MS. his affability and most obliging
 
 80 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK And because there was so total a change of all 
 counsels, and in the whole face of the court, upon 
 
 / 
 
 / 
 
 A ror ect *^^ dcatli of that mighty ^ favourite ; all thoughts of 
 of the court ^ar being presently laid aside, (though there was a 
 nisters after faiut looking towards the relief of Rochelle by the 
 
 the duks's 
 
 death. flcct, that was ready under the command of the earl 
 ^' of Lindsey,) and the provisions for peace and plenty 
 taken to heart ; it wiU not be unuseful nor unplea- 
 sant to enlarge the digression, before a return to the 
 proper subject of the discourse, by a prospect of the 
 constitution of the court, after that bright star was 
 shot out of the horizon : who were the chief mini- 
 sters, that had the principal management of public 
 affairs in church and state ; and how equal their fa- 
 culties and qualifications were for those high trans- 
 actions ; in which mention shall be only made of 
 those who were then in the highest trust ; there 
 being at that time no ladies, who had disposed them- 
 1 selves to intermeddle in business : and hereafter, 
 when that activity begun,* and made any progress, 
 it will be again necessary to take a new survey of 
 the court upon that alteration. 
 Of the lord Sir Thomas Coventry was then lord keeper of the 
 ventry. "' great scal of England, and newly made a baron. 
 He was a son of the robe, his father having been a 
 judge in the court of the common pleas ; who took 
 great care to breed him," though his first born, in 
 
 nature ; and he kept the memo- some servants of the duke's, 
 
 rial of that prediction, (tliough who had the nearest trust with 
 
 no man looked upon relations him, and who were informed of 
 
 of that nature with less reve- much of it before the murder of 
 
 rence and consideration,) the the duke, 
 substance of which (he said) was " mighty] omnipotent 
 confirmed to him by sir Ralph * begun,] began. 
 Freeman, and acknowledged by " him,] his son.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 81 
 
 the study of the common law; by which he'' liim- rook 
 
 self had been promoted to that degree ; and in whicli, [; 
 
 in the society of the Inner Temple, his son made a JG28. 
 notable progress, by an early eminence in practice 
 and learning ; insomuch as he was recorder of Lon- 
 don, solicitor general, and king's attorney, before he 
 was forty years of age. A rare ascent ! All which 
 offices he discharged with great al)ilities, and singu- 
 lar reputation of integrity. In the first year after 
 the death of king James, he was advanced to he 
 keeper of the great seal of England (the usual ' ad- 
 vancement from the office of attorney general) upon 
 the removal of the bishop of Lincoln ; who, tliough 
 a man of great wit and good scholastic learning, was 
 generally thought so very unequal to the place, that 
 his remove was the only recompense and satisfaction 
 that could be made for his promotion. And yet it 
 was enough known, that the disgrace proceeded 
 only from the private displeasio-e of the duke of 
 Buckingham. The lord Coventry enjoyed this place 
 with an universal reputation (and sure justice was 
 never better administered) for the space of about 
 sixteen years, even to his death, some months before 
 he was sixty years of age ; which was anotlier im- , 
 portant circumstance of his felicity, that great office 
 being so slippery, that no man had died in it before 
 for near the space of forty years. Nor had his suc- 
 cessors, for some time after him, much better for- 
 tune. And he himself had use of all his strengtli 
 and skill (as he was an excellent wrestler in this 
 kind^) to preserve himself from falling, in two 
 shocks : the one given him by the earl of Portland, 
 
 ^ he] Not in MS. ' in this kind] Not in MS, 
 
 y the usual] the natural 
 
 VOL. I. G
 
 82 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK lord high treasurer of England; the other by the 
 
 I. 
 
 .marquis of Hamilton, who had the greatest power 
 1628. over the affections of the king of any man of that 
 time. 
 
 He was a man of wonderful gravity and wisdom ; 
 and understood not only the whole science and mys- 
 tery of the law, at least equally with any man who 
 had ever sate in that place ; but had a clear concep- 
 tion of the whole policy of the government both of 
 f church and state, which, by the unskilfulness of 
 
 some well-meaning men, justled each the other too 
 much. 
 
 He knew the temper, disposition,^ and genius of 
 the kingdom most exactly ; saw their spirits grow 
 every day more sturdy, inquisitive,'' and impatient; 
 and therefore naturally abhorred all innovations 
 which he foresaw would produce ruinous effects. 
 Yet many, who stood at a distance, thought that he 
 was not active and stout enough in opposing'^ those 
 innovations. For though, by his place, he presided 
 in all pubUc councils, and was most sharp-sighted in 
 the consequence of things ; yet he was seldom known 
 , to speak in matters of state, which, he well knew, 
 ^^ were for the most part concluded, before they were 
 brought to that pubHc agitation; never in foreign 
 affairs, which the vigour of his judgment could well 
 have comprehended \^ nor indeed freely in any thing, 
 but what immediately and plainly concerned the jus- 
 tice of the kingdom ; and in that, as much as he 
 could, he procured references to the judges. Though 
 in his nature he had not only a firm gravity, but a 
 
 ^disposition,] and disposition, ''could well have compre- 
 '' inquisitive,] and inquisitive, hended ;] could well conipre- 
 '^ in opposing] in the opposing hend ;
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 83 
 
 severity, and even some morosity,^ yet it was so hap- book 
 pily tempered, and his courtesy and affability towards ' 
 all men so transcendent '^ and s so much without affec- ^^"^^" 
 tation, that it marvellously recommended him ^ to all 
 men of all degrees, and he was looked upon as an 
 excellent courtier, without receding from the native 
 simplicity of his own manners. ' 
 
 He had, in the plain way of speaking and delivery, 
 without much ornament of elocution, a strange pow- 
 er of making himself believed, the only justifiable de- 
 sign of eloquence : so that though he used very frank- 
 ly to deny, and would never suffer any man to depart 
 from him with an opinion that he was inclined to 
 gratify, when in truth he was not, holding that dissi- 
 mulation to be the worst of lying ; yet the manner 
 of it was so gentle and obliging, and his condescen- 
 sion such, to inform the persons whom he could not 
 satisfy, that few departed from him with ill will, and 
 ill wishes. 
 
 But then, this happy temper and these good facul- 
 ties rather preserved him from having many enemies, 
 and supplied him with some well-wishers, than fur- 
 nished him with any fast and unshaken friends ; who 
 are always procured in courts l)y more ardour, and 
 more vehement professions and applications, than he 
 would suffer himself to be entangled with. So that 
 he was a man rather exceedingly liked, than passion- 
 ately loved : insomuch that it never appeared, that 
 he had any one friend in the court, of quality enough 
 
 ^morosky,']MS.adds : (which § and] Not in MS. 
 
 his children and domestics had '' recommended him] recon- 
 
 evidence enough of,) ciled 
 
 f so transcendent] was so ' manners.] manner, 
 transcendent 
 
 G 2
 
 84 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK to prevent or divert any disadvantage he might be 
 - exposed to. And therefore it is no wonder, nor to 
 
 1 
 
 1C28. jjQ imputed to him, that he retired within himself as 
 much as he could, and stood upon his defence with- 
 out making desperate sallies against growing mis- 
 chiefs ; which, he knew well, he had no power to 
 hinder, and which might probably begin in his own 
 ruin. To conclude ; his security consisted very much 
 in his having but little credit'^ with the king; and 
 he died in a season most opportune, in which' a wise 
 man would have prayed to have finished his course, 
 and which in truth crowned his other signal prospe- 
 rity in the Vv^orld. 
 Of the lord Sir Richard "Weston had been advanced to the 
 Weston, white staff, into'" the office of lord high treasurer of 
 laLiL ""^ England, some months before the death of the duke 
 of Buckingham ; and had, in that short time, so 
 much disobliged him, at least disappointed his expec- 
 tation, that many, who were privy to the duke's most 
 secret purposes, did believe, that, if he had outlived 
 that voyage in which he was engaged, he would have 
 removed him, and made another treasurer. And it is 
 very true, that great office too had been very slippery, 
 and not fast to those who had trusted themselves in 
 it : insomuch as there were at that time five noble 
 persons alive, who had all succeeded one another im- 
 mediately in that unsteady charge, without any other 
 person intervening : the earl of Suffolk ; the lord vis- 
 j count Mandevile, afterwards earl of Manchester ; the 
 '' earl of Middlesex ; and the earl of Marlborough, who 
 was removed under pretence of his age and disabi- 
 
 ^ in his having but little ere- ' in which] and in which 
 
 dit] in the little credit he had "' into] to
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 85 
 
 lity for the work, (which had been a better reason book 
 against his promotion, so few years before, that his ' 
 infirmities were very little increased,) to make room ^^-^• 
 for the present officer ; who, though advanced by the 
 duke, may properly be said to be established by his 
 death. 
 
 He was a gentleman of a very ancient" extraction 
 by father and mother. His education had been very 
 good amongst books and men. After some years 
 study of the law in the Middle TemjDle, he travelled 
 into foreign parts, and at an age fit to make observa- 
 tions and reflections ; out of which, that which is 
 commonly called experience is constituted. After 
 this he betook himself to the court, and lived there 
 some years ; at that distance, and with that awe, as 
 was agreeable to the modesty of the age, when men 
 were seen some time before they were known ; and 
 well known before they were preferred, or durst j)re- 
 tend to it.° 
 
 He spent the best part of his fortune (a fair one, 
 that he inherited from his father) in his attendance 
 at court, and involved his friends in securities with 
 him, who were willing to run his hopeful fortune, 
 before he received the least fruit from it, but the 
 countenance of great men and those in authority, the 
 most natural and most certain stairs to ascend by. 
 
 He was then sent ambassador to the archdukes, 
 Albert and Isabella, into Flanders ; and to the diet 
 in Germany, to treat about the restitution of the pa- 
 latinate ; in which negotiation he behaved himself 
 with great prudence, and with the concurrent testi- 
 
 " very ancient] very good and ° durst pretend to it.] durst 
 ancient ' pretend to be |>reterred. 
 
 G 3
 
 1628. 
 
 86 THE HISTORY 
 
 liooK mony of his being a wise man,P from all those princes 
 
 and ambassadors with whom he treated, "i 
 
 Upon*^ his return, he^ was made a privy-counsel- 
 lor, and chancellor of the exchequer, in the place of 
 the lord Brooke, who was either persuaded, or put 
 out of the place ; which, being an office of honour 
 and trust, is likewise an excellent stage for men 
 of parts to tread, and expose themselves upon ; 
 where ^ they have occasions of all kinds" to lay out 
 and spread all their faculties and qualifications most 
 for their advantage. He behaved himself very well 
 in this function, and appeared equal to it ; and car- 
 ried himself so luckily in parliament, that he did his 
 master much service, and preserved himself in the 
 good opinion and acceptation of the house ; which is 
 a blessing not indulged to many by those high pow- 
 ers. He did swim in those troubled and boisterous 
 waters, in which the duke of Buckingham rode as 
 admiral, with a good grace, when very many who 
 were about him were drowned, or forced on shore 
 with shrewd hurts and bruises : which shewed he 
 knew well how and when to use his limbs and 
 strength to the best advantage ; sometimes only to 
 avoid sinking, and sometimes to advance and get 
 ground : and by this dexterity he kept his credit with 
 those who could do him good, and lost it not with 
 others, who desired the destruction of those upon 
 whom he most depended. 
 
 P testimony of his being a ambassadors, 
 wise man,] testimony of a wise '' Upon] and upon 
 man, ^ he] Not in MS. 
 
 '' princes and ambassadors ' where] and where 
 
 with whom he treated.] with " occasions of all kinds] oc- 
 
 whom he treated, princes and casion of all natures
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 87 
 
 He was made lord treasurer in the manner and at book 
 
 the time mentioned before, upon the removal of the . 
 
 earl of Marlborough, and few months before the death ' ^^^' 
 of the duke. The former circumstance, which is 
 often attended by compassion towards the degraded, 
 and prejudice towards the promoted, brought him no 
 disadvantage : for besides the delight that season had 
 in changes, there was little reverence towards the 
 person removed ; and the extreme visible poverty of 
 the exchequer sheltered that province from the envy 
 it had frequently created, and opened a door for much 
 applause to be the portion of a wise and provident 
 minister. For the other, of the duke's death, though 
 some, who knew the duke's passions and prejudice, 
 (which often produced rather sudden indisposition, 
 than obstinate resolution,) believed he would have 
 been shortly cashiered, as so many had lately been ; 
 and so that the death of his founder was a gi'eater 
 confirmation of him in the office, tlian the delivery 
 of the white staff to him^ had been : yety many other 
 wise men, who knew the treasurer's talent in remov- 
 ing prejudice, and reconciling himself to wavering 
 and doubtful affections, believed, that the loss of the 
 duke was very unseasonable ; and that the awe or 
 apprehension of his power and displeasure was a very 
 necessary alloy' for the imj^etuosity of the new offi- 
 cer's nature, which needed some restraint and check, 
 for some time, to his immoderate pretences, and ap- 
 petite of power. 
 
 He did indeed appear on the sudden wonderfully 
 elated, and so far threw off his old affectation to 
 please some very much, and to displease none, in 
 
 =< to him] Not in MS. >' yet] Not in MS. ■'■ alloy] allay 
 
 G 4
 
 88 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK which art he had excelled, that in few months after 
 the duke's death he found himself to succeed him in 
 '^^^- the pubhc displeasure, and in the malice of his ene- 
 mies, without succeeding him in his credit at court, 
 or in the affection of any considerable dependants. 
 And yet, though he was not superior to all other 
 men in the affection, or rather resignation, of the 
 king, so that he might dispense favours and disfa- 
 vours according to his own election, he had a full 
 share in his master's esteem, who looked upon him 
 as a wise and able servant, and worthy of the trust 
 he reposed in him, and received no other advice in 
 "^ the large business of his revenue ; nor was any man 
 so much his superior, as to be able to lessen him in 
 the king's affection by his power. So that he was in 
 a post, in which he might have found much ease and 
 delight, if he could have contained himself within 
 the verge of his own province, which was large 
 enough, and of such extent,* that he might, at the 
 same time, have drawn a great dependence upon him 
 of very considerable men, and have appeared'^ a very 
 useful and profitable minister to the king ; whose re- 
 venue had been very loosely managed during the 
 late years, and might, by industry and order, have 
 been easily improved : and no man better understood 
 what method was necessary towards that good hus- 
 bandry, than he. 
 
 But I know not by what frowardness in his stars, 
 he took more pains in examining and inquiring into 
 other men's offices, than in the discharge of his own ; 
 and not so much joy in what he had, as trouble and 
 agony for what he had not. The truth is, he had so 
 
 " such extent,] such an extent, '* have appeared] appeared
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 89 
 
 vehement a desire to be the sole favourite, that he book 
 had no relish of the power he had : and in that con- ' 
 tention he had many rivals, who had credit enough ^ ^'^^* 
 to do him ill offices, though not enough to satisfy 
 their own ambition ; the king himself being resolved 
 to hold the reins in his own hands, and to put no 
 further trust in others, than was necessary for the 
 capacity they served in. Which resolution in his 
 majesty was no sooner believed, and the treasurer's 
 pretence taken notice of '^, than he found the number 
 of his enemies exceedingly increased, and others to 
 be less eager in the pursuit of his friendship ; and 
 every day discovered some infirmities in him, which 
 being before known to few, and not taken notice of, 
 did now expose him both to public reproach, and to 
 private animosities ; and even his vices admitted 
 those contradictions in them, that he could hardly 
 enjoy the pleasant fruit of any of them. That which 
 first exposed him to the public jealousy, which is al- 
 ways attended with public reproach, was the concur- 
 rent suspicion of his religion. His wife and all his 
 daughters were declared of the Roman ^^ religion: 
 and though he*^ himself, and his sons, sometimes 
 went to church, he was never thought to have zeal 
 for it ; and his domestic conversation and depen- 
 dants, with whom only he used entire freedom, were 
 all known papists, ^ and were believed to be agents 
 for the rest. And yet, with all this disadvantage to 
 himself, he never had reputation and credit with that 
 party, who were the only people of the kingdom who 
 did not believe him to be of their profession. For 
 
 ' of] Nut in MS. ^ he] Not hi MS. 
 
 '' Roman] Romish '' papists,] catholics,
 
 90 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK the penal laws (those only excepted which were san- 
 guinary, and even those sometimes let loose) were 
 
 • never more rigidly executed, nor had the crown ever 
 ^ \ so great a revenue from them, as in his time ; nor 
 did they ever pay so dear for the favours and indul- 
 gences of his office towards them. 
 
 No man had greater ambition to make his family 
 great, or stronger designs to leave a great fortune to 
 it. Yet his expenses were so prodigious,^ especially 
 in his house, that all the ways he used for supply, 
 which were all that occurred, could not serve his 
 turn ; insomuch that he contracted so great debts, 
 (the anxiety whereof, he pretended, broke his mind, 
 and restrained that attention^' and industry, which 
 was necessary for the due execution of his office,) 
 
 ( that the king was pleased twice to pay his debts ; at 
 least, towards it, to disburse forty thousand pounds 
 in ready money out of his exchequer. Besides, his 
 majesty gave him a whole forest (Chute forest in 
 "^ Hampshire) and much other land belonging to the 
 crown ; which was the more taken notice of, and 
 murmured against, because, being the chief minister 
 of the revenue, he was particularly obliged, as much 
 as in him lay, to prevent, and even oppose, such dis- 
 inherison ; and because, under that obligation, he 
 had, avowedly and sourly, crossed the pretences of 
 other men, and restrained the king's bounty from 
 being exercised almost to any. And he had that ad- 
 vantage, (if he had made the right use of it,) that 
 his credit was ample enough (seconded by the king's 
 own experience, and observation, and inclination) to 
 retrench very much of the late unlimited expenses, 
 
 t prodigious,] prodigiously great, ^' attention] intentness
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 91 
 
 and especially those of bounties; which from the book 
 death of the duke ran in narrower^ channels, and^ ___!__ 
 never so much overflowed as towards himself, who ^^^8. 
 stopped the current to other men. 
 
 He was of an imperious nature, and nothing wary 
 in disobhging and provoking other men, and had too 
 much courage in offending and incensing them : but 
 after having offended and incensed them, he was of 
 so unhappy a feminine temper, that he was always 
 in a terrible fright and appreliension of them. 
 
 He had not that application, and submission, and 
 I'everence for the queen, as might have been expect- 
 ed from his wisdom and breeding, and often crossed 
 her pretences and desires, with more rudeness than 
 was natural to him. Yet he was impertinently soli- 
 citous to know what her majesty said of him in pri- 
 vate, and what resentments she had towards him. 
 And when by some confidants, who had their ends 
 upon him from those offices, he was informed of some 
 bitter expressions fallen from her majesty, he was so 
 exceedingly afflicted and tormented with the sense 
 of it, that sometimes by passionate complaints and 
 representations to the king ; sometimes by more duti- 
 ful addresses and expostulations with the queen, in 
 bewailing his misfortune ; ^ he frequently exposed 
 himself, and left his condition worse than it Avas be- 
 fore : and the eclaircissement commonly ended in the 
 discovery of the persons from whence'" he had re- 
 ceived his most secret intelligence. 
 
 He quickly lost the character of a bold, stout, and 
 magnanimous man, which he had been long reputed 
 to be in worse times ; and, in his most prosperous 
 
 ' narrower] narrow ' misfortime ;] misfortunes ; 
 
 ^ and] which •" whence] whom
 
 m THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK season, fell under the reproach of being a man of big 
 
 ' looks, and of a mean and abject spirit. 
 J 628. There was a very ridiculous story at that time in 
 the mouths of many, which, being a known truth, 
 may not be unfitly mentioned in this place, as a kind 
 of illustration of the humour and nature of the man. 
 Sir Julius Caesar was then master of the rolls, and 
 had, inherent in his office, the indubitable right and 
 disposition of the six clerks' places ; all which he 
 had, for many years, upon any vacancy, bestowed 
 to such persons as he thought fit. One of those 
 places was become void, and designed by the old 
 man to his son Robert Caesar," a lawyer of a good 
 name, and exceedingly beloved. The lord treasurer^ 
 (as he was vigilant in such cases) had notice of the 
 clerk's expiration so soon, that he procured the king 
 to send a message to the master of the rolls, express- 
 ly forbidding him to dispose of that six-clerk's place, 
 till his majesty's pleasure should be further made 
 known to him. It was the first command of that 
 kind that had been heard of, and wasP felt by the 
 old man very sensibly. He was indeed very old, and 
 had outlived most of his friends, so that his age was 
 an objection against him ; many persons of quality 
 being dead, who had, for recompense of services, pro- 
 cured the reversion of his office. The treasurer found 
 it no hard matter so far to terrify him, that (for the 
 king's service, as was pretended) he admitted for a 
 six-clerk a person recommended by him, (Mr. Fern, 
 a dependant upon him,) who paid six thousand 
 pound ready money ; which, poor man ! he lived to 
 
 " Caesar,] Seymour, surer 
 
 " The lord treasvirer] 'J'lic tre?i- i' was] Not in MS.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 93 
 
 repent in a gaoL This work being done at the charge boo k 
 of the poor old man, who had been a privy-counsellor [_ 
 
 from the entrance of king James, had been chancel- '^'^S. 
 lor of the exchequer, and served in other offices ; the 
 depriving him of his right made a great noise : and 
 the condition of his son, (his father being not likely^i 
 to live to have the disposal of another office in his 
 power,) who, as was said before, v/as generally be- 
 loved and esteemed, was argument of gi'eat compas- 
 sion, and was lively and successfully represented to 
 the king himself; who was graciously pleased to pro- 
 mise, that, " if the old man chanced to die before any 
 " other of the six-clerks, that office, when it should fall, 
 " should be conferred on his son, whosoever should 
 " succeed him as master of the rolls : " which might 
 well be provided for ; and the lord treasurer obliged 
 himself (to expiate the injury') to procure some de- 
 claration to tliat purpose, under his majesty's sign 
 manual; which, however easy to be done, he long 
 forgot, or neglected. 
 
 One day the earl of TuUibardine, who was nearly 
 allied to Mr. Caesar, and much his friend, being with 
 the treasurer, passionately asked him, " Whether he 
 " had done that business ?" To whom he answered 
 with a seeming trouble, " That he had forgotten it, 
 " for which he was heartily sorry ; and if he would 
 " give him a little note^ in writing, for a memorial, 
 " he would put it amongst those which he would 
 " despatch mth the king that afternoon." The earl 
 presently writ in a little paper, Rememher CcBsar ; 
 and gave it to him ; and he put it into that little 
 
 'I not likely] not like " note] Not in MS. 
 
 "^ the injury] for the injury
 
 1628. 
 
 94 THE HISTOllY 
 
 BOOK pocket, where, he said, he kept all his memorials 
 
 . which were first to be transacted. 
 
 Many days passed, and Caesar never thought of. 
 At length, when he changed his clothes, and he who 
 waited on him in his chamber, according to custom, 
 brought him all the notes and papers which were 
 left in those he had left off, which he then common- 
 ly perused ; when he found this little billet, in which 
 was only written, Remember CcBsar^ and which he 
 had never read before, he was exceedingly con- 
 founded, and knew not what to make or think of it. 
 He sent for his bosom friends, with whom he most 
 confidently consulted, and shewed the paper to them, 
 the contents whereof he could not conceive ; but 
 that it might probably have been put into his hand 
 (because it was found in that enclosure, wherein he 
 put all things of moment which were given him) 
 when he was in motion, and in the privy lodgings 
 in the court. After a serious and melancholic deli- 
 beration, it was agreed, that it was the advertise- 
 ment from some friend, who durst not own the dis- 
 covery : that it could signify nothing but that there 
 was a conspiracy against his life, by his many and 
 mighty enemies : and they all knew Caesar's fate, by 
 contemning or neglecting such animadversions. And 
 therefore they concluded, that he should pretend to 
 be indisposed, that he might not stir abroad all that 
 day, nor that any might be admitted to him, but 
 persons of undoubted affections ; that at night the 
 gates * should be shut early, and the porter enjoined 
 to open them ^ to nobody, nor to go himself to bed 
 till the morning; and that some servants should 
 
 ^ gates] gate " them] it
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 95 
 
 watch with him, lest violence might be used at the book 
 gate; and that they . themselves, and some other— ll_ 
 gentlemen, would sit up all the night, and attend ^^^^• 
 the event. Such houses are always in the morning 
 haunted by early suitors; but it was very late be- 
 fore any could now get admittance into the house, 
 the porter having quitted some of that arrear of 
 sleep, which he owed to himself for his night's 
 watching; which he excused to his acquaintance, 
 by whispering to them, " That his lord should have 
 " been killed that night, which had kept all the 
 " house from going to bed." And shortly after, the 
 earl of Tullibardine asking him, whether he had re- 
 membered Caesar ; the treasurer quickly recollected 
 the ground of his perturbation, and could not for- 
 bear imparting it to his friends, who likewise af- 
 fected the communication, and so the whole jest 
 came to be discovered. 
 
 To conclude, all the honours the king conferred 
 upon him (as he made him a baron, then an earl, 
 and knight of the garter; and abov^e this, gave a 
 young beautiful lady nearly allied to his majesty,'' 
 and to the crown of Scotland, in marriage to his 
 eldest son) could not make him think himself great 
 enough. Nor could all the king's bounties, nor his 
 own large accessions, raise a fortune to his heir; 
 but after six or eight years spent in outward opu- 
 lency, and inward murmur and trouble that it was 
 not greater ;> after v^ast sums of money and great 
 wealth gotten, and rather consumed than enjoyed, 
 without any sense or delight in so great prosperity, 
 with the agony that it was no gi-eater ; he died un- 
 
 ^ his majesty,] hiiu, y not greater ;] no greater ;
 
 96 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK lamented by any; bitterly mentioned by most who 
 ___^___ never pretended to love him, and severely censured 
 1 628. and complained of by those who expected most from 
 him, and deserved best of him ; and left a numerous 
 family, which was in a short time worn out, and yet 
 outlived the fortune he left behind him. 
 Of the earl The ucxt great ^ counsellor of state was the lord 
 Chester privy-seal, who was likewise of a noble extraction, 
 leli* ^"^^' ^"^ ^^ ^ family at that time very fortunate. His 
 grandfatlier had been lord chief justice, and left by 
 king Harry the Eighth one of the executors of his 
 last will. He was the younger son of his father, 
 and brought up in the study of the law in the 
 Middle Temple ; and had passed,^ and, as it were, 
 made a progress through all the eminent degrees of 
 the law, and in the state. At the death of queen 
 Elizabeth, or thereabouts, he was recorder of Lon- 
 don ; then the king's sergeant at law ; afterwards 
 ^ chief justice of the king's bench. Before tlie death 
 of king James, by the favour of the duke of Buck- 
 ~~ ingham, he was raised to the place of lord high 
 treasurer of England ; and within less than a year 
 afterwards, by the withdrawing of that favour, he 
 was reduced to the almost ^' empty title of president 
 of the council; and, to allay the sense of the dis- 
 ^ honour, created viscount Mandevile. He bore the 
 diminution very well, as he was a wise man, and of 
 an excellent temper, and quickly recovered so much 
 grace, that he was made earl of Manchester, and 
 lord privy-seal,'^ and enjoyed that office to his death ; 
 
 ' The next great] The next ^ ahnost] Not in MS. 
 
 greatest ^earlof Manchester, and \on] 
 
 ^ had [jassed,] had passed privy-seal,] lord privy-seal, and 
 
 through, earl of Manchester,
 
 1628. 
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 97 
 
 whilst he saw many removes and degradations in all book 
 the other offices of which he had been possessed. 
 
 He was a man of great industry and sagacity in 
 business^ which he delighted in exceedingly; and 
 preserved so great a vigour of mind, even to his 
 death, (when he was very near eighty years of age,) 
 that some, who had known him in his younger years, 
 did believe him to have much quicker parts in his 
 age, than before. His honours had gi'own faster 
 upon him than his fortunes ; which made him too 
 solicitous to advance the latter, by all the ways 
 which offered themselves ; whereby he exposed him- 
 self to some inconvenience, and many reproaches, 
 and became less capable of serving the public by his 
 counsels and authority ; which his known wisdom, 
 long experience, and confessed gravity and ability, 
 would have enabled him to have done ; most men 
 considering more the person that speaks, than the 
 things he says. And he was unhappily too much 
 used as a check upon the lord Coventry ; and when 
 the other perplexed their counsels and designs with 
 inconvenient objections in law, his authority, who 
 had trod the same paths, was still called upon ; and 
 he did too frequently gratify their unjustifiable de- 
 signs and pretences : a guilt and mischief, all men 
 who are obnoxious, or who are thought to be so, 
 are liable to, and can hardly preserve themselves 
 from. But his virtues so far weighed down his in- 
 firmities, that he maintained a good general reputa- 
 tion and credit with the whole nation and people; 
 he being always looked upon as full of integrity and 
 zeal to the protestant religion, as it was estabHshed 
 by law, and of unquestionable loyalty, duty, and fide- 
 lity to the king ; which two qualifications will ever 
 
 VOL. I. H
 
 98 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK gather popular breath enough to fill the sails, if the 
 
 '. \»essel be competently provided with ballast. He 
 
 1628. jj-gjj -jj ^ lucky time, in the beginning of the rebel- 
 lion, when neither religion, or loyalty, or law, or wis- 
 dom, could have provided for any man's security. 
 Of the earl The carl of Arundel was the next officer of state,^ 
 * who, in his own right and quality, preceded the rest 
 of the council. He was generally thought to be a 
 proud man,^ who lived always within himself, and 
 to himself, conversing little with any who were in 
 common conversation ; so that he seemed to live as 
 it were in another nation, his house being a place 
 to which all people ^ resorted, who resorted to no 
 other place ; strangers, or such who affected to look 
 like strangers, and dressed themselves accordingly. 
 He resorted sometimes to the court, because there 
 only was a greater man than himself; and went 
 thither the seldomer, because there was a greater 
 man than himself. He lived towards all favourites, 
 and great officers, without any kind of condescen- 
 sion ; and rather suffered himself to be ill treated by 
 their power and authority (for he was often s in dis- 
 grace, and once or twice prisoner in the Tower) than 
 to descend in making any application to them. 
 
 And upon these occasions he spent a great inter- 
 val of his time in several journeys into foreign parts, 
 and, with his wife and family, had lived some years 
 in Italy, the humour and manners of which nation 
 he seemed most to like and approve, and affected to 
 imitate. He had a good fortune by descent, and a 
 
 ^ next officer of state,] next man supercilious and proud, 
 to the officers of state, ^ people] men 
 
 " He was generally thought ^ often] always 
 to be a proud man,] he was a
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 99 
 
 much greater from his wife, who was the sole book 
 daughter upon the matter (for neither of the two ^' 
 sisters left any issue) of the gi-eat house of Shrews- ^^-^• 
 bury : but his expenses were without any measure, 
 and always exceeded very much his revenue. He 
 was willing to be thought a scholar, and to under- 
 stand the most mysterious parts of antiquity, because 
 he made a wonderful and costly purchase of excel- 
 lent statues, whilst he was in Italy and in Rome, 
 (some whereof he could never obtain permission to 
 remove from Rome, though he had paid for them,) 
 and had a rare collection of the most curious me- 
 dals.*^ As to all parts of learning he was almost il- '^ 
 literate, and thought no other part of history so^ 
 considerable, as^ what related to his own family; '' 
 in which, no doubt, there had been some very me- 
 morable persons. It cannot be denied that he had 
 in his person, in his aspect, and countenance, the ap- 
 pearance of a great man, which he preserved in his 
 gait and motion. He wore and affected a habit very 
 different from that of the time, such as men had 
 only beheld in the pictures of tlie most considerable 
 men ; aU which drew the eyes of most, and the re- 
 verence of many, towards him, as the image and 
 representative of the primitive nol^ility, and native 
 gravity of the nobles, when they had been most ve- 
 nerable : but this was only his outside, his nature -^ 
 and true humour being much disposed to levity and 
 delights,^ which indeed were very despicable and 
 childish."^ He was rather thought not to be much 
 
 ^ medals.] MS. adds : whereas ^ as] but 
 
 in truth he was only able to buy ' much disposed to levity and 
 
 them, never to understand them ; delights,] so much disposed to 
 
 and vulgar delights, 
 
 • so] Not in MS. ™ childish.] MS. adds : He 
 
 H 2
 
 100 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK concerned for religion," than to incline to this or 
 
 I. 
 
 . that party of any ; ° and had little other p affection 
 
 1628. £qj. ^Yie nation or the kingdom, than as he had a 
 
 great share in it, in which, like the great leviathan, 
 
 he might sport himself; from which he withdrew,*! 
 
 as soon as he discerned the repose thereof was like 
 
 to be disturbed, and died in Italy, under the same 
 
 ^ doubtful character of religion in which he lived. 
 
 Of William William earl of Pembroke was next, a man of 
 
 earl of Pem- 
 broke, another mould and making, and of another fame and 
 
 reputation with all men, being the most universally 
 
 ""^ beloved ' and esteemed of any man of that age ; and, 
 
 having a great office in the court, he made the court 
 
 itself better esteemed, and more reverenced in the 
 
 country. And as he had a great number of friends 
 
 of the best men, so no man had ever the confidence * 
 
 to avow himself to be his enemy. He was a man 
 
 was never suspected to love from the people by his avidity 
 
 any body, nor to have the least and pretence of jurisdiction, 
 
 propensity to justice, charity, or than had ever been extorted by 
 
 compassion, so that though he all the officers preceding,) yet, 
 
 got all he could, and by all I say, in all his offices and em- 
 
 the ways he could, and spent ployments, never man used or 
 
 much more than he got or had ; employed by him, ever got any 
 
 he was never known to give fortune under him, nor did ever 
 
 any thing, nor in all his employ- any man acknowledge any obli- 
 
 ments (for he had employments, gation to him. 
 
 of great profit as well as ho- " not to be much concerned 
 
 nour, being sent ambassador ex- for religion,] to be without re- 
 
 traordinarj^ into Germany, for ligion, 
 
 the treaty of that general peace, ° party of any ;] MS. adds : 
 
 for which he had great appoint- He would have been a proper 
 
 ments, and in which he did no- instrument for any tyranny, if he 
 
 thing of the least importance, could have a man tyrant enough 
 
 and which is more wonderful, to have been advised by him, 
 
 he was afterwards made general p little other] no other 
 
 of the army raised for Scotland, i withdrew,] withdrew him- 
 
 and received full pay as such ; self, 
 
 and in his own office of earl ■■ beloved] loved 
 
 marshal, more money was drawn * the confidence] wickedness
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 101 
 
 very well bred, and of excellent parts, and a grace- book 
 fill speaker upon any subject, having a good propor- '. 
 
 tion of learning, and a ready wit to apply it, and }^^^' 
 enlarge upon it ; of a pleasant and facetious humour, 
 and a disposition affable, generous, and magnificent. 
 He was master of a great fortune from his ances- 
 tors, and had a great addition by his wife, another ^^ 
 daughter, and heir of the earl of Shrewsbury, which 
 he enjoyed during his life, she outliving him : but 
 all served not his expense, which was only limited 
 by his great mind, and occasions to use it nobly. 
 
 He lived many years about the court, before in it ; 
 and never by it ; being rather regarded and esteemed 
 by king James, than loved and favoured. After the 
 foul fall of the earl of Somerset, he was made lord 
 chamberlain of the king's house, more for the court's 
 sake than his own ; and the court appeared with 
 the more lustre, because he had the government of 
 that province. As he spent and lived upon his own 
 fortune, so he stood upon his own feet, without any 
 other support than of his proper virtue and merit ; 
 and lived towards the favourites with that decency, 
 as would not suffer them to censure or reproach his 
 master's judgment and election, but as with men of 
 his own rank. He was exceedingly beloved in the 
 court, because he never desired to get that for him- 
 self, which others laboured for, but was still ready 
 to promote the pretences of worthy men. And he 
 was equally celebrated in the country, for having 
 received no obligations from the court which might 
 corrupt or sway his affections and judgment; so 
 that all who were displeased and unsatisfied in the 
 court, or with the court, were always inclined to 
 put themselves under his banner, if he would have 
 
 H 3
 
 102 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK admitted them; and yet he did not so reject them, 
 
 '■ — as to make them choose another shelter, but so far 
 
 / • suffered them ^ to depend on him, that he could re- 
 strain them from breaking out beyond private re- 
 sentments and murmurs. 
 
 He was a great lover of his country, and of the 
 religion and justice, which he believed could only 
 support it ; and his friendships were only with men 
 of those principles. And as his conversation was 
 most with men of the most pregnant parts and un- 
 derstanding, so towards any such", who needed sup- 
 port or encouragement, though unknown, if fairly 
 recommended to him, he was very liberal. Sure ^ 
 never man was planted in a court, that was fitter 
 for that soil, or brought better qualities with him to 
 purify that air. 
 
 Yet his mem.ory must not be flattered, > that his 
 virtues and good inclinations may be believed; he 
 was not without ^ some aUay of vice, and without 
 being clouded with great infirmities, which he had 
 in too exorbitant a proportion. He indulged to 
 himself the pleasures of all kinds, almost in all ex- 
 cesses. To women, whether out of his natural con- 
 stitution, or for want of his domestic content and 
 delight, (in which he was most unhappy, for he paid 
 ^ much too dear for his wife's fortune, by taking her 
 "*'" ^ person into the bargain,) he was immoderately given 
 up. But therein he likewise retained such a power 
 and jurisdiction over his very appetite, that he was 
 not so much transported with beauty and outward 
 allurements, as with those advantages of the mind, 
 
 * suffered them] Not in MS. ^' flattered,] so flattered, 
 
 " such] Not in MS. ^ believed ; he was not with- 
 
 ^ Sure] And sure out] believed without
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 103 
 
 as manifested an extraordinary wit, and spirit, and book 
 knowledge, and administered great pleasure in the_____ 
 conversation. To these he sacrificed himself, his ^^^^• 
 precious time, and much of his fortune. And some, 
 who were nearest his trust and friendship, were not 
 without apprehension, that his natural vivacity and ^ 
 vigour of mind begun ^ to lessen and dechne by 
 those excessive indulgences. 
 
 About the time of the death of king James, or 
 presently after, he was made lord steward of his 
 majesty's house, that the staff of chamberlain might 
 be put into the hands of his brother, the earl of 
 Montgomery, upon a new contract of friendship with 
 the duke of Buckingham ; after whose death, he had 
 likewise such offices of his, as he most affected, of 
 honour and command ; none of profit, whicli he cared 
 not for ; and within two years after, he died himself 
 of an apoplexy, after a full and cheerful supper. 
 
 A short story may not be unfitly inserted, it being 
 very frequently mentioned by a person of known 
 integrity^, whose character is here undertaken to be 
 set down, and who, at that time, being on his way 
 to London, met at Maidenhead some persons of qua- 
 lity, of relation or dependance upon the earl of Pem- 
 broke, sir Charles Morgan, commonly called general 
 Morgan, who had commanded an army in Germany, 
 and defended Stoad ; Dr. Feild, then bishop of Saint 
 David's ; and Dr. Chafin, the earl's then chaplain in 
 his house, and much in his favour. At supper one 
 of them di-ank a health to the lord steward : upon 
 which another of them said, " that he beUeved his 
 " lord was at that time very merry, for he had now 
 
 » begun] began ^ a person of known integrity,] the person 
 
 H 4
 
 
 104 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK " outlived the day, which his tutor Sandford had 
 
 '. " prognosticated upon his nativity he would not out- 
 
 " live; but he had done it^ now, for that was his 
 bii'th-day, which had completed his age to fifty 
 years." The next morning, by the time they came 
 to Colebrook, they met with the news of his death. 
 
 He died exceedingly lamented by men of all qua- 
 lities,^ and left many of his servants and dependants 
 owners of good estates, raised out of his employ- 
 ments and bounty. Nor had his heir cause to com- 
 plain : for though his expenses had been very mag- 
 nificent, (and it may be the less considered, and his 
 providence the less, because he had no child to in- 
 herit,) insomuch as he left a great debt charged upon 
 the estate; yet considering the wealth he left in 
 jewels, plate, and furniture, and the estate his bro- 
 ther enjoyed in the right of his wife (Avho was not 
 fit to manage it herself) during her long life, he may 
 be justly said to have inherited as good an estate 
 from him, as he had from his father, which was one 
 of the best in England. 
 Of Philip The earl of Montgomery, who was then lord 
 Montgo- chamberlain of the household, and now earl of Pem- 
 ^^'^^' broke, and the earl of Dorset, were likewise of the 
 privy-council ; men of very different talents and qua- 
 lifications. The former being a young man, scarce 
 of age at the entrance of king James, had the good 
 ~~^ fortune, by the comeliness of his person, his skill, 
 and indefatigable industry in hunting, to be the first 
 who drew the king's eyes towards him with affec- 
 tion; which was quickly so far improved, that he 
 
 «■ but he had done it] which * men of all qualities] all 
 lie had done qualities of men
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 105 
 
 had the reputation of a favourite. Before s the end book 
 of the first or second year, he was made gentleman ^' 
 
 of the king's bedchamber, and earl of Montgomery ; ^^^8. 
 which did the king no harm : for besides that he 
 received the king's bounty with more moderation 
 than other men, who succeed^ him, he was gene- 
 rally known, and as generally esteemed ; being the 
 son of one earl of Pembroke, and younger brother 
 to another,^ who HberaUy supplied his expense, be- 
 yond what his annuity from his father would bear. 
 
 He pretended to no other qualifications, tlian to ^ 
 understand horses and dogs very well, which his 
 master loved him the better for, (being, at his first 
 coming into England, very jealous of those who had 
 the reputation of great parts,) and to be believed 
 honest and generous, which made him many friends, 
 and left him then^ no enemy. He had not sat 
 many years in that sunshine, when a new comet 
 appeared in court, Robert Carr, a Scotsman, quickly 
 after declared favourite : upon whom the king no 
 sooner fixed his eyes, but the earl, without the least 
 murmur or indisposition, left all doors open for his 
 entrance ; (a rare temper ! and it ^ could proceed 
 from nothing, but his great perfection in loving 
 field-sports ;) which the king received as so great 
 an obligation, that he always after loved him in the 
 second place, and commended him to his son at his 
 death, as a man to be relied on in point of honesty 
 and fidelity ; though it appeared afterwards, that he 
 was not strongly built, nor had sufficient ballast to 
 
 ^ Before] And before of Pembroke, 
 
 ^ son of— to another,] son ' then] Not in MS. 
 
 and younger brother to the earl ^ it] Not in MS.
 
 106 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK endure a storm; of which more will be said here- 
 '. after. 
 
 r^c^^?^\ The other, the earl of Dorset, was, to all intents, 
 
 Of Edward ' ' ' 
 
 earl of Dor- principles, and purposes, another man; his person 
 : beautiful, and graceful, and vigorous ; his wit plea- 
 sant, sparkling, and sublime ; and his other parts of 
 learning, and language, of that lustre, that he could 
 not miscarry in the world. The vices he had were 
 of the age, which he was not stubborn enough to 
 contemn or resist. He was a younger brother, grand- 
 child to the great treasurer Buckhurst, created, at 
 ^ the king's first entrance, earl of Dorset, who out- 
 lived his father, and took care and delight in the 
 education of his grandchild, and left him a good 
 support for a younger brother, besides a wife, who 
 was heir to a fair fortune. As his person and parts 
 were such as are before mentioned, so he gave them 
 full scope, without restraint ; and indulged to his 
 appetite all the pleasures that season of his life (the 
 fullest of jollity and riot of any that preceded, or 
 succeeded) could tempt or suggest to him. 
 
 He entered into a fatal quarrel, upon a subject 
 very unwarrantable, with a young nobleman of 
 Scotland, the lord Bruce ; upon which they both 
 transported themselves into Flanders, and attended 
 only by two chirurgeons * placed at a distance, and 
 under an obligation not to stir but upon the fall of 
 one of them, they fought under the walls of Ant- 
 werp, where the lord Bruce fell dead upon the 
 place ; and sir Edward Sackville (for so he was 
 tlien called) being likewise hurt, retired into the 
 
 ' chirurgeons] surgeons
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 107 
 
 next monastery, which was at hand. Nor did tliis book 
 miserable accident, which he always exceedingly la- ^' 
 
 mented,"* make that thorough impression upon him, ^^'-^• 
 but that he indulged still too much to those impor- 
 tunate and insatiate appetites, even of that indivi- 
 dual person, that had so lately embarked him in 
 that desperate enterprise; being too much tinder 
 not to be inflamed with those sparks. 
 
 His elder brother did not enjoy his grandfather's 
 titles " many years, before it descended, for want of 
 heii's male, to the yoimger brother. But in these 
 few years the elder, "^ by an excess of expense in all 
 the ways to which money can be applied, so ^ en- 
 tirely consumed almost the whole great fortune that 
 descended to him, that, when he was forced to leave 
 the title to his younger brother, he left upon the 
 matter nothing to him to support it ; which exposed 
 him to many difficulties and inconveniences. Yet 
 his known great parts, and the very good general 
 reputation he had acquired, notwithstanding his de- 
 fects,^ (for as he was eminent in the house of com- 
 mons, whilst he sat there ; so he shined in the house 
 of peers, w^hen he came to move in that si^here,) in- 
 cUned king James to call him to his privy-council 
 before his death. And if he had not too much che- 
 rished his natmal constitution and propensity, and 
 been too much grieved and wrung by an uneasy and 
 strait fortune, he would have been an excellent man 
 of business ; for he had a very sharp, discerning spi- 
 
 ^ always exceedingly la- p so] he so 
 
 niented] did always exceeding- ^ acquired, notwithstanding 
 
 ly lament his defects^ notwithstanding 
 
 " titles] title his defects acquired. 
 
 " the elder,] Not in MS.
 
 108 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK rit, and was a man of an obliging nature, much ho- 
 
 I 
 
 _ nour, and great generosity, and of most entire fide- 
 1G28. i[^y j-Q ^i^Q crown. 
 
 There were two other persons of much authority 
 in the council, because of great name in the court ; 
 as they deserved to be, being, without doubt, two as 
 accomplished courtiers as were found in the palaces 
 of all the princes in Europe; and the greatest (if 
 not too great) improvers of that breeding, and those 
 qualifications, with which courts used ^ to be adorn- 
 ed ; the earl of Carlisle, and earl of Holland : both, 
 (though men of pleasure,) by their long experience 
 in court, well acquainted with the affairs of the 
 kingdom, and better versed in those abroad, than 
 any other who sat then at that board. 
 Of the earl The formcr, a younger brother of a noble family 
 ai lb e. .^ Scotland, came into the kingdom with king 
 James, as a gentleman ; under no other character, 
 than a person well qualified by his breeding in 
 France, and by study in human learning, in which 
 he bore a good part in the entertainment of the 
 king, who much delighted in that exercise ; and by 
 these means, and notable gracefulness in his beha- 
 viour, and affability, in which he excelled, he had 
 wrought himself into a particular interest with his 
 master, and into greater affection and esteem with 
 the whole Enghsh nation, than any other of that 
 country ; by choosing their friendships and conver- 
 sation, and really preferring it to any of his own : 
 insomuch as upon the king's making him gentleman 
 of his bedchamber and viscount Doncaster, by ^ his 
 royal mediation (in which oflSce he was a most pre- 
 
 * used] use * by] and by
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 109 
 
 valent prince) he obtained the sole daughter and book 
 heir of the lord Denny to be given him in marriage ; ^' 
 by which he had a fair fortune in land provided for ^^28. 
 any issue he should raise, and which his son by that 
 lady lived long to enjoy. 
 
 He ascended afterwards, and with the expedition 
 he desired, to the other conveniences of the court. 
 He was groom of the stole, and an earl, and knight 
 of the garter ; and married a beautiful young lady, 
 daughter to the earl of Northumberland, without 
 any other approbation of her father, or concernment 
 in it, than suffering him and her to come into his 
 presence after they were married. He lived rather 
 in a fair intelligence than any friendship with the 
 favourites ; having credit enough with his master to 
 provide for his own interest, and he troubled not 
 himself for that of other men ; and had no other 
 consideration of money, than for the support of his 
 lustre; and whilst he could do that, he cared not 
 for money, having no bowels in the point of running 
 in debt, or borrowing all he could. 
 
 He was surely a man of the greatest expense in 
 his own person, of any in the age he lived ; and in- 
 troduced more of that expense in the excess of 
 clothes and diet, than any other man ; and was in- 
 deed the original of all those inventions, from which 
 others did but transcribe copies. He had a great 
 universal understanding, and could have taken as 
 much delight in any other way, if he had thought 
 any other as pleasant, and worth his care. But he 
 found business was attended with more rivals and 
 vexations ; " and, he thought, with much less plea- 
 sure, and not more innocence. 
 
 " vexations ;] vexation ;
 
 110 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK He left behind him the reputation of a very fine 
 ' gentleman, and a most accomplished courtier ; and 
 1628. after having spent, in a very jovial life, above four 
 hundred thousand pounds, which, upon a strict com- 
 putation, he received from the crown, he left not a 
 house, nor acre of land, to be remembered by. And 
 when he had in his prospect (for he was very sharp- 
 sighted, and saw as far before him as most men) the 
 gathering together of that cloud in Scotland, which 
 shortly after covered both kingdoms, he died with 
 as much tranquillity of mind to all appearance, as 
 used to attend a man of more severe exercise of vir- 
 tue ; and with^ as little apprehension of death, which 
 he expected many days. 
 Of the earl The earl of Holland was a younger son of a noble 
 *^ *° ■ house, and a very fruitful bed, which divided a nu- 
 merous issue between two great fathers ; the eldest, 
 many sons and daughters to the lord Rich ; the 
 younger, of both sexes, to Mountjoy earl of Devon- 
 shire y. The reputation of his family gave him no 
 great advantage in the world, though his eldest ])ro- 
 ther was earl of ^Varwick, and owner of a great for- 
 tune ; and his younger earl of Newport, of a very 
 plentiful revenue likewise. He, after some time 
 spent in France, betook himself to the war in Hol- 
 land, which he intended to have made his profes- 
 sion ; where, after he had made two or three cam- 
 paigns, according to the custom of the English vo- 
 lunteers, he came in the leisure of the winter to 
 visit his friends in England, and the court, that 
 shined then in the plenty and bounty of king 
 James ; and about the time of the infancy of the 
 
 ^ with] Not in MS. adds: who had been more than 
 
 V earl of Devonshire] MS. once married to the mother.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. Ill 
 
 duke of Buckingham's favours/- to whom he grew book 
 in a short time very acceptable. But his friendship ^' 
 was more entire to the earl of Carlisle, who was ^^^^• 
 more of his nature and humour, and had a genero- 
 sity more applicable at that time to his fortune and 
 his ends. And it was thought by many who stood 
 within view, that for some years he supported him- 
 self upon tlie familiai'ity and friendship of the other ; 
 which continued mutually between them very many 
 years, with little interruption, to their death. 
 
 He was a very handsome man, of a lovely and 
 winning presence, and gentle conversation ; by which 
 he got so easy an admission into the court, and 
 grace of king James, that he gave over the thought 
 of further intending the life of a soldier. He took 
 all the ways he could to endear himself to the duke, 
 and to his confidence, and wisely declined the re- 
 ceiving any grace or favour, but as his donation ; 
 above all, avoided the suspicion that the king had 
 any kindness for him, upon any account but of the 
 duke, whose creature he desired to be esteemed, 
 though the earl of Carlisle's friend. And he pros- 
 pered so well in that pretence, that the king scarce 
 made more haste to advance the duke, than the 
 duke did to promote the other. 
 
 He first preferred him to a wife, the daughter 
 and heir of Cope, by whom he had a good fortune ; 
 and, amongst other things, the manor and seat of 
 Kensington, of which he was shortly after made 
 baron. And he had quickly so entire a confidence 
 in him, that the duke ^ jDrevailed with the king to jy^ 
 put him about his son the prince of Wales, and to 
 
 ^ favours,] favour, ^ the duke] he
 
 112 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK be a gentleman of his bedchamber, before the duke 
 ' himself had reason to promise himself any propor- 
 
 1628. tion of his highness's grace and protection. He was 
 then made earl of Holland, captain of the guard, 
 knight of the garter,^ and of the privy-council; sent 
 the first ambassador into France to treat the mar- 
 riage with the queen, or rather privately to treat 
 about the marriage before he was ambassador. And 
 when the duke went to the Isle of Rhe, he trusted 
 the earl of HoUand with the command of that army 
 with which he was to be recruited and assisted. 
 
 In ^ this confidence, and in this posture, he was 
 left by the duke when he was killed ; ^ and having 
 the advantage of the queen's good opinion and fa- 
 vour, (which the duke neither had, nor cai'ed for,) 
 he made all possible approaches towards the obtain- 
 ing his trust, and succeeding him in his power ; or 
 rather that the queen might have solely that power, 
 and he only be subservient to her; and upon this 
 account he made a continual war upon the earl of 
 Portland the treasurer, and all others who were not 
 gracious to the queen, or desired not the increase of 
 her authority. And in this state, and under this 
 protection, he received every day new obligations 
 from the king, and great bounties, and continued to 
 flourish above any man in the court, whilst the wea- 
 ther was fair : but the storm did no sooner arise, 
 but he changed so much, and declined so fast from 
 the honour he was thought to be master of, that he 
 fell into that condition, which there will be here- 
 after too much cause to mention, and to enlarge 
 upon. 
 
 '' garter,] order, '^ In] And in '^ was killed ;] died ; 
 
 ^
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 113 
 
 The two secretaries of state (who^ were not in book 
 those days officers of that magnitude they have been ' 
 since, beinff only to make despatches upon the con- ^^^^* 
 
 \ Of the two 
 
 elusion of councils, not to govern, or preside in those secretaries 
 councils) were sir John Coke, who, upon the death John coke 
 of sir Albert Moreton, was, from being master of L'y carie" ' 
 requests, preferred to be secretary of state ; and sir *""* 
 Dudley Carleton, who, from his employment in Hol- 
 land, was put into the place of the lord Conway, 
 M^ho, for age and incapacity, was at last removed 
 from the secretary's office, which he had exercised 
 many ^ years with very notable insufficiency ; so that 
 king James was wont pleasantly to say, " That Sten- 
 " ny" (the duke of Buckingham) " had given him 
 " two very proper servants ; a secretary, who could 
 " neither write nor ? read ; and a groom of his bed- 
 " chamber, who could not truss his points ;" Mr. 
 Clark having but one hand. 
 
 Of these two secretaries, the former was a man 
 of a very narrow education, and a narrower nature ; 
 having continued long in the university of Cam- 
 bridge, where he had gotten Latin learning enough ; 
 and afterwards in the country in the condition of a 
 private gentleman, till after he was fifty years of 
 age ; when, upon some reputation he had for indus- 
 try and diligence, he was called to some painful em- 
 ployment in the office of the navy, which he dis- 
 charged well ; and afterwards to be master of re- 
 quests, and then to be secretary of state, which he 
 enjoyed to a great age : and was a man rather un- 
 adorned with parts of vigour and quickness, and un- 
 endowed with any notable virtues, than notorious for 
 
 ^ who] which ' many] for many ^ nor] or 
 
 VOL. I. I
 
 lU THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK any weakness or defect of understanding, or^ trans- 
 ' ported with any vicious inclinations, appetite to mo- 
 
 1628. j^gy. Q^jy excejDted. His cardinal perfection was in- 
 dustry, and his most eminent infirmity covetousness. 
 His long experience had informed him well of the 
 state and affairs of England ; but of foreign trans- 
 actions, or the common interest of Christian princes, 
 he was entirely undiscerning and ignorant.^ 
 
 Sir Dudley Carleton was of a quite contrary na- 
 ture, constitution, and education, and understood all 
 that related to foreign employments,^ and the con- 
 dition of other princes and nations, very well : but 
 was unacquainted ^ with the government, laws, and 
 customs of his own country, and the nature of the 
 people. He was a younger son in a good gentle- 
 man's family, and bred in Christ Church, in the uni- 
 versity of Oxford, where he was a student of the 
 foundation, and a young man of parts and towardly 
 expectation. He went from thence early into France, 
 and was soon after secretary to sir Harry Nevil, the 
 ambassador there. He had been sent ambassador to 
 Venice, where he resided many years with good re- 
 putation ; and was no sooner returned from thence 
 into England, than he went ambassador into Hol- 
 land, to the States General, and resided there when 
 that synod was assembled at Dort, which hath given 
 the world so much occasion since for uncharitable 
 disputations, which they were called together to pre- 
 vent. Here the ambassador was not thought so equal 
 a spectator, or assessor, as he ought to have been ; 
 but by the infusions he made into king James, and 
 
 '^ or] than ^ employnientsjemployment, 
 
 ' undiscerning and ignoranf,.] ^ unacquainted] utterly un- 
 ignorant, and undiscerning. acquainted
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 115 
 
 by his own activity, he did all he could to discoun- book 
 tenance that party that was most learned, and tn ^' 
 raise the credit and authority of the other ; which ^ ^^^' 
 has since proved as inconvenient and troublesome to 
 their own country, as to their neighbours. 
 
 He was once more ambassador extraordinary in 
 Holland after the death of king James, and was the 
 last who was admitted to be present, and to vote in 
 the general assembly of the States, under that cha- 
 racter ; of which great privilege the crown had been 
 possessed from a great part of the reign of queen 
 Elizabeth, and through the time of king James to 
 that moment ; which administered fresh matter of 
 murmur for the giving up the towns of the Brill, 
 and Flushing, Avhich had been done some years be- 
 fore by king James ; without which men thought 
 those States would not have had the courage so 
 soon to have degraded the crown of England from 
 a place in their councils, which had prospered so 
 eminently under the shadow of that power and sup- 
 port. As soon as he returned from Holland, he was ..^ 
 called to the privy-council. The™ making him se- 
 cretary of state, and a peer of the realm, when his 
 estate was scarce visible, was the last piece of work- 
 manship the duke of Buckingham lived to finish, 
 who seldom satisfied himself with conferring a single 
 obligation. 
 
 The duke had observed, and discovered, that theT';eme^«f 
 channel, in which the church promotions had for- Laud-s pow- 
 merly run, had been liable to some corruptions, at church. 
 least to many reproaches ; and therefore had com- 
 mitted the sole representation of those affairs, and 
 the recommending to " the vacancies wliicli should 
 
 "' The] And the " the recommending to] Not in MS. 
 
 12
 
 116 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK happen, to Dr. Laud, then bishop of Bath and Wells, 
 
 '■ and sworn of the privy-council. And the king, after 
 
 ^ ^^^* the duke's ^ death, continued that trust in the same 
 hands, infinitely to the benefit and honour of the 
 church, though, it may be, no less to the prejudice 
 of the poor bishop ; who, too secure in a good con- 
 science, and most sincere worthy intention, p (with 
 which no man was ever more plentifully replenished,) 
 thought he could manage and discharge the place 
 and office of the greatest minister in the court (for 
 he was quickly made archbishop of Canterbury) with- 
 out the least condescension to the arts and strata- 
 gems of the court, and without any other friendship, 
 or support, than what the splendour of a pious life, 
 and his unpolished integrity, would reconcile to him ; 
 which was an unskilful measure in a licentious age, 
 and may deceive a good man in the best times ^ that 
 shall succeed ; which exposed him to such a torrent 
 of adversity and misery, as we shall have too natural 
 an occasion to lament in the following discourse, in 
 which it will be more seasonable to enlarge upon his 
 singular abilities, and immense virtue. 
 
 There were more (too many more) honourable 
 persons in that time of the privy-council^ whose fa- 
 culties were not notorious enough to give them any 
 great part in the aflfairs, nor had their advice much 
 influence upon them. Other very notable men were 
 shortly after added to the council, who will hereafter'^ 
 be remembered in their proper places and seasons. 
 What hath been said before contains information 
 enough of the persons in employment, and the state 
 of the court and kingdom, when the duke of Buck- 
 
 ° the duke's] his i times] Not in MS. 
 
 P intention,] intentions, "^ hereafter] anon
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 117 
 
 ingham was taken from it ; by which, and the lively book 
 reflections upon the qualities and qualifications of the ^' 
 
 several persons in authority in court and council, no ^^2^* 
 man could expect that the vigorous designs and en- 
 terprises, undertaken by the duke, would be pur- 
 sued with equal resolution and courage ; but that 
 much the greater part of them would be wholly in- 
 tent upon their own accommodations in their for- 
 tunes, (in which they abounded not,) or^ in their 
 ease and pleasure, which they most passionately af- 
 fected ; having, as hath been said, no other conside- 
 ration of the public, than that no disturbance there- 
 in might interrupt their quiet in theu' own days : 
 and that the rest, who had larger hearts and more 
 public spirits, would extend theu' labour, activity, 
 and advice, only to secure the empire at home by aU 
 peaceable arts, and advancement of trade, which 
 might gi'atify the people, and fiU the empty coffers 
 of the impoverished crown. To which end the most 
 proper expedients were best understood by them, not 
 to enlarge it, by continuing and propagating the 
 war ; the ways and means whereof they knew not 
 how to comprehend ; and had all the desiDcrate ima- 
 ginations and jealousies of the end and necessary 
 consequences of it. And so they all concurred 
 (though in nothing else) in their unanimous advice 
 to the king " to put the quickest period he could 
 " possibly to the expensive war against the two 
 ** crowns :" and, his majesty following their advice, 
 a peace was made with both, upon better terms and ^.^^^'■^^l 
 conditions, and in less time, than, from the known two crowns. 
 impatience of the war, could reasonably have been 
 
 ® or] and 
 
 I 3
 
 118 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK expected, or hoped for. And after some imquietness * 
 of the people, and unhappy assaults upon the prero- 
 
 The^hM g^tive by the parliament, which produced its disso- 
 pariiament lutiou, and thcrcupon some froward and obstinate 
 
 dissolved. • p n j 
 
 disturbances in trade, there quickly followed so excel- 
 lent a composure throughout the whole kingdom, 
 that the like peace, and plenty, and universal tran- 
 quillity for ten years was never enjoyed by any na- 
 tion ; and was the more visible and manifest in Eng- 
 land, by the sharp and bloody war suddenly entered 
 into between the two neighbour crowns, and the uni- 
 versal conflagration, that, from the invasion" of the 
 Swedes, covered the whole empire of Germany. 
 And so ^ we shall return to the discourse, to which 
 this very long digression hath given a greater inter- 
 ruption than was intended. 
 The ill ef- That proclamation, mentioned before, at the 
 pTocia^ua- ^ breaking up y of the last parliament, and which was 
 fortVupon commonly understood " to inhibit ^ all men to speak 
 breaking up « Qf another parliament," produced two very ill effects 
 cond pariia- of different natures. It afflicted many good men 
 (who otherwise were enough scandalized at those 
 distempers which had incensed the king) to that de- 
 gree, that it made them capable of receiving some im- 
 pressions from those who were diligent in whispering 
 and infusing an opinion into men, " that there was 
 " really an intention to alter the form of government, 
 
 * unquletness] short unquiet- what progress and by what sta- 
 ness tions the person, whose life is 
 
 " invasion] inundation set down, was advanced in the 
 
 * And so — intended.] And so world. 
 
 we shall return to the discourse, v breaking up] break 
 
 which this very long digression ^ was commonly understood 
 
 hath interruj)ted longer than was " to inhibit] inhibited 
 intended, by which we shall see
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 119 
 
 "both in church and state; of which, said they, a book 
 
 1. 
 
 1628. 
 
 " gi'eater instance cannot be given, than this pubHc 
 " declaring (as it was interpreted) ^ that we shall 
 " have no more parliaments." Then, this freedom 
 from the danger of such an inquisition did not only 
 encourage ill men to all boldness and licence, but 
 wrought so far upon men less incUned to ill, (though 
 not built for examples,) that they kept not those 
 strict guards upon themselves they used to do ; espe- 
 cially if they found themselves above the reach of 
 ordinary justice, and feared not extraordinary, they 
 by degi-ees thought that no fault which was like to 
 find no punishment. Supplemental acts of state were Projects of 
 
 '■ V^ , all kinds. 
 
 made to supply defect of laws ; and so tonnage, and ^^^g, 
 poundage, and other duties upon merchandises, were 
 collected by order of the board, which had been 
 positively ^ refused to be settled by act of parliament, 
 and new and greater impositions laid upon trade : 
 obsolete laws were revived, and rigorously executed, 
 wherein the subject might be taught how unthrifty 
 a thing it was, by too strict a detaining of what was 
 his, to put the king as strictly to inquire what was 
 his own. 
 
 By this ^ ill husbandry the kinsj received a vast That of 
 
 •^ . • J l^niglithood. 
 
 sum of money from all persons of quahty, or indeed jg3Q 
 of any reasonable condition throughout the kingdom, 
 upon the law of knighthood ; which, though it had 
 a foundation in right, yet, in the circumstances of 
 proceeding, was very grievous. And no less unjust 
 projects of all kinds, many ridiculous, many scanda- 
 lous, all very grievous, were set on foot ; the envy 
 
 ^ (as it was interpreted)] Not ^ positively] perversely 
 in MS. '^ By this] And by this 
 
 I 4
 
 120 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK and reproach of which came to the king, the profit 
 to other men : insomuch that, ^ of two hundred thou- 
 
 J630. g^jj^ pound drawn from the subject, by these ways, 
 
 ■ ~ in a year, scarce fifteen hundred came to the king's 
 
 That of i<e- use or accouut. To recompense the damage the 
 
 vivin*^ fo- 
 
 rest-laws, crowu sustaiucd by the sale of the old lands, and by 
 the grant of new pensions, the old laws of the forest 
 were ^ revived, by which not only great fines were ^ 
 imposed, but great annual rents intended, and hke 
 to be settled by way of contract; which burden 
 lighted most upon persons of quality and honour, 
 who thought themselves above ordinary oppressions, 
 and were § therefore like to remember it with more 
 
 That of sharpness. Lastly, for a spring and magazine that 
 
 ship-moaey. , , , , , ^ , . , 
 
 should have no bottom, and lor an everlastmg supply 
 of all occasions, a writ was'^ framed in a form of 
 law, and directed to the sheriff of every county of 
 England, " to provide a ship of war for the king's 
 " service, and to send it, amply provided and fitted, 
 " by such a day, to such a place;" and with that writ 
 were sent to each sheriff instructions, that, " instead 
 " of a ship, he should levy upon his county such a 
 " sum of money, and return the same to the trea-^ 
 " surer of the navy for his majesty's use, with direc- 
 " tion, in what manner he should proceed against 
 " such as refused :" and from hence that tax had the 
 denomination of ship-money ; a word of a lasting 
 sound in the memory of this kingdom ; by which for 
 some years really accrued the yearly sum of two hun- 
 dred thousand pounds to the king's coffers : and it * 
 
 • - <• that,] as, 1^ were] Not in MS. 
 
 ^ were] are *' was] is 
 
 * were] are 'it] Not in MS.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 121 
 
 was in truth the only project that was accounted to book 
 his own service. And, after the continued receipt of it ' 
 for about ^' four years together, it^ was at last (upon ^^^^• 
 the refusal of a private gentleman to pay twenty 
 or™ thirty shillings as his share) with gi'eat solemnity 
 publicly argued before all the judges of England in 
 the exchequer-chamber, and by much ° the major 
 part of them, the king's right to impose asserted, and 
 the tax adjudged lawful ; which judgment proved of 
 more advantage and credit to the gentleman con- 
 demned (Mr. Hambden) than to the king's service. 
 
 For the better support of these extraordinary The powers 
 ways, and to protect the agents and instruments, ciutaWe""' 
 who must be employed in them, and to discounte- ^JJlJi^'J,"^^: 
 nance and suppress all bold inquiries ° and opposers, enlarged. 
 the council-table and star-chamber enlarge their ju- 
 risdictions to a vast extent, " holding" (as Thucydides 
 said of the Athenians) " for honourable that which 
 "pleased, and for just that which profited;" and 
 being the same persons in several rooms, grew both 
 courts of law to determine right, and courts of reve- 
 nue to bring money into the treasury ; the council- 
 table by proclamations enjoining to the p people whati 
 was not enjoined by the law, and prohibiting that 
 which was not prohibited; and the star-chamber 
 censuring the breach, and disobedience to those pro- 
 clamations, by very great fines and imprisonment ; 
 so that any disrespect to any ^ acts of state, or to the 
 persons of statesmen, was in no time more penal, and 
 
 ^ about] Not in MS. p enjoining to the] enjoining 
 
 ' it] Not in MS. this 
 
 " twenty or] Not in MS. i what] that 
 
 " much] Not in MS. ^ any] Not in MS. 
 
 ° inquiries] inquirers
 
 122 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK those foundations of right, by which men valued 
 
 ■ their security, to the apprehension and understand- 
 
 1630. jj^g Qf ^jgg n^gji, never more in danger to be de- 
 stroyed. 
 
 And here I cannot but again take the liberty to 
 / say, that the circumstances and proceedings in those 
 
 new extraordinary cases, stratagems, and impositions, 
 were very unpolitic, and even destructive to the ser- 
 vices intended. And ^ if the business of ship-money, 
 being an imposition by the state, under the notion of 
 necessity, upon a prospect of danger, which private 
 persons could not modestly think themselves qualifi- 
 ed to discern, had been managed in the same extra- 
 ordinary way as the royal loan (which was the im- 
 posing the five subsidies after the second parliament 
 spoken of before) was, men would much easier have 
 submitted to it ; as it is notoriously known, that 
 pressure was borne with much more cheerfulness be- 
 fore the judgment for the king, than ever it was 
 after; men before pleasing themselves with doing 
 somewhat for the king's service, as a testimony of 
 their affection, which they were not bound to do ; 
 many really believing the necessity, and therefore 
 thinking the burden reasonable; others observing, that 
 the advantage * to the king was of importance, when 
 the damage to them was not considerable ; and all 
 assuring themselves, that when they should be weary, 
 or unwilling to continue the payment, they might 
 resort to the law for relief, and find it. But when 
 they heard this demanded in a court of law, as a 
 right, and found it, by sworn judges of the law, ad- 
 judged so, upon such grounds and reasons as every 
 
 ^ And] As * advantage] access
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 123 
 
 stander-by was able to swear was not law, and so book 
 had lost the pleasure and delight of being kind and . ^' 
 
 dutiful to the king; and, instead of giving, were re- l^"^^- 
 quired to pay, and by a logic that left no man any 
 thing which he might call his own ; they no more 
 looked upon it as the case of one man, but the case 
 of the kingdom, nor as an imposition laid upon them 
 by the king, but by the judges ; which they thought 
 themselves bound in conscience to the public justice 
 not to submit to. It was an observation long ago 
 by Thucydides, " That men are much more passion- 
 " ate for injustice, than for violence ; because (says 
 " he) the one coming as from an equal, seems rapine ; 
 " when the other, proceeding from one stronger, is 
 " but the effect of necessity." So, when ship-money 
 was transacted at the council-board, they looked upon 
 it as a work of that power they were all " obliged to 
 trust, and an effect of that foresight they were natu- 
 rally to rely upon. Imminent necessity, and public 
 safety, were convincing persuasions ; and it might 
 not seem of apparent ill consequence to them, that 
 upon an emergent occasion the regal power should 
 fiU up an hiatus, or supply an impotency in the law. 
 But when they saw in a court of law (that law that 
 gave them title to ^ and possession of all that they 
 had) reason y of state urged as elements of law, 
 judges as sharp-sighted as secretaries of state, and in 
 the mysteries of state ; judgment of law grounded 
 upon matter of fact, of which there was neither in- 
 quiry nor ^ proof; and no reason given for the pay- 
 ment of the thirty shillings in question, but what 
 
 " all] always ">' reason] apothegms 
 
 ^ to] Not in MS. ' nor] or
 
 124 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK included^ the estates of all the standers-by; they 
 
 '. had no reason to hope that ^ doctrine, or the pro- 
 
 1630. nioters^ of it, would be contained within any bounds ; 
 and it was no wonder that they, who had so little 
 reason to be pleased with their own condition, were 
 not less solicitous for, or apprehensive of, the incon- 
 veniences that might attend any alteration. 
 
 And here the damage and mischief cannot be ex- 
 pressed, that the crown and state sustained by the 
 deserved reproach and infamy that attended the 
 judges, by being made use of in this and like ^ acts 
 of power ; there being no possibility to preserve the 
 dignity, reverence, and estimation of the laws them- 
 selves, but by the integrity and innocency of the 
 judges. And no question, as the exorbitancy of the 
 house of commons, in their next parliament, pro- 
 ceeded ^ principally from their contempt of the laws, 
 and that contempt from the scandal of that judg- 
 ment ; so the concurrence of the house of peers in 
 
 that fury can be imputed to no one thing more, than 
 
 to the irreverence and scorn the judges were justly 
 in ; who had been always before looked upon there 
 as the oracles of the law, and the best guides to as- 
 sist that house in^ their opinions and actions : and 
 the lords ? now thought themselves excused for 
 swerving from the rules and customs of their prede- 
 cessors (who in altering and making of laws, in judg- 
 ing of things and persons, had always observed the 
 advice and judgment of those sages) in not asking 
 
 '^ included] concluded proceeded] this parliament hath 
 
 ^ that doctrine] that that doc- proceeded 
 trine f to assist that house in] and 
 
 '^ promoters] preachers • directors of 
 '^ like] the like 8 the lords] they 
 
 ^ in their next parliament,
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 125 
 
 questions of those whom they knew nobody would book 
 believe; thinking^ it a just reproach upon them,__i__ 
 (who out of their courtship ^ had submitted the diffi- ^^'^^• 
 culties and mysteries of the law to be measured by 
 the standard of what they called^ general reason, 
 and explained by the wisdom of state,) that they 
 themselves should^ make use of the licence which 
 the others °^ had taught them", and determine that to 
 be law, which they thought to be° reasonable, or 
 found to be convenient. If these men had preserved 
 the simplicity of their ancestors, in severely and 
 strictly defending the laws, other men had observed 
 the modesty of theirs, in humbly and dutifully obey- 
 ing them. 
 
 Upon P this consideration it is very observable, 
 that in the wisdom of former times, when the pre- 
 rogative went highest, (as very often it hath been 
 swoln above any pitch we have seen it at in our 
 times,) never any court of law, very seldom any 
 judge, or lawyer of reputation, was called upon to 
 assist in an act of power ; the crown well knowing 
 the moment of keeping those the objects of reverence 
 and veneration with the people : and that though it 
 might sometimes make sallies upon them by the pre- 
 rogative, yet the law would keep the people from 
 any invasion of it, and that the king could never suf- 
 fer, whilst the law and the judges were looked upon 
 by the subject, as the asylum ^i for their liberties, and 
 security. And therefore you shall find the policy of 
 
 ^ thinking] and thinking ^ which the others] they 
 
 ' courtship] gentilesses " them] Not in MS. 
 
 ^ what they called] Not in ° to be] Not in MS. 
 
 MS. P Upon] And upon 
 
 ' that they themselves should] ^ asylum] asyla 
 to see those men
 
 / 
 
 126 , THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK many princes hath endured as sharp animadversions 
 
 I 
 
 - and reprehensions from the judges of the law, as their 
 1630. piety hath from the bishops of the church; as hav- 
 ing no less influence *" upon the people, under the re- 
 ^ putation of justice, by the one, than under the ties ® 
 of conscience and religion, by the other. 
 
 To extend this consideration of the form and cir- 
 cumstance of proceeding in cases of an unusual na- 
 ture a little farther ; as it may be most behoveful 
 for princes in matters of grace and honour, and in 
 conferring of favours upon their people, to transact 
 the same as pubhcly as may be, and by themselves, 
 or their ministers, to dilate upon it, and improve the 
 lustre by any addition, or eloquence of speech ; 
 (where, it may be, every kind word, especially from 
 the prince himself, is looked upon as a new bounty ;) 
 so it is as requisite in matters of judgment, pvmish- 
 ment, and censure upon things, or persons, (especial- 
 ly when the case, in the nature of it, is unusual, and 
 the rules in judging as extraordinary,) that the same 
 be transacted as privately, and with as little noise 
 and pomp of words, as may be. For (as damage is 
 much easier borne and submitted to by generous 
 minds, than disgrace) in the business of "^ ship-money, 
 and" many other cases in the star-chamber, and at 
 council-board, there were many impertinencies, in- 
 congruities, and insolencies, in the speeches and ora- 
 tions of the judges, much more offensive, and much 
 more scandalous than the judgments and sentences 
 themselves. Besides that men's minds and under- 
 
 ■■ as having no less influence] *of] of die 
 
 imposing no less " and] and in 
 
 * under the ties] Not in MS.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 127 
 
 standings were more instructed to discern the con- book 
 sequence of tilings, which before they considered not. ' 
 And^ undoubtedly, my lord Finch's speech in the ^^>^^- 
 exchequer-chamber made ship-money much more 
 abhorred and formidable, than all the commitments 
 by the council-table, and all the distresses taken by 
 the sheriffs in England ; the major part of men (be- 
 sides the common unconcernedness in other men's 
 sufferings) looking upon those proceedings withy a 
 kind of applause to themselves, to see other men pu- 
 nished for not doing as they had done ; which de- 
 light was quickly determined, when they found their 
 own interest, by the unnecessary logic of that argu- 
 ment, no less concluded than Mr. Hambden's. 
 
 He ^ hath been but an ill observer of the passages 
 of those times we speak of, who hath not seen many 
 sober men, who have been clearly satisfied with the 
 conveniency, necessity, and justice of many sentences, 
 depart notwithstanding extremely offended, and scan- 
 dalized with the grounds, reasons, and expressions of 
 those who inflicted those censures ; when they found 
 themselves, thinking to be only spectators of other 
 men's sufferings, by some unnecessary inference or 
 declaration, in probable danger to become the next 
 delinquents. 
 
 They who look back upon the council-books of 
 queen Elizabeth, and the acts of the star-chamber 
 then, shall find as high instances of power and sove- 
 reignty upon the liberty and property of the subject, 
 as can be since given. But the art, order, and gra- 
 vity of those proceedings (where short, severe, con- 
 stant rules were set, and smartly pursued, and the 
 
 " And] As >' with] as '^ He] And he
 
 , 128 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK party felt only* the weight of the judgment, not 
 
 '. the passion of his judges) made them less taken no- 
 
 1630. ^j(.g Qf^ ^^(j gQ jggg grievous to the public, though as 
 intolerable to the person : whereas, since those excel- 
 lent rules of the council-board were less observed, 
 and debates (which ought to be in private, and in 
 the absence of the party concerned, and thereupon 
 the judgment of the table to be pronounced by one, 
 without the interposition of others, or reply of the 
 party) suffered to be public, questions to be asked, 
 passions discovered, and opinions to be promiscu- 
 ously delivered ; all advice, directions, reprehensions, 
 and censures of those places grew to be in less re- 
 verence and esteem ; so that, besides the delay and 
 interruption in despatch, the justice and prudence 
 of the counsels did not many times weigh down the 
 infirmity and passion of the counsellors ; and both 
 suitors and offenders returned into their country, 
 with such exceptions and arguments against per- 
 sons, as brought and prepared much prejudice to 
 whatsoever should proceed from thence ; and what- 
 ever excuses shall be made, or arguments given, that 
 upon such extraordinary occasions there was a ne- 
 cessity of some pains and care to convince men's un- 
 derstandings of ^ the reasons and grounds of their 
 proceeding, (which, if what was done had been only 
 ad informandam conscientiam without reproach, or 
 penalty, might have been reasonable,) it is certain 
 the inconvenience and prejudice, that grew thereby, 
 was greater than the benefit : and tlie reasons of the 
 judges being many times not the reasons of the 
 judgment, those ^ might more satisfactorily and more 
 
 * felt only] only felt the understandings of men with 
 
 '' men's understandings of] <^ those] that
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 129 
 
 shortly have '^ been put in the sentence itself, than book 
 spread in the discourses of the censurers. ' 
 
 These errors (for errors they were in view, and '^^^■ 
 errors they are proved by the success) are not to be 
 imputed to the court, but to the spirit and over- 
 activity of the lawyers themselves ; who should more 
 carefuUy have preserved their profession, and its*^ 
 professors, from being profaned by those services, 
 which have rendered botli so obnoxious to reproach. 
 There were two persons of that profession, and of 
 that time, by whose several and distinct constitu- 
 tions (the one knowing nothing of nor caring for 
 the court ; the other knowing or caring for nothing- 
 else) those mischiefs were introduced ; Mr. Noy, the 
 attorney general ; and sir John Finch, first, lord chief 
 justice of the common pleas, and tlien lord keeper of 
 the great seal of England. 
 
 The first, upon the gi'eat fame of his ability and of attorney 
 learning, (and he was very able and learned, f) was,Kdy" 
 by great industry and importunity from court, per- 
 suaded to accept that place, for which all other men 
 laboured, (being the best, for profit, that profession 
 is capable of,) and so he suffered himself to be made 
 the king's attorney general. The court made no 
 impression upon his manners ; upon his mind it did : 
 and though he wore about him an affected morosity, 
 which made him unapt to flatter other men, yet even 
 that morosity and pride rendered him the most liable 
 to be grossly flattered himself, that can be imagined. 
 And by this means the great persons, who steered 
 the public affairs, by admiring his parts, and extol- 
 
 '^ have] Not in MS. learned,)] and very able and 
 
 ^ its] the learned he was,) 
 
 ' and he was very able and 
 
 VOL. I. K
 
 130 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK ling his judgment as well to his face as behind his 
 _____hack, wrought upon him by degrees, for the emi- 
 
 1G30. nency of the service, to be an instrument in all their 
 designs ; thinking that he could not give a clearer 
 testimony, that his knowledge in the law was greater 
 than all other men's, than by making that law which 
 all other men believed not to be so. So he moulded, 
 framed, and pursued the odious and crying project 
 of soap ; and with his own hand drew and prepared 
 the writ for ship-money ; both which will be the 
 lasting monuments of his fame. In a word, he was 
 an unanswerable instance, how necessary a good edu- 
 cation and knowledge of men is to make a wise man, 
 at least a man fit for business. 
 Of sir John Sir John Finch had much that the other wanted, 
 but nothing that the other had. Having led a free » 
 life in a restrained fortune, und having set up upon the 
 stock of a good wit, and natural parts, without the 
 superstructure of mucli knowledge in the profession 
 by which he was to grow ; he ^' was wilUng to use 
 those weapons in which he had most skill, and so 
 (being not unseen in the affections of the court, but 
 not having reputation enough to guide or reform 
 tliem) he took up ship-money where Mr. Noy left 
 it ; and, being a judge, carried it up to that pin- 
 nacle, from whence he almost broke his own neck ; 
 having, in his journey thither, had too much influ- 
 ence on his brethren to induce them ^ to concur in a 
 judgment they had all cause to repent. To which, 
 his declaration, after he was keeper of the great seal 
 of England, must be added, upon a demurrer put in 
 
 s free] licentious liis brethren to induce them] 
 
 ^ he] Not in MS. too much a solicitor to induce 
 
 had too much influence on his brethren
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 131 
 
 to a bill before him, which had no other equity in book 
 it, than an order of the lords of the council ; " that " 
 " whilst he was keeper, no man should be so saucy ^^'^^• 
 " as ^ to dispute those orders, but that the wisdom 
 ** of that board should be always ground enough for 
 " him to make a decree in chancery ;" which was so 
 great an aggravation of the excess of that table, that 
 it received more prejudice from that act of unrea- 
 sonable countenance and respect, than from all the 
 contempt could possibly' have been offered to it. 
 But of this no more. 
 
 Now after all this (and I hope I cannot be ac- The felicity 
 
 1 n in • 1 ' ' ... T ^^ '^'"^ times 
 
 cused ol much flattery m this mquisition) I must be before the 
 so just as to say, that, during the whole time that IS^iot!" 
 these pressures were exercised, and those new and '"*'''^^"*'- 
 extraordinary ways were run, that is, from the dis-""''''""^ 
 
 " " on the sub- 
 
 solution of the parliament in the fourth year, to theject; 
 
 beginning of this parliament, which was above twelve 
 years, this kingdom, and all his majesty's dominions, 
 (of the interruption in Scotland somewhat shall be 
 said in its due time and place,) enjoyed the greatest 
 calm, and the fullest measure of felicity, that any 
 people in any age, for so long time together, have 
 been blessed with ; to the wonder and envy of all 
 the other'" parts of Christendom. 
 
 In " this comparison I am neither unmindful of, compared 
 nor ungrateful for, the happy times of queen Eliza- Times of 
 beth, and" king James. But for the former, theS.f' 
 doubts, hazards, and perplexities, upon a total 
 change and alteration of religion, and some confi- 
 dent attempts upon a farther alteration by those who 
 
 ^ as] Not in MS. " In] And in 
 
 ' possibly] possible '^ and] or for those more 
 
 "* other] Nut in MS. happy under 
 
 K 2
 
 132 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK thought the reformation not carried far enough;? 
 
 '■ — the charge, trouble, and anxiety of a long continued 
 
 war (how prosperous and successful soever) even 
 during that queen's whole reign; and (besides some 
 domestic ruptures into rebellion, frequently into 
 treason ; and besides the blemish of an unparalleled 
 act of blood upon the life of a crowned neighbour 
 queen and ally) the fear and apprehension of what 
 ' was to come (which is one of the most unpleasant 
 kinds of melancholy) from an unknown, at least an 
 unacknowledged, successor to the crown, clouded 
 much of that prosperity then, which now shines 
 with so much splendour before our eyes in chro- 
 nicle. 
 
 And with And for the other under king; James, (which in- 
 
 the times . , . . 
 
 of king deed were excellent tmies, bona st sua tiormt,) the 
 mingling with a stranger nation, formerly not very 
 gracious with this, which was like to have more in- 
 terest of favour : the subjection to a stranger prince, 
 whose nature and disposition they knew not : the 
 discovery of a treason, ^ the most prodigious that 
 had ever been attempted, upon his first entrance 
 into the kingdom : the wants of the crown not in- 
 ferior to what it hath since felt, (I mean whilst it 
 sat right on the head of the king,) and the pressures 
 upon the subject of the same nature, and no less 
 complained of: the absence of the prince in Spain, 
 and the solicitude that his highness should ^ not be 
 disposed in marriage to the daughter of that king- 
 dom, rendered the calm and tranquillity of that time 
 less equal and pleasant. To which may be added 
 
 P thought the reformation not t the discovery of a treason,] 
 carried far enough ;] thought the noise of treason, 
 not the reformation enough ; * should] might
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 133 
 
 the prosperity and happiness of the neighbour king- book 
 doms not much inferior to that of this, which, ac-. 
 
 cording to the pulse of states, is a great diminution ' ^^^• 
 of their liealth ; at least their prosperity is much 
 improved, and more visible, by the misery and mis- 
 fortunes of their neighbours. 
 
 The happiness of the times I now mention was 
 invidiously set off by this distinction,^ that every 
 other kingdom, every other state were entangled,* 
 and some almost destroyed, by the rage and fury of 
 arms ; those who were engaged in an ambitious con- 
 tention " with their neighbours, having the view and 
 apprehensions of the miseries and desolation, which 
 they saw other states suffer by a civil war ; whilst 
 the kingdoms we now lament were alone looked 
 upon as the garden of the world ; Scotland (which 
 was but the wilderness of that garden) in a full, en- 
 tii'e, and ^ undisturbed peace, which they had never 
 seen ; the rage and barbarism ^ of their private feuds 
 being composed to the reverence, or to the awe, of 
 public justice ; in a competency, if not in an excess 
 of plenty, which they had never hopes ^ to see, and 
 in a temper (which was the utmost that in those 
 days was desired or hoped fory) free fi'om rebellion : 
 Ireland, which had been a sponge to draw, and a , 
 gulph to swallow all that could be spared, and all 
 that could be got from England, merely to keep the 
 
 * now mention was invidi- were ambitiously in contention 
 ously set off by this distinc- '' and] Not in MS. 
 
 tion,"] mentioned was enviously ''' barbarism] MS. adds: (that 
 
 set off by this, ' s the blood, for of the charity 
 
 * state were entangled,] pro- we speak not,) 
 vince, were engaged, some en- ^ hopes] hope 
 
 tangled, ^ that in those days was de- 
 
 " who were engaged in an sired or hoped for)] we desired 
 ambitious contention] which and hoped to see) 
 
 K 3
 
 134. THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK reputation of a kingdom, reduced to that good de- 
 ^' gree of husbandry and government, that it not only 
 
 1 G30. subsisted of itself, and gave this kingdom all that it 
 might have expected from it ; but really increased 
 the revenue of the crown forty or fifty thousand 
 pounds a year, besides a considerable advantage to 
 the people by '' the trafiick and trade fi'om thence ; 
 arts and sciences fruitfully planted there ; and the 
 whole nation beginning to be so civilized, that it was 
 a jewel of great lustre in the royal diadem. 
 
 When these outworks were thus fortified and 
 adorned, it was no wonder if England was gene- 
 rally thought secure, with the advantages of its own 
 climate ; the court in great plenty, or rather (which 
 is the discredit of plenty) excess, and luxury ; the 
 country rich, and, which is more, fidly enjoying the 
 pleasure of its own wealth, and so the easier cor- 
 rupted with the pride and wantonness of it ; the 
 church flourishing with learned and extraordinary 
 men, and (which other good times had in some de- 
 gree ^ wanted) supplied with oil to feed those lamps ; 
 and the protestant religion more advanced against 
 the church of Rome by writing, (without prejudice 
 to other useful and godly labours,) especially by those 
 two books of the late lord archbishop of Canterbury 
 his grace, and of Mr. Chilling worth, than it had been 
 from the reformation ; trade increased to that de- 
 gree, that we were the exchange of Christendom, 
 (the revenue from thence^ to the crown being al- 
 • most double to what it had been in the best times,) 
 
 '• a considerable udvaiitage to =* had in some degree] Nut 
 the people by] much more to in MS. 
 the people in b from thence] thereof
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 135 
 
 and the bullion of neighbour *^ kingdoms brought to book 
 receive a stamp from the mint of England ; foreign'^ 
 
 merchants looking upon nothing so much their own, 
 as ^ what they had laid up in the warehouses of this 
 kingdom ; the royal navy, in number and equipage 
 much above former times, very formidable at sea ; 
 and the reputation of the greatness and power of 
 the king much more with foreign princes than any 
 of his progenitors : for those rough courses, which 
 made him perhaps^ less loved at home, made him 
 more feared abroad; by how much the power of 
 kingdoms is more reverenced than their justice by 
 their neighbours : and it may be, this consideration 
 might not be the least motive, and may not be the 
 worst excuse for those counsels. Lastly, for a com- 
 plement of all these blessings, they were enjoyed by, 
 and under the protection of, a king, of the most 
 harmless disposition, the most » exemplary piety, the 
 greatest sobriety,^' chastity, and mercy, that any 
 prince hath been endowed with, (God ' forgive those 
 that have not been sensible of, and thankful for, 
 those endowments,) and who might have said, that 
 which Pericles was proud of, upon his death-bed, 
 concerning his citizens,^ " that no Englishman had 
 *' ever worn a mourning^ gown through his occa- 
 " sion." In a word, many wise men thought it a 
 time, wherein those two adjuncts, '" which Nerva 
 was deified for uniting, imperium et Ubertas^ were 
 as well reconciled as is possible. 
 
 *= neighbour] all other briety, 
 
 '^ foreign] all foreign ' God] and God 
 
 « so much their own, as] as ^ concerning his citizens,] 
 
 their own, but Not in MS. 
 
 ^ perhaps] happily ^ a mourning] black 
 
 ^ the most] and the most "" two adjuncts,] two misera- 
 
 '^ sobriety,] example of so- ble adjuncts, 
 
 K 4
 
 136 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK But all these blessings could but enable, not com- 
 ^' pel us to be happy : we wanted that sense, acknow- 
 1630. ledgment, and value of our own happiness, which all 
 but we had ; and took pains to make, when we could 
 not find, ourselves miserable. There was in truth a 
 strange absence of understanding in most, and a 
 strange perverseness of understanding in the rest : 
 the court full of excess, idleness, and luxury ; the " 
 country full of pride, mutiny, and discontent ; every 
 man more troubled and perplexed at that they called 
 the violation of one law, than delighted or pleased 
 with the observation of all the rest of the charter : 
 never imputing the increase of their receipts, re- 
 venue, and plenty, to the wisdom, virtue, and merit 
 of the crown, but objecting every small imposition 
 to the exorbitancy and tyranny of the government ; 
 the growth of knowledge and learning being dis- 
 relished, for the infirmities of some learned men, 
 and the increase of grace and favour upon the 
 church more repined and murmured at, than the 
 increase of piety and devotion in it,° which was as 
 visible, acknowledged, or taken notice of; whilst the 
 indiscretion and folly of one sermon at Whitehall 
 was more bruited abroad, and commented upon, than 
 the wisdom, sobriety, and devotion of a hundred. 
 
 It cannot be denied but there was sometimes 
 preached there matter very unfit for the place, and 
 very scandalous for the persons, who presumed often 
 to determine things out of the verge of their own 
 profession, and, in or dine ad spiritualia, gave unto 
 Caesar what Caesar refused to receive, as not belong- 
 ing to him. But it is as true (as was once said by 
 
 " the] and the « in it,] in the church,
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 137 
 
 a man fitter to be believed in that point than I, and book 
 one not suspected for flattering of the clergy) " that ^' 
 " if the sermons of those times preached in court ^^'^^• 
 " were collected together, and published, the world 
 " would receive the best bulk of orthodox divinity, 
 " profound learning, convincing reason, natural pow- 
 " erful eloquence, and admirable devotion, that hath 
 " been communicated in any age since the apostles' 
 " time." And I cannot but say, for the honour of 
 the king, and of those who were trusted by him in 
 his ecclesiastical collations (who have received l)ut 
 sad rewards for their uprightness) in those reproach- 
 ed, condemned times, there was not one churchman, 
 in any degree of favour or acceptance, (and this the 
 inquisition, that hath been since made upon them, a 
 stricter never was in any age, must confess,) of a 
 scandalous insufficiency in learning, or of a more 
 scandalous condition of p life ; but, on the contrary, 
 most of them of confessed eminent parts in know- 
 ledge, and of virtuous and ^ unblemished lives. And 
 therefore wise men knew, that that, which looked 
 like pride in some, and like petulance in others, 
 would, by experience in affairs, and conversation 
 amongst men, both of which most of them wanted, 
 be in time wrought off, or, in a new succession, re- 
 formed, and so thought the vast advantage from 
 their learning and integrity, an ample recompense 
 for any inconvenience from their passion ; and yet, 
 by the prodigious impiety of those times, the latter 
 was only looked on with malice and revenge, with- 
 out any reverence or gratitude for the former. 
 
 When the king* found himself possessed of all The king's 
 
 first jour- 
 
 I' of] in >■ When the king] This ac- 
 
 'J and] or count of the king's Jirst journey
 
 138 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK that tranquillity mentioned before, that he had no 
 reason to apprehend any enemies from abroad, and 
 
 1C33. less any insurrections at home, against which no 
 
 ney into , "^ ^ _ , . . p . 
 
 Scotland to kmgdom in Christendom, m the constitution of its 
 there!' ""^ govcmment, in the solidity ^ of the laws, and in the 
 nature and disposition of the people, was more se- 
 cure than England ; that he might take a nearer 
 view of those great blessings which God had poured 
 upon him, he resolved to make a progi'ess into the 
 northern parts of his kingdom, and to be solemnly 
 crowned in his kingdom of Scotland, which he had 
 never seen from the time he had * first left it, when 
 he was about two years old." In order to this jour- 
 ney, which was made with great splendour, and pro- 
 portionable expense, he added to the train of his 
 court many of the greatest noljility, who increased ^ 
 the pomp of the court at their own charge, (for so 
 they were required to do,) and seemed with alacrity 
 to submit y to the king's pleasure, as soon as they 
 knew his desire ; and so his attendance in all re- 
 spects was proportionable to the glory of the greatest 
 king. 
 
 This whole progress was made, from the first 
 setting out to the end of it, with the greatest mag- 
 nificence imaginable ; and the highest excess of feast- 
 ing was then introduced, or, at least, feasting was 
 
 into Scotland is taken from the the age of two years, and no 
 
 M.S. of lord Clarendon's Life, more. 
 
 The relation of it in MS. C. and " increased] cared not to add 
 
 which inuncdiately follows the to 
 
 preceding part of lliis History, >' for so they were required 
 
 ■willhefound in the Jppendix,A. to do,) and seemed with ahi- 
 
 ^ solidity] solidity and exe- crity to submit] which tliey 
 
 culion were obliged to do, and did 
 
 ' had] A^o^ in MS. with all visible alacrity submit 
 
 " about two years old.] of
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 139 
 
 then^ carried to a height it never had attained^ be- book 
 fore ; from ^ whence it hardly declined afterwards, ' 
 to the great damage and mischief of the nation in ^^^^• 
 their estates and manners. All persons of quality 
 and condition, who lived within distance of the 
 northern road, received the great persons of the no- 
 bility with that hospitality which became them ; in 
 which all cost was employed to make their enter- 
 tainments splendid, and their houses capable of'^ 
 those entertainments. The king ^ himself met with 
 many entertainments ^ of that nature, at the charge 
 of particular men, who desired the honour of his 
 presence, which had been rarely practised till then 
 by the persons of the best condition, though it hath 
 since grown into a very inconvenient custom. But 
 when he passed through Nottinghamshire, both king 
 and court were received and entertained by the earl ^^ 
 of Newcastle, and at his own proper expense, in 
 such a wonderful manner, and in such an excess of 
 feasting, as had scarce ever ^ before been known in 
 England ; and would be still thought very prodi- 
 gious, if the same noble person had not, within a 
 year or two afterwards, made the king and queen 
 a more stupendous entertainment ; which, (God be 
 thanked,) though possibly it might too much whet 
 the appetite of others to excess, no man ever after 
 in those days s imitated. 
 
 The great offices of the court, and principal places 
 of attendance upon the king's person, were then 
 upon the matter equally divided between the Eng- 
 
 ^ feasting was then] Not in '^ of] for 
 
 MS. ' d The king] And the king . 
 
 " never had attained] had ^ entertainments] treatments 
 
 never been • scarce ever] never 
 
 *' from] and from ^ in those days] Not in MS.
 
 140 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK lish and the Scots ; the marquis of Hamilton master 
 of the horse, and the earl of Carlisle first gentleman 
 
 1 633. Qf ^}jg bedchamber, and almost all the second rank 
 of servants^' in that place, being of that kingdom ; so 
 that there was as it were an emulation between the 
 two nations, which should appear in the greatest 
 lustre, in clothes, horses, and attendance : and as 
 there were (as is said before) many of the principal 
 nobility of England, who attended upon the king, 
 and who were not of the court ; so the court was 
 never without many Scots volunteers, and their 
 number was well increased upon this occasion in 
 nobility and gentry, who were resolved to confute ' 
 all those who had believed their country to be very 
 poor. 
 The king's The king no sooner entered Scotland, but all his 
 
 magnificent , « t i 
 
 reception Englisli scrvauts and officers yielded up their at- 
 tendance to those of the Scots nation, who were ad- 
 mitted into the same oflfices in Scotland,^ or had some 
 titles to those employments* by the constitution of 
 that kingdom ; as most of the great offices are held 
 by inheritance ; as the duke of Richmond and Lenox 
 Avas then high steward, and high admiral of Scot- 
 land by descent, as others had the like possession of 
 other places ; so that all the tables of the house, 
 which had been kept by the English officers, were 
 laid down, and taken up again by the Scots, who 
 kept them up with the same order, and equal splen- 
 dour, and treated the English with all the freedom 
 and courtesy imaginable ; as all the nobility of that 
 nation did, at their own expense, where their offices 
 did not entitle them to tables at the charge of the 
 
 '■ rank of servants] relation ^ Scotland,] England, 
 
 ' confute] convince ' emjiloyments] relations
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 141 
 
 crown, keep very noble houses to entertain their new book 
 guests ; who had so often and so well entertained ' 
 them : and it cannot be denied, the whole behaviour ' ^^^' 
 of that nation towards the English was as generous 
 and obliging as could be expected ; and the king 
 appeared with no less lustre at Edinburgh, than at 
 Whitehall ; and in this pomp his coronation passed 
 with all the solemnity and e^^dence of pubUc joy 
 that could be expected, or that can be imagined ; •" 
 and the parliament, then held, with no less demon- 
 stration of duty, passed and presented those acts 
 which were prepared for them to the royal sceptre ; 
 in which were some laws restraining " the extrava- 
 gant power of the nobility, which, in many cases, 
 they had long exercised, and the diminution whereof 
 they took very heavily, though at that time they 
 took httle notice of it; the king being absolutely 
 advised in all the affairs of that kingdom then, and 
 long before, and after, by the sole counsel of the 
 marquis of Hamilton, who was, or at least was** then 
 believed to be, of the greatest interest of any subject 
 in that kingdom, of whom more will be said here- 
 after. 
 
 The king was very well pleased with his recep- 
 tion, and with all the transactions there ; nor indeed 
 was there any thing to be blamed, but the luxury 
 and vast expense, which abounded in aU respects of 
 feasting and clothes with too much licence : which 
 being imputed to the commendable zeal of the peo- 
 ple, of all conditions, to see their king amongst them, 
 whom they were not like to see there again, and so 
 
 "' could be expected, or that "restraining] wliicli restrained 
 can be imagined ;] can be ima- " was] Not in MS. 
 gined, or could be expected ;
 
 142 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK their expense was to be but once made,P no man 
 ^- had cause to suspect any mischief from it : and yet 
 
 1633. the debts contracted at that time by the nobihty 
 
 and gentry, and the wants and temptations they 
 
 Yet the found themselvcs exposed to, from that unlimited 
 
 ^''c'^ee'din-^ cxpcnse, did very much contribute to the kindling 
 
 comiuo- tjjat fire, which shortly after broke out in so terrible 
 
 tioDS then 
 
 sown. a combustion : aor were the sparks of murmur and 
 sedition then so well covered, but that many dis- 
 cerning men discovered very pernicious designs to 
 lurk in their breasts, who seemed to have the most 
 cheerful countenances,^ and who acted great parts 
 in the pomp and triumph. And it evidently ap- 
 peared, that they of that nation, who shined most 
 in the court of England, had the least influence in 
 their own country, except only the marquis of Ha- 
 milton, whose affection to his master was even then 
 suspected by the wisest men in both kingdoms ; and 
 that the immense bounties the king and his father 
 had scattered amongst those of that nation, out of 
 the wealth of England, besides that he had sacri- 
 ficed the whole revenue ^ of that kingdom to them- 
 selves, were not looked upon as any benefit to that 
 nation,^ but as obligations cast away upon particular 
 men ; many of whom had with it wasted their own 
 patrimony in their country. 
 
 The king himself observed many of the nobility 
 to endeavour to make themselves popular by speak- 
 ing in parliament against those things which were 
 most grateful to his majesty, and which still passed, 
 
 I' once made,] MS. adds : and their country, 
 
 to the natural pride and vanity "^i countenances,] countenance, 
 
 of that people, who will bear ^ revenue] revenue and ben.e- 
 
 any inconveniences in it or from fit 
 
 it, than confess the poverty of * nation,] people,
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 143 
 
 notwithstanding their contradiction ; and he thought book 
 a little discountenance upon those persons would - 
 
 either suppress that spirit within themselves, or ^^^^• 
 make the poison of it less operative upon others. 
 But as those acts of discountenance were too often 
 believed to proceed from the displeasure of the mar- 
 quis of Hamilton, and by that means'^ rather ad- 
 vanced than depressed them," so they had^ an ad- 
 mirable dexterity in sheltering themselves from any 
 of those acts of discountenance, which they had no 
 mind to own;y when it hath been visible,^ and 
 was *» then notorious, that many of the persons then, 
 as the earl of Rothes, and others, of whom the king 
 had the worst opinion, and from whom he purpose- 
 ly ^' withheld any gi*ace by never speaking to them, 
 or taking notice of them in the court, yet^ when 
 the king was abroad in the fields, or passing through 
 villages, when the greatest crowds of people flocked 
 to see him, those men would still be next him, and 
 entertain him with some discourse, and pleasant re- 
 lations, which the king's gentle disposition could not 
 avoid, and which made those persons to be gene- 
 rally believed to be most acceptable to his majesty ; 
 upon which the lord Falkland was wont to say, 
 " that keeping of state was like committing adul- 
 " tery, there must go two to it :" for let the proud- 
 est or most formal man resolve to keep what dis- 
 tance he will towards others, a bold and confident 
 
 ' by that means] so intended whi;n they can make 
 
 " them,] the object, benefit by it;) 
 
 ^ they had] that people have ^ visible,] notoriously visible, 
 
 naturally ^ was] it was 
 
 > to own;] MS. adds: (as ''purposely] most purposely 
 
 they are equal promoters and •■ yet] Not in MS. 
 
 promulgators of it, though not
 
 144 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK man instantly demolishes that whole machine, and 
 gets within him, and even obliges liim to his own 
 
 IG33. laws of conversation. 
 
 The king was always the most punctual observer 
 of aU decency in his devotion, and the strictest pro- 
 moter of the ceremonies of the church, as believing 
 in his soul the church of England to be instituted 
 the nearest to the practice of the apostles, and the 
 best for the propagation and advancement of Chris- 
 tian religion, of any church in the world : and on 
 the other side, though no man was more averse from 
 the Romish church than he was, nor better under- 
 stood the motives of their separation from us, and 
 animosity against us, he had the highest dislike and 
 prejudice to that part of his own subjects, who were 
 against the government established, and did always 
 look upon them as a very dangerous and seditious 
 people ; who would, under pretence of conscience, 
 which kept them from submitting to the spiritual 
 jurisdiction, take the first opportunity they could 
 find, or make, to withdraw ^ themselves from their 
 temporal subjection ; and therefore he had, with the 
 utmost vigilance, caused that temper and disposition 
 to be watched and provided against in England ; 
 and if it were then in truth there, it lurked with 
 wonderful secrecy. In Scotland indeed it covered 
 the whole nation, so that though there were bishops 
 in name, the whole jurisdiction, and they themselves 
 were, upon the matter, subject to an assembly, which 
 was purely preibyterian ; no form of religion in prac- 
 tice, no liturgy, nor the least appearance of any 
 beauty of holiness : the clergy, for the most ])art, 
 
 '' to uithdrnvv] to distuib and uitlidraw
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 145 
 
 corrupted in their principles; at least,® none coun- book 
 
 tenanced by the great men, or favoured by the peo- ' 
 
 pie, but such; though it must be owned their uni- ^^^^* 
 versities, especially Aberdeen, flourished under many 
 excellent scholars, and very learned men. Yet, though 
 all the cathedral churches were totally neglected 
 with reference to those administrations over the 
 whole kingdom, the king's ^ own chapel at Holy- 
 rood-house had still been maintained with the come- 
 liness s of the cathedral service, and all other de- 
 cencies used in^ the royal chapel; and the whole 
 nation seemed, in the time of king James, well in- 
 clined to receive the liturgy of the church of Eng- 
 land, which that ^ king exceedingly desired, and was 
 so confident of, that they who were privy to his 
 counsels^ in that time did believ^e, the bringing' 
 that work to pass was the jDrincipal end of his pro- 
 gress thither some years before his death ; though 
 he was not so well satisfied at his being there, two 
 or three of the principal persons trusted by him in 
 the government of that kingdom, dying in or about 
 that very time : but though ™ he returned without 
 making any visible attempt in that affair, yet he re- 
 tained still the purpose and resolution to his death 
 to bring it to pass. However, his two or three last 
 years having been " less pleasant to him, by the 
 
 ^ at least,] Thus in MS. : at splendour 
 
 least, (for it cannot be denied '' decencies used in] forma- 
 
 but that their universities, espe- lities incident to 
 
 daily Aberdeen, flourished un- ' that] the 
 
 der many excellent scholars and '^ his counsels] the counsels 
 
 very learned men,) none coun- of that king 
 
 tenanced by the great men, or ' the bringing] that the bring- 
 
 favoured by the people, but such ; ing 
 
 f the king's] yet the king's "" though] that 
 
 8 comeliness] decency and " having been] were 
 
 VOL. I. L
 
 146 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK prince's voyage into Spain, the jealousies which, 
 ^' about that time, begun « in England, and the high p 
 1633. proceedings in parliament there, he thought 'i it ne- 
 cessary to suspend any prosecution of that design, 
 until a more favourable conjuncture, which he lived 
 not to see.^ 
 Transac The king his son, who, with his father's other 
 ilTtro/u^c""* virtues, s inherited that zeal for religion, proposed* 
 tuf-Vi'nto nothing more to himself, than to unite his three 
 Scotland, kingdoms in one form of God's worship, and public 
 devotions ; " and there being now so great a serenity 
 in all his dominions as is mentioned before, there is 
 great reason to believe, that in this journey into 
 Scotland to be crowned, he carried with him the re- 
 solution^ to finish that important business in the 
 church at the same time. To that end,y the then 
 bishop of London, Dr. Laud, attended on his ma- 
 jesty throughout that whole journey, which, as he 
 was dean of the chapel, he was not obhged to do, 
 and no doubt would have been excused from, if that 
 design had not been in view ; to accomplish which 
 he was no less ^ solicitous than the king himself, nor 
 the king the less solicitous for his advice. He 
 preached in the royal chapel at Edinburgh % (which 
 scarce any Englishman had ever done before in the 
 
 " begun] began " and public devotions ;] and 
 
 P high] imperious in a uniformity in their public 
 
 ^ he thought] so that he devotions; 
 
 thought X carried with him the reso- 
 
 ■■ which he lived not to see.] lution] carried the resolution 
 
 and he lived not to see that with him 
 
 conjuncture. y Xo that end,] And to that 
 
 ' who, with his father's other end, 
 
 virtues,] with his kingdoms, ^ no less] not less 
 
 and other virtues, » at Edinburgh] Not in 
 
 ' proposed] and proposed MS.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 147 
 
 king's presence,) and principally upon the benefit book 
 of conformity, and the reverend ^ ceremonies of the ' 
 church, with all the marks of approbation and ap- ^^^^• 
 plause imaginable ; the great civility of that people 
 being so notorious and universal, that they would 
 not appear unconformable to his majesty's wish in 
 any particular. And many wise men were then and 
 still are of opinion, that if the king had then pro- 
 posed the liturgy of the church of England to have 
 been received and practised by that nation, it would 
 have been submitted to without '^ opposition : but, 
 upon mature consideration, the king concluded that 
 it was not a good season to promote that business. 
 
 He had passed two or three acts of parliament, 
 which had much lessened the authority and depend- 
 ence of the nobility and great men, and incensed 
 and disposed them proportionably to cross and op- 
 pose any proposition, which would be most grateful ; 
 and that overthwart'^ humour was enough disco- 
 vered to rule in the breasts of many, who made the 
 greatest professions. Yet this was not the obstruc- 
 tion which diverted the king : the party that was 
 averse from the thing, and abhorred any thought of 
 conformity, could not have been powerful enough to 
 have stopped the progress of it ; the mischief was, 
 that they who most desired it, and were most con- 
 cerned to promote it, were the men who used all 
 their credit to divert the present attempting it ; and 
 the bishops themselves, whose interest was to be 
 most advanced thereby, applied all their counsels se- 
 cretly to have the matter more maturely considered ; 
 and the whole design was never consulted but pri- 
 
 ^ reverend] reverent '' overthwart] tharteous 
 
 '^ without] against all 
 
 L 2
 
 148 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK vately, and only some few of the great men of that 
 ' nation, and some of the bishops, advised with by the 
 
 lt)33. king, and the bishop of London; it being manifest 
 enough, tliat as the finishing that great affair must 
 be very grateful to England, so the English must 
 not appear to have a hand in the contriving and 
 promoting it. 
 
 The same men'', who did not only pretend, but 
 really and heartily wish, that they might have a li- 
 turgy to order and regulate the worship of God in 
 tlieir churches, and did very well approve the cere- 
 monies established in the church of England, and 
 desired to submit to ^ and practise the same there, 
 had no mind that the very liturgy of the church of 
 England should be projwsed to, or accepted by them; 
 for which they offered two prudential reasons, as 
 their observations upon the nature and humour of 
 the nation, and upon the conferences they had often 
 had with the best men upon that subject, which was 
 often agitated in discourse, upon what had been for- 
 merly projected by king James, and upon what fre- 
 quently occurred to wise men in discourses upon the 
 thing itself, and the desiraljleness of it. 
 
 The first was, that the English liturgy, how pi- 
 ously and wisely soever framed and instituted, had 
 found great opposition : and though the matter of 
 the ceremonies had wrought for the most part only 
 upon light-headed, weak men, whose satisfaction 
 was not to be laboured for = ; yet there were many 
 grave and learaed men, who excepted against some 
 particulars, which would not be so easily answered ; 
 " That the reading Psalms being of the old transla- 
 
 e 
 
 men] Not in MS. s for] Not in MS. 
 
 ' to] Not in MS.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 149 
 
 " tion were iir many particulars so different from book 
 " the new and better translation, that many in- ' 
 " stances might be given of importance to the sense ^ ^■^^' 
 " and truth of scripture.'^ They said somewhat of 
 the same nature concerning tlie translation of the 
 Epistles and Gospels, and some other exceptions 
 against reading the Apocrypha, and some other par- 
 ticulars of less moment ; and desired, " that, in form- 
 " ing a liturgy for their church, they might, by re- 
 " forming those several instances, give satisfaction 
 " to good men, who would thereupon be easily in- 
 " duced to submit to it." 
 
 The other reason^', which no doubt was the prin- 
 cipal,^ and^ took this in the way to give it the bet- 
 ter introduction, was, " that the kingdom of Scot- 
 " land generally had been long jealous, that, by the 
 " king's continued absence from them, they should 
 " by degrees be reduced to be but as a province to 
 " England, and suljject to their laws and govern- 
 " ment, which they ^ would never submit to ; nor 
 " would any man of honour, who loved the king 
 " best, and respected England most, ever consent to 
 " bring that dishonour upon his country. If the 
 " very liturgy, in the terms it is constituted and 
 " practised in England, should be offered to them, 
 *' it would kindle and inflame that jealousy, as the 
 " prologue and introduction to that design, and as 
 " the first range of that ladder, "' which should serve 
 " to mount over all their customs and privileges, 
 '^ and be opposed and detested accordingly : where- 
 " as, if his majesty would give order for the prepar- 
 
 ^ reason] Not in MS. ' they] it 
 
 ' was the principal,] iVoiJ??iT/N. "^ ranj^e of that ladder,] rung 
 
 •^ and] but of the ladder, 
 
 L 3
 
 150 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK " ing a liturgy, with those few desirable alterations, 
 
 : " it would easily be done ; and in the mean time 
 
 1633. a ^jjgy would so dispose the minds of the people for 
 " the reception of it, that they should even desire 
 " it." This "^ expedient was so passionately and ve- 
 hemently urged even by the bishops, that, however 
 they deferred ° to the minds and humours of other 
 men, it was manifest enough, that the exception 
 and advice proceeded from the pride of their own 
 hearts. 
 
 The bishop of London, who was always present 
 with the king at these debates, was exceedingly 
 troubled at this delay, p and to find those men the 
 instruments in it, who seemed i to him as solicitous 
 for the expedition, as zealous for the thing itself, 
 and who could not but suffer by the deferring it.'" 
 He knew well how far any enemies to conformity 
 would be from being satisfied with those small al- 
 terations, which being consented to, they would with 
 more confidence, though less reason, frame other ex- 
 ceptions, and insist upon them with more obstinacy. 
 He foresaw the diflSculties which would arise in re- 
 jecting, or altering, or adding to the liturgy, which 
 had so great authority, and had, by the practice of 
 near fourscore years, obtained great veneration from 
 all sober ^ protestants ; and how much easier it would 
 be to make objections against any thing that should 
 be new, than against the old ; and would therefore 
 have been very glad that the former resolution might 
 be pursued ; there having never been any thoughts * 
 
 " This] And this seemed 
 
 " deferred] referred •■ deferring it.] delay. 
 
 P delay,] interjection, « sober] Not in MS. 
 
 1 who seemed] who had ' thoughts] thought
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 151 
 
 in the time of king James, or the present king, but book 
 of the English liturgy; besides that any variation '. 
 
 from it, in how small matters soever, would make ^^^^• 
 the uniformity the less, the manifestation whereof 
 was that which was most aimed at and desired. 
 
 The king had exceedingly set his heart upon the 
 matter, and was as much scandalized as any man at 
 the disorder and indecency in the exercise of reli- 
 gion in that church : yet he was affected with what 
 was offered for a little delay in the execution, and 
 knew more of the ill humour and practices amongst 
 the greatest men of the kingdom at that season, than 
 the bishop did, and believed he could better compose 
 and reduce them in a little time, and at a distance, 
 than at the present, and whilst he was amongst 
 them. Besides he was in his nature much ^ inclined 
 to the Scots nation, having been born amongst 
 them, and as jealous as any one of them could be 
 of ^ their liberties and privileges, and as careful they y 
 might not be invaded by the English, who, he knew, 
 had no great '* reverence for them : and therefore 
 the objection, " that it would look like an imposi- 
 " tion from England, if a form, settled in jjarliament 
 " at Westminster, should without any alteration be 
 " tendered (though by himself) to be submitted to, 
 " and observed in Scotland," made a deep impression 
 in his majesty. 
 
 In a word, he committed the framing and com- 
 posing such a liturgy as would most probably be ac- 
 ceptable to that people, to a select number of the 
 bishops there, who were very able and willing to 
 
 " much] too much MS. 
 
 ^ of] that ^ great] Not in MS. 
 
 y and as careful they] Not in 
 
 L 4
 
 152 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK undertake it : and so his majesty returned into Eng- 
 l^nrl at the time he had designed,* without having 
 1633. gygj. proposed, or made the least approach in public 
 towards any alteration in the church. 
 
 It had been very happy, if there had been then 
 nothing done indeed, that had any reference to that 
 affau', and that, since it was not ready,^ nothing had 
 been transacted to promote it, which accidentally 
 alienated the affections of the people from it ; and 
 what was done ^ was imputed to the bishop of Lon- 
 don, who was like enough to be guilty of it, since 
 he did really '^ believe, that nothing more contri- 
 buted to the benefit and advancement of the church, 
 than the jDromotion of churchmen to places of the 
 greatest honour, and offices of the highest trust : 
 this*^ opinion and the prosecution of it (though his 
 integrity was unquestionable, and his zeal as great 
 for the good and honour of the state, as for the ad- 
 vancement and security of the church) was the un- 
 happy foundation of his own ruin, and of the preju- 
 dice f towards the church, the malice against it, and 
 almost the destruction of it. 
 The king During; the kind's stay in Scotland, when he found 
 
 during his O O J 
 
 stay there the conjiincturc not yet ripe for perfecting that good 
 ])ishopric order which he intended in the church, he resolved 
 burgh. to leave a monument behind him of his own affec- 
 tion and esteem of it. Edinburgh, though the me- 
 tropolis of the kingdom, and the chief seat of the 
 king's own residence, and the place where the coun- 
 
 3 he had designed,] proposed "^ really] naturally 
 
 to himself, *= this] and this 
 
 ^ not ready,] Thvs in MS.: *" prejudice] Thus in MS.: 
 
 not ready to promote it, no- prejudice towards, and malice 
 
 thing had been transacted, which against, and almost destruction 
 
 '^ what was done] this of the church.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 153 
 
 cil of state and the courts of justice still remained, book 
 was but a borough town within the diocese of the 1 
 
 archbishop of saint Andrew's, and governed in all ^^^^• 
 church affairs by the preachers of the town ; who, 
 being chosen by the citizens from the time of Mr. 
 Knox, (who had a principal hand in the suppression 
 of popery, with circumstances not very commend- 
 able to this day,) had been the most turbulent and 
 seditious ministers of confusion that could be found 
 in the kingdom ; of which king James had so sad 
 experience, after he came to age, as well as in his 
 minority, that he would often say, " that his access 
 " to the crown of England was the more valuable 
 " to him, as it redeemed him from the subjection to 
 " the ^ ill manners and insolent practices of those 
 " preachers^, which he could never shake off be- 
 " fore." The king, before his return from thence, 
 with the full consent and approbation of the arch- 
 bishop of saint Andrew's, erected Edinburgh into a 
 bishopric, assigned it a good and convenient juris- 
 diction out of the nearest limits of the diocese of 
 saint Andrew's, appointed the fairest church in the 
 town to be the cathedral, settled a competent reve- 
 nue upon the bishop out of lands purchased by his 
 majesty himself from the duke of Lenox, who sold 
 it much the cheaper, that it might be consecrated to 
 so pious an end; and placed a very eminent scholar 
 of a good family in the kingdom, who had been edu- 
 cated in the university of Cambridge, to be the first 
 bishop in that his new city ; and made another per- 
 son, of good fame and learning, the^ first dean of 
 his new cathedi'al, upon whom likewise he settled a 
 
 f the] their •» of those preachers] Not in MS. ' the] his
 
 154 THE HISTORY^ 
 
 BOOK proper maintenance; hoping by this means the bet- 
 
 I 
 
 - ter to prepare the people of the place, who were the 
 1633. most numerous and richest of the kingdom, to have 
 a due reverence to order and government, and at 
 least to discountenance, if not suppress, the factious 
 spirit of presbytery, which had so long ruled there. 
 But this application little contributed thereunto : 
 the people^ generally thought, that they had too 
 many bishops before, and so the increasing the num- 
 ber was not like to be very grateful to them. 
 
 The bishops had indeed very little interest in the 
 affections ^ of that nation, and less authority over it ; 
 they had not power to reform or regulate their own 
 cathedrals, and very rarely shewed themselves in 
 the habit and robes of bishops ; and durst not con- 
 test with the general assembly in matters of juris- 
 diction : so that there was little more than the name 
 His majesty of episcopacy preserved in that church. To redeem 
 
 prefers soru6 
 
 bishops in them from that contempt, and to shew that they 
 sec°uia°of-" should bc Considerable in the state, how little au»- 
 ^onabi" "^^ thority soever they were permitted to have in the 
 church, the king made the archbishop of saint An- 
 drew's, a learned, wise, and pious man, and of long 
 experience, chancellor of the kingdom, (the greatest 
 office, and which had never been in the hands of a 
 churchman since the reformation of religion, and 
 suppressing the pope's authority,) and four or five 
 other bishops of the privy-council, or lords of the 
 session ; which his majesty presumed, by their power 
 in the civil government, and in the judicatories of 
 the kingdom, would render them so much the more 
 reverenced, and the better enable them to settle the 
 
 ^ the people] and the people ' aifections] aflection
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 155 
 
 affairs of the church : which fell out otherwise too ; book 
 
 I. 
 
 and it had been better that envious promotion had 
 been suspended, till by their grave and pious de- ^^'^'^' 
 portment they had wrought upon their clergy to be 
 better disposed to obey them, and upon the people 
 to like order and discipline ; and till by these means 
 the liturgy had been settled, and received amongst 
 them ; and then the advancing some of them to 
 greater honour might have done well. 
 
 But this unseasonable accumulation of so many 
 honours upon them, to which their functions did not 
 entitle them, (no bishop having been so much as a 
 privy-counsellor in very many years,) exposed them 
 to the universal envy of the whole nobility, many 
 whereof wished them well, as to their ^ ecclesiasti- 
 cal qualifications, but could not endure to see them 
 possessed of those oflEices and emi:)loyments, which 
 they looked upon as naturally belonging to them- 
 selves ; ° and then the number of them was thought 
 too great, so that they overbalanced many debates ; 
 and some of them, by want of temper, or want of 
 breeding, did not behave themselves with that de- 
 cency in their debates, towards the greatest men of 
 the kingdom, as in discretion they ought to have 
 done, and as the others reasonably expected from 
 them : so that, instead of bringing any advantage to 
 the church, or facilitating the good intentions of the 
 king in settling order and government, it produced 
 a more general prejudice to it ; though for the pre- 
 sent there appeared no sign of discontent, or ill-will 
 to them ; and the king left Scotland, as he believed, 
 full of affection and duty to him, and well inclined 
 
 ^ their] all their " themselves ;] them ;
 
 156 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK to receive a liturgy, when he should think it season- 
 '. able to commend it to them. 
 
 character. 
 
 r^}^,^^; It was about the end of August in the year 1633, 
 
 The king s '-' *^ 
 
 return, and wheu the kinff rctumed from Scotland to Greenwich, 
 
 the death of ^ i i j- • 
 
 archbishop wlicre the queen kept her court ; and the first acci- 
 1633°:' his dent of moment, that happened after his coming 
 thither, was the death of Abbot, archbishop of Can- 
 terbury ; who had sat too many years in that see, 
 and had too great a jurisdiction over the church, 
 though he was without any credit in the court from 
 the death of king James, and had not much in many 
 years before. He had been head or master of one 
 of the poorest colleges in Oxford, and had learning 
 sufficient for that province. He was a man of very 
 morose manners, and a very sour aspect, which, in 
 that time, was called gravity ; and under the opinion 
 of that virtue, and by the recommendation of the 
 earl of Dunbar, the king's first Scotch favourite, he 
 was preferred by king James to the bishopric of Co- 
 ventry and Litchfield, and presently after to Lon- 
 don, before he had been parson, vicar, or curate of 
 any parish-church in England, or dean or prebend 
 of any cathedral church ; and was in truth totally 
 ignorant of the true constitution of the church of 
 England, and the state and interest of the clergy ; 
 as sufficiently appeared throughout the whole course 
 of his life afterward. 
 
 He had scarce performed any part of the office of 
 a bishop in the diocese of London, when he was 
 snatched from thence, and promoted to Canterbury, 
 upon the never enough lamented death of Dr. Ban- 
 croft, that metropoUtan, who understood the church 
 excellently, and had almost rescued it out of the 
 hands of the Calvinian party, and very much sub-
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 157 
 
 diied the unruly spii'it of the nonconformists, by and book 
 after the conference at Hampton-court ; counte- ' 
 nanced men of the greatest parts in learning, and ^^2'^- 
 disposed the clergy to a more solid course of study, 
 than they had been accustomed to ; and, if he had 
 lived, would quickly have extinguished all that fire 
 in England, which had been kindled at Geneva ; or 
 if he had been succeeded by bishop Andrews, bishop 
 Overal, or any man who understood and loved the ' 
 church, that infection would easily have been kept 
 out, which could not afterwards be so easily ex- 
 pelled. 
 
 But Abbot brought none of this antidote with 
 him, and considered Christian religion no otherwise, 
 than as it abhorred and reviled popery, and valued 
 those men most, who did that most furiously. For 
 the strict observation of the discipline of the church, 
 or the conformity to the articles or canons esta- 
 blished, he made little inquiry, and took less care ; 
 and having himself made a very little progress in 
 the ancient and solid study of divinity, he adhered 
 only" to the doctrine of Calvin, and, for his sake, 
 did not think so ill of the discipline as he ought to 
 have done. But if men prudently forbore a public 
 re\dling and railing at the hierarchy and ecclesiasti- 
 cal government, let their opinions and private prac- 
 tice be what it would, they were not only secure 
 from any inquisition of his, but acceptable to him, 
 and at least equally preferred hy him. And though 
 many other bishops plainly discerned the mischiefs, 
 which daily broke in to the prejudice of religion, by 
 his defects and remissness, and prevented it in their 
 
 " only] wliolly
 
 158 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK own dioceses as much as they could, and gave all 
 
 '. their countenance to men of other parts and other 
 
 1633, pi'inciples ; and though the bishop of London, Dr. 
 Laud, from the time of his authority and credit with 
 the king, had apphed all the remedies he could to 
 those defections, and, from the time of his being 
 chancellor of Oxford, had much discountenanced 
 and almost suppressed that spirit, by encouraging 
 another kind of learning and practice in that uni- 
 versity, which was indeed according to the doctrine 
 of the church of England ; yet that temper in the 
 archbishop, whose house was a sanctuary to the most 
 eminent of that factious party, and who licensed 
 their most pernicious writings, left his successor a 
 very difficult work to do, to reform and reduce a 
 church into order, that had been so long neglected, 
 and that was so ill filled p by many weak, and more 
 wilful churchmen. 
 Bishop It was within one week after the king's return 
 
 archbishop : from Scotlaud, that Abbot died at his house at Lam- 
 js c arac- ^^^^ rpj^^ q ].j^g ^ook vcry Uttlc time to consider 
 
 who should be his successor, but the very next time 
 the bishop of London (who was longer on '' his way 
 home than the king had been) came to him, his 
 majesty entertained him very cheerfully with this 
 compellation, 3Ii/ lord's grace of Canterhury, yoii 
 are very welcome ; and gave order the same day 
 for the despatch of all the necessary forms for the 
 translation : so that within a month or thereabouts 
 after the death of the other archbishop, he was com- 
 pletely invested in that high dignity, and settled in 
 his palace at Lambeth. This great prelate had been 
 
 ^ filled] inhabited <i The] And the f on] upon
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 159 
 
 before in great favour with the duke of Bucking- book 
 ham, whose chiefs confidant he was, and by him re-. 
 
 1. 
 
 commended to the king, as fittest to be trusted in ^^23. 
 the conferring all ecclesiastical preferments, when he 
 was but bishop of St. David's, or newly preferred to 
 Bath and Wells; and from that time he entirely 
 governed that province without a rival : so that his 
 promotion to Canterbury was long foreseen and ex- 
 pected; nor was it attended with any increase of 
 envy or dislike. 
 
 He was a man of great parts, and very exemplary 
 virtues, allayed and discredited by some unpopular 
 natural infirmities ; the greatest of which was, (be- 
 sides a hasty, sharp way of expressing himself,) that 
 he believed innocence of heart, and integrity of man- 
 ners, was a guard strong enough to secure any man 
 in his voyage through this world, in what company 
 soever he travelled, and through what ways soever 
 he was to pass : and sure never any man was better 
 suppHed with that provision. He was born of ho- 
 nest parents, who were well able to provide for his 
 education in the schools of learning, from whence 
 they sent him to St. John's college in Oxford, the 
 worst endowed at that time of any in that famous 
 university. From a scholar he became a fellow, and 
 then the president of that college, after he had re- 
 ceived all the graces and degrees (the proctorship 
 and the doctorship) could be obtained there. He 
 was always maligned and persecuted by those who 
 were of the Calvinian faction, which was then very 
 powerful, and who, according to their usual ^ maxim 
 and practice, call every man they do not love, pa- 
 
 * chief] great t usual] useful
 
 160 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK pist ; and under this senseless appellation they cre- 
 ' ated him many troubles and vexations ; and so far 
 
 1633. suppressed him, that though he was the king's chap- 
 lain, and taken notice of for an excellent preacher, 
 and a scholar of the most sublime parts, he had not 
 any preferment to invite him to leave his poor col- 
 lege, which only gave him bread, till the vigour of 
 his age was past : and when he was promoted by 
 king James, it was but to a poor bishopric in Wales, 
 which was not so good a support for a bishop, as his 
 college was for a private scholar, though a doctor. 
 
 Parliaments in that time were frequent, and grew 
 very busy ; and the party under which he had suf- 
 fered a continual persecution, appeared very power- 
 ful, and full of design, and they who had the cou- 
 rage to oppose them, begun " to be taken notice of 
 with approbation and countenance : under ^ this style 
 he came to be first cherished by the duke of Buck- 
 ingham, who hady made some experiments of the 
 temper and spirit of the other people, nothing to his 
 satisfaction. From this time he prospered at the 
 rate of his own wishes, and being transplanted out 
 of his cold barren diocese of St. David's, into a 
 warmer climate, he was left, as was said before, by 
 that great ^ favourite in that great trust with the 
 king, who was sufficiently indisposed towards the 
 persons or the principles of Calvin's ^ disciples. 
 
 When he came into great authority, it may be, 
 he retained too keen a memory of those who had so 
 unjustly and uncharitably persecuted him before ; 
 and, I doubt, was so far transported with the same 
 
 " begun] began * great] omnipotent 
 
 ^ under] and under '* Calvin's] Mr. Calvin's 
 
 y who had] after he had
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 161 
 
 passions he had reason to complain of in his adver- book 
 
 saries, that, as they accused him of popery, because '- 
 
 he had some doctrinal opinions which they liked ^^^^' 
 not, though they were nothing allied to popery ; so 
 he entertained too much prejudice to some persons, 
 as if they were enemies to the discipline of the 
 church, because they concurred with Calvin in some 
 doctrinal points ; when they abhorred his discipline, 
 and reverenced the government of the church, and 
 prayed for the peace of it with as much zeal and 
 fervency as any in the kingdom ; as they made ma- 
 nifest in their lives, and in their sufferings with it, 
 and for it. He had, from his first entrance into the 
 world, without any disguise or dissimulation, de- 
 clared his own opinion of that classis of men ; and, 
 as soon as it was in his power, he did all he could 
 to hinder the growth and increase of that faction, 
 and to restrain those who were inclined to it, from 
 doing the mischief they desired to do. But his 
 power at court could not enough qualify him to go 
 through with that difficult reformation, whilst he 
 had a superior in the church, who, having the reins 
 in his hand, could slacken them according to his 
 own humour and indiscretion ; and was thought to 
 be the more reniiss, to irritate his choleric disposi- 
 tion. But when he had now the primacy in his 
 own hand, the king being inspired with the same 
 zeal, he thought he should be to blame, and have 
 much to answer for^, if he did not make haste to 
 apply remedies to those diseases, which he saw would 
 grow apace. 
 
 In the end of September of the year 1633, he was 
 
 h for] Not in MS. 
 VOL. I. M
 
 162 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK invested in the title, power, and jurisdiction of arch- 
 ^' bishop of Canterbury, and entirely in possession of 
 
 1633. ^jjg revenue thereof, without a rival in church or 
 state ; that is, no man professed to oppose his great- 
 ness; and he had never interposed or appeared in 
 Dr. Juxon mattcrs ^ of state to this time. His first care was, 
 S.op%f ' that the place he was removed from might be sup- 
 London. pjjgj ^j^jj ^ man who would be vigilant to pull up 
 , those weeds, which the London soil was too apt to 
 nourish, and so drew his old friend and companion 
 Dr. Juxon as near to him as he could. They had 
 been fellows together in one college in Oxford, and, 
 when he was first made bishop of saint David's, he 
 made him president of that college : when he could 
 no longer keep the deanery of the chapel royal, he 
 made him his successor in that near attendance upon 
 the king : and now he was raised to be archbishop, 
 he easily prevailed with the king to make the other, 
 bishop of London, before, or very soon after, he had 
 been consecrated bishop of Hereford, if he were more 
 than elect of that church. 
 
 It was now a time of great ease and tranquillity ; 
 the king (as hath been said before) had made him- 
 self superior to all those difficulties and straits he 
 had to contend with the four first years he came to 
 the crown at home ; and was now reverenced by all 
 his neighbours, who '^ needed his friendship, and de- 
 sired to have it ; the wealth of the kingdom noto- 
 rious to all the world, and the general temper and 
 humour of it little inclined to the papist,^ and less 
 to the puritan. There were some late taxes and 
 impositions introduced, which rather angered than 
 
 *■ mnr.ters] matter ^ who needed] who all needed '"papist,] papists.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 163 
 
 grieved the people, who were more than repaired book 
 by the quiet, peace, and prosperity they enjoyed; 
 
 I. 
 
 and the murmur and discontent that was, appeared ^^^^' 
 to be against the excess of power exercised by the 
 crown, and supported by the judges in Westminster- 
 hall. The church was not repined at, nor the least 
 inclination to alter the government and discipline 
 thereof, or to change the doctrine. Nor was there 
 at that time any considerable number of persons of 
 any valuable condition throughout the kingdom, who 
 did wish either ; and the cause of so prodigious a 
 change in so few years after was too visible from 
 the effects. The archbishop's heart was set upon 
 the advancement of the church, in which he well 
 knew he had the king's full concurrence, which he 
 thought would be too powerful for any opposition ; 
 and that he should need no other assistance. 
 
 Though the nation generally, as was said before, 
 was without any ill talent to the church, either in 
 the point of the doctrine, or the discipline, yet they 
 w^ere not without a jealousy that popery was not 
 enough discountenanced, and were very averse from 
 admitting any thing they had not been used to, 
 which they called innovation, and were easily per- 
 suaded, that any thing of that kind was but to 
 please the papists. Some doctrinal jjoints in con- Warm con- 
 troversy had been, in the late years, agitated in the co?/cTming 
 pulpits with more warmth and reflections, than had !!"'": '"^"'^'^ 
 
 ^ '■ ' tlie Ariui- 
 
 used to be; and thence the heat and animosity in- niaa points. 
 creased in books j^ro and con upon the same argu- 
 ments : most of the popular preachers, who had not 
 looked into the ancient learning, took Calvin's word 
 for it, and did all they could to propagate his opi- 
 nions in those points : they who had studied more, 
 
 M 2
 
 164 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK and were better versed in the antiquities of the 
 ^' church, the fathers, the councils, and the ecclesias- 
 
 1633. ^[^^i histories, with the same heat and passion in 
 preaching and writing defended the contrary. 
 
 But because, in the late dispute in the Dutch 
 churches, those opinions were supported by Jacobus 
 Arminius, the divinity professor in the university of 
 Leyden in Holland, the latter men, we mentioned, 
 were called Arminians ; though many of them had 
 never read a word written by Arminius. Either 
 side defended and maintained the * different opinions 
 as the doctrine of the church of England, as the two 
 great orders in the church of Rome, the Dominicans 
 and Franciscans, did at the same time, and had 
 many hundred years before, with more vehemence 
 and uncharitableness, maintained the same opinions 
 one against the other; either party professing to 
 adhere to the doctrine of the catholic church, which 
 had been ever wiser than to determine the contro- 
 versy. And yet that party here, which could least 
 support themselves with reason, were very solicitous, 
 according to the ingenuity they always practise to 
 advance any of their pretences, to have the people 
 believe, that they who held with Arminius did in- 
 tend to introduce popery ; and truly the other side 
 was no less willing to have it thought, that all, who 
 adhered to Calvin in those controversies, did in their 
 hearts likewise adhere to him with reference to the 
 discipline, and desired to change the government of 
 the church, destroy the bishops, and to s set up the 
 discipUne that he had established at Geneva; and 
 so both sides found such reception generally with 
 
 ^ the] their , e to] so
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 165 
 
 the people, as they were inclined to the persons ; book 
 whereas, in truth, none of the one side were at all___[l_ 
 
 indined to popery, and very many of the other were ^^^^• 
 most affectionate to the peace and prosperity of the 
 church, and v^ery pious and learned men. 
 
 The archbishop had, all his life, eminently op- Archbisiiop 
 posed Calvin's doctrine in those controversies, before racte/con- 
 the name of Arminius was taken notice of, or his^""""*^* 
 opinions heard of; and thereupon, for want of an- 
 other name, they had called him a papist, which no- 
 body believed him to be, and he had more mani- 
 fested the contrary in his disputations and writings, 
 than most men had done ; and it may be the other 
 found the more severe and rigorous usage from him, 
 for their propagating that calumny against him. He 
 was a man of great courage and resolution, and 
 being most assured within himself, that he proposed 
 no end in all his actions and^ designs, but^ what 
 was pious and just, (as sure no man had ever a heart 
 more entire to the king, the church, or his country,) 
 he never studied the easiest ^ ways to those ends ; 
 he thought, it may be, that any art or industry that 
 way would discredit, at least make the integrity of 
 the end suspected, let the cause be what it will. He 
 did court persons too little ; nor cared to make his 
 designs and purposes appear as candid as they were, 
 by shewing them in any other dress than their own 
 natural beauty, though perhaps in too rough a man- 
 ner ; ^ and did not consider enough what men said, 
 or were like to say of him. If the faults and vices 
 were fit to be looked into, and discovered, let the 
 
 ^ and] or ' though perhaps in too rough 
 
 ' but] than a manner ;] and roughness ; 
 
 ■^ easiest] best 
 
 M 3
 
 166 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK persons be who they would that were guilty of them, 
 ' they were sure to find no connivance of™ favour 
 1633. from him. He intended the discipline of the church 
 should be felt, as well as spoken of, and that it 
 should be applied to the greatest and most splendid 
 transgressors, as well as to the punishment of smaller 
 offences, and meaner offenders ; and thereupon called 
 for or cherished the discovery of those who were not 
 careful to cover their OAvn iniquities, thinking they 
 were above the reach of other men,° or their power 
 or will to chastise. Persons of honour and great 
 quality, of the court, and of the country, were every 
 day cited into the high-commission court, upon the 
 fame of their incontinence, or other scandal in their 
 lives, and were there prosecuted to their shame and 
 punishment : and as the shame (which they called 
 an insolent triumph upon their degree and quality, 
 and levelling them with the common people) was 
 never forgotten, but watched for revenge ; so the 
 fines imposed there were the more questioned, and 
 repined against, because they were assigned to the 
 rebuilding and repairing St. Paul's church ; and 
 thought therefore to be the more severely imposed, 
 and the less compassionately reduced and excused ; 
 which likewise made the jurisdiction and rigour of 
 the star-chamber more felt, and murmured against, 
 and° sharpened many men's humours against the 
 bishops, before they had any ill intention towards 
 the church. 
 Piyn, Bur- There were three persons most notorious for their 
 
 ton, and i i i -i* 
 
 liabiwick. aeclared malice agamst the government of the church 
 by bishops, in their several books and writings, 
 
 "" of] or n men,] men's, " and] which
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 167 
 
 which they had published to corrupt the people, book 
 
 with circumstances very scandalous, and in Ian- '. — 
 
 guage very scurrilous, and impudent; which all men ^"^^* 
 thought deserved very exemplary punishment : they 
 were of the p three several professions which had 
 the most influence upon the people, a divine, a com- 
 mon lawyer, and a doctor of physic ; none of them 
 of interest, or any esteem with the worthy part of 
 their several professions, having been formerly all 
 looked upon under characters of reproach : yet when 
 they were all sentenced, and for the execution of 
 that sentence brought out to be punished as com- 
 mon and signal rogues, exposed upon scaffolds to 
 have their ears cut off, and their faces and foreheads 
 branded with hot irons, (as the poorest and most 
 mechanic malefactors used to be, when they were 
 not able to redeem themselves by any fine for their 
 trespasses, or to satisfy any damages for the scan- 
 dals they had raised against the good name and re- 
 putation of others,) men begun *i no more to con- 
 sider their manners, but the men ; and each ^ pro- 
 fession, with anger and indignation enough, thought 
 their education, and degrees, and quality, would 
 have secured them from such infamous judgments, 
 and treasured up wrath for the time to come. 
 
 The remissness of Abbot, and of other bishops by 
 his example, had introduced, or at least connived at, 
 a negligence, that gave great scandal to the church, 
 and no doubt offended very many pious men. The 
 people took so little care of the churches, and the 
 parsons as little of the chancels, that, instead of 
 beautifying or adorning them in any degree, they 
 
 p the] Not in MS. 'J begun] began "^ each] every 
 
 M 4
 
 168 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK rarely provided against the falling of many of their 
 ^' churches ; ^ and suffered them at least to be kept so 
 
 ] 635. indecently and slovenly, that they would not have 
 endured it in the ordinary offices of their own 
 houses ; the rain and the wind to infest them, and 
 the sacraments themselves to be administered where 
 the people had most mind to receive them. This 
 profane liberty and uncleanliness the archbishop re- 
 solved to reform with all expedition, requiring the 
 other bishops to concur with him in so pious a 
 work ; and the work sure was very grateful to all 
 men of devotion : yet, I know not how, the prose- 
 cution of it with too much affectation of expense, it 
 may be, or with too much passion between the mi- 
 nisters and the parishioners, raised an evil spirit to- 
 wards the church, which the enemies of it took 
 much advantage of, as soon as they had the * oppor- 
 tunity to make the worst use of it. 
 
 The removing the communion table out of the 
 body of the church, where it had used to stand, 
 and " to be applied to all uses, and fixing it to one 
 place in the upper end of the chancel, which fre- 
 quently made the buying a new table to be neces- 
 sary ; the inclosing it with a rail of joiner's work, 
 and thereby fencing it from the approach of dogs, 
 and all servile uses ; the obliging all persons to 
 come up to those rails to receive the sacrament, how 
 acceptable soever to grave and intelligent persons, 
 who loved order and decency, (for acceptable it was 
 to such,) yet introduced first murmurings amongst 
 
 ' provided against the falling many of their churches; 
 of many of their churches ;] * the] Not in MS. 
 
 provided' for their stability and " and] and used 
 against the very falling of very
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 169 
 
 the people, upon the very charge and expense of it ; book 
 and if the minister were not a man of discretion ' 
 and reputation to compose and reconcile those indis- ^^^^* 
 positions, (as too frequently he was not, and rather 
 inflamed and increased the distemper,) it begot ^ 
 suits and appeals at law. The opinion that there 
 was no necessity of doing any thing, and the com- 
 plaint that there was too much done, brought the 
 power and jurisdiction, that imposed >' the doing of 
 it, to be called in question, contradicted, and op- 
 posed. Then the manner, and gesture, and posture, 
 in the celebration of it, brought in new disputes, 
 and administered new subjects of offence, according 
 to the custom of the place, and humour of the peo- 
 ple ; and those disputes brought in new words and 
 terms (altar, adoration, ^ and genuflexion, and other 
 expressions) for the more perspicuous carrying on 
 those disputations. New books were written for 
 and against this new practice, with the same earn- 
 estness and contention for victory, as if the life of 
 Christianity had been at stake. Besides,* there 
 was not an equal concurrence, in the prosecution of 
 this matter, amongst the bishops themselves ; some 
 of them proceeding more remissly in it, and some 
 not only neglecting to direct any thing to be done 
 towards it, but restraining those who had a mind to 
 it, from meddling in it. And this again produced 
 as inconvenient disputes, when the subordinate clergy 
 would take upon them, not only without the direc- 
 tion of, but expressly against the diocesan's injunc- 
 tions, to make those alterations and reformations 
 themselves, and by their own authority. 
 
 ^ begot] begat ^ adoration,] and adoration, 
 
 y that imposed] to impose ^ Besides,] Not in MS.
 
 1635. 
 
 170 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK The archbishop, guided purely by his zeal, and 
 .reverence for the place of God's service, and by the 
 canons and injunctions of the church, with the cus- 
 tom observed in the king's chapel, and in most ca- 
 thedral churches, without considering the long in- 
 termission and discontinuance in many other places, 
 prosecuted this affair more passionately than was fit 
 for the season ; and had prejudice against those, 
 wlio, out of fear or foresight, or not understanding 
 the thing, had not the same warmth to promote it. 
 The bishops who had been preferred by his favour, 
 or hoped to be so, were at least as solicitous to bring 
 it to pass in their several dioceses ; and some of 
 them with more passion and less circumspection, 
 than they had his example for, or than he approved ; 
 prosecuting those who opposed them very fiercely, 
 and sometimes unwarrantably, which was kept in 
 remembrance. Whilst other bishops, not so many 
 in number, or so valuable in weight, who had not 
 been beholding to him, ^ nor had hope of being so, 
 were enough contented to give perfunctory orders 
 for the doing it, and to see the execution of those 
 orders not minded ; ^ and not the less pleased to find, 
 that the prejudice of that whole transaction reflected 
 solely upon the archbishop. 
 
 The bishop of Lincoln (Williams) who had here- 
 tofore been ^ lord keeper of the great seal of Eng- 
 land, and generally unacceptable whilst he held that 
 office,^ was, since his disgrace at court, and prosecu- 
 tion from thence, become very popular ; and having 
 
 '' him,] them, ege^jerally unacceptable whilst 
 
 " minded ;] intended ; he held that office,] the most 
 
 '' heretofore been] been here- generally abominated whilst he 
 
 tofore had been so.
 
 1635. 
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 171 
 
 several faults objected to him,' the punishment book 
 whereof threatened him every day, he was very, 
 wilhng to change the scene, and to be brought upon 
 the stage for opposing these innovations (as he called 
 them) in religion. It was an unlucky word, and 
 cozened very many honest men into apprehensions 
 very prejudicial to the king and to the church. He 
 published a discourse and treatise against the matter 
 and manner of the prosecution of that business ; s 
 a book so fuU of good learning, and that learning so 
 close and solidly appUed, (though it abounded with 
 too many light expressions,) that it gained him re- 
 putation enough to be able to do hurt ; and shewed 
 that, in his retirement, he had spent his time with 
 his books very profitably. He used all the wit and 
 all the malice he could, to awaken the people to a 
 jealousy of these agitations and innovations in the 
 exercise of religion ; not without insinuations that 
 it aimed at greater alterations, for which he knew 
 the people would quickly find a name ; and he was 
 ambitious to have it believed that the archbishop 
 was his greatest enemy, for his having constantly 
 opposed his rising to any government in the church, 
 as a man whose hot and hasty spiiit he had long 
 known. 
 
 Though there were other books written with good 
 learning, and which sufficiently answered the bishop's 
 book, and to men of equal and dispassionate incli- 
 nations fuUy vindicated the proceedings which had 
 been, and were still, very fervently carried on ; yet 
 it was done by men whose names were not much 
 
 '' having several faults ob- enough to be ashamed of, 
 jected to him,] having faults « business ;] matter
 
 172 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK reverenced,^ and who were taken notice of, with 
 _____ great insolence and asperity to undertake the de- 
 1635. feYice of all things which the people generally were 
 displeased with, and who did not affect to be much 
 cared for by those of their own order. So that from 
 this unhappy subject, not in itself of that important 
 value to be either entered upon with that resolu- 
 tion, or to be carried on with that passion, proceeded 
 upon the matter a schism amongst the bishops them- 
 selves, and a great deal^ of uncharitableness in the 
 learned and moderate clergy, towards one another : 
 which, though it could not increase the malice, 
 added very much to the ability and power of the 
 enemies of the church to do it hurt, and also ^ to 
 the number of them. For without doubt, many 
 who loved the established government of the church, 
 and the exercise of reUgion as it was used, and de- 
 sired not a change in either, nor did disUke thfe or- 
 der and decency, which they saw mended, yet they 
 liked not any novelties, and so were liable to en- 
 tertain jealousies that more was intended than was 
 hitherto proposed; especially when those infusions 
 proceeded from men unsuspected to have any incli- 
 nations to change, and were^ known assertors of 
 the government both in church and state. They 
 did observe the inferior clergy took more upon them 
 than they were wont,™ and did not live towards 
 their neighbours of quality, or their patrons them- 
 selves, with that civility and condescension they had 
 used to do ; which disposed them likewise to a with- 
 
 ^ reverenced,] reverenced by • and were] and from 
 
 many men, m ^^re wont,] had used to 
 
 ' a great deal] a world do, 
 ^ also] added
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 173 
 
 drawing their good countenance and good neigh- book 
 bourhood from them. ^' 
 
 The archbishop had not been long in that post, '^ ^635. 
 when there was another great alteration in the court 
 by the death of the earl of Portland, high treasurer 
 of England; a man so jealous of the archbishop's 
 credit with the king, that he always endeavoured to 
 lessen it by all the arts and ways he could ; which 
 he was so far from effecting, that, as it usually falls 
 out, when passion and malice make accusation, by 
 suggesting many particulars which the king knew 
 to be untrue, or believed to be no faults, he rather 
 confirmed his majesty's judgment of him, and pre- 
 judiced his own reputation. His death caused not^ponthe 
 grief in tlie archbishop ; who was upon it made one Portiand-s 
 of the commissioners of the treasury and revenue, frchbLhop 
 which he had reason to be sorry for, because it en- T*!*" """ 
 
 •' ' of the coin- 
 
 gaged him in civil business and matters of state, ™'^''°"''"^ 
 
 of the tiea- 
 
 wherem° he had bttle experience, and which hesury. 
 had hitherto avoided. But being obhged to it now 
 by his trust, he entered upon it with his natural 
 earnestness and warmth, making it his principal 
 care to advance and improve the king's revenue by 
 all the ways which were offered, and so hearkened 
 to all informations and propositions of that kind ; 
 and having not had experience of that tribe of peo- 
 ple who deal in that traffick, (a confident, senseless, 
 and for the most part a naughty people,) he was 
 sometimes misled by them to think better of some 
 projects than they deserved : but then he was so 
 entirely devoted to what would be beneficial to the 
 king, that all propositions and designs, which were 
 
 " in that post,] ,it Canterbury, " wherein] in which
 
 174. THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK for the profit (only or principally) of particular per- 
 _!__sons how great soever, were opposed and crossed, 
 1635. ^^^ yQYj often totally suppressed and stifled in their 
 birth, by his power and authority ; which created 
 him enemies enough in the court, and many of 
 ability to do mischief, who knew well how to re- 
 compense discourtesies, which they always called in- 
 juries. 
 
 The P revenue of too many of the court consisted 
 principally in enclosures, and improvements of that 
 nature, which he still opposed passionately, except 
 they were founded upon law ; and then, if it would 
 bring profit to the king, how old and obsolete soever 
 the law was, he thought he might justly advise the 
 prosecution. And so he did a little too much coun- 
 tenance the commission concerning^ depopulation, 
 which brought much charge and trouble upon the 
 people, and ^ was likewise cast upon his account. 
 
 He had observed, and knew it must be so, that 
 the principal officers of the revenue, who governed 
 the affairs of money, had always access to the king, 
 and spent more time with him in private than any 
 of his servants or counsellors, and had thereby fre- 
 quent opportunities to do good or ill offices to many 
 men ; of which he had had experience, when the 
 earl of Portland was treasurer, and the lord Cot- 
 tington chancellor of the exchequer ; neither of them 
 being his friends ; and the latter still enjoying his ^ 
 place, and having his former access, and so con- 
 tinuing a joint commissioner of the treasury with 
 him, and understanding that province much better, 
 
 P The] And the >• and] which 
 
 1 concerning] for » j^j^-j ^j^-jj-
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 175 
 
 still* opposed, and commonly carried every thing book 
 against him : so that he was weary of the toil and 1 
 
 reasuier. 
 
 vexation of that business; as all other men were, ^^•^^' 
 and still are of the delays which are in all despatches 
 in that office, whilst it is " executed by commission. 
 
 The treasurer's is the gi^eatest office of benefit in Bishop 
 the kingdom, and the chief in precedence next the mTdTiord 
 archbishop's, and the great seal : so that the eyes of ^" 
 all men were at gaze who should have this great 
 office ; and the greatest of the nobility, who were in 
 the chiefest employments, looked upon it as the 
 prize of one of them ; such offices commonly making 
 way for more removes and preferments : when on a 
 sudden the staff was put into the hands of the bishop 
 of London, a man so unknown, that his name was 
 scarce heard of in the kingdom, who had been within 
 two years before but a private chaplain to the king, 
 and the president of a poor college in Oxford. This 
 inflamed more men than were angry before, and no 
 doubt did not only sharpen the edge of envy and 
 malice against the archbishop, (who was the known 
 architect of this new fabric,) but most unjustly in- 
 disposed many towards the church itself; which 
 they looked upon as the gulph ready to swallow all 
 the great offices, there being others in view, of that 
 robe, who were ambitious enough to expect the 
 rest. 
 
 In the mean time the archbishop himself was in- 
 finitely pleased with what was done, and unhappily 
 believed he had provided a stronger support for the 
 church ; and never abated any thing of his severity 
 and rigour towards men of aU conditions, or in the 
 
 ' still] he still whilst that office is 
 
 " in that office, whilst it is]
 
 1636. 
 
 176 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK sharpness of his language and expressions, which 
 
 ' was so natural to him, that he could not debate 
 
 any thing without some commotion, when the ar- 
 gument was not of moment, nor bear contradiction 
 in debate, even in the council, where all men are 
 equally free, with that patience and temper that 
 was necessary ; of which they who wished him not 
 well took many advantages, and would therefore 
 contradict him, that he might be transported with 
 some indecent passion ; which, upon a short recol- 
 lection, he was always sorry for, and most readily 
 and heartily would make acknowledgment. No 
 man so willingly made unkind use of all those occa- 
 sions, as the lord Cottington, who being a master of 
 temper, and of the most profound dissimulation, 
 knew too well how to lead him into a mistake, and 
 then drive him into choler, and then expose him 
 upon the matter, and the manner, to the judgment 
 of the company ; and he chose to do this most when 
 the king was present ; and then he would dine with 
 him the next day. 
 
 The king, who was excessively affected to hunt- 
 ing and the sports of the field, had a great desire to 
 make a great park for red as well as fallow deer, 
 between Richmond and Hampton-court, where he 
 had large wastes of his own, and great parcels of 
 wood, which made it very fit for the use he de- 
 signed it to : but as some parishes had commons ^ in 
 those wastes, so many gentlemen and farmers had 
 good houses and good farms intermingled with 
 those wastes of their own inheritance, or for their y 
 lives, or years ; and without taking of ^ them into 
 
 " commons] common * taking of] taking in of 
 
 > their] Not m MS.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 177 
 
 the park, it would not be of the largeness or for the book 
 use proposed. His majesty desired to purchase ^' 
 
 those lands, and was very willing to buy them^ '63^ 
 upon higher terms than the peojole could sell them '^ 
 at to any body else, if they had occasion to part with 
 them ; and thought it no unreasonable thing, upon 
 those terms, to expect this^ from liis sulyects ; and 
 so he employed his own surveyor, and other of his 
 officers, to treat with the owners, many whereof were 
 his own tenants, whose farms ^ would at last expire. 
 
 The major part of the people were in a short time 
 prevailed with, but many very obstinately refused ; 
 and a gentleman, who had the best estate, with a 
 convenient house and gardens, would by no means 
 part with it ; and the king being as earnest to com- 
 pass it, it made a gi'eat noise, as if the king would 
 take away men's estates at his own pleasure. The 
 bishop of London, who was treasurer, and the lord 
 Cottington, chancellor of the exchequer, were, from 
 the first entering upon it, very averse from the de- 
 sign, not only for the murmur of the people, but 
 because the purchase of the land, and the making a 
 brick-wall about so large a parcel of ground, (for it 
 is near ten^ miles about,) would cost a greater sum 
 of money than they could easily provide, or than 
 they thought ought to be sacrificed to such an occa- 
 sion : and the lord Cottington (who was more so- 
 licited by the country people, and heard most of 
 their murmurs) took the business most to heart, and 
 endeavoured by aU the ways he could, and by fre- 
 quent importunities, to divert his majesty from pur- 
 
 ^ them] it '^ farms] terms 
 
 ^ them] it '^ near ten] not less than ten 
 
 '^ this] Not in MS. or twelve 
 
 VOL. I. N
 
 178 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK suing it, and put all delays he could well do in the 
 ^' bargains which were to be made ; till the king grew 
 
 1636. very angry with him, and told him, " he was re- 
 " solved to go through with it, and had abeady 
 " caused brick to be burned, and much of the wall 
 " to be built upon his own land :" upon which Cot- 
 tington thought fit to acquiesce. 
 
 The building the wall before people consented to 
 part with their land, or their common, looked to 
 them as if by degrees they should be shut out from 
 both, and increased the murmur and noise of the 
 people who were not concerned, as well as of them 
 who were : and it was too near London not to be 
 the common discourse. The^ archbishop (who de- 
 sired exceedingly that the king should be possessed 
 as much of the hearts of the people as was possi- 
 ble, at least that they should have no just cause 
 to complain) meeting with it, resolved to speak with 
 the king of it; which he did, and received such 
 an answer from him, that he thought his majesty 
 rather not informed enough of the inconveniences 
 and mischiefs of the thing, than positively resolved 
 not to desist from it. Whereupon one day he took 
 the lord Cottington aside, (being informed that he 
 disUked it, and, according to his natural custom, 
 spake with great warmth against it,) and told him, 
 " he should do very well to give the king good coun- 
 " sel, and to withdraw him from a resolution, in 
 " which his honour and justice ^ was so much called 
 " in question." Cottington answered him very grave- 
 ly, " that the thing designed was very lawful, and 
 he thought the king resolved very well, since ^' the 
 
 f The] And the >> since] and since 
 
 ^justice] his justice 
 
 a
 
 ii 
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 179 
 
 place lay so conveniently for his winter exercise, book 
 and that he should by it not be compelled to make ^ 
 
 " so long jom-neys as he used to do, in that season of ^^'^^• 
 " the year, for his sport, and that nobody ought to 
 " dissuade him from it." 
 
 The archbishop, instead of finding a concurrence 
 from him, as he expected, seeing himself reproaclied 
 upon the matter for his opinion, grew into mucli 
 passion, telling him, " such men as he would ruin 
 " the king, and make him lose the affections of his 
 " subjects ; that for his own part, as he had begun, 
 " so he would go on to dissuade the king from pro- 
 " ceeding in so ill a counsel, and that he hoped it 
 " would appear who had been his counsellor." Cot- 
 tington, glad to see him so soon hot, and resolved to 
 inflame him more, very calmly replied to him, " that 
 " he thought a man could not, with a good con- 
 " science, hinder the king from pursuing his resolu- 
 " tions, and that it could not but proceed from want 
 " of affection to his person, and he was not sure that 
 " it might not be high treason." The other, upon 
 the wildness of his discourse, in great anger asked 
 him, " Why ? from whence he had received that 
 
 doctrine ?" He said, with the same temper, " They, 
 ' who did not wish the king's health, could not love 
 
 him ; and they, who went about to hinder his taking 
 " recreation, which preserved his health, might be 
 " thought, for aught he knew, guilty of the highest 
 " crimes." Upon which the archbishop in great rage, 
 and with many reproaches, left him, and either pre- 
 sently, or upon the next opportunity, told the king, 
 " that he now knew who was his great counsellor 
 " for making his park, and that he did not wonder 
 " tliat men durst not represent any arguments to 
 
 N 2 
 
 i( 
 
 a
 
 180 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK " the contrary, or let his majesty know how much 
 
 ' " he suffered in it, when such principles in divinity 
 
 1636. a Q^^ jg^^ were laid down to terrify them;" and so 
 recounted to him the conference he had with the 
 lord Cottington, bitterly inveighing against him and 
 his doctrine, mentioning him with all the sharp re- 
 proaches imaginable, and beseeching his majesty, 
 " that his counsel might not prevail with him," tak- 
 ing some pains to make his conclusions appear very 
 false and ridiculous. 
 
 The king said no more, but, " My lord, you are 
 " deceived ; Cottington is too hard for you : upon 
 " my word, he hath not only dissuaded me more, 
 " and given more reasons against this business, than 
 " all the men in England have done, but hath really 
 " obstructed the work by not doing his duty, as I 
 " commanded him, for which I have been very much 
 
 displeased with him : you see how unjustly your 
 
 passion hath transported you." By wliich repre- 
 hension he found how much he had been abused, and 
 resented it accordingly. 
 
 Whatsoever was the cause of it, this excellent 
 man, who stood not upon the advantage ground be- 
 fore, from the time of his promotion to the arcli- 
 bishopric, or rather from that of his being commis- 
 sioner of the treasury, exceedingly provoked, or un- 
 derwent the envy, and reproach, and malice of men of 
 all qualities and conditions ; who agreed in nothing 
 else : all which, though well enough known to him, 
 were not enough considered by him, who believed, 
 as most men did,' the government to be so firmly 
 settled, that it could neither be shaken from within 
 
 ' as most men did,] Not in MS. 

 
 OF THE REBELLION. 181 
 
 nor without'^, and that less than a general confusion book 
 
 of law and gospel could not hurt him; which Avas '. 
 
 true too : but he did not foresee how easily that con- ^^^^• 
 fusion might be brought to pass, as it proved shortly 
 to be. And with this general observation of the out- 
 ward visible prosperity, and the inward reserved dis- 
 position of the people to murmur and unquietness, 
 we conclude this first book. 
 
 ^ without,] without as most men did 
 
 THE END OF THE FIRST BOOK. 
 
 N 3
 
 /
 
 THE 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 REBELLION, &c. 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 PsAL. lii. 2, 4. 
 
 Thy tongue deviseth mischiefs, like a sharp razor, working 
 
 deceitfully. 
 Thou lovest all devouring words, O thou deceitful tongue. 
 
 PsAL. Iv. 21. 
 
 The words of his mouth were smoother than butter, hut war 
 xcas in his heart : his xcords were softer thau oil, yet were 
 they drawn swords.^ 
 
 XT was towards the end of the year 1633, when 1637. 
 the king i-eturned from Scotland, having left it to ^^^'^',^^^^1^'^ 
 
 the care of some of the bishops there to provide such ^ft^'' ^^ 
 
 * -^ ^ king's re- 
 
 a liturgy, and such a book of canons, as might best turn 
 suit the nature and humour of tlie better sort of that relating 
 people j_,to which the rest would easily submit : and J'J^''Jo^^° 
 that, as fast as they made them ready, they should pjj^^"/ J^j 
 
 canons. 
 
 PsAL. Hi. &c. — drawn swords.} Not in MS. 
 
 N 4
 
 184 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK transmit them to the archbishop of Canterbury, to 
 whose assistance tlie king joined the bishop of Lon- 
 
 ^^^"' don, and doctor Wren, who, by that time, was be- 
 come bishop of Norwich ; a man of a severe, sour 
 nature, ])ut very learned, and particularly versed in 
 the old hturgies of the Greek and Latin churches. 
 And after his majesty should be this way certified of 
 what was so sent, he would recommend and enjoin 
 the practice and use of both to that his native king- 
 dom. The bishops there had somewhat to do, before 
 they went about the preparing the canons and the 
 liturgy ; what had passed at the king's being there 
 in parliament had left bitter inclinations and unruly 
 spirits in many of the most popular nobility ; who 
 watched only for an opportunity to inflame the peo- 
 ple, and were weU enough contented to see combus- 
 tible matter every day gathered together to contri- 
 bute to that fire. 
 
 The promoting so many bishops to be of the privy- 
 council, and to sit in the courts of justice, seemed at 
 first wonderfully to facilitate all that was in design, 
 and to create. an affection and reverence towards the 
 church, at least an application to and dependence 
 upon the greatest churchmen. So that there seemed 
 to be not only a good prejiaration made with the 
 people, but a general expectation, and even a desire 
 that they might have a liturgy, and more decency 
 observed in the church. And this temper was te- 
 lieved to be the more universal, because neither from 
 any of the nobility, nor of the clergy, who were 
 thought most averse from it, there appeared any 
 sign of contradiction, nor that licence of language 
 against it, as was natural to that nation ; but an 
 entire acquiescence in aU the bishops thought fit to
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 185 
 
 do; which was interpreted to proceed from a con- book 
 version in their judgment, at least to a submission "' 
 to^ authority : whereas in truth, it appeared after- 1637. 
 wards to be from the oliservation tliey made of'^ the 
 temper and indiscretion o[ those ])ishops in the great- 
 est authority, that they were like to have more ad- 
 vantages administered to them by their ill managery, 
 than they could raise by any contrivance of their 
 own. 
 
 It was now two years, or very near so much, be- Touching 
 fore tlie bishops in Scotland had prepared any thing tf^h^cT-^' 
 to offer to the king towards their intended reforma- °°°^- 
 tion ; and tlien they inverted the proper method, 
 and first presented a body of canons to precede tlie 
 liturgy, whicli was not yet ready, they clioosing to 
 finish the shorter work first. The king referred the 
 consideration of the canons, as he had before re- 
 solved to do, to the arch])ishoi), and the otlier two bi- 
 shops formerly named, the bishop of London, and the 
 bishop of Norwich ; who, after their perusal of them, 
 and some alterations made with the consent of those 
 bishops who brought them from Scotland, returned 
 them to the king ; and liis majesty, impatient to see 
 the good work entered upon without any other cere- 
 mony, (after having given his royal approbation,) 
 issued out his proclamation for the due o1)servation 
 of them within his kingdom of Scotland. 
 
 It was a fatal inadvertency that these. xanons,^ 
 neither^before nor after they were sent to the king, 
 had been ever seen'^ by the assembly, or any convo- 
 
 ^ to] to the neither before nor after these 
 
 •^ of ] from canons were sent to the king 
 
 '^ tliat these canons, — been they were never seen 
 ever seen] Thus in MS : that
 
 186 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK cation of the clergy, which was so strictly obliged to 
 '■ — the observation of them ; nor so much as communi- 
 
 '^^"' cated to the lords of the council of that kingdom; 
 it being almost impossible that any new discipline 
 could be introduced into the church, which would 
 not much concern the government of the state, and 
 even trench upon or refer to the municipal laws of 
 the kingdom. And, in this consideration, the arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury had always declared to the bi- 
 shops of Scotland, " that it was their part to be sure, 
 " that nothing they should propose to the king in 
 " the business of the church, should be contrary to 
 " the laws of the land, which he could not be thought 
 " to understand ; and that they should never put any 
 " thing in execution, without the consent and ap- 
 " probation of the privy-council." But it was the 
 unhaj^py craft of those bishops to get it believed by 
 the~ king, that the work would be grateful to the 
 most considerable of the nobility, tlie clergy, and 
 the people, (which they could hardly believe,) in 
 order to the obtaining his majestv 's^ approbation J^nd 
 authority for the execution of that, which they did 
 really believe would not find opposition from the no- 
 bility, clergy, or people, against his majesty's express 
 power and will, which without doubt was then in 
 great veneration in that kingdom ; and so they did 
 not in truth dare to submit those canons to any 
 other examination, than what the king should direct 
 in England, 
 
 It was, in the next pl ace, as strange, t hat canons® 
 should be published before the liturgy was prepared, 
 (which was not ready in a year after, or thereabouts,) 
 
 *^ that canons] that those canons
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 187 
 
 when three or four of the canons were principally book 
 for the observation and punctual compliance with ^^' 
 the liturgy ; which all the clergy were to be sworn 1 637. 
 to submit to, and to pay aU obedience to what was 
 enjoined by it, before they knew what it contained. 
 Whereas, if the liturgy had been first published with 
 all due circumstances, it is possible that it might 
 have found a better reception, and the canons have 
 been^ less examined. 
 
 The Scottish? nation, how capable soever it was 
 of being led by some great men, and misled by the 
 clergy, would have been corrupted by neither into a 
 barefaced rebellion against their king, whose person 
 they loved, and reverenced his government ; nor 
 could they have been wrought upon towards the 
 lessening the one, or the other, by any other sugges- 
 tions or infusions, than such as should make them 
 jealous or apprehensive of a design to introduce po- 
 pery ; a great part of their religion '* consisting in an 
 entu'e detestation of popery, in believing the pope to 
 be Antichrist, and hating perfectly the persons of all 
 papists ^ 
 
 The canons now published, besides (as hath been 
 touched before) that they had passed no approbation 
 of the clergy, or been communicated to the council, 
 appeared to be so many new laws imposed upon the 
 whole kingdom by the king's sole authority, and con- 
 trived by a few private men, of whom they had no 
 good opinion, and who were strangers to the nation ; 
 so that it was thought ^ no other than a subjection 
 
 f have been] Not in MS. ' papists] MS. adds : and 1 
 
 *5 Scottish] Scotch doubt all others, who did not 
 
 ^ a great part of their reli- hate tliem. 
 
 gion] their whole religion ^ thought] Not in MS.
 
 188 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK to England, by receiving laws from tlience, of which 
 
 II 
 
 . tliey were most jealous, and which they most pas- 
 1637. sionately abhorred. Then they were so far from 
 being confined to the church, and the matters of re- 
 ligion, that they believed there was no part of their 
 civil government uninvaded by them, and no per- 
 sons of what quality soever unconcerned, and, as 
 they thought, unhurt in them. And there were 
 some things in some particular canons, how rational 
 soever in themselves, and how distant soever in the 
 words and expressions from inclining to popery, 
 which yet gave too much advantage to those who 
 maliciously watched the occasion to persuade weak 
 men, that it was an approach and introduction to 
 that religion, the very imagination whereof intoxi- 
 cated all men, and deprived them of all faculties to 
 examine and judge. 
 
 Some of the said canons ^ defined and determined 
 such an unlimited " power and prerogative to be in 
 " the king, according to the pattern" (in express 
 terms) " of the kings of Israel, and such a full su- 
 " premacy in all cases '" ecclesiastical, as hath never 
 " been pretended to by their former kings, or sub- 
 " mitted to by the clergy and laity of that nation ;" 
 which " made impression upon men of all tempers, 
 humours, and inclinations. " And^ that no eccle- 
 " siastical person should become surety, or bound 
 " for any man ; that national or general assemblies 
 " should be called only by the king's authority ; that 
 " all bishops, and other ecclesiastical persons, who 
 " die without children, should be obliged to give a 
 
 > Some of the said canons] " which] and which 
 The first canon " And] Not. in MS. 
 
 ■^ cases] causes
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 189 
 
 " good part of their estates to the church, and, book 
 
 " though they should have children, yet to leave . '- — - 
 
 " somewhat to the church, and for advancement of ^^^''• 
 " learning ;" which seemed rather to be matter of 
 state, and policy, than of religion ; thwarted their 
 laws and customs, which had been observed by 
 them ; lessened, if not took away the credit of 
 churchmen ; and prohibited them from that liberty 
 of commerce in civil affairs, which the laws per- 
 mitted to them ; and reflected upon the interests of 
 those who had, or might have, a right to inherit 
 from clergymen. " That none sliould receive the 
 " sacrament liut upon their knees ; that the clergy 
 " should have no private meetings for expounding 
 " scripture, or for consulting upon matters ecclesi- 
 " astical ; that no man should cover his head in the 
 " time of divine service ; and that no clergyman 
 " should conceive prayers ex tempore ^ but be bound 
 " to pray only by the form prescribed in the liturgy," 
 (which, by the way, was not seen nor framed,) " and 
 " that no man should teach a public school, or in a 
 " private house, without a licence first oljtained 
 " from the archbishop of the province, or the Ijishop 
 " of the diocese." 
 
 All these were new, and things with which they 
 had not been acquainted ; and though they might 
 be fit P to be commended to a regular and orderly 
 people, piously disposed, yet it was too strong meat 
 for infants in discipline, and too much nourishment 
 to be administered at once to weak and queasy sto- 
 machs, and 'I too much inclined to nauseate what 
 was most wholesome. But then, to apply the old 
 terms of the church, to mention " the quatuor tem- 
 
 P might be fit] were all <i and] 'Not in MS.
 
 (( 
 
 a 
 (( 
 
 it 
 
 a 
 
 190 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK " pora, and restrain all ordinations to those four 
 
 ' " seasons of the year; to enjoin a font to be pre- 
 
 1637. it pared j^ every church for baptism, and a decent 
 " table for the communion ; and to direct and ap- 
 " point the places where both font and table should 
 " stand, and decent ornaments for either ; to restrain 
 any excommunication from being pronounced, or 
 absolution from being given, without the approba- 
 tion of the bishop ; to mention any practice of con- 
 fession," (which they looked upon as the strongest 
 and most inseparable limb of Antichrist,) and to en- 
 join, " that no presbyter should reveal any thing he 
 should receive in confession, excejDt in such cases, 
 where, by the law of the land, his own life should 
 be forfeited ;" were all such matters of innovation, 
 and in their nature so suspicious, that they thought 
 they had reason to be jealous of the worst that could 
 follow ; and the last canon of all provided, " that no 
 " person should be received into ^' holy orders, or 
 " suffered to preach or administer the sacraments, 
 " without first subscribing to those ^ canons." 
 
 It was now easy for them who had those inclina- 
 tions, to suggest to men of all conditions, that here 
 was an entire new model of government in church 
 and state ; the king might do what he would upon 
 them all, and the church was nothing but what the 
 bishops would have it be : which they every day in- 
 fused into the minds of the people, with all the arti- 
 fices '^ which administer jealousies of all kinds to 
 those who are " liable to be disquieted with them : 
 yet they would not suffer (which shewed wonderful 
 
 ■■ into] in artifices 
 
 * those] these " are] were 
 
 ' the artifices] the art and ,
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 191 
 
 power and wonderful dexterity) any disorder to book 
 break out upon all this occasion, but all was quiet, ' 
 except spreading of libels against the bishops, and ^^'•^''* 
 propagating that spirit as much as they could, by 
 their correspondence in England ; where they found 
 too many every day transported by the same infu- 
 sions, in expectation that these seeds of jealousy 
 from the canons would grow apace, and produce 
 such a reception for the liturgy as they wished for. ^ 
 
 It was about the month of July, in the year 1637, Touching 
 that the liturgy (after it had been sent out of Scot- nlurg^. ' 
 land, and perused by the three Ijishops in England, 
 and then approved and confirmed by the king) was 
 published, and appointed to be read in all the 
 churches. And in this particular there was the 
 same affected and premeditated omission, as had 
 Ijeen in the preparation and publication of the 
 canons ; the clergy not at all consulted in it, and, 
 which was more strange, not all the bishops ac- 
 quainted with it ; which was less censured after- 
 wards, when some of them renounced their func- 
 tion, and became ordinary presbyters, as soon as 
 they saw the current of the time. The privy-coun- 
 cil had no other notice of it, than all the kingdom 
 had, the Sunday before, when it was declared, " that 
 " the next Sunday the liturgy should be read ;" by 
 which they were the less concerned to foresee or 
 prevent any obstructions which might happen. 
 
 The proclamation had appointed it to be read the 
 Easter before ; but the earl of Traquaire, high trea- 
 surer of Scotland, (who was the only counsellor or 
 layman relied upon l^y the archbishop of Canterbury 
 
 ^ such a reception for the liturgy as they wished for.] a proper 
 reception for the liturgy.
 
 192 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK in that business,) persuaded the king to defer it till 
 
 II 
 
 . July, that some good preparation might be made for 
 1 037. ^jjg more cheerful reception of it. And as this pause 
 gave the discontented party more heart, and more 
 time for their seditious negociations, so the ill con- 
 sequences of it, or the actions which were subse- 
 quent to it, made him suspected to be privy to all 
 the conspiracy, and y to be an enemy to the churcli ; 
 thougli, in truth, tliere neitlier aj^peared then, nor 
 in all the very unfortunate part of his life after- 
 wards, any just ground for that accusation and sus- 
 picion : but as he was exceedingly obliged to the 
 archbishop, so he was a man of great parts, and well 
 affected to the work in hand in his own judgment ; 
 and if he had been as much depended upon, to have 
 advised the bishops in the prosecution and for the 
 conduct of it, as he was to assist them in the carry- 
 ing on whatsoever they proposed, it is very proba- 
 ble, tliat either so much would not have been under- 
 taken together, or that it would have succeeded bet- 
 ter ; for he was without doubt not inferior to any of 
 that nation in wisdom and dexterity. And though 
 he was often provoked, by the insolence of ^ some of 
 the bishops, to a dislike of their overmuch fervour, 
 and too little discretion, his integrity to the king 
 was witliout blemish, and his affection to the churcli 
 so notorious, that he never deserted it, till Ijoth it 
 and he were overrun, and trod under foot ; and tliey 
 who were the most notorious persecutors of it never 
 left persecuting him to the death. 
 
 Nor was any thing done which he had proposed, 
 for the better adjusting tilings in the time ^ of that 
 
 y and to be] and in truth to be petulance of 
 
 ' insolence of] insolence and ^ the time] that time
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 193 
 
 suspension, but every thing left in the same state of book 
 unconcernedness as it was ^ before ; not so much as ' 
 the council's ^ being better informed of it ; as if they ^^'^^• 
 had been sure that all men would have submitted 
 to it for conscience sake. 
 
 On the Sunday morning appointed for the work, The man. 
 the chancellor of Scotland and others of the council "h^t^utur- 
 being present in the cathedral church, the dean be- fe^-^^Ji^"' 
 gun ^ to read the liturgy, which he had no sooner E'li^'^u'-gh. 
 entered upon, but a noise and clamour was raised 
 throughout the church, that no words ^ could be 
 heard distinctly, and then a shower of stones, and 
 sticks, and cudgels were thrown at the dean's head. 
 The bishop went up into the pulpit, and from thence 
 put them in mind of the sacredness of the place, of 
 their duty to God and the king : but he found no 
 more reverence, nor was the clamour and * disorder 
 less than before. The chancellor, from his seat, 
 commanded the provost and magistrates of the city 
 to descend from the gallery in which they sat, and 
 by their authority to suppress the riot; which at 
 last with great difficulty they did, by driving the 
 rudest of those who made the disturbance out of the 
 church, and shutting the doors, which gave the 
 dean opportunity ^ to proceed in the reading of the 
 liturgy, that ^ was not at all attended or hearkened 
 to by those who remained within the church ; and 
 if it had, they who were turned out continued their 
 barbarous noise, broke the windows, and endea- 
 voured to break down the doors ; so that it was not 
 possible for any to follow their devotions. 
 
 ^ was] had been ^ and] or 
 
 *^ council's] council s opportunity] occasion 
 
 ^ begun] began ^ that] which 
 
 * words] voice 
 
 TOL. I. O
 
 194 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK When all was done that at that time could be 
 __J_— .done there, and the council and magistrates went 
 1G37. Qy^ Qf ^jjg church to their houses, the rabble followed 
 the bisho^DS with all the opprobrious language they 
 could invent, of bringing in superstition and popery 
 into the kingdom, and making the people slaves ; 
 and were not content to use their tongues, but em- 
 ployed their hands too in throwing dirt and stones 
 at them ; and treated the bishop of Edinburgh, 
 whom they looked upon as most active that way, ^ 
 so rudely, that with difficulty he got into a house, 
 after they had torn his habit, and was from thence 
 removed to his own, with great hazard of his life. 
 As this was the reception it had in the cathedral, so 
 it fared not better in the other churches of the city, 
 but was entertained with the same hollowing and 
 outcries, and threatening the men, whose office it 
 was to read it, with the same bitter execrations 
 against bishops and popery. 
 
 Hitherto no person of condition or name ap- 
 peared, or seemed to countenance this seditious con- 
 fusion ; it was the rabble, of which nobody was 
 named, and, which is more strange, not one aj)pre- 
 hended : and it seems the bishops thought it not of 
 moment enough to desire or require any help or 
 protection from the council ; but without conferring 
 with them, or applying themselves to them, they de- 
 spatched away an express to the king, with a full 
 and particular information of all that had passed, 
 and a desire that he would take that course he 
 thought best for the carrying on his service. 
 
 Until this advertisement arrived from Scotland, 
 there were very few in England who had heard of 
 
 ' way,] day,
 
 1G37. 
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 195 
 
 any disorders there, or of any thing done there, book 
 which might produce any. The king himself had- 
 been always so jealous of the privileges of that his 
 native kingdom, (as hath been touched before,) and 
 that it might not be dishonoured by a suspicion of 
 having any dependence ujDon England, that he never 
 suffered any thing relating to that to be debated, or 
 so much as communicated to his privy-council in 
 this, (though many of that nation were, without dis- 
 tinction, counsellors of England,) but handled all 
 those affairs himself with two or three Scotsmen, 
 who always attended in the court for the business 
 of that kingdom, which was upon the matter still 
 despatched by the sole advice and direction of the 
 marquis of Hamilton. 
 
 And the truth is, there was so little curiosity 
 either in the court, or the country, to know any 
 thing of Scotland, or what was done there, that 
 when the whole nation was solicitous to know what 
 passed weekly in Germany and Poland, and all other 
 parts of Europe, no man ever inquired what was 
 doing in Scotland, nor had that kingdom a place or 
 mention in one page of any gazette ^ ; and even 
 after the advertisement of this preamble to rebel- 
 lion, no mention was made of it at the council- 
 board, but such a despatch made into Scotland upon 
 it, as expressed the king's dislike and displeasure, 
 and obliged the lords of the council there to appear 
 more vigorously in the vindication of his authority, 
 and suppression of those tumults. But all was too 
 little. That people, after they had once begun, pur- 
 sued the business vigorously, and with all imagin- 
 
 ^ gazette ;] MS. adds : so little the world heard or thought of 
 that people ; 
 
 O 2
 
 196 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK able contempt of the government; and though in 
 —ill— the hubbub of the first day there appeared nobody 
 1637. q£ name or reckoning, but the actors were really of 
 the dregs of the people ; yet they discovered by the 
 countenance of that day, that few men of rank were 
 forward to engage themselves in the quarrel on the 
 behalf of the bishops ; whereupon more considerable 
 persons every day appeared against them, and (as 
 heretofore in the case of St. Paul, Acts xiii. 50, f/ie 
 Jews stirred up the devout and lionourahle women) 
 the women and ladies of the best quality declared 
 themselves of the party, and, with all the reproaches 
 imaginable, made war upon the bishops, as intro- 
 ducers of popery and superstition, against which 
 they avowed themselves to be irreconcileable ene- 
 mies : and their husbands did not long defer the 
 owning the same spirit ; insomuch as within few 
 days the bishops durst not appear in the streets, nor 
 in any courts or houses, but were in danger of their 
 lives ; and such of the lords as durst be in their 
 company, or seemed to desire to rescue them from 
 violence, had their coaches torn in pieces, and their 
 persons assaulted, insomuch as they were glad to 
 send for some of those great men, who did indeed 
 govern the rabble, though they appeared not in it, 
 who readily came and redeemed them out of their 
 hands : so that by the time new orders came from 
 England, there was scarce a bishop left in Edin- 
 burgh, and not a minister who durst read the liturgy 
 in any church. 
 
 All the kingdom flocked to Edinburgh, as in a 
 general cause that concerned their salvation, and 
 resolved themselves into a method of government, 
 erected several tables, in which deputies sat for the
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 197 
 
 nobility, the gentlemen, the clergy, and the bur- book 
 gesses ; out of either of which tables a council was ' 
 elected to conduct their affairs, and a petition drawn ^ ^^^' 
 up in the names of the nobility, lairds, clergy, and 
 burgesses, to the king, complaining of the introduc- 
 tion of popery, and many other grievances. And if 
 the lords of the council issued out any order against 
 them, or if the king himself sent a proclamation for 
 their repair to their houses, and for the preservation 
 of the peace, presently some nobleman deputed by 
 the tables published a protestation against those or- 
 ders and proclamations, with the same confidence, 
 and with as much formality, as if the government 
 were regidarly in their hands. 
 
 They called a general assembly, whither they The Scot- 
 summoned the bishops to appear before them, andnant!°^^' 
 for not appearing, excommunicated them ; and then 
 they united themselves by subscribing a covenant, 
 which they pretended, with their usual confidence, 
 to be no other than had been subscribed in the reign 
 of king James, and that his majesty himself had sub- 
 scribed it ; by which imposition people of all degrees, 
 supposing it might be a means to extinguish the 
 present fire, with all alacrity engaged themselves in 
 it ; whereas in truth, they had inserted a clause 
 never heard of, and quite contrary to the end of 
 that covenant, whereby they obliged themselves to 
 pursue the extirpation of bishops, and had the con- 
 fidence ^ to demand the same in express terms of the 
 king, in answer to a very gracious message the king 
 had sent to them. They pviblished bitter invectives 
 against the bishops and the whole government of 
 
 ' confidence] impudence 
 
 o 3
 
 198 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK the church, which they were not contented to send 
 ' only into England to kindle the same fire there, but, 
 
 1638. yf^\iii their letters, sent them to all the reformed 
 churches, by which they raised so great a prejudice 
 to the king, that too many of them believed, that 
 the king had a real design to change religion, and ^" 
 introduce popery. 
 
 It is very true, there were very many of the no- 
 bility, and persons of principal quality of that na- 
 tion, and in Edinburgh at that time, who did not 
 appear yet, and concur in this seditious behaviour, 
 or own their being yet of theu* party ; but on the 
 contrary seemed very much to dislike their proceed- 
 ings : but it is as true, that very few had the cou- 
 rage to do any thing in opposition to them, ^ or to 
 concur in the prosecution of any regal act against 
 them; which ° did in some respects more advance 
 their desig-ns, than if they had manifestly joined 
 with them. For these men, many of whom were 
 of the council, by aU their letters into England, ex- 
 ceedingly undervalued the disorder, as being " very 
 " easy to be suppressed in a short time, when the 
 " people's eyes should be opened ; and that the re- 
 " moving the courts to some other place, and a gra- 
 " cious condescension in the king in offering pardon 
 " for what was past, would suddenly subdue them, 
 " and every body would return to his duty :" and 
 the city of Edinburgh itself writ an humble letter 
 to the archbishop of Canterbury, excusing the dis- 
 orders which had been raised by the ignorance and 
 rudeness of the meanest of the people, and beseech- 
 ing P him " to intercede with his majesty for the sus- 
 
 "" antl] and to ^ which] and ' 
 
 " to them,] of them, r and beseeching] besought
 
 ft 
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 199 
 
 pension of his prejudice to them, till they should book 
 *' manifest their duty to him, by inflicting exem-____l_ 
 " plary punishment upon the chief offenders, and ^^^^• 
 " causing the liturgy to be received and submitted 
 " to in all their churches ;" which they professed 
 they would in a short time bring to pass. So that 
 by this means, and the interposition of all those of 
 that nation who attended upon his majesty in his 
 bedchamber, and in several offices at court, who all 
 undertook to know by their intelligences that all 
 was quiet, or would speedily be so ; his majesty 
 (who well knew that they who appeared most ac- 
 tive in this confederacy were much inferior to those 
 who did not appear, and who professed great zeal 
 for his service) hardly prevailed with himself to be- 
 lieve that he could receive any disturbance from 
 thence, till he found all his condescensions had 
 raised their insolence, all his offers rejected, and his 
 proclamation of pardon slighted and contemned ; 
 and that they were listing men towards the raising 
 an army, under the obligation of their covenant, 
 and had ah'eady chosen colonel Lesley, a soldier of 
 that nation of long experience and eminent com- 
 mand under the king of Sweden in Germany, to be 
 their general; who being lately disobliged (as they 
 called it) by the king, that is, denied somewhat he 
 had a mind to have,^ had accepted of the command. 
 Then at last the king thought it time to resort to 
 other counsels, and to provide force to chastise them, 
 who had so much despised all his '" gentler remedies. 
 He could now no longer defer the acquainting 
 
 1 mind to have,] MS. adds: ways the highest injury, 
 which to that people was al- ^ his] the 
 
 o 4
 
 200 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK the council-board,^ and the whole kingdom of Eng- 
 
 11. 
 
 land, with the indignities he had sustained in Scot- 
 ^^^^' land; which he did by proclamations and declara- 
 tions at large, setting out the whole proceedings 
 which had been; and in the end of the year 1638 
 declared his resolution to raise an army to suppress 
 their rebellionj for which he gave present order. 
 
 And this was the first alarm England received 
 towards any trouble, after it had enjoyed for so 
 many years the most uninterrupted prosperity, in a 
 full and plentiful peace, that any nation could be 
 blessed with : and as there was no apprehension of 
 trouble from within, so it was secured from without 
 by a stronger fleet at sea than the nation had ever 
 been acquainted with, which drew reverence from 
 all the neighbour princes. The revenue had been 
 so well improved, and so warily managed, that there 
 was money in the exchequer pro j)ortion able for the 
 undertaking any noble enterprise : nor did this first 
 noise of war and approach towards action seem to 
 make any impression uj^on the minds of men, the 
 Scots being in no degree either loved or feared by 
 the people ; and most men hoped, that this would 
 free the court from being henceforth troubled with 
 those men ; * and so they ^ seemed to embrace the 
 occasion with notable alacrity : and there is no 
 doubt, but if all of that nation who were^ united 
 in the rebellion (some of which stayed yet in the 
 court) had marched^ in their army, and publicly 
 
 * the council-board,] his coun- tirely 
 cil-board, v (some of which stayed yet 
 
 *■ men ;] vermin ; in the court) had marched] and 
 
 " they] Not in MS. all who stayed in the court had 
 
 " all of that nation who were] marched 
 that whole nation hud been e:n-
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 201 
 
 owned the covenant, which in their hearts they book 
 
 II. 
 
 adored, neither the^ king, nor the^ kingdom, could, 
 have sustained any great ^ damage by them ; but ^ ^^^' 
 the monument of their presumption and their shame 
 would have been raised together, and no other me- 
 mory preserved of their rebellion but in their memo- 
 rable overthrow.^ 
 
 God Almighty would not suffer this discerning 
 spirit of wisdom to govern at this time : the king 
 tliought it unjust to condemn a nation for the trans- 
 gression of a part of it, and still hoped to redeem it 
 from the infamy of a geneiftl defection, by the ex- 
 emplary fidelity of a superior party, and therefore 
 withdrew not his confidence from any of those who 
 attended his person, who,^ in truth, lay leiger for 
 the covenant, and kept up the spirits of their coun- 
 trymen by their intelligence. 
 
 The king hastened the raising an army, which The king 
 was not long in doing. He chose to make the earl army a" 
 of Arundel his general, a man who was thought '^ to|cotsV^'^ 
 be made choice of for his negative qualities: he did ^^39. 
 not love the Scots ; he did not love the puritans ; 
 which ^ qualifications were allayed by another nega- 
 tive, he did not much love any body else :S but he 
 was fit to keep the state of it ; and his rank was 
 such, that no man would decline the serving under 
 him. 
 
 The earl of Essex was made lieutenant-general '^ 
 
 ^ the] Not in MS. about him but his presence and 
 
 ^ the] Not in MS. his looks, and therefore was 
 
 b great] Not in MS. thought 
 *^ overthrow.] and infamous ^ which] which good 
 
 defeat. e he did not much love any 
 
 ^ who,] and who, body else :] he did love nobody 
 
 * a man who was thought] else : 
 
 a man who had nothing martial
 
 202 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK of the army, the most popular man of the kingdom, 
 ' and the darling of the sword-men ; who, between a 
 1639. hatred and a contempt of the Scots, had nothing 
 like an affection for any man of that nation ; ^ and 
 therefore was so well pleased with his promotion, 
 that he begun to love the king the better for con- 
 ferring it upon him, and entered upon the province 
 with great fidelity and alacrity, and was capable 
 from that hour of any impression the king would 
 have fixed upon him. 
 
 The earl of Holland was general of the horse; 
 who, besides the obligations he had to the queen, 
 (who vouchsafed to own a particular trust in him,) 
 was not then ^ liable to the least suspicion of want 
 of affection and zeal for the king's service. 
 
 In the beginning of the spring, which was in the 
 year 1639, an army was drawn together of near six 
 thousand horse, and about that number in foot, all 
 y very well disciplined men, under as good and ex- 
 perienced officers, as were to be found at that time'' 
 in Christendom. With ^ this army, abundantly sup- 
 plied with a train of artillery, and all other provi- 
 sions necessary, the king advanced in the beginning 
 of the summer towards the borders of Scotland. 
 And ;i fleet. This was not all the strength that was provided 
 for the suppressing that rebellion, but the king had 
 likewise provided a good fleet, ^" and had caused a 
 body of three thousand foot to be embarked on those 
 ^ ships ; all which were put under the command of 
 the marquis of Hamilton, who was to infest the" 
 
 ^ any man of that nation ;] ' With] And with 
 
 any one man of the nation ; "> fleet,] fleet for the sea, 
 
 ' then] Not in MS. " the] his 
 ^ at that time] in any army
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 203 
 
 country by sea to hinder their trade, and to make a 'book 
 descent upon the land, and join with such forces as. . 
 
 the loyal party of that nation should draw together ^^^^' 
 to assist the king's, which his own interest (as. was 
 believed) would give great life to, his family being 
 numerous in the nobility, and united in an entii'e 
 dependence upon him. 
 
 Upon the first march of the army northwards, the Tiie eari of 
 earl of Essex was sent with a party of horse and si^sTes B°er- 
 foot, to use all possible expedition to possess himself ^^'^''* 
 of Berwick, which the king had been advertised the 
 Scots would speedily be masters of. The earl lost 
 no time, but marched day and night with great 
 order and diligence; and every day met several 
 Scotsmen of quality well known to him, and sent 
 expressly to the king, who all ° severally made him 
 very particular relations of the strength of the Scots 
 army, the excellent discipline that was observed in 
 it, and p the goodness of the men, and that they were 
 by that time possessed of Berwick ; and when he 
 was within one day's march of it, a person of prin- 
 cipal condition, of very near relation to the king's 
 service, (who pretended to be sent upon matter of 
 high importance to his majesty from those who most 
 intended his service there,) met him, and advised 
 him very earnestly " not to advance farther with his 
 " party, which," he said,^ " was so much inferior in 
 " number to those of the enemy, that it would infal- 
 *' libly be cut off: that himself overtook the day be- 
 " fore a strong party of the army, consisting of three 
 " thousand horse and foot, with a train of artillery, 
 " all which he left at such a place," (which he 
 
 ° who all] all who p and] Not in MS. 'i he said,] Not in MS.
 
 204 THE HISTORY 
 
 book' named,) "within three hours march of Berwick, 
 II 
 ' " where they resolved to be the night before, so that 
 
 J 639, « jjjg proceeding farther must be fruitless, and ex- 
 *' pose him to inevitable ruin." These advertise- 
 ments wrought no otherwise upon the earl, than to 
 hasten his marches, insomuch that he came to Ber- 
 wick sooner than he proposed to have done, entered 
 the place without the least opposition, and by all 
 the inquiry he could make by sending out parties, 
 and other advertisements, he could not discover that 
 any of the enemies' forces had been drawn that way, 
 nor indeed that they had any considerable forces to- 
 gether nearer than Edinburgh. 
 
 The earl being thus possessed of his post, lost no 
 time in advertising the king of it, and sent him a 
 very particular account of the informations he had 
 received from so many ear and eye witnesses, who 
 were all at that time in the court, and very fit to be 
 suspected after the publishing of so many falsehoods ; 
 and these very men ^ had been constant in the same 
 reports, and as confident in reporting the defeat of 
 the earl of Essex, and cutting off his party, as they 
 had been to himself of the Scots march, and their 
 being masters of Berwick. The joy was not con- 
 cealed with which his majesty received the news of 
 the earl's being in Berwick, the contrary whereof 
 those ^ men made him apprehend with much per- 
 plexity ; but tliey underwent no other reproach for 
 their intelligence, than that their fears had multi- 
 plied their sight, and that they had been frighted 
 with other men's relations ; which remissness, to call 
 it no worse, was an ill omen of the discipline that 
 Wtis like to be observed. 
 
 ■■ these very men] the men ^ those] these
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 205 
 
 If the war had been now vigorously pursued, it book 
 had been as soon ended as begun ; for at this time ' 
 they had not drawn three thousand men together in ^^^^• 
 the whole kingdom of Scotland, nor had in truth 
 arms complete for such a number, though they had 
 the possession of all the king's forts and magazines 
 there S nor had they ammunition to supply their few 
 firearms ; horses they had, and officers they had, 
 which made all their show. But it was the fatal 
 misfortune of the king, which proceeded from the 
 excellency of his nature, and his tenderness of blood, 
 that he deferred so long his resolution of using his 
 arms ; and after he had taken that resolution, that 
 it was not prosecuted with more vigour. 
 
 He more intended the pomp of his preparations 
 than the strength of them, and did still believe, that 
 the one would save the labour of the other. At the 
 same time that he resolved to raise an army, he 
 caused inquiry to be made, what obhgations lay 
 upon his subjects to assist him, both as he went 
 himself in person, and as it was an expedition 
 against the Scots ; which, in the ancient enmity 
 between the two nations, had been provided for by 
 some laws ; and in the tenure which many men held 
 their estates by, he found ^' that the kings had usu- 
 ally, when they went to make war in their own per- 
 sons, called as many of the nobility to attend upon 
 them, as they thought fit. 
 
 Thereupon ^ he summoned most of the nobility of The king 
 the kingdom, without any consideration of their af- the English 
 fections how they stood disposed to that service, to °t"g|JJ^,f^ 
 attend upon him by a day appointed, and through- 
 
 t there] Not in MS. by. He found 
 
 " estates by, he found] estates ^ Thereupon] And thereupon 
 
 im.
 
 ^6 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK out that expedition; presuming, that the glory of 
 "• such a visible appearance of the whole nobility 
 
 1639. would look like such an union in the quarrel, as 
 would at once terrify and reduce the Scots; not 
 considering, that such kinds of uniting do often y 
 produce the greatest confusions, when more and 
 greater men are called together than can be united 
 in affections and interests ; ''- and in the necessary 
 differences which arise from thence, they quickly 
 come to know each other so well, as they rather 
 break into ^ several divisions, than join ^ in any one 
 public interest ; and from hence have always risen 
 the most dangerous factions,^ which have threatened 
 and ruined the peace of nations : and it fell out no 
 better here. If there had been none in the march 
 but soldiers, it is most probable that a noble peace 
 would have quickly ensued, even without fighting : 
 but the progress was more illustrious than the 
 ' march, and the soldiers were the least part of the 
 army, and least consulted with. 
 
 In this pomp the king continued his journey to 
 York, where he had a full court, those noblemen of 
 the northern parts, and many others who overtook 
 not the king till then, joining all in that city; 
 where his majesty found it necessary to stay some 
 days ; and there the fruit, that was to be gathered 
 from such a conflux, quickly budded out. Some 
 rules were to be set down for the government of 
 the army ; the court '^ was too numerous to be 
 
 >' kinds of uniting do often] ^ have always risen the most 
 
 kind of imilings do naturally dangerous factions,] the most 
 
 ' and interests ;] or interests ; dangerous factions have always 
 
 ^ rather break into] easily arose, 
 unite in ' fi the court] and the court 
 
 '' than join] thougli never
 
 OF THE REBELLION. SOT 
 
 wholly left to its own licence; and the multitude book 
 of the Scots in it administered matter of offence ^^' 
 and jealousy to people of all conditions, who had ^^3^- 
 too much cause to fear that the king was every day 
 betrayed; the common discourse by all the Scots 
 being either to magnify ^ the good intentions of their 
 countrymen, and that they had all duty for the king, 
 or to undervalue ^ the power and interest of those 
 who discovered themselves against the church. 
 
 It was therefore tiiought fit by the whole body 
 of the council, that a short protestation should be 
 drawn, in which all men should " profess their loy- 
 " alty and obedience to his majesty, and disclaim 
 " and renounce the having any intelligence, or hold- 
 " ing any correspondence with the rebels." No man 
 imagined it possible that any of the English would 
 refuse to make that protestation ; and they who 
 thought worst of the Scots did not think they would 
 make any scruple of doing the same, and conse- 
 quently that there would be no fruit or discovery 
 from that test ; but they were deceived. The Scots 
 indeed took it to a man, without grieving their con- 
 science, or reforming their manners. But amongst 
 the English nobility the lord Say, and the lord .-^ 
 Brook, (two popular men, and most undevoted to 
 the church, and, in truth, to the whole govern- 
 ment,) positively refused, in the king's own pre- 
 sence, to make any such protestation. They said, 
 " If the king suspected their loyalty, he might pro- 
 " ceed against them as he thought fit ; but that it 
 " was against the law to impose any oaths or pro- 
 " testations = upon them which were not enjoined 
 
 ^ to magnify] magnifying ^ oaths or protestations] oath 
 
 ' to undervakie] undervahiing or protestation
 
 208 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK "by the law; and, in that respect, that they might 
 "• " not betray the common liberty, they would not 
 
 1639. « submit to it." This administered matter of new 
 dispute in a very unseasonable time ; and though 
 there did not then appear more of the same mind, 
 and'^ they two were committed, at least restrained 
 of their liberty ; yet this discovered too much the 
 humour and spirit of the court in their daily dis- 
 courses upon that subject ; so that the king thought 
 it best to dismiss those two lords, and require them 
 to return to their houses : and if all the rest who 
 were not officers of the army, or of absolute neces- 
 sity about the king's person, had been likewise dis- 
 missed and sent home, the business had been better 
 prosecuted. 
 
 Indeed, if the king himself had stayed at London, 
 or, which had been the next best, kept his court 
 and resided at York, and sent the army on their 
 proper errand, and left the matter of the war w^hoUy 
 to them, in all human reason, his enemies had been 
 speedily subdued, and that kingdom reduced to their 
 obedience \ 
 , Before the king left York, letters and addresses 
 
 _■ were sent from the Scots, " lamenting their ill for- 
 
 " tune, that their enemies had so great credit with 
 " the king, as to persuade him to believe, that they 
 " were or could be disobedient to him, a thing that 
 " could never enter into their loyal hearts ; that they 
 " desired nothing but to be admitted into the pre- 
 " sence of their gracious sovereign, to lay their 
 " grievances at his royal feet, and leave the deter- 
 " mination of them entirely to his own wisdom and 
 
 ^ and] Not in MS. it would not have been easy for 
 
 ' obedience] MS. adds: which them to have shaken off.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 209 
 
 " pleasure." And though the humility of the style book 
 gained them many friends, who thought it great ' 
 pity that any blood should be spUt in a contention ^ ^^^' 
 which his majesty might put an end to by his own 
 word, as soon as he would hear their complaints ; 
 yet hitherto the king preserved himself from being 
 wrought upon, and marched with convenient expe- 
 dition to the very borders of Scotland, and encamp- The king 
 ed with his army in an open field, called the Berkes, f^^H^^ o^ 
 on the further side of Berwick, and lodged in his ^':°^'t"'^ 
 
 ' <=> with his 
 
 tent with the army, though every day's march ^'^™y- 
 wrought very much upon the constitution if not the 
 courage of the court, and too many wished aloud, 
 " that the business were brought to a fair treaty." 
 
 Upon advertisement that a party of the Scots sends the 
 army was upon the march, ^ the earl of Holland was^and'as faV 
 sent with a body of three thousand horse, and two"*^"°"' 
 thousand foot, with a fit train of artillery, to meet 
 it, and engage Mdth it ; who marched accordingly 
 into Scotland early in a morning as far as a place 
 called Dunce, ten or twelve miles into that king- 
 dom. It was in the beginning of August, when the 
 nights are very short, and, as soon as the sun rises, 
 the days for the most part hotter than is reasonably 
 expected from the climate, and,^ by the testimony 
 of all men, that day was the hottest that had been 
 known. When the earl came with his horse to 
 Dunce, he found the Scots drawn up on the side of 
 a hill, where the front could only be in view, and 
 where, he was informed, the general Lesley and the 
 whole army was ; and it was very true, they were 
 all there indeed ; but it was as true, that all did not 
 
 ^ the march,] their march, ^ and,] Not in MS. 
 
 VOL. I. P
 
 210 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK exceed the number of three thousand men, very ill 
 ^_ armed, and most country fellows, who were on the 
 ^^^^' sudden got together to make that show : and Lesley 
 had placed them by the advantage of that hill so 
 speciously, that they had the appearance of a good 
 body of men, there being all the semblance of great 
 bodies behind on the other side of the hill ; the false- 
 hood of which would have been manifest as soon as 
 they should move from the place where they were, 
 and from whence they were therefore not to stir. 
 
 The horse had outmarched the foot, which, by 
 reason of the excessive heat, was not able to use 
 great expedition : besides, there was some error in 
 the orders, and some accidents of the night that had 
 retarded them ; so that when the enemy appeared 
 first in view, the foot and the artillery was three or 
 four miles behind. 
 The earl's Nothing cau be said in the excuse of the counsel 
 
 retreat from ,., -ii ^ i i • i 
 
 Dunce. 01 that day, which might have made the king a glo- 
 rious king indeed. The earl of Holland was a man 
 of courage, and at that time not at all suspected to 
 be corrupted in his affections ; and though he ™ him- 
 self had not seen more of war ^ than two or three 
 campaigns in Holland before his coming to the court, 
 he had with him many as good officers as the war 
 of that age, which was very active, had made, and 
 men of unquestionable courage and military know- 
 ledge. As he might very safely have made a halt 
 at Dunce, till his foot and artillery came up to him, 
 so he might securely enough have engaged his body 
 of horse against their whole inconsiderable ° army, 
 there being neither tree nor busli to interrupt his 
 
 "1 he] Not in MS. » inconsiderable] pitiful 
 
 " of war] of the war
 
 1639. 
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 211 
 
 charge; but it was thought otherwise ; and no ques- book 
 tion it was generally believed, by the placing and 
 drawing out their front in so conspicuous a place, 
 by the appearance of other troops behind them, and 
 by the shewing great herds of cattle at a distance 
 upon the hills on either side, that their army was 
 very much superior in number. And therefore, as 
 soon as the earl came in view, he despatched mes- 
 sengers one after another to the king, with an ac- 
 count of what he heard and saw, or believed he saw, 
 and yet thought not fit to stay for an answer ; but 
 with the joint consent of all his chief p officers (for 
 it was never after pretended that any one officer of 
 name dissuaded it, though they were still ashamed 
 of it) retii'ed towards his foot, to whom he had like- 
 wise sent orders not to advance ; and so wearied 
 and tired by the length of the march, and more by 
 the heat of the weather, which was intolerable, they 
 returned to the camp where the king was ; and the 
 Scots drew a little back to a more convenient post 
 for their residence. 
 
 The covenanters, who very well understood the 
 weaknesses of the court, as well as their own want 
 of strength, were very reasonably exalted with this 
 success, and scattered their letters abroad amongst 
 the noblemen at court, according to the humours of 
 the men to whom they writ ; there being upon the 
 matter an unrestrained intercourse between the 
 king's camp and Edinburgh. 
 
 They writ three several letters to the three ffene- ^^^^ ^°'■'^- 
 
 '' " nanters 
 
 rals, the earl of Arundel, the earl of Essex, and the write to the 
 earl of Holland. That to the earl of Essex was m ,ai officers. 
 
 P chief] superior 
 P 2
 
 212 . THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK a dialect more submiss than to the others; they 
 __^!l__said much to him of " his own fame and reputation, 
 
 1639. « which added to their affliction that he should be 
 *' in arms against them ; that they had not the least 
 " imagination of entering into a war against Eng- 
 " land ; their only thought and hope was to defend 
 " their own rights and liberties, which were due to 
 " them by the law^ of the land, until they might 
 " have access to his majesty, to expose their com- 
 " plaints to him, from which they were hindered by 
 " the power and greatness of some of their own 
 " countrymen ;" being desirous the earl should un- 
 derstand that their principal grievance was the in- 
 terest of the marquis of Hamilton, who, they knew, 
 was not in any degree acceptable to the earl ; and 
 therefore desired him " to be ready to do them good 
 " offices to the king, that they might be admitted to 
 " his presence." The earl of Essex, who was a punc- 
 tual man in point of honour, received this address 
 superciliously enough, sent it to the king without re- 
 turning any answer, or holding any conference, or 
 performing the least ceremony, with or towards the 
 messengers. 
 
 The earls of Arundel and Holland gave another 
 kind of reception to the letters they received. To 
 the former, after many professions of high esteem of 
 his person, they enlarged upon " their great affection 
 " to the English nation, and how they abhorred the 
 " thought of a war between the two nations ;" they 
 besought him " to present their supplication" (which 
 they enclosed) " to the king, and to procure their de- 
 " puties admission to his majesty." The earl used 
 
 '1 law] laws
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 213 
 
 them with more respect than was suitable to the book 
 office of a general, and made many professions of 
 " his desire to interpose, and mediate a good peace '^^^• 
 " between the nations :" and it was confidently re- 
 ported and believed, that he had frequently made , .- 
 those professions by several messages he had sent 
 before into Scotland ; and he had given passes to 
 many obscure persons, to go into and return out of 
 that kingdom. 
 
 Their letter to the earl of Holland was in a more 
 confident style, as to a man from whom they ex- 
 pected all good offices. They sent him likewise a 
 copy of their supplication to the king, and desired 
 him " to use his credit that a treaty might be en- 
 " tered into, and that his majesty would appoint 
 " men of religion and of public hearts to manage 
 " the treaty." From*" this time that earl was found 
 at least enough inclined to that interest ; and the 
 king's readiness to hear discourses of a pacification, 
 and that messengers would be shortly sent to him 
 with propositions worthy of his acceptation, abated 
 those animosities, and appetite to war, which had 
 made all the noise in the march. 
 
 Indeed the marquis of Hamilton's neighbourly re- 
 sidence with his fleet and foot soldiers before Leith, 
 without any show of hostility, or any care taken to 
 draw his friends and followers together for the king's 
 service ; on the other side, the visits his mother made 
 him on board his ship, who was a lady of great au- 
 thority amongst the covenanters, and most addicted 
 to them and their covenant,^ her daughters being 
 
 "■ From] And from = to them and their covenant,] to it and them, 
 
 P 3
 
 214 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK likewise married to those noblemen who most furi- 
 _ously persecuted the church, and presided in those 
 1639. councils; the king's refusing to give leave to some 
 officers of horse, who had offered to make inroads 
 into the country, and destroy the stock thereof, 
 whereby they would be presently obliged to make 
 submission, and to ask pardon ; and lastly, the re- 
 ception of the earl of Holland after his shameful 
 retreat, with so much satisfaction and joy as his ma- 
 jesty had manifested upon his return, (having after 
 the first messenger's arrival from Dunce, when the 
 enemy was in view, sent him orders not to engage,) 
 made it then suspected, as it was afterwards beUeved 
 by those who stood nearest, that his majesty had in 
 truth never any purpose to make the war in blood, 
 but believed that by shewing an army to them, that 
 was able to force them to any conditions, they would 
 have begged pardon for the contest * they had made, 
 and so he should have settled the church, and all 
 things else, according to his pleasure : and sure he 
 might have done so, if he had but sat still, and been 
 constant to his own interest," and positive in deny- 
 ing their insolent demands. But the Scots in the 
 court had made impression upon so many of the 
 English lords, that though at that time there were 
 very few of them who had entered into an unlawful 
 combination against the king, yet there was almost 
 a general disUke of the war, both by the lords of 
 the court and of the country ; and they took this 
 opportunity to communicate their murmurs to each 
 other ; none of the persons who w^re most maligned 
 for their power and interest with the king being 
 
 * contest] contests " interest,] honour,
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 215 
 
 upon the place; and all men believing, that nothing book 
 
 could be asked of the king, but what must be satis ^ — 
 
 fied at their charge, whose damage they considered, ^^^^' 
 though it was to be procured at the expense of the 
 kind's honour. When the covenanters understood 
 by their intelligence, that the season was ripe, they 
 sent their supplication (of which they had scattered 
 so many copies) to the king, and found themselv^es 
 so welcome to all persons, that their modesty was 
 not like to suffer any violence in offering the condi- 
 tions. 
 
 The Scots had from the beffinninff practised a new 'I'^ey ad- 
 sturdy style of address, in which, under the licence liing. 
 of accusing the counsel and carriage of others, whom 
 yet they never named, they bitterly and insolently 
 reproached the most immediate actions and direc- 
 tions of his majesty himself; and then made the 
 greatest professions of duty to his majesty's jDcrson 
 that could be invented. The king had not, at that 
 time, one person about him of his council, who had 
 the least consideration of his own^ honour, or friend- 
 ship for those who sat at the helm of affairs ; the 
 duke of Lenox only excepted ; who was a young man \ / 
 of small experience in affairs, though a man of great 
 honour, and very good parts, and under the dis- . 
 advantage of being looked upon as a Scotsman ; 
 which he was not in his affections at all, being born 
 in England, of an English mother, and having had 
 his education there; and had indeed the manners 
 and affections >' of an Englishman, and a duty and 
 reverence "^ for the king and the*^ church accordingly; 
 
 ^ own] ^ot in MS. fection 
 
 > affections] nature and heart '^ the] Not in MS. 
 
 ^ reverence] reverence and af- 
 
 p 4
 
 216 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK and would never trust himself in those intrigues, as 
 II. . . 
 
 ' too mysterious for him. 
 
 1639. -pjjg j,gg^ ^j,Q were about the king in any offices 
 of attendance, were the earl of Holland, whom we 
 have had occasion to mention before in the first en- 
 trance upon this discourse, and whom we shall have 
 often occasion hereafter to speak of; and therefore 
 shall say no more of him now, than that he neither 
 loved the marquis of Hamilton, whom he believed 
 the Scots intended to revenge themselves upon ; nor 
 Wentworth the deputy of Ireland; nor the arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury ; nor almost any thing that 
 was then done in church or state. Secretary Coke, 
 who had all the despatches upon his hand, was near 
 eighty years of age ; a man of gravity, who never 
 had quickness from his cradle ; who loved the church 
 well enough as it was twenty years before ; and un- 
 derstood nothing that had been done in Scotland, 
 and thought that nothing that was or could be done 
 there was^ worth such a journey as the king had 
 put himself to. Sir Harry Vane was comptroller of 
 the house, and a busy and a bustling man ; who had 
 credit enough to do his business in all places, and 
 cared for no man otherwise than as he found it very 
 convenient for liimself. There was no other of his 
 council of name but the general, the earl of Arundel, 
 who was always true to the character under which 
 he has been^ delivered, and thought he had been ge- 
 neral long enough. All the lustre of the court was 
 in that part of the nobility which attended upon 
 command, and at their own charge ; and therefore 
 the more weary of it. The earl of Pembroke hath 
 
 '' was] Not in MS. <^ has been] was heretofore
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 217 
 
 been forgotten, who abhorred the war as obstinately book 
 as he loved hunting and hawking, and so was like to 
 
 II. 
 
 promote all overtures towards accommodation with ^^2^* 
 great importunity: so the Scots found persons to 
 treat with^ according to their own wish. The earl 
 of Essex still preserving his grandeur and punctu- 
 ality, positively refused to meddle in the treaty, or to 
 be communicated with, or so much as to be present, 
 or receive any visits from the Scottish commissioners 
 till after the pacification was concluded. 
 
 The covenanters were firm, and adhered still to 
 their old natural principle, even in this their ad- 
 dress ; justified all they had done to be " according 
 " to their native rights, and for the better advance- 
 " ment of his majesty's service, which they had al- 
 " ways before their eyes ;" and desired " to have 
 " those receive exemplary punishment, who had 
 " done them ill oflfices, and misrepresented their car- 
 " riage to the king ; and that some noble lords might 
 *' be appointed to treat upon all particulars." And a treaty of 
 
 • 1 1 . , , - . pacification 
 
 upon no other submission than this a treaty was pre- entered 
 sently entered upon, and concluded. concluded. 
 
 Whosoever will take upon him to relate all that 
 passed in that treaty, must be beholding to his own 
 invention ; the most material matters having passed 
 in discourse, and very little committed to writing. 
 Nor did any two who were present agi-ee in the 
 same relation of what was said and done ; and which 
 was worse, not in the same interpretation of the 
 meaning of what was comprehended in writing. An 
 agreement was made, if that can be called an agree- 
 ment, in which nobody meant what others believed 
 
 ^ with] with them
 
 1639. 
 
 218 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK he did : ** The armies were to be disbanded ; an act 
 11. . . 
 
 " of oblivion passed ; the king's forts and castles to 
 
 " be restored ; and an assembly and parliament to 
 " be called for a full settlement ; no persons re- 
 " served for justice, because no fault had been com- 
 " mitted." The king's army, by'' the very words of 
 the agreement, was not to be disbanded until all 
 should be executed on their part ; and the king him- 
 self, at that time, resolved to be present in the as- 
 sembly at least, if not in the parliament : but the 
 impatience of all was such for peace, that the king's 
 army was presently disbanded ; his majesty making 
 all possible haste himself to London, and sending 
 the earl of Traquaire to Edinburgh, to prepare all 
 things for the assembly ; whilst the Scots made all 
 the caresses to many of the English, and both ^ 
 breathed out in mutual confidence their resentments 
 to each other. 
 
 The marquis of Hamilton (whether upon the fame 
 of the treaty, or sent for by the king, few knew) left 
 his fleet before Leith in a very peaceable posture, 
 and came to the Berkes some hours after the treaty 
 was signed ; which was very convenient to him, for 
 thereby he was free from the reproach that attended 
 it, and at liberty to find fault with it ; which he did 
 freely to the king, and to some others, whereby he 
 preserved himself in credit to do more mischief. 
 Many were then of opinion, and still are, that the 
 marquis at that time was very unacceptable ^ to his 
 countrymen; and it is certain that the chief ma- 
 nagers at the treaty did persuade the English in 
 whom they most confided, that their principal aim was 
 
 * by] which by ^ both] Not in MS. e unacceptable] odious
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 219 
 
 to remove him from the court; which was a design book 
 
 willingly heard, and universally grateful. But what- _ 
 
 ever state of grace he stood in when he came thither, ^ ^^^" 
 he did himself so good offices before he parted, that 
 he was no more in their disfavour. The king's army 
 was presently disbanded, and the Scots returned to 
 Edinburgh with all they desired ; having gotten 
 many more friends in England than they had be- 
 fore ; kept all their officers, and as many of their 
 men as they thought fit, in pay ; and prosecuted all 
 those who had not shewed the same zeal in their 
 covenant as themselves with great rigour, as men 
 whose affections they doubted ; and, instead of re- 
 mitting any thing of their rage against their bi- 
 shops, they entered a public protestation, " That 
 " they did not intend, by any thing contained in the 
 " treaty, to vacate any of the proceedings which 
 " had been in the late general assembly at Glas- 
 " gow," (by which aU the bishops stood excommu- 
 nicated,) and renewed all their menaces against them 
 by proclamation ; and imposed grievous penalties 
 upon aU who should presume to harbour any of 
 them in their houses : so that by the time the king 
 came to London, it appeared plainly, that the army 
 was disbanded without any peace made, and the 
 Scots in equal inclination, and in more reputation, 
 to affront*^ his majesty than ever. Upon which a 
 paper published by them, and avowed to contain the 
 matter of the treaty, was burned by the common 
 hangman ; every body disavowing the contents of 
 it, but nobody taking upon him to pubUsh a copy 
 that they owned to be true. 
 
 ^ in equal inclination, and in more reputation, and eqvial iu- 
 niore reputation, to atFront] in clination to affront
 
 220 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK The mischief that befell the king from this wonder- 
 "• fill atonement cannot ])e expressed, nor was it ever 
 
 The ill con- 
 sequences 
 of it. 
 
 1639. discovered what prevailed over his majesty to bring 
 it so wofuUy to pass : aU men were ashamed who 
 had contributed to it ; nor had he dismissed his army 
 with so obliging circumstances as was like to incline 
 them to come willingly^ together again, "^ if there 
 were occasion to use their service. The earl of 
 Essex, who had merited very well throughout the 
 whole affair, and had never made a false step in 
 action or counsel,^ was discharged in the crowd, 
 without ordinary ceremony ; and an accident hap- 
 pening at the same time, or very soon after, by the 
 death of the lord Aston, whereby the command of 
 the forest of Needwood feU into the king's disposal, 
 which lay at the very door of that earl's estate,"^ and 
 would infinitely have gratified him, was denied to 
 him, and bestowed upon another : all which wrought 
 very much upon his high" nature, and made him sus- 
 ceptible of some impressions afterwards, which other- 
 wise would not have found such easy admission. 
 
 The factions and animosities at court were either 
 greater, or more visible, than they had been before. 
 The earl of Newcastle (who was governor to the 
 prince, and one of the most valuable men in the 
 kingdom, in his fortune, in his dependences, and in 
 his qualifications) had, at his own charge, drawn 
 together a goodly troop of horse of two hundred ; 
 which for the most part consisted of the best gentle- 
 men of the north, who were either allied to the earl, 
 or of immediate dependence upon him, and came 
 
 • willingly] so willingly '" that earl's estate,] his es- 
 
 ^ again,] Not in MS. tate, 
 
 ' or counsel,] or in counsel, " high] rough proud
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 221 
 
 together purely upon his account; and called this book 
 troop the prince of Wales's troop; whereof the earl ______ 
 
 himself was captain. When the earl of Holland '^39. 
 marched with that party into Scotland, the earl of 
 Newcastle accompanied him with that troop, and, 
 upon occasion of some orders, desired that troop, 
 since it belonged to the prince of Wales, might have 
 some precedence ; which the general of the horse 
 refused to grant him, but required him to march in 
 the rank he had prescribed ; and the other obeyed it 
 accordingly, but with resentment, imputing it to the 
 little kindness that was between them. But as soon 
 as the army was disbanded, he sent a challenge to 
 the earl of Holland, by a gentleman very punctual, 
 and well acquainted with those errands ; who took a 
 proper season to mention it to him, without a possi- 
 bility of suspicion. The earl of Holland was never 
 susjDCcted to want courage, yet in this occasion he 
 shewed not that alacrity, but that the delay exposed 
 it to notice; and so, by the king's authority, the 
 matter was composed ; though discoursed of with 
 liberty enough to give the whole court occasion to 
 express their affections to either party. 
 
 The king himself was very melancholic, and quick- 
 ly discerned that he had lost reputation at home and 
 abroad; and those counsellors who had been most 
 faulty, either through want of courage or wisdom, 
 (for at that time few of them wanted fidelity,) never 
 afterwards recovered spirit enough to do theu' duty, 
 but gave themselves up to those who had so much 
 over-witted them ; every man shifting the fault from 
 himself, and finding some friend to excuse him : and 
 it being yet necessary, that so infamous a matter 
 should not be covered with absolute oblivion, it fell
 
 222 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK to secretary Coke's turn, (for whom nobody cared,) 
 
 '. -vvho was then near fourscore years of age, to be 
 
 1639. n^ade the sacrifice; and, upon pretence that he had 
 omitted the writing what he ought to hav^e done, 
 and inserted somewhat he ought not to have done, 
 he was put out of his office ; and within a short time 
 after, sir Henry Vane (who was treasurer of the 
 house) by the dark contrivance of the marquis of 
 Hamilton, and by the open and visible power of the 
 queen, made secretary of state ; which was the only 
 thing that could make the removal of the other old 
 man censured and murmured at : and this was at- 
 tended again with a declared and unseasonable dis- 
 like and displeasure' in the queen against the lieu- 
 tenant of Ireland, newly made earl of Strafford ; 
 who out of some kindness to the old man, who had 
 been much trusted by him and of use to him, and 
 out of contempt and detestation of Vane, but prin- 
 cipally out of a desire to have'' that miscarriage ex- 
 piated by a greater sacrifice, opposed the removal of 
 secretary Coke with all the interest he could, got it 
 suspended for some time, and put the queen to the 
 exercise of her full power to perfect her work ; which 
 afterwards produced many sad disasters. So that 
 this unhappy pacification kindled many fires of con- 
 tention in court and country, though the flame broke 
 out first again in Scotland. 
 
 On the other side, the Scots got so much benefit 
 and advantage by it, that they brought all their other 
 mischievous devices to pass with ease, and a pros- 
 perous gale in all they went about. They had be- 
 fore little credit'' abroad in any foreign parts, and ' 
 
 " have] have liad p little credit] no credit
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 
 
 so could procure neither arms nori ammunition; book 
 and though they could lead the people at home, out 
 
 of the hatred and jealousy of popery, into unruly ^^^^• 
 tumults, yet they had not authority enough over 
 them to engage them in a firm resolution of rebel- 
 lion : the opinion of their unquestionable duty and 
 loyalty to the king was that which had given them 
 reputation to affront him : nor durst they yet at- 
 tempt to lay any tax or imposition upon the people, 
 or to put them to any charge. But, after this pa- 
 cification, they appeared much more considerable 
 abroad and at home ; abroad, where they were not 
 so much considered before,^' now that they had 
 brought an army into the field against the king, 
 and** gained all they pretended to desire, without 
 reproach or blemish, France, their old ally, looked 
 upon them as good instruments to disturb their 
 neighbours ; and cardinal Richelieu (who had never 
 looked ujDon the defeat and overthrow at the isle of 
 Rhe, as any reparation for the attempt and dis- 
 honour of the invasion) was very glad of the oj)por- 
 tunity of disturlnng a rest and quiet, which had not 
 been favourable to his designs ; and sent an agent 
 privately to Edinburgh, to cherish and foment their 
 unpeaceable inclinations ; and received another from 
 thence, who solicited supplies, and communicated 
 counsels : he sent them arms and ammunition, and 
 promised them encouragement and assistance pro- 
 portionable to any enterprise they should frankly en- 
 gage themselves in. Holland entered into a closer 
 correspondence with them ; and they found a-edit 
 
 1 nor] or and considered by nobody, 
 
 "■ were not so much consider- " and] Not in MS. 
 
 ed before,]were without a name,
 
 224 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK there for a ffreat stock of arms and ammunition, 
 
 II. . 
 '. — upon security of payment within a year; which se- 
 
 1639. cupity they easily found a way to give. And thus 
 countenanced and suppHed, they quickly got credit 
 and power over the people at home ; and as soon as 
 they had formed some troops of those who had been 
 listed by them under good officers, (whereof store 
 resorted to them of that nation out of Germany and 
 Sweden,) and assigned pay to them, they made no 
 longer scrujDle to impose what money they thought 
 fit upon the people, and to levy it with aU rigour 
 upon them who refused, or expressed any unwilling- 
 ness to submit to the imposition ; and made the re- 
 sidence of any amongst them very uneasy, and very 
 insecure, who were but suspected by them not to 
 wish well to their proceedings : and so they re- 
 newed all those forms for the administration of the 
 government, which they had begun ^ in the begin- 
 ning of the disorders, and which they disclaimed 
 upon making the pacification ; and refused to suffer 
 the king's governor of the castle of Edinburgh (which 
 was put into his hands about the same time) either 
 to repair some works which were newly fallen down, 
 or so much as to buy provision in the town for the 
 food of the garrison. 
 
 But that which was the greatest benefit and ad- 
 vantage that accrued to " them from the agreement, 
 and which was worth all the rest, was the conversa- 
 tion they had with the English with so much repu- 
 tation, that they had persuaded very many to be- 
 lieve, that they had all manner of fidelity to the 
 king, and had too much cause to complain of the 
 
 ' begun] began " to] unto
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 225 
 
 hard proceedings against them by the power of some book 
 of their own countiymen ; and the acquaintance "' 
 they made with some particular lords, to that de- ^^^^' 
 gree, that they did upon the matter agree what was 
 to be done for the future, and how to obstruct any 
 opposition or proceedings by those who were looked 
 upon as enemies by both sides : for none in Scot- 
 land more disliked all that was done in court, and 
 the chief actors there, than those lords of England 
 did ; though they were not so well prepared for an 
 expedient for the cure. 
 
 The people of Scotland being now reduced by 
 them'' to a more implicit obedience, and nobody 
 daring to oppose the most extravagant y proceedings 
 of the most violent persons in power, =^ they lost no 
 time, as hath been said, to make all preparations for 
 a war they meant to pursue. Most of the king's 
 privy-council and great ministers, who (though they 
 had not vigorously performed their duty in support 
 of the regal power) till now had been so reserved, 
 that they seemed not to approve the disorderly pro- 
 ceedings, but now as frankly wedded that interest 
 as any of the leaders, and quickly became the chief 
 of the leaders. 
 
 As * the earl of Argyle : who had been preserved The eari 
 by the king's immediate kindness and full power, "Ji^f/I-J^^ 
 and rescued from the an^er and fury of his incensed *'"' '^°^^" 
 
 " J nanters, 
 
 father; who, being provoked by the disobedience ""*'''tii- 
 
 . r. T • standing liis 
 
 and insolence of his son, resolved so to have dis- great oui- 
 posed of his fortune, that little should have accom- ti)e'k"ng,° 
 panied the honour after his death. But by tJie 
 king's interposition, and indeed imj^josition, the earl, 
 
 " by them] Not in MS. ^- in power,] in autliorily, 
 
 y extravagant] violent •'' As] Not in MS. 
 
 VOL. I. Q
 
 226 
 
 THE HISTORY 
 
 1G39. 
 
 BOOK in strictness of the law in Scotland, having need of 
 "' the king's grace and protection, in regard of his 
 being become Roman Catholic, and his majesty- 
 granting all to the son which he could exact from 
 the father, the old man was in the end compelled to 
 make over all his estate to his son ; reserving only 
 such a provision for himself, as supported him ac- 
 cording to his quality during his life, which he spent 
 in the parts beyond the seas. The king had too 
 much occasion afterwards to remember, that in the 
 close, after his majesty had determined what should 
 be done on either part, the old man declared, " He 
 " would submit to the king's pleasure, though he 
 " believed he was hardly dealt with ;" and then 
 with some bitterness put his son in mind of his un- 
 dutiful carriage towards him ; and charged him " to 
 " cany in his mind how bountiful the king had 
 " been to him ;" which yet, he told him, he was sure 
 he would forget : and thereupon said to his majesty, 
 " Sir, I must know this young man better than you 
 " can do : you have brought me low, that you may 
 " raise him ; which I doubt you will live to repent ; 
 " for he is a man of craft, subtilty, and falsehood, 
 " and can love no man ; and if ever he finds it in 
 " his power to do you mischief, he will be sure to do 
 " it." The king considered it only as the effect of 
 his passion, and took no other care to prevent it, but 
 by heaping every day new obligations upon him; 
 making him a privy-counsellor, and giving him 
 other offices and power to do hurt, thereby to re- 
 strain him from doing it ; which would have wrought 
 upon any generous nature the effect it ought to 
 have done. The earl ^ (for his father was now dead) 
 
 ^ The earl] This earl
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 227 
 
 came not to Edinburgh during the first troubles; book 
 and though he did not dissemble his displeasure 
 against the bishops, because one of them had af- ^^39. 
 fronted him, in truth, very rudely, yet he renewed 
 aU imaginable professions of duty to the king, and a 
 readiness to engage in his service, if those disorders 
 should continue : but after the pacification and dis- 
 banding '^ of the king's army, and the covenanters 
 declaring that they would adliere to the acts of the 
 Assembly at Glasgow, he made haste to Edinburgh 
 with a great train of his family and followers ; and 
 immediately signed the covenant, engaged for the 
 provision of arms, and raising forces ; and in all 
 things behaved himself like a man that might very 
 safely be confided in by that party ''. 
 
 There wanted not persons still who persuaded 
 the king, " that all might yet be ended without 
 " blood ; that there were great divisions amongst 
 " the chief leaders, through emulations ^ and ambi- 
 " tion of command ; and that the access of the earl 
 " of Argyle to that party would drive others as con- 
 " siderable from it, who never did, nor ever would, 
 " unite with him in any design ;" and therefore ad- 
 vised, " that his majesty would require them to 
 " send some persons intrusted by their body to at- 
 " tend him, and give an account of the reasons of 
 " their proceedings." They demanded a safe con- 
 duct for the security of the persons they should em- 
 ploy ; wiiich was sent accordingly : and thereupon 
 some persons of the nobility, and others, were com- 
 missioned to wait on the king ; amongst which the 
 
 •^ disbanding] the disbanding ^ emulations] emulation 
 
 ^. by that party] Not in MS. 
 
 Q 2
 
 228 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK lord Lowden was principally relied on for his parts 
 ' and abilities ; a man who was better known after- 
 
 1639. wards, and whom there wiU hereafter be so often 
 occasion to mention, as it will not be necessary in 
 this place further to enlarge upon him. They be- 
 haved themselves, in all respects, with the confidence 
 of men employed by a foreign state ; refused to give 
 any account but to the king himself ; and even to 
 himself gave no other reason for what was done, but 
 the authority of the doers, and the necessity that re- 
 
 ~~'~^- quired it ; that is, that they thought it necessary : 
 but then they polished their sturdy ^ behaviour with 
 aU the professions of submission and duty, which 
 their language could afford. ? 
 
 A letter in- At this time the kino; happened to intercept a 
 
 tercepted . n ri xr 
 
 from some letter, whicli had been signed by the chief of the 
 tisb nobi- covenanters, and particularly by the lord Lowden, 
 FrencV''^ Written to the French king, in which they com- 
 ^"°- plained " of the hardness and injustice of the go- 
 " vernment that was exercised over them ; put him 
 " in mind of the dependence this kingdom formerly 
 " had upon that crown ; and desired him now to 
 " take them into his protection, and give them as- 
 " sistance ; and that his majesty would give entire 
 " credit to one Colvil, who was the bearer of that 
 " letter, and well instructed in all particulars :" and 
 the letter itself was sealed, and directed Au Roy; 
 a style only used from subjects to their natural king. 
 This letter l)eing seen and perused by the lords of 
 the council, and the lord Lowden being examined, 
 and refusing to give any other answer, than " That 
 " it was writ before the agreement, and thereupon 
 
 '■ their sturdy] this sturdy e afFord.] comprehend.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 229 
 
 "reserved and never sent; that, if he had com- book 
 " mitted any offence, he ought to be questioned for "' 
 " it in Scotland, and not in England ; and insisting ^ ^^9- 
 " upon his safe conduct, demanded liberty to re- 
 " turn." All men were of opinion, that so foul a 
 conspiracy and treason ought not to be so sliglitly 
 excused ; and that both the lord Lowden and Colvil 
 (who was likewise found in London, and appre- 
 hended) should be committed to the Tower : which 
 was done accordingly ; all men expecting that they 
 should ^1 be brought to a speedy trial. 
 
 This discovery made a very deep impression upon 
 the king ; and persuaded him, that such a foul ap- 
 plication could never have been thought of, if there 
 had not been more poison in the heart, than could 
 be expelled by easy antidotes ; and that the strong- 
 est remedies must be provided to root out this mis- 
 chief: thereupon he first advised with that com- 
 mittee of the council, which used to be consulted in 
 secret affairs, what was to be done ? That summer's 
 action had wasted all the money that had been care- 
 fully laid up ; and, to carry on that vast expense, 
 the revenue of the crown had been anticipated ; so 
 that, though the raising an army was visibly ne- 
 cessary, there appeared no means how to raise that 
 army. No expedient occurred to them so proper as 
 a parliament, which ^ had been now intermitted 
 near twelve years. And though those meetings had 
 of late been attended by some disorders, the effects 
 of mutinous spirits ; and the last had been dissolved 
 (as hath been said before) with some circumstances 
 of passion and undutifulness, which so far incensed 
 
 ^ should] would ' which] and which 
 
 Q3
 
 S30 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK the king, that he was less inclined to those assem- 
 
 . blies ; yet this long intermission, and the general 
 1639. composure of men's minds in a happy peace, and 
 universal plenty over the whole nation, (superior 
 sure to what any other nation ever enjoyed,) made 
 it reasonably believed, notwithstanding the mur- 
 murs of the people against some exorbitancies of the 
 court, that sober men, and such as loved the peace 
 and plenty they were possessed of, would be made 
 choice of to serve in the house of commons ; and 
 then the temper of the house of peers was not to be 
 apprehended : but especially the opinion of the pre- 
 judice and general aversion over the whole kingdom 
 to the Scots, and the indignation they had at their 
 presumption in their design ^^ of invading England, 
 made it believed, that a parliament would express a 
 very sharp sense of their insolence and carriage to- 
 wards the king, and provide remedies proportion- 
 able. 
 A pariia- Upon thcsc motivcs and reasons, with the unani- 
 in England nious couscnt and advice of the whole committee, 
 Ai)Si64o. ^^^ king resolved to call a parliament; which he 
 communicated the same day, or rather took the re- 
 solution that day, in his full council of state, which 
 expressed great joy upon it ; and directed the lord 
 keeper to issue out writs for the meeting of a pai'- 
 liament upon the third day of April then next en- 
 suing ; it Ijeing now in the month of December ; 
 and all expedition was accordingly used in sending 
 out the said writs, the notice of it being most wel- 
 come to the whole kingdom. 
 
 That it might appear that the court was not at 
 
 ^ design] thought
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 231 
 
 all apprehensive of what the parliament would or book 
 could do ; and that it was convened by his majesty's—-—!— 
 grace and inclination, not by any motive of neces- ^^''^• 
 sity; it proceeded in all respects in the same un- 
 popular ways it had done : ship-money was levied 
 with the same severity ; and the same rigour used 
 in ecclesiastical courts, without the least compliance 
 with the humour of any man ; which looked like ' 
 steadiness ; and, if it were then well pursued, de- 
 generated "^ too soon afterwards. 
 
 In this interval, between the sealing of the writs " tiic loni 
 and the convention of a parliament, ° the lord keeper ventrj dies. 
 Coventry died ; to the king's great detriment, rather 
 than to his own. So much hath been said already 
 of this great man, that there shall be no further en- 
 largement in this place, than to say, that he was a 
 very wise and excellent person, and had a rare fe- 
 licity, in being looked upon generally throughout 
 the kingdom with great affection, and a singular 
 esteem, when very few other men in any high trust 
 were so ; and it is very probable, if he had lived to 
 the sitting of that parliament, when, whatever lurked 
 in the hearts of any, there was not the least out- 
 ward appearance v of any irreverence to the crown, 
 that he might have had great authority in the form- 
 ing those counsels, which might have preserved it 
 from so unhappy a dissolution. His loss was the 
 more manifest and visible in his successor ; the seal 
 being within a day or two given to sir John Finch, sir Joim 
 
 ■I'n... n,i . r> 1 Fiiicli made 
 
 chiei justice ot the court oi common pleas ; a man lo^j keeper. 
 
 ' looked like] was great ° a parliament,] the parlia- 
 
 "^ degenerated] it degene- ment, 
 rated. p outward appearance] ap- 
 
 " sealing of the writs] sealing proach 
 the writs 
 
 Q 4
 
 232 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK exceedingly obnoxious to the people upon the busi- 
 "■ ness of ship-money ; and not of reputation and au- 
 
 1639. thority enough to countenance and advance the 
 king's service. 
 
 These digressions have taken up too much time, 
 and may seem foreign to the proper subject of this 
 discourse ; yet they may have given some light to 
 the obscure and dark passages of that time, which 
 were understood by very few^. 
 The pariia- The parliament met according to summons upon 
 nientmet ^^le third of April in the year 1640, with the usual 
 
 April the ^ •' 
 
 third, 16-40. ceremony and formality: and after the king had 
 shortly mentioned " his desire to be again acquainted 
 " with parliaments, after so long an intermission ; 
 " and to receive the advice and assistance of his 
 " subjects there ;" he referred the cause of the pre- 
 sent convention to be enlarged upon by the lord 
 keeper : who related the whole proceedings of Scot- 
 land ; " his majesty's condescensions the year be- 
 *' fore, in disbanding his army upon their promises 
 " and professions ; their insolencies since ; and their 
 " address to the king of France, by the letter men- 
 " tioned before ;" which the king had touched upon, 
 and having forgot to make the observation upon the 
 superscription himself, he required the keeper to do 
 it ; who told them, after the whole relation, " That 
 " his majesty did not expect advice from them, 
 " much less that they should interpose in any office 
 " of mediation, which would not be grateful to him ; 
 
 1 very few] M.S. adds : but herein contained, or what is 
 
 for the future, very short men- necessary to explain or ilhxatratfe 
 
 tion shall be made of any thing those actions or counsels, in 
 
 but what inimcdiutely relates to which he was interested or con- 
 
 the person, whose life is to be cerned.
 
 (( 
 
 (( 
 
 a 
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 233 
 
 but that they should, as soon as might be, give book 
 " his majesty such a supply, as he might provide for ' 
 " the vindication of his honour, by raising an army, ^ ^^^• 
 " which the season of the year, and the progress 
 " the rebels had already made, called upon without 
 delay; and his majesty assured them, if they 
 ' would gratify him with the despatch of this mat- 
 ter,'' that he would give them time enough after- 
 " wards to represent any grievances to him, and a 
 " favourable answer to them ;" and so dismissed the 
 commons to choose their speaker ; to which sergeant sergeant 
 Glanvile was designed, and chosen the same day : a chosTn ^ 
 man very equal to the work, very well acquainted '''^^^*^'^' 
 with the proceedings in parliament ; of a quick con- 
 ception, and of a ready and voluble expression, dex- 
 terous in disposing the house, and very acceptable 
 to them. The earl of Arundel, earl marshal of 
 England, was made lord steward of the king's house ; 
 an office necessary in the beginning of a parliament ; 
 being to swear all the members of the house of 
 commons before they could sit there ^ Two days 
 after, the commons presented their speaker to the 
 king, who, in the accustomed manner, approved 
 their choice ; upon which they returned to their 
 house, being now formed and qualified to enter upon 
 any debates. 
 
 The house met always at eight of the clock, and 
 rose at twelve ; which were the old parliament 
 
 "■ the despatch of this matter,] Shaftesbury in the county of 
 
 this expedition, Dorset, but made choice to 
 
 " sit there] MS. adds : Mr. serve for his neighbours of the 
 
 Hyde was chosen to serve for former place, and so a new writ 
 
 two places, for the borough of issued for the choice of another 
 
 Wotten-Basset in the county of burgess for Shaftesbury. 
 Wilts, and for the borough of
 
 234 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK hours; that the committees, upon whom the great- 
 __—est burden of the*^ business lay, might have the 
 1640. afternoons for their preparation and despatch. It 
 was not the custom to enter upon any important 
 business in the first fortnight ; both because many 
 members used to be absent so long ; and that time 
 was usually thought necessary for the appointment 
 and nomination of committees, and for other cere- 
 monies and preparations that were usual : but there 
 was no regard now to that custom ; and the ap- 
 pearance of the members was very great, there 
 having been a large time between the issuing out of 
 the writs and the meeting of the parliament, so that 
 all elections were made and returned, and every 
 body was wiUing to fall to the work. 
 
 Whilst men gazed upon each other, looking who 
 '- — - should begin, (much the greatest part having never 
 Mr. P) Ill's before sat in parliament,) Mr. Pym, a man of good 
 sp^ech'eT'^ rcputatiou, but much better known afterwards, who 
 had been as long in those assemblies as any man 
 then living, brake the ice, and in a set discourse of 
 above two hours, after mention of the king with the 
 most profound reverence, and commendation of his 
 wisdom and justice, he observed, " That by the 
 " long intermission of parliaments many unwarrant- 
 " able things had been practised, notwithstanding 
 " the great virtue of his majesty:" and then enu- 
 merated all the projects which had been set on foot ; 
 all the illegal proclamations which had been pub- 
 lished, and the proceedings which had been upon 
 those proclamations ; the judgment upon ship- 
 money ; and many grievances which related to the 
 
 ' the] Not in MS. 
 
 concerning 
 grievances.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 235 
 
 ecclesiastical jurisdiction ; summing up shortly, and book 
 sharply, all that most reflected upon the prudence 
 and the justice of the government; concluding, ^^^^• 
 " That he had only laid that scheme before them, 
 " that they might see how much work they had to 
 " do to satisfy their country ; the method and man- 
 " ner of the doing whereof he left to their wisdoms." 
 Mr. Grimston insisted only on the business of ship- 
 money ; the irregular and preposterous engaging the 
 judges to deliver their opinion to the king, and their 
 being afterwards divided in their judgments ; " and 
 said, " He was persuaded, that they, who gave 
 " their opinions for the legality of it, did it against 
 " the clictamen of their own conscience." Peard, a 
 bold lawyer, of little note, inveighed more pas- 
 sionately against it, calling it an ahomination : 
 upon which, Herbert, the king's solicitor, with all 
 imaginable address, in whicli he then excelled, put 
 them in mind " with what candour his majesty had 
 " proceeded in that, and all other things which re- 
 " lated to the administration of justice to all his 
 " people ; that, how persuaded soever he was within 
 " himself of the justice as well as necessity of levy- 
 " ing ship-money, he would not send out a writ for 
 " the doing thereof, till he received the affirmative 
 " advice of all the judges of England; and when 
 " the payment was opposed by a gentleman," (and 
 then he took occasion to stroke and commend Mr. 
 Hambden, who sat under him, for his great temper 
 and modesty in the prosecution of that suit,) " the 
 " king was very well contented that all the judges of 
 " England should determine the right ; that never 
 
 " judgments ;] judgment ;
 
 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK 
 11. 
 
 1640. 
 
 The house 
 of peers ad- 
 vise the 
 commons 
 to bej^in 
 with a sup- 
 ply. 
 
 " any cause had been debated and argued more so- 
 " lemnly before the judges ; who, after long delibe- 
 " ration between themselves, and being attended 
 " with the records, which had been cited on both 
 " sides, delivered each man his opinion and judg- 
 " ment publicly in the court, and so largely, that 
 " but two judges argued in a day ; and after all 
 " this, and a judgment with that solemnity pro- 
 " nounced for the king, by which the king was as 
 " legally possessed of that right, as of any thing else 
 " he had ; that any particular man should presume 
 " to speak against it with that bitterness, and to 
 " call it an ahonmiation, was very offensive, and 
 " unwarrantable ; and desired that that gentleman, 
 " who had used that expression, might explain liim- 
 " self, and then withdraw." Very many called him 
 to the bar ; and the soUcitor's discourse was thought 
 to have so much weight in it, that Mr. Peard very 
 hardly escaped a severe reprehension : which is men- 
 tioned only that the temper and sobriety of that 
 house may be taken notice of, and their dissolution, 
 which shortly after fell out, the more lamented. 
 
 Though the parliament had not sat above six or 
 seven days, and had managed all their debates, and 
 their whole behaviour, with wonderful order and 
 sobriety, the court was impatient that no advance 
 was yet made towards a supply ; which was fore- 
 seen would take up much time, whensoever they 
 went about it, though never so cordially ; and there- 
 fore they prevailed with the house of peers, which 
 was more entirely at the king's disposal, that they * 
 would demand a conference with the house of cont- 
 
 * they] it
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 237 
 
 mons, and then propose to them, by way of advice, book 
 " That they would begin with giving the king a__J 
 " supply, in regard of the urgency and even neces- ^^'^^^- 
 " sity of his affairs, and afterwards proceed upon 
 " their grievances, or any thing else as they thought 
 " fit :" and the house of peers accordingly did give 
 their advice to this purpose at a conference. This 
 conference was no sooner reported in the house of 
 commons, than their whole temper seemed to be 
 shaken. It was the undoubted fundamental privi- 
 lege of the commons in parliament, that all supplies 
 should have their rise and beginning from them ; 
 this had never been infringed, or violated, or so 
 much as questioned in the worst times ; and that 
 now after so long intermission of parliaments, that 
 all privileges might be forgotten, the house of peers 
 should begin with an action their ancestors never 
 attempted, administered too much cause of jealousy 
 of somewhat else that was intended ; and so with 
 an unanimous consent they declared it to be "so This voted 
 " high a breach of privilege, that they could not privilege by 
 " proceed upon any other matter until they first n,^on^s°™" 
 " received satisfaction and reparation fi'om the house 
 " of peers ;" and which the next day they demanded 
 at a conference. The lords were sensible of their 
 error ; which had been foreseen, and dissuaded by 
 many of them ; they " acknowledged the privilege 
 " of the commons as fully as they demanded it, and 
 " hoped they had not broken it by offering their 
 " advice to them without mentioning the nature of 
 " the supply, the proportion, or manner of raising 
 " it, which they confessed belonged entirely to them :" 
 in fine, they desired them, " that this might be no 
 " occasion of wasting their time, but that they would
 
 238 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK " proceed their own way, and in their own method, 
 ' " upon the affairs of the kingdom." This gave no 
 1640. satisfaction; was no reparation; and served their 
 turn who had no mind to give any supply without 
 discovering any such dissatisfaction, which would 
 have got them no credit, the house generally being y 
 exceedingly disposed to please the king, and to do 
 him service. But this breach of privilege, which 
 was craftily enlarged upon, as if it swallowed up all 
 their other privileges, and made them wholly sub- 
 servient to the peers, was universally resented. A 
 committee was appointed to examine precedents of 
 former times, in case of violation of their privileges 
 by the lords, though not of that magnitude, and 
 thereupon to prepare a protestation to be sent up to 
 the house of peers, and to be entered into ^ their 
 own Journal ; and in the mean time no proceedings 
 to be in the house upon any public business % except 
 upon some report from a committee. 
 The king's After somc days had ^ passed in this manner, and 
 to the house it uot being in view when this debate would be at 
 nionT ^^ ci^d, the king thought of another expedient, and 
 sent a message in writing to the commons by sir 
 j Henry Vane, who was now both secretary of state 
 'i and treasurer of the household, and at that time of 
 good credit there ; wherein his majesty took notice, 
 " that there was some difference between the two 
 " houses, which retarded the transaction of the great 
 *' affairs of the kingdom, at a time when a foreign 
 " army was ready to invade it : that he heard the 
 " payment of ship-money, notwithstanding that it 
 
 y generally being] being ge- ^ business] Not in MS. 
 
 nerally ^ had] had been 
 
 ^ into] in
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 239 
 
 " was adjudged his right, was not willingly sub- book 
 
 " mitted to by the people ; to manifest therefore his "" 
 
 " good affection to his subjects in general, he made ^^'^O- 
 
 " this proposition : that if the parUament would 
 
 " grant him twelve subsidies to be paid in three 
 
 " years, in the manner proposed, (that was, five sub- i 
 
 " sidies to be paid the first year, four the second, { ^. 
 
 " and three to be paid the last year, ^) his majesty 
 
 " would then release all his title or pretence to ship- 
 
 " money for the future, in such a manner as his par- 
 
 " liament should advise." 
 
 Though exceptions might have been taken again 
 in point of privilege, because his majesty took no- 
 tice of the difference between the two houses ; yet 
 that spirit had not tlien taken so deep root : so that 
 they resolved to enter, the next day after the deli- 
 very of it, upon a full debate of his majesty's mes- 
 sage ; they who desu'ed to obstruct the giving any 
 supply, believing they should easily j^revail to reject 
 this proposition upon the greatness of the sum de- 
 manded, without appearing not to favour the cause 
 in which it was to be employed, which they could 
 not have done with any advantage to themselves, 
 the number of that classis of men being then not 
 considerable in the house. It was about the first This de- 
 day of May that the message was delivered, and the 
 next day it was resumed about nine of the clock in 
 the morning, and the debate continued till four of 
 the clock in the afternoon ; which had been seldom 
 used before, but afterwards grew into custom. Many 
 observed, " that they were to purchase a release of 
 " an imposition very unjustly laid upon the king- 
 
 *■ the last year,] in the last year, 
 
 bated.
 
 240 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK " dom, and by purchasing it, they should upon the 
 __[!_" matter confess it had been just;" which no man 
 1640. jjj jjig heart acknowledged; and therefore wished, 
 " that the judgment might be first examined, and 
 " being once declared void, what they should pre- 
 " sent the king with would appear a gift, and not a 
 " recompence :" but this was rather modestly insi- 
 nuated tlian insisted upon ; and the greater number 
 reflected more on '^ the proportion demanded, which 
 some of those who were thought very well to under- 
 stand the state of the kingdom, confidently affirmed 
 to be more than the whole stock in money of the 
 kingdom amounted to ; which appeared shortly after 
 to be a very gross miscomputation. There were very 
 few, except those of the court, (who were ready to 
 give all that the king would ask, and indeed had 
 little to give of their own,) who did not believe the 
 sum demanded to be too great, and wished that a 
 less might be accepted, and therefore were willing, 
 when the day was so far spent, that the debate 
 might be adjourned till the next morning; which 
 was willingly consented to by all, and so the house 
 rose. All this agitation had been in a committee of 
 the whole house, the speaker having left the chair, 
 to which Mr. Lenthall, a lawyer of no eminent ac- 
 count, was called. But there was not, in the whole 
 day, in all the variety of contradictions, an offensive 
 or angry word spoken : except only that one private 
 country gentleman, little known, said, " He observed 
 " that the supply was to be employed in the support- 
 " ing helium episcojmle, v/hich. he thought the bishops 
 " were fittest to do themselves :" but as there was 
 
 '^ on] of
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 241 
 
 no reply, or notice taken of it, so there was nobody book 
 
 who seconded that envious reflection, nor any other '. — 
 
 expression of that kind. "'* 
 
 The next day as soon as the house met, and 
 prayers were read, it resolved again into a com- 
 mittee of the whole house, ^ the same person being 
 again called to the chair : it was expected, and 
 hoped, that there would have been some new mes- 
 sage from the king, that might have facilitated the 
 debate ; but nothing appearing of that kind, the pro- 
 l^osition was again read, and men of all sides dis- 
 coursed much of what had been said before, and 
 many spoke with more reflection upon the judgment 
 of ship-money than they had done the day past, and 
 seemed to wish, " that whatsoever they ^ should give 
 " the king should be a free testimony of their = af- 
 " fection and duty, without any release of ship- 
 " money, which deserved no consideration, but in a 
 " short time would appear void and null." And this 
 seemed to agree with the sense of so great a part of 
 the house, that Mr. Hambden, the most popular man 
 in the house, (the same ^' who had defended the suit 
 against the king in his own name, upon the ille- 
 gality of ship-money,) thought the matter ripe for 
 the question, and desired the question' might be 
 put, " Whether the house would consent to the pro- 
 " position made by the king, as it was contained in 
 " the message ?" which would have been sure to 
 have found a negative from all who thought the 
 sum too great, or were not pleased that it should be 
 given in recompence of ship-money. 
 
 ^ a committee of the whole ^ tbe.same] and the same 
 house,] a grand committee, ' the question] that the ques- 
 
 ^ they] we tion 
 8 their] our ' 
 
 VOL. I. R
 
 242 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK When many called to have this question, sergeant 
 
 ! — Glanvile, the speaker, (who sat by amongst the other 
 
 1640. j^^gi^^berg whilst the house was in a committee, and 
 hath rarely used to speak in such seasons,) rose up, 
 and in a most pathetical speech, in which he excelled, 
 endeavoured to persuade the house " to comply wdth 
 " the king's desire, for the good of the nation, and 
 "to reconcile him to parliaments for ever, which 
 i " this seasonable testimony of their affections would 
 " infallibly do." He made it manifest to them how 
 very inconsiderable a sum twelve subsidies amounted 
 to, by teUing them, "that he had computed what 
 " he was to pay for those twelve subsidies ;" and 
 when he named the sum, he^ being known to be 
 possessed of a great estate, it seemed not worth any 
 farther deliberation. And in the warmth of his dis- 
 course, which he plainly discerned made a wonder- 
 ful impression upon the house, he let fall some sharp 
 expressions against the imposition of ship-money, 
 and the judgment in the point, which he said plain- 
 ly " was against the law, if he understood what law 
 " was," (who was known to be very learned,) which 
 expression, how necessary and artificial soever to re- 
 concile the affections of the house to the matter in 
 question, very much irreconciled him at court, and 
 to those upon whom he had the greatest depend- 
 ence. 
 
 There was scarce ever a speech that more ga- 
 thered up and united the inclinations of a popular 
 council to the speaker : and if the question had been 
 presently put, it was believed the number of the dis- 
 senters would not have appeared great. But after 
 
 ** he] and he
 
 OF THE REBELLIOxN. 243 
 
 a short silence, some men, who wished well to the book 
 
 main, expressed a dislike of the way, so that other '. — 
 
 men recovered new courage, and called again with ^^"^^^ 
 some earnestness, " That the question formerly pro- 
 " posed by Mr. Hambden should be put :" which 
 seemed to meet with a concurrence. Mr. Hyde tlien 
 stood up, and desired, " that question might not be | 
 " put ; said, it was a captious question, to which 
 " only one sort of men could clearly give their vote, 
 " which were they who were for a rejection of the 
 " king's proposition, and no more resuming the de- 
 " bate upon that subject : but that they who de- 
 " su-ed to give the king a supply, as he believed 
 " most did, though not in such a proportion, nor, it 
 " may be, in that manner, could receive no satisfac- 
 " tion by that question ; and therefore he proj^osed, 
 " to the end that every man might frankly give his 
 " yea, or his no, that the question might be put 
 " only, upon the giving the king a supply : which 
 *' being carried in the affirmative, another question 
 " might be upon the proportion, and the manner ; 
 " and if the first were carried in the negative, it 
 " would produce the same effect, as the other ques- 
 " tion proposed by Mr. Hambden would do." 
 
 This method was received by some^ with great 
 approbation, but opposed by others with more than 
 ordinary passion, and diverted by other propositions, 
 which being seconded took much time, without 
 pointing to any conclusion. In the end sergeant 
 Glanvile said, " That there had been a question pro- 
 " posed by his countryman, that agreed very well 
 *' with his sense, and moved that the gentleman 
 
 * by some] Not in MS. 
 R 2
 
 244 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK " might be called upon to propose it again." Mr. 
 '^" Hyde™ stated the case again as he had done, an- 
 
 ^ ^^- swered somewhat that had been said against it, and 
 moved, " that question might be put." Whereupon 
 for a long time there was nothing said, but a con- 
 fused clamour, and call, " Mr. Hambden's question,' 
 " Mr. Hyde's question ;" the call appearing much 
 stronger for the last, than the former : and it was 
 genei*ally believed, that the question had been put, 
 and carried in the affirmative, though it was posi- 
 tively opposed by Herbert the solicitor general, for 
 what reason no man could imagine, if sir Henry 
 Vane the secretaiy had not stood up^ and said, 
 *' That, as it had been always his custom to deal 
 " plainly and clearly with that house in all things, 
 " so he could not but now assure them, that the 
 " putting and carrying that question could be of no 
 
 use ; for that he was most sure, and had authority 
 " to tell them so, that if they should pass a vote for 
 
 the giving the king a supply, if it were not in the 
 ■" proportion and manner proposed in his majesty's 
 *' message, it would not be accepted by him; and 
 " therefore desired that question might be laid 
 " aside ;" which being again urged by the solicitor 
 general upon the authority of what the other liad 
 declared, and the other privy-counsellors saying no- 
 thing, though they were much displeased with the 
 secretary's averment, the business was no more 
 pressed ; but it being near five of the clock in the 
 afternoon, and every body weary, it was willingly 
 consented to that the house should be adjourned till 
 the next morning. 
 
 "^ Mr. Hyde] Whereupon Mr. Hyde 
 
 i( 
 
 a
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 245 
 
 Both sir Henry Vane, and the solicitor general," book 
 
 II. 
 
 (whose opinion was of more weight with tlie king, 
 than the others,) had made a worse representation ^^^^^' 
 of the humour and affection of the house than it 
 deserved, and undertook to know, that if they came 
 together again, they Avould pass such a vote against 
 ship-money, as would blast that revenue and other 
 branches of the receipt ; which others believed they 
 would not have had the confidence to have attempt- 
 ed ; and very few, that they would have had the 
 credit to have compassed. What followed in the 
 next parliament, within less than a year, made it 
 believed, that sir Henry Vane acted that part mali- 
 ciously, and to bring all into confusion ; he being 
 known to have an implacable hatred against the earl 
 of Strafford, lieutenant of Ireland, whose destruction 
 was then upon the anvil. But what transported the 
 solicitor, who had none of the ends of the other, 
 could not be imagined, except it was his jiride and 
 peevishness, when he found that he was like to be 
 of less authority there, than he looked to be ; and 
 yet he was heard with gi^eat attention, though his 
 parts were most prevalent in puzzling and perplex- 
 ing that discourse he meant to cross. Let their mo- 
 tives be what they would, they two, and they only, \ _>< 
 wrought so fai* with the king, that, without so much | 
 deliberation as the affair was worthy of, his majesty 
 the next morning, which was on the fifth of May, 
 near a month after their first meeting, « sent for the 
 speaker to attend him, and took care that he shoidd 
 
 " solicitor general,] solicitor on the fourth or fifth of May, 
 
 general Herbert, not three weeks from their first 
 
 " on the fifth of May, near a meeting, 
 month after their first meeting,] 
 
 R 3
 
 246 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK go directly to the house of peers, upon some appre- 
 ^'' hension that if he had gone to the house of com- 
 JC40. nions, that house would have entered upon some in- 
 grateful discourse ; which they were not inclined to 
 The pariia- do ; and thcu sending for that house to attend him, 
 ^ived.'^ the keeper, by his majesty's command, dissolved the 
 parliament. 
 
 There could not a greater damp have seized upon 
 the spirits of the whole nation, than this dissolution 
 caused ; and men had much of the misery in view, 
 which shortly after fell out. It could never be hoped, 
 that more sober and dispassionate men would ever 
 meet together in that place, or fewer who brought 
 ill purposes with them ; nor could any man imagine 
 what offence they had given, which put the king 
 upon? that resolution. But it was observed, that 
 in the countenances of those who liad most opposed 
 all that was desired by his majesty, there was a 
 marvellous serenity ; nor could they conceal the joy 
 of their hearts : for they knew enough of what was 
 to come, to conclude that the king would be shortly 
 compelled to call another parliament ; and they were 
 { as sure, that so many so unbiassed ^ men would never 
 be elected again. 
 
 Within an hour after the dissolving, Mr. Hyde 
 met Mr. Saint-John, who had naturally a great cloud 
 in his face, and very seldom was known to smile, 
 but then had a most cheerful aspect, and seeing the 
 other melancholic, as in truth he was from his heart, 
 asked him, " What troubled him ?" who answered, 
 " That the same that troubled him, he believed, 
 " troubled most good men ; that in such a time of 
 
 P upon] to <i unbiassed] grave and unbiassed
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 247 
 
 « 
 
 confusion, so wise a parliament, which alone could^ book 
 
 .II. 
 " have found remedy for it, was so unseasonably dis- 
 
 " missed :" the other answered with a little warmth, ^ ^'^^' 
 "That all was well : and that it must be worse, be- 
 " fore it could be better ; and that this parliament 
 *' could ^ never have done what was necessary to be 
 " done ;" as indeed it would not, what he and his * 
 friends thought necessary. 
 
 The kinff, when he had better reflected upon what The king's 
 
 • p 1 p 1 trouble for 
 
 was like to fall out, and was better intormed oi the it after- 
 temper and duty of the house of commons, and that''" '' 
 they had voted a supply, if sir Henry Vane had not 
 hindered it by so positive a declaration that his ma- 
 jesty would refuse it, was heartily sorry for what he 
 had done ; declared with great anger, " That he had 
 " never given him such authority ; and that he knew 
 " well that the giving him any supply would have 
 " been welcome to him, because the reputation of 
 " liis subjects assisting him in that conjuncture was 
 *' all that he looked for and considered." He con- 
 sulted the same day, or the next, whether he might 
 by his proclamation recall them to meet together 
 again : but finding that impossible, he fell roundly 
 to find out all expedients for the raising of money, 
 in which he had so wonderful success, that, in less 
 than three weeks, by the voluntary loan of the parti- 
 cular lords of the council, and of other private gen- 
 tlemen about the city, some relating to the court, 
 and others strangers to it, there was no less than 
 three hundred thousand pounds paid into the exche- 
 quer to be issued out as his majesty should direct : a 
 sum that sufficiently manifests the plenty of that 
 
 ^ alone could] could only ^ could] would 
 
 u 4
 
 248 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK time, and greater than most princes* in Europe could 
 ^^' have commanded in so short a time ; and was an un- 
 
 J 640. answerable evidence, that the hearts of his subjects 
 were not then aliened from their duty to the king, 
 or a just jealousy for his honour. 
 An army ^^ diijo-ence was uscd in making levies, in which 
 
 raised. ~ o 
 
 few of the general officers which had been emjDloyed 
 the year before were made use of; though it was 
 "-^ ; great pity that the earl of Essex was not again taken 
 in ; which had infallibly preserved him from swerv- 
 ing from his duty, and he would have discharged his 
 trust with courage and fidelity, and therefore pro- 
 bably with success : but he was of a haughty spirit," 
 and did not think his last summer's service so well 
 requited that he was earnestly to solicit for another 
 office ; though there was no doubt but he would have 
 accepted it, if it had been offered.^ 
 Tiie eivri of J A gcucral was appointed, the earl of Northum- 
 
 * most princes] any prince the conferring that preference 
 
 " haughty spirit,] ro\igh proud upon him, would more firmly 
 
 nature, fasten him to the king's in- 
 
 ^ In MS. B. this part of the terest, and that his power in 
 
 history is thus continued : The the northern parts would bring 
 
 man whom the king designed great advantage to the king's 
 
 for his general Avas the earl of service. And so the earl of Nor- 
 
 Straffbrd, lieutenant of Ireland, thumberland was made general, 
 
 (the government whereof was who immediately after fell into 
 
 for that time committed to a de- a great sickness; and the earl 
 
 puty.) a man, though not bred a of Strafford lieutenant-general, 
 
 soldier, who had been in armies ; who at the very time was much 
 
 and besides being a very wise indisposed with the gout. But 
 
 man, had great courage, and was by a joint consent they thought 
 
 martially inclined. And it may they had well provided for the 
 
 be the greatest motive was, his worst in making choice of the 
 
 known displeasure and disdain lord Conway, &c. page 250, Zi/je 
 
 of the Scots, and of their inso- 3. 
 
 lent behaviour. J3ut the earl >' For the portion of the history 
 
 chose rather to serve as lieute- immediately preceding this short 
 
 nanl-gencral under the earl of extract from MS. C. see Jppen- 
 
 Norlhumberland, believing that dix A.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 249 
 
 berland ; and the lord Conway general of the horse : book 
 which made the gi'eat officers of the former year, the ' 
 earl of Arundel, the earl of Essex, and the earl of ^^^^• 
 Holland, (who thought themselves free from anyberiand 
 oversights that had been committed,) more capable Hj5.ai.^^' 
 of infusions by those who were ready to work ac- 
 cording to the occurrences upon their several consti- 
 tutions. =^ But the reputation of the earl of Nor- 
 thumberland, who had indeed arrived at a wonder- 
 ful general estimation, was believed to be most in- 
 strumental in it^ : and the lord Conway^ was thought 
 an able soldier, and of great parts. Besides, the 
 earls of Essex and Holland'^ were thought less go- 
 vernable by those councils to which the main was 
 then to be intrusted, the earl of Strafford bearing a 
 part in them ; to whom the first was very averse, and 
 the latter irreconcileable. 
 
 Despatches were sent into Ireland to quicken the 
 preparations there, which the earl had left in a great 
 forwardness, under the care of the earl of Ormond, [/ 
 his lieutenant-general : monies issued out for the le- 
 vies of horse and foot there, and for the making a 
 train : all which were as weU advanced as, consider- 
 ing the general discomposure, could be reasonably 
 expected. 
 
 ^ constitutions.] MS. adds : ously carried on. 
 
 and I am': jjersuaded if this war ^ j^ jj-j ^^^^ ^^ ][jg^ 
 
 had been left to the managery of ^Conway] MS. adds: by as 
 
 the same officers, or rather if the gentle and as general a concur- 
 
 earl of Essex had been made ge- rence 
 
 neral,(who, notwithstanding the 'Holland] MS. adds: (For, 
 
 trivial disobligation he had re- for the earl of Arundel, there was 
 
 ceivedHn being denied the com- neither reason why he was ge- 
 
 niand of Beedon-forest, might neral in the first expedition, and 
 
 easily have been caressed,) it why he was not in this ;) 
 would have^been more prosper-
 
 250 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK The king,*^ the earl of Northumberland, and the 
 
 "• earl of Strafford, thought they had well provided for 
 
 ^ ^^^- the worst in making*" of the lord Conway to be ge- 
 
 conw^ay neral of the horse : a man very dear to the two earls ; 
 
 SrhoJs? a"d indeed, by a very extraordinary fate, he had ^ 
 got a very particular interest and esteem in many 
 worthy men of very different qualifications. He had 
 been born a soldier in his father's garrison of the 
 Brill, when he was governor there ; and bred up, in 
 several commands, under the particular care of the 
 lord Vere, whose nephew he was ; and though he 
 was married young, when his father was secretary of 
 state, there was no action of the English either at 
 sea or land, in which he had not a considerable com- 
 mand ; and always preserved a moi*e than ordinary 
 reputation, in spite of some great infirmities, which 
 use to be a great allay to the credit of active men ; 
 for he was a voluptuous man in eating and drinking, 
 and of great licence in all other excesses, and yet 
 was very acceptable to tlie strictest and the gravest 
 men of all conditions. And which was stranger than 
 all this, he had always (from his pleasure, to which 
 his. nature excessively inclined him, and from his 
 profession, in which he was diligent enougli) re- 
 served ^so much time for his books and study, that he 
 was well versed in all parts of learning, at least ap- 
 peared like such a one in all occasions, and in the 
 best companies. He was of a very pleasant and in- 
 offensive conversation, wliich made liim generally 
 very acceptaljle : so that tlie court being at tliat time 
 full of faction, very few loving one another, or those 
 
 '' The kins;,] And the king, f he had] Not in MS. 
 
 '■ in making] in making choice
 
 1640. 
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 251 
 
 who resorted to any who were not loved by them, he book 
 alone was even domestic with all, and not suspected 
 by either of the lords' or the ladies' factions. 
 
 The war was generally thought to be as well pro- 
 vided for, as, after the last year's miscarriage, it 
 could be, by his being made general of the horse ; 
 and no man was more pleased with it than the arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury, who had contracted an ex- 
 traordinary opinion of this man, and took great 
 delight in his company, he being well able to speak \ 
 in the affairs of the church, and taking care to be 
 thought by him a very zealous defender of it ; when 
 they who knew him better, knew he had no kind of i 
 sense of religion, and thought all was alike. He was 
 sent down with the first troops of horse and foot 
 which were levied, to the borders of Scotland, to 
 attend the motion of the enemy, and had a strength 
 sufficient to stop them, if they should attempt to 
 pass the river, which was not fordable in above one 
 or two places, there being good garrisons in Berwick 
 and Carlisle. And in this posture he lay near New- 
 burn in the outskirts of Northumberland. 
 
 Whilst these things were thus pubUcly acted, pri- 
 vate agitations were not less vigorously intended. 
 The treaty and pacification of the former year had 
 given an opportunity of forming correspondences, 
 and contri\dng designs, which before had been more 
 clandestine ; and the late meeting in parliament had 
 brought many together, who could not otherwise •• 
 have met, and discovered humours and affections, 
 which could not else have been so easily communi- 
 cated. The court was full of faction and animosity, 
 each man more intending the ruin of his adversary, 
 and satisfying his private malice, than advancing his
 
 252 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK master's service, or complying with his public duty, 
 ^^' and to that purpose directing all their endeavours, 
 1G40. ^j^^ forming all their intercourse; whilst every man 
 unwisely^ thought him whom he found an enemy to 
 his enemies, a friend to all his other affections : or 
 rather by the narrowness of his understanding, and 
 extent of his passion, contracted^ all his other affec- 
 tions to that one of revenge. 
 
 And by this means those emissaries and agents 
 for the confusion which was to follow were furnished 
 with opportunity and art to entangle all those (and 
 God knows they were a great many ^) who were trans- 
 ported with those vulgar and vile considerations : 
 cheap, senseless libels were scattered about the city, 
 and fixed upon gates and pubHc remarkable places, 
 traducing and viUfying those ^ who were in higliest 
 trust and employment : tumults were raised, and all 
 licence both in actions and words taken ; insomuch as 
 a rabble of mean, unknown, dissolute persons, to the 
 number of some thousands, attempted the house of 
 A tumult the lord archbishop of Canterbury at Lambeth, with 
 
 about Lam- ^ -' 
 
 beth-house. opcu profcssiou and jDrotestation, " that they would 
 " tear him in pieces ;" which (though one of that 
 rabble, a sailor, was apprehended and executed in 
 South wark, upon an indictment of high treason) was 
 so just a cause of terror, that the archbishop, by the 
 king's command, lodged for some days and nights in 
 Whitehall ; which place likewise was not unthreaten- 
 ed in their seditious meetings and discourses. This 
 infamous, scandalous, headless insurrection, quashed 
 
 "^ unwisely] sottishly ^ traducing and vilifying 
 
 ^ contracted] having contract- those] traducing some, and pro- 
 
 cd scribing others, of those 
 ' many] people
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 253 
 
 by the deserved death of that one varlet, was not^ book 
 thought to be contrived or fomented by any per-__^!l_ 
 sons of quality: yet it vi^as discoursed after in the ^^^^• 
 house of commons by Mr. Strode (one of those ephori 
 who most avowed the curbing and suppressing of 
 majesty) with much pleasure and content; and it 
 was mentioned in the first draught of the first re- 
 monstrance (when the same was brought in by Mr. 
 Pym) not without a touch of approbation, which 
 was for that reason somewhat altered, though it still 
 carried nothing of censure™ upon it in that piece. 
 
 Things standing tlius both in court "^ and city, and 
 the Scots preparing with great industry for inva- 
 sion, ^ and we, at least, for a defence, on a sudden 
 the lord Lowden, (who before was said to be com- -^' 
 mitted for desii'ing protection and aid from the 
 French king, by a letter under his hand) was dis- 
 charged from his im])risonment ; ^^ ithout imparting 
 that resolution to the council ; and after a few days 
 admittance and kind reception at Whitehall, was 
 dismissed into Scotland ; his authority and power 
 with that people being as considerable as any man's, 
 and his conduct as necessary for the enterprises they 
 had in hand. This stratagem was never under- 
 stood, and was then variously spoken of; many be- 
 lieving he had undertaken great matters for the king 
 in Scotland, and to quiet that distemper : others, 
 that it was an act entirely compassed by the marquis | ^ 
 of Hamilton, who was like to stand in need of great | ' 
 supporters, by that extraordinary obligation to en- 
 dear himself with that nation ; or to communicate 
 
 ' not] not then ° with great industry for in- 
 
 "" censure] judgment vasion,] aniayne for an invasion. 
 
 " in court] in the court
 
 254, THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK somewhat to that nation, if his condition before were 
 ^^' so good that it needed no endearment. They who 
 
 '^^^- published their thoughts least, made no scruple of 
 saying, " that if the policy were good and necessary 
 " of his first commitment, it seemed as just and pru- 
 " dent to have continued him in that restraint." 
 
 The progress in the king's advance for Scotland 
 was exceedingly hindered by the great and danger- 
 ous sickness of the earl of Northumberland the ge- 
 neral, whose recovery was either totally despaii'ed of 
 by the physician, or pronounced to be expected very 
 slowly ; so that there wovdd be no possibility for him 
 to perform the serv^ice of the north : whereupon he 
 sent to the king, to desire p that he would make 
 choice of another general. And though the lord 
 Conway in all his letters sent advertisement, " that 
 " the Scots had not advanced their preparations to 
 " that degree, that they would be able to march 
 " that year," yet the king had much better intelli- 
 gence that they were in readiness to move ; and so 
 concluded, that it was necessary to send anothier ge- 
 neral; and designed the earl of Strafford for that 
 command, and to leave the forces in Ireland, which 
 were raised to make a diversion in Scotland, to be 
 governed by the earl of Ormond. The earl of 
 "^ Strafford was scarce recovered from a great sick- 
 ness, yet was willing to undertake the charge, out 
 of pure indignation to see how few men were for- 
 ward to serve the king with that vigour of mind 
 they ought to do ; but 'i knowing well the malicious 
 designs which were contrived against himself, he' 
 would rather serve as lieutenant-general under the* 
 
 J' to desire] Not in MS. 'i but] and •• he] but he
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 255 
 
 earl of Northumberland, than that he should resign book 
 his commission : and so, with and under that quali- ' 
 fication, he made all possible haste towards the north, ^^'^^' 
 before he had strength enough for the journey. 
 
 But ^ before he could arrive with the army, that The lord 
 infamous irreparable rout at Newburn was fallen roTtrj at 
 out; where the enemy marched at a time and place, ^^'^ *""""• 
 when and where they were expected, through a riv^er 
 deep though fordable, and up a hill, where our army 
 was ranged to receive them : through those difficul- 
 ties and disadvantages, without giving or taking any 
 blows, (for the five or six men of ours who were 
 killed, fell by their cannon, before the passing of 
 the river,) they put our whole army to the most 
 shameful and confounding flight that was ever heard 
 of; our foot making no less haste from Newcastle, 
 than our horse from Newburn ; both leaving the ho- 
 nour, and a great deal of the wealth of the kingdom, 
 arising from the coal-mines,* to those who had not 
 confidence enough (notwithstanding the evidence ^-' 
 they had seen of our fear) to possess that town in 
 two days after ; not believing it possible that such a 
 place, which was able to have maintained the war 
 alone some time," could be so kindly quitted '^ to 
 them : the lord Conway never after turning his face 
 towards the enemy, or doing any thing like a com- 
 mander, though his troops were quickly brought to- 
 gether again, without the loss of a dozen men, and 
 were so ashamed of their flight, that they were very 
 willing as well as able to have taken what revenge 
 
 * But] And " maintained the war alone 
 
 * a great deal of the wealth some time] waged war with 
 of the kingdom, arising from their nation, 
 the coal-mines,] the coal, ^ quitted] quit
 
 256 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK they would upon the enemy, who were possessed 
 
 ' with all the fears imaginable, and would y hardly be- 
 
 1640. lieve their own success, till they were assured that 
 
 the lord Conway with all his army rested quietly in 
 
 The Scots Durham, and then they presumed to enter into New- 
 army enter 
 Newcastle. Castlc.''' 
 
 But it seemed afterwards to be a full vindication 
 of ^ the honour of the nation, that, from this in- 
 famous defeat at Newburn, to the last entire con- 
 quest of Scotland by Cromwell, the Scots army 
 scarce*^ performed one signal action against the Eng- 
 ^-| lish, but were always beaten by great inequality of 
 I numbers as oft as they encountered, '^ if they were 
 not supported by English troops. 
 
 In this posture the earl of Strafford found the 
 army about Durham, bringing with him a body 
 much broken with his late sickness, which was not 
 clearly shaken off, and a mind and temper confess- 
 ing the dregs of it, which being marvellously pro- 
 voked and inflamed with indignation at the late 
 dishonour, rendered him less gracious, that is, less 
 inclined to make himself so, to the officers, upon his 
 
 y would] could puted to the spreading of that 
 
 ^- till they were — Newcastle.] corruption into many other of- 
 
 This portion is not in lord Cla- ficers and parts of the army. 
 
 rendon's hand-writing in the And to the distraction of the 
 
 MS. The part, in the plate of time, that immediately ensued, 
 
 which it is inserted, is as fol- when no order or discipline was 
 
 lows: made it generally believ- observed, but every thing was 
 
 ed that he was corrupted by done according to the humour 
 
 some friends at home, if not by and presumption of the day, 
 
 the enemy abroad ; and that he and it seemed, &c. 
 was never publicly questioned » of] to 
 for it, that is, judicially, for he ^ scarce] never 
 was exposed to all the public <• encountered,] approached to 
 
 reproaches imaginable, was im- anv encounter.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. ^7 
 
 first entrance into his charge ;'' it may be, in that book 
 mass of disorder,^ not quickly discerning to whom— _ 
 kindness and respect was justly due. But those who ^^^^* 
 by this time no doubt were retained for that pur- 
 pose, took that opportunity to incense the army 
 against him ; and so far prevailed in it, that in a 
 short time it was more inflamed against him than 
 against the enemy ; and was willing to have their 
 want of courage imputed to excess of conscience, 
 and that their being not satisfied in the grounds of 
 the quarrel was the only cause that they fought no 
 better. In this indisposition in all parts, ^ the earl 
 found it necessary to retire with the army to the 
 skirts of Yorkshire, and himself to York, (whither The king's 
 the king was come,) leaving Northumberland andtr"atinito- 
 the bishopric of Durham to be possessed by the yjc-'''"''^' ^°'''- 
 toi^s ; who being abundantly satisfied with what they 
 never hoped to possess, made no haste to advance 
 their new conquests. 
 
 It was very much wondered at,» that the earl of 
 Strafford, upon his first arrival at the army, called 
 no persons to a council of war for that shameful 
 business of Newburn, or the more shameful quit- 
 ting of Newcastle, (where were not ten barrels of 
 musquet bullets, nor moulds to make any ; the enemy 
 having been long expected there, and our army not 
 less than a month in that town ; time enough, if 
 nothing had been done before, to have made that 
 place tenable for a longer time than it could have 
 
 •^ upon his first entrance into parts,] And in this disposition 
 
 his charge ;] upon his entrance on all parts, 
 
 into his first charge ; e It was very much wondered 
 
 ^ disorder,] MS. adds: and at,] It was then and is now 
 
 unsoldierliness, very much wondered at, 
 
 ^ In this indisposition in all 
 
 VOL. I. S
 
 258 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK been distressed.) Whether the earl saw that it would 
 "' nnf have been in his power to have proceeded finally 
 
 1640. ^^^ exemplarily upon that inquisition, and there- 
 fore chose rather not to enter upon it ; or whether 
 he found the guilt to be so involved, that though 
 some were more obnoxious, few were unfaulty ; or 
 whether he plainly discerned to what^' the whole 
 tended, and so would not trouble himself further in 
 discovering of that, which, instead of a reproach, 
 might prove a benefit to the persons concerned ; I 
 know not : but public^ examination it never had. 
 
 The Scots needed not now advance their progress ; 
 their game was in the hands (no prejudice to their 
 skill) of better gamesters. Besides, they were not 
 to make the least inroad, or do the least trespass 
 to their neighbours of Yorkshire ; who were as soli- 
 citous, that, by any access or concurrence of the 
 strength of that large county, they should not be 
 driven farther back ; and therefore, instead of draw- 
 ing their trained bands together (which of them- 
 selves would have been a greater or better'^ army 
 than was to contend with them) to defend their 
 county, or the person of the king then with them, 
 they prejDared petitions of advice and good counsel 
 to him to call a parliament, and to remove all other 
 grievances but the Scots. At the same time some 
 lords from London (of known and since published 
 affections to that invasion) attended his majesty at 
 York with a petition, signed by others, eight or ten 
 in the whole, who v/ere craftily persuaded by the 
 leigers there, Mr. Pym, Mr. Hambden, and Mr. 
 Saint-Jolm, to concur in it, being full of duty and 
 modesty enough ; without considering, that nothing 
 '' to what] whither ' public] any public •* better] a better
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 259 
 
 else at that time could have done mischief; and so book 
 suffered themselves to be made instruments towards ^^' 
 those ends, which in truth they abhorred. 1^"^^- 
 
 In these distractions and discomposures, between 
 an enemy proud and insolent in success, an army 
 corrupted, or at best disheartened, a country muti- 
 nous and inclined to the rebels, at least not inclined 
 to reduce them, and a court infected with all three, 
 the king could not but find himself in great straits ; 
 besides that his treasure, which had hitherto kept 
 that which was best from being worse, was quite 
 spent. The raising and dislianding the first army 
 so unfortunately and wretchedly, had cost full three 
 hundred thousand pounds, which the good husbandry 
 of the ministers of the revenue had treasured up for 
 an emergent occasion ; and the borrowing so much 
 money for the raising and supplying this latter army 
 had drawn assignments and anticipations upon the 
 revenue to that degree, that there was not left 
 wherewithal to defray the necessary ' expense of the 
 king's household. A parliament would not be easily 
 thought of, on this consideration, ■» that it could not 
 come together speedily enough to prevent that mis- 
 chief, to which it should be chiefly applied : for if 
 we were not then in a condition to defend ourselves, 
 in forty days (the soonest a parliament could meet) 
 an army elate with victory, when no town was for- 
 tified, or pass secured, might" run over the king- 
 dom; especially the people being every where so 
 like to bid them welcome. 
 
 ' necessary] constant neces- many other considerations tlinn 
 sary n might] would 
 
 "* on this consideration,] for 
 
 S 2
 
 260 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK A new invention "^ (not before heard of, that is, 
 ' so old, that it had not been practised in some hun- 
 
 1640. ^j.gtjs of years) was thought of, to call a great coun- 
 coundi of cil of all the peers of England to meet and attend 
 smnm<red ^is majcsty at York, that by their advice that gi'eat 
 to York, affair might be the more prosperously managed. 
 Whether it was then conceived, that the honour of 
 the king and kingdom being so visibly upon the 
 stage, those branches of honour, which could not 
 outhve the root, would undoubtedly rescue and pre- 
 serve it ; or whether it was believed, that upon so 
 extraordinary an occasion the peers would suffice to 
 raise money ; as it was in that meeting proposed by 
 one of them, " that they might give subsidies :" 
 whether the advice was given by those who had not 
 the confidence in plain terms to propose a parlia- 
 ment, but were confident that would produce one ; 
 or whether a parliament was then resolved on, and 
 they called to be obliged by it, and so to be obliged 
 to some sober undertaking in it ; or what other 
 ground or intention there was of that council, was 
 never known : or whether indeed it was resolved 
 out of trouble p and agony of afflicted thoughts, be- 
 cause no other way occurred : but such a resolution 
 was taken, and writs immediately issued under the 
 great seal of England to all the peers to attend his 
 majesty at York within twenty days ; and prepara- 
 tions were made in all places accordingly. . 
 The stat<. Whilst the lords are on their way thither, it will 
 
 of affairs at . . "^ 
 
 court at not be amiss to consider the general state of affairs 
 in that time, and the persons to whom the manag- 
 
 " A new invention] A new convention p trouble] the trouble
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 261 
 
 ing the public business was principally then, and for book 
 some time had been, intrusted; that so, upon view 
 
 of the materials, we may be the better enabled to '^^^* 
 guess how those dexterous workmen were like to 
 employ themselves. It hath been said already, <i 
 that, upon the dissolution of the parliament but four 
 months before, the lords of the council bestirred 
 themselves in levying the ship-money, and lending »' 
 great sums of money for the war. 
 
 The convocation house (the regular and legal as- ri.f con- 
 
 ... J vocation 
 
 sembhng of the clergy) customarily begmnmg and continued 
 ending with parliaments, was, after the determina- p^^na- ^ 
 lion of the last, by a new writ continued, and sat |J||^^*j ^^ 
 for the space of above a month vmder the proper "ons. 
 title of a synod ; made canons, which was thought 
 it might do;^ and gave subsidies out of parliament*, j 
 and enjoined oaths, which certainly it might not 
 do : " in a word, did many things, which in the best 
 of ^ times might have been questioned, and therefore 
 were sure to be condemned in the worst ; (what fuel 
 it was to the fire that ensued, shall be mentioned in 
 its place ;) and drew the same prejudice upon the 
 whole body of the clergy, to which before only some 
 few clergymen were exposed. 
 
 The papists had for many years enjoyed a great The pa- 
 
 , t t f, .1 pists' acti- 
 
 calm, bemg upon the matter absolved trom the se- vity and 
 verest parts of the law, and dispensed with for the aJoutThat 
 gentlest; and were grown only a part of the re-^""^- 
 venue, without any probable danger of being made 
 
 q It hath been said already,] ' out of parliament] Not in 
 
 It is told you before, MS. 
 
 ■■ and lending] and in lending " which certainly it might 
 
 =' which was thought it might not do :] that it might not do : 
 
 do ;] that it might do ; '^ of] Not in MS. 
 
 s 3
 
 262 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK a sacrifice to the law. They were looked upon as 
 ___good subjects at court, and as good neighbours in 
 ^^^^- the country; all the restraints and reproaches of 
 former times being forgotten. But they were not 
 prudent managers of this prosperity, being too elate 
 and transported with the protection and connivance 
 they received : though I am persuaded their num- 
 bers increased not, their pomp and boldness did to 
 that degree, that, as if they affected y to be thought 
 dangerous to the state, they appeared more publicly, 
 entertained and urged conferences more avowedly, 
 than had been before known : they resorted at com- 
 mon hours to mass to Somerset house, and returned 
 thence in great multitudes, with the same barefaced- 
 ness as others came from the Savoy or other ^ neigh- 
 liour churches : they attempted and sometimes ob- 
 tained proselytes of weak uninformed ladies, with 
 such circumstances as provoked the rage and de- 
 stroyed the chanty of great and powerful families, 
 which longed for their suppression : they grew not 
 only secret contrivers, but public professed promoters 
 of, and ministers in, the most odious and the most 
 grievous projects: as in that of soap, formed, framed, 
 and executed, by almost a corporation of that reli- 
 gion ; which, under that licence and notion, might 
 be, and were suspected to be, qualified for other 
 agitations. The priests, and such as were in orders, 
 (orders that in themselves were punishable by death,) 
 were departed from their former modesty and fear, 
 and were as willing to be known as to be hearkened 
 to ; insomuch as a Jesuit at Paris, who was coming 
 for England, had the boldness to visit the ambas- 
 
 > affected] had affected ^ or other] or the
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 263 
 
 sador there, who knew him to be such, and, offering book 
 his service, acquainted him with his journey, as if 
 
 there had been no laws there *^ for his reception. 
 And for the most invidious ^ protection and counte- 
 nance of that whole party, a public agent from 
 Rome (first Mr. Con, a Scottish-man ; and after him 
 the count of Rozetti, an Itahan) resided at London 
 in great ^ port ; publicly visited the court ; and was 
 avowedly resorted to by the catholics of all condi- 
 tions, over whom he ^ assumed a particular jurisdic- 
 tion ; and was caressed and presented magnificently 
 by the ladies of honour, who inclined to that profes- 
 sion. They had likewise, with more noise and va- 
 nity than prudence would have admitted, made pub- 
 lie collections of money to a considerable sum, upon ^ 
 some recommendations from the queen, and to be ^, 
 by her majesty presented as a free-will offering from ' 
 his Roman catholic subjects to the king, for the 
 carrying on the war against the Scots ; which drew 
 upon them the rage of that nation, with little devo- 
 tion and reverence to the queen herself; as if she 
 desired to suppress the protestant religion in one 
 kingdom as well as the other, by the arms of the 
 Roman ^ catholics. To conclude, they carried them- 
 selves so, as if they had been suborned by the Scots 
 to root out their own religion. 
 
 The bulk and burden of the state aff"airs, whereby The per- 
 the envy attended them Ukewise, lay principally *°'^'posf°g 
 upon the shoulders of the lord archbishop of Canter- J^J^^^""^- 
 bury, the earl of Strafford, and the lord Cottington ; state. 
 some others being joined to them, as the earl of 
 
 ^ there] here "^ he] they 
 
 '^ invidious] envious ' ^ Roman] Not in MS. 
 
 '■ in great] in a great 
 
 s4
 
 064 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK Northumberland for ornament, the lord bishop of 
 ___ London for his place, being lord high treasurer of 
 1640. England, the two secretaries, sir Henry Vane and 
 sir Francis Windebank, for service, and communica- 
 tion of intelhgence ; only the marquis of Hamilton 
 indeed, by his skill and interest, bore as great a part 
 as he had a mind to do, and had the skill to meddle 
 no farther than he had a mind. These persons made 
 up the committee of state, (which was reproachfully 
 after called the juncto^ and enviously then in the 
 court the cabinet council^) who were upon all oc- 
 casions, when the secretaries received any extraor- 
 dinary intelligence, or were to make any extraordi- 
 nary despatch, or as often otherwise as was thought 
 fit, to meet : whereas the body of the council ob- 
 served set days and hours for their meeting, and 
 came not else together except specially summoned. 
 The arch. But, as I Said Ijcforc, the weight and the envy of 
 
 bishop of ,, - 1 1 /» mi 
 
 caiitei- all great matters rested upon the three nrst. 1 he 
 "'^■' archbishop, besides the sole disposal of whatsoever 
 concerned the church, which was an invidious ^ pro- 
 vince, having been from the death of the earl of 
 Portland (at which time he was made commissioner 
 of the treasury) more engaged in the civil business, 
 than I am persuaded he desired to be ; and through- 
 out the whole business passionately concerned for 
 the church of Scotland, and so, conversant in those 
 transactions : by all which means, besides that he 
 had usually about him an uncourtly quickness, if 
 not sharpness, and did not sufficiently value what 
 men said or thought of him ; a more than ordinary 
 prejudice and uncharital)leness was contracted against 
 
 '' invidious] envious
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 265 
 
 him; to which the new canons, and the circum- book 
 stances in making them, made no small addition. 
 
 The earl of Strafford had for the space of almost ^^'^^• 
 six years entirely governed Ireland, where he had strlffoTd.*' 
 been compelled, upon reason of state, to exercise 
 many acts of power ; and had indulged some to his 
 own appetite and passion, as in the cases of the lord 
 chancellor, and the lord Mount- Norris ; the first of 
 which was satis pro imperio ; but the latter, if it 
 had not concerned a person notoriously unbeloved, ^ 
 and so the more unpitied, would have been thought 
 the most extravagant piece of sovereignty, that in a 
 time of peace had been ever executed by any sub- 
 ject. When and why he was called out of Ireland 
 to assist in council here, I have touched before. He 
 was a man of too high and severe a deportment, and 
 too great a contemner of ceremony, to have many 
 friends at court, and therefore could not but have 
 enemies enough : he had two that professed it, the 
 earl of HoUand, and sir Henry Vane : the first could 
 never forget or forgive a sharp sudden saying of his, 
 (for I cannot caU it counsel or advice,) when there 
 had been some difference a few years before between 
 his lordship and the lord Weston, in the managing 
 whereof the earl of Holland was confined to his 
 house, " that the king should do well to cut off his 
 " head :" which had been aggravated (if such an in- 
 jury were capable of aggravation) by a succession of 
 discountenances mutually performed between them 
 to that time. Sir Henry Vane had not far to look 
 back to the time that the earl had with great earn- 
 estness opposed his being made secretary, and pre- 
 
 ^ unbeloved,] unloved, 
 
 y
 
 ^66 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK vailed for above a month's delay; which, though it 
 
 II. 
 
 was done with great reason and justice by the earl, 
 ^ ^^^' on the behalf of an old fellow-servant, and his very 
 good ^ friend sir John Coke, (who was to be, and 
 afterwards was, removed to let him in,) yet the jus- 
 tice to the one lessened not the sense of unkindness 
 to the other : after which, or about the same time, 
 (which it may be made the other to be the more 
 virulently remembered,) being to be made earl of 
 Strafford, he would needs in that patent have a new 
 creation of a barony, and was made baron of Raby, 
 a house belonging to sir Henry Vane, and an honour 
 he made account should belong to himself;^ which 
 was an act of the most unnecessary provocation 
 (though he contemned the man with marvellous 
 scorn) that I have known, and I believe was the 
 chief occasion of ^ the loss of his head. To these a 
 third adversary (like to be more pernicious than the 
 other two) was added, the earl of Essex, naturally 
 enough disinclined to his person, his power, and his 
 parts, upon some rough carriage of the earl of Straf- 
 ford's towards the late earl of saint Alban's, to 
 whom he had a friendship, ^ and therefore *" openly 
 professed to be revenged. Lastly, he had an enemy 
 more terrible than all the other, and like to be more 
 fatal, the whole Scottish nation, provoked by the de- 
 claration he had procured of Ireland, and some high 
 carriage and expressions of his against them in that 
 kingdom. So that h0 had reason to expect as hard 
 measure from such popular councils as he saw were 
 like to ])e in request, as all those disadvantages 
 
 »' good] Not in MS. in MS. 
 
 ' to himself ;] to him too ; ' a friendship,] some piety, 
 
 ^ the chief occasion of] Not. "' and therefore] Not in MS.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 267 
 
 could create towards him. And yet no doubt his book 
 confidence was so gi'eat in himself, and in the form 
 
 of justice, (which he could not suspect would be so 
 totally confounded,) that he never apprehended a 
 greater censure than a sequestration from all public 
 employments, in which it is probable lie had abun- 
 dant satiety : and this confidence could not have 
 proceeded (considering the full knowledge he had 
 of his judges) but from a proportionable stock of °, 
 and satisfaction in, his own innocence. 
 
 The lord Cottington, though he was a very wise The lord 
 man, yet having spent the greatest part oi his liieton. 
 in Spain, and so having been always subject to the 
 unpopular imputation of being of the Spanish fac- 
 tion, indeed was better skilled to make his master 
 great abroad, than graciaus at home ; and being 
 chancellor of the exchequer from the time of the 
 dissolution of the parliament in the fourth year, had 
 his hand in many hard shifts for money ; and had 
 the disadvantage of l^eing suspected at least a fa- 
 vourer of the papists, (though that religion thought 
 itself nothing beholding to him,) by which he was in 
 great umbrage with the people : and then though 
 he were much less hated than either of the other 
 two, and the less, because there was nothing of 
 kindness betAveen the archbishop and him ; and in- 
 deed very few particulars of moment could be proved 
 against him : yet there were two objections against 
 him, which rendered him as odious as any to the 
 great reformers ; the one, that he was not to be re- 
 conciled to, or made use of in, any of their designs ; 
 the other, that he had two good offices, without the 
 
 n of] Not in MS.
 
 , 268 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK having of which their reformation could not be per- 
 
 ' feet : for besides being chancellor of the exchequer, 
 
 1640. j^g ^,gg likewise master of the wards, and had raised 
 — the revenue of that court to the king to be much 
 
 greater than it had ever been before his administra- 
 tion ; by ^ which husbandry, all the rich families of 
 England, of noblemen and gentlemen, were exceed- 
 ingly incensed, and even indevoted to the crown, 
 looking upon what the law had intended for their 
 protection and preservation, to be now- applied to 
 their destruction ; and therefore resolved to take 
 the first opportunity to ravish that jewel out of the 
 royal diadem, though it were fastened there by the 
 known law, upon as unquestionable a right, as the 
 subject enjoyed any thing that was most his own. 
 The mar- The marquis of Hamilton, if he had been then 
 
 quis of 
 
 Hamuton. wcighcd in the scales of the people's hatred, was at 
 that time thought to be in greater danger than any 
 one of the other; for he had more enemies, and 
 fewer friends, in court or country, than any p of the 
 other. His interest in the king's affection ^i was (at 
 least) ^ equal, and thought to be superior to any 
 man's ; and he had received as invidious ^ instances, 
 and marks of those affections. He had more out- 
 faced the law in bold projects and pressures upon 
 the people, than any other man durst have presumed 
 '- to do, as especially in the projects of wine and ii'on ; 
 about the last of which, and the most gross, he had 
 a sharp contest with the lord Coventry, (who was a 
 good wrestler too,) and at last compelled him to let 
 it pass the seal : the entire profit of which always 
 
 " by] and by r (^t least)] Not m MS. 
 
 P any] either 5 invidious] envious 
 
 *i aflfection] affections
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 269 
 
 reverted to himself, and to such as were his pen- book 
 
 sioners. He had been the sole manager of the bu ' 
 
 siness of Scotland till the pacification; the readiest '^'^^* 
 man, though then absent, to advise that pacification, 
 and the most visible author of the breach of it. 
 Lastly, the discoveries between the lord Mackey 
 and David Ramsey, by which ^ the marquis was ac- \ ^, 
 cused of designing to make himself king of Scot- / 
 land, were "^ fresh in many men's memories, and the 
 late passages in that kingdom had revived it in 
 others ; so that he might reasonably have expected 
 as ill a presage for himself from those fortunetellers, 
 as the most melancholic of the other : but as he had 
 been always most careful and solicitous for himself, 
 so he was most likely to be apprehensive on his own 
 behalf, and to provide accordingly. 
 
 And here I cannot omit a story, which I received 
 from a very good hand, by which his great subtilty 
 and industry for himself may appear, and was in- 
 deed as great a piece of art (if it were art) as I be- 
 lieve will be found amongst the modern politicians. 
 After the calling the council of the peers at York 
 was resolved upon, and a little before the time of 
 their appearance, the marquis came to the king, and 
 with some cloudiness (which was not unnatural) and 
 trouble in his countenance, he desired his majesty to 
 give him leave to travel : the king, surprised, was 
 equally troubled at it, and demanded his reason : he 
 told him, " he weU foresaw a storm, in which his 
 " shipwreck was most probable amongst others ; and 
 " that he, never having any thing before his eyes 
 " but his majesty's service, or in his vows, but an 
 
 ' by which] wherein " were] was
 
 
 270 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK " entire simple obedience to his commands, might 
 __1L__" happily, by his own unskilfulness in what was fit 
 J 640. « |3y ajjy other rule, be more obnoxious than other 
 " men ; and therefore, that, with his majesty's leave, 
 " he would withdraw himself from the hazard at 
 " least of that tempest." The king, most graciously 
 inclined to him, bid ^ him " be most confident, that 
 " though he might (which he was resolved to do) 
 " gratify his people with any reasonable indulgence, 
 he would never fail his good servants in that pro- 
 tection which they had equal reason to expect 
 " from him." The marquis with some quickness 
 replied, " that the knowledge of that gracious dis- 
 " position in his majesty was the principal cause 
 " that he besought leave to be absent ; and that 
 " otherwise he would not so far desert his own in- 
 " nocence, which he was sure could be only sullied 
 " and discredited with infirmities and indiscretions, 
 " not tainted or defaced with design and malice. 
 But (said he) I know your majesty's goodness will 
 interpose for me to your own prejudice : and I 
 will rather run any fortune, from whence I may 
 again return to serve you, than be (as I foresee I 
 " should be) so immediate a cause of damage and 
 " mischief to so royal a master." He told him, 
 " that he knew there were no less fatal arrows 
 " aimed at the archbishop of Canterbury and the 
 " earl of Strafford than at himself; and that he had 
 " advertised the first, and advised the last, to take 
 " the same course of withdi'awing whereby he meant 
 " to secure himself: y but (he said) the earl was too 
 
 '^ bid him] bad him " take the same course he 
 
 >' *' to take the same course " meant to secure himseirby 
 
 " of withdrawing whereby he " withdrawing : 
 
 " meant to secure himself'] to 
 
 (( 
 
 it
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 271 
 
 (t 
 
 ffreat-hearted to fear, and he doubted the other book 
 
 II 
 " was too bold to fly." 
 
 The king was much disturbed with the proba- ^^^^• 
 bility and reason of what was said ; which the other 
 as soon observing, " There is (said he) one way by 
 " which I might secure myself without leaving the 
 " kingdom, and by which your majesty, as these 
 " times are like to go, might receive some advan- 
 " tage : but it is so contrary to my nature, and will 
 " be so scandalous to my honour in the opinion of 
 " men, that, for my own part, I had rather run my 
 " fortune." His majesty, glad that such an expe- 
 dient might be found, (as being unwilling to hazard 
 his safety against so much reason as had been 
 spoken, by compelling him to stay ; and as unwill- 
 ing, by suffering him to go, to confess an apprehen- 
 sion that he might be imposed upon,) impatiently 
 asked, " What that way was ?" The marquis re- 
 plied, " That he might endear himself to the other 
 " party by promising his service to them, and seem- 
 " ing to concur with them in opinions and designs ; 
 " the which he had reason to believe the principal 
 " persons would not be averse to, in hope that his 
 " supposed interest in his majesty's opinion might 
 " be looked upon as of moment to them for their 
 " particular recommendations. But (he said) this 
 " he knew would be ^' looked vipon with so much 
 " jealousy by other men, and shortly with that re- 
 " proach, that he might by degrees be lessened even 
 " in his majesty's own trust ; and therefore it was a 
 " province he had no mind to undertake :" and so , 
 
 ^ would be] would be immediately
 
 272 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK renewed his suit again very earnestly for leave to 
 ' travel. 
 
 1640. rpjjg king, for the reasons aforesaid, much de- 
 lighted with this expedient, and believing likewise, 
 that in truth he might by this means frequently re- 
 ceive informations ^ of great use, and having a sin- 
 gular esteem of the fidelity and affection of the 
 marquis, told him positively, " That he should not 
 " leave him ; that he was not only contented, but 
 " commanded him to ingratiate himself by any 
 " means with the other people ;" and assured him, 
 " that it should not be in any body's power to in- 
 " fuse the least jealousy of him into his royal breast." 
 The which resolution his majesty observed so con- 
 stantly, that the other enjoyed the liberty of doing 
 whatsoever he found necessary for his own behoof; 
 and with wonderful craft and low condescensions to 
 the ends and the appetites of very inferior people, 
 and by seasonable insinuations to several leading 
 persons (of how different inclinations soever) of such 
 particulars as were grateful to them, and seemed to 
 advance their distinct and even contrary interests 
 and pretences, he grew to have no less credit in the 
 parliament, than with the ^ Scottish commissioners ; 
 , and was with great vigilance, industry, and dex- 
 terity, preserved from any public reproach in those 
 charges which served to ruin other men, and which 
 with more reason and justice might have been ap- 
 I)lied to him than '^ any other ; and yet for a long 
 time he did not incur the jealousy of the king ; to 
 whom he likewise gave many advertisements, which, 
 
 " informations] animadver- *' with the] in the 
 sions ' c than] than against
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 273 
 
 if there had been persons enough who would have book 
 
 II. 
 
 concurred in prevention, might have proved of great- 
 
 In this state and condition were things and per- The king 
 sons when the lords came to York to the great coun-thegrelt*^ 
 cil in September ; and the first day of their meeting Yrrrhij're- 
 (that the counsel might not seem to arise from them solutions to 
 
 ^ '-' call a par- 
 
 who were resolved to give it, and that the queen liament. 
 might receive the honour of it ; who, the king ^ 
 said, had by a letter advised him to it ; as his ma- 
 jesty exceedingly desu'ed to endear her to the peo- 
 ple) the king declared to them, " that he was re- 
 " solved to call a parliament to assemble at West- 
 " minster the third day of November following;" 
 which was as soon as was possible. So the first work 
 was done to theu' hands, and they had now nothing 
 to do but to dispose matters in order against that 
 time, which could not well be done without a more 
 overt conversation with the Scots. For though 
 there was an intercourse made, yet it passed for 
 the most part through hands whom the chief had 
 no mind to trust : as the lord Savile ; whom his \ 
 bitter hatred to the earl of Strafford, and as pas- 
 sionate hope of the presidentship of the north, which 
 the earl had, made applicable to any end ; but other- 
 wise a person of so ill a fame, that many desired '■ 
 not to mingle in counsels ^ with him. For, besides 
 his no reputation, they begun now to know that he j 
 had long held correspondence with the Scots before ^ 
 their coming in, and invited them to enter the king- 
 dom with an army ; in order to which, and to raise 
 his own credit, he had counterfeited the hands of , 
 
 ^ the king] he * in counsels] Not in MS. 
 
 VOL. I. T
 
 S74 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK some other lords, and put their names to some un- 
 ^^' dertakings of joining with the Scots; and therefore 
 
 1640. they were resolved to take that negociation out of 
 his hands, (without drawing any prejudice upon him 
 for his presumption,) which they had quickly an op- 
 The Scots portunity to do. For the first day of the lords 
 king :" upon meeting, a petition is presented to his majesty full 
 appoinTed of dutiful aud humble expressions from the Scots, 
 atRippon. ^i^Q ^gij knew their time, and had always (how 
 rough and undutiful soever their actions were) given 
 the king as good and as submissive words as can be 
 imagined. This petition, full of as much submis- 
 sion as a victory itself could produce, (as was urged 
 by some lords,) could not but beget a treaty, and a 
 treaty was resolved on speedily to be at Rippon, a 
 place in the king's quarters : but then, special care 
 was taken, by caution ^ given to his majesty, that no 
 such ungracious persons ? might be intrusted by him 
 in this treaty as might beget jealousies in the Scots, 
 and so render it fruitless : and therefore the earls 
 of Hertford, Bedford, Pembroke, Salisbury, Essex, 
 ~^ Holland, Bristol, and Berkshire, the lords Mandevile, 
 j Wharton, Dunsmore, Brook, Savile, Paulet, Howard 
 of Escrick (the lord Say being sick, and so not pre- 
 sent at York) were chosen by the king ; all popular 
 men, and not one of them of much interest in the 
 court, l3ut only the earl of Holland, who was known 
 to be fit for any counsel that should be taken against 
 tlie earl of Strafford, who had among them scarce a 
 friend '' or person civilly inclined towards him. 
 When these commissioners from the king arrived 
 
 ^ caution] cautions friend] had not amongst thgm 
 
 « persons] person one friend 
 
 '' had among them scarce a
 
 OF THE REBELLION. S75 
 
 at Rippon, there came othei's from the Scots army book 
 
 II. 
 
 of a quahty much inferior, there being not above 
 
 two noblemen, whereof the lord Lowden was the ^^'*^- 
 
 1 . . , The corn- 
 
 chief, two or three gentlemen and citizens, and missioners 
 
 Alexander Henderson their metropolitan, and two oriraLa^ct. 
 three other clergymen. The Scots applied them- 
 selves most particularly to the earls of Bedford, 
 Essex, Holland, and the lord Mandevile, though in 
 public they seemed equally to caress them all ; and 
 besides the duty they professed to the king in the 
 most submiss expressions of reverence that could be 
 used, they made great and voluminous expressions 
 " of their affection to the kingdom and people of 
 *' England ; and remembered the infinite obligations 
 " they had from time to time received from this na- 
 " tion ; especially the assistance they had from it in 
 " their reformation of religion, and their attaining 
 " the light of the gospel ; and therefore as it could 
 " never fall into their hearts to be ungrateful to it, 
 " so they hoped that the good people of England 
 " would not entertain any ill opinion of their coming^ 
 " into this kingdom at this time in a hostile man- 
 " ner, as if they had the least purpose of doing wrong 
 " to any particular person,^ much less to alter any 
 *' thing in the government of the kingdom ; pro- 
 " testing, that they had the same tenderness of then- 
 " laws and liberties, and privileges, as of their own ; 
 " and that they did hope, as the oppressions upon 
 " their native country, both in their civil and spiri- 
 " tual rights, had obliged them to this manner of 
 " address to the king, to whom all access had been 
 " denied them by the power of their enemies ; so, ' 
 
 ' their coming] the manner ^ person,] persons, 
 of their coming 
 
 t3
 
 <( 
 
 276 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK " that this very manner of their coming in might be 
 "• " for the good of this kingdom, and the benefit of 
 1640. « ^j^g subjects thereof, in the giving them opportu- 
 " nities * to vindicate their own liberties and laws ; 
 '< which, though not yet so much invaded as those 
 " of Scotland had been, were enough infringed by 
 " those very men who had brought so great misery 
 i " and confusion upon that kingdom ; and who in- 
 i " tended, when they had finished their work there, 
 ♦* and in Ireland, to establish the same slavery in 
 ' j " England as they had brought upon the other two 
 1 " kingdoms. All which would be prevented by the 
 removal °' of three or four persons from about the 
 king ; whose own gracious disposition and inclina- 
 " tion " would bountifully provide for the happiness 
 " of all his dominions, if those ill men had no in- 
 " fluence upon his counsels." 
 
 There was not a man of all the English com- 
 missioners to whom this kind of discourse was not 
 grateful enough, and who did not promise to him- 
 self some convenience that the alterations which 
 were like to happen might produce. And with 
 those lords with whom they desired to enter into a ** 
 greater confidence, they conferred more openly and 
 particularly, of the three persons towards whom 
 their greatest prejudice was, the archbishop, the 
 earl of Strafford, and the marquis of Hamilton, (for 
 in their whole discourses they seemed equally at 
 least incensed against him, as against either of the 
 other two,) whom p they resolved should be removed 
 from the king. They spake in confidence " of the 
 
 ' opportunities] opportunity ° a] Not in MS. 
 
 ■^ removal] remove p whom] which •■ 
 
 " inclination] inclinations
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 277 
 
 " excess of the queen's power, which in respect of book 
 
 " her religion, and of the persons who had most in- ! — 
 
 " terest in her, ought not to prevail so much upon ^^'^^* 
 
 " the king as it did in all affairs. That the king 
 
 " could never be happy, nor his kingdom ^ flourish, 
 
 " till he had such persons about him in all places of 
 
 " trust, as were of honour and experience in affairs, 
 
 " and of good fortunes and interests in the affections 
 
 " of the people ; who would always inform his ma- 
 
 " jesty that his own greatness and happiness con- 
 
 " sisted in the execution of justice, and the happi- 
 
 " ness of his subjects ; and who are known to be 
 
 " zealous for the preservation and advancement of 
 
 " the protestant religion, which every honest man 
 
 " thought at present to be in gi-eat danger, by the 
 
 " exorbitant power of the archbishop of Canterbury, 
 
 " and some other bishops who were governed by 
 
 " him." It was no hard matter to insinuate into 
 
 the persons with whom they held this discourse,'" 
 
 that they were the very men who they wished 
 
 should be in most credit about the king ; and they 
 
 concluded that their affections were so great to this 
 
 kingdom, and they so desu-ed ^ that all grievances 
 
 might be redressed * here", that though they should " 
 
 receive present satisfaction in all that concerned 
 
 themselves, they would not yet return, till provision \ ^ 
 
 might likewise be made for the just interest of \^ 
 
 England, and the reformation of what was amiss . 
 
 there in ^ reference to church and state. 
 
 ^ kingdom] kingdoms ^ they so desired] Not in MS. 
 
 "" discourse,] M^S. adds : that * redressed] reduced 
 
 they were the persons to whom " though they should] if they 
 
 they wished all trust should be might 
 
 communicated, and * in] with 
 
 T 3
 
 278 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK This appeared so hopeful a model to most of the 
 ' king's commissioners, (who y having no method pre- 
 
 1640. scribed to them to treat in, were^ indeed sent only 
 to hear what the Scots would propose, the king him- 
 self then intending to determine what should be 
 gi'anted to them,) they never considered the truth 
 of any of their allegations, nor desired to be in- 
 formed of the ground of their proceedings ; but pa- 
 tiently hearkened to all they said in public, of 
 which they intended to give an account to the king ; 
 and willingly heard all they said in private, and 
 made svich use of it as they thought most conduced 
 to their own ends. The Scottish commissioners pro- 
 posed, " that, for the avoiding the effusion of Chris- 
 " tian blood, there might be some way found to pre- 
 " vent all acts of hostility on either side ; which 
 " could not jDossibly be done, except some order was 
 " given for the payment of their army, which was 
 " yet restrained to close and narrow quarters." And 
 ; the truth is, they were in daily fear that those quar- 
 
 '; ters would have been beaten up, and so the ill cou- 
 
 j 
 
 rage of their men too easily discovered, who were 
 more taught to sing psalms, and to pray, than to 
 use their arms ; their hopes of prevailing being, 
 from the beginning, founded upon an assurance that 
 they should not be put to fight. 
 
 There had been in that infamous rout at New- 
 burn two or three officers of quality taken prisoners, 
 who endeavouring to charge the enemy with the 
 courage they ought to do, being deserted by their 
 troops could not avoid falling into the Scots hands ; 
 two of which were Wilmot, who was commissary- 
 
 >■ who] that z were] and were *
 
 OF THE REBELLION. ' 279 
 
 general of the horse, and O'Neile, who was major of book 
 a regiment ; both officers ^ of name and reputation, 
 
 and of 'good esteem in the court with all those who ^ ^'^^' 
 were incensed against the earl of Strafford, towards 
 whom they were both very indevoted. These "^ 
 gentlemen were well known to several of the prin- 
 cipal commanders in the Scots army, (who had 
 served together with them in HoUand under the 
 prince of Orange,) and were treated with great ci- 
 vility in their camp ; and when the commissioners 
 came to Rippon, they brought them with them, and 
 presented them to the king by his commissioners, to 
 whom they were very acceptable ; and did those who 
 delivered them more service by the reports they 
 made of them in the army when they returned to 
 their charges, and in the court, than they could 
 have done by remaining prisoners with them ; and 
 contributed very much to the irreconciling the army 
 to the earl of Strafford, who was to command it. 
 
 After few days the commissioners returned to the 
 king at York, and gave him an account of what 
 had passed, and of the extraordinary affection of 
 the Scots to his majesty's service ; and Wilmot and 
 O'Neile magnified the good discijiline and order 
 observed in the army, and made their numbers to 
 be believed much superior to what in tiaith they 
 were. 
 
 Three of the commissioners, and no more, were The conn- 
 of the king's council, the earls of Pembroke, Salis- bout the 
 bury, and Holland, who were all inspired by thcY^"!^' 
 Scots, and liked well all that they pretended to de- 
 sire. Besides those, the king had nobody to consult 
 
 * both officers] both who were officers ^ These] Those 
 
 T 4 ^
 
 280 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK with but the lord keeper Finch, the duke of Rich- 
 ^^' mond, the marquis of Hamilton, the earl of Straf- 
 
 IG40. fQj.j^ ajj(j sip Harry Vane, principal secretary of 
 state. The first of which, the lord keeper, was ob- 
 noxious to so many reproaches, that, though his af- . 
 fection and fidelity was very entire to the king, all 
 his care was to provoke no more enemies, and to 
 ingratiate himself to as many of those as ^ he per- 
 ceived were like to be able to protect him, which he 
 knew the king would not be able to do ; and to- 
 wards this he laboured with all industry and dex- 
 terity. The duke of Richmond was young, and 
 used to discourse with his majesty in his bedcham- 
 ber rather than at the council-board, and a man of 
 honour and fideUty in all places ; and in no degree 
 of confidence with his countrymen, because he would 
 not admit himself into any of their intrigues. The 
 marquis had leave to be wary, and would give his 
 enemies no new advantages. 
 
 Nor indeed was there any man's advice of much 
 credit with the king, but that of the earl of Straf- 
 ford ; who had no reason to declare his oinnion upon 
 so nice a subject in the presence of the earl of Hol- 
 land and sir Harry Vane ; and thought there was 
 only one way to be pursued, (which was not to be 
 communicated at the council,) and that was to drive 
 the Scots out of the kingdom by the army : and 
 without considering what was done at the treaty, 
 (which had not yet agreed upon any cessation,) he 
 sent a good party of horse, commanded by major 
 Smith, to fall upon a Scottish quarter in the bishop- 
 ric of Durham, who defeated two or three of their 
 
 ' those as] those who
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 281 
 
 troops, and took all their** officers prisoners, and book 
 
 II. 
 
 made it manifest enough that the kingdom might, 
 be rid of the rest, if it were vigorously pursued; ^^'^^• 
 which the earl of Strafford heartily intended. But 
 Lesley, the Scottish general, complained "that he ,; 
 " himself had forborne to make any such attempt 
 " out of respect to the treaty ;" and the English 
 commissioners thought themselves neglected and af- 
 fronted by it. And when it was found that the 
 officer who conducted that enterprise was a Roman 
 catholic, it made more noise ; and they prevailed 
 with the king to restrain his general fi'om giving out * 
 any more such orders. 
 
 The king begun ^ so far to dislike the temper of 
 his commissioners, that he thought the parliament^ 
 would be more jealous of his honour, and more sen- 
 sible of the indignities he suffered by the Scots, than 
 the commissioners appeared to be ; and therefore he 
 sent them back to Rippon again to renew the treaty, 
 and to conclude a cessation of arms upon as good 
 terms as they could ; so that the Scots army might 
 not advance into Yorkshire, nor enlarge their quar- 
 ters any way beyond what they were ah*eady pos- 
 sessed of: and this concession being agreed to, they 
 should not enter upon any other particulars, but ad- 
 journ the treaty to London ; which was the only 
 thing the Scots desired, and without this they could 
 never have brought their designs to pass. When the 
 other lords returned to Rippon, the earl of Pem- 
 broke (as a man of a great fortune, and at that time 
 very popular) was sent with two or three other lords 
 to London, with a letter from the king, and a sub- 
 
 ^ their] the king began 
 
 * The king begun] And the *" parliament] parliament itself
 
 282 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK scription from the lords commissioners of the treaty 
 ^^- (which was then more powerful) to borrow two hun- 
 1640. dred thousand pounds from the city, for the pay- 
 ment of both armies whilst the cessation and treaty 
 should continue ; " which they hoped would quickly 
 " be at an end, and the Scots return into their own 
 " country." The city was easily persuaded to fur- 
 nish the money, to be repaid out of the first that 
 should be raised by the parliament ; which was very 
 shortly to meet. 
 A cessation The ^ commissioncrs at Rippon quickly agreed 
 agree on. ^^^^ ^j^^ ccssation ; and were not^ unwilling to have 
 allowed fifty thousand pounds a month for the sup- 
 port of the Scots army, when they did assign but 
 thirty thousand pounds a month for the payment of 
 the king's ; and to have taken the Scottish commis- 
 sioners words for their musters, which made their 
 numbers so much superior to the other : but that 
 sum of fifty thousand pounds a month was after- 
 wards reduced to about five and twenty thousand ; 
 and the whole amounting to above fifty thousand 
 pounds a month, was a sum too great for the king- 
 dom to pay long, as was then generally believed.^ 
 It was pretended that two months would put an 
 end to the treaty; so that the two hundred thou- 
 sand pounds, which the city had supplied, would 
 discharge all the ^ disbanding : and in this hope the 
 
 K The] And the musters, which made their num- 
 •• and were not — generally be- bers so much superior to the 
 lieved.] and undertook to pay other ; Avhich two sums amount- 
 fifty thousand pound the month ing to fourscore thousand pound, 
 for the support of the Scots a sum too great for the kingdom 
 army, when they did assign but to pay long, as was then gene- 
 thirty thousand pound the month rally believed, 
 for the king's ; taking the Scots ' the] to the 
 commissioners word for their
 
 king re- 
 turns. 
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 283 
 
 king confirmed the cessation, and sent a safe con- book 
 duct for such commissioners as the Scots should ^^' 
 think fit to send to London for the carrying on the 1640. 
 
 The treaty 
 treaty. adjourned 
 
 All which being done, the king and the lords left whither The 
 York, that they might be at London before the be- 
 ginning of the parliament ; the earl of Strafford 
 staying still in the north to put the army into as 
 good a posture as he could, and to suppress the mu- 
 tinous spirit it was inclined to ; and, if it were pos- 
 sible, to dispose that gi'eat county (of which he had 
 the entire command) to a better temper towards the 
 king's service, and to a greater indignation towards 
 the Scots ; of whom they did not use to have too 
 charitable an opinion. But in both these applica- 
 tions he underwent great mortifications ;^ the officers 
 of the army every day asking his leave to repair to 
 London, being chosen to serve in parliament ; and 
 when he denied to give them passes, they went 
 away without them : and the gentlemen of the 
 country who had most depended upon him, and 
 been obliged by him, withdrawing their application 
 and attendance, and entering into combination with 
 his greatest enemies against him. 
 
 It is not to be denied, the king was in very great 
 straits, and had it not in his power absolutely to 
 choose which way he would go ; and well foresaw, 
 that a parliament in that conjuncture of affairs 
 would not apply natural and proper remedies to the 
 disease ; for though it was not imaginable it would 
 run ^ the courses it afterwards did, yet it was visible 
 enough he must resign very much to their affections 
 
 ^ mortifications ;] mortification ; ' run] have run
 
 284 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK and appetite, (which were not like to be contained 
 "• within any modest bounds,) and therefore no ques- 
 
 1640. tion his majesty did not think of calling a parlia- 
 ment at first, but was wrought to it by degi-ees : yet 
 the great council could not but produce the other ; 
 where the unskilfulness and passion of some for want 
 of discerning consequences, and a general sharpness 
 and animosity against persons, did more mischief 
 than the power or malice of those who had a formed 
 design of confusion ; for without doubt that fire at 
 that time (which did shortly after burn the whole 
 kingdom) might have been covered under a bushel. 
 So as in truth there was no counsel so necessary 
 then, as for the king to have continued in his army, 
 and to have drawn none thither, but such as were 
 more afraid of dishonour than danger ; and to have 
 trusted the justice and power of the law with sup- 
 pressing of tumults, and quieting disorders in his 
 rear. 
 
 It is strange, and had somewhat of a judgment 
 from Heaven in it, that all the industry and learning 
 of the late years had been bestowed in finding out 
 and evincing, that in case of necessity any extraor- 
 dinary way for supply was lawflil; and upon that 
 ground had proceeded when there was no necessity ; 
 and now, when the necessity was apparent, money 
 must be levied in the ordinary course of parliament, 
 which was then more extraordinary ^ than the other 
 had been ; as York must be defended from an enemy 
 within twenty-five miles of it, by money to be given 
 at London six weeks after, and to be gathered with- 
 in '" six months. It had been only the season and 
 
 ' extraordinan] unnatural ^ within] in 
 
 and extraordinary
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 285 
 
 evidence of necessity that had been questioned; and book 
 
 II. 
 
 the view of it in a perspective of state at a distance . 
 that no eyes could reach, denied to be ground enough ^ ^'*^- 
 for an imposition : as no man could pull down his 
 neighbour's house because it stood next furze, or 
 thatch, or some combustible matter which might 
 take fire; though he might do it when that com- 
 bustible matter was really a-fire. But it was never 
 denied that flagrcmte hello, when an enemy had 
 actually invaded the kingdom, and so the necessity 
 both seen and felt, all" men's goods are the goods 
 of the public, to be applied to the public safety, and 
 as carefully to be repaired by the public stock. And 
 it is very probable, (since the factions within, and 
 the correspondence abroad was so apparent, that a 
 parliament then called would do the business of the 
 Scots, and of those who invited them hither,) that 
 if the king had positively declared, that he would , 
 have no parliament as long as that army stayed in 
 England, but as soon as they were retired into their ' 
 own country he would summon one, and refer all 
 matters to their advice, and even be advised by them 
 in the composing the distractions of Scotland : I say, 
 it is probable, that they would either willingly have 
 left the kingdom, or speedily have been compelled ; 
 there being at that time an army in Ireland (as was 
 said before) ready to have visited Scotland. ° 
 
 Neither would the indisposition of the king's army 
 (which was begot only by those infusions, that there 
 must of necessity be a parliament, which would pre- 
 vent farther fighting) have lasted, when they found p 
 those authors confuted; for the army was consti- 
 
 " all] that all try. 
 
 " Scotland.] their own conn- p found] had found
 
 ^6 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK tuted of good officers, which were more capable of 
 ^^' being deceived l)y their friends, than imposed upon 
 
 1640. by their enemies ; and they had their soldiers in 
 good devotion, and the business of Newbm'n would 
 rather have spurred them on than restrained them.^i 
 And it had been much the best course that could 
 have been taken, if, after the fright at Newburn, the 
 king, as well as the earl of Strafford, had made haste 
 to Durham, and kept that post, without staying at 
 York; and after some exemplary justice and dis- 
 grace upon the chief officers who were faulty, till 
 the army had recovered their spirits, (which in a 
 very short time it did with shame and indignation 
 enough,) had marched directly against the Scots ; 
 by which they would have speedily dispossessed 
 them of their new conquest, and forced them to 
 have run distracted into their own country ; as may 
 be reasonably concluded from their behaviour when- 
 ever they were assaulted afterwards by the English. 
 And it is as strange, that the experience of the 
 last summer, when the attendance of so great a 
 number of the nobility (who had no mind to the 
 war, and as little devotion to the court) was the 
 true ground and cause of that ridiculous pacifica- 
 tion, did not prevail with the king never to convene 
 the same company to him again •■ ; which could do 
 him very little good, if they had desired it; and 
 could not but do him more harm than even the 
 worst of them at that time intended to do : for it 
 might very easily have been foreseen, that the call- 
 ing so many discontented, or disobliged, or disaf- 
 fected men together, with a liberty to consult and 
 
 *i have spurred them on than Sjiur than a bit to all. 
 restruined them.] have been a "■ again] Not in MS.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 287 
 
 adWse, very few whereof had that inclination^ and book 
 
 . II. 
 reverence for the person of the king they ^ ought to '- — 
 
 have had, though scarce any of them had at that ^^^^' 
 time that mischief in theii' hearts which they after- 
 wards discovered against him, or indeed had the 
 least purpose to rebel : I say, the calling such men 
 together could not but make men" much worse 
 than they came, and put worse thoughts into their 
 heads than they brought with them, when the mis- 
 carriage as well as the misfortune of the court w ould 
 be the common argument and discourse ; and when 
 they would quickly discern, that it was like to be 
 in every one of their powers ^ to contribute to the 
 destruction, at least to the disgrace, of men they 
 had no kindness for, and most of them great ani- 
 mosity against. 
 
 But the king was without the presence and at- ^ 
 tendance of any man in whose judgment and wis- 
 dom he had a full confidence ; for the earl of Straf- 
 ford was at the army ; and they who first proposed 
 the calling the peers knew well enough that the 
 king knew parliaments too well to be inclined to 
 call one, if they should propose it; and therefore 
 they proposed another expedient, which he knew 
 not; and so was surprised with the advice, (which 
 he thought could do no harm,) and gave y direction 
 for the issuing out of the writs, before he enough 
 considered whether it might not in truth produce 
 some mischief he had not well thought of; as he 
 quickly found. ^ Nor did the Scots themselves re- 
 solve to give him more disquiet in the ensuing par- 
 
 * inclination] affection ^ powers] power 
 
 ^ they] as they y and gave] and so gave 
 
 " men] every man * found.] found it. 
 
 ^
 
 288 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK liament, than the major part of his great council, 
 
 II 
 
 -that he brought together, resolved to concur with 
 
 ^^^^- them in:^ and with that disposition, which they 
 
 could never have contracted if they had remained 
 
 by themselves, they all hastened to the place where 
 
 they might do the mischief they intended. 
 
 The next error to this was, that at the meeting 
 of the great council at York, and before any consent 
 to the treaty at Rippon, there was not a state made, 
 and information given of the whole proceedings in 
 Scotland, and thereupon some debate and judgment 
 by the whole council before the sixteen departed, 
 for their information and instruction : and this had 
 been strangely omitted before at the pacification, in- 
 somuch as many who had been employed in that 
 first at the Bei'kes, and in the last at Rippon, con- 
 fessed that none^ of them (and they were of the 
 prime quality) then did, or ever after, know any 
 thing of the laws and customs of that kingdom (by 
 which they might have judged whether the king 
 had exceeded his just power, or any thing of the 
 matter of fact in the several transactions) but what 
 they had received at those meetings from the per- 
 sons who were naturally to make their own defence, 
 and so by accusing others to make their own case 
 the more plausible; in which it could not be ex- 
 pected they would mention any thing to ^ their own 
 disadvantage. 
 
 By them they were told " of a liturgy imposed 
 " upon them by their bishops, contrary to ^ or with- 
 " out act of parliament, with strange circumstances 
 *' of severity and rigour : of some clauses in that li- 
 
 " in :] therein : c ^o] for 
 
 '• none] neither J to] Not in MS.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 289 
 
 (( 
 
 turgy, different from that of the church of Eng- book 
 " land ;" with pretty smart comments of advice, and 
 
 animadversions ^ upon those alterations : " of a book ^ ^^^* 
 " of canons, in which an extraordinary and extra va- 
 " gant power was asserted to the bishops : of a high 
 " commission court, which exceeded all limits, and 
 " censured all degrees of men : of the insolent 
 " speeches of this bishop to that nobleman, and of 
 " the ill life of another : of their own ^ great humi- 
 " lity and duty to their sacred sovereign, without 
 " whose favour and protection they would not live :" 
 and, lastly, " of their several most submiss addresses, 
 " by petition and all other ways, to his majesty ; 
 " being desirous, when their grievances were but 
 " heard, to lay themselves and their complaints at 
 " his royal feet, and to be most entirely disposed by 
 " him in such manner, as to his wisdom alone should 
 " be thought fit : but that, by the power and inter- 
 " position of their adversaries, all their supplications 
 *• had been rejected, and they never yet admitted to 
 " be heard." 
 
 With these and the like artifices the good ^ lords 
 were so wrought upon and transported, that they 
 easily consented to whatsoever was j)roposed ; nor 
 was there any proposition made and insisted on by 
 them at the first or second treaty, which was not 
 for tlie matter fully consented to : whereas, if their 
 lordships had been fully advertised of the whole 
 truth, (though there had been some inadvertencies 
 and incogitancy in the circumstances of the transac- 
 tion,) his majesty had full power, by the laws of 
 Scotland then in force, to make that reformation he 
 
 ^ animadversions] animad- ^ own] Not in MS. 
 version s the good] our good 
 
 VOL. I. U
 
 290 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK intended. AU^ their petitions and addresses had 
 found most gracious acceptance, and received most 
 
 1640. gracious answers. But/ on the contrary, they had 
 invaded all the rights of the crown, altered the go- 
 vernment, affronted the magistrates and ministers of 
 justice, and his majesty's own regal authority, with 
 unheard of insolences and contempts ; rejected all 
 his offers of grace and pardon, and, without cause 
 or provocation, denounced war against him; be- 
 i sieged and taken the castle of Edinburgh, and other 
 places which held for his majesty. I say, if this 
 had been made as evident to them as surely it might 
 have been made, it is not possible but those noble 
 persons would have preserved themselves from being 
 deluded by them; at least many of the inconveni- 
 ences which after ensued would have been prevented, 
 if the form and method of their proceedings had 
 been prescribed, or better looked into.^ 
 
 But it must be confessed, that in that conjunc- 
 ture such necessary evidence and information could 
 very hardly be given : for though it must not be 
 doubted that there were many particular persons of 
 honour of that nation who abhorred the outrages 
 which were committed, and retained within their 
 own breasts^ very loyal wishes for his majesty's 
 prosperity ; yet it cannot be denied that those per- 
 sons, who by the places they held (of king's advo- 
 cate, and other offices) ought to have made that in- 
 formation of matter of law, and matter of fact, were 
 tliemselves the most active promoters of the rebel- 
 lion ; and the defection was so general, and so few 
 
 '' All] And all k ju^o.] unto. 
 
 ' But,] And that, ' breasts] breast
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 291 
 
 declared, or were active on his majesty's behalf,'" no ok 
 that they who were not corrupted in their inward. 
 
 fidelity were so terrified, that they durst not appear ^^^^" 
 in any oflSce that might j^rovoke those who solely 
 had the power and the will to destroy them. 
 
 The last and most confounding error was the re- 
 moving the treaty to London, and upon any terms 
 consenting that the Scottish commissioners should 
 reside there before a peace concluded. By which 
 means, they had not only opportunity to publish all 
 their counsels and directions in their sermons to the , 
 people, (who resorted thither in incredible numbers,) 
 and to give their advice, from time to time, to those 
 of the English who knew not so well yet to compass 
 their own ends, but were ready (when any business 
 was too big and unwieldy to be managed by the 
 few who were yet throughly engaged) to interpose 
 in the name of their nation, and, with reference to 
 things or persons, to make such demands from and 
 on the behalf of tlie kingdom of Scotland, as under 
 no other style would have received any countenance : 
 and this brought that universal terror with it (as 
 will appear to the life in the process of this history") 
 upon those of nearest relation to the king's service, 
 as well as those at a greater distance, who clearly 
 discerned and detested the villainy and wickedness 
 of those transactions, that their wariness and wis- 
 dom could not be great enough to preserve them, if 
 they did not stupidly look on witliout seeming to 
 understand what they could in no degree control or 
 prevent. 
 
 '" the defection was so ge- declaration or activity on bis ma- 
 
 neral, and so few declared, or jesty's behalf, was so general, 
 were active on his majesty's " history] relation 
 
 behalf,] the defection, as to any 
 
 U 2
 
 292 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK In all conspiracies there must be great secrecy, 
 "' consent, and union ; yet it can hardly be conceived. 
 
 1G40. ^j|.|^ what entire confidence in each other the nu- 
 merous and not very rich'' nobility of Scotland (for 
 of the common people, who are naturally very de- 
 pendent onP the other, there can be no wonder) con- 
 curred in the carrying on this rebellion : their strange 
 condescension and submission to their ignorant and 
 insolent clergy, who were to have great authority, 
 because they were to inflame all sorts of men upon 
 the obligations of conscience; and in order there- 
 unto, and to revenge a little indiscretion and ill 
 manners of some of the bishops, had liberty to erect 
 a tribunal the most tyrannical over all sorts of men, 
 and in all the families of the kingdom : so that the 
 preacher reprehended the husband, governed the 
 wife, chastised the children, and insulted over the 
 servants, in the houses of the greatest men. They 
 referred the management ^ and conduct of the whole 
 affair to a committee of a few, who had never before 
 exercised any office or authority in the public, with 
 that perfect resignation and obedience, that nobody 
 presumed to inquire what was to be done, or to 
 murmur at or censure any thing that was done ; and 
 the general himself, and the martial affau's, were 
 subject to this regimen and discipline as well as the 
 civil : yet they who were intrusted with this supe- 
 riority, paid all the outward respect and reverence 
 to the person of the general, as if all the power^ and 
 disposal had been in him alone. 
 
 The few English (for there were yet but very few 
 who were intrusted from the beginning of the en- 
 
 " and not very rich] proud ^ management] managery 
 and indigent ■■ all the power] the sole 
 
 P very dependent on] slaves to power
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 293 
 
 terprise, and with all that was then projected) were book 
 men of reserved and dark natures, of great industry ' 
 and address, and of much reputation for probity and ^^^^' 
 integrity of life, and who trusted none ]3ut those who 
 were contented to be trusted to that degree as they 
 were willing to trust them, without being inquisi- 
 tive into more than they were ready to communi- 
 cate, and for the rest depended upon their discretion 
 and judgment ; and so prepared and disposed, by se- 
 cond and third hands, many to concur and contri- 
 bute to several^ preparatory actions, who would 
 never have consented to the conclusions* which na- 
 turally resulted from those premises. 
 
 This united strength, and humble and active tem- 
 per, was not encountered by an equal providence and 
 circumspection in the king's councils, or an equal 
 temper and dutiful disposition in the court ; nor did 
 they, who resolved honestly and stoutly to discharge 
 the offices of good servants and good subjects to the 
 utmost opposition of all unlawful attempts, commu- 
 nicate their purposes to men of the same integrity, 
 that so they might unite their counsels as well in 
 the manner and way, as their resolutions in the end. 
 But every one thought it enough to preserve his own 
 innocence, and to leave the rest to those who should 
 have authority to direct. The king was perplexed 
 and irresolute, and, according to his natural consti- 
 tution, (which never disposed him to jealousy of any 
 man of whom he had once thought well,) was full of 
 hope, that his condition was not so bad as it seemed 
 to be. The queen" wished much better to the earl 
 
 5 several] many " The queen] MS. adds : how 
 
 *■ the conclusions] those con- much troubled soever 
 elusions 
 
 u 3
 
 294. THE HISTORY &c. 
 
 BOOK of Holland, than to the archbishop, or the eaii of 
 ^^- Strafford, neither of them being in any degree ac- 
 
 1G40. ceptable to her; so that she was little concerned for 
 the danger that threatened them : but when she saw 
 the king's honour and dignity invaded in the prose- 
 cution, she withdrew her favour from the earl of 
 Holland : but then she was persuaded, by those who 
 
 ^■'- had most credit with her, to believe, that, by the re- 
 moval of the great ministers, her power and autho- 
 rity would be increased, and that the prevailing party 
 would be willing to depend upon her ; and that, by 
 gratifying the principal persons of them with such 
 preferments as they affected, she would quickly re- 
 concile all ill humours ; and so she hearkened to any 
 overtures of that kind ; which were always carried 
 on without the consent or privity of those who were 
 concerned, who in truth more disliked her absolute 
 power with the king, than any other excess of the 
 court, and looked upon it as the greatest grievance. 
 - Eveiy man there considered only what application 
 would be most like to raise his own fortune, or to do 
 
 those''' harm with whom he was angry, and gave 
 
 himself wholly up to those artifices which might pro- 
 mote either. To preserve themselves from the dis- 
 pleasure and censure of the parliament, and to ren- 
 der themselves gracious to those who were like to be 
 powerful in it, was all men's business and sohcitude. 
 And in this very unequal and disproportioned condi- 
 tion and temper, was the king's and the Scottish 
 army, the court y and the country, when the parlia- 
 ment met. 
 
 ^ do those] do him >' the court] that of the court 
 
 THE END OF THE SECOND BOOK.
 
 THE 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 REBELLION, &c. 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 Deut. xii, 30. 
 Take heed to thyself that thou he not snared by Jblloioing 
 them, and that thou inquire not after their gods, saying, 
 Hoxo did these nations serve their gods ? even so will I do 
 lihewise. 
 
 Judges ii. 3. 
 
 But they shall he as thorns in your sides, and their 
 
 gods shall he a snare unto you.^ 
 
 A HE parliament met^' upon the third of November, 1C40. 
 1640, with a fuller appearance than could be rea- ment met 
 sonably expected, from the short time for elections Ji,e\hird,' 
 after the issuing out ^ the writs ; insomuch as at the ^''^^" 
 first not '^ many members were absent. It had a sad 
 and a melancholic aspect upon the first entrance, 
 which presaged some unusual and unnatural events. 
 
 * Deut. xii. 30. &c. — imto vieeting of this parliament will 
 
 you.l Not in MS. be found in the Appendix B. 
 
 ^ The parliament met] Tlie ^ out] out of 
 
 account given in MS. C. of the '' not] Not in MS. 
 
 u 4
 
 296 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK The kine; himself did not ride with his accustomed 
 
 III. . . 
 equipage nor in his usual majesty to Westminster, but 
 
 Jfi-l^- went privately in his barge to the parliament stairs, 
 and after '^ to the church, as if it had been to a return 
 of a prorogued or adjourned parliament. And there 
 was likewise an untoward, and in truth an unheard 
 of accident, which broke ^ many of the king's mea- 
 sures, and infinitely disordered his service beyond a 
 capacity of reparation. From the time the calling a 
 parliament was resolved upon, the king designed sir 
 ^ Thomas Gardiner, who was recorder of London, to 
 be speaker in the house of commons ; a man of gra- 
 vity and quickness, that had somewhat of authority 
 and gracefulness in his person and presence, and in 
 all respects equal to the ser\'ice. There was little 
 doubt but that he would be chosen to serve in one of 
 the four places for the city of London, which had 
 very rarely rejected their recorder upon that occa- 
 sion ; and lest that should fail, diligence was used in 
 one or two other places that he might be elected. 
 The opposition was so great, and the faction so 
 strong, to hinder his being elected in the city, that 
 four others were chosen for that service, without 
 hardly mentioning his name : nor was there less in- 
 dustry used to prevent his being chosen in other 
 places ; clerks were corrupted not to make out the 
 writ for one place, and ways were found out ^ to 
 ^ hinder the writ from being executed in another, time 
 enough for the return before the meeting : so great 
 a fear there was, that a man of entire affections to 
 the king, and of prudence enough to manage those 
 affections, and to regulate the contrary, should be 
 
 •= after] su ' broke] brake e out] 'Sot in MS.
 
 1640. 
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 89*7 
 
 put into the chair. ^' So that the very morning the ^^^^ 
 parliament was to meet, and when the king in-- 
 tended to go thither, he was informed, that sir 
 Thomas Gardiner was not returned to serve as a 
 member in the house of commons, and so was not 
 capable of being chosen to be speaker; so that his 
 majesty deferred his going to the house till the after- 
 noon, by which time he was to think of another 
 speaker. 
 
 Upon the perusal of all the returns into the crown 
 office, there were not found many lawyers of emi- 
 nent name, (though many of them proved very emi- 
 nent men afterwards,) or who had served long in 
 former parliaments, the experience whereof was to 
 be wished; and men of that profession had been 
 most commonly i thought the most proper for that 
 service, and the putting it out of that channel at 
 that time was thought too hazardous ; so that, after 
 all the deliberation the shortness of ^ that time would 
 admit, Mr. Lenthall, a bencher of Lincoln's Inn, (a 
 lawyer of competent practice, and no ill reputation 
 for his affection to the government both of church 
 and state,) was pitched upon by the king, and with 
 very great difficulty rather prevailed with than per- 
 suaded to accept the charge. And no doubt a worse 
 could not have been deputed of all that profession 
 who were then returned ; for he was a man of a 
 very narrow, timorous nature, and of no experience 
 or conversation in the affairs of the kingdom, beyond 
 what the very drudgery in his profession (in which 
 all his design was to make himself rich) engaged him 
 
 h the chair.] that chair. ^ the shortness of] Not in 
 
 ' most commonly] always MS.
 
 298 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK in. In a word, he was in all respects very unequal 
 
 . L_- to the work ; and not knowing how to preserve his 
 
 JG40. Q^j^ dignity, or to restrain the licence and exorbi- 
 tance of others, his weakness contributed as much to 
 the growing mischiefs, as the malice of the principal 
 contrivers. However, after the king had that after- 
 noon recommended* the distracted condition of the 
 kingdom (with too little majesty) to the wisdom of 
 the two houses of parliament, to have such reforma- 
 tion and remedies applied as they should think fit, 
 proposing to them, as the best rule for their coun- 
 sels, " that all things should be reduced to the prac- 
 " tice of the time of queen Elizabeth ;" the house of 
 commons no sooner returned to their house, than 
 Mr. Lent, they chosc Mr. Lcuthall to be their speaker; and 
 
 liall made "^ . . . 
 
 speaker, two days after, with the usual ceremonies and cir- 
 cumstances, presented him to the king, who de- 
 clared his acceptation ; and so both houses were 
 ready for the"^ work. 
 
 There was observed a marvellous elated counte- 
 nance in many" of the members of parliament before 
 they met together in the house ; the same men who 
 six months before were observed to be of very mo- 
 derate tempers, and to wish that gentle remedies 
 might l3e applied, without opening the wound too 
 wide, and exposing it to the air, and rather to cure 
 what was amiss than too strictly to make inquisition 
 into the causes and original of the malady, talked 
 now in another dialect both of things and persons ; 
 and said, " that they must" now be of another tem- 
 
 ' rccomniciulcd] commended Thus in MS. : Mr. Hyde, who 
 
 "" the work] their work was returned to serve for a bo- 
 
 " many] most rough in Cornwall, met Mr. 
 
 " and said, " that they must] Pym in Westminster-hall somo
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 299 
 
 " per than they were the last parliament ; that they book 
 " must not only sweep the house clean below, but 
 
 must pull down all the cobwebs wliich hung in the ^ ^■^^• 
 " top and corners, that they might not breed dust, 
 " and so make a foul house hereafter ; that they had 
 " now an opportunity to make their country happy, 
 *' by removing all giievances, and pulling up the 
 " causes of them by the roots, if all men would do 
 " their duties ;" and used much other sharp dis- 
 course p to the same purpose : by which it was dis- 
 cerned, that the warmest and boldest counsels and 
 overtures would find a much better reception than 
 those of a more temperate allay ; which fell out ac- 
 cordingly : and the very first day they met together, 
 in which they could enter upon business, Mr. Pym, Mr.pym 
 in a long, formed discourse, lamented the miserable jebate of 
 state and condition of the kingdom, aggravated alis"'^^^"*^^^- 
 the i3articulars which had been done amiss in the 
 government, as " done and contrived maliciously, 
 " and upon deliberation, to change the whole frame, 
 "and to deprive the nation of all the liberty and 
 " property which was their buthright by the laws of 
 " the land, which were now no more considered, but 
 " subjected to the arbitrary power of the privy- 
 " council, which governed the kingdom according to 
 *' their will and pleasure ; these calamities faUing 
 " upon us in the reign of a pious and virtuous king, 
 " who loved his people, and was a great lover of 
 " justice." And thereupon enlarging in some specious 
 commendation of the nature and goodness of the 
 king, that he might wound him with less suspicion, 
 
 days before the parliament, and him, Mr. Hyde, that they must 
 conferring together upon the p discourse] discourse to him 
 state of affairs, the other told
 
 (( 
 (( 
 
 300 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK he said, " We must inquire from what fountain 
 ' " these waters of bitterness flowed ; what persons 
 1640. « ^i^Qy were ^ho had so far insinuated themselves 
 " into his royal affections, as to be able to pervert 
 his excellent judgment, to abuse his name, and 
 wickedly apply his authority to countenance and 
 " support their own corrupt designs. Though he 
 " doubted there would be many found of this classis, 
 " who had contributed their joint endeavours to 
 " bring this misery upon the nation ; yet he believed 
 *' there was one more signal in that administration 
 " than the rest, being a man of great parts and con- 
 " trivance, and of great industry to bring what he 
 designed to pass ; a man, who in the memory of 
 many present had sat in that house an earnest vin- 
 " dicator of the laws, and a most zealous assertor 
 " and champion for the liberties of the people ; but 
 " that it was long since he turned apostate from 
 " those good affections, and, according to the cus- 
 " tom and nature of apostates, was become the great- 
 est enemy to the liberties of his country, and the 
 greatest promoter of tyranny that any age had 
 produced." And then he ^ named " the earl of 
 " Strafford, lord lieutenant of Ireland, and lord pre- 
 " sident of the council established in York, for the 
 northern parts of the kingdom : who, he said, had 
 in both places, and in all other provinces wherein 
 " his service had been used by the king, raised ample 
 monuments of his tyrannical nature ; and that he 
 believed, if they took a sliort survey of his actions 
 " and behaviour, they would find him the principal 
 " author and promoter of all those counsels which 
 
 '1 he] Not in MS. 
 
 
 a 
 a 
 

 
 OF THE REBELLION. 301 
 
 " had exposed the kingdom to so much ruin :" and so book 
 instanced in'" some high and imperious actions done 
 by him in England and in Ireland, some proud and ^^"^^^ 
 over-confident expressions in discourse, and some 
 passionate advices he had given in the most secret 
 councils and debates of the affairs of state ; adding 
 some lighter passages of his vanity and amours ; that 
 they who were not inflamed with anger and detest- 
 ation against him for the former, might have less 
 esteem and reverence for his prudence and discre- 
 tion : and so concluded, " That they would well 
 " consider how to provide a remedy proportionable 
 " to the disease, and to prevent the farther mischiefs 
 " they were ^ to expect from the continuance of this 
 " great man's power and credit with the king, and 
 " his influence upon his counsels." 
 
 From the time that the earl of Strafford was 
 named, most men believed that there would be some 
 committee appointed^ to receive information of all 
 his miscarriages, and that, upon report thereof, they 
 would farther consider what course to take in the 
 examination and prosecution thereof: but they had 
 already prepared and digested their business to a 
 riper period. 
 
 Mr. Pym had no sooner finished his discourse, 
 than sir John Clotworthy (a gentleman of Ireland, 
 and utterly unknown in England, who was, by the 
 contrivance and recommendation of some powerful 
 persons, returned to serve for a borough in Devon- 
 shire, that so he might be enabled to act this part 
 against the lord lieutenant) made a long and con- 
 
 in] Not in MS. ^ appointed] named 
 
 they were] which they were
 
 302 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK fused relation " of his tyrannical carriage in that 
 
 III. 
 
 " kingdom ; of the army he had raised there to in- 
 1G40. it ya^jje Scotland; how he had threatened the parlia- 
 " ment, if they granted not such supplies as he re-" 
 " quired ; of an oath he had framed to be adminis- 
 " tered to all the Scottish nation which inhabited 
 " that kingdom, and his severe proceedings against 
 " some persons of quality who refused to take that 
 " oath ; and that he had with gi'eat pride and pas- 
 " sion publicly declared at his leaving that kingdom, 
 " If ever he should return to that sword, he would 
 " not leave a Scottish-man to inhabit in Ireland :" 
 with a multitude of very exalted expressions, and 
 some very high actions in his administration of that 
 government, in which the lives as well as the for- 
 tunes of men had been disposed of out of the com- 
 mon road of justice : all which made him to be look- 
 ed upon as a man very terrible, and under whose au- 
 thority men would not choose to put themselves. 
 
 Several other persons appearing ready to continue 
 the discourse, and the morning being spent, so that, 
 according to the observation of parliament hours, 
 the time of rising was " come, an order was suddenly 
 made, " that the door should be shut, and nobody 
 " suffered to go out of the house ;" which had rarely 
 t. been ^ practised : care having been first taken to give 
 ' such advertisement to some of the lords, that that 
 "~"; house might likewise be kept from rising; which 
 would otlierwise y very much have broken their mea- 
 sures. 
 
 Then sir John Hotham, and some other Yorkshire 
 men, who had received some disobli^ation from the 
 
 '&" 
 
 " was] being =< rarely been] been rarely > otherwise] Not in MS.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 303 
 
 earl in the country, continued the invective, men- book 
 tioning many particulars of his imperious carriage, ' 
 and that he had, in the face of the country, upon ^^^^' 
 the execution of some illegal commission, declared, 
 " that they should find the little finger of the king's 
 " prerogative heavier upon them than tlie loins of 
 *' the law ;" which expression, though upon after- 
 examination it was found to have a quite contrary 
 sense, marvellously increased the passion and preju- 
 dice towards liim. 
 
 In conclusion, after many hours of bitter inveigh- 
 ing, and ripping up the course of his life before his 
 coming to court, and his actions after, it was moved, 
 according to the secret resolution taken before, " that 
 "he might be forthwith impeached of high trea- 
 " son ;" which was no sooner mentioned, than it 
 found an universal approbation and consent from 
 the whole house ^ : nor was there, in all the debate,^ 
 one person who offered to stop the torrent by any 
 favourable testimony concerning the earl's carriage, 
 save only that the lord Falkland, (who was very 
 well known to be far from having any kindness for 
 him,) when the proposition was made for the pre- 
 sent accusing him of high treason, modestly desired 
 tlie house to consider, " Whether it would not suit 
 " better with the gravity of their proceedings, first 
 " to digest many of those particulars, which had 
 " been mentioned, by a committee, before ^ they sent 
 " up to accuse him ? declaring himself to be abun- 
 dantly satisfied that there was enough to charge 
 him :" ^ which was very ingenuously and frankly 
 
 ^ house] Not iti MS. debate, 
 
 . ^ all the debate,] the whole ^ before — charge him :] Thus 
 
 a
 
 304 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK answered by Mr. Pym, " That such a delay might 
 ^^^' « probably blast all their hopes, and put it out of 
 
 1640. « theii' power to proceed farther than they had done 
 " already ; that the earl's power and credit with the 
 " king, and with all those who had most credit with 
 " king or queen, was so great, that when he should 
 " come to know that so much of his wickedness 
 " was discovered, his own conscience would tell him 
 " what he was to expect ; and therefore he would 
 " undoubtedly procure the parliament to be dis- 
 " solved, rather than undergo the justice of it, or 
 *' take some other desperate course to preserve him- 
 " self, though with the hazard of the kingdom's 
 ruin : whereas, if they presently sent up to im- 
 peach him of high treason before the house of 
 peers, in the name and on the behalf of all the 
 commons of England, who were represented by 
 " them, the lords would be obliged in justice to 
 " commit him into safe custody, and so sequester 
 " him from resorting to council, or having access to 
 " his majesty : and then they should proceed against 
 " him in the usual form with all necessary expe- 
 " dition." 
 
 To those who were known to have no kindness 
 for him, and seemed to doubt whether all the par- 
 ticulars alleged, being proved, would amount to high 
 treason, it was alleged, " That the house of com- 
 " mons were not judges, but only accusers, and that 
 " the lords were the proper judges whether such a 
 complication of enormous crimes in one person did 
 not amount to the highest offence the law took 
 
 <( 
 
 
 (C 
 
 in MS : declaring himself to be was enough to charge him be- 
 abundantly satisfied that there fore they sent up to accuse him.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 305 
 
 '•' notice of, and therefore that it was fit to present it hook 
 
 III. 
 " to them." These reasons of the haste they made, 
 
 so clearly delivered, gave that universal satisfaction, 
 that, without farther considering the injustice and 
 unreasonableness of it, they voted unanimously, (for 
 aught appeared to the contrary l)y any avowed con- 
 tradiction,) " Tliat they would forthwith send up to The com 
 " the lords, and accuse the earl of Strafford of higli peach the 
 " treason, and several other crimes and misdemean- foniof h?i;h 
 " ours, and desire that he might be presently seques- *"''**'^"' 
 " tered from the ^ council, and committed to safe 
 " custody ;" and Mr. Pym was made choice of for 
 the messenger to perform that office. This '' being 
 determined, the doors were opened, and most of the 
 house accompanied him on the errand. 
 
 It was about tliree of the clock in the afternoon, 
 when the earl of Strafford, (l)eing infirm, and not 
 well disposed in his health, and so not having stirred 
 out of his house that morning,) hearing that ])oth 
 houses still sat, thought fit to go thither. It was 
 believed by some (upon what ground was never clear 
 enough) that he made that haste tlien to accuse tlie 
 lord Say, and some others, of having induced the 
 Scots to invade the kingdom : Init he was scarce en- 
 tered into the house of peers, wlien the message from 
 the liouse of commons was called in, and when Mr. 
 Pym at the bar, and in the name of all the commons 
 of England, impeached Thomas earl of Strafford 
 (with the addition of all his other titles) of high 
 treason, and several other heinous crimes and mis- 
 demeanours, of which he said the commons woidd in 
 due time make proof in form ; and in the mean time 
 
 •^ tlie] Nol ill MS. '^ Tills] And this 
 
 VOL. I. X
 
 306 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK desired in their name, that he miffht be sequestered 
 III . 
 
 from all councils, and be put into safe custody; and 
 
 (I 
 
 1640. gQ withdrawing, the earl was, with more clamour 
 than was suitable to the gi-avity of that supreme 
 court, called upon to withdraw, hardly obtaining 
 leave to be first heard in his place, which could not 
 l)e denied him. 
 
 He ^ then lamented " his great misfortune to lie 
 under so heavy a charge ; professed his innocence 
 and integrity, which he made no doubt he should 
 " make appear to them ; desired that he might have 
 " his liberty, until some guilt should be proved ; ^ 
 " and desired them to consider, what mischief they 
 " should bring upon themselves, if upon such a ge- 
 " neral charge, without the mention of any one 
 " crime, a peer of the realm should be committed to 
 " prison, and so deprived of his place in that house, 
 " where he was summoned by the king's writ to as-. 
 " sist in their counsels ; s and of what consequence 
 " such a precedent might be to their own privilege 
 " and birthright :" and then withdrew. The peers 
 The earl is with vcrv little debate resolved " he ^ should be com- 
 
 committed "^ 
 
 to the black-" mitted to the custody of the gentleman usher of 
 " the black-rod, there to remain until the house of 
 " commons should bring in a particular charge 
 " against him :" which determination of the house 
 was pronounced to him at the bar upon his knees, 
 by the lord keeper of the great seal, upon the wool- 
 sack : and so being taken away by Maxwell, gen- 
 tleman usher, Mr. Pym was called in, and informed 
 
 « He] And he debate resolved " he] And with 
 
 *^ proved ;] made appear; very little debate the peers re- 
 
 B counsels ;] counsel ; solved that he 
 •^ The peers with very little
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 307 
 
 what the house liad done ; after which (it beinff then book 
 
 . Ill 
 about four of the clock) both houses adjourned till '. 
 
 the next day. ' ^^0- 
 
 When this work was so prosperously over, they 
 begun ^ to consider, that notwithstanding all the in- 
 dustry that had been used to procure sucli members 
 to be chosen, or returned though not chosen, wlio 
 had been most refractory to the government of the 
 church and state ; yet that the house was so consti- 
 tuted, that when the first heat (which almost all men 
 brought with them) should be a little allayed, violent 
 counsels would not be long hearkened to: and there- 
 fore, as they took great care by the ^ committee of 
 elections to remove as many of those members as 
 they suspected not to be inclinable to their passions 
 upon pretence " that they were not regularly cliosen," 
 that so they might l)ring in others more pliable ^ in 
 their places ; in which no ride '" of justice was so 
 much as pretended to be observed by them ; inso- 
 much as it was often said by leading men amongst 
 them, " That they ought in those cases of elections 
 " to be guided Ijy the fitness and worthiness of the 
 " person, whatsoever " the desire of those was, in 
 " whom the right of election remained ;" and there- 
 fore one man hath been admitted upon the same 
 rule by which another hath been rejected : so they 
 declared, " That no person, how lawfully and regu- 
 " larly soever chosen and returned, should be and sit 
 " as a member with them, who had been a jjarty or 
 " favourer ^ of any project, or who had been employ- 
 " ed in any illegal commission." 
 
 ' begun] began ^ rule] rules 
 
 ^ the] their " whatsoever] whatever 
 
 ' pliable] compliable " favourer] a favourer 
 
 X 2
 
 308 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK By P this means (contrary to the customs^ and 
 
 . rights of parliament) many gentlemen of good quali- 
 
 1640. ^y were removed, in whose places commonly others 
 
 were chosen of more agreeable dispositions : but in 
 
 this likewise there was no rule observed; for no 
 
 person was hereby removed, of whom there was any 
 
 hope that he might be applied to the violent courses 
 
 which were intended. Upon which occasion the king 
 
 charged them in one of his declarations, " that when, 
 
 " under that notion of projectors, they expelled 
 
 •^ " many, they yet never questioned sir Henry Mild- 
 
 " may, or Mr. Laurence Whitaker ;" who had been 
 
 I most scandalously engaged in those pressures, though 
 
 since more scandalously in all enterprises against his 
 
 majesty ; to which never any answer or reply was 
 
 made. 
 
 The next art was to make the severity and rigour 
 of the house as formidable as was possible, and to make 
 as many men apprehend themselves obnoxious to 
 the house, as had been in any trust or employment 
 in the kingdom. Thus they passed many general 
 votes concerning ship-money, in which all who had 
 ._^ been high sheriffs, and so collected it, were highly 
 concerned. The like sharp conclusions were made ^ 
 upon all lords lieutenants and their deputies, which 
 were the prime gentlemen of quality in all the coun- 
 ties of England. Then upon some disquisition of 
 the proceedings in the star-chamber, and at the 
 council-table, all who concurred in such a sentence, 
 and consented to such an order, were declared cri- 
 minal, ^ and to be proceeded against. So that, in a 
 moment, all the lords of the council, all who had 
 
 V By] And by " were made] Not in MS. 
 
 '' customs] custom " criminal] criminous
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 309 
 
 been deputy lieutenants, or high sheriffs, during the book 
 
 I 
 
 III. 
 
 late years, found themselves within the mercy of. 
 these grand inquisitors: and hearing new terms of ^^^^• 
 art, that a complication of several misdemeanours 
 might grow up to treason, and the like, it was no 
 wonder if men desired by all means to get their fa- 
 vour and protection. 
 
 When they had sufficiently startled men by these The archbi- 
 proceedings, and upon half an hour's debate sent up terbury ac- 
 an accusation against the lord archbishop of Canter- [i"gf,''trea- 
 bury of high treason, and so removed him likewise ^°°- 
 from the king's council, they rested satisfied with 
 their general rules, votes, and orders, without mak- 
 ing haste to proceed either against things or per- 
 sons ; being willing rather to keep men in suspense, 
 and to have the advantage of their fears, than, ])y 
 letting them see the worst that could befall them, 
 lose the benefit of their application. For this reason 
 they used their utmost skill to keep off any debate 
 of ship-money, that that whole liusiness might hang 
 like a meteor over the heads of those that were in 
 any degree faulty in it; and it was observable, when, 
 notwithstanding all their endeavours to divert it,' 
 that business was brought into debate, and upon 
 that (which could not be avoided) the lord Fincli 
 named as an avowed factor and procurer of that 
 odious judgment ; who, if their rule were true, " that - 
 
 " an endeavour to alter the government by law, and 
 " to introduce an arbitrary power, were treason," was 
 the most notoriously and inexcusably guilty of that 
 crime of any man that could be named ; before they 
 would endure the mention of an accusation of high 
 
 t endeavours to divert it,] diversions, 
 
 X 3
 
 drew be- 
 yond sea 
 
 310 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK treason, they appointed a committee, with great de- 
 ' liberation and solemnity, to bring in a charge for- 
 ^^^^- mally prepared, (which had not been done in the 
 case of the lord archbishop, or the earl of Strafford,) 
 and then gave him a day to be heard for himself at 
 the house of commons' bar, whereby, " against aU 
 order, he was ^ to take notice of what was handled 
 in the house concerning himself; y and then finding 
 that, by their own rules, he would be likewise ac- 
 cused of high treason, they continued the debate so 
 long, that the lords' house was risen, so that the ac- 
 cusation was not carried up till the next morning ; 
 The lord and bcforc that time, the lord keeper (being well in- 
 P^^j^^^^itij, formed of all that had passed) had withdrawn him- 
 self; and shortly after went into Holland: the lord 
 Littleton, then chief justice of the court of common 
 pleas, being made keeper of the great seal of Eng- 
 land in his place. 
 
 About the same time, sir Francis Windebank,^one 
 of the principal secretaries of state, and then a mem- 
 ber of the house of commons, was accused of many 
 transactions on the behalf of the papists, of several 
 natures, (whose extraordinary patron indeed he was,) 
 and he being then present in the house, several war- 
 rants under his own hand were produced for the dis- 
 cliarge of prosecutions against priests, and for the re- 
 lease of priests out of prison : whereui)on, whilst the 
 matter should be debated, according to custom he 
 was ordered to withdraw, and so went into the usual 
 l)lace, the committee-chamber ; immediately where- 
 upon, the house of commons went to a conference 
 with the lords upon some other occasion, and return- 
 
 " whereby,] and so, ^ he was] Not in MS. y himself;] him ;
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 311 
 
 ing from that conference, no more resumed the de- book 
 bate of the secretary ; but having considered some 
 
 other business, rose at their usual hour ; and so the 
 secretary had liberty to go to his own house ; from 
 whence, observing the disposition of the house, and 
 well knowing what they were able to say against 
 him, he had no more mind to trust himself in that As did like- 
 company, but the same night withdrew himself from Jary winde- 
 any place where inquiry might be made for him, and ^'"^^' 
 was no more heard of till the news came of his being 
 landed in France. 
 
 So that within less than six weeks, for no more ^ 
 was yet elapsed, these terrible reformers had caused 
 the two greatest counsellors of the kingdom, and 
 whom they most feared, and so hated, to be removed 
 from the king, and imprisoned, under an accusation 
 of high treason ; and frighted away the lord keeper ^ 
 of the great seal of England, and one of the princi- 
 pal secretaries of state, into foreign kingdoms, for 
 fear of the like ; besides the prepai-ing all the lords 
 of the council, and very many of the principal gen- 
 tlemen throughout England, who (as was said before) 
 had been high sheriffs, and deputy lieutenants, to 
 expect such measure of punishment from their gene- 
 ral votes and resolutions, as their future demeanour 
 should di-aw upon them, for their past offences ; by 
 which means, they were like to find no vigorous ^ 
 resistance or opposition in their farther designs. 
 
 I could never yet learn the true ^ reason, why 
 they suffered secretary Windebank to escape their 
 justice, (for the lord Finch, it was visible he was in 
 their favour, and they would gladly have preserved 
 
 ^ no more] no more time ^ true] Not in MS. 
 
 ^ vigorous] very vigorous 
 
 X 4
 
 312 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK him in the place,) against whom they had more preg- 
 "^' nant testimony of offences within the verge of the 
 
 IG40. i^^y^ ^j^an against any person they have accused since 
 this parliament, and of some that, it may be, might 
 have proved capital, and so their appetite of blood 
 might have been satisfied : for, besides his frequent 
 letters of intercession in his own name, and significa- 
 tion of his majesty's pleasure, on the behalf of papists 
 and priests, to the judges, and to other ministers of 
 justice; and protections granted by himself to priests, 
 that nobody should molest them ; he harboured some 
 priests in his own house, knowing them to be such ; 
 wliich, by the statute made in the twenty-ninth year 
 of queen Elizabeth, is made felony : and there were 
 some warrants under his own hand for the release of 
 priests out of Newgate, who were actually attainted 
 of treason, and condemned to be hanged, drawn, and 
 quartered ; which, by the strict letter of the statute, 
 the lawyers said, would have been very penal to him. 
 I remember one story brought into the house con- 
 cerning him, that administered some mirth : A mes- 
 senger, (I think his name was Newton,) who princi- 
 pally attended <= the service of apprehending priests, 
 came one day to him in his garden, and told him, 
 " that he had brought with him a priest, a stirring 
 " and active person, whom he had apprehended that 
 " morning ; and desired to know to what prison he 
 *' should carry him." The secretary sharply asked 
 him, " Whether he would never give over this blood- 
 ** thirsty humour ?" and in gi'eat anger calling him 
 knave, and taking the warrant from him by which 
 he had apprehended liim, departed without giving 
 any other direction. The messenger, appalled, thought 
 
 *^ attended] intended
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 313 
 
 the priest was some person in favour, and therefore book 
 
 took no more care of him, but suffered him to de- 1_ 
 
 part. The priest, freed from this fright, went se- ^^'^^• 
 curely to his lodgings, and within two or three days 
 was arrested for debt, and carried in execution to 
 prison. Shortly after, secretaiy Windebank sent for 
 the messenger, and asked him, " What was become 
 " of the priest he had at such a time brought before 
 " him ?" He told him, " that he conceived his ho- 
 " nour had been offended with the apprehension of 
 " him, and therefore he had looked no farther after 
 " him." The secretary in much passion told him, 
 " the discharging a priest was no light matter ; and 
 " that if he speedily found him not, he should an- 
 " swer the default with his life ; that the priest was 
 " a dangerous fellow, and must not escape in that 
 " fashion." The messenger, besides his natural in- 
 clination to that exercise, terrified with those threats, 
 left no means untried for the discovery, and at last 
 lieard where the man was in execution in prison : 
 thither he went, and demanded the priest (who was 
 not there known to be such) as his prisoner for- 
 merly, and escaped from him ; and by virtue of his 
 first warrant took him again into his custody, and 
 immediately carried him to the secretary; and with- 
 in few days after, the priest was discharged, and at 
 liberty. The jailor, in whose custody he had been 
 put for debt, was arrested by the parties grieved, 
 and he again sued the messenger, who appealed for ' 
 justice to the house of commons against the secre- 
 tary. 
 
 This '^ case had been presented to the committee, 
 
 d This] And this
 
 314 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK and was ready to be reported, with all those war- 
 ____1_ rants under his own hand before mentioned, at the 
 
 l(i4U. iiiY\Q when secretary Windebank was in the house. 
 Besides that, he was charged by the lords, by mes- 
 sage or at a conference, for breach ^ of privilege at 
 the dissolution of the last parliament, and signing 
 warrants for the searching the studies and papers of 
 some members ; for which, according to the doctrine 
 then received, he might have been put into the cus- 
 tody of the sergeant of the house. But as the last 
 occasion was not laid hold of, because it would have 
 inevitably involved his brother secretary, sir Harry 
 Vane, who was under the same charge, and against 
 whom indeed that charge was aimed : so, it seems, 
 they were contented he should make an escape from 
 any trial for the rest ; either, because they thought 
 his place would be sooner void by his flight than by 
 his trial, which would have taken up some time, and 
 required some formality, they having s designed that 
 place to Mr. Hollis ; or, that they thought he would, 
 upon any examination, draw in somewhat to the 
 prejudice of sir Henry Vane, whom they were to 
 protect: and so they were well content with his 
 escape. ^ 
 
 Having made their first entrance upon business 
 with this vigour, they proceeded every day with the 
 same fervour ; and he who expressed most warmth 
 against the court and the government, was heard 
 witli the most ' favour ; every day producing many 
 
 *■ breach] the breach the farther debate till the next 
 
 ^ having] had morning, before which time he 
 
 '' so they were well content chose to retire, and transported 
 
 with his escape.] The MS. has himself into France. 
 
 likewise : so the house deferred ' most] more
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 815 
 
 formed elaborate orations against all the acts of book 
 
 ]ii. 
 
 state which had been done for many years preceding. 
 That they might hasten the prosecution of the earl 1^40. 
 of Strafford, which was their first great design, they 
 made a close committee of such members as they 
 knew to be most for their purpose, who should, un- 
 der an obligation of secrecy, prepare the heads of a 
 charge against him ; which had been seldom or ^ 
 never heard of before in parliament : and that they 
 might be sure to do their business effectually, they 
 sent a message to the house of peers, to desire them 
 " to nominate a select committee Hkewise of a few, ; 
 to examine upon oath such witnesses, as the com- 
 mittee of the house of commons for preparing the 
 charge against the earl of Strafford should produce 
 before them, and in their presence, and upon such 
 interrogatories as they should offer;" which, though 
 it was without precedent or example, the lords pre- 
 sently consented to, and named such men as knew 
 well what they had to do. Then they caused peti- 
 tions to be every day presented, by some who had 
 been grieved by any severe sentences in the star- 
 chamber, or committed by the lords of the council, 
 against lords lieutenants of counties, and their de- 
 puty lieutenants, for having levied money upon the 
 country, for conducting and clothing of soldiers, and 
 other actions of a martial nature, (which had been 
 done ^ by those officers so qualified, from the time of 
 queen Elizabeth, and was practised throughout her 
 reign,) and against sheriffs, for having levied ship- 
 money. Upon all which petitions (the matter being 
 pressed and aggravated still upon every particular 
 
 ^ seldom or] Not in MS. ' been done] been always done
 
 1(5-10. 
 
 's. 
 
 316 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK by some member of note and authority, upon which) 
 "^' all the acts how formal and judicial soever, without"^ 
 so much as hearing the sentences or judgments 
 read, were voted " to be illegal, and against the li- 
 " berty and property of the subject ; and that all 
 " who were guilty of such proceedings should be 
 " prosecuted " for their presumption, and should 
 " likewise pay damages to the persons injured." 
 
 By which general votes (all passed within a short 
 time ° after the sitting of the parliament) they had 
 made themselves so terrible, that all privy-counsel- 
 lors, as well for what they had done at the board, 
 as in the star-chamber ; (where indeed many notable 
 sentences had passed, with some excess in the pu- 
 nishment;) all lords lieutenants, who for the most 
 part were likewise counsellors, whereof all were of 
 the house of peers ; and then all who were deputy 
 lieutenants, or had been sheriffs since the first issu- 
 ing out of writs for the coUection of ship-money, 
 whereof very many were then of the house of com- 
 mons ; found themselves involved under some of 
 those votes, and liable to be proceeded against upon 
 the first provocation ; whereby they were kept in 
 such awe, both in the one house and the other, as if 
 they were upon their good behaviour, that they 
 durst not appear to dislike, much less to oppose, 
 whatsoever was proposed i\ 
 
 All persons imprisoned for sedition by the star- 
 chamber upon the most solemn examination and 
 the most grave deliberation, were set at liberty, that 
 
 "^ without] and without days 
 
 " prosecuted] proceeded a- i' was ])roposed.] they pro- 
 
 g'"»st posed. 
 ° :i short time] three or four
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 317 
 
 they might prosecute their appeals in parliament, book 
 
 In the mean time, though there were two armies in 
 
 the bowels of the kingdom, at so vast an expense, ^ ^ ' 
 care was taken only to provide money to pay them, 
 without the least mention that the one should re- 
 turn into Scotland, and the other be disbanded, that 
 so that vast expense might be determined : but, on 
 the contrary, frequent insinuations were given, "that 
 " many great things were first to be done before the 
 " armies could be disbanded ;" ^ only they desired 
 the king " that all papists might be forthwith ca- 
 " shiered out of his army," which his majesty could 
 not deny; and so some officers of good account were 
 immediately dismissed. 
 
 It will not be impertinent nor unnatural to this The temper 
 present discourse, to set down in this place the pre- houses at 
 sent temper and constitution of both houses of par- .|D, ti',"^*^' 
 liament, ^ that it may be the less wondered at, that ^^J^'^l^^'^^'jJ^g^ 
 so prodiffious an alteration should be made in so'<'''<^'"s 
 
 '^ ^ _ men in 
 
 short a time, and the crown fallen so low, that it both. 
 could neither support itself and its own majesty, 
 nor them who would appear faithful to it. 
 
 Of the house of peers, the great contrivers and in tiie 
 designers were, first* the earl of Bedford, a wise peers tiic 
 man, and of too great and plentiful a fortune to^Jj^",,]. 
 wish a subversion of the government ; and it quickly 
 appeared, that he only intended to make himself 
 and his friends great at court, not at all to lessen 
 the court itself. 
 
 The lord viscount Say, a man of a close and re-Ti.ciorj 
 
 1 at so vast an expense,] at band ; 
 the monthly expense of no less ' parliament,] MS. adds: and 
 
 than one hundred and fifty of the court itself, 
 thousand pounds, ' * first] Not in MS. 
 
 be disbanded ;"] dis- 
 
 r ((
 
 318 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK served nature, of a mean and a narrow fortune, of 
 __1__ great parts, and of the highest ambition, but whose 
 1640. ambition would not be satisfied with offices and pre- 
 ferments, " without some condescensions and altera- 
 tions in ecclesiastical matters. He had for many- 
 years been the oracle of those who were called 
 ' puritans in the worst sense, and steered all their 
 counsels and designs. He was a notorious enemy 
 to the church, and to most of the eminent church- 
 men, with some of whom he had particular contests. 
 He had always opposed and contradicted all acts of 
 ' state, and all taxes and impositions, which were not 
 exactly legal, and so had as eminently and as obsti- 
 nately refused the payment of ship-money as Mr. 
 Hambden had done ; though the latter, by the 
 choice of the king's council, had brought his cause 
 to be first heard and argued, with which judgment 
 it was intended the whole right of that matter 
 should be concluded, and all other causes overruled.'^ ' 
 The lord Say would not acquiesce, but pressed to 
 have his own case argued, and was so solicitous in 
 person with all the judges, both privately at their 
 chambers, and publicly in the court at Westminster, 
 that he was very grievous to them. His commit- 
 ment at York the year before, because he refused to 
 take an oath, or rather subscribe a protestation, 
 against holding intelligence with the Scots, when 
 the king first marched against them, had given him 
 much credit. In a word, he had very great autho- 
 rity with all the discontented party throughout the 
 kingdom, and a good reputation with many who 
 
 " preferments,] preferment, the whole right in that matter, 
 "it was intended — overruled.] and to overrule all other cases, 
 that was intended to conclude
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 319 
 
 were not discontented, y who believed him to be a book 
 wise man and of a very useful temper, in an age of. 
 
 licence, and one who would still adhere to the law. ^^'^^• 
 The lord Mandevile, eldest son to the lord privy- The lord 
 seal, was a person of great civility, and very well' ^"'"' 
 bred, and had been early in the court under the fa- 
 vour of the duke of Buckingham, a lady of whose 
 family he had married : he had attended upon the 
 prince when he was in Spain, and had been called 
 to the house of peers in the lifetime of his father, by 
 the name of the lord Kimbolton, ^- which was a very 
 extraordinary favour. L^pon the death of the duke 
 of Buckingham, his wife being likewise dead, he 
 married the daughter of the earl of Warwick ; a K^ 
 man in no grace at court, and looked upon as the ' 
 greatest patron of the puritans, because of much the 
 greatest estate of all who favoured them, and so was 
 esteemed by them with great application and vene- 
 ration : though he was of a life very licentious, and 
 unconformable to their professed rigour, which they 
 rather dispensed with, than they would withdraw ^ 
 from a house where they received so eminent a pro- 
 tection, and such notable bounty. Upon this ^ latter 
 marriage the lord Mandevile totally estranged him- 
 self from the court, and upon all occasions appeared 
 enough to dislike what was done there, and engaged 
 himself wholly in the conversation of those who 
 were most notoriously of that party, whereof there 
 was a kind of fraternity of many persons of good 
 condition, who chose to live together in one family, 
 at a gentleman's house of a fair fortune, near the 
 
 y discontented,] 'Not in MS. " they would withdraw] to 
 
 ^ bv the name of the lord withdraw 
 Kimbolton,] Not in MS. ^ Upon this] From this
 
 320 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK place where the lord Mandevile lived; whither 
 
 III 
 _—l— others of that classis likewise resorted, and main- 
 
 ^^'^^' tained a joint and mutual correspondence and con- 
 versation together with much familiarity and friend- 
 ship: that lord, to support and the better to im- 
 prove that popularity, living at a much higher rate 
 than the narrow exhibition allowed to him l)y his 
 wary father could justify, making up the rest by 
 contracting a great debt, which long lay heavy upon 
 him ; by which generous way of living, and by his 
 -- natural civility, good manners, and good nature, 
 i which flowed towards all men, he was universally 
 ^ acceptable and beloved; and no man more in the 
 confidence of the discontented and factious party 
 than he, and none ^ to whom the whole mass of 
 their designs, as well what remained in chaos as 
 what was formed, was more entirely communicated, 
 and no man ^ more consulted with. And therefore 
 these three lords are nominated as the principal 
 ^ agents in the house of peers, (though there were 
 many there of quality and interest much superior to 
 any ^ of them,) because they were principally and 
 absolutely trusted by those who were to manage all 
 in the house of commons, and to raise that spirit 
 which was upon all occasions to inflame the lords. 
 Yet it ^ being enough known and understood, that, 
 how indisposed and angry soever many of them at 
 present appeared to be, there would be still a major 
 part there, who would, if they were not overreached, 
 adhere to the king and the established government, 
 and therefore these three persons were trusted with- 
 out reserve, and relied upon so to steer, as might 
 
 *" none] Not in MS. <■ to any] to either 
 
 '^ no m;in] Nol in MS. f it] Not in MS.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 321 
 
 increase their party by all the arts imaginable; and book 
 
 they had dexterity enough to appear to depend— '. 
 
 upon those three ^ lords, who were looked upon as ^^'^'^• 
 greater, and as popular men ; and to be subservient 
 to their purposes, whom in truth they governed and 
 disposed of. 
 
 And by these artifices, and applications to his The emi of 
 vanity, and magnifying the general reputation and 
 credit he had with the people, and sharpening the 
 sense he had of his late ill treatment at court, they 
 fully prevailed upon, ^^ and possessed themselves of, ^- — 
 the earl of Essex; who, though he was no good 
 speaker in public, yet, by ' having sat long in parlia- 
 ment, was ^ so well acquainted with the order of it 
 in very active times, that ' he was a better speaker 
 there than any where else, and being always heard 
 with attention and respect, had much authority in 
 the debates. Nor did he need any incitement 
 (which made all approaches to him the more easy) 
 to do any thing against the persons of the lord 
 archbishop of Canterbury and the lord lieutenant of 
 Ireland, towards whom he professed a full dislike ; 
 who were the only persons against whom there was 
 any declared design, and against whom the Scots 
 had in their manifesto demanded justice, '" as the 
 cause of the war between the nations. And in this 
 prosecution there was too great a concurrence : War- 
 wick, Brook, Wharton, Paget, Howard, and some 
 others, implicitly followed and observed the dictates 
 
 e three] Not in MS. in their manifesto demanded 
 
 ^ upon,] Not in MS. justice,] the Scots having in 
 
 ' by] Not in MS. their manifesto demanded jus- 
 
 ^ was] and tice against those two great 
 
 ' that] Not in MS. men, 
 "^ against whom the Scots had 
 
 VOL. I. Y
 
 322 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK of the lords mentioned before, and started or se- 
 ^^^' conded what they were directed. 
 
 1640. jjj ^j^g house of commons were many persons of 
 
 In the 
 
 house of wisdom and gravity, who being possessed of great 
 and plentiful fortunes, though they were undevoted 
 enough to the coiu't, had all imaginable duty for the 
 king, and affection to the government established 
 by law or ancient custom ; and without doubt, the 
 major part of that body consisted of men who had 
 no mind to break the peace of the kingdom, or to 
 make any considerable alteration in the government 
 of church or state : and therefore all inventions 
 were set on foot from the beginning to work on 
 them, and corrupt them, by suggestions " of the 
 " dangers which threatened all that was precious to 
 " the subject in their liberty and their property, by 
 overthrowing or overmastering the law, and sub- 
 jecting it to an arbitrary power, and by counte- 
 nancing popery to the subversion of the protestant 
 religion ;" and then, by infusing terrible appre- 
 hensions into some, and so working upon their fears 
 " of being called in question for somewhat they had 
 " done," by which they would stand in need of their 
 protection ; and raising the hopes of others, " that, 
 " by concurring with them, they should be sure to 
 " obtain offices, and honours, and any kind of pre- 
 " ferment." Though there were too many corrupted 
 and misled by these several temptations, and others 
 who needed no other temptations than from the 
 fierceness " of their own natures, and the malice 
 they had contracted against the church and against 
 the court ; yet the number was not great of those 
 
 " fierceness] fierceness and barbarity
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 323 
 
 in whom the government of the rest was vested, nor book 
 were there many who had the absolute authority to 
 lead, though there was° a multitude disposed!' to i^'i^- 
 foUow. 
 
 Mr. Pym was looked upon as the man of greatest Mr. Pym; 
 experience in parliament, where he had served very 
 long, and was always a man of business, being an 
 officer in the exchequer, and of a good reputation 
 generally, though known to be incUned to tlie puri- 
 tan faction;'! yet not of those furious resolutions 
 against the church as the other leading men were, 
 and wholly devoted to the earl of Bedford, who had 
 nothing of that spirit. 
 
 Mr. Hambden was a man of much greater cun- Mr. Hamb- 
 ning, and it may be of the most discerning spirit, ' s ^. 
 and of the greatest address and insinuation to bring 
 any thing to pass which he desired, of any man of 
 that time, and who laid the design deepest. He was 
 a gentleman of a good extraction, and a fair for- 
 tune, who, from a life of great pleasure and licence, 
 had on a sudden retired to extraordinary sobriety 
 and strictness, and vet retained his usual cheerful- 
 ness and affability ; which, together with the opi- 
 nion of his wisdom and justice, and the courage he 
 had shewed in opposing the ship-money, raised his 
 reputation to a very great height, not only in Buck- 
 inghamshire, where he lived, but generally through- 
 out the kingdom. He was not a man of many 
 words, and rarely begun the discourse, or made the 
 first entrance upon any business that was assumed ; 
 but a very weighty speaker, and after he had heard | 
 a fuU debate, and observed how the house was like \ 
 
 ° was] were "- puritan faction ;] puritan 
 
 P disposed] that was disposed party ; 
 
 Y 2
 
 324 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK to be inclined, took up the argument, and shortly, 
 
 ____l_and clearly, and craftily, so stated it, that he com- 
 I G40. i^^only conducted it to the conclusion he desired ; 
 and if he found he could not do that, he was never >" 
 without the dexterity to divert the debate to an- 
 other time, and to prevent the determining any 
 thing in the negative, which might prove inconve- 
 nient in the future. He made so great a show of 
 civility, and modesty, and humility, and always of 
 
 ^^ mistrusting his own judgment, and esteeming ^ his 
 with whom he conferred for the present, that he 
 seemed to have no opinions or resolutions, but such 
 as he contracted from the information and instruc- 
 tion he received upon the discourses of others, 
 whom he had a wonderful art of governing, and 
 leading into his principles and inclinations, whilst 
 they believed that he wholly depended upon their 
 counsel and advice. No man had ever a greater 
 
 ^^ power over himself, or was less the man that he 
 
 seemed to be, which shortly after appeared to every 
 body, when he cared less to keep on the mask. 
 
 Mr. Saint. Mr. Saiut-Johu, who was in a firm and entire 
 conjunction with the other two, was a lawyer of 
 Lincoln's Inn, known to be of parts and industry, 
 but not taken notice of for practice in Westminster- 
 hall, till he argued at the exchequer-chamber the 
 case of ship-money on the behalf of Mr. Hambden ; 
 which gave him much reputation, and called him 
 into all courts, and to all causes, where the king's 
 prerogative was most contested. He was a man re- 
 served, and of a dark and clouded countenance, very 
 proud, and conversing with very few, and those, men 
 
 '' was never] never was " esteeming] of esteeming
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 325 
 
 of his own humour and inclinations. He had been book 
 questioned, committed, and brought into the star-. 
 
 chamber, many years before, with other persons of 
 great name and reputation, (which first brought his 
 name upon the stage,) for communicating some 
 paper among themselves, which some men at that 
 time had a mind * to have extended to a design of 
 sedition : but it being quickly evident that the pro- 
 secution would not be attended with success, they 
 were all shortly after discharged ; but he never for- 
 gave the court the first assault, and contracted an 
 implacable displeasure against the church purely 
 from the company he kept. He was of an intimate 
 trust with the earl of Bedford, to whom he was in 
 some sort " allied, (being a natural son of the house 
 of Bullingbrook,) and by him brought into all mat- 
 ters where himself was to be concerned. It was 
 generally believed, that these three persons, with 
 the other three lords mentioned before, were of the 
 most intimate and entire trust with each other, and 
 made the engine which moved aU the rest ; yet it 
 was visible, that Nathaniel Fiennes, the second son 
 of the lord Say, and sir Harry Vane, eldest son to 
 the secretary, and treasurer of the house, were re- 
 ceived by them with full confidence and without 
 reserve. 
 
 The former, being a man of good parts of learn- Mr, Natha- 
 ing, and after some years spent in New college in "es ; "^"* 
 Oxford, of which his father had been formerly fel- 
 low, (that family claiming ^ and enjoying many pri- 
 vileges there, as of kin to the founder,) had spent 
 his time abroad, in Geneva and amongst the cantons 
 
 ' at that time had a mind] " in some sort] Not in 3IS. 
 
 had a mind at that time ^ claiming] pretending 
 
 Y 3
 
 326 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK of Switzerland, where he improved his disinclination 
 ' to the church, with which milk he had been nursed. 
 
 1 640. Fi-oni his travels he returned through Scotland (which 
 few travellers took in their way home) at the time 
 when that rebellion was in the bud ; and was very- 
 little known, except amongst that people, which con- 
 versed wholly amongst themselves, until he was now 
 found in parliament, when it was quickly discovered, 
 that as he was the darling of his father, so y he was 
 like to make good whatsoever he had for many years 
 promised. 
 Sir Harry The othcr, sir Harry Vane, was a man of great 
 
 Vane ju- ^ ^ , « 
 
 nior; natural parts, and of very profound dissimulation, of 
 a quick conception, and very ready, sharp, and 
 weighty expression. He had an unusual aspect, 
 which, though it might naturally proceed both from 
 his father and mother, neither of which were beau- 
 tiful persons, yet made men think there was some- 
 thing ^ in him of extraordinary ; and his whole life 
 made good that imagination. Within a very short 
 time after he returned from his studies in Magdalen 
 college in Oxford, where, though he was under the 
 care of a very worthy tutor, he lived not with great 
 ^ exactness, he spent some little time in France, and 
 I more in Geneva; and, after his return into Eng- 
 land, contracted a full prejudice and bitterness 
 against the church, both against the form of the 
 government, and the liturgy, which was generally 
 in great reverence, even with many of those who 
 were not friends to the other. In this giddiness, 
 which then much displeased, or seemed to displease, 
 his father, who still appeared highly conformable, 
 
 • so] so that ^ something] somewhat
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 327 
 
 and exceeding ^ sharp against those who were not, book 
 
 III. 
 
 he transported himself into New England, a colony, 
 within few years before planted by a mixture of all ^^'^^• 
 religions, which disposed the professors to dislike 
 the government of the church ; who were qualified 
 by the king's charter to choose their own govern- 
 ment and governors, under the obligation, "that 
 " every man should take the oaths of allegiance and 
 " supremacy ;" which all the first planters did, when 
 they received their charter, before they transported 
 themselves from hence, nor was there in many years ^ 
 the least scruple amongst them of complying with 
 those obUgations ; so far men were, in the infancy 
 of their schism, from refusing to take lawful oaths. 
 He was no sooner landed there, but his parts made 
 him quickly taken notice of, and very probably his 
 quality, lieing the eldest son of a privy-counsellor, 
 might give him some advantage ; insomucli that, 
 when the next season came for the election of their 
 magistrates, he Avas chosen their governor : in which 
 place he had so ill fortune (his working and unquiet 
 fancy raising and infusing a thousand scrujjles of 
 conscience, which they had not brought over with 
 them, nor heard of before) that he unsatisfied with 
 them, and they with him, he transported himself ; 
 into England ; having sowed such seed of dissen- 
 sion there, as grew up too prosjjerously, and mise- 
 rably divided the poor colony into several factions, 
 and divisions, and persecutions of each other, which 
 still continue to the great prejudice of that planta- 
 tion : insomuch as some of them, upon the ground 
 of the ^ first expedition, liberty of conscience, have 
 
 ^ exceeding] exceedingly '' years] years after *■ the] their 
 
 Y 4
 
 328 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK withdi-awn themselves from their jurisdiction, and 
 "'■ obtained other charters from the king, by which, in 
 
 ^^^^* other forms of government, they have enlarged their 
 plantation, within new limits adjacent to the other. 
 He was no sooner returned into England, than he 
 seemed to be much reformed from his*^ extrava- 
 gancies, and, with his father's approbation and di- 
 rection, married a lady of a good family, and by his 
 father's credit with the earl of Northumberland, who 
 was high admiral of England, was joined presently 
 and jointly with sir William Russel in the ofl&ce of 
 
 ._ treasurer of the navy, (a place of great trust and 
 profit,) which he equally shared with the other, and 
 seemed a man well satisfied and composed to the 
 government. ^Mien his father received the disobli- 
 gation from the lord Strafford, by his being created 
 baron of Raby, the house and land of Vane, (which® 
 title he had promised himself, but it ^ was unluckily 
 cast upon the earl,s purely out of contempt of 
 Vane^S) they sucked in all the thoughts of revenge 
 imaginable ; and from thence the son betook ^ him- 
 self to the friendship of Mr. Pym, and all other dis- 
 contented or seditious persons, and contributed all 
 that intelligence (which will hereafter be*^ men- 
 tioned, as he himself will often be) that designed 
 the ruin of the earl, and which grafted him in the 
 entire confidence of those who promoted the same ; 
 so that nothing was concealed from him, though it 
 is beheved that he communicated his own thoughts 
 to very few. 
 
 <> froin his] in those •' of Vane] Not in MS. 
 
 •^ (which] and which ' the son betook] he betook 
 
 ' but it] which ^ hereafter be] be hereafter 
 ^ the earl,] him.
 
 OF THE REBiELLION. 329 
 
 Denzil Hollis, the younger son and younger bro- book 
 tlier of the earls of Clare, was as much valued and ' 
 
 esteemed by the whole party, as any man ; as he ^ ^'^^■. 
 deserved to be, being of^ more accomplished parts HoIHs. 
 than any of them, and of great reputation by the 
 part he acted against the court and the duke of 
 Buckingham, in the parliament of the fourth year 
 of the king, (the last parliament that had been be- 
 fore the short one in April,) and his long imprison- 
 ment, and sharp prosecution afterwards, upon that 
 account ; of which he retained the memory with 
 acrimony enough. But he would in no degree in- 
 termeddle in the counsel or prosecution of the earl 
 of Strafford, (which he could not prevent,) who had 
 married his sister, by whom he had all his children,'" 
 which made him a stranger to all those consulta- 
 tions, though it did not otherwise interrupt the 
 friendship he had with the most violent of those 
 prosecutors. In all other contrivances he was in 
 the most secret counsels with those who most go- 
 verned, and was " resj^ected by them with very sub- 
 miss applications as a man of authority. Sir Gilliert 
 Gerrard, the lord Digby, Strode, Haslerig ; and the 
 northern gentlemen, who were most angry with the 
 earl, or apprehensive of their own being in the mercy 
 of the house, as Hotham, Cholmely, and Stapleton ; 
 with some popular lawyers of the house, who did 
 not suspect any wickedness in design, and so be- 
 came involved by degrees in the worst, observed 
 and pursued the dictates and directions of the other, 
 according to the parts which were assigned to them 
 
 ' being of] being a man of dren were, 
 "> by whom he had all his " was] "Not in MS. 
 children,] by whom all his chil-
 
 330 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK upon emergent occasions: whilst the whole house 
 __i!i_ looked on with wonder and amazement, without 
 ] 640. any man's ^ interposing to allay the passion and the 
 fury with which so many were transported. 
 
 This was the present temper and constitution of 
 both houses of parliament upon their first coming 
 together, when (as Tacitus says of the Jews, " that 
 " they exercised the highest offices of kindness and 
 " friendship towards each other, et adversus omnes 
 " alios hostile odium'") they watched all those who 
 
 „ 1 they knew were not of their opinions, nor like to be, 
 
 with all possible jealousy ; and if any of their elec- 
 tions could be brought into question, they were sure 
 ' to be voted out of the house, and then all the arti- 
 fices were used to bring in more sanctified members ; 
 so that every week increased the nvmiber of their 
 party, both by new elections, and the proselytes they 
 gained upon the old. Nor was it to be wondered 
 at, for they pretended all public thoughts, and only 
 the reformation of disapproved and odious enormi- 
 ties, and dissembled all purposes of removing foun- 
 dations, which, though it was in the hearts of some, 
 they had not the courage and confidence to commu- 
 nicate it. 
 
 The English and the Scottish'' armies remained 
 quiet in their several quarters in the north, without 
 any acts of hostility, under the obligation of the ces- 
 sation, which was still prorogued from month to 
 month, that the people might believe that a full 
 peace would be quickly concluded. And the treaty, 
 which during the king's being at York had been 
 held at Rippon, being now adjourned to London, 
 
 " any man's] one man's p Scottish] Scots
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 331 
 
 the Scottish^ commissioners (whereof the earl of book 
 
 III. 
 Rothes, and the lord Lowden, who hath been men- 
 
 tioned before, were the chief) came thither in great ^^l*^^' 
 
 state, and were received by the king with that coun- tish com- 
 missioners 
 tenance, which he could not choose but shew to come to 
 
 them; and were then lodged in the heart of the and lodge 
 city, near London-Stone, in a house which used to '" *^^ *^'*^" 
 be inhabited by the lord mayor or one of the sheriffs, 
 and was situate so near to the church of St.Antho- 
 lins,'' (a place in late times ® made famous by some 
 seditious lecturer,) that there was a way out of it 
 into a gaEery of the church. ' This benefit was well 
 foreseen on all sides in the accommodation, and this 
 church assigned to them for their own devotions, 
 where one of their own chaplains still preached, 
 amongst which Alexander Henderson was the chief, 
 who was likewise joined with them in the treaty in 
 all matters which had reference to religion : and to 
 hear those sermons there was so great a conflux and 
 resort, by the citizens out of humour and faction ; 
 by others of all qualities " out of curiosity ; and by 
 some that they might the better justify the con- 
 tempt they had of them, that from the first appear- 
 ance of day in the morning on every Sunday, to the 
 shutting in of the light, the church was never empty. 
 They (especially the women) who had the happiness 
 to get into the church in the morning (they who 
 could not, hung upon or about the windows without, 
 to be auditors or spectators) keeping their places till 
 the afternoon's exercise was finished, which both 
 morning and afternoon, except to palates and appe- 
 
 ^ Scottish] Scots ' the church.] that church. 
 
 •" St. Antholins,] St. Antlins " qualities] quality 
 
 ^ late times] all times
 
 332 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK tites ridiculously corruiDted, was the most insipid 
 and flat that could be delivered upon any delibe- 
 
 '^^0- ration. 
 
 The earl of Rothes had been the chief architect 
 of that whole machine from the beginning, and was 
 a man very well bred, of very good parts, and great 
 address ; in his person very acceptable, pleasant in 
 conversation, very free and amorous, and unre- 
 strained in his discourse by any scruples of religion, 
 which he only put on when the part he was to act 
 required it, and then no man could appear more 
 conscientiously transported. There will be some- 
 times occasion to mention him hereafter, as already 
 as much hath been said of the other, the lord Low- 
 den, as is yet necessary. 
 A commit- They were no sooner come to the town, but a 
 houses ap. new committcc of the members of both houses, such 
 tr°aTwit*r ^s were very acceptable to them, was appointed to 
 the Scottish i^eugiv and continue the treaty with them that had 
 
 commis- •' 
 
 sioners. bccu bcguu at Rippou : and then they published 
 and printed their declaration against the archbishop 
 of Canterbury and the lieutenant of Ireland, in 
 which they said, " That as they did reserve those 
 " of their own country who had been incendiaries 
 " between the two kingdoms, to be proceeded against 
 " in their own parliament ; so they desired no other 
 " justice to be done against these two criminal per- 
 " sons but what should seem good to the wisdom of 
 " the parliament." 
 
 It was easily discerned (by those who saw at any 
 distance, and who had been long jealous of that 
 trick) from that expression concerning tlie'ir own 
 countrymen, that they meant no harm to the mar- 
 quis of Hamilton, against whom, in the beginning
 
 1640. 
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 333 
 
 of the rebellion, all their bitterness seemed to be di- book 
 
 III. 
 rected, and who was thought to have'^ the least por-- 
 
 tion of kindness or good-will from the three nations, 
 of any man who related to the king's service. But 
 he had, by the friendship he had shewed to the lord 
 Lowden, and procuring his liberty when he was in 
 the Tower for so notorious a treason, and was >' to 
 be in the head of another as soon as he should be 
 at liberty ; and by his application and dexterity at 
 York in the meeting of the great council, and with 
 the Scottish ^ commissioners employed thither before 
 the treaty ; and by his promise of future offices and 
 services, which he made good abundantly ; procured 
 as well from the English as the Scots all assurance 
 of indemnity : which they so diligently made good, 
 that they were not more solicitous to contrive and 
 find out evidence or information against the other 
 two great men, than they were to prevent all infor- 
 mation or complaint, and to stifle all evidence which 
 was offered or could be produced against the mar- 
 quis. 
 
 And they were exceedingly vigilant to prevent 
 the Scottish ^ commissioners entering into any fami- 
 liarity or conversation with any who were not fast 
 to their party : insomuch as one day the earl of 
 Rothes walking in Westminster-haU with Mr. Hyde, 
 towards whom he had a^ kindness by reason of their 
 mutual friendship with some persons of honour, and 
 they two walking towards the gate to take coach to 
 make a visit together, the earl on a sudden desired 
 the other "to walk towards the coach, and he would 
 
 ^ who was thought to have] ^ Scottish] Scotch 
 
 who indeed of all men had "■ Scottish] Scotch 
 
 y was] Not in MS. ^ a] Not in MS.
 
 334 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK " overtake him by the time he came thither:" but 
 '^'' . staying very long, he imagined he might be diverted 
 
 
 \ 640. from his purpose, and so walked back into the hall, 
 where presently meeting him, they both pursued 
 theii' former intention ; and being in the coach, the 
 earl told him, " that he must excuse his having 
 " made him stay so long, because he had been de- 
 " tained only concerning him ; that when he was 
 " walking with him, a gentleman passing by touched 
 " his cloak, which made him desu'e the other to go 
 before ; and turning to the other person, he said, 
 that seeing him walk in some familiarity with Mr. 
 " Hyde, he thought himself obliged to tell him, that 
 " he walked with the greatest enemy the Scottish*^ 
 nation had in the parliament, and that he ought 
 to take heed how he communicated any thing of 
 " importance to him ; and that after he was parted 
 " with that gentleman, before he could jDass through 
 " the hall, four or five other eminent men, severally, 
 " gave him the same advertisement and caution ;" 
 and then spoke '^ as unconcernedly and as merrily 
 of the persons and their jealousy as the other could 
 do. Men who were so sagacious in pursuing their 
 point were not like to miscarry. 
 
 The first compliment they put upon the Scottish ^ 
 commissioners was, that they were caressed ^ by both 
 
 *^ Scottish] Scots their reception, the neighbour 
 ^ spoke] spake church for their devotion, whi- 
 ^ Scottish] Scots ther so great a herd flocked on 
 ^ The first — caressed] Thus Sundays to hear Mr. Henderson 
 tn MS. C. : The Scotch commis- and his fellow-chaplains, that 
 sioners were in this time come very many came to and sat in 
 to London, where they were the church from the time that it 
 magnificently entertained ; and was light, that they might re- 
 one of the best houses in the ceive the comfort of those lec- 
 heart of the city assigned for tures, which were not till the 

 
 OF THE REBELLION. 835 
 
 houses with all possible expressions of kindness at book 
 least, if not of submission ; and an order was care- 
 
 fully entered, "that upon all occasions the appella- 1640. 
 " tion should be used of Our brethren of Scotland f^ 
 and upon that, wonderful kind compliments passed,^ 
 of a sincere resolution of amity and union between 
 the two nations. 
 
 Things being thus constituted, it became them to 
 satisfy the public expectation in the discovery of 
 their new treasons, and in speedy proceedings against 
 those two great persons. For the better preparing 
 whereof, and facilitating whatever else should ])e ne- 
 cessary for that enterprise, the Scottish ^ commis- 
 sioners in the name of that nation presented (as is 
 said before) two distinct declarations, against the 
 persons of the archbishop and the earl of Strafford, 
 stuffed with as much bitterness and virulency as can 
 be imagined, making them " the odious incendiaries 
 " of the differences between the two nations, and 
 " the original causes of all those calamities in that 
 " kingdom which begot ^ those differences, and most 
 " pathetically pressing for justice against them both." 
 These discourses (for each^ of them consisted of 
 many sheets of paper) were publicly read in both 
 houses ; that against the archbishop of Canterbury 
 was for the present laid aside, and I am persuaded, 
 at that time, without any thought of resuming it, 
 hoping that his age and imprisonment would have 
 quickly freed them from farther trouble. But a Proceedings 
 speedy proceeding against the other was vehemently eari of straf- 
 pressed, as of no less importance than the peace be- ^°'"^'^ *"^^' 
 
 afternoon ; for in the morning ^ Scottish] Scotch 
 
 their devotions were private. ' begot] begat 
 
 They were caressed, &c. ^ each] either 
 s passed,] are passed,
 
 336 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK tween the two kingdoms, not without some intima- 
 "^* tion, " that there could be no expectation that the 
 
 1640. a Scottish^ army would ever retire into their coun- 
 " try, and consequently that the king's army"^ could 
 " be disbanded, before exemplary justice was ° done 
 " upon that earl to their satisfaction." ^\Tien they 
 had inflamed men with this consideration sufficient- 
 ly, they, without any great difficulty, (in order to 
 the necessary expedition for that trial,) prevailed in 
 two propositions of most fatal consequence to the 
 king's service, and to the safety and integrity of all 
 honest men. 
 
 The first, " for a committee to be settled of both 
 " houses for the taking preparatory examinations." 
 Thus the allegation was, " That the charge against 
 " the earl of Strafford was of an extraordinary na- 
 " ture, being to make a treason evident out of a 
 complication of several ill acts ; that he must be 
 " traced through many dark paths, and this prece- 
 dent seditious discourse compared with that sub- 
 sequent outrageous action, the cu'cumstances of 
 " ])oth which might be equally considerable with 
 " the matter itself; and therefore that, before this 
 " charge could be so directly made and prepared as 
 " was necessary," (for he was hitherto only accused 
 generally of treason,) " it was requisite, that a com- 
 " mittee should be made of both houses to examine 
 *' some witnesses upon oath, upon whose depositions 
 " his impeachment would easily be framed." This 
 was no sooner proposed in the house of commons, 
 than consented to ; and upon as little debate yielded 
 to by the lords ; and the committee settled accord- 
 
 ' Scottish] Scotch "1 army] Not in MS. " was] were 
 
 (( 

 
 1640. 
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 337 
 
 ingly : without considering that such an inquisition book 
 (besides that the same was contrary to the practice - 
 of former times") would easily prepare a charge 
 against the most innocent man alive ; where that 
 liberty should be taken to examine a man's whole 
 life ; and all the light, and all the private discourses 
 had passed from him, might be tortured, perverted, 
 and applied, according to the conscience and the 
 craft of a diligent and malicious prosecution. 
 
 The second was, " for the examining upon oath 
 " privy-counsellors, upon such matters as had passed 
 " at the council-table." The allegation for this was, 
 " That the principal ingredient into the treason with 
 " which P the earl was to be charged, was, a purpose 
 " to change the form of government ; and, instead 
 " of that settled by law, to introduce a power merely 
 " arbitrary. Now this design must be made evi- 
 " dent, as well by the advices which he gave, and 
 " the expressions he uttered upon emergent occa- 
 " sions, as by his public actions ; and those could not 
 " be discovered, at least not proved, but by those 
 " who were present at such consultations, and they 
 " were only privy-counsellors." As it was alleged, 
 " That at his coming from Ireland the earl had said 
 " in council there. That if ever he 'i returned to that 
 " sword again, he would not leave a Scottish-man *' 
 " in that kingdom : and at his arrival in this king- 
 " dom, the lord mayor and some aldermen of London 
 " attending the board about the loan of monies, and 
 " not giving that satisfaction was expected, that he 
 
 ° contrary to the practice of p with which] of which 
 
 former times] most contrary to '' ever he] he ever 
 
 the rules of law or the practice "" Scottish-man] Scotch-man 
 of any former times 
 
 VOL. I. Z
 
 i( 
 
 a 
 
 338 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK " should pull ^ a letter out of his pocket, and shew 
 
 ^ ' " what course the king of France then took for the 
 
 1 G40. a raising of money ; and that he should tell the king, 
 
 " That it would never be well till he hanged up a 
 
 " lord mayor of London in the city to terrify the 
 
 " rest." 
 
 There was no greater difficulty to satisfy the house 
 of commons with the reasonablene^ of this, than of 
 the former ; but the compassing it was not like to be 
 easy ;* for it was visible, that, though the lords should 
 join with them, (which was not to be despaired,) 
 the" privy-covmsellors would insist upon the oath 
 they had taken, and pretend, " that without the 
 king's consent they might not discover any thing 
 that had passed at that board ; so that the greatest 
 difficulty would be, the procuring the king's con- 
 " sent for the betraying himself: but this must be 
 " insisted on, for God forbid that it might be safe for 
 " any desperate wicked counsellor to propose and 
 " advise at that board" (which in the intervals of 
 parliaments wholly disposed the affairs of state) 
 " courses destructive to the health and being of the 
 " kingdom ; and that the sovereign physician, the 
 " parliament, (which had the only skill to cure those 
 " contagious and epidemical diseases,) should be 
 " hindered fi'om preserving the public, because no 
 " evidence must be given of such corrupt and wicked 
 " counsels." And so provided with this specious 
 oratory, they desire the lords " to concur with 
 " them for this necessary examination of privy- 
 " counsellors ;" who, without much debate, (for the 
 persons concerned knew well their acts were visible 
 
 " pull] pull out I easy ;] so easy ; " the] that the
 
 1G40. 
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 339 
 
 and public enough, and therefore considered not book 
 
 III 
 much what words had passed,) consented, and ap- . 
 
 pointed some to attend the king for his consent : 
 who, not well weighing the consequence, and being 
 in public council unanimously advised ** to consent 
 *' to it ; and that the not doing it would lay some 
 " taint upon his council, and be a tacit confession, 
 " that there had been agitations at that place which 
 " would not endure the light ;" yielded that they 
 should be examined : which was speedily done ac^ 
 cordingly, by the committee of both houses appoint- 
 ed for that purpose. 
 
 The damage was not to be expressed, and the ruin 
 that last act brought to the king was irreparable ; 
 for, besides that it served their turn (which no ques- 
 tion they had discovered before) to prove those words 
 against the earl of Strafford, which sir Harry Vane 
 so punctually remembered, (as you shall find at the 
 earl's trial.) and besides that it was matter of horror 
 to the counsellors, to find that they might be ar- 
 raigned for every rash, every inconsiderate, every 
 imjjerious expression or word they had used there ; 
 and so made them more engaged to servile applica- 
 tions ; it banished for ever all future freedom from 
 that board, and those persons, from whom ^ his ma- 
 jesty was to expect advice in his greatest straits ; all 
 men satisfying themselves, " that they were no more 
 " obliged to deliver their opinions there freely, when 
 " they might be impeached in another place for so 
 " doing ;" and the evincing this so useful doctrine 
 was without doubt more the design of those grand 
 
 ^ whom] whence 
 
 z 2
 
 340 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK managers, than any hope they had, of receiving fur- 
 
 III. 
 
 , ther information thereby, than they had before. 
 
 1 640. ^ji(j fQj. ujy part, I must ask leave of those noble 
 lords, who after the king's consent gave themselves 
 liberty^ to be examined, to say, that if they had well 
 considered the oath they had taken when they were 
 admitted to that society, which was. To keep secret 
 all matters committed a7id revealed to them^ or tJiat^ 
 should be treated of secretly in council, they would 
 not have beUeved, that the king himself could have 
 dispensed with that part of their oath. It is true, 
 there is another clause in their oath, that aUows them 
 with the king's consent to reveal a matter of coun- 
 cil : but that is, only what shall touch another coun- 
 sellor ; which they are not to do without the leave 
 of the king or the council. 
 
 It was now time to mind ^ themselves, as well as 
 the public, and to repair, as well as pull ^ down ; and 
 therefore, as the principal reason (as was said before) 
 for the accusing those two gi*eat persons of high 
 treason (that is, of the general consent to it before 
 any evidence was required) was, that they might be 
 removed from the king's presence and his counsels, 
 without which they conceived theirs would have no 
 power with him ; so that being compassed, care was 
 taken to infuse into the king by marquis Hamilton, 
 (who you heard before was licensed to take care of 
 himself; and was now of great intimacy with the 
 governing and undertaking party,) " that his ma- 
 " jesty having declared to his people, that he really 
 
 y liberty] leave « mind] intend 
 
 ^ thaq Not in MS. b as pull] as to pull
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 341 
 
 " intended a reformation of all those extravagancies book 
 
 . III. 
 " which former necessities, or occasions, or mistakes, '■ — 
 
 " had brought into the government of church or ^^^ * 
 " state : he could not give a more lively and demon- 
 
 strable evidence, and a more gracious instance of 
 such his intention, than by calling such persons to 
 his council, wliom the people generally thouglit 
 *' most inclined to, and intent upon, such reforma- 
 " tion : besides, that this would be a good means to 
 *' preserve the dignity and just power of that board, 
 " which might otherwise, on the account of the late 
 " excess and violation, be more subject to inconve- 
 *' nient attempts for the future*^." 
 
 Hereupon in one day were sworn privy-counsellors. Divers new 
 much to the public joy, the earl of Hertford, (whonicounsei- 
 the king afterwards ^^ made marquis,) the earl of „'7the ° ° 
 Bedford, the earl of Essex, the earl of Bristol, theP°P"'^' 
 
 ' ' ' party. 
 
 lord Say, the lord Savile, and the lord Kimbolton ; 
 and within two or three days after, the earl of War- 
 wick : being all persons at that time very gi'acious to 
 the peojDle, or to the Scots, by whose election and 
 discretion the people chose ; and had been all in some 
 umbrage at court, and most^ in visible disfavour 
 there. This act the king did very cheerfully ; 
 heartily inclined to some of them, as he had reason ; 
 and not apprehending any inconvenience by that act 
 from the other, whom he thought this light of his 
 grace would reform, or at least restrain. 
 
 But the calling and admitting men to that board 
 is not a work that can be indifferent ; the reputa- 
 
 •^ " which might otherwise, to some inconvenient attempts. 
 " — the future."] which might '^ afterwards] shortly after 
 otherwise for the late excess be ^ most] most of them 
 more subject to violation, at least 
 
 z 3
 
 342 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK tion, if not the government, of the state depending^ 
 ^"- on it. And though, it may be, there hath been too 
 
 1640. much curiosity heretofore used to discover men's 
 humours ^ in particular points, before they have re- 
 ceived that honour ; whereas possibly such differences 
 were rather to have been desired than avoided ; yet 
 there are certain opinions, certain propositions, and 
 general principles, that whosoever does not hold, 
 and '* does not believe, is not, without great danger, 
 to be accepted for a privy-counsellor. As, whoso- 
 ever is not fixed to monarchical grounds, the preser- 
 vation and upholding whereof is the chief end of such 
 a council : whosoever doth ^ not believe that, in order 
 to that great end, there is a dignity, a freedom, a juris- 
 diction most essential to be preserved in and to that 
 place ; and takes not the preservation thereof to heart ; 
 ought never to be received there. What in pru- 
 dence is to be done towards that end, admits a lati- 
 tude that honest and wise men may safely and pro- 
 fitably differ in^ ; and those differences (which I said 
 before there was too much unskilful care to prevent) 
 usually produce great advantages in knowledge and 
 wisdom : but the end itself, that which the logicians 
 call the terminus ad quern, ought always to be a 
 ])osfulatum, which whosoever doubts, destroys : and 
 princes cannot be too strict, too tender, in this con- 
 sideration, in the constituting the body of their 
 privy-council ; upon the prudent doing whereof much 
 of their safety, more of theu' honour and reputation 
 (wliich is the life itself of princes) both at home and 
 
 ^depending] so much depend- ^' and] Not in 31 S. 
 
 Jng ' doth] does 
 
 « humours] particular opi- k j^] Not in MS. 
 nions
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 343 
 
 abroad, necessarily depends ; and the inadvertencies book 
 
 III 
 in this point have been, mediately or immediately, 
 
 the root and the spring of most of^ the calamities ^^"^^^ 
 that have ensued. 
 
 Two reasons have been frequently given by princes 
 for oversights, or for wilful breaches, in this impor- 
 tant dispensation of their favours. The first, " that 
 " such a man can do no harm ;" w^hen, God knows, 
 few men have done more harm than those who have 
 been thought to be able to do least ; and there can- 
 not be a greater error, than to believe, a man whom 
 we see qualified with too mean parts to do good, to 
 be therefore incapable of doing hurt : there is a sup- 
 ply of malice, of pride, of industry, and even of folly, 
 in the weakest, when he sets his heart upon it, that 
 makes a strange progress in mischief. The second, 
 " when persons of ordinary faculties, either upon 
 " importunity, or other collateral respects, have been 
 " introduced there,'" that it is but a place of honour, 
 " and a general testimony of the king's affection ;" 
 and so it hath been as it were reserved as a prefer- 
 ment for those, who were fit for no other preferment. 
 As amongst the Jesuits they have a rule, that they 
 who " are vmapt for greater studies, shall study cases 
 of conscience. By this means the number hath been 
 increased, which in itself breeds great inconveni- 
 ences ; since a less number are fitter both for counsel 
 and despatch, in matters of the greatest moment, 
 that depend upon a quick execution, than a greater 
 number of men equally honest and wise : and for 
 that, and other reasons of unaptness and incompe- 
 tency, committees of dexterous men have been ap- 
 
 ' most of] all •" there^] thither, " they who] they which 
 
 z 4
 
 344 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK pointed out of the table to do the business of it;** 
 ' and so men have been no sooner exalted with the 
 
 1640. honourable i^ title, and pleased with the obligation of 
 being made privy-counsellors, than they have checked 
 that delight with discerning that they were not fully 
 trusted ; and so have ^ been more incensed with the 
 reproachful distinction at, than obliged with the ho- 
 nourable admission to, that board, where they do not 
 find all persons equally members. And by this kind 
 of resentment, many sad inconveniences have be- 
 fallen the king, and those men ^ who have had the 
 honour and misfortune of those secret trusts. 
 
 The truth is, the sinking and near desperate con- 
 dition of monarchy in this kingdom can never be 
 buoyed up, but by a prudent and steady council at- 
 tending upon the virtue and vivacity of the king ; 
 nor be preserved and improved when it is up, but 
 by cherishing and preserving the wisdom, integrity, 
 dignity, and reputation of that council : the lustre 
 whereof always reflects upon the king himself; who 
 is not thought a great monarch when he follows only 
 his own reason ^ and appetite ; but when, for the in- 
 forming his reason, and guiding his actions, he uses 
 the service, industry, and faculties of the wisest men. 
 And though it hath been, and will be, always ne- 
 cessary to admit to those counsels some men of great 
 power, who will not take the pains to improve their 
 ^ great parts ;^ yet the number of the whole should 
 not be too great ; and the capacities and qualities of 
 
 " of it ;] of the table ; ^ (,„]y j^jg ^^y^ reason] the 
 
 ^ honourable] reverent reins of his own reason 
 '" have] Not in MS. t to improve their great parts ;] 
 
 ' the king, and those men] to to have great parts ; 
 the king, and to those men
 
 1640. 
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 345 
 
 the most should be" fit for business; that is, either book 
 for judgment and despatch ; or for one of them at - 
 least ; and for ^ integrity above all. 
 
 This digression (much longer than was intended) 
 will not appear very impertinent, when the great 
 disservice shall appear, which befell >' the king by the 
 swearing those lords formerly mentioned (I speak 
 but of some of them) privy-counsellors. For, in- 
 stead of exercising themselves in their new pro- 
 vince, and endeavouring to preserve and vindicate 
 that jurisdiction, they looked upon themselves as 
 preferred thither, by their reputation in parliament, 
 not by the ^ kindness and esteem ^ of the king ; and 
 so resolved to keep up principally the greatness of 
 that place, to which they thought they owed their 
 own ^ greatness. And therefore, when the king re- 
 quired the advice of his privy-council, in those mat- 
 ters of the highest importance which were then 
 every day incumbent on him,'^ the new privy-coun- 
 seUors positively declared, " that they might not 
 " (that was, that nobody might) give his majesty 
 " any advice in matters depending in the two houses, 
 " which was not^ agreeable to the sense of the two 
 " houses ; which they caUed ^ his great council, by 
 " whose wisdom he was entirely to guide himself." 
 As^ this doctrine was insipidly s and perniciously 
 urged by some'*; so it was supinely^ and stupidly 
 submitted to by others^ : insomuch as the king in a 
 
 " should be] Not in MS. '^ which was not] and not 
 
 "<■ for] Not in MS. ^ they called] (forsooth) was 
 
 y befell] befell unto ^ As] And as 
 
 ^' by the] Not in MS. s insipidly] most insipidly 
 
 * esteem] estimation ^ some] them 
 
 ^ own] Not in MS. ' supinely] most supinely 
 
 <= on him,] to him, ^ others] the rest
 
 346 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK moment found himself bereaved of all ^ public assist- 
 ^"' ance and advice,™ in a time when he needed it most ; 
 
 1 640. ^nd his greatest, and, upon the matter, his only bu- 
 siness, being prudently to weigh and consider what 
 to consent to, and what to deny, of such things as 
 should be proposed to him by the two houses, he was 
 now told, " that he was only to be advised by them;" 
 
 ^ — I which was as much as to say, that he must do what- 
 soever they desired of him." 
 
 Whereas in truth, it is not only lawful for the 
 privy-council, but their duty,^ to give faithfully and 
 freely their advice to the king upon all matters con- 
 cluded in parliament, to which his royal assent p is 
 necessary, as well as upon any other subject whatso- 
 ever. Nay, a privy-counsellor, as such, is i bound to 
 dissuade the king from consenting "■ to that which is 
 prejudicial to the crown ; at least to make that pre- 
 judice manifest to him ; though as a private person 
 he could wish the matter consented to. And there- 
 fore, by the constitution of the kingdom, and the 
 constant practice of former^ times, all bills, after 
 they had passed both houses, were delivered * by the 
 clerk of the parliament to the clerk of the crown ; 
 and by him brought to the attorney-general; who 
 presented the same to the king " sitting in council, 
 and having read them, declared what alterations 
 
 ^ of all] of any p assent] consent 
 
 •" and advice] or advice <i a privy- coimsellor, as such, 
 
 " to say, that he must do what- is] as a counsellor he is 
 
 soever they desired of him.] to •■ from consenting] to consent 
 
 ask, whether they had a mind ^ of former] of all 
 
 he should do whatever they de- *had passed both houses, were 
 
 sired of him. delivered] are passed both houses 
 
 " lawful for the privy-council, and engrossed, are delivered 
 
 but their duty,] lawful for, but " the king] his majesty 
 the duty of the privy-council,
 
 1640. 
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 347 
 
 were made by^ those bills toy" former laws, and book 
 
 . . ' .... III. 
 
 what benefit or detriment, in profit or jurisdiction, _ 
 
 would ^ accrue thereby to the crown : and then, 
 upon ^ a full and free debate by his counsellors, the 
 king resolved accordingly upon such bills as were to 
 be ^ enacted into laws ; and respited ^ the other that 
 he thought'^ not fit to consent to. As this*^ hath 
 been the known practice, so the reason is very visi- 
 ble ; that the royal assent being a distinct and essen- 
 tial part towards the making a law, there should be 
 as much care taken to inform the understanding and 
 conscience of the king upon those occasions, as theirs, 
 who prepare the same for his royal assent.^ 
 
 ^ were made by] are by sion. In the lords' house the 
 
 y to] in earls of Essex, Bedford, War- 
 
 ^ would] will wick, the lords Say and Kimbol- 
 
 •' then, upon] thereupon ton, were the governing voices, 
 
 '' resolved accordingly upon attended by Brooke, Wharton, 
 
 such bills as were to be] resolves, Paget, and such like. In the 
 
 and accordingly doth mark the house of commons Mr. Pym, 
 
 bills that are to be Mr. Hambden, Mr. St. John, 
 
 <^ respited] respites Mr. Hollis, and Mr. Fiennes, ab- 
 
 ^ thought] thinks solutely governed, being stoutly 
 
 ^ As this] And methinks as surrounded, iipon all occasions, 
 
 this by Mr. Strode, sir John Hotham, 
 
 f royal assent.] stamp. After (whom his hatred to the earl of 
 
 this, in MS. C. is found the fol- Strafford, and his having been a 
 
 lowing short account of the state dexterous sheriff in the collec- 
 
 of parties in both houses, of which tion of ship-money, had firmly 
 
 a more full description has been united to that party,) sir Walter 
 
 given in the history from MS. B. Earle, young sir Harry Vane, 
 
 seepage ^ly. The council- table and many others of the same 
 
 being by this new doctrine and tempers and dispositions; but 
 
 these new doctors rendered use- truly, I am persuaded, whatever 
 
 less to the king, the fate of all design, either of alteration or 
 
 things depended upon the two reformation, was yet formed, I 
 
 houses, and therefore it will not mean in the beginning of the 
 
 be amiss to take a view of the parliament, was only communi- 
 
 persons by whose arts and in- cated between the earl of Bed- 
 
 terests the rest were disposed, ford, the lords Say and Kimbol- 
 
 the lesser wheels moving en- ton, Mr, Pym, Mr. Hambden, 
 
 tirely by their virtue and impul- Mr. Fiennes, and Mr. St. John ; 
 
 &
 
 348 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK That it might appear that what was done within 
 ' the houses was agreeable to those who were with- 
 1640. Q^^^ jj^(j ^Yiat the same spirit reigned in parliament 
 clncein and people, all possible licence was exercised in 
 auTpriuf- preaching, and printing any old scandalous pam- 
 '"»• phlets, and adding new to them against the church : 
 
 petitions jDresented by many parishioners against 
 their pastors, with articles of their misdemeanours 
 and behavdours ; most whereof consisted, " in their 
 " bowing at the name of Jesus, and obliging the 
 " communicants to come up to the altar," (as they 
 enviously called it,) that is, to the rails which en- 
 closed the communion-ta])le, " to receive the sacra- 
 " ment."' All which petitions were read with great 
 delight, and presently referred to the committee 
 about religion =; where Mr. White, a grave lawyer, 
 but notoriously disaffected to the church, sat in the 
 __^ cliair ; and then both petition and articles were suf- 
 fered to be printed and published, (a licence never 
 practised before,) that the people might be inflamed 
 
 who, together with the earl of persons guilty of the same, and 
 Rothes, and the lord Lowden, not yet discerning that there 
 (the Scots commissioners,) ma- was any other intention than of 
 naged and carried it on ; and a just and regular proceeding 
 that neither the earl of Essex, and reformation upon both. All 
 Warwick, nor Brooke himself, things going on thus smoothly 
 no, nor Mr. HoUis or Strode, within the walls, and succeed- 
 or any of the rest, were other- ing according to wish, it was 
 wise tnisted, than upon occa- requisite to feel the pulse of the 
 sion, and made use of according people, and to discover how they 
 to their several gifts : but there stood inclined, and how far, 
 was yet no manner of difficulty upon any emergent occasion, 
 in swaying and guiding the af- they might be relied on ; and 
 fections of men ; all having for that purpose a pregnant op- 
 brought resolution and animo- portunity was offered. There 
 sity enough against the excesses had been three persons, &c. as 
 and exorbitancics that had been in page 349, line 1 7. 
 exercised in the former govern- s about religion] for religion 
 njent, and dislike enough to the
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 349 
 
 against the clergy ; who were quickly taught to call book 
 all those against whom such petitions and articles 
 
 were exhibited (which were frequently done by a few '^^^* 
 of the rabble, and meanest of the people, against the 
 sense and judgment of the parish) the scandalous 
 clergy; which appellation was frequently applied 
 to men of great gravity and learning, and the most 
 unblemished lives. 
 
 There cannot be a better instance of the unruly The entry 
 and mutinous spirit of the city of London, which Bastwid, 
 was then ^ the sink of all the ill humours ^ of the fnto Lmi°" 
 kingdom, than the triumphant entry which some'^'^"* 
 persons at that time made into London, who had 
 been before seen upon pillories, and stigmatized as 
 libellous and infamous offenders : of which classis of 
 men scarce any age can afford the like. ^ 
 
 There had been three persons of several profes- 
 sions some years before censured in the * star-cham- 
 ber ; WiUiam Pryn, a barrister of Lincoln's Inn ; 
 John Bastwick, a doctor of physic ; and Henry Bur- 
 ton, a minister and lecturer of London. "" 
 
 The first, not unlearned in the profession of the 
 law, as far as learning is acquired by the mere read- 
 ing of books ; but being a person of great industry, 
 had spent more time in reading divinity ; and, which 
 marred that divinity, in the conversation of factious 
 and hotheaded divines : and so, by a mixture of all 
 three, with the rudeness and arrogance of his own 
 nature, had contracted a proud and venomous dislike 
 
 ^ then] 'Not in MS. dates into London, will be found 
 
 ' humours] humour in the Appendix, C. ; the printed 
 
 ^ the like.] The continuation history being taken from MS. C. 
 
 of this account, from MS. B. of ' the] Not in MS. 
 
 the entry of Pryn and his asso- ™ of London.] in London.
 
 350 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK to the " discipline of the church of England ; and so 
 ' by degrees (as the progress is very natural) an equal 
 1 640. irreverence to the government of the state too ; both 
 which he vented in several absurd, petulant, and su- 
 percilious discourses in print. 
 
 The second, a half-witted, crack-brained fellow, 
 unknoAvn to either university, or the college of phy- 
 sicians ; but one that had spent his time abroad, be- 
 tween the schools and the camp, (for he had been in, 
 or passed through armies,) and had gotten a doctor- 
 ship, and Latin ; with which, in a very flowing style, 
 with some wit and much malice, he inveighed 
 against the prelates of the church in a book which 
 he printed in Holland, and industriously dispersed 
 in London, and throughout the kingdom; having 
 presumed (as their modesty is always equal to their 
 obedience) to dedicate it to the sacred majesty of the 
 king. 
 
 The third had formerly a kind of relation by ser- 
 vice to the king; having, before he took orders, 
 waited as closet-keeper, and so attended at canonical 
 hours, with the books of devotion, upon his majesty 
 when he was prince of Wales ; and, a little before 
 the death of king James, took orders : and so his 
 highness coming shortly to be king, the vapours of 
 ambition fuming into his head that he was still to 
 keep his place, he would not think of less than being 
 clerk of the closet to the new king, which place his 
 majesty conferred upon, or rather continued in, the 
 bishop of Durham, doctor Neyl, who had long served 
 king James there. Mr. Burton thus disappointed, 
 and, as he called it, despoiled of his right, *^ would not, 
 
 " to the] against the " >*'g''^] riglits,
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 351 
 
 in the greatness of his heart, sit down by the affront; book 
 but committed two or three such weak, saucy in- ^^^' 
 
 discretions, as caused an inhibition to be sent him, l^^O. 
 " that he should not presume to come any more to 
 " court :" and from that time he p resolved to re- 
 venge himself of the bishop of Durham, upon the 
 whole order ; and so turned lecturer, and preached 
 against them ; being endued with malice and bold- 
 ness, instead of learning and any tolerable parts. 
 
 These three persons having been, for several fol- 
 lies and libelling humours, first gently reprehended, 
 and after, for their incorrigibleness, more severely 
 censured and imprisoned, found some means in f)ri- 
 son of correspondence, which was not before known 
 to be between them ; and to combine themselves in 
 a more pestilent and seditious libel than they had 
 ever before vented ; in which the honour of the 
 king, queen, counsellors, and bishops, was with equal 
 licence blasted and traduced ; which was faithfully 
 dispersed by their proselytes in the city. The au- 
 thors were quickly and easily known, and had in- 
 deed too much ingenuity to deny it ; and were there- 
 upon brought together to the star-chamber 'i ore te- 
 nus ; where they behaved themselves with marvel- 
 lous insolence; with full confidence demanding, " that 
 " the bishops who sat in the court" (being only the 
 archbishop of Canterbury, and the bishop of London) 
 " might not be present, because they were their ene- 
 " mies, and so parties :" which, how scandalous and 
 ridiculous soever it seemed then there, was good lo- 
 gic and good law two years after in Scotland, and 
 served to banish the Ijishops of that kingdom both - 
 
 P he] Not in MS. 'i star-chamber] star-chamber-bar.
 
 352 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK from the council-table and the assembly. Upon a 
 "'* .very patient and solemn hearing, in as full a court 
 
 1 ^^0- as ever I saw in that place, '^ without any difference 
 in opinion or dissenting voice, they were all three 
 censured as scandalous, seditious, and infamous per- 
 sons, " to lose their ears in the pillory, and to be im- 
 " prisoned in several gaols during the king's plea- 
 " sure :" all which was executed with rigour and se- 
 verity enough. But yet their itch of libelUng still 
 broke out ; ^ and their friends of the city found a line 
 of communication with them ". Hereupon the wis- 
 dom of the state thought fit, that those infectious 
 sores should breathe out their corruption in some air 
 more remote from that catching city, and less liable 
 to the contagion : and so, by an order of the lords of 
 the council, Mr. Pryn was sent to a castle in the 
 island of Jersey ; Dr. Bastwick to Scilly ; and Mr. 
 Burton to Guernsey ; where they remained unconsi- 
 dered, and truly I think unpitied, (for they were, 
 men of no virtue or merit,) for the space of two 
 years, till the beginning of this present parliament. 
 
 Shortly upon that, petitions were presented by 
 their wives or friends, to the house of commons, ex- 
 pressing " their heavy censures and long sufferings ;" 
 and desiring, by way of appeal, " that the justice 
 " and rigour of that sentence might be reviewed and 
 " considered ; and that their persons might be 
 " brought from those remote and desolate places to 
 " London, that so they might be able to facilitate ^ 
 " or attend their own business." The sending for 
 them out of prison (which was the main) took up 
 
 ' ever I saw in that place,] 1 ^' with them] Not in MS. 
 ever saw, x facilitate] solicit 
 
 ' broke out ;] brake out ;
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 353 
 
 much consideration : for though very many who had book 
 no kindness, had yet compassion for the men ; 
 
 thinking >' they had suffered enough ; and that, ' ^'^^• 
 though they were scurvy fellows, they had been 
 scurvily used : and others had not only affection to 
 their persons, as having suffered for a common cause ; 
 but were concerned to revive and improve their use- 
 ful faculties of libelling and reviling authority ; and 
 to make those ebullitions of their malice ^ not thought 
 noisome to the state : yet a sentence of a supreme 
 court, the star-chamber, (of which they had not yet 
 spoke with irreverence,) was not lightly to be blown 
 off: but, when they were informed, and had consi- 
 dered, that l)y that sentence the petitioners were con- 
 demned to some prisons in London ; and were after- 
 ward removed thence by an order of the lords of the 
 council ; they looked upon that order as a violation 
 of the sentence ; and so made no scruple to order 
 " that the prisoners should be removed from those 
 " foreign prisons, to the places to which they were 
 " regularly first committed." And to that purpose 
 warrants were signed by the speaker, to the gover- 
 nors and captains of the several castles, " to bring 
 " them in safe custody to London :" which were sent 
 with all possible expedition. 
 
 Pryn and Burton being neighbours (though in 
 distinct islands) landed at the same time at South- 
 ampton ; where they were received and entertained 
 with extraordinary demonstrations of affection and 
 esteem ; attended by a marvellous conflux of com- 
 pany ; and their charges not only borne with great 
 
 y for the men ; thinking they] ' of their malice] Not in MS. 
 
 towards them ; as thinking they 
 
 VOL. T. A a
 
 354 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK magnificence, but liberal presents given to them. 
 _Jl!l_And this method and ceremony kept them company 
 
 ^^'^^' all their journey, great herds of people meeting them 
 at their entrance into all towns, and waiting upon 
 them out with wonderful acclamations of joy. When 
 they came near London, multitudes of people of se- 
 veral conditions, some on horseback, others on foot, 
 met them some miles from the town ; very many 
 having been a day's journey ; and they *^ were 
 brought, about two of the clock in the afternoon, in 
 at Charing-cross, and carried into the city by above 
 ten thousand persons, with boughs and flowers in 
 their hands ; the common people strewing flowers 
 and herbs in the ways as they passed, making great 
 noise, and expressions of joy for their deliverance 
 and return ; and in those acclamations mingling loud 
 and virulent exclamations against the bishops, " who 
 " had so cruelly prosecuted such godly men." In the 
 same manner, within five or six days after, and in 
 like triumph. Dr. Bastwick returned from Scilly, 
 landing at Dover; and from thence bringing the 
 same testimonies of the affections and zeal of Kent, 
 as the others had done from Hampshire and Surrey, 
 was met before he came to Southwark by the good 
 people of London, and so conducted to his lodging 
 likewise in the city. 
 
 I should not have wasted thus much time •* in a 
 discourse of this nature, but that it is and was then 
 evident, that this insurrection (for it was no better) 
 and phrensy of the people was an effect of great in- 
 dustry and policy, to try and publish the temper of 
 the people ; and to satisfy themselves in the activity 
 
 *^ they] so they '' thus much time] this much time and paper
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 355 
 
 and interest of their tribunes, to whom that province book 
 of shewing them ^ was committed. And from this ' 
 
 time, the licence of preaching and printing increased ^ ^'^^• 
 to that degree, that all pulpits were freely delivered 
 to the schismatical and silenced preachers, who till 
 then had lurked in corners, or lived in New Eng- 
 land ; and the presses at liberty for the publishing 
 the most invective, seditious, and scurrilous pam- 
 phlets, that their wit and malice could invent. 
 Whilst the ministers of the state, and judges of the 
 law, like men in an ecstasy, surprised and amazed 
 with several apparitions, had no speech or motion ; 
 as if, having committed such an excess of jurisdic- 
 tion, (as men upon great surfeits are enjoined for a 
 time to eat nothing,) they had been prescribed to 
 exercise no jurisdiction at all. AVhereas, without 
 doubt, if either the privy-council, or the judges and 
 the king's learned council, had assumed the courage 
 to have questioned the preaching, or the printing, or 
 the seditious riots upon the triumph of those three ^ 
 scandalous men, before the uninterruption and secu- 
 rity had confirmed the people in all thi*ee, it had 
 been no hard matter to have destroyed those seeds, 
 and pulled up those plants, which, being ^ neglected, 
 grew up and prospered to a full harvest of rebellion 
 and treason. But this was yet but a rudeness and 
 rankness abroad, A^thout any visible countenance or 
 approbation from the parliament : all seemed ^ chaste 
 within those walls. 
 
 The first malignity that was apparent there (for 
 the accusation of the archbishop and the earl of 
 
 ^ them] the people - being] Not in MS. 
 
 ^ those three] these three '' all seemed] all was 
 
 A a 2
 
 356 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK Strafford were looked upon as acts of passion, di- 
 "^' rected against particular persons, who were thought 
 
 ^ ^"^^^ to have deserved some extraordinary measures ^ and 
 proceeding) was against the church : first, ^ in their 
 committee for religion ; which had been assumed 
 ever since the latter times of king James, though 
 seldom or never any such thing had before been 
 heard of ^ in parliament ; where, under pretence of 
 receiving petitions against clergymen, they often de- 
 bated points beyond the verge of their understand- 
 A deciara- ing : thcu, "^ by their cheerful reception of a declara- 
 some mi- tion of many sheets of paper against the whole go- 
 a'pet'iti'on" vcmmcnt of the church ; presented by ten or a 
 dtSs dozen ministers, at the bar; and pretended to be 
 against signed by several hundreds of the ministers " of 
 
 the govern- c ^ 
 
 ment of Loudou and the coimtries ° adjacent : and a petition, 
 by bishops, presented by alderman Pennington, and alleged to 
 be subscribed by twenty thousand men, inhabitants 
 within the city of London ; who required, in plain 
 terms, " the total extirpation of episcopacy." Yet p 
 the house was then so far from being possessed with 
 that spirit, that the utmost that could be obtained, 
 upon a long debate upon that petition, was, " that it 
 " should not be rejected ;" against which the num- 
 ber of the petitioners was urged as a powerful argu- 
 ment ; only it was suffered to remain in the hands 
 of the clerk of the house, with direction, " that no 
 " copy of it should be given." And for the ministers' 
 declaration, one part only of it was insisted on by 
 
 ' measures] measure '-" then,] but 
 ^ first,] not only " several hundreds of the mi- 
 ' thoiif^h seldom or never any nisters] seven hundred minis- 
 such thing had before been ters 
 heard of] but no such thing " countries] counties 
 had been before heard of p Yet] But
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 357 
 
 them, and read in the house; which concerned the book 
 exercise of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and the excess ' 
 of their courts^: the other parts were declined by ^^^0- 
 many of them, and especially ordered " to be sealed 
 " up by the clerk, that they might ^ be perused by 
 " no man." So that all that envy and animosity 
 against the church seemed to be resolved into a de- 
 sire, " that a bill might be framed to remove the 
 " bishops from their votes in the lords' house, and 
 " from any office in secular affairs ;" which was the 
 utmost men pretended to w^ish : and to such a pur- 
 pose a bill was shortly after prepared, and brought 
 into the house ; of which more shall be said in its 
 proper place. 
 
 It was a strange disingenuity, *^ that was practised Great dis- 
 
 . , . . 1 ' ^ 'J ingenuity 
 
 m the procuring those petitions ; v» hich continuea used in pio- 
 ever after in the like addresses. The course was, JS,!^^' 
 first, to prepare a petition very modest and dutiful, 
 for the form ; and for the matter, not very unrea- 
 sonable; and to communicate it at some pul)lic 
 meeting, where care was taken it should be re- 
 ceived with approbation : the subscription of very 
 few hands filled the paper itself, where the petition 
 was written, and therefore many more sheets were 
 annexed, for the reception of the number, which 
 gave all the credit, and procured aU the counte- 
 nance, to the undertaking. When a multitude of 
 hands was procured, the petition itself was cut off, 
 and a new one framed, suitable to the design in 
 hand, and annexed to the long list of names which 
 were subscribed to the former. By* this means, 
 
 ^ the exercise of ecclesiastical "^ they might] it might 
 jurisdiction, and the excess of ' disingenuity,] uningenuity 
 
 their courts] the exercise of and mountebankry, 
 their jurisdiction, and the excess ^ By] And by 
 of their ecclesiastical courts
 
 558 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK many men fomid theii' hands subscribed to petitions, 
 __1!!__ of which they before had never heard. As several 
 1640. ministers, whose hands were to the petition and de- 
 claration of the London ministers before mentioned, 
 have professed to many persons, *•' that they never 
 " saw that petition or declaration before it was pre- 
 " sented to the house ; but had signed another, the 
 *' substance of which was, not to be compelled to 
 " take the oath enjoined by the new canons : and 
 " when they found, instead of that, their names set 
 " to a desire of an alteration of the government of 
 " the church, they with much trouble went to Mr. 
 " Marshall, with whom they had intrusted the pe- 
 " tition" and their hands; who gave them no other 
 " answer, but that it was thought fit by those who 
 " understood business better than they, that the lat- 
 " ter petition shoidd rather be preferred than the 
 " former." And when he found, they intended by 
 some public act to vindicate themselves from that 
 calumny ; such persons, upon whom they had their 
 greatest dependence, were engaged, by threats and 
 promises, to prevail with them to sit still, and to 
 pass by that indirect proceeding. 
 Complaints For the better facilitating and making way for 
 some parti, thosc virulcut ^ attempts upon the church, petitions 
 Sop's;* ^"^ complaints were exhibited >' against the exorbi- 
 tant acts of some bishops ; especially against the bi- 
 shops of Bath and WeUs, and Ely ; who, they al- 
 leged, '■ " had with great pride and insolence pro- 
 " voked aU the sentry, and ^ most of the inhabitants 
 
 And against , ^ c> j ^ 
 
 ww newca-" withiu their dioceses." And the new canons wer<3 
 
 noils ; 
 
 " the petition] their petition ' they alleged,] "Not in MS. 
 
 "^ those virulent] these virulent ' and] and in truth 
 >■ were exhibited] are exhibited
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 359 
 
 insisted on, "as a most palpable invasion by the book 
 " whole body of the clergy, upon the laws and U- "^' 
 
 " berty of the people." 1640. 
 
 I said^^ before, that after the dissolution of the 
 former short parliament, the convocation '^ was con- 
 tinued by special warrant from the king ; and by 
 his majesty, in a solemn message sent to them by 
 sii* Harry Vane, then principal secretary, " required 
 " to proceed in the making of canons, for the better 
 " peace and quiet of the church." Notwithstanding 
 this command, the chief of the clergy, well knowing 
 the spirit of bitterness that was contracted against 
 them ; and many obsolete pamphlets against their 
 jurisdiction and power being, since the commotions 
 in Scotland, revived and published with more free- 
 dom ; desired his majesty, " that the opinions of the 
 " judges might be known and declared, whether 
 " they might then lawfully sit, the parliament being 
 *' dissolved, and proceed in the making of canons ; 
 " as likewise, upon other particulars in their juris- 
 *' diction, which had been most inveighed against ?" 
 
 All the judges of England, upon a mature debate, 
 in the presence of the king's council, under their 
 hands asserted, " the power of the convocation in 
 " making*^ canons, and those other parts of jurisdic- 
 " tion, which had been so enviously questioned." 
 Hereupon they proceeded ; and having composed a 
 body of canons, presented the same to his majesty, 
 for his royal approbation. They were then again 
 debated at the council-board, not without notable 
 opposition ; for upon some lessening the power and 
 
 ^ I said] I told you '^ " the power of the convo- 
 
 •^ convocation] convocation " cation in making] their power 
 house of making 
 
 A a 4
 
 360 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK authority of their *^ chancellors, and their commissa- 
 '"' ries, by those canons, the professors of that law took 
 
 ^^^^' themselves to be disobliged; and sir Henry Martin, 
 (who was not likely to^ oversee any advantages,) 
 upon several days of hearing at the council-table, 
 with his utmost skill objected against them : but in 
 the end, by the entire and unanimous advice of the 
 privy-council, the canons were confirmed by the 
 king, under the great seal of England, and thereby 
 enjoined § to be observed. So that whatsoever'' they 
 were, the judges were at least as guilty of the first 
 presumption in framing them, and the lords of the 
 council in publishing and executing them, as the bi- 
 shops, or the rest of the clergy, in either. 
 
 Yet the storm fell wholly on the church : and the 
 matter of those canons, and the manner of making 
 them, was insisted on, as a pregnant testimony of a 
 mahgnant spirit in the very function of the bishops. 
 The truth is, the season in which that synod con- 
 tinued to sit (as was observed before) was in so ill a 
 conjuncture of time, (upon the dissolution of a par- 
 liament, and almost in an invasion from Scotland,) 
 that nothing could have been transacted there, of a 
 popular and prevailing influence. And ' then, some 
 sharp canons against sectaries, and some additionals 
 in point of ceremonies, countenancing, though not 
 enjoining, what had not been long practised, infi- 
 nitely inflamed some, and troubled others ; who 
 jointly took advantage of what strictly was amiss ; 
 as the making an oath, the matter of which was 
 conceived incongruous ; and enjoining it to many of 
 
 ^ their] the g enjoined] legally enjoined 
 
 ' who was not likely to] who '^ whatsoever] whatever 
 '-""•f' »"t i And] Not i7i MS.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 361 
 
 the laity, as well as the clergy; and likewise'^ the book 
 granting of subsidies. 
 
 So that the house of commons (that is, the major 
 
 ^ 11 Which are 
 
 part) made no scruple, m that heat, * to declare, condemned 
 " that the convocation-house had no power at all of house^of 
 
 it 
 
 commons. 
 
 making canons :" notwithstanding that it was ap 
 parent by the law, and the uncontradicted practice 
 of the church, that canons had never been otherwise 
 made : " and that those canons contained in them 
 " matter of sedition and reproach to the regal 
 " power ; prejudicial to the liberty and property of 
 " the subject, and to the privileges of parliament." 
 By the extent of which notable vote and declara- 
 tion, they had involved almost the whole clergy 
 under the guilt of arbitrary proceedings ; '" as much 
 as they had done the nobility and gentry before, 
 under their votes against ^ lords lieutenants, deputy 
 lieutenants, privy-counsellors, and sheriffs ; and of 
 which they made the same use ; as shall be remem- 
 bered in its proper place. ° 
 
 In the mean time p the two armies were neces- Money bor- 
 sarily to be provided for, lest the countries where Jliedty by 
 their quarters were should come to be oppressed by J^'^'J^JJ^'^^^j. 
 free quarter : which would not only raise a very in- supplying 
 
 ^ ^ -^ . "^ , the two ar- 
 
 convenient noise, but introduce a necessity of dis-mies. 
 banding the armies, which they were in no degree 
 ready for : and money not being to be raised soon 
 enough in the regular i way, by act of parliament, 
 which would require some time in the passing;^' be- 
 
 ^ likewise] Not in MS. of the History omitted in this 
 
 ' heat,] fury, place, see Jppendix, D. 
 "1 the guilt of arbitrary pro- ^ In the mean time] Not in 
 
 ceedings ;] an arbitrary guilt ; MS. 
 
 " against] of i regular] formal 
 
 •^ proj3er place.] For a portion '^ passing ;] passage ;
 
 36*2 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK sides, that the manner and way of raismg it had 
 Tint been enough considered; and the collecting it 
 1640. would require much time, even after an act of par- 
 liament should be passed ; therefore for the present 
 supply it was^ thought fit to make use of their 
 credit with the city ; to whom a formal embassy of 
 lords and commons was sent ; which were carefully 
 chosen of such persons as carried the business of the 
 house before them, that the performing the service 
 might be as well imputed to their particular reputa- 
 tion and interest, as to the affection of the city: and 
 these men in their orations to the citizens under- 
 took " that their money should be repaid with in- 
 " terest by the care of the parliament." And this 
 was the first introduction of the public faith ; which 
 grew afterwards to be applied to all monstrous pur- 
 poses. 
 
 This * expedient succeeded twice or thrice for 
 such sums as they thought fit to require; which 
 were only enough to carry on their affairs, and keep 
 them in motion ; not proportionable to discharge 
 the debt due to the armies, but to enable them to 
 pay their quarters : it being fit to keep a consider- 
 able debt still owing, lest they should appear too 
 ready to be disbanded. 
 A new They " had likewise another design in this com- 
 
 coun^ii of merce with the city ; which, always upon the loan 
 chosen"!^^ of uioncy, uscd to recommend ^ some such thing to 
 the parliament, as might advance the designs of the 
 party ; as " the proceeding against delinquents ;" or 
 
 ' it was] they loan of money, used to reconi- 
 
 ' This] And this mend] for always upon the 
 
 " They] And they loan of money they recom- 
 
 ^ which, always upon the mended
 
 1640. 
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 363 
 
 " some reformation in the church:" which the ma- book 
 nagers knew well what use to make of upon any. 
 emergency. When they had set this traffick on foot 
 in the city, and so brought their friends there into 
 more reputation and activity ; then, at their elec- 
 tion for y common-council men, (which is every year 
 before Christmas ; and in which new men had rarely 
 used to be chosen, except in case of death, but the 
 old still continued,) all the grave and substantial 
 citizens were left out ; and such chosen as were 
 most eminent for opposing the government, and 
 most disaffected to the church, though of never so 
 mean estates : which made a present visible altera- 
 tion in the temper of the city, (the common- council 
 having so great a share in the management of af- 
 fairs there,) and even in the government itself. 
 
 Other ways were now ^ to be thought of for get- 
 ting of money, which was, once at least every 
 month, called for very importunately by the Scot- 
 tish * commissioners ; which caused the same pro- 
 vision to be made for the English forces. The next 
 expedient was, "That in so great an exigence, and 
 " for the public peace ; that the armies might not 
 " enter into blood, by the determination of the ces- 
 " sation, which want of pay would inevitably pro- 
 " duce ; the several members of the house would 
 " lend money, according to their several abiUties ; 
 " or that such as had no money would become 
 " bound for it ; and upon these terms enough could 
 *' be borrowed." This ^ was no sooner proposed, 
 but consented to by all the eminent leaders ; and 
 
 y then, at their election for] ^ Scottish] Scots 
 
 for at their election of '' This] And this 
 
 ^ now] Not in MS.
 
 364 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK by many others, in order to make themselves the 
 "'• more acceptable to those ; and some did it for their 
 
 1 640. own convenience, there being little hazard of their 
 money, and full interest to be received, and believ- 
 ing it would facilitate the disbanding of the armies ; 
 to which '^ all sober men's hearts were directed. 
 
 And now, to support their stock of credit, it was 
 time to raise money upon the people by act of par- 
 liament ; which they had an excuse for not doing in 
 the usual way, " of giving '^ it immediately to the 
 " king, to be paid into the exchequer ; because the 
 " public faith was so deeply engaged to the city for 
 " a great debt ; and so many particular members in 
 " the loan of monies, and in being bound for the 
 " payment of great sums, for which their estates 
 " were liable : and therefore it was but reason, that 
 " for their indemnity the money that was to be 
 ** raised should be paid into the hands of particular 
 " members of the house, named by them ; who 
 " should take care to discharge all public engage- 
 A bill pass- " ments." The ^ first bill they passed being but for 
 hi^two"'^ two subsidies, which was not sufficient to discharge 
 the^houSe ^^y considerable part of the money boiTowed, they 
 of com- inserted in the bill the commissioners' names, who 
 
 mons natn- 
 
 ini^ com- were to receive and dispose the money. And the 
 king made no pause in the passing it ; himself not 
 considering the consequence of it, and none about 
 him having the courage to represent ^ it to him. 
 The same Froui s that time, there was no bill passed for the 
 afterwards I'^islug of mouey, but it was disposed of in the 
 same, or the like manner ; that none of it could be 
 
 ^ to which] upon which ^ represent] present 
 
 •' " of giving] and giving ^ From] But from 
 
 ' The] And the 
 
 missioiiers 
 to receive 
 the money 
 
 continued.
 
 a 
 
 it 
 
 1G40. 
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 365 
 
 applied to the king's use, or by his direction. And book 
 they likewise took notice, ^ " that, from the time of _ 
 his majesty's coming to the crown, he had taken 
 the customs and impositions upon merchandise as 
 his own right, without any act of parliament; 
 " which (they said) ^ no king had ever before done ;" 
 insinuating withal, " that they meant to make a fur- 
 " ther inquiiy ^ into those, who had been the chief 
 " ministers in that presumption." They said, " No- 
 " body could imagine, but that they intended to 
 " gi'ant the same to his majesty, in the same man- 
 " ner, for his life, as had been done to his progeni- 
 " tors by former parliaments : but that they found 
 " such an act coidd not be presently made ready ; 
 " because the book of rates now in practice (besides 
 " that it had not been made by lawful authority) 
 " contained many excesses, and must be reformed 
 " in several particulars ; in preparing which, they 
 " would use all possible diligence, and hoped to ef- 
 " feet it in a short time : however, that the continu- 
 " ance of the collection in the manner it was in, 
 " without any lawful title, and during the very sit- 
 " ting of the parliament, would be a precedent of a 
 " very ill ^ consequence, and make the right of giv- 
 " ing it the more questioned; at least the less valued. 
 " And therefore it would be fit, that either all the 
 " present collection should™ be discontinued, and 
 " cease absolutely ; which was in the power of the 
 " merchants themselves to do, " by refusing to pay 
 " any duties which there was no law to compel 
 
 •' And they likewise took no- ' (they said)] Not in MS. 
 
 tice,] Thus in MS. : Nor were '^ inquin,] inquisition 
 
 they contented with this inva- ' very ill] very evil 
 
 sion of his prerogative, but took ™ should] Not in MS. 
 
 notice, " to do,] to make,
 
 ]640. 
 
 366 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK " them to: or, that a short act should be presently 
 III 
 
 " passed, for the continuance of those payments ° for 
 
 " a short time ; against the expiration whereof, the 
 " act for granting them p for life, with the book of 
 " rates, would be prepared, and ready."- There were 
 many inconveniences discovered in the first, in dis- 
 continuing the collection and payment of duties, 
 " which would not be so easily revived again, and 
 " reduced into order : and that the last would, with- 
 " out prejudice to either, both vindicate the right of 
 " the subject, and secure the king's profit :" and so 
 they prepared (with all the expressions of duty and 
 affection to the king that can be imagined) and pre- 
 sented a grant of those duties for some few months. 
 In which there was a preamble, disapproving and 
 condemning " all that had been done in that parti- 
 " cular, from his majesty's first coming to the crown, 
 " to that time ; and asserting his whole right to 
 " those payments ^ to depend upon the gift of his 
 " subjects :" and concluded with " most severe pe- 
 " nalties to be inflicted upon those, who should pre- 
 " sume hereafter to collect or receive them ^ other- 
 " wise than as they were, or should be, granted by 
 " act of parliament :" which had never been in any 
 other act of parliament declared : which the king 
 likewise passed. ^ So all the revenue ^ he had to live 
 upon, and to provide him meat, and which he had 
 
 ° those payments] the pay- and the king likewise passed it. 
 Jnent t So all the revenue — him 
 
 P for granting them] Not in too, whenever] Thus in MS. : 
 
 MS. and so, besides other unseason- 
 
 •1 to those payments] Not in able concessions and determin- 
 
 ^^' ations, put all the revenue he had 
 
 ' them] those duties to live upon, and to provide 
 
 " which had — passed.] which him meat, into their hands, and 
 
 was never before provided for, to take from him whenever
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 367 
 
 reason to expect should have been more certainly book 
 continued to him, was taken into their hands ; in ' 
 
 order to take it from him too, whenever they should ^^'*^- 
 think it convenient to their other designs : of which 
 he shortly after found the mischief. 
 
 Though, as hath been observed," there was not 
 hitherto ^ one penny of money given to the king, or 
 received by his ministers ; yet, because subsidies were 
 raised upon the people, according to the formaUty 
 of parliaments ; and as if all that great supply had 
 been to the king's own coffers ; it was thought ne- 
 cessary, that the people should be refreshed with 
 some behoveful law, at the same time that they 
 found themselves charged with the payment of so 
 many subsidies. And under that consideration, to- 
 gether with the l)ill y for subsidies, another was sent 
 up to the lords, for a triennial parliament : both 
 which quickly passed that house, and were trans- 
 mitted to the king. 
 
 In that for the triennial parliament (though the a bin for a 
 
 , , „ . triennial 
 
 same was*^ grounded upon two former statutes m parliament 
 the time of king Edward the Third, "That there p"';"^;, 
 
 Till ^ ■ 
 
 *' should be once every year a parliament") there 
 were some clauses very derogatory to monarchical 
 principles ; as " giving the people authority to as- 
 " semble together, if the king failed to call them," 
 and the like : yet his majesty, really intending to 
 make those conventions frequent, without any great 
 hesitation, enacted those two biUs together ; so much 
 to the seeming joy and satisfaction of both houses, 
 
 " Though, as hath been ob- ing takerifrom MS. B.) is given 
 
 served,] Tliut portion of the in the Appendix, D. 
 history which connects this part ^ not hitherto] not yet 
 with line 20, of page 361, {the ^ the bill] that bill 
 intermediate printed account be- ^ was] were
 
 368 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK that they pretended "to have sufficiently provided 
 
 " ' " for the security ^ of the commonwealth ; and that 
 
 1641. (( there remained nothing to be done, but such a re- 
 
 " turn of duty and gratitude to the king, as might 
 
 " testify their devotions ; and that their only end 
 
 " was to make him glorious :" but those fits of zeal 
 
 and loyalty never lasted long. 
 
 Sir Edward Thc lord Fiuch's fliffht made not only the place 
 
 Littleton ° , , 
 
 made lord of keeper " vacant, but begot ^ several other vacan- 
 ^^^^'^' cies. The seal was given to Littleton, who was then 
 chief justice of the common pleas ; for which place 
 he was excellently fitted : but being a man of a 
 grave and comely presence, his other parts were 
 overvalued ; his learning in the law being his mas- 
 terpiece. And he '^ was chosen to be keeper, upon 
 the opinion and recommendation of the two gi-eat 
 ministers under the cloud ; who had before brought 
 him to be a privy-counsellor, whilst chief justice, to 
 the no little jealousy of the lord Finch. 
 
 Banks, the attorney general, was weary enough 
 of the inquisition that was made into the king's 
 grants, and glad to be promoted to the common 
 pleas. Herbert,® the solicitor general, who had sat 
 all this time in the house of commons, awed and 
 terrified with their temper ; applying himself to Mr. 
 Hambden, and two or three of the other, witlioiit 
 interposing or crossing them in any thing; longed 
 infinitely to be out of that fire : and so the office of 
 attorney general, which at any other time had been 
 to be wished, was now the more ' grateful, as it re- 
 
 " security] indemnity '' And he] And so he 
 
 ^ the ])lace of keeper] that ^ Herbert,] And Herbert, 
 pl'ice t now tlie more] )iow most 
 
 "^ begot] begat
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 369 
 
 moved him from the other attendance, it not being book 
 usual in those times for the attorney general to be 
 
 a member of the house of commons : ^ and he was^ 1641. 
 called by writ to attend the house of peers, where 
 he sits upon the woolsack at the back of the judges. 
 
 From the time that there was no more fear of the 
 archbishop of Canterbury, nor the lord lieutenant of 
 Ireland, nor of any particular men who were like to 
 succeed them in favour ; all who had been active in 
 the court, or in any service for the king, being to- 
 tally dispirited, and most of them to be disposed to 
 any ill offices ' against him ; the great patriots 
 thought they might be able to do their country 
 better service, if they got the places and prefer- 
 ments of the court for themselves,^ and so prevent' 
 the evil counsels which had used to spring from 
 thence. For which purpose,'" they had then a fast 
 friend there, the marquis of Hamilton ; who could 
 most dexterously put such an affair into agitation, 
 with the least noise, and prepare both king and 
 queen to hearken to it very willingly : and in a 
 short time all particulars were well adjusted for 
 every man's accommodation. 
 
 The earl of Bedford was to be treasurer : in order Great offices 
 
 o -r 1 111 11*1 desis^ned for 
 
 to which, the bishop of London had already desired some heads 
 the king "to receive the staff into his hand, and*" ^'^f'^^'y- 
 " give him leave to retire to the sole care of his bi- 
 " shopric ;" by which he wisely withdrew from the 
 
 8 it not being usual in those ^ and he was] and so he was 
 
 times for the attorney general ' ill offices] vile offices 
 
 to be a member of the house of ^ of the court for themselves,] 
 
 commons :] there being an in- in the court, 
 
 capacity put upon that place of ' prevent] prevented 
 
 sitting as a member in |)arlia- '" For which purpose,] And 
 ment : 
 
 VOL. I. C b
 
 370 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK storm, and enjoyed the greatest tranquillity of any 
 man of the three kingdoms, throughout the whole 
 
 ^^^^' boisterous and destroying time that followed; and 
 
 lived to see a happy and blessed end of them, and 
 
 The bishop died in great honour. " And so the treasury was for 
 
 of London . . . i* t -r» 
 
 resigning tho preseut put into commission. Mr. Jrym was to 
 the treasury be chaucellor of the exchequer: which office the 
 IS put into J ,j Cotting-ton was likewise ready to surrender, 
 
 commis- <5 ./ ' 
 
 ^^°°- upon assurance of indemnity for the future. These 
 two were engaged to procure the king's revenue to 
 be liberally provided for, and honourably increased 
 and settled. 
 
 saint-john And, that this might be the better done, the earl 
 
 made soli- p x» i r- i 
 
 citorgene- 01 Bcdford prevailed with the king, upon the re- 
 moves mentioned before, to make Oliver Saint-John 
 (who hath been often, and will be oftener mentioned 
 ^,.^- in this discourse) his solicitor general; which his 
 majesty readily consented to ; hoping that^, being 
 a gentleman of an honourable extraction, (if he had 
 been legitimate,) he p would have been very useful 
 in the present exigence to support his service in the 
 house of commons, where his authority was then 
 great ; at least, that he would be ashamed ever to 
 appear in any thing that might prove prejudicial to 
 the crown. And he became immediately possessed 
 of that office of great trust ; and was so well quali- 
 fied for it, at that time,*i by his fast and rooted ma- 
 lignity against the government, that he lost no credit 
 with his party, out of any apprehension or jealousy 
 that he would change his side : and he made good 
 their confidence ; not in the least degree abating his 
 malignant spirit, or dissembling it; but with the 
 
 " honour.] honour and glory. p he] that he 
 
 " that] Not in MS. n at that time,] Not in MS.
 
 1641. 
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 371 
 
 same obstinacy opposed every thing which might bo?^ 
 advance the king's service, when he was his soli-, 
 citor, as ever he had done before. 
 
 The lord Say was to be master of the wards; 
 which place the lord Cottington was Ukewise to sur- 
 render for his own ^ quiet and security. And Denzil 
 Hollis was to be secretary of state, in the place of 
 secretary Windebank. 
 
 Thus far the intrigue for preferments was entirely 
 complied with : and it is great pity that it was not 
 fully executed, that the king might have had some 
 able men to have ad\"ised or assisted him ; which 
 probably these very men would have done, after 
 they had been so throughly engaged : whereas the 
 king had none left about him in any immediate 
 trust in business, (for I speak not of the duke of 
 Richmond, and some very few men more about his 
 person, who always behaved themselves honourably,) 
 who either did not betray, or sink under the weight 
 or reproach of it. 
 
 But the earl of Bedford was resolved, that he 
 would not enter into the treasury, till the revenue 
 was in some degree settled; at least, ^ the bill for 
 tonnage and poundage passed, with all decent cir- 
 cumstances, and for life ; which both he and Mr. 
 Pym did very heartily labour to effect ; and had in 
 their thoughts many good expedients, by which they 
 intended to raise the revenue of the crown. And 
 none of them were very solicitous to take their pro- 
 motions, before some other accommodations were 
 provided for some of the rest of their chief com- 
 panions ; who would be neither well pleased with 
 
 ' own] Not in MS. " at least,] and at least, 
 
 B b 2 
 
 III. /-
 
 372 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK their so hasty advancement before them, nor so sub- 
 III 
 ' missive in the future to follow their dictates. 
 
 ^^'^^- Hambden was a man they could not leave unpro- 
 vided for ; and therefore there were several designs, 
 and very far driven, for the satisfaction and promo- 
 tion of him, and Essex, and Kimbolton,* and others ; 
 though not so fully concluded, as those before men- 
 tioned. For the king's great end was, by these com- 
 /pliances, to save the life of the earl of Strafford, 
 and to preserve the church from ruin : for nobody 
 thought the archbishop in danger of his life. And 
 there were few of the persons mentioned before, 
 who thought their preferments would do them much 
 good, if the earl were suffered to live ; but in that 
 of the church, the major part even of those persons 
 would have been willing to have satisfied the king ; 
 the rather, because they had no reason to think the 
 two houses, or indeed either of them, could have 
 been induced to have pursued the contrary. And 
 so the continued and renewed violence in the prose- 
 cution of the earl of Strafford made the king well 
 contented (as the other reasons prevailed with the 
 other persons) that the putting of those promotions 
 in practice ^ should be for a time suspended. 
 A proposi. When there was a new occasion, upon the impor- 
 
 tion made 
 
 for borrow- tunity of thc Scottish ^ commissioners, to procure 
 
 ing money iiit i i^i 
 
 in the city: morc money, and the leadmg men, who used to be 
 forward in finding out expedients for supply, seemed 
 to despair of being able to borrow more ; because 
 the city was much troubled and disheartened, to see 
 the work of reformation proceed so slowly, and no 
 
 ^ Kimbolton,] Maiulevillc, promotions 
 
 " putting of those promotions " Scottish] Scots 
 in practice] execution of those
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 373 
 
 delinquents yet brought to justice; and that till book 
 
 some advance was made towards tliose longed-for 
 
 ends, there must be no expectation of borrowing ^° * 
 more money from or in the city : at that time, Mr. 
 Hyde said in the house, >' " That he did not believe 
 " the thing to be so difficult as was pretended ; that 
 " no man lent his money, who did not gain by it ; 
 " and that it was evident enough, that there was ^ 
 " plenty of money ; and therefore he was confident, 
 " if a small committee of the house were nominated, 
 " who, upon consultation between themselves, might 
 " use the name of the house to such men as were 
 " reputed to have money, they might prevail with 
 " them to lend as much as might serve for the pre- 
 " sent exigence." Whereupon the house willingly 
 approved the motion ; and named him,^ Mr. Capel, 
 sir John Strangeways, and five or six more, whom 
 they desired might be joined with them ; who, the 
 same or the next day, repaired into the city; re- 
 solving to apply themselves to no men but such who 
 were of clear reputation in point of wisdom, and so- 
 briety of understanding, as well as of wealth and 
 ability to lend. And after they had spoken toge- 
 ther with four or five eminent men, they agreed to 
 divide themselves,^ and to confer severally with their 
 particular acquaintances,^ upon the same subject: 
 many men choosing rather to lend their money, than 
 to be known to have it; and being very wary in 
 their expressions, except in private. 
 
 When they had again communicated together, 
 
 y at that time, Mr. Hyde said ^ to divide themselves,] to 
 
 in the house,] upon which Mr. pair, 
 Hyde said, "^ acquaintances,] acquaint- 
 
 ^ was] is ance, 
 
 ^ him,] himself, 
 
 B b 3
 
 374 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK they found that the borrowing the money would be 
 "^' very easy ; every man with whom they had con- 
 
 1641. ferred being ready and forward to lend the money, 
 or to find a friend who should, upon their security 
 who proposed it. '^ Most of them in their private dis- 
 course said, " that there was money enough to be 
 " lent, if men saw there would be like to be an 
 " end'^ of borrowing; but that it was an universal 
 " discomfort and discouragement, to all men of 
 " estates and discretion, to see two great armies 
 " still kept on foot in the kingdom, at so vast a 
 " charge, when there remained no fear of a war ; 
 " and that if a time were once appointed for the 
 " disbanding them, there should not want money 
 ** for the doing all that should be necessary in order 
 " to it." This answer satisfied them in all respects : 
 and the next day Mr. Hyde reported ^ the success of 
 their employment ; " that they had conferred with 
 " most of the ^ substantial and best reputed men of 
 " the city ; who, by themselves and their friends, 
 " had promised to supply the money which was de- 
 " sired." And then he enlarged upon " the temper 
 *' they understood the city to be in, by the reports 
 " of those who might be reasonably supposed to 
 " know it best ; that it was indeed very much trou- 
 " bled and disheartened,'' to see two armies kept on 
 " foot at so vast a charge within the bowels of the 
 " kingdom, when, God be thanked, all the danger 
 " of a war was removed ; and that they who were 
 
 '' to lend tlie money, or to ^ an end] any end 
 
 find a friend who should, upon ^ reported] reported to the 
 
 their security who proposed it.] house 
 
 to lend the money upon their e niost of the] the most 
 
 security who proposed, or to ^ disheartened,] melancholic, 
 find a friend who should.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 375 
 
 " very able to make good what they promised, had book 
 
 " frankly undertaken, that if a peremptory day was . '- — 
 
 " appointed for being rid of those armies, there ^^^^* 
 " should not be want of money to discharge them." 
 The report was received with great applause by 
 the major part of the house, as was reasonably col- 
 lected by then- countenance : but it was as appa- 
 rent, that the governing party was exceedingly per- 
 plexed with it, and knew not on a sudden what to 
 say to it : if they embraced the opportunity, to pro- 
 cure a supply of money which was really wanted, it 
 would be too great a countenance to the persons 
 who had procured it ; whose ' reputation they were 
 wiUing to depress : besides, it would imply their ap- 
 probation of what had been said of the disbanding : 
 at least, would be a ground of often mentioning and 
 pressing it ; and which, how grateful soever to most 
 other men, was the thing they most abhorred. After 
 a long silence, Mr. Hambden said, " that the worthy 
 " gentlemen were to l)e much commended for the 
 " pains they had taken ; of which, he doubted not, 
 " good use would be made :" and so proposed, " That 
 " it might be well thought of, and the debate re- 
 " sumed the next day ;" which could not be denied. 
 The next day, alderman Pennington (a man in high- But discou- 
 est confidence with the party; and one, who in sinu- defeated by 
 ated all things to the common-council which he was ^''^ p^*^*^" 
 directed should Ije started there) begun ^ the dis- 
 course ; and said, " that the gentlemen, who had 
 " been last in the city to borrow money, had made 
 " a fair report ; but that in the end of it there was 
 " colloquintida ; that he could not find with what 
 
 ' whose] and whose ^ begun] begun 
 
 B b 4
 
 376 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK " persons they had conferred^ about the temper of 
 ^^^- " the city ; nor that any considerable people trou- 
 
 1641. « bled themselves with designing or wishing what 
 " the parliament should do, which they knew to be 
 *' wise enough, to know what and when they were 
 " to do that which was ^ best for the kingdom : and 
 " they acquiesced in their grave judgment :" and 
 concluded, " that the money that the house stood in 
 " need of, or a greater sum, was ready to be paid to 
 " whomsoever they should ° appoint to receive it." 
 The house made itself very merry with the alder- 
 man's colloquintida, and called upon him "to ex- 
 " plain it ;" and so the debate ended : all sober ° 
 men being well pleased to see the disorder they 
 were in, and the pains they had taken to free them- 
 selves from it ; which every day was renewed upon 
 them, as the subject-matter afforded occasion ; and 
 they visibly lost much of the reverence, which had 
 been formerly paid them.P 
 A commit- About the beginning of March, they begun ^ to 
 ileianX"! ^^^^^c preparations for the trial of the earl of Straf- 
 prosecution ^^^^ ' ^^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ ^ccn about thrcc months in pri- 
 of the carl gon uudcr the'* accusation of hi2:h treason: and by 
 
 of Istrafford. ^ ^ " •' 
 
 this time, for the better^ supply in this work,' a 
 committee was come from the parliament in Ireland, 
 to solicit matters concerning that kingdom. This 
 •-^. committee (most of them being papists, and the 
 principal actors since in the rebellion) was received 
 with great kindness, and, upon the matter, added to 
 
 ' conferred] conferred with i begun] began 
 
 "" was] is r under the] under their 
 
 " should] would s the better] their better 
 
 •• sober] Not in MS. t ji^jg ^^j-k,] that work. 
 
 P them.] to them.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 377 
 
 the committee for the prosecution of the earl of book 
 Strafford. So that now, Ireland seemed no less in-.^ '■ — 
 
 tent upon the ruin of that unfortunate lord, than ^^'^'' 
 England and Scotland; there being such a corre- 
 spondence settled between Westminster and Dublin, 
 that whatsoever was practised in the house of com- 
 mons here was soon " after done likewise there : and 
 as sir George Ratcliff was accused here of high trea- 
 son, upon pretence of being a confederate with the L- 
 earl in his treasons ; but in truth that he might not 
 be capable of giving any evidence on the behalf of 
 him, and thereupon sent for into this kingdom : so 
 all, or most of the other persons, who were in any- 
 trust with the earl, and so privy to the groimds and 
 reasons of the counsels there, and only able to make 
 those apparent, were accused by the house of com- 
 mons in that kingdom of high treason ; under the 
 general impeachment, of " endeavouring to subvert 
 " the fundamental laws of that kingdom, and to in- 
 " troduce an arbitrary power :" wliich served the ^ 
 turn there, to secure their persons, and to remove 
 them from councils, as it had done here. 
 
 What seeds were then sown for the rebellion, 
 which within a year after broke ^ out in Ireland, by 
 the great liberty and favour that committee found ; 
 who, for the good service against that lord, were 
 hearkened to in all things that concerned that king- 
 dom, shall be observed, and spoken of at large, here- 
 after. 
 
 Much time was spent in consideration of the man- considera- 
 
 ^ J X tions touch- 
 
 ner of the trial; for they could find no precedent ing the 
 would fit their case : " Whether it should be in the™^"^;^ 
 
 " soon] very soon "" the] Not in MS. v broke] brake
 
 378 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK "house of peers? which room was thought too 
 ^^^- " little, for the accusers, witnesses, judges, and spec- 
 1641. "tators: Who should prosecute? Whether mem- 
 *' bers chosen of the commons, or the king's council ? 
 " Whether the bishops" (which were twenty-four in 
 number, and like to be too tender-hearted in matter 
 of blood, and so either to convert many, or to in- 
 crease a dissenting party too much) " should have 
 " voices in the trial ? Whether those who had been 
 " created peers since the accusation was ^ carried up, 
 " should be admitted to be judges?" And lastly, 
 " Whether the commoners, who were to be present 
 " at the trial, should sit uncovered ? and, Whether 
 " any members of tlie house of commons should be 
 " examined at the trial on the behalf of the earl?" 
 who had sent a list of names, and desired an order 
 to that purpose. 
 
 After much debate it was agreed,*"^ " that the trial 
 " should be in Westminster-hall, where seats should 
 " be built for the reception of the whole house of 
 " commons, which together with the speaker should 
 " be present :" for they then foresaw, that they 
 might be put to another kind of proceeding than 
 that they pretended ; and (though with much ado) 
 they consented to sit uncovered, lest such a little cir- 
 cumstance might disturb the whole design. 
 
 For the prosecution, they had no mind to trust 
 the king's council; who neither knew their secret 
 evidence, nor,'^ being informed, were like to apply 
 and press it so vigorously as the business would re- 
 quire : and therefore they appointed " that com- 
 " mittee which had prepared the charge, to give in 
 
 '' was] Not in MS. ■' agreed,] resolved, '' nor,] or,
 
 OF THE REBELLION. S79 
 
 " the evidence, and in the name of all the commons book 
 
 III. 
 " of England to prosecute the impeachment." 
 
 For the bishops : after many bitter invectives, and ^^'^^' 
 remembering the faults of particular persons, and 
 the canons which seemed to involve the whole body, 
 with sharpness and threats ; they took the case to 
 be so clear upon an old canon, (the only one they 
 acknowledged for orthodox,) that clericus non de- 
 bet interesse sa?iguini, that they were content " to 
 " refer that to the house of peers, as proper only for 
 *' their determination." And this they did, not upon 
 any confidence they had in the matter itself, what- 
 ever law, or i-eason, or canon they pretended ; or in 
 the lords, the major part of whom, when any differ- 
 ence of opinion was, always dissented from their de- 
 signs : but that they had a trick of doing their bu- 
 siness by intimation ; and had '^ a sure friend amongst 
 the bishops, who had promised them seasonably to 
 free them of that trouble. 
 
 They "^ would not trust their lordships' own incli- 
 nations with the other point, of the new barons, 
 which they knew would be controverted; but in 
 plain terms demanded, " that no peer, created since 
 " the day upon which the earl of Strafford was im- 
 " peached of «^ high treason, because they were in- 
 " volved as commoners in the making that accusa- 
 " tion, should sit as judges at his trial." 
 
 For the earl's demand, " of an order to examine 
 " some members on his behalf, upon matters of fact, 
 " at his trial ;" after a long debate, they left it only 
 in the power of the persons themselves who were 
 nominated, " to be examined if they would," (not 
 
 '^ and had] and they had ^ They] And therefore they «= of] for
 
 380 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK without some smart animadversions, " that they 
 ^"- " should take heed what they did,") and refused to 
 
 1641. enjoin them; though the same had been done at 
 their desire, for the lords of the council; but that was 
 affainst the earl, and so the less to be considered. 
 
 The lords, in the absence of the lord keeper, who 
 was very sick, made choice of the earl of Arundel to 
 preside and govern the court ; being a person noto- 
 riously disaffected to the earl of Strafford. 
 
 And for the great business of the bishops, they 
 were saved the labour of giving any rule (which, it 
 may be, would have troubled them) by the bishop of 
 Lincoln's standing up, and moving, on the behalf of 
 himself and his brethren, " that they might be ex- 
 " cused from being present at the trial, being eccle- 
 " siastical persons, and so not to have their hands in 
 *' blood ;" and such other reasons, as, when they are 
 examined, will not be found of very great weight.^ 
 
 This bishop had been, by several censures in the 
 star-chamber, imprisoned in the Tower, where he 
 remained till after the beginning of this parliament, 
 and was then set at liberty upon the desire of the 
 lords ; who knew him to be a mortal and irreconcile- 
 able enemy to the archbishop of Canterbury : and in- 
 deed he " had always been a puritan so far, as to love 
 none of the bishops, and to have used many^ learned 
 churchmen with great contempt and insolence ; and 
 yet he left no way unjDractised to assure the king, 
 " that he would do great matters in parliament for 
 " his service, if he might be at liberty." The next 
 day after he came to the house of peers, the lord Say 
 
 ^ will not be found of very s he] Nut in MS. 
 
 greiit weight.] will be found ^ many] all 
 very trivial.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 381 
 
 made that speech,^ which he since printed; taking book 
 notice " of some imputations laid on him by the 
 
 archbishop of Canterbury, that he should be a sec- ^^'^^* 
 " tary ;" which nobody can doubt, that reads that 
 speech : yet he had no sooner done, than that bishop 
 rose, and made a large panegyric in his praise, and 
 professed, " that he always believed his lordship to 
 " be as far from a sectary, as himself." And when 
 lie found the great desire of the house of commons 
 to be freed from the bishops' votes in that trial, he 
 never left terrifying them with the censure that hung 
 over their heads for making the canons, till he per- 
 suaded them to ingratiate themselves, by desiring to 
 be excused in that matter, before an order should 
 be made for their absence. 
 
 This example of the bishops prevailed with some 
 lords, who had been created since the accusation, to 
 quit their right of judging ; and amongst them, the 
 lord Littleton (who had been made a baron upon the 
 desire of the earl of Strafford, for that only reason, 
 that he professed, " If he were a peer, he would (and 
 " indeed he could) do him notable service") was the 
 first who quitted his right to judge, because he had 
 been a commoner when the accusation was first 
 brought up : but they who insisted upon their right, 
 (as the lord Seymour and others,) and demanded the 
 judgment of the house, were no more disturbed, but 
 exercised the same power to the end, as any of the 
 other lords did ; and so, no doubt, might the bishops 
 too, if they would : for, though there might be some 
 reason for their absence, when the trial was accord- 
 ing to law, ])efore and by his peers only ; yet, when 
 
 ' speech,] schisniatical speech,
 
 382 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK that Tudgment was waved, and a bill of attainder 
 
 fry t/ O 
 
 . brought up against him, theii' votes in that bill were 
 
 ^'^'^'- as necessary and essential, as of any other of the 
 lords. And it may be, their unseasonable, volun- 
 tary, unjust quitting it then, made many men less 
 solicitous for the defence of their right ^ afterwards. 
 But of that in its place. 
 The trial All thiugs being thus prepared, and settled; on 
 March the Monday, the twenty-second of March, the earl of 
 N.'s.'^^" Strafford was brought to the bar in Westminster- 
 hall ; the lords sitting in the middle of the hall in 
 their robes ; and the commoners, and some strangers 
 of quality, with the Scottish ^ commissioners, and the 
 committee of Ireland, on either side ; there being a 
 close box made at one end, at a very convenient dis- 
 tance for hearing, in which the king and queen sat 
 untaken notice of: his majesty, out of kindness and 
 curiosity, desiring to hear all that could be alleged : 
 of which, I believe, he afterwards repented himself; 
 when *' his having been present at the trial" was 
 alleged and urged to him, as an argument for the 
 passing the bill of attainder. 
 The charge After the carl's™ charge was read, and an intro- 
 him. duction made by Mr. Pym, in which he called him 
 the wicked earl ; some member of the house of com- 
 mons, according to their parts assigned, being a law- 
 yer, applied and pressed the evidence, with great li- 
 cence and sharpness of language ; and, when the 
 earl had made his defence, replied with the same 
 liberty upon whatsoever he said ; taking all occa- 
 sions of bitterly inveighing against his person : which 
 
 ^ for the defence of their ^ Scottish] Scotch 
 right] for the utter taking away "^ the earl's] his 
 that right
 
 OF THE REBELLION. S83 
 
 reproachful way of carriage was looked upon with so book 
 
 much approbation, that one of the managers (Mr ^ — 
 
 Palmer) lost all his credit and interest with them, 
 and never recovered it, for using a decency and mo- 
 desty in his carriage and language towards him ; 
 though the weight of his arguments pressed more 
 upon the earl, than all the noise of the rest. 
 
 The trial lasted eighteen days ; in which, " all the 
 " hasty or proud expressions, or words, he had ut- 
 " tered at any time since he was first made a privy- 
 ** counsellor ; all the acts of passion or power that 
 " he had exercised in Yorkshire, from the time that 
 " he was first president there ; his engaging himself 
 " in projects in Ireland, as the sole making of flax, 
 " and selling tobacco in that kingdom ; his billeting 
 " of soldiers, and exercising of martial law there;" 
 " his extraordinary way of ° proceeding against the 
 " lord Mountnorris, and the lord chancellor Loftus;P 
 " his assuming a power of judicature at the council- 
 " table, to determine private interests,'! and matter 
 " of inheritance ; some rigorous and extrajudicial de- 
 " terminations in cases of plantations ; some high dis- 
 " courses at the council-table in Ireland ; some casual'" 
 *' and light discourses at his own table, and at public 
 " meetings ; and lastly, some words spoken in secret 
 " council in this kingdom, after the dissolution of the 
 " last parliament," were urged and pressed against 
 him, to make good the general charge, of " an en- 
 " deavour to overthrow the fundamental govern- 
 " ment of the kingdom, and to introduce an arbi- 
 " trary power." 
 
 " there ;] in that kingdom ; ^ interests,] interest, 
 
 " way ofj Not in MS. ' some casual] and some ca- 
 
 P Loftus ;] Not in MS. sual
 
 384 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK The earl behaved himself with great show of hu- 
 ^^^' mility and submission ; but yet, with such a kind of 
 1641. courage, as would lose no advantage; and, in truth, 
 fence?" made his defence with all imaginable dexterity ; an- 
 swering this charge,^ and evading that, with all pos- 
 sible skill and eloquence ; and though he knew not, 
 till he came to the bar, upon what parts of his 
 charge they would proceed against him, or what 
 evidence they would produce, he took very little 
 time to recollect himself, and left nothing unsaid 
 that might make for his own justification. 
 
 For the business of Ireland ; he complained much, 
 " that, by an order from the committee which pre- 
 " pared his charge against him, all his papers in 
 
 — " that kingdom, by which he should make his de- 
 
 " fence, were seized and taken from him ; and, by 
 " virtue of the same order, all his goods, household- 
 " stuff, plate, and tobacco (amounting, as he said, to 
 " eighty thousand pounds) were likewise seized ; so 
 " that he had not money to subsist in prison : that all 
 
 ._^ " those ministers of state in Ireland, who were most 
 " privy to the acts for which he was questioned, and 
 " so could give the best evidence and testimony on 
 " his behalf, were imprisoned under the charge of 
 " treason. Yet he averred, that lie had behaved 
 " himself in that kingdom, according to the power 
 " and authority granted by his commission and in- 
 " structions, and according to the rules and customs 
 " observed by former deputies and lieutenants. That 
 " the monopolies of flax and tobacco had been under- 
 " taken by him for the good of that kingdom, and 
 *' benefit of his majesty : the former establishing a 
 
 '' charge,] Not in MS,
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 385 
 
 " most beneficial trade and good husbandry, not be- book 
 
 " fore practised there ; and the latter bringing a '— 
 
 " revenue of above forty thousand pounds to the ^^'^'' 
 " crown, and advancing trade, and bringing no da- 
 " mage to the subject. That billeting of soldiers," 
 (which was alleged to be treason, by a statute made 
 in Ireland in the time of king Henry the Sixth,) 
 "-and the exercising of martial law, had been always 
 " practised by the lieutenants and deputies of that 
 " kingdom ;" which he proved by the testimony and 
 confession of the earl of Cork and the lord Wilmot ; 
 neither of which desired to say more for his behoof, 
 than inevitably they must. He said, " the act of 
 " parliament mentioned, of Henry the Sixth, con- 
 " cerned not him ; it comprehending only the in- 
 " ferior subjects, and making it penal to them to 
 " billet soldiers, not the deputy, or supreme com- 
 " mander ; if it did, that it was repealed by Poyn- 
 " ing's act, in the eleventh year of Henry the Se- 
 " venth : however, if it w ere not, and that it were 
 " treason still, it was treason only in Ireland, and 
 " not in England ; and therefore, that he could not 
 " be tried here for it, but must be transmitted thi- 
 " ther." He said, " the council-table in Ireland had 
 " a large ^ legal jurisdiction, by the institution and 
 " fundamental customs of that kingdom ; and had, 
 " in aU times, determined matters of the same na- 
 " ture, which it had done in his time : and that the 
 " proceedings there upon plantations had been with 
 " the advice of the judges, upon a clear title of the 
 " crown, and upon great reason of state ; and that 
 
 *■ large] large^ natural, 
 VOL. I. C C
 
 386 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK *' the nature and disposition of that people required 
 __!__1_" a severe hand and strict reins to be held upon 
 1641. « them, which " being loosed, the crown would 
 *' quickly feel the mischief." 
 
 For the several discourses, and words, wherewith 
 he was charged ; he denied many, and explained and 
 put a gloss upon others, by the reasons and circum- 
 stances of the debate. One particular, on which 
 they much insisted,^ though it was spoken twelve 
 years before, " that he should say in the public hall 
 " in York, that the little finger of the prerogative 
 " should lie heavier upon them than the loins of the 
 *' law," he directly inverted ; and proved, by two or 
 three persons of credit, " that he said" (and the oc- 
 casion made it probable, being upon the business of 
 knighthood, which was understood to be a legal tax) 
 " the little finger of the law was heavier than the 
 " loins of the prerogative ;" that imposition for 
 knighthood amounting to a much higher rate, than 
 any act of the prerogative which had been exer- 
 cised. " However," he said, *' he hoped no indiscre- 
 " tion, or unskilfulness, or passion, or pride of words, 
 " would amount to treason ; and for misdemeanours, 
 " he was ready to submit to their justice." 
 I He made the least, that is, the worst excuse, for 
 those two acts against the lord Mountnorris, and the 
 lord chancellor ; which indeed were powerful acts, 
 and manifested a nature excessively imperious ;>' and, 
 no doul)t, caused ^ a greater dislike and terror, in * 
 
 " which] and that > imperious;] MS. adds: if 
 
 * on which they much in- not inclined to tyranny ; 
 
 sisted,] which they much in- * caused] drew 
 
 sisted on, ^ in] from
 
 1641. 
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 387 
 
 sober and dispassionate^ persons, than all that was book 
 alleged against him. A servant of the earl's, one. 
 Annesley, (kinsman to Mountn orris,) attending on 
 his lord during some fit of the gout, (of which he 
 often laboured,) had by accident, or negligence, suf- 
 fered a stool to fall upon the earl's foot; enraged 
 with the pain whereof, his lordship with a small cane 
 struck Annesley : this being merrily spoken of at 
 dinner, at a table where the lord Mountnorris was, 
 (I think, the lord chancellor's,) he said, " the gen- 
 " tleman had a brother that would not have taken 
 " such a blow." This coming some months after to 
 the deputy's hearing, he caused a council of war to 
 be called ; the lord Mountnorris being an officer of 
 the army ; where, upon an article " of moving sedi- 
 " tion, and stirring up the soldiers against the ge- 
 " neral," he was charged with those words formerly 
 spoken at the lord chancellor s table. What defence 
 he made, I know not ; for he was so surpiised, that 
 he knew not what the matter was, when he was 
 summoned to that council : but the words being 
 proved, he was deprived of his office (being then 
 vice-treasurer) and his foot-company ; committed to 
 prison ; sentenced ^ " to lose his head." The office 
 and company were immediately disposed of, and he 
 imprisoned, till the king sent him over a pardon, by 
 which he was discharged with his life ; all the ^ other 
 parts of the sentence being fully executed. 
 
 This seemed to all men a most prodigious course 
 of proceeding ; that, in a time of full peace, a peer 
 of the kingdom and a privy-counsellor, for an unad- 
 
 ^ dispassionate] dispassioned ** the] Not in MS. 
 
 *■ sentenced] and sentenced 
 
 c c 2
 
 388 
 
 THE HISTORY 
 
 1641. 
 
 BOOK vised, passionate, mysterious word, (for the expres- 
 "^" sion was capable of many interpretations,) should be 
 called before a council of war, which could not rea- 
 sonably be understood to have then a jurisdiction 
 over such persons, and in such cases ; and, without 
 any process, or formality of defence, in two hours 
 should be deprived of his life and fortune : the in- 
 justice whereof seemed the more formidable, for that 
 the lord Mountnorris was known, for some time be- 
 fore, to stand in great jealousy and disfavour with 
 the earl : which made it looked on as a pure act of 
 revenge ; and gave all men warning, how they trusted 
 themselves in the territories where he commanded. 
 
 The earl discharged himself of the rigour and se- 
 verity of the sentence, and laid it upon " the council 
 ' of war ; where he ^ himself not only forbore to be 
 ' present, but would not suffer his brother, who was 
 ' an officer of the army, to stay there :" he said, 
 ' he ^ had conjured the court to proceed without any 
 ' respect of favour or kindness to himself; and that, 
 ' as soon as he understood the judgment of the 
 ' council, which was unanimous, he declared pub- 
 ' licly, (as^ he had likewise done before,) that a hair 
 ' of his head should not perish ; and immediately 
 ' wrote an earnest letter to his majesty, for the pro- 
 * curing his pardon ; which was by his majesty, 
 ' upon his lordship's recommendation and media- 
 ' tion, granted accordingly ; and thereupon the lord 
 ' Mountnorris was set at liberty : though, it is true, 
 ' he was, after his enlargement, not suffered to come 
 'J;oh England." He concluded, "that the lord 
 
 •= he] Not in MS. 
 ' he] thitt he 
 
 s as] which 
 *> to] for
 
 OF THE REBELLION. ' 889 
 
 " Moimtnorris was an insolent person; and that he book 
 
 III 
 " took this course to humble him ; and that he '. 
 
 " would be very well content, that the same course ^^^l. 
 *' might be taken to reform him ; if the same care 
 " might likewise be, that it might jDrove no more to 
 " his prejudice, than the other had been to that 
 " lord." 
 
 But the standers by made another excuse for 
 him : " The lord Mountnorris was a man of great 
 " industry, activity, and experience in the affairs of 
 " Ireland ; having raised himself from a very pri- ^ 
 *' vate, mean condition" (having been an inferior . 
 servant to the lord Chichester) " to the degree of a 
 *' viscount, and a privy-counsellor, and to a very 
 ample revenue in lands and offices ; and had al- 
 ways, by servile flattery and sordid application, 
 wrought himself into trust and nearness with all 
 " deputies, at their first entrance * upon their charge, 
 " informing them of the defects and oversights of 
 " their predecessors ; and, after the determination 
 " of their commands, and return into England, in- 
 *' forming the state here, and those enemies they 
 " usually contracted in that time, of whatsoever 
 " they had done, or suffered to be done, amiss ; 
 " whereby they either suffered disgrace, or damage, 
 " as soon as they were recalled from those honours. 
 " InJ this manner he begun '^ with his own master, ? 
 " the lord Chichester ; and continued the same arts 
 " upon the lord Grandison, and the lord Falkland, «^' 
 " who succeeded ; and, upon that score, procured 
 " admission and trust with the earl of Strafford, 
 " upon his first admission to that government : so 
 
 ' entrance] entering J In] And in ^ begun] began 
 
 c c 3
 
 390 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK *' that this dilemma seemed unquestionable, that ei- 
 "^' « ther the deputy of Ireland must destroy my lord 
 
 1641. « Mountnorris, whilst he continued in his office, or 
 " my lord Mountnorris must destroy the deputy, as 
 " soon as his commission was determined ^" And 
 upon this consideration, besides that his no virtue 
 made him unpitied, many looked with less concem- 
 edness upon that act, than the matter itself de- 
 served. "^ 
 
 The case of the lord chancellor seemed, to com- 
 mon understandings, an act of less violence, because 
 it concerned not life ; and had some show of for- 
 mality at least, if not regularity in the proceeding ; 
 and that which was amiss in it took its growth from 
 a nobler root than the other ". The endeavour was, 
 to compel the lord chancellor to settle more of his 
 land, and in another manner, upon his eldest son, 
 than he had a mind to, and than he could legally be 
 compelled to : ° this the earl, upon a paper petition 
 preferred to him by the wife of that son, (a lady, 
 for P whom the earl had so great a value and esteem, 
 that it*i made his justice the more suspected,) press- 
 ed, and in the end ordered him to do. The chancel- 
 lor refused ; was committed to prison ; and shortly 
 after, the great seal taken from him, which he had 
 kept with great reputation of ability for the S23ace 
 of above twenty years. In the pressing this charge, 
 many things of levity, as certain letters of great af- 
 fection and familiarity from the earl to that lady, 
 
 'determined] MS. adds: " than the other'] MS. adds: 
 
 which usually lasted not above by how much love is a more 
 
 SIX years. honourable passion than revenge 
 
 "" matter itself deserved.] " to :] to do : 
 
 matter itself in the logic of it p for] of 
 
 deserved. n it] Not in MS.
 
 1G41 
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 391 
 
 which were found in her cabinet after her death •■; book 
 others of passion, were exposed to the pubHc view ; . 
 to procure prejudice rather to his gravity and dis- 
 cretion, than that they were in any degree material 
 to the business. 
 
 The earl said little more to it, than "that he 
 " hoped, what passion soever, or what injustice so- 
 " ever, might be found in that proceeding, and sen- 
 " tence, there would be no treason : and that, for 
 " his part, he had yet reason to believe, what he had 
 " done was very just; since it had been reviewed 
 " by his majesty, and his privy-council here, upon 
 " an appeal from the lord viscount Ely, (the de- 
 " graded lord chancellor,) and upon a solemn hear- 
 *' ing there, which took up many days, it had re- 
 " ceived a confirmation." 
 
 But the truth is, that rather accused the earl of 
 an excess of power, than absolved him of injustice ; 
 for most men, that weighed the whole matter, be- 
 lieved it to be a high act of oppression, and not to 
 be without a mixture of that policy, which was 
 spoken of before in the case of the lord Mount- 
 norris : for the chancellor, being a person of great 
 experience, subtilty, and prudence, had been always 
 very severe to departed deputies ; and not over 
 agreeable, nor ^ in any degree submiss, to their full 
 power ; and taking himself to be the second person 
 in * the kingdom, during the holding of his place, " 
 thought himself little less than equal to the first, 
 who could naturally hope but for a term of years ^ 
 
 ' death] MS. add^ .- for she " during the holding of his 
 was lately dead place,] during his life, 
 
 » nor] or " years] six years 
 
 ' in] of 
 
 c c 4
 
 392 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK in that superiority : neither had he ever before met 
 ^ ^"' with the least check, that might make him suspect 
 
 ^^^^' a diminution of his authority or interest, y 
 
 That which was with most solemnity and ex- 
 pectation alleged against the earl, as the hinge upon 
 which the treason was principally to hang, was a 
 discourse of the earl's in the committee of state 
 (which they called the cabinet council) upon the 
 dissolution of the former parliament. Sir Harry 
 Vane, the secretary of state, gave in evidence, 
 " That the king at that time calling that committee 
 " to him, asked them, since he failed of the assist- 
 " ance and supply expected "^ by subsidies, what 
 " course he should now take ? that the earl of Straf- 
 " ford answered. Sir, you have now done your duty, 
 " and your subjects have failed in theirs; and there- 
 " fore you are absolved from the rules of govern- 
 " ment, and may supply yourself by extraordinary 
 " ways ; you must prosecute the war vigorously ; 
 " you have an army in Ireland, with which you 
 
 '■'I 
 
 ^ " may reduce tliis kingdom. 
 
 The earl of Northumberland being examined, for 
 the confirmation of this proof, remembered only, 
 " that the earl had said. You have done your duty, 
 " and are now absolved from the rules of govern- 
 " ment ;" but not a word of the army in Ireland, or 
 reducing this kingdom. The lord marquis Hamil- 
 ton, the lord bishop of London, and the lord Cot- 
 tington, being likewise examined, answered upon 
 their oatlis, " that they heard none of those words 
 " spoken by the earl." And these were the only 
 persons present at that debate, save only the arch- 
 
 y authority or interest.] au- ^ expected] he expected 
 thority, dexterity, or interest.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 393 
 
 bishop of Canterbury, and secretary Windebank, book 
 neither of which could be examined, or would be be- ^"' 
 
 i( 
 
 a 
 
 lieved. 1641. 
 
 The earl positively denied the words ; alleged 
 " much animosity to be in sii' Harry Vane towards 
 him ;" and observed, " that not one of the other 
 witnesses, who were likewise present, and as like 
 to remember what was spoken as the secretary, 
 " heard one word of the Irish army, or reducing 
 *' this kingdom : that, if he had spoken those words, 
 " it could not be understood to be spoken of Eng- 
 " land, but of Scotland, of which the discourse was, ! . 
 " and for which that army was known to be raised." < 
 He concluded, " that if the words were spoken by 
 " him, which he expressly denied, they were not 
 " treason ; and if they were treason, that, by a sta- 
 " tute made in Edward the Sixth's time, one wit- 
 " ness was not sufficient to prove it, and that here 
 " was but one." 
 
 Seventeen days being spent in the whole progress The eari's 
 of this trial ;'^ the earl having defended himself with ^fhtsde? 
 wonderful dexterity and ability, concluded, " that if *^^»'^*-'- 
 " the whole charge (in which he hoped he had 
 " given their lordships satisfaction of his loyalty and 
 " integrity, how great soever his infirmities were) 
 " was proved, that the whole made him not guilty 
 " of high treason ; and to that purpose desired, that 
 " his learned counsel might be heard ;" and most 
 pathetically conjured their lordships, " that, for their 
 " own sakes, they would not, out of displeasure or 
 " disfavour towards his person, create a precedent 
 " to the prejudice of the peerage of England, and 
 
 ^ in the whole progress of this trial ;] in these skirmishes ;
 
 394 THE HISTORY ^ 
 
 BOOK " wound themselves through his sides:" which was 
 ^^^' _ good counsel ; and hath been since (though too late) 
 
 ters of law. 
 
 ^^^^- acknowledged to be SO. 
 His coun- The next day, his counsel was heard in the same 
 2 to^mat- place to the matter of law. And here I cannot pass 
 by an instance of as great animosity, and indirect 
 prosecution, in that circumstance of assigning him 
 counsel, as can be given. After the house of peers 
 had assigned him such counsel as he desired, to as- 
 sist him in matter of law, (which never was, or can 
 justly be denied to the most scandalous felon, the 
 most inhuman murderer, or the most infamous trai- 
 tor,) the house of commons, upon some occasion, 
 took notice of it with passion and dislike, some- 
 what ^ unskilfully, " that such a thing should be 
 " done without their consent ;" which was no more, 
 than that the judge should be directed by the pro- 
 secutor, in what manner to proceed and determine : 
 others, with much bitterness, inveighing against 
 " the presumption of those lawyers, that durst be of 
 " counsel with a person accused by them of high 
 " treason ;" and moving, " that they might be sent 
 " for, and proceeded against for that contempt :" 
 whereas, they were not only obliged to it, by the 
 honour and duty of their profession ; but had been 
 punishable for refusing to submit to the lords' or- 
 ders. The matter was too gross to receive any pub- 
 lic order, and so the debate ended ; but served (and 
 no doubt that was the intention) to let those gentle- 
 men know, how warily they were to demean them- 
 selves, lest the anger of that terrible congregation 
 should be kindled against them. 
 
 ^ somewhat] some
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 395 
 
 But truly I have not heard that it made any im- book 
 pression upon those persons ; it did not, I am sure, 
 
 upon Mr. Lane, who argued the matter of law for ^"^* 
 
 ^ ^ , ... Mr. Lane's 
 
 the earl. The matters which were by him prmci- argument 
 pally insisted on, and averred with such confidence 
 as a man uses who believes himself, were these : 
 
 " 1. That by the wisdom and tenderness of par- 
 '* liaments, which knew that there could not be a 
 " greater snare for the subject, than to leave the na- 
 " ture of treason undefined and unlimited, all trea- 
 " sons were particularly mentioned and set down in 
 " the statute of the 25 Edw. IIL cle Proditionibus. 
 " That nothing is treason, but what is comprehended 
 " within ^ that statute ; all treasons before that sta- 
 " tute, as killing the king's uncle, his nurse, piracy, 
 " and divers others, being restrained and taken away 
 " by the declaration of that act. And that no words 
 " or actions, in any of the articles of the earl of 
 " Strafford's charge, did amount to treason within 
 " that statute. 
 
 " 2. That by reason of the clause in that statute, 
 " of declaring treason in parliament, divers actions 
 " were declared to be treasons in parliament, in the 
 " time of king Richard the Second, to the gi'eat pre- 
 " judice of the subject : it was therefore specially 
 " provided, and enacted, by a statute in the first 
 " year of the reign of king Henry the Fourth, chap- 
 " ter the tenth, which is still in force, that nothing 
 " should be declared and adjudged treason, but what 
 " was ordained in that statute of the 25 Edw. III. 
 " by which statute, all power of declaring new trea- 
 
 <^ within] with
 
 396 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK " sons in parliament was taken away; and that no 
 ^"' « precedent of any such declaration in parliament 
 J 641. a ^.g^jj ]jQ shewed since that time: all new treasons, 
 " made by any act of parliament in the reign of 
 " king Henry the Eighth, being by the statute of the 
 " first year of queen Mary, chapter the first, taken 
 " away, and restrained to '^ the 25th Edw. III. and 
 " that likewise ^ by another statute of the first year 
 " of queen Mary, chapter the tenth, all trials of 
 " treasons ought to be according to the rules of the 
 " common law, and not otherwise. 
 
 " 3. That the foundation, upon which the im- 
 " peachment was framed, was erroneous ; for that 
 " (besides that it was confessed on all hands, the 
 " laws ^ of the kingdom were not subverted) an en- 
 " deavour to subvert the fundamental laws and sta- 
 " tutes of the realm, by force attempted, is not trea- 
 " son, being only made felony by the statute of the 
 " first year of queen Mary, chapter the twelfth ; 
 " which is likewise expired. That cardinal Wolsey, 
 " in the thirty-third year of king Henry the Eighth, 
 was indicted only of a premunire, for an endea- 
 " vour to bring in the imperial laws into this king- 
 dom. And that an endeavour, or intention, to 
 " levy war, was made treason, only by a statute of 
 " the 13th Elizabeth, (a time very inquisitive for 
 " treason,) which expired with her life. 
 
 " 4. Lastly, that if any tiling was alleged against 
 " the earl which might be penal to him, it was ^ not 
 " sufficiently and legally proved ; for that by the 
 
 '' to] by f the laws] that the laws 
 
 " that likewise] likewise that b it was] that it was 
 
 i( 
 
 i(
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 897 
 
 " statute of the first year of king Edward the Sixth, book 
 
 " chapter the twelfth, no man ought to be arraigned, ^^^' 
 
 " indicted, or condemned, of any treason, unless it ^^'^^• 
 
 " be upon tlie testimony of two lawful and sufficient 
 
 " witnesses, produced in the presence of the party 
 
 " accused ; unless the party confess the same : and 
 
 " if it be for words, w ithin three months after the 
 
 " same spoken, if the party be within the kingdom : 
 
 " whereas there was in this case only one witness, 
 
 " sir Plenry Vane, and the words spoken six months 
 
 " before." 
 
 The case being thus stated on the earl's behalf, 
 the judgment of the lords, in whom the sole power 
 of judicature was conceived to be, was by all men 
 expected ; the house of commons having declared, 
 " that they intended not to make any reply to the r ^. 
 " argimient of law made by Mr. Lane, it being be- 
 " low their dignity to contend with a private law- ' 
 " yer." Indeed they had a more convincing way to \ 
 proceed by ; for the next day after that argument, ' 
 
 sir Arthur Haslerig, (brother-in-law to the lord a bin „f 
 Brooke,) an absurd,^ bold man, brought up by Mr.brmlghr 
 Pym, and so employed by that party to make any housl^l 
 attempt, preferred a bill in the house of commons, ^'"'I''* *''^ 
 
 ' earl. 
 
 " for the attainder of the earl of Strafford of high 
 " treason :" it being observed, that by what the earl 
 had said for himself in the matter of fact and in 
 matter of prudence, of the consequence of such an • 
 extraordinary proceeding; and by what had been 
 said for him in the point of law ; most sober men, 
 who had been, and still were, full enough of dislike 
 and passion against the earl, were not at all satis- 
 
 '' an absurd,] and an absurd. 
 
 .>"'
 
 398 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK fied in the justice of the impeachment, or in the 
 "^' . manner of the prosecution ; and therefore, that the 
 
 ^^^^' house of peers, which consisted of near one hundred 
 
 and twenty, besides the bishops, and of whom four- 
 
 ^ score had been constantly attending the trial, were 
 
 not like to take upon them the burden of such a 
 
 judgment as was expected. 
 
 The bill was received with wonderful alacrity, 
 and immediately read the first and the second time, 
 and so committed ; which was not usual in parlia- 
 ments, except in matters of great concernment and 
 conveniency in the particular; or of little import- 
 ance or moment in the general. ^ Those who at 
 first consented, upon slight information, to his im- 
 peachment, upon no other reason, but (as hath been 
 said before) because they were only to accuse, and 
 the lords to judge, and so thought to be troubled no 
 more with it, being now as ready to judge, as they 
 had been to accuse, finding some new reasons to 
 satisfy themselves, of which one was, " They had 
 /<« gone too far to sit still, or retire." 
 
 A day or two before the bill of attainder was 
 brought into the house of commons, there was a 
 very remarkable passage, of which the pretence was, 
 " to make one witness, with divers circumstances, 
 " as good as two ;" though I believe it was directed 
 in truth to an end very foreign to that which was 
 . proposed. The words of the earl of Strafford, by 
 whicli, " liis endeavour to alter the frame of govern- 
 " ment, and his intention to levy war," should prin- 
 cipally appear, were proved singly by sir Henry 
 Vane ; which had been often averred, and promised, 
 
 '' in the general.] to the general.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 399 
 
 should be proved by several witnesses ; and the law book 
 was clear, " that less than two witnesses ought not 
 
 " to be received in case of treason." *64l. 
 
 To make this single testimony appear as sufficient 
 as if it had been confirmed by more, Mr. Pym in- 
 formed the house of commons, " of the grounds upon 
 " which he first advised that charge, and was sa- 
 " tisfied that he should sufficiently prove it. That 
 " some months before the beginning of this parlia- 
 *' ment, he had visited young sir Henry Vane, eldest 
 " son to the secretary, who was then newly recovered 
 " from an ague ; that they ^ being together, and con- 
 " doling the sad condition of the kingdom, by reason 
 " of the many illegal taxes and pressures, sir Harry 
 " told him, if he would call upon him the next day, 
 " he would shew him somewhat that would give him 
 " much trouble, and inform him what counsels were 
 " like to be followed to the ruin of the kingdom ; 
 " for that he had, in perusal of some of his father's 
 " papers, accidentally met with the result of the 
 " cabinet council upon the dissolution of the last 
 " parliament, which comprehended the resolutions 
 " then taken. 
 
 " The next day he shewed him a little paper of 
 " the secretary's own writing ; in which was con- 
 " tained the day of the month, and the results of 
 " several discourses made by several counsellors ; 
 " with several hieroglyphics, which sufficiently ex- 
 " pressed the persons by whom those discourses were 
 *' made. The matter was of so transcendent a na- 
 " ture, and the counsel so prodigious, with reference 
 " to the commonwealth, that he desired he might 
 
 * they] Not in MS.
 
 400 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK "take a copy of it; which the young gentleman 
 ^^^' " would by no means consent to, fearing it might 
 
 1C41. « prove prejudicial to his father. But when Mr. 
 " Pyni informed him, that it was of extreme conse- 
 " quence to the kingdom, and that a time might pro- 
 " bably come, when the discovery of this might be a 
 " sovereign means to preserve both church and state, 
 " he was contented that Mr. Pym should take a copy 
 " of it ; which he did, in the presence of sir Henry 
 " Vane ; and having examined it, together with 
 " him,^ deUvered the original again to sir Henry. 
 " That ^ he had carefully kept this copy by him, 
 " without communicating the same to any body, till 
 " the beginning of this parliament, which was the 
 " time he conceived fit to make use of it ; and that 
 " then, meeting with many other instances of the 
 " earl's ill"^ disposition to the kingdom, it satisfied 
 " him to move whatsoever he had moved, against 
 " that great person." 
 
 Having ^ said thus much, he read the paper in his 
 hand ; in which the day of the month was set down, 
 and his majesty to be present, and stating the ques- 
 tion to be, " What was now to be done ? since the 
 " parliament had refused to give subsidies for the sup- 
 " ply of the war against Scotland." There were then 
 written two LlJs and a t over, and an /and an r, 
 which was urged, " could signify nothing but lord 
 " lieutenant of Ireland ;" and the words written and 
 applied to that name were, " Absolved from rules of 
 " government ; — Prosecute the war vigorously ; — An 
 " army in Ireland to subdue this kingdom — ;" which 
 
 ^ examined it, together with ■" ill] Not in MS. 
 him,] examined it together, " Having] And having 
 
 ' Tliat] He said that
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 401 
 
 was urged, " to comprehend the matter of the earl's book 
 
 III. 
 
 " speech and advice :" that paper by fractions of. 
 words (without mentioning any formed speech) con- 1641. 
 taining only the results of the several counsellors' 
 advice. Before those letters which were ordered to 
 signify the lieutenant of Ireland, were an A.B. C. G. 
 which might be understood to signify, the archbishop 
 of Canterbury his grace ; and at those letters, some 
 short, sharp expressions against parliaments, and 
 thereupon fierce advice to the king. Next in the 
 paper, was an ]\f with an r over, and an Ho, which 
 were to be understood for marquis Hamilton, who 
 was master of the horse ; and the words annexed 
 thereunto seemed to be rough, but without a sup- 
 plement signified nothing. Then there was an L, an 
 H, and an A, ° which must be interpreted lord high 
 admiral, which was the earl of Northumberland ; and 
 fi'om that hieroglyphic proceeded only a few words, 
 which implied advice to the king, " to be advised by 
 " his parliament." Then there was L'^ Cott. (which 
 would easily be believed to signify the lordCottington) 
 with some expressions as sharp, as those appUed to 
 the lieutenant of Ireland. 
 
 When he had read this paper, he added ; " That 
 " though there was but one witness directly in the 
 " point, sir Henry Vane the secretary, whose hand- 
 " writing that paper was, whereof this was a copy; 
 *' yet he conceived, those circumstances of his and 
 " young sir Henry Vane's having seen those original 
 " results, and being ready to swear, that the paper 
 " read by him was a true copy of the other, might 
 " reasonably amount to the validity of another wit- 
 
 ° an H, and an A,"] an A and an H, 
 VOL. I. D d
 
 402 THE HISTORY 
 
 B(30K " iiess: and that it was no wonder, that the other 
 "'• « persons mentioned in that writing, who had given 
 
 ^ ^^1 • "as bad counsel, would not rememlier, for their own 
 " sakes, what had passed in that conference ; and 
 " that the earl of Northumberland (who was the 
 " only good counsellor in the pack) had remembered 
 " some of the words, of a high nature, though he 
 " had forgotte n the other." 
 
 When Mr. Pym had ended, young sir Harry Vane 
 rose, in some seeming disorder ; confessed all that the 
 other had said ; and added, " That his father being 
 " in the north with the king the summer before, had 
 '• sent up his keys to his secretary, then at White- 
 " hall ; and had written to him (his son) that he 
 " should take from him those keys, which opened 
 " his boxes where his writings and evidences of his 
 " land were, to the end that he might cause an as- 
 " surance to be perfected which concerned his wife ; 
 " and that he having perused those evidences, and 
 " despatched what depended thereupon, had the cu- 
 " riosity to see p what was in a red velvet cabinet 
 " which stood with the other boxes ; and thereupon 
 " required the key of that cabinet from the secre- 
 " tary, as if he still wanted somewhat towards the 
 '' business his father had directed ; and so having got- 
 " ten that key, he found, amongst other papers, that 
 " mentioned by Mr. Pym, which made that impres- 
 " sion in him, that he thought himself bound in con- 
 " science to communicate it to some person of better 
 " judgment than himself, who might be more able 
 " to prevent the mischiefs that were threatened 
 '* therein ; and so shewed it to Mr. Pym ; and being 
 
 p to see] to desire to see
 
 IG4 
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 403 
 
 " confirmed by him, that the seasonable discovery book 
 
 III. 
 " thereof might do no less than preserve the king- . 
 
 " dom, had consented that he should take a copy 
 
 " thereof; which to his knowledge he had faithfully 
 
 " done : and thereupon had laid the original in its 
 
 " proper place again, in the red velvet cabinet. He 
 
 " said, he knew this discovery would prove little less 
 
 *' than his ruin in the good opinion of his father ; 
 
 " but having: been induced ^ by the tenderness of his 
 
 *' conscience- towards his common parent, his coun- 
 
 " try, to trespass against his natural father, he hoped 
 
 " he should find compassion from that house, though 
 
 *' he had little hopes of pardon elsewhere." 
 
 The son no sooner sat down, than the father (who, 
 
 without any counterfeiting, had a natural appearance 
 
 of sternness) rose, with a pretty confusion, and said, 
 
 " That the ground of his misfortune was now disco- 
 
 " vered to him ; that he had been much amazed, 
 
 " when he found himself pressed by such interroga- 
 
 *' tories, as made him suspect some discovery to be 
 
 " made, by some person as conversant in the coun- 
 
 " sels as himself: but he was now satisfied to whom 
 
 " he owed his misfortunes; in which, he was sure, the 
 
 *' guilty person should bear his share. That it was 
 
 *' true, being in the north with the king; and that 
 
 " unfortunate son of his having married a virtuous 
 
 " gentlewoman, (daughter to a worthy member then 
 
 " present,) to whom there was somewhat in justice 
 
 " and honour due, which was not sufficiently settled ; 
 
 " he had sent his keys to his secretary ; not well 
 
 " knowing in what box the material writings lay ; 
 
 " and directed him to suffer his son to look after 
 
 '1 induced] provoked 
 D d 2
 
 404 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK « those evidences which were necessary : that by this 
 ' « occasion, it seemed, those papers had been exa- 
 
 ^^^^' " mined and perused, which had begot much of this 
 " trouble. That for his part, after the summons of 
 " this parliament, and the king's return to London, 
 " he had acquainted his majesty, that he had many 
 " papers remaining in his hands, of such transactions 
 " as were not like to be of further use ; and there- 
 " fore, if his majesty pleased, he would burn them, 
 " lest by any accident they might come into hands 
 " that might make an ill use of them : to which his 
 " majesty consenting, he had burned many ; and 
 " amongst them, the original results of those debates, 
 " of which that which was read was pretended to be 
 " a copy : that to the particulars he could say no- 
 " thing more, than what he had upon his examina- 
 " tion expressed, which was exactly true, and he 
 " would not deny ; though by what he had heard 
 " that afternoon (with which he was surprised and 
 " amazed) he found himself in an ill condition upon 
 " that testimony." 
 
 This scene was so well acted, with such passion 
 and gestures, between the father and the son, that 
 many speeches were made in commendation of the 
 conscience, integrity, and merit of the young man, 
 and a motion made, " that the father might be en- 
 " joined by the house to be friends with his son :" 
 but for some time there was, in public, a great dis- 
 tance observed between them. 
 
 Many men wondered very much at the unneces- 
 sary relation of this story ; which would visibly ap- 
 pear very ridiculous to the world, and could not but 
 inevitably produce much scandal and inconvenience 
 to the fathei', and the son ; who were too wise to be-
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 405 
 
 lieve, that those drcumstances would add any thing book 
 to the credit of the former single testimony : neither 
 
 was there ever after any mention of it in public, to 
 move the judgment of those, who were concerned to 
 be satisfied in what they were to do : and therefore 
 some, who observed the stratagems used by that par- 
 ty to compass their own private ends, believed that 
 this occasion was taken to publish those results, only 
 to give the lord Cottington notice in Avhat danger he 
 was, that so he might wisely quit his mastership of 
 the wards to the lord Say; who expected it, and 
 might be able, by that obligation, to protect him 
 from farther prosecution : and so that they meant to 
 sacrifice the reputation of the secretary to the ambi- 
 tion of the lord Say. But without doubt (though 
 this last consideration was very powerful with them) 
 the true reason of the communication of this passage 
 was, that they found it would be impossible to con- 
 ceal their having received the principal information 
 from the secretary, for their whole prosecution ; by 
 reason some of the committee, who were intrusted to 
 prepare the charge against the earl of Strafford, and 
 consequently were privy to that secret, were fallen 
 from them ; at least from their ends ; and therefore 
 they thought fit to publish this history of the intel- 
 ligence, ^ that it might be rather imputed to the con- 
 science and curiosity of the son, than to the malice ^ 
 of the father. 
 
 The bill of attainder in few days passed the house The bin 
 
 _ . ^ passed the 
 
 of commons ; though some lawyers, oi great ana house of 
 known learning, declared, " that there was no ground f^°™da7s! " 
 
 ■■ the intelligence,] their in- = the malice] the malice and 
 telligence, perjury 
 
 Dd3
 
 406 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK " or colour in law, to judge him guilty of high trea- 
 "^' *' son :" and the lord Digby (who had been, from the 
 
 1 64 1 , ijeoinning, of that committee for the prosecution, and 
 had much more prejudice than kindness to the earl) 
 in a very pathetical speech declared, " that he could 
 " not give his consent to the bill ; not only, for that 
 " he was unsatisfied in the matter of law, but, for 
 " that he was more unsatisfied in the matter of fact ; 
 " those words, upon which the impeachment was 
 "• principally groimded, being so far from being prov- 
 " ed by two witnesses, that he could not acknowledge 
 " it to be by one ; since he could not admit sir Har- 
 " ry Vane to be a competent witness, who being first 
 " examined, denied that the earl spoke * those words; 
 " and upon his second examination, remembered 
 " some ; and at his third, the rest of the words :" 
 and thereupon related many circumstances, and 
 made many sharp observations upon what had pass- 
 ed ; which none but one of the committee could have 
 done : for which he was presently after questioned 
 in the house ; but made his defence so well, and so 
 much to the disadvantage of those who were con- 
 cerned, that from that time they prosecuted him 
 with an implacable rage and uncharitableness upon 
 all occasions. The bill passed with only fifty -nine 
 dissenting voices, there being near two hundred in 
 the house ; and was immediately sent up to the 
 lords, with this addition, " that the commons would 
 " be ready the next day in Westminster-hall, to give 
 " their lordshi])s satisfaction in the matter of law, 
 " upon what had passed at the trial." 
 
 The earl was then again brought to the bar ; the 
 
 ' the earl spoke] the earl spake
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 407 
 
 lords sitting as before, in their robes; and the com- book 
 mons as they had done ; amongst them, Mr. Solici- . "^' 
 
 tor Saint-John," from his place, argued for the space ^^^'• 
 
 ^ ^^ ^ Mr. Saint- 
 
 ot near an hour the matter of law. Of the argument John de- 
 
 itself I shall say little, it being in print, and in many point of law 
 
 hands ; I shall only remember two notable proposi- \f^^l^ ^^^ 
 
 tions, wliich are sufficient characters of the person 
 
 and the time. Lest what had been said on the earl's 
 
 behalf, in point of law, and upon the want of proof, 
 
 should have made any impression in their lordships, 
 
 he averred, " That, in that way of bill, private satis- 
 
 " faction to each man's conscience was sufficient, al- 
 
 " though no evidence had been given in at all :" and 
 
 as to the pressing the law, he said, '' It was true, we 
 
 " give laws ^ to hares and deer, because they are y 
 
 " beasts of chase ; but it was never accounted either 
 
 " cruelty, or foul play, to knock foxes and wolves 
 
 " on the head as they can be found, because they 
 
 " are ^ beasts of prey." In a w ord, the law and the 
 
 humanity were alike ; the one being more fallacious, 
 
 and the other more barbarous, than in any age had 
 
 been vented in such an auditory. 
 
 The same day, as a better argument to the lords The names 
 speedily to pass the bill, the nine and fifty members n,o„e*rs'^j"s.' 
 of the house of commons, who (as is said before) hadf°*"l? 
 
 ^ ^ I from the 
 
 dissented from that act, had their names written in ^'"' «^*- 
 
 posed un- > 
 
 pieces of parchment or paper, under this superscrip- 'ier the ? 
 tion, Straffordians, or enemies to their country; strafford- 
 and those papers fixed upon posts, and other the'^"'' 
 most visible places about the city; which was as y 
 
 " Mr. Solicitor Saint- John,] parliament,) 
 Mr. Saint-John, (whom his ma- ^ give laws] give law 
 jesty had made his solicitor ge- ^ they are] they be 
 neral since the beginning of ' they are] they be 
 
 D d 4
 
 408 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK gi-eat and destructive a violation of the privileges 
 "^- and freedom of parliament, as can be imagined : yet, 
 
 164 J. being complained of in the house, not the least 
 countenance was given to the complaint, or the least 
 care taken for the discovery. 
 
 The persons, who had still the conduct of the de- 
 signs, began to find, that their friends abroad (of 
 whose help they had still great need, for the getting 
 petitions to be brought to the house ; and for all tu- 
 multuous appearances in the city ; and negociations 
 with the common council) were not at all satisfied 
 with them, for their want of zeal in the matter of 
 religion ; and, though they had branded as many of 
 the bishops, and others of the prelatical party, as 
 had come in their way; and received all petitions 
 against the church with encouragement: yet, that 
 there was nothing done, or visibly in projection to 
 be done, towards lessening their jurisdiction ; or in- 
 dulging any of that liberty to their weak brethren, 
 which they had from the beginning expected from 
 them. Besides,^ the discourse of their ambition, 
 and hopes of preferment at court, was grown public, 
 and raised much jealousy of them. 
 
 But the truth is, they who had made in their 
 hearts the most destructive vows against the church, 
 never durst communicate their bloody wishes to their 
 best friends, whose authority gave them their gi*eat- 
 est credit. For besides that their own clergy, whose 
 hands they produced in great numbers to complain^ 
 against the innovations, which had (as they said) 
 been introduced ; and against the ceremonies, which 
 had been in constant practice since the reformation, 
 
 '^ Besides,] And then ^ complain] complaints
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 409 
 
 as well as before ; were far from being of one nnind book 
 in the matter or manner of what they wished should ' 
 be altered; as appeared whenever they came*^ be- ^^'*'' 
 fore the house, or a committee, when any of them 
 were asked questions they did not expect ; there 
 was less consent amongst their lay-friends, in eccle- 
 siastical affairs, than amongst the other. 
 
 The earl of Bedford had no desire that there 
 should be any alteration in the goveniment of the 
 church ; and had always lived towards my lord of 
 Canterbury himself with all respect and reverence, 
 and frequently visited and dined with him ; sub- 
 scribed liberally to the repair of St. Paul's church, 
 and seconded all pious undertakings : though, it is 
 true, he did not discountenance notoriously those of 
 the clergy who were unconformable. 
 
 The earl of Essex was rather displeased with the 
 person of the archbishop, and some other bishops, 
 than indevoted to the function ; and towards some 
 of them he had great reverence and kindness, as bi- 
 shop Moreton, bishop Hall, and some other of the 
 less formal and more popular prelates : and he was 
 as much devoted as any man to the Book of Com- 
 mon Prayer, and obliged all his servants to be con- 
 stantly present with him at it ; his household chap- 
 lain being always a most conformable man, and a 
 good scholar. 
 
 In truth, in the house of peers there were only at 
 that time taken notice of, the lords Say and Brooke, 
 as positive enemies'^ to the whole fabric of the 
 church, and to desire a dissolution of that govern- 
 ment ; the earl of Warwick himself having never 
 
 '^ they came] they appeared they believed to be positive ene- 
 ^ as positive enemies] and niies
 
 410 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK discovered any aversion to episcopacy, and much 
 ^^'" . professed the contrary. 
 
 ^^^^' In the house of commons, though of the chief 
 leaders, Nathaniel Fiennes, and young sir Harry 
 Vane, and shortly after Mr. Hambden (who had not 
 before owned it) were believed to be for root and 
 branch ; which grew shortly after a common expres- 
 sion, and discovery of the several tempers : yet Mr. 
 Pym was not of that mind, nor Mr. Hollis, nor any 
 of the northern men, or those lawyers who drove on 
 most furiously with them : all who were pleased with 
 the government itself of the church. 
 A bill pass. The first design that was entertained against the 
 house of church ; and which was received in the house of 
 toTa"ke"^ commons with a visible countenance and approba- 
 away ti)e ^[q^ q^ uianv, who wcrc neither of the same prin- 
 
 bishops -^ '^ 
 
 votes In ciples uor purposes ; ^ was a short bill that was 
 
 parliament, . i i • i i 
 
 brought m, " to take away the bishops votes m par- 
 " liament ; and to leave them out in all commissions 
 " of the peace, or that had relation ^ to any tem- 
 " poral affairs." This was contrived, with great de- 
 liberation and preparation, to dispose men to con- 
 sent to it : and to this many of the house of peers 
 were much disposed ; and amongst them, none more 
 than the earl of Essex, and all the popular lords ; 
 who observed, " that they seldom carried any thing 
 " which directly opposed the king's interest, by rea- 
 " son of" the number of the bishops, who, for the 
 " most part, unanimously concurred against it, and 
 " opposed many of their other designs : and they be- 
 " lieved that it could do the church no harm, by the 
 
 '■ nor purposes ;] or purjjoses ; with relation 
 
 ' or lliat had rehition] and « reason of] Not in MS.
 
 1641. 
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 411 
 
 " bishops having fewer diversions from their spu'i- book 
 
 " tual charges." 
 
 In the house of commons, they used that, and 
 other arguments, to remove the prejudice from it ; 
 and, as there were many who were persuaded, that 
 the passing that bill would be no prejudice ; and 
 were as unwilling, that the bishops should be jus- 
 tices of the^ peace, or in any^ other secidar com- 
 missions, as the lords were that they should '^ sit 
 with them : so they prevailed with others, who 
 heartily desired that there might be no such dimi- 
 nution of their honour and authority, by persuading 
 them, " That there was so great a concurrence to- 
 " wards the passing this bill ; and so great a combi- 
 " nation throughout the nation against the whole 
 " government of the church, and a resolution to de- 
 " stroy it absolutely : in which the Scots were so 
 " resolutely engaged, that they discoursed in all 
 " companies, that it was impossible for a firm peace 
 " to be preserved between the nations, if bishops 
 " were not taken away ; and that the army would 
 " never march out of the kingdom, till that were 
 " brought to pass : but that if this bill were once 
 " passed, a greater number in both houses would be 
 " so well satisfied, that the violenter party would 
 *' be never able to prosecute their designs i." And 
 this reason did prevail over many men of excellent 
 judgments, and unquestionable affections ; who did 
 in truth at that time believe, " that the passing this 
 " act was the only expedient to preserve the church :" 
 insomuch, as when it was brought into the house, it 
 found a better reception than was expected ; and 
 
 ^ the] Not in MS. ^ should] should not 
 
 ' or in any] and in any ' designs] desires
 
 412 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK some men, who, others thought, would have opposed 
 ^^^" it, spoke "* on its behalf, expressing their desire " that 
 
 1641. « it might pass.' 
 
 There was a difference in opinion in this debate, 
 between two persons, who had been never known 
 to differ in the house, and the entire friendship they 
 had for each other was very remarkable ; which ad- 
 ministered much pleasure to very many who loved 
 neither of them. When the bill was put to the 
 question, Mr. Hyde (who was from the beginning 
 known to be an enemy to it) spoke ° very earnestly 
 " for the throwing it out ;" said, " It was changing 
 ** the whole frame and constitution of the kingdom, 
 " and of the parliament itself: that, from the time 
 " that parliaments begun, ° there had never been one 
 *' parliament, where p the bishops were not part of 
 " it : that if they were taken out of the house, there 
 " would be but two estates left ; ^ for that they as 
 " the clergy were the third estate, and being taken 
 " away, there was nobody left to represent the clergy: 
 " which would introduce another piece of injustice, 
 " which no other part of the kingdom could com- 
 " plain of, who were all represented in parliament, 
 " and were therefore bound to submit to all that 
 " was enacted, because it was upon the matter with 
 " their own consent : whereas, if the bishops were 
 " taken from sitting in the house of peers, there was 
 
 nobody who could pretend to represent^ the clergy; 
 
 and yet they must be bound by their determina- 
 *' tions." 
 
 When he had done, the lord Falkland, who al- 
 
 "1 spoke] spake p where] when 
 
 " spoke] spake q left ;] left out ; 
 
 ° begun,] began, r represent] present 

 
 OF THE REBELLION. 418 
 
 ways sat next to him, (which was so much taken book 
 notice of, that, if they came not into the house toge- ^"' 
 ther, as usually they did, every body left the place ^^4^- 
 for him that was absent,) suddenly stood up, and 
 declared himself " to be of another opinion ; and 
 " that, as he thought the thing itself to be abso- 
 " lutely necessary for the benefit of the church, 
 " which was in so great danger ; so he had never 
 " heard, that the constitution of the kingdom would 
 " be violated by the passing that act ; and that he 
 " had heard many of the clergy protest, that they 
 " could not acknowledge that they were represented^ 
 " by the bishops. However we might presume, that 
 " if they could make that appear, that they were a 
 " third estate, that the house of peers (amongst 
 " whom they sat, and had yet their votes) would 
 " reject it." And so, with some facetiousness, an- 
 swering some other particulars, concluded, "for the 
 " passing the act." 
 
 The house was so marvellously delighted, to see 
 the two inseparable friends divided in so important 
 a point, that they could not contain from a kind of 
 rejoicing ; and the more, because they saw Mr. Hyde 
 was much surprised with the contradiction; as in 
 truth he was ; having never discovered the least in- 
 clination in the other towards such a compliance : 
 and therefore they entertained an imagination and 
 hope that they might work the lord Falkland to a 
 farther concurrence with them. But they quickly 
 found themselves disappointed; and that, as there 
 was not the least interruption of close friendship 
 between the other two; so, when the same argu- 
 
 * represented] presented
 
 414 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK ment came again into debate, about six months 
 __!!L_ after, the lord Falkland changed his opinion, and 
 
 1641. gave them all the opposition he could: nor was he 
 reserved in acknowledging, " that he had been de- 
 " ceived, and by whom ;" and confessed to his 
 friends, with whom he would deal freely, " that Mr. 
 " Hambden had assured him, that if that bill might 
 " pass, there would be nothing more attempted to 
 " the prejudice of the church :" which he thought, 
 as the world then went, would be no ill composi- 
 tion. 
 
 This bill, for taking away the bishops' votes out 
 of the house of peers, produced another discovery, 
 which cast the conductors farther behind, than they 
 were advanced by their conquest amongst the com- 
 mons ; and disquieted them much more, than the 
 other had exalted them. How currently soever it 
 had passed in the lower house ; when it was brought 
 to the upper, the lords gave it not so gracious a re- 
 ception as was expected : many of the greatest men 
 of that house grew weary of the empire which the 
 others had exercised over them ; and some, who had 
 gone with them, upon their observation that they 
 had worse designs than they owned, fell from them, 
 and took the opportunity to discover themselves, 
 upon the debate of this bill ; against which they in- 
 veighed with great sharpness ; and ])lamed the house 
 of commons, " for presuming to meddle with an af- 
 " fair, that so immediately concerned themselves : * 
 " that if they might send up a bill this day, at once 
 " to take out one whole bench from the house, as 
 " this would do the bishops, they might to-morrow 
 
 ' ihemselves :] them :
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 415 
 
 " send another, to take away the barons, or some book 
 
 III. 
 
 " other degi'ee of the nobility :" with many more 
 
 arguments, as the nature of the thing would easily l^'^^* 
 
 administer ; with such warmth and vigour as they 
 
 had not before expressed : insomuch as, though the 
 
 other party, which had not hitherto been withstood, 
 
 set up their rest upon the carrying it; supplying 
 
 tlieir other arguments with that, " How much the 
 
 " house of commons, which best knew the temper 
 
 " and expectation of the nation, would resent their 
 
 " not concurring with them in a remedy they judged 
 
 " so necessary ; and what the consequence might be, 
 
 " of such a breach between the two houses, they 
 
 " trembled to think ; since the kingdom had no hope 
 
 " of being preserved but by their union, and the 
 
 " effects of their wisdom, in removing all things, 
 
 *' and all persons, out of the way, which were " like 
 
 " to obstruct such a thorough reformation, as the 
 
 " kingdom needs and expects ;" all which had so The house 
 
 little effect,-'' that the house could not be prevailed j°m,t7i,ebm. 
 
 with, so much as to commit the bill, (a countenance 
 
 they frequently give to bills they never intend to 
 
 pass,) but at the second reading it, they utterly cast 
 
 it out. 
 
 This unexpected and unimagined act cast such a 
 damp upon the spirits of the governing j^arty in 
 both houses, that they knew not what to do : the 
 mischiefs which were in view, by this discovery of 
 the temper of the house of peers, had no bottom ; 
 j they were not now sure, that they should be able to 
 carry any thing ; for the major part, which threw 
 out this bill, might cross them in any thing they 
 
 • " which were] which are vailed so little, 
 
 ^ had so little effect,] pre-
 
 416 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK went about : besides the influence it would have in 
 ""• thp house of commons, and every where else; for 
 
 ^^^^' they knew very well/ how many of their followers 
 therefore followed them, because they believed they 
 would carry all before them. 
 
 However, that their spirits might not be thought 
 to fail, they made haste to proceed in all the angry 
 and choleric things before them : to the trial of the 
 earl of Strafford ; impeaching several bishops for in- 
 novations, and the like ; the house of commons being 
 very diligent to kindle those fires which might warm 
 A bill the peers : and that the bishops might see how little 
 into the they had gotten, by obstructing the other bill, they 
 crmmom prepared a very short bill, " for the utter eradication 
 ward Detr- " ^^ bishops, dcaus, and chapters ; with all chancel- 
 ing, for " lors, officials, and all officers, and other persons 
 
 extirpating 
 
 bishops, " belonging to either of them :" which they pre- 
 chaptersi vailcd with sir Edward Deering, a man very oppo- 
 ^' site to all their designs, (but a man of levity and 
 
 vanity ; easily flattered, by being commended,) to 
 present into the house ; which he did from the gal- 
 lery,'- with the two verses in Ovid, the application 
 whereof was his greatest motive ; 
 
 Cuncta prius tentanda, sed immedicabile vulnus 
 Ense reddendum est, ne pars sincera trdhatur. 
 
 He took notice " of the great moderation and can- 
 " dour of the house, in applying so gentle a remedy, 
 " by the late bill, to retrench the exorbitances of 
 " the clergy : hoping that the pruning and taking 
 " off a few unnecessary branches from the trunk, 
 " the tree might prosper the better ; that this mor- 
 
 y knew very well,] very well which he did from the gallery,] 
 knew, who presented it to the house 
 
 * to present into the house ; from the gallery,
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 417 
 
 " tification mieht have mended their constitution, book 
 
 . III. 
 
 " and that they would have the more carefully ^ in- 
 
 " tended their health : but that this soft remedy had 
 " proved so ineffectual, that they were grown more 
 " obstinate and incoiTigible ; so that it was now ne- 
 " cessary to put the axe to the root of the tree ;" 
 and thereupon desired, "that the bill might be 
 " read." 
 
 As soon as the title of it was read, (which was 
 almost as long as the bill itself,) it was moved'' with 
 great warmth, "that the bill might not be read: 
 " that it was against the custom and rule of the 
 " house of commons,'" that any private person should 
 " take upon him (without having first obtained the 
 " leave and direction of the house) to bring in a 
 " new act, so much as to abrogate and abolish any 
 " old single law ; and therefore, that it was a won- 
 " derful presumption in that gentleman, without any 
 " communication of his purpose, or so much as a 
 " motion that he miglit do it, to bring in a bill, that 
 " overthrew and repealed so many acts of parlia- 
 " ment, and changed and confounded the whole 
 " frame of the government of the kingdom :" and 
 therefore desired, " that it might be rejected." The 
 gentleman who brought it in made many excuses 
 " for his '^ ignorance in the customs of parliament, 
 " having never l)efore served in any ;" and acknow- 
 ledged, " that he had never read more than the title 
 " of the bill ; and was prevailed with by his neigh- 
 " hour who sat next to him (who was sir Arthur 
 
 =' have the more carefully] the *^ the house of commons,] 
 
 uiore carefully have parliament, 
 
 ^ it was moved] Mr. Hyde "^ for his] of his 
 moved 
 
 VOL. I. E e 
 
 IG
 
 418 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK " Haslerig) to deliver it ;" which he saw would have 
 "^' been done by somebody else. Though the rejecting 
 
 
 1641. j|. ^jjg earnestly urged by very many ; and ought, by 
 the rules of the house, ^ to have been done ; yet, all 
 the other people as violently pressed the reading it.; 
 and none so importunately as Saint-John, who was 
 at this time^ the king's solicitor, (who in truth had 
 drawn it :) he said, " nobody could judge of a bill by 
 " the title, which might be false ; and this bill, for 
 aught any one ^ knew to the contrary, at least, for 
 aught he and many others knew, might contain 
 " the establishing the bishops, and granting other 
 " immunities to the church ; instead of pursuing the 
 " matter of the title :" and others, as ingeniously ^ 
 declaring, " that our orders are in our own power, 
 " and to be altered, or dispensed with, as we see 
 " cause :" many out of curiosity desiring to hear it 
 read ; and more to shew the lords that they would not 
 abate their mettle ; upon their declaring their plea- 
 sure, the bill was at last read ; and no question being 
 But laid by p^jI; 1 ypon the first reading, it was laid by, and not 
 time. called upon in a long time after ; many men being 
 really persuaded, that there was no intention to pur- 
 sue it ; and that it was only brought in, to manifest 
 a neglect towards the lords. 
 A vote 'pjjg northern gentlemen,'^ at least they who were 
 
 pjissed in O ' J 
 
 tiie i.ouse most activc, and had most credit, (as Hotham, and 
 
 of com- 
 
 mons Cholmely, and Stapleton,) were marvellously solicit- 
 court of ous to despatch the commitment of the bill " for 
 
 York. 
 
 « the house,] parliament, ^ The northern gentlemen,] 
 
 ' at this time] now When the house grew entangled 
 
 8 any one] any man in multiplicity of business and 
 
 ^ ingeniously] uningeniously despatches now, the northern 
 
 ' being put,] being to be put, gentlemen,
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 419 
 
 " taking away the court of York ;"^ and having after book 
 
 great debate, and hearing what all parties interested'" '■ — 
 
 could offer, gotten the committee to vote, " That it ^"^^^ 
 " was an illegal commission, and very prejudicial to 
 " the liberty and the property of his majesty's sub- 
 " jects of those four northern counties, where that 
 " jurisdiction was exercised ;" they called upon Mr. 
 Hyde (the chaii-man) to make the report : and the 
 house having concurred in, and confirmed, the same 
 vote ; they appointed him " to prepare himself to 
 " deliver the opinion of the house " at a conference 
 " with the house of peers, and to desire their con- 
 " currence in it ; and that they would thereupon be 
 " suitors to the king, that there might be no more 
 " commissions of that kind granted :" for they had 
 a great apprehension, that either upon the earl of 
 Strafford's resignation, or his death, (which they re- 
 solved should be very shortly,) they should have a 
 new president put over them. 
 
 Mr. Hyde, at the conference in the painted cham- a confe. 
 
 / • .1111 • \ '"ente witli 
 
 ber, (bemg appointed by the house to manage it,) the lonis 
 told the lords, "that the four northern counties were '''°" 
 " suitors to their lordships, that they might not be 
 " distinguished from the rest of his majesty's sub- 
 " jects, in the administration of his justice, and re- 
 " ceiving the fruits of it ;° that they only were left 
 " to the arbitrary power of a president and coun- 
 " cil, which every day procured new authority and 
 " power to oppress them :" he told them, that till 
 
 ' commitment of the bill " for " of the house] MS. adds : (they 
 
 "taking away the court of having confirmed the vote of the 
 
 " York ;"] commitment of the committee) 
 
 court of York ; " of it ;] thereof; 
 
 "^ interested] interessed 
 
 E e 2
 
 420 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK "the thirty-first I' year of king Harry the Eighth, the 
 _i!l_-" administration of justice was the same in the 
 
 
 1641. « north, as in the west, or other parts of the realm ; 
 " that about that time there was some insurrection 
 " in that country, which produced great disorders 
 " and bloodshed, which spread itself to the very 
 " borders of Scotland : whereupon that king issued 
 " out a commission to the archbishop of York, and 
 " the principal gentlemen of those counties, and some 
 " learned lawyers, to examine the grounds of all 
 " those disorders, and to proceed against the male- 
 " factors with all severity, according to the laws of 
 " the land." He read the first ^ commission to them ; 
 which appeared to be no other, than a bare com- 
 mission of oyer and terminer. " It was found that 
 this commission did much good, and therefore it 
 was kept on foot for some time longer than such 
 " commissions use to be ; and it was often renewed 
 " after, but still in the same form, or very little al- 
 " teration, till queen Elizabeth's time ; and then 
 " there was an alteration ^ in the commission itself; 
 " besides that, it had reference to instructions, which 
 contained matters of state upon some emergent 
 occasions : there were more and greater altera-^ 
 " tions, both in the commission and instructions, 
 " in the time of king James, when the lord Scroop 
 " was president ; and that, when the lord Strafford 
 " was first made president, they were more enlarged ? 
 " and yet he had procured new additions to be made 
 " twice after." The instructions of the several times 
 were read ; and the alterations observed ; and some 
 
 1' thirty-first] twenty-eighth " an alteration] some altera- 
 
 1 the first] tlial first tion • 

 
 OF THE REBELLION. 421 
 
 precedents very pertinently^ urged; in which it ap- book 
 
 III 
 peared, that gi'eat men had been very severely sen-___l_ 
 
 tenced, in no less penalty than of a premunire, for ^ ^^ ' • 
 
 procuring and executing such commissions : and he * 
 
 concluded with " desiring the lords to concur in the 
 
 " same sense, the house of commons had expressed 
 
 " themselves to be of, with reference to the commis- 
 
 " sion and instructions." 
 
 The speech, and argument, met with good appro- The lords 
 bation " in both houses ; where he got great credit %vith the 
 by it: and the earl of Bath, who was to report it, '=°°""°"'' 
 and had no excellent or graceful pronunciation, came 
 himself to Mr. Hyde, and " desired a copy of it, that 
 " he might not do him wrong in the house, by the 
 " report ;" and having received it, it was read in the 
 house, and by order entered, and the paper itself 
 affixed to their Journal ;^ where it still remains ; and 
 the house of peers fully concurred with the com- 
 mons in their vote : so that there was not, in many 
 years after, any attempt, or so much as mention of 
 another commission. 
 
 The y northern men were so well pleased, that 
 they resolved to move the house, " to give Mr. Hyde 
 " public thanks for the service he had done the 
 " house ;" but the principal leaders diverted them 
 from it, by saying, " that he had too much credit 
 " already, and needed not such an addition, as he 
 " behaved himself." However, those northern men 
 themselves continued marvellously kind ; and on his 
 behalf, on all occasions, opposed any combination of 
 
 ^ pertinently] pertinently and had a wonderful approbation 
 
 smartly - ^ Journal ;] Diurnal ; 
 
 t he] Not in MS. >• The] And the 
 " met with good approbation] 
 
 E e 3
 
 422 THE HISTORY 
 
 Bf)OK the most powerful of them against him; of which 
 "^- somewhat will be said hereafter. 
 
 1641. zThe opposition in the lords' house, and the fre- 
 quent contradiction in the house of commons, had 
 allayed much of the fury which had so much pre- 
 vailed; and all men impatiently desired that the 
 armies might be discharged ; when all men believed, 
 I)etter quarter would be kept : but no progress would 
 be made towards that, till the earl of Strafford's bu- 
 siness could be despatched ; the Scots being bound 
 to gratify their English friends in that particular, as 
 if it were their own work. They who treated for 
 the promotions at court were solicitous to finish that, 
 as what would do all the rest : and the king was as 
 positive, not to do any thing towards it, till he might 
 secure the life of the earl of Strafford ; which being 
 done, he would do any thing. And the earl of Bed- 
 ford, who had in truth more authority with the vio- 
 1 lent men than any body else, laboured heartily to 
 bring it to pass.^ 
 
 In the afternoon of the same day (when the con- 
 ference had been in the painted chamber upon the 
 court of York) Mr. Hyde going to a place called 
 Piccadilly, (which was a fair house for entertain- 
 ment and gaming, with ^ handsome gravel walks 
 with sliade, and where were an upper and lower 
 bowling-green, whither very many of the nobility, 
 and gentry of the best quality, resorted, both for ex- 
 ercise and conversation,) as soon as ever he came 
 into the gi'ound, the earl of Bedford came to him ; 
 
 ^ The opposition — bring It to " Proceed below. In the after- 
 pass.] This portion is scratched " noon," &c. 
 over in the MS. and lord Claren- " with] and 
 don h(is uritten in the margin.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 423 
 
 and after some short compliments upon what had book 
 passed in the morning, told him,^ " He was glad he 
 
 " was come thither, for there was a friend of his in ^^"^^^ 
 " the lower ground, who needed his counsel." He 
 then lamented " the misery the kingdom was like to 
 " fall into, by their own violence, and want of tem- 
 " per, in the prosecution of their own happiness." ; 
 
 He said, " This business concerning the earl of 
 " Strafford was a rock, upon which we should all 
 " split, and that the passion of the parliament would 
 " destroy the kingdom : that the king was ready to 
 " do all they could desire, if the life of the earl of 
 " Strafford might be spared : that his majesty ^ was 
 " satisfied, that he had proceeded with more passion 
 " in many things, than he ought to have done, by 
 " which he had rendered himself useless to his ser- 
 " vice for the future ; and therefore he was well con- 
 *' tent,^ that he might be made incapable of any em- 
 " ployment for the time to come ; and that he should 
 " be banished, or imprisoned for his life, as they 
 " should choose : that if they would take his death 
 upon them, by their own judicatory, he would not 
 interpose any act of his own conscience : but since 
 they had declined that way, and meant to proceed 
 by an act of parHament, to which he himself must 
 be a party, that it could not consist with his con- 
 " science, ever to give his royal assent to that act ; 
 " because, having been present at the whole trial," 
 (as he had been, in a box provided on purpose, in- 
 cognito, though conspicuous enough,) " and heard 
 " all the testimony they had given against him, he « 
 
 >' told him,] he told him, "^ content,] contented, 
 
 <^ his majesty] he ^ he] and he 
 
 E e 4f 
 
 i( 
 
 a 
 
 «
 
 424 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK " had heard nothing proved, by which he could be- 
 "^' " lieve that he was a traitor, either in fact, or in in- 
 
 1641. « tention : and therefore his majesty did most ear- 
 " nestly desire, that the two houses would not bring 
 " him a bill to pass, which in conscience he could 
 " not, and would not consent to."^ 
 
 The earl continued ;e " That^ though he yet was 
 " satisfied so well in his own conscience, that he be- 
 " lieved he should have no scruple in giving his own 
 " vote for the passing it," (for it yet depended in the 
 lords' house,) " he knew not how the king could be 
 " pressed to do an act so contrary to his own con- 
 " science ; and that, for his part, he took all the pains 
 " he could to persuade his friends to decline their 
 " violent prosecution, and to be content ^ with the 
 " remedy proposed by the king ; which he thought 
 " might be rendered so secure, that there need re- 
 " main no fears of that man's ever appearing again 
 " in business : and that how difficult a work soever 
 
 ~'~~'i " he found it to be, he should not despair of it, if he 
 " could persuade the earl of Essex to comply ; but 
 " that he found him so obstinate, that he could not 
 " in the least degree prevail with him ; that he had 
 " left his brother, the earl of Hertford, (who was 
 " that day made a marquis,) in the lower ground, 
 " walking with him, who he knew would do all he 
 " could ; and he desired Mr. Hyde to walk down 
 " into that place, and take his turn, to persuade the 
 " earl of Essex ^ to what was reasonable ;" which he 
 was very willing to do. 
 
 ' and would not consent to."] ^ That] Not in MS. 
 
 and therefore would not con- ' content] contented 
 
 *'*^"t- ^ the earl of Essex] him 
 
 i' continued ;] said ;
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 425 
 
 He found the marquis and the earl walking there book 
 
 III. 
 
 together, and no other persons with them ; ^ and as 
 soon as they saw him, they both came to him; and ^^^' 
 the marquis, after a short salutation, departed, and 
 left the other two together ; which he did purposely. 
 The earl begun °* merrily, in telling him, " That he 
 " had that morning performed a service, which he 
 " knew he did not intend to do ; that by what he 
 " had said against the court of York, he had revived 
 " their indignation against the earl of Strafford ; so 
 " that he now hoped, they should proceed in their 
 " bill against him with vigour, (whereas they had 
 " slept so long upon it,) which he said was the effect, 
 " of which he was sure he had no mind to be the 
 " cause." Mr. Hyde confessed, " he had indeed no 
 " such purpose ; and hoped, that somewhat he had 
 " said might put other thoughts into them, to pro- 
 " ceed in another manner upon his crimes : that he 
 " knew well, that the cause of their having slept so 
 " long upon the bill, was their disagreement upon 
 " the point of treason, which the longer they thought 
 " of, would administer the more difficulties : but 
 " that, if they declined that, they should all agree, 
 " that there were crimes and misdemeanours evi- 
 " dently enough proved, to deserve so severe a cen- 
 " sure, as would absolutely take away all power from 
 " the earl of Strafford, ° that might prove danger- 
 " ous to the kingdom ; or mischievous to any par- 
 " ticular person, to whom he was not a friend." 
 
 ' with them ;] there ; Strafford,] as would determine 
 
 ■" begun] began all the activity hereafter of the 
 
 " as would absolutely take earl of Strafford, 
 away all power from the earl of
 
 426 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK He shook his head, and answered, "Stone-dead 
 ' " hath no fellow : that if he were judged guilty in a 
 
 1641. a premunire, according to the precedents cited by 
 *' him ; or fined in any other way ; and sentenced to 
 " be imprisoned during his life ; the king would pre- 
 " sently grant him his pardon, and his estate, re- 
 " lease all fines, and would likewise give him his li- 
 " berty, as soon as he had a mind to receive his ser- 
 " vice ; which would be as soon as the parliament 
 " should be ended." And when Mr. Hyde° was 
 ready to reply to him, the earl told him familiarly, 
 " that he had been tired that afternoon upon that 
 " argument, and therefore desired him to continue 
 " the discourse no longer then ; assuring him, he 
 " would be ready to confer with him upon it at any 
 " other time." 
 
 Shortly P after, Mr. Hyde took another oppor- 
 tunity to speak freely with him again concerning it, 
 but found him upon his guard ; and though he heard 
 all the other would say, with gi-eat patience, yet he 
 did not at all enlarge in his answers, but seemed 
 fixed in his resolution ; and when he was pressed, 
 " how unjustifiable a thing it was, for any man to do 
 " any thing which his conscience informed him was 
 " sinful ; that he knew him so well, that if he were 
 " not satisfied in his own conscience, of the guilt of 
 " the earl of Strafford, the king could never be able 
 " to oblige him to give his vote for that bill ; and 
 " therefore he wondered, how he could urge the king 
 " to do an act which he declared to be so much 
 " against his conscience, that he neither could, nor 
 " would, ever give his royal assent to that bill ;" the 
 
 " Mr. Hyde] he p Sliortly] And shortly
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 427 
 
 earl answered^ more at large, and with some com- book 
 
 motion, (as if he were in truth possessed w^ith that 
 
 opinion himself,) " That the king was obliged in ^"'* ' 
 " conscience to conform himself, and his own under- 
 " standing, to the advice and conscience of his par- ■ 
 " liament :" which w^as a doctrine newly resolved by 
 their divines, and of great use to them for the pur- 
 suing; their future counsels. 
 
 Notwithstanding all this, the bill had not that 
 warm reception in the house of peers, that was ex- 
 pected; but, after the first reading, rested many 
 days ; and being then read the second time, depend- 
 ed long at the committee ; few men believing, upon 
 consideration of the affections and parts of the se- 
 veral lords, that of the fourscore, who were present 
 at the trial, above twenty would ever have consented | 
 to that act: besides, it was not beheved, now the 
 formal trial and way of judicature was waved, the / •" 
 bishops would so stupidly (to say no worse) exclude ■ 
 themselves from voting in a law which was to be an 
 act of parliament. 
 
 But there happened about that time two acci- Two acci- 
 
 I'll! 1 • 1 • dents that 
 
 dents, which (though not then, or it may be since, contributed 
 taken notice of, as of any moment or relation to ^^Tds p'Tss- 
 that business) contributed strangely to the passing "'^j^J'^j ^,,g 
 that bill; and so to the fate of that OTcat person. ^an of 
 
 . . Strafford. 
 
 The first, a discovery of some meetings and dis- 
 courses, between some persons of near relation to 
 his majesty's service, and some officers of the army, 
 about the high proceedings of the parliament ; and 
 of some expedients, that might reduce them to a 
 better temper ; which were "^o sooner intimated to 
 <5 the earl ansvveredj to .. Hch he answered
 
 428 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK some of the great managers, than the whole was 
 ^^^' formed and shaped into "a formidable and bloody 
 
 J 641. « design against the parliament." The second, the 
 sudden death of the earl of Bedford. Of both which 
 it will be necessary to say somewhat ; that it may 
 be observed, from how little accidents, and small cii'- 
 ' cumstances, by the art and industry of those men, 
 the greatest matters have flowed, towards the con- 
 fusion we have since laboured ^ under. 
 The first, a Somc principal officers of the army, who were 
 of somV members of the house of commons, and had been 
 denceTbe" carcsscd, both bcforc and after the beginning of the 
 court .and Parliament, by the most popular agents of both 
 some prin- houscs ; and had in truth contributed more to their 
 
 cipal officers 
 
 of the Eng- designs, than was agreeable to their duty, and the 
 army. ^^^^^ rcposcd in them by the king ; found themselves 
 now not so particularly considered as they expected, 
 by that party ; and their credit in other places, and 
 particularly in the army, to be lessened : for that 
 there was visibly much more care taken for the sup- 
 ply of the Scottish ^ army, than of the king's ; inso- 
 much, that sometimes money that was assigned and 
 paid for the use of the king's army, was again taken 
 away, and disposed to the other ; and yet, that the 
 parliament much presumed, and depended, upon 
 their interest in, and power to dispose, the affections 
 of that army. 
 
 Therefore, to redeem what had been done amiss, 
 and to ingratiate themselves in his* majesty's favour, 
 they bethought themselves how to dispose, or at least 
 
 ' we have since labouxedj \^ ". ^ Scottish] Scotch 
 now labour t in his] to his
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 429 
 
 to pretend that they would dispose, the army to book 
 some such expressions of duty and loyalty towards ' 
 the king, as might take away all hope from other ^^^'• 
 men, that it might be applied to his disservice : and 
 to that purpose, they had conference, and communi- 
 cation, with some servants of a more immediate trust 
 and relation to both their majesties ; through whom 
 they might convey their intentions and devotions to 
 the king, and again receive his royal pleasure, and 
 direction, how they should demean themselves. For 
 aught I could ever observe, by what was afterwards 
 reported in the house of commons ; or could learn 
 from those who were most " conversant with all the 
 secrets of that design ; there was never the least in- 
 tention of working farther upon the affections of the 
 army, than to preserve them from being corrupted, 
 or made use of, for the imposing unjust and^ unrea- 
 sonable things upon the king : and all that the king 
 ever so much as consented y should be done by them, 
 was, that as most counties in England, or rather, the 
 factious and seditious persons in most counties, had 
 been^ induced to frame and subscribe petitions to 
 the parliament, against the established government 
 of the church, with other clauses, scandalous to the 
 government of the state too ; so ^ the officers of the 
 army too '' should subscribe this following petition ; 
 which was brought ingrossed to his majesty for his 
 approbation, before they would presume to recom- 
 mend it to any for their subscription. 
 
 " most] Not in MS. the king so much as consented 
 " unjust and] unjust or ' had been] having been 
 
 y all that the king ever so ^ so] Not in MS. 
 much as consented] all that ever ^ too] Not in MS.
 
 430 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK To the king's^ most excellent majesty; the lords 
 
 "^' spiritual and temporal; the knights, citizens, 
 
 ^^^!- and burgesses, now assembled iti the high court 
 
 tion in- of parliament. 
 
 tended to *^ "* 
 
 be sub- 
 scribed by « The humble petition of the officers and soldiers 
 
 tlie officers. 
 
 " of the army, 
 
 " Humbly sheweth. That although our wants 
 " have been very pressing, and the burden we are 
 become unto these parts (by reason of those wants) 
 very grievous unto us : yet so have we demeaned 
 ourselves, that your majesty's great and weighty 
 affairs, in this present parliament, have hitherto 
 received no interruption, by any complaint, either 
 from us, or against us ; a temper not usual in ar- 
 mies ; especially in one destitute not only of pay, 
 but also of martial discipline, and many of its 
 principal officers ; that we cannot but attribute it 
 to a particular blessing of Almighty God, on our 
 " most hearty affections and zeal to the common 
 " good, in the happy success of this parliament ; to 
 " which, as we should have been ready hourly to 
 " contribute our dearest blood, so now that it hath 
 " pleased God to manifest his blessing so evidently*^ 
 " therein, we cannot but acknowledge it with thank- 
 " fulness ; as likewise ^ his great mercy, in that he 
 " hath inclined your majesty's royal heart so to co- 
 " operate with the wisdom of the parliament, as to 
 " effect so great and happy a reformation upon the 
 " former distempers of this church and common- 
 
 •^ To the king's] This petition ^ so evidently] so manifestly 
 ?.v in the handwriting of lord * as likewise] we cannot but 
 Clarendon's secretary. acknowledge 
 
 it 
 (( 
 a 
 a 
 ti 
 (( 
 (( 
 it 
 t( 
 a
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 431 
 
 "wealth: as first, in your majesty's gracious con- book 
 
 " descending to the many important demands of our !_ 
 
 "neighbours of the Scottish nation; secondly, in ^^^^' 
 " granting so free a course of justice against all de- 
 " linquents of what quality soever ; thirdly, in the 
 " removal of all those grievances, wherewith the 
 " subjects did conceive either their liberty of per- 
 " sons, property, or estate,^ or freedom of conscience, 
 " prejudiced ; and lastly, in the greatest pledge of 
 " security that ever the subjects of England received 
 " from theij' sovereign, the bill of triennial parlia- 
 " ment. 
 
 " These things so graciously accorded unto by 
 " your majesty, without bargain or compensation, 
 " as they are more than expectation or hope could 
 " extend unto, so now certainly they are such, as 
 " all loyal hearts ought to acquiesce in with thank- 
 " fulness ; which we do with all humility, and do at 
 " this time, with as much earnestness as any, pray, 
 " and wish, that the kingdom may be settled in 
 " peace and quietness, and that all men may, at 
 " their own homes, enjoy the blessed fruits of your 
 " wisdom and justice. 
 
 " But it may please your excellent majesty, and 
 " this high court of parliament, to give us leave, 
 " with grief and anguish of heart, to represent unto 
 " you, that we hear that there are certain persons 
 " stirring and pragmatical,^ who, instead of render- 
 " ing glory to God, thanks to your^ majesty, and 
 " acknowledgment to the parliament, remain yet as 
 " unsatisfied and mutinous as ever ; who, whilst all 
 " the rest of the kingdom are arrived even beyond 
 
 f property, or estate,] pro- e pragmatical,] practical, 
 priety of estate '' to your] to his
 
 432 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK " their wishes, are daily forging new and unseason- 
 "^' " able demands ; who, whilst all men of reason, loy- 
 
 a 
 n 
 
 it 
 
 1641. (( QHy^ and moderation, are thinking how they may 
 " provide for your majesty's honour and plenty, in 
 " return of so many graces to the subject, are ' still 
 " attempting new diminutions of your majesty's just 
 " regalities, which must ever be no less dear to all 
 " honest men than our own freedoms ; in fine, men 
 " of such turbulent spirits, as are ready to sacrifice 
 the honour and welfare of the whole kingdom to 
 their private fancies, whom nothing else than a 
 subversion of the whole frame of government will 
 satisfy : far be it from our thoughts to believe, 
 " that the violence and unreasonableness of such 
 " kind of persons can have any influence upon the 
 " prudence and justice of the parliament. But that 
 which begets the trouble and disquiet of our loyal 
 hearts, at this present, is, that we hear those ill- 
 affected persons are backed in their violence by 
 " the multitude and the power of raising tumults ; 
 " that thousands flock at their call, and beset the 
 " parliament, and Whitehall itself; not only to the 
 " prejudice of that freedom which is necessary to 
 " great councils and judicatories, but possibly to 
 " some personal danger of your sacred majesty, and 
 " the ^ peers. 
 
 " The vast consequence of these persons' mahg- 
 " nity, and of the licentiousness of those multitudes 
 " that follow them, considered, in most deep care 
 " and zealous affection for the safety of your sacred 
 " majesty, and the parliament ; our humble petition 
 " is, that in your wisdom ' you would be pleased to 
 
 ' arc] they are i your wisdom] your wis- 
 
 ^ the] Not in MS. donis" 
 
 a 
 
 a
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 433 
 
 remove such dangers, by punishing the ringleaders book 
 
 III. 
 
 " of these tumults, that your majesty and the parlia- 
 
 " ment may be secured from such insolencies here- ^^'^^* 
 
 " after. For the suppressing of which, in all humi- 
 
 " lity we offer ourselves to wait upon you, (if you 
 
 " please,) hoping we shall appear as considerable in 
 
 *' the way of defence, to our gracious sovereign, the 
 
 " parliament, our religion, and the established laws 
 
 " of the kingdom, as what number soever shall au- 
 
 " daciously presume to violate them : so shall we, 
 
 " by the wisdom of your majesty and the parlia- 
 
 " ment, not only be vmdicated from precedent in- 
 
 " novations, but be secured from the future, that 
 
 " are threatened, and likely to produce more dan- 
 
 " gerous effects than the former. 
 
 " And we shall pray, &c." 
 
 His majesty having read this petition, and con- The true 
 ceiving that the authority of the army might seem Zlt ZZ 
 of as great importance for the good reception of so Jhlt'|!fti- 
 much reason and justice, as the subscription of a*'°"- 
 rabble had been alleged often to be, for the counte- 
 nance of what in truth was mutinous and seditious, 
 said, " that he approved well enough of it, and was 
 " content that it might be subscribed by the officers 
 *' of the army, if they desired it." The officer, who 
 presented the draught to his majesty, told him, "that 
 " very few of the army had yet seen it : and that it 
 " would be a great countenance to it, if, when it 
 " was carried to the principal officers who were first 
 " to sign it, any evidence might be given to them, 
 " that it had passed his majesty's approbation ; other- 
 " wise they might possibly ™ make scruple for fear 
 
 ■" they might possibly] possibly they might 
 VOL. I. F f
 
 434 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK " of offending him." Thereupon his majesty took 
 ^^^' a pen, and writ at the bottom of the petition C. R. 
 
 ^^'^^- as a token that he had perused and allowed it : and 
 so the petition was carried down into the country 
 where the army lay, and was signed by some offi- 
 cers ; but was suddenly quashed, and no more heard 
 of, till in the discovery of the pretended ° plot : of 
 which more in its place. 
 
 The meetings continuing, between those officers 
 of the army and some servants of his majesty's, to 
 the ends aforesaid ; others of the army, who had ex- 
 pressed very brisk resolutions towards the service, 
 and were of eminent command and authority with 
 the soldiers,'' were by special direction introduced 
 into those councils (all persons obliging themselves 
 by an oath of secrecy, not to communicate any thing 
 that should pass amongst them) for the better exe- 
 cuting what should be agreed. 
 
 At the first meeting, one of the persons p that was 
 so introduced, after he had heard the calm proposi- 
 tions of the rest, and that " their design was, only 
 " to observe and defend the laws, that neither the 
 " arguments of the Scots, nor the reputation of their 
 " army, might compel the king to consent to the 
 " alteration of the government of the church, nor to 
 " remove the bishops out of the house of peers, 
 " which would, in a great degree, produce an al- 
 teration ; or the power of any discontented per- 
 sons, by theu' tumultuary petitions, impose upon, 
 " or diminish, the just legal power of the king," told 
 them, " Those resolutions would produce very little 
 " effects for his majesty's service ; that there was 
 
 " pretended] Not itj MS. p one of the persons] the per- 
 
 " soldiers,] soldier, son 

 
 OP THE REBELLION. 4S5 
 
 " but one way to do his majesty notable service, book 
 " which was by bringing up the army presently to "' 
 
 " London, which would so awe the parliament, that '^^'• 
 " they would do any thing the king commanded." 
 There was not (as I have been credibly informed) a 
 man in the company, that did not perfectly abhor 
 (or seemed so to do) that odious proposition ; but 
 contented themselves with making such objections 
 against it, as rendered it ridiculous and unpractica- 
 ble ; and so the meeting, for that time, dissolved. 
 
 Whether the person that proposed this desperate 
 advice,*! did it only as a bait, to draw an opinion 
 from other men, (for he had ^ a perfect dislike and 
 malice to some of the company,) or whether the dis- 
 dain to see his counsel rejected, and the fear that it 
 might be discovered to his disadvantage, wrought 
 upon him, I know not ; but the same, or the next 
 day, he discovered all, and more than had passed, to 
 some of those who seemed to take most care for the 
 public ; intimated to them, " how he was startled 
 " with the horror of the design, and how faithfully 
 " he resolved to serve the commonwealth, or to lose 
 " his life in the attempt :" yet at the same time 
 acted his part at court, with all possible demonstra- 
 tion of abhorring the proceedings of the parliament, 
 to that degree, that he offered " to undertake, with 
 " a crew of officers and good fellows, (who, he said, 
 " were at his disposal,) to rescue the earl of Straf- 
 " ford from the lieutenant of the Tower, as he 
 " should bring him to his trial, and so to enable 
 *' him to make an escape into foreign parts." 
 
 The discovery being thus made, to the earl of 
 
 1 desperate advice,] desperate device, ' he had] he was of 
 
 F f 2 ,
 
 436 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK Bedford, the Lord Say, and the lord Kimbolton, 
 "'■ and, no doubt, by them communicated to then- chief 
 
 ^^^^' associates; as dangerous as the design was after- 
 wards alleged to be, it was not published in three 
 months after to the houses, against whom the de- 
 sign ^ was intended ; nor till long after the death of 
 the earl of Bedford : who, no doubt, rather desired 
 to bind up those wounds which were made, than to 
 make them wider, by entertaining new jealousies 
 between king and people ; and would not consent 
 to the extending and extorting conclusions, which 
 did not naturally flow from the premises ; without 
 which, this so useful a treason to them could not 
 have been made up. 
 
 But as they thought not fit (as I said before) to 
 publish this whole discovery till near three months 
 after, so they made extraordinary use of it by parts, 
 from the instant that they received the secret; it 
 being always their custom, when they found the 
 heat and distemper of the house (which they endea- 
 voured to keep up, by the sharp mention and re- 
 membrance of former grievances and pressures) in 
 any degree allayed, by some gracious act, or gra- 
 cious profession of the king's,* to warm and inflame 
 them again with a discovery, or promise of a dis- 
 covery, of some notable plot and conspiracy against 
 themselves, " to dissolve the parliament by the pa- 
 " pists ;" or some other way, in which they would be 
 sure that somewhat always should reflect upon the 
 court. Thus they were sometimes informing " of 
 " great multitudes of papists gathering together in 
 " Lancashire ;" then " of secret meetings in caves, 
 
 • the design] the treason * the king's,] the king.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 437 
 
 " and under ground in Surrey; letters from beyond book 
 sea, of great provisions of arms making there for 
 
 III. 
 
 "the cathoHcs of England;" and the like; which '^"^'* 
 upon examination always vanished : but for the time '^ 
 (and they were always applied in useful articles of 
 time) served to transport common minds with fears 
 and apprehensions, and so induced them to comply 
 in sense with those, who were like soonest to find 
 remedies for those diseases which none but them- 
 selves could discover. And in this progress there 
 sometimes happened strange accidents for the con- 
 firmation of their credit. 
 
 Whilst they were full of clamour against the pa- 
 pists, upon the instances of some insolences and in- 
 discretions committed by them, during the late in- 
 tervals of parliament, (and mentioned before,) espe- 
 cially upon a great alacrity expressed, and contribu- 
 tion raising, the year before, for advancing the war 
 with Scotland ; an order was made, " that the jus- 
 " tices of peace of Westminster should carefully ex- 
 " amine, what strangers were lodged within their 
 " jurisdiction ; and that they should administer the 
 " oaths of allegiance and supremacy to all suspected 
 " for recusancy, and proceed according to those sta- 
 " tutes." An afternoon being appointed for that ser- 
 vice, in Westminster-hall, and many persons warned 
 
 to appear there, amongst the rest one James, 
 
 a papist, appeared, and being pressed by Mr. Hay- 
 ward, a justice of peace, to take the oaths, suddenly 
 di'ew out his knife, and stabbed him ; with some re- 
 proachful words, " for persecuting " poor catholics." 
 This strange, unheard of outrage, upon the person 
 of a minister of justice executing his office by an 
 
 " for persecuting] for his persecuting 
 F f 3
 
 438 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK order of parliament, startled all men; the old man 
 ^''' sinking with the hurt, though he died not of it. 
 
 1641. ^jj(j though, for aught I could ever hear, it pro- 
 j ceeded only from the rage of a sullen varlet (for- 
 merly suspected to he crazed in his understanding) 
 without the least confederacy or combination with 
 any other; yet it was a great countenance to those, 
 who were before thought over ajoprehensive and in- 
 quisitive into dangers ; and made many believe it 
 rather a design of all the pai3ists of England, than 
 a desperate act of one man, who could never have 
 been induced to it, if he had not been promised as- 
 sistance by ^ the rest. ^ 
 The ill use The discovcry ^ of the plot concerning the army 
 ill the house being made about the middle of April, which was 
 uiouT the end of the earl of Strafford's trial, they for the 
 present made no farther use of it than might con- 
 tribute to their ends in that business ; reserving the 
 rest (as was said before) to be applied in more ne- 
 cessary seasons : therefore, about the time that the 
 bill of attainder was preferred, that no interposition 
 from the court might discountenance or hinder that 
 great work, Mr. Pym one day informed the house of 
 commons, " that he had great cause to fear, there 
 *' was at that time as desperate a design and con- 
 " spiracy against the parliament, as had been in any 
 " age ; and he was in doubt, persons of great quality 
 " and credit at court had their hands in it : that 
 " several officers had been treated with in London 
 " to raise men, under pretence that they should go 
 " to ^ Portugal ; but that the Portugal ambassador 
 
 " assistance by] assistance ^ The discovery] This disco- 
 from very 
 
 y rest.] MH. adds : But to the ^ go to] go for 
 ])oint.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 439 
 
 " being conferred with about it, professed that he book 
 
 " knew nothing of it : and that no person had any '■ — 
 
 " authority or promise from him to that purpose:" 
 (and it is true, there had been some idle discourses 
 in a tavern between some officers, about raising men 
 for Portugal, which was immediately carried to Mr. 
 Pym ; as all tavern and ordinary discourses were :) 
 " that, for the present, he might not acquaint them 
 " with all'' particulars, which might hinder theii' 
 " further discovery ; only desired, that a message 
 "' might be sent to the lords, to desire them to ap- 
 " point a committee to examine such witnesses as 
 " should be produced, for the discovery of a plot 
 " against the parUament ; and that in the mean 
 " time they would join in a message to the king, to 
 " desire his majesty that he would not, for some few 
 " days, grant any pass to any of his servants to go 
 " beyond '^ the seas ; saying, that he believed some 
 " men's consciences would tempt them to make an 
 " escape, when they heard of this examination." 
 
 Such a committee was appointed to examine, and 
 such a message sent to his majesty, as was desired. 
 But in the mean time, some persons who had been 
 at the tavern, and talked of raising men for Portu- 
 gal ; and others who had been at the conference be- 
 fore mentioned, where the proposition was for bring- 
 ing up the army ; finding that what had passed so 
 privately, and amongst themselves, '^ had been dis- 
 covered, and was like to pass a very severe inquisi- 
 tion, from them ^ who made glosses and comments 
 as they pleased, upon what other men spoke ^ or 
 
 ^ with all] with other sorily amongst them, 
 
 "^ go beyond] pass beyond ^ from them] by them 
 
 "^ amongst themselves,] cur- ^ spoke] spake 
 
 Ff 4
 
 440 THE HISTORY 
 
 no OK did; and not knowing how much more than the 
 ^"' truth had been informed, or what interpretation 
 
 ^^^'- should be made of that which Avas the truth; re- 
 solved not to trust themselves with such judges, 
 (whose formality was first to imprison, and after, at 
 their leisure, to examine,) and so fled into France. 
 
 This was no sooner known and pubUshed, than it 
 gave great credit and reputation to Mr. Pym's vigi- 
 lancy and activity ; for it now appeared, there was 
 some notable mischief intended, upon the discovery 
 whereof, such eminent men s were fled. And in 
 this disorder and trouble of mind, men fearing ac- 
 cording as they were directed, the bill of attainder 
 found the easier passage in the house of commons. 
 
 Having gotten thus ^^ much ground ; and the bill 
 then depending (and like long to dejDend) with the 
 lords ; Mr. Pym told them in the house of commons, 
 " that it appeared by the flight of such considerable 
 " persons, that what he had before imparted to them 
 " was of moment, and that his fears were not ground- 
 " less ; that it concerned their service, that he should 
 " not yet impart the whole matter to them, since 
 " the danger was prevented, which they should 
 " shortly understand at large : in the mean time, 
 " he did assure them, that God had miraculously 
 " preserved them from a most prodigious conspi- 
 racy, in which all their privileges and liberties 
 should have been swallowed up : that though this 
 attempt was disappointed, yet he feared there 
 " might be some new device ; and therefore he pro- 
 " posed, for the better evidence of their union and 
 " unanimity, (which would be the greatest discou- 
 
 ' eminent men] eminent persons *" gotten thus] gotten this 
 
 <( 
 
 ((
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 441 
 
 " raffement to all who wished ill to them,) that some book 
 
 . Ill 
 
 " protestation might be entered into by the members ' 
 
 " of both houses, for the defence of their privileges, IS^ll* 
 " and the performance of those duties to God and 
 " the king, which they were obliged to, as good 
 " Christians and good subjects ; and that a com- 
 " mittee might be appointed speedily to withdraw, 
 " and prepare such a protestation." 
 
 The motion was entertained with general ^ appro- 
 bation ; insomuch as they who were apprehensive 
 enough of the ill designs of those who advanced 
 this, and of the ill consequence of such voluntary 
 protestations, thought fit rather to watch the matter 
 and words, than to oppose the thing itself; which, 
 it was evident, it was to no purpose to do : and 
 therefore they were well contented with the naming 
 such persons for the committee, as were ^ not like 
 to submit to any unlawful or inconvenient obliga- 
 tion. This was urged as of such consequence, that 
 the doors were locked, and no persons suffered to 
 go out of the house, till this should be concluded. 
 After a long debate, these words were agreed upon, 
 and offered to the house for the protestation. 
 " I A. B. do,^ in the presence of Almighty God, pro- upon this 
 " mise, vow, and protest, to maintain and defend, protestation 
 " as far as lawfully I may, with my life, power, '^ *J^J]J 
 " and estate, the true reformed protestant reli- '»o"ses. 
 " gion, expressed in the doctrine of the church of 
 " England, against all popery and popish innova- 
 " tions within this realm, contrary to the same 
 " doctrine ; and, according to the duty of my al- 
 
 ' with general] with a general tion is in the handwriting of lord 
 ^ as were] who were Clarendon s secretary. 
 
 ' 1 A. B. do,] This protesta-
 
 443 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK " legiance, his majesty's royal person, honour, and 
 "'• « estate ; as also, the power and privileges of par- 
 
 
 1641. « liament ; the lawful rights and liberties of the 
 " subject ; and every person that maketh this pro- 
 " testation, in whatsoever he shall do in the law- 
 " ful pursuance of the same : and to my power, 
 " and as far as lawfully I may, I wiU oppose, and, 
 " by all good ways and means, endeavour to bring 
 to condign punishment, all such, as shall, either 
 by force, practice, counsels, plots, conspiracies, 
 " or otherwise, do any thing to the contrary of 
 " anything in this present protestation contained: 
 " and further, that I shall, in all just and honour- 
 " able ways, endeavour to preserve the union and 
 " peace between the three kingdoms of England, 
 " Scotland, and Ireland ; and neither for hope, 
 " fear, nor other respect, shall relinquish this pro- 
 " mise, vow, and protestation." 
 This was immediately taken by the speaker of 
 the house of commons, and by all the members then 
 present ; and sent up to the lords, who all likewise 
 took the same, except the earl of Southampton, and 
 the lord Roberts, who positively refused it, alleging, 
 " There was no law that enjoined it, and the conse- 
 " quence of such voluntaiy engagements might pro- 
 " duce effects that were not then intended :" which 
 without doubt was very wisely considered ; and had 
 not been pressed in the house of commons, for two 
 reasons ; it being visibly impossible to dissuade the 
 thing, the house being awakened by the discourse, 
 mentioned before, of a plot against the parliament, 
 the poison of which, this sovereign antidote was to" 
 
 "' was to] would
 
 III. 
 
 1641. 
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 443 
 
 expel and discover; but especially for that well-af- book 
 fected persons, who were jealous of no other design . 
 than the alteration of the government of the church, 
 thought they had obliged those rigid reformers from 
 any such attempt, when they had once bound them- 
 selves " to maintain and defend the protestant reli- 
 " gion expressed in the doctrine of the church of 
 " England ;" there being no other scheme of the 
 doctrine of the church of England, than the thirty- 
 nine Articles, of which one is, " to preserve the go- 
 " vernment of the church by bishops." 
 
 Whereas the other party was abundantly gi-atified 
 with having an oath of their own making, to entan- 
 gle the people, (so hke a covenant, by which such 
 admirable things had been compassed by their neigh- 
 bours,) and upon which they could make what gloss 
 they pleased, when they had occasion ; as they did 
 within two days after: for the protestation being 
 taken on Monday the third of May, the Wednesday 
 following some of their own party took occasion to 
 inform the house, " that it was apprehended by many 
 " well-affected persons abroad, who were of notable 
 " and exemplary devotions ° to the parUament, that 
 " if they should take that protestation, they should 
 *' thereby engage themselves for the defence of bi- 
 " shops, which in their conscience they could not 
 " do : and which they hoped the house did not in- 
 " tend to oblige them to :" whereupon, without any 
 great opposition, (the house being thin ; and they 
 who were of another opinion, believing this artifice 
 would, to all sober men, appear very ridiculous,) this 
 ensuing order was made. 
 
 " exemplary devotions] exemplar devotion
 
 444 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK « Whereas o some doubts have been raised, by 
 ^'^- <( several persons out of this house, conceniing the 
 
 1641. a meaning of these words contained in the protesta- 
 tion of'" " tion lately made by the members of this house, 
 ItTon'T'* " [viz- the true reformed protestant religion, ex- 
 an order of « pressed iu the doctrine of the church of England, 
 
 tlie house of -t^ ^ ^ • • t_ • 
 
 commons. « again st all popery and popish innovations within 
 " this realm, contrary to the same doctrine,] this 
 " house doth declare, that by those words was and 
 " is meant, only the public doctrine professed in the 
 " said church, so far as it is opposite to popery and 
 " popish innovations ; and that the said words are 
 " not to be extended to the maintaining of any form 
 " of worship, discipline, or government, nor of any 
 " rites, or ceremonies, of the said church of Eng- 
 « land." 
 
 This explanation being thus procured in the house 
 of commons, without ever advising with the house 
 of peers, (who had Hkewise taken the same protesta- 
 tion,) and, in truth, so contrary to the intentions of 
 most that took it ; the)' ordered, " that the protesta- 
 " tion, together with this explanation, should be 
 *' printed and published ; and that the knights and 
 " burgesses should send copies thereof to the coun- 
 " ties and boroughs for which they served ; and that 
 " they should intimate unto the people, with what 
 " willingness all the members of that house made 
 " that protestation ; and that they should further 
 " signify, that as they did justify the taking it 
 " themselves, so they could not but approve it in all 
 " such as should take it." Upon which declaration, 
 the emissaries of their clergy i' caused the same to 
 
 " Whereas] This order is in dons secretary. 
 the handwriting of lord Claren- v their clergj] the clergy
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 445 
 
 be taken in London, and the parts adjacent, within book 
 
 very few days after the pubhshing.^ And for their '. — 
 
 better encouragement (thous;h their zeal would not , , ,, 
 
 o ^ o A bill pass- 
 
 attend such formaUties) a bill was prepared, passed ^^ f'ere, to 
 
 compel all 
 
 the house of commons, and was sent up to the lords, the subjects 
 " to compel all the subjects to take that protesta- 
 " tion." What the success of that bill was, and 
 what use was afterwards made of this protestation, 
 (which was then thought so harmless a thing,) and 
 particularly, what influence it had upon the business 
 of the earl of Strafford, shall be remembered in its 
 proper place. 
 
 The other accident that fell out during the time The other 
 that the business of the earl of Strafford was agi-thatcontri- 
 tated, and by which he received much prejudice, „",.js t^.g 
 was the death of the earl of Bedford. This lord ;^"' f ''^- 
 
 taiiidor, was 
 
 was the greatest person of interest in all the popular the death of 
 
 , the earl of 
 
 party, being of the best estate, and best understand- Bedford. 
 ing, of the whole number;'' and therefore most like 
 to govern the rest. He was besides of great civility, 
 and of much more good-nature than any of the 
 other. And therefore the king, resolving to do his 
 business with that party by him, resolved to make 
 him lord high treasurer of England, in the place of 
 the bishop of London ; wlio was as willing to lay 
 down the office, as any body was to take it up. And 
 to gratify him the more, at his desire, intended to 
 make Mr. Pym chancellor of the exchequer, as he had 
 done Mr. Saint-John his solicitor general, (all which 
 hath been touched before,) as also, that ^ Mr. Hollis 
 
 1 the publishing.] the pub- ® (all which hath been touch- 
 
 lishing thereof. ed before,) as also, that] Not in 
 
 ^ whole number;] whole MS. 
 party ;
 
 446 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK was to be secretary of state, the lord Say master of 
 '"■ the wards, and the lord Kmibolton to be lord privy- 
 
 ^^^'' seal after the death of his father, who then held that 
 place. Others were to be placed about the prince, 
 and to have offices when they fell. 
 
 The earl of Bedford* secretly undertook to his 
 majesty, that the earl of Strafford's life should be 
 preserved ; and to procure his revenue to be settled, 
 as amply as any of his progenitors ; the which he 
 intended so really, that, to my knowledge, he had it 
 in design to endeavour to obtain an act for " the set- 
 ting up the excise in England, as the only natural 
 means to advance the king's profit. He feU sick 
 within a week after the bill of attainder was sent 
 up to the lords' house ; and died shortly after, much 
 afflicted with the passion and fury which he per- 
 ceived his party inclined to : insomuch as he de- 
 clared, to some of near trust with him, " that he 
 " feared the rage and madness of this parliament 
 would bring more prejudice and mischief to the 
 kingdom, than it had ever sustained by the long 
 " intermission of parliaments." He was a wise man, 
 and would have proposed and advised moderate 
 courses; but was not incapable, for want of reso- 
 lution, of being carried into violent ones, if his ad- 
 vice were not ^ suljmitted to : and therefore many, 
 who knew him well, thought his death not unsea- 
 sonable, as well to his fame, as his fortune ; and that 
 it rescued him as well from some possible guilt, as 
 
 J- The earl of Bedford] In be found in the Appendix, E. 
 
 MS. B. w another account of " to obtain an act for] Not in 
 
 the death of the duke of Bed- MS. 
 
 ford, ivhich is not even inserted " were not] would not have 
 
 m lord Clarendon s Life. It will been 

 
 OF THE REBELLION. 447 
 
 from those visible misfortunes, which men of all con- book 
 ditions have since undergone. ' 
 
 As soon as the earl of Bedford was dead, the lord ^^^^' 
 Say (hoping to receive the reward of the treasurer- 
 ship) succeeded him in his undertaking, and faith- 
 fully promised the king, "that he should not be 
 " pressed in the matter of the earl of Strafford's 
 " life :" and under that promise got credit enough 
 to persuade his majesty to whatsoever he said>' was 
 necessary to that business. And thereupon, when 
 the bill was depending with the lords, and when 
 there was little suspicion that it would pass, though 
 the house of commons every day by messages en- 
 deavoured to quicken them, he persuaded the king 
 " to go to the house of peers, and, according to cus- 
 " tom, to send for the house of commons, and then 
 " to declare himself, that he could not, with the 
 " safety of a good conscience, ever give his consent 
 " to the bill that was there depending before them 
 " concerning the earl of Strafford, if it should be 
 " brought to him, because he was not satisfied in 
 " the point of treason : but he was so fully satisfied 
 " that the earl was unfit ever to serve him more, in 
 " any condition of employment, that he would join 
 " with them in any act, to make him utterly inca- 
 " pable of ever bearing office, or having any other 
 " employment in any of his majesty's dominions ; 
 " which he hoped would satisfy them." 
 
 This advice, upon the confidence of the giver, the 
 king resolved to follow: but when his resolution 
 was imparted to the earl, he immediately sent his 
 brother to him, beseeching his majesty "by no 
 
 y whatsoever he said] whatsoever he told
 
 448 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK « means to take that way, for that he was most as- 
 ^"' « siired it would prove very pernicious to him ; and 
 
 1641. a therefore desired, he might depend upon the ho- 
 " nour and conscience of the peers, without his ma- 
 " jesty's interposition." The king told his brother, 
 *' that he had taken that resolution by the advice of 
 " his best friends ; but since he liked it ^ not, he 
 " would decline it." The next morning the lord 
 Say came again to him, and finding his majesty al- 
 tered in his intention, told him, " if he took that 
 " course he ^ advised him, he was sure it would pre- 
 " vail ; but if he declined it, he could not promise 
 " his majesty what would be the issue, and should 
 " hold himself absolutely disengaged from any un- 
 " dertaking." The king observing his positiveness, 
 and conceiving his intentions to be very sincere, suf- 
 fered himself to be guided by him ; and went imme- 
 diately ^ to the house, and said as the other had ad- 
 vised. Whether that lord did in truth believe the 
 discovery of his majesty's conscience in that manner 
 would produce the effect he foretold; or whether 
 he advised it treacherously, to bring on those incon- 
 veniences which afterwards happened ; I know not : 
 but many, who believed his will to be much worse 
 than his understanding, had the uncharitabieness to 
 think, ^ that he intended to betray his master, and 
 to put the ruin of the earl out of question. 
 
 The event proved very fatal ; for the king no 
 sooner returned from the house, than the house of 
 commons, in great passion and fury, declared this 
 last act of his majesty's to be " the most unparal- 
 
 * it] Not in MS. h went immediately] imme- 
 
 ' lie advised] he had ad- diately went 
 vised c think,] believe.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 449 
 
 " leled breach of privilege, that had ever happened ; book 
 
 " that if his majesty might take notice what bills '■ — 
 
 " were passing in either house, and declare his own '"^*- 
 
 " opinion, it was to forejudge their counsels, and 
 
 " they should not be able to supply the common- 
 
 " wealth with wholesome laws, suitable to the dis- 
 
 " eases it laboured under ; that this was the great- 
 
 " est obstruction of justice, that could be imagined ; 
 
 " that they, and whosoever had taken the late pro- 
 
 ** testation, were bound to maintain the privileges 
 
 " of parliament, which were now too grossly^ in- 
 
 " vaded and violated :" with many^ sharp discourses 
 
 to that purpose. 
 
 The next day great multitudes of people came Tumults 
 down to Westminster, and crowded about the house house of 
 of peers, exclaiming with great outcries, " that they ^^"^' 
 " would have justice ;" and publicly reading the 
 names of those who had dissented from that bill in 
 the house of commons, as enemies to their country ; 
 and as any lord passed by, called. Justice^ justice ! 
 and with great rudeness and insolence, pressing 
 upon, and thrusting, those lords whom they sus- 
 pected not to favour that bill ; professing aloud, 
 " that they would be governed and disposed by the 
 " honourable house of commons, and would defend 
 *' their privileges according to their late protesta- 
 " tion." These unheard of acts * of insolence and 
 sedition continued so many days, till many lords 
 grew so really apprehensive of having their brains 
 beaten out, that they absented themselves from the 
 house ; and others, finding what seconds the house 
 of commons was like to have to compass whatever 
 
 ^ too grossly] so grossly ^ These unheard of acts] This 
 
 ^ many] many other unheard of act 
 
 VOL. I. G g
 
 450 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK they desired, changed their minds; and so in an af- 
 ^"' ternoon. when of the fourscore who had been pre- 
 
 ^^^'- sent at the trial, there were only six and forty lords 
 
 Attainder" in thc housc, (thc good people still crying at the 
 
 bous*lfJf" doors for justice,) they put the bill to the question, 
 
 lords. j^^jj eleven lords only dissenting, it passed that 
 
 ■ house, and was ready for the king's assent. 
 
 The king continued as resolved as ever, not to 
 Tumults p.j-yg h j^ig consent. The same oratory then attended 
 
 about ^^ ^ •' ^ 
 
 Whitehall, him at ^Vhitehall, which had prevailed at West- 
 minster ; and a rabble of many thousand people be- 
 sieged that place, crying out. Justice, Justice ; that 
 they would have justice ; not without great and in- 
 solent threats and expressions, what they would do, 
 if it were not speedily granted. The privy-council 
 was called together, to advise what course was to 
 be taken to suppress these traitorous riots. Instead 
 of considering how to rescue their master's honour 
 and his conscience from this infamous -^violence and 
 
 The privy- constraint, they press the kino; to pass the bill of 
 
 council . . O -I 
 
 and some of attainder, saying, "there was no other way to pre- 
 aihiseVhe^^ " serve himself and his posterity, than by so doing ; 
 ^SlL " ^"^ therefore that he ought to be more tender of 
 bill. « ^i^g safety of the kingdom, than of any one person 
 
 " how innocent soever :" not one counsellor inter- 
 posing his opinion, to support his master's magna- 
 nimity and innocence : they who were of that mind, 
 either suppressing their thoughts through fear, upon 
 the new doctrine estabhshed then by the new coun- 
 sellors, " tliat no man ought to presume to advise 
 " any thing in that place contrary to the sense of 
 both houses;" others sadly believing, the force 
 
 ' resolved as ever, not to give] resolved never to give 
 
 / 
 
 <(
 
 1G41. 
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 451 
 
 and violence offered to the king would be, before book 
 
 ° , , ill- 
 
 God and man, a just excuse for whatsoever he 
 
 should do. 
 
 His majesty told them, " that what had been ^ 
 proposed to him to do, was directly^ contrary to 
 ' his conscience, and that being so, he was sure they 
 ' would not persuade him to it, though themselves 
 ' were never so well satisfied." To that point, they 
 desired him " to confer with his bishops, who, they 
 made no question, would better inform his con- 
 science." The archbishop of York was at hand ; 
 who, to his argument of conscience, told him, " that 
 ' there was a private and a public conscience ; that 
 ' his public conscience as a king might not only 
 * dispense with, but obhge him to do that which 
 ' was against his private conscience as a man : and 
 ' that the question was not, whether he should save 
 ' the earl of Strafford, but, whether he should perish 
 ' with him : that the conscience of a king to pre- 
 ' serve his kingdom, the conscience of a husband to 
 ' preserve his wife, the conscience of a father to 
 ' preserve his children, (all which were now in dan- 
 ' ger,) weighed down abundantly all the considera- 
 ' tions the conscience of a master or a friend could 
 ' suggest to him, for the preservation of a friend, or 
 servant." And by such unprelatical, ignominious 
 arguments, in plain terms advised him, " even for 
 *' conscience sake, to pass that act." 
 
 Though this bishop acted his part with more pro- 
 digious boldness and impiety, others^ of the same 
 function (for whose °^ learning and sincerity the king 
 and the world had greater reverence) did not what 
 
 ' had been] was ' others] the other 
 
 ^ directly] in a diameter "' for whose] of whose 
 
 G g 2
 
 452 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK might have been expected from their caUing or their 
 
 111- trust ; but at least forbore to fortify and confirm a 
 
 1641. conscience, upon the courage and piety of which, 
 
 the security of their persons ^ and their order did 
 
 absolutely, under God, "" depend. 
 
 During these perplexities, the earl of Strafford, 
 taking notice of the straits the king was in, the 
 rage of the people still increasing, (from whence he 
 might expect a certain outrage and ruin, how con- 
 stant soever the king continued to him; and, it 
 may be, knowing of an undertaking (for such an 
 undertaking there was) by a great person, who had 
 then a command in the Tower, " that if the king 
 " refused to pass the bill, to free the kingdom from 
 " the hazard it seemed to be in, he would cause his 
 The earl of « head to be stricken off in the Tower,") writ a 
 hlmsdJ'^ most pathetical letter to the king, full of acknow- 
 hi' majesty ledgment of his favours; but Uvely representing? 
 to pass Lt. « tjjg dangers, which threatened himself and his 
 " posterity, by the king's persevering 'i in those fa- 
 " vours ;" and therefore by many arguments conjur- 
 ing him " no longer to defer his assent to the bill, 
 " that so his death might free the kingdom from 
 " the many troubles it apprehended." 
 
 The delivery of this letter being quickly known, 
 
 new arguments were applied ; " that this free con- 
 
 " sent of his own clearly absolved the king from 
 
 The king *' any scruple that could remain with him ;" and so 
 
 coTmts- in the end they extorted from him, to sign a com- 
 
 pas"sinK \i!' mission to some lords to pass the bill : which was as 
 
 vaUd as if he had passed •■ it himself; though they 
 
 " the security of their per- M the king's persevering] his 
 
 sons] themselves obstinacy 
 
 " under God,] Not in MS. ' passed] signed 
 representing] presenting 
 
 p
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 453 
 
 comforted him even with that cu'cumstance, "that book 
 " his own hand was not in it." L_ 
 
 It may easily be said, that the freedom of the ^^"^^^ 
 parliament, and his own negative voice, being thus 
 barbarously invaded, if ^ his majesty had, instead of 
 passing that act, come to the house and dissolved 
 the parliament ; or if he had withdrawn himself 
 from that seditious city, and put himself in the 
 head of his own army ; much of the mischief, which 
 hath since happened, would have been prevented. '^ 
 But whoever truly considers the state of affairs at 
 that time ; the prevalency of that faction in both 
 houses ; the rage and fury of the people ; the use 
 that was made by the schismatical preachers (by 
 whom the orthodox * were generally " silenced) of 
 the late protestation in their pulpits ; the fears and 
 jealousies they had infused into the minds of many 
 sober men, upon the discourse of the late plot ; the 
 constitution of the council-table, that there was 
 scarce ^ an honest man durst speak his conscience to 
 the king, for fear of his ruin ; and that those, whom 
 he thought most true to him, betrayed him every 
 hour, insomuch as his whispers in his bedchamber 
 were instantly conveyed to those against whom 
 those whispers were ; so that he had very few men 
 to whom he could breathe his conscience and com- 
 plaints, y that were not suborned against him, or 
 averse to his opinions : that on the other side, if 
 some expedient were not speedily found out, to al- 
 lay that frantic rage and combination in the people, 
 there was reason enough to believe, their impious 
 
 » if] that if " generally] iVof in MS. 
 
 * the orthodox] all the or- ' scarce] not 
 thodox y complaints,] complaint, 
 
 Gg3
 
 454 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK hands would be lifted up against his own person, 
 '"' and (which he much more apprehended) against the 
 
 JG41. person of his royal consort : and lastly, that (besides 
 the difficulty of getting thither ^) he had no gi'ound 
 to be very confident of his own army : I say, who- 
 ever sadly contemplates this, will find cause to con- 
 fess, the part which the king had to act was not 
 only harder than any prince, but than any private 
 gentleman, had been exposed^ to; and that it is 
 much easier, upon the accidents and occurrences 
 which have since happened, to determine what was 
 not to have been done, than at that time to have 
 foreseen, by what means to have freed himself from 
 the labyrintli in which he was involved. 
 The earl All thinffs bciuff thus transacted, to conclude the 
 .-May the fatc of this great person, he was on the twelfth day 
 'of May brought from the Tower of London (where 
 he had been a prisoner near six months) to the scaf- 
 fold on Tower-hill ; where, with a composed, un- 
 daunted courage, he told the people, " he was come 
 " thither to satisfy them with his head ; but that 
 " he much feared, the reformation which was begun 
 " in blood would not prove so fortunate to the king- 
 " dom, as they expected, and he wished :" and after 
 great expressions " of his devotion to the church of 
 " England, and the protestant religion estabhshed 
 " hy law, and professed in that church ; of his loy- 
 " alty to the king, and affection to the peace and 
 " welfare of the kingdom ;" with marvellous tran- 
 quillity of mind, he delivered his head to the block, 
 where it was severed from his body at a blow: 
 many of the standers by, who had not been over 
 
 ' getting thither] MS. adds : alone 
 except he would have gone " exposed] incumbent
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 455 
 
 charitable to him in his life, beinff much affected book 
 
 III 
 with the courage and Christianity of his death. '. 
 
 Thus fell the greatest subject in power, and little ^^'^^' 
 inferior to any in fortune, that was at that time in 
 any of the three kingdoms ; who could well remem- 
 ber the time, when he led those people, who then 
 pursued him to his grave. He was a man of great 
 parts, and extraordinary endow ments of nature ; not 
 unadorned with some addition of art and learning, 
 though that again was more improved and illus- 
 trated by the other ; for he had a readiness of con- 
 ception, and sharpness of expression, which made 
 his learning thought more than in truth it was. 
 His first inclinations and addresses to the court 
 were only to establish his greatness in the country ; 
 where he apprehended some acts of power from the 
 lord Savile, ^ who had been his rival always there, 
 and of late had strengthened himself by being made 
 a privy-counsellor, and officer at court : but his first 
 attempts were so prosperous, that he contented not 
 himself with being secure from tliat lord's ^ power 
 in the country, but rested not, till he had bereaved 
 his adversary ^ of ^ all power and place in court ; and 
 so sent him down, a most abject, disconsolate old 
 man, to his country, where he was to have the su- 
 perintendency over him too, by getting himself at 
 that time made lord president of the north. These 
 successes, applied to a nature too elate and haughty*^ 
 of itself, and a quicker progress into the greatest 
 employments and trust, made him more transported 
 with disdain of other men, and more contemning 
 
 ^ the loi'd Savile,] the old "^ his adversary] him 
 lord Savile, ^ haughty] arrogant 
 
 *^ that lord's] his 
 
 G g 4
 
 ^Q THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK the forms of business, than happily he would have 
 __Il!l_been, if he had met with some interruptions in the 
 
 1641. beginning, and had passed in a more leisurely grada- 
 tion to the office of a statesman. 
 
 He was, no doubt, of great observation, and a 
 piercing judgment, both in things ^ and persons ; but 
 his too good skill in persons made him judge the 
 worse of things : for it was his misfortune to be in 
 a time ^ wherein very few wise men were equally 
 employed with him ; and scarce any (but the lord 
 Coventry, whose trust was more confined) whose 
 faculties and abilities were equal to his: so that 
 upon the matter he relied wholly ^ upon himself; 
 and discerning many defects in most men, he too 
 much neglected what they said or did. Of all his 
 passions, his pride was most predominant : which a 
 moderate exercise of ill fortune might have cor- 
 rected and reformed ; and which was by the hand 
 of Heaven strangely punished, by bringing his de- 
 struction upon him by two things that he most de- 
 spised, the people and sir Harry Vane. In a word, 
 the epitaph, which Plutarch records that Sylla wrote 
 for himself, may not be unfitly applied to him; 
 *' that no man did ever exceed ^ him, either in do- 
 " ing good to his friends, or in doing mischief to his 
 " enemies ;" for his acts of both kinds were most 
 notorious. ^ 
 At the same Together with that of attainder of the earl of 
 ti.e bill of Strafford, another bill was passed by the king, of al- 
 paslp"] ihe "^^st as fatal a consequence both ^ to the king and 
 
 art for the 
 continuiiij;; 
 
 this parlia- ' in things] into things ' exceed] pass 
 
 incMit. f. in ri time] of a time k notorious.] exemplar and 
 
 *> relied wholly] wholly re- notorious, 
 lied ' both] Not in MS.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 457 
 
 kingdom, as that was to the earl, "the act for the book 
 
 . III. 
 
 " perpetual parliament ;" as it is since called. 
 
 The vast charge ™ of the two armies was no other ^^"^^^ 
 way supplied, (for I have told you before the reason which that 
 why they were so slow in granting of subsidies,) obtained. 
 than by borrowing great sums of money from the 
 city or citizens of London, upon the credit of parti- 
 cular persons. The emissaries in that negociation, 
 about the time the act of° attainder passed the 
 commons, returned, " that there was no more hope 
 " of borrowing in the city ; that men had before 
 " cheerfully lent their estates, upon tlieir confidence 
 " in the honour and justice of the two houses : but 
 " they had now considered, how desperate that se- 
 " curity must prove, if the two houses should be 
 *' dissolved." AVhich consideration begun to have 
 an universal influence upon all those who were per- 
 sonally bound for monies already borrowed ; " for 
 " that their persons and fortunes must answer those 
 " sums which had been paid for the public benefit, 
 " if the parliament should be dissolved before any 
 " act passed for their security. ^ That their fears 
 " and apprehensions that this might happen were 
 " much advanced by the late discovery of the plot 
 " against the parliament ; for though the particu- 
 " lars thereof were not yet published, they dis- 
 " cerned there was not that good meaning to the 
 " parliament, as it deserved." This was no sooner 
 offered, than the reasonableness of the objection 
 was enforced ; and the necessity of finding some ex- 
 pedient " to satisfy the people of the gracious inten- 
 " tion P and resolutions of the king ;" which were 
 
 " charge] burden " security.] indemnity. 
 
 " of] for p intention} intentions
 
 458 ' THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK most unquestionable; (for in all those articles of 
 ^^^* time, when they were to demand some unreason- 
 
 J641. ^IjYq thing from him, they spared no dutiful men- 
 tion of the piety and goodness of his own princely 
 nature ; or large promises what demonstrations of 
 duty they would shortly make to him.) No way 
 could be thought of so sure, ^ as an act of parlia- 
 ment, " that this j3arliament should not be ad- 
 "journed, prorogued, or dissolved, but by act of 
 " parliament ; which, upon this occasion, his ma- 
 " jesty would never deny to pass." 
 
 It is not credible, what an universal reception 
 and concurrence this motion met with, (which was 
 to remove the landmarks, and to destroy the found- 
 ation of the kingdom,) insomuch, as a committee 
 was immediately appointed to withdraw, and to 
 prepare a short bill to that purpose ; which was 
 within a short time (less than an hour) brought into 
 the house, and immediately twice read, and com- 
 mitted ; an expedition scarce ever heard of before ^ 
 in parhament ; and the next day, with as little agi- 
 tation, and the contradiction of very few voices, en- 
 gi-ossed, and carried up to the lords. With them it 
 had some deljate, and amendments, which were de- 
 livered at a conference, the principal whereof was, 
 " that the time should l)e limited, and not left in- 
 " definite, and that it should not be dissolved with- 
 " in two years, except by consent of both houses ;" 
 that time being sufficient to provide against any ac- 
 cidents that were then apprehended. 
 
 These alterations were highly resented in the 
 house of commons, as argument of jealousy between 
 
 "i sure,] undeniable, never before heard of 
 
 ' scarce ever heard of before]
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 459 
 
 the king and the parliament, "that it should be book 
 " imaginable the members of both houses, who re- ' — 
 
 *' sided from their houses and conveniences at great ^^*'^^* 
 " charge for the service of the public, would desire 
 " to continue longer together than the necessity of 
 " that service should require ;" without considering, 
 that it was more unlikely that the king (who had 
 condescended so far to them, and had yet in truth 
 received no fruit from their meeting) would dissolve 
 them, as long as they intended that for which they 
 were summoned together, and contained themselves 
 within the bounds of duty and moderation. 
 
 But the commons stoutly insisted on their own 
 bill ; and the lords, in that hurry of noise and con- 
 fusion, when the meetings of the people were so fre- 
 quent,^ kindly consented likewise to it: and so, by 
 the importunity, and upon tlie undertaking of per- 
 sons he then most trusted, in the agony of the other 
 despatch, the king was induced to include that bill 
 in the commission with the act of attainder, and* 
 they were both passed together. 
 
 After the passing these two bills, the temper and 
 spirit of the people, both within and without the 
 walls of the two houses, grew marvellous calm and 
 composed ; there being likewise about that time 
 passed by the king, the two bills, for the taking 
 away the star-chamber court, and the liigh commis- 
 sion : so that there was not a grievance or inconve- 
 nience, real or imaginary, to which there was not a 
 through remedy applied ; and therefore all men 
 expected, that both armies would be speedily dis- 
 
 ^ when the meetings of the the people were abroad, 
 people were so frequent,] when ' and] and so
 
 460 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK banded; and such returns of duty and acknowledg- 
 "'• ment be made to the king, as might be agreeable to 
 
 ^^"^^- their professions, and to the royal favours he had 
 vouchsafed to his people. 
 
 But what provisions soever were made for the 
 public, particular persons had received no satisfac- 
 tion. The death of the earl of Bedford, and the 
 high proceedings in all those cases in which the 
 king was most concerned, left all those who ex- 
 pected offices and preferments, desperate in their 
 hopes : and yet an accident happened, that might 
 have been looked upon as an earnest or instance of 
 some encouragement that way. 
 
 Besides the lord Say's being invested in the master- 
 ship of the wards, in tlie place of the lord Cotting- 
 ton, (who was every day threatened, upon the secre- 
 tary's paper of results, to be accused of high trea- 
 son, till, like a wise man, he retired from the offices 
 which begot " his trouble ; and for a long time after, 
 till he again embarked himself in public employ- 
 ments, enjoyed himself without the least disturb- 
 ance,) at a committee in the house of lords, ^ in the 
 afternoon, in some debate, passion arose between the 
 earl of Pemln-oke, who was then lord chamberlain of 
 the household, and the lord Mowbray, eldest son of y 
 the earl of Arundel ; and from angry and disdainful 
 words, an offer or attempt of blows was made ; for 
 which misdemeanour, they were the next day both 
 uke^lhl ^^"^ ^^ ^^^ Tower by the house of lords. The king, 
 staff of taking advantage of this miscarriage; and having 
 
 lord cliani- i ■ . 
 
 Leriaiii from been long mcensed by the passionate, indiscreet, and 
 PcmlVoke, insolent carriage of the earl, sent to him, by a gen- 
 
 " begot] begat " house of lords,] lords' house, >' son of] son to
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 461 
 
 tleman usher, for his staff; and within two or three book 
 days after bestowed it upon the earl of Essex ; who, "^" 
 
 without any hesitation, took it. \64l. 
 
 It was thought this extraordinary grace to theto'threari 
 most popular person of the kingdom would have °^ ^*^^''' 
 had a notable influence upon the whole party, which 
 made him believe it depended very much on him : 
 but it was so far from having that effect, as they 
 looked upon that favour, rather as a mark of punish- 
 ment and revenge upon the earl of Pembroke, for 
 his affection to them, and for giving his suffrage 
 against the earl of Strafford, (which he had often 
 professed to the king he could never in conscience 
 do,) than of esteem^ and kindness to the earl of 
 Essex; and so they ^ were in "truth more offended 
 and incensed with the disgrace and disobligation to 
 the one, than they were pleased with the preferment 
 of the other : therefore whatever concerned the king- 
 in right ; or what he might naturally expect from 
 the compliance and affection of the house ; or what 
 was any way recommended by his majesty to them, 
 found little or no respect. 
 
 His revenue was so far from being advanced, (asThetrathof 
 had been gloriously promised,) that it was, both in 'tonnage"^ 
 dignity and value, much lessened from what it was : ^""^ p°"" 
 
 age. 
 
 for shortly after the beginning of the parliament, 
 great complaint had been made, " that tonnage and 
 " poundage" (which is the duty and subsidy paid 
 by the merchant upon trade) " had been taken by 
 " the king without consent of parliament ;" the case 
 whereof in truth is this : this duty had been con- 
 stantly given to the succeeding king,^ ever since the 
 
 ^ esteem] estimation t' succeeding king,] successive 
 
 • they] Not in MS. kings, 
 
 id-
 
 462 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK reign of king Edward the Fourth, for his life, in the' 
 '"' first parhament they held after their coming to the 
 
 1641. crown: before that time, it had been granted for 
 years ; and was originally intended for the support 
 of the navy, whereby the merchant might be freed 
 from danger of pirates ; and upon the death of every 
 king since that time, his successor commonly*^ re- 
 ceived it, without the least interruption, till the next 
 parliament ; in the beginning whereof it was always 
 without scruple granted : so that, though it was, and 
 must always be acknowledged as the free gift of the 
 people, (as all other subsidies are,) yet it was looked 
 upon as so essential a part of the revenue of the 
 crown, that it could not be without it : and as the 
 king is not less king before his coronation than he is 
 after, so this duty had been stiU enjoyed as freely 
 before, as it was after an act of parliament to that 
 purpose ; neither had there been ever any exception 
 taken in parliament, (which sometimes was not in a 
 year after the death of the former king,) that the 
 crown had continued the receipt of it ; which it did,*^ 
 tiU the time of a new grant. 
 
 Thus, after the death of king James, his majesty 
 received it, till the first parliament was summoned ; 
 and, that and two more being unfortunately dis- 
 solved, (as was said before,) in which his ministers 
 were not solicitous enough for the passing that act 
 for tonnage and poundage, continued the receipt of 
 it till this present parliament : then (that is, many 
 weeks after the beginning of it) it was directed, 
 " that a bill should be speedily prepared for the 
 " gi-anting it, as had been usual, lest the crown 
 
 • commonly] always 'i did,] always did.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. • 463 
 
 " might, by so long enjoying, in a manner prescribe book 
 
 " to it of right, without the donation of the peo- L- 
 
 " jDle ;" which the king always disclaimed to do. ^^^l. 
 Shortly after (no man presuming to intimate, that 
 it should be granted in any other manner than of 
 course it had been) it was alleged, " that the bill 
 " could not be so speedily prepared as were to be 
 " wished, by reason that there were many just ex- 
 " ceptions made by the merchants to the book of 
 " rates, which had been lately made by the farmers 
 " of the customs, in the time and by the direction of 
 " the earl of Portland ;" (circumstances that carried 
 prejudice enough to whatsoever they were^ applied;) 
 and therefore it was proposed, for the present, as the 
 best expedient to continue his majesty's supply, and 
 to preserve the right of giving in the people, " that 
 " a temporary bill should pass, for the granting tlie 
 " same to his majesty for two months only, in which 
 " time a new book of rates should be made, more 
 *' advantageous to his majesty in point of profit," 
 (which was always professed, '^) " and then a com- 
 " plete act might pass." 
 
 To this purpose a bill was accordingly brought 
 in, the preamble whereof " renounced and declared 
 " against not only any power in the crown of levy- 
 " ing the duty of tonnage and poundage, without 
 " the express consent of parliament, but also any 
 " power of imposition upon any merchandises what- 
 *' soever, and in any case whatsoever ;" which had 
 been constantly practised in the best times by the 
 crown ; had the countenance of a solemn judgment 
 
 ^ they were] it was ^ professed,] solemnly professed.
 
 464 
 
 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK in the exchequer chamber; and, though often agi- 
 "^' tflfpH in parliament, had never been yet declared 
 1641, against: yet this quietly passed both houses, as a 
 thing not worth considering ^. And so, in expecta- 
 tion and confidence, that they would make glorious 
 additions to the ^ state and revenue of the crown, 
 his majesty suffered himself to be stripped of all that 
 he had left ; and of the sole stock of credit he had 
 to borrow monies upon : for though, in truth, men 
 knew that revenue was not legally vested in the 
 king till an act of parliament, yet all men looked 
 upon it as unquestionably to pass ; and so it was not 
 only a competent proportion for the present support 
 of his house, but was understood a good security for 
 any ordinary sum of money upon advance, as forty 
 or fifty thousand pound, upon any emergent occa- 
 sion. 
 The men- AH good ^ men discerned this gross usage, and the 
 former plot disadvantage imposed upon his majesty by this mu- 
 couTrand '^ tation ; and therefore expected a full reparation, by 
 
 leviveTfn ^"^^ ^" ^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^" usual *, and such an 
 
 the house improvement of the book of rates as had been pro- 
 of com- '■ *■ 
 
 mons. mised, as soon as the business of the earl of Strafford 
 was over: which had been always objected, as ne- 
 cessary to precede all other consultations. But this 
 was no sooner moved, " as seasonable in order to 
 
 K not worth considering] MS. 
 adds: those who in duty ought 
 to have opposed it in both 
 liouses, in relation to their ser- 
 vice and trust, persuading his 
 majesty, since he was sure to 
 have whatsoever he or his pro- 
 genitors had enjoyed, fully and 
 
 frankly given and granted to 
 him within two months, not to 
 enter into disputes, (upon how 
 just claims soever,) which would 
 only delay what he so much de- 
 sired. And so, &c. 
 
 ^ the] his 
 
 * good] Not in MS.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 465 
 
 " their own professions, and in a degree due to the book 
 " king, after so many reiterated expressions of fa-^!L_ 
 " vour and affection to his people, by so many ex- ^^'^^• 
 " cellent laws, and other condescensions," than they 
 objected, " the odiousness of the late plot against the 
 " parhament, which was not yet fully discovered : 
 " that notwithstanding those gracious demonstrations 
 " of favour from the king, in the laws and other acts 
 " mentioned, they had great cause to apprehend, 
 some ill affected persons had still an influence 
 upon his majesty, to the disservice of the parha- 
 ment, and to beget jealousies in him towards them ; 
 " for that they had plainly discovered (which they 
 " should in a short time be able to present fully to 
 " the house) that there had been a design, not only 
 " to poison the affections of the army towards the 
 " parhament, by making them believe that they were 
 " neglected, and the Scots preferred much before 
 " them ; but to bring up that army to London, with 
 " a purpose to awe the parliament : that there w^as a 
 " resolution to seize the Tower, and to make it a 
 " curb upon the city : that there had been an at- 
 " tempt to prevail with the officers of the Scottish ^ 
 " army, at least to sit still as neuters, whilst the 
 " others ^ acted this tragedy : that the confederates 
 " in this design had taken an oath, to oppose any 
 " course that should be advised for the removing the 
 " bishops out of the house of j)eers ; to preserve and 
 " defend the king's prerogative, to the utmost ex- 
 " tent that any of his progenitors had enjoyed ; and 
 " to settle his majesty's revenue : that they had rea- 
 " son to fear his majesty's own concurrence, at least 
 
 ^ Scottish] Scotch ' others] other 
 
 VOL. I. H h
 
 466 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK " his approbation, in this design, (which, if not pre- 
 " vented, must have proved so pernicious and fatal 
 
 1641. (( ^Q ^jjg kingdom,) for that, besides that the persons 
 " principally engaged in it were of the nearest trust 
 " about the king and queen, they had clear proof, that 
 " a paper had passed his majesty's perusal, in which 
 " were contained many sharp invectives against the 
 *' parliament ; a desire that they might have the ex- 
 " ercise of martial law, (the mention whereof was 
 " the most unpopular and odious thing that could be 
 " imagined,) and an oflfer of service to defend his 
 " majesty's person, which was an implication as if it 
 " had been in danger : and that this paper should 
 " have been signed by all the officers of the army ; 
 " for their better encouragement wherein, the king 
 " himself had written a C. and an R. as a testimony 
 " that he approved of it." 
 
 This discourse, so methodically and confidently 
 averred, made a strange impression (without reserv- 
 ing themselves till the evidence should be produced) 
 in the minds of most men ; who believed, that such 
 particulars could never have been with that solem- 
 nity informed, if the proofs were not very clear ; and 
 served, not only to blast whatsoever was moved on 
 his majesty's behalf, but to discountenance what, till 
 then, had been the most popular motion that could 
 be made, which was, the disbanding both armies, and 
 vowto'the*^^ ^^^^^ ^'^^"^'" into their own country. For the 
 ^TJ^Jr '' ^^^^^^ accomplishment whereof, and as a testimony 
 besides ' of tlieir brotherly affections,"^ the two houses had 
 monthly frankly and bountifully undertaken " to give them a 
 " gratuity of three hundred thousand pounds, over 
 
 '" affections,] affection,
 
 / 
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 467 
 
 " and above the twenty-five thousand pounds tlie book 
 " month, during the time that their stay here should ' 
 
 " be necessarv." \^^\. 
 
 After that act, the king might have been reason- 
 ably awaked from any extraordinary confidence in 
 the loyalty, honour, or justice, of both houses. And 
 without doubt, when posterity shall recover the cou- 
 rage, and conscience, and the old honour of the 
 English nation, it will not with more indignation 
 and blushes contemplate any action of this seditious 
 and rebellious age, than that the nobility and gentry 
 of England, who were not guilty of the treason, 
 should recompense an invasion from a foreign na- 
 tion," with whatever establishments they proposed 
 in their own kingdom, and with a dogative of three 
 hundred thousand pounds, over and above all charges, 
 out of the bowels of England ; which will yet appear 
 the more prodigious, when it shall be considered, 
 that not ° a fifth part of those who were accessaries 
 to that infamous ])rodigality were eitherJ' favourers 
 of their ends, or great*) well-wishers to their nation.'' 
 
 But^ very many gave themselves^ leave, imfaith- 
 fuUy, to be absent from those debates, when the 
 wealth and honour of their country was to be trans- 
 planted into a strange land ; others looked upon it as a 
 good purcliase, to be freed of the payment of four- 
 score thousand pounds the month, (which was the 
 charge of both armies,) by an entire sum of three 
 hundred thousand pounds ;" and some pleased^ them- 
 
 " nation,] contemned nfition, ' But] Not in MS. 
 
 " not] Not in MS. 'gavethemselves]givingtliem- 
 
 P either] neither selves 
 1 great] Not in MS. " pounds ;] pound ; 
 
 ^ to their nation.] of their na- ^ pleased] pleasing 
 
 tion ; 
 
 Hh 2
 
 468 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK selves with an assurance, that the scandal and un- 
 "^' reasonableness of the sum would provoke the peo- 
 
 1641. pig to a hatred and revenge, and so that the brother- 
 hood would not be supported, but destroyed, by that 
 extravagant bounty : yet these y were only short 
 ejaculations to please themselves for the time ; for 
 many of those, who had no other reason to consent 
 to that vast sum, but that they might be rid of them, 
 were so inflamed and transported with the tale of 
 the plot, that they had then no mind to let them go ; 
 and had so far swallowed and digested an assurance 
 that it was true, that they reserved no distinguishing 
 or judging faculties, for the time when the evidence 
 and proof should be presented to them. 
 
 After they had played with this plot, and given 
 the house heats and colds, by applying parts of it to 
 them upon emergent occasions, for the space of near 
 three months ; and finding, that though it did them 
 many notable services, in advancing their own repu- 
 tations, and calumniating the king's honour, yet, 
 that it had not a through effect at court for their 
 preferment ; they resolved to shew all their ware, 
 and to produce the whole evidence : for the perfect- 
 ing whereof, they had " a late mark^ of God's great 
 " favour towai'ds them, in his furnishing them with 
 " evidence for the complete discovery of all the mis- 
 " chief, from one that was a principal contriver 
 " of it." 
 
 We said before, that upon the first motion in the 
 house of commons, by Mr. Pym, " for a committee 
 " of examination,^ and for an address to the king, 
 
 y yet these] but these " of examination,] to exa- 
 
 ■' mark] great mark mine,
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 469 
 
 
 III. 
 1641. 
 
 that he would grant no passes to any of his ser- BO?^ 
 vants to go beyond seas," some persons, ^ of near 
 relation to his trust, immediately absented them- 
 selves ; which were Mr. Peircy, and Mr. Jermyn. 
 Now*^ the latter of these, without interruption, trans- 
 ported himself into France ; but Mr. Peircy, delay- 
 ing his journey upon some occasions of his own, and 
 concealing himself in some obscure places in Sussex, 
 near to his brother's house, was at last discovered ; 
 and when he endeavoured to have escaped, was set 
 upon by the country people, and with great difficulty, 
 and not without some hurt, got from them, and was 
 not in some months again heard of. 
 
 It was generally believed afterwards, that finding 
 the seaports shut, and watches set for his apprehen- 
 sion in all those places, whereby the transporting 
 himself into foreign parts was very difficult, he 
 found means to return to London, and to put him- 
 self into his brother's protection ; where it is 
 thought he was harboured, till his hurt was cured ; 
 the strictness of the inquiry over; and till he had 
 prepared that letter to his brother, the earl of 
 Northumberland, which served, as far as in him lay, 
 to destroy all his companions, and furnished the 
 committee with that which they called " a doul)le 
 " evidence :" for they had no sooner received that 
 letter from the earl of Northumberland, than they 
 told the house, " they were now ready for a com- 
 " plete discovery ;" and thereupon produced the evi- 
 dence of colonel Goring, and the letter from Mr. 
 Peircy ; both which agreed upon the relation, " of 
 " a meeting at Mr. Peircy's chamber ; and of a dis- 
 
 ^ some persons,] two persons, <^ Now] Not in MS. 
 
 H h 3
 
 470 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK " course of the parliament's neglect of the king's, 
 '^'' " and favouring the Scottish'^ army ; the taking an 
 
 ^^'- " oath of secrecy ; and some other particulars :" aU 
 which had been positively denied, by those of them 
 that were ^ members of the house of commons, Mr. 
 ^Vilmot, Mr. Ashburnham, and Mr. Pollard, upon 
 their examinations upon oath. 
 
 It will hardly be believed hereafter, (but that the 
 effects of such impostures have left such deep marks,) 
 that the evidence then given could, in so grave and 
 judging an assembly, as a high court of parliament, 
 till then, had always been, have brought tlie least 
 prejudice upon the king; or, indeed, damage to any 
 person accused : there being, in aU the testimonies 
 produced, so little show of* proof, of a real design, 
 or plot, to bring up the army (which was the chiefs 
 matter alleged) to awe the parliament, that in truth 
 it was very evident, there was no plot at all ; only a 
 free communication between persons (the major part 
 whereof were of the house) " of the ill arts that were 
 " generally used to corrupt the affections of the peo- 
 " pie ; and of some expedient, whereby, in that so 
 " pul)lic infection, the army" (in which they had all 
 considerable commands, two of them being general 
 officers) " might be preserved from being wrought 
 •' upon and corrupted:" in which discourse, colonel 
 Goring himself, as appeai'ed by his own examination, 
 only proposed wild and extravagant overtures, " of 
 " bringing up the army, and surprising the Tower ; 
 " wJiich was, by all the rest, with manifest dislike, 
 
 •'ScoUish] Scotch 'so little show of] so far 
 
 'of them that were] Not in from any 
 •^^**>'- g chief] grand
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 471 
 
 " rejected: that all this had passed at one meeting, book 
 " in which, they who met were so ill satisfied in one 
 
 " another, that they never would come together ^^^^- 
 
 " again : that, when the bringing up the army to 
 
 " London was once talked of before ^ the king, his 
 
 " majesty would not hear of it, but only desired, 
 
 " that their affections might be kept entire for his 
 
 " service, as far as was consistent with the laws of 
 
 " the land, which were in danger to be invaded." 
 
 Yet, notwithstanding that all this appeared ; and 
 that this was all that ^ did appear, (besides a discourse 
 of a petition ; ^ for the petition itself they would not 
 ])roduce, signed with C. R. which is before set down 
 in terms,) the specious, positive narration of the 
 whole by Mr. Pym, before the evidence was read ; 
 the denying what^ was now proved, and confessed 
 by themselves, by Mr. Wilmot, Ashburnham, and 
 Pollard, upon the former examination ; the flight of 
 Mr. Jermyn, and Mr. Peircy, and some others ; the 
 mention of some clauses in the petition signed with 
 C. R. ; and some envious, dark glances, both in Mr. 
 Goring's examination, and Mr. Peircy's letter, at the 
 king and queen, as if they knew more than was ex- 
 pressed, so transported the hearers, (who made them- 
 selves judges too,) that, taking all that was said, to 
 be proved, they qviickly voted, " that there was a 
 " design to bring up the army to force the parlia- 
 " ment ;" resolved to accuse Mr. Jermyn and Mr. 
 Peircy of high treason ; committed the three mem- 
 bers of the house of commons to several prisons, and 
 
 ^vvas once talked of before] ^ a petition;] the petition ; 
 
 was mentioned to ' denying what] denying of 
 
 ' that] which what 
 
 H h 4
 
 472 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK put them from being members, ^ that in their rooms 
 "^' they might bring in three more fit for their service. 
 
 ^^'^^' as they shortly did; gave colonel Goring public 
 thanks, " for preserving the kingdom, and the liber- 
 " ties of parliament ;" and filled the people with jea- 
 lousy for their security, and with universal acclama- 
 tions of their great wisdom and vigilancy. So that 
 this plot served to produce their first protestation ; 
 to inflame the people against the earl of Strafford, 
 and in a degree to compass their ends upon that 
 great person, as hath been before observed ; to pro- 
 cure the bill for the continuance of this parliament, 
 the foundation, or the fountain, of all the public ca- 
 lamities, to hinder and cross all overtures made for 
 the revenue of the king, and to lessen the general 
 reverence and duty to both their majesties ; to con- 
 tinue the Scottish " army within the kingdom, and 
 consequently to hinder the king's from being dis- 
 banded ; to incense both houses against the bishops, 
 as if the design had been principally for their pro- 
 tection, (there ° being one witness who said, " he had 
 " been told, that the clergy would raise and pay one 
 " thousand horse, to be employed against the parlia- 
 " ment,") to blast the reputation of the earl of New- 
 castle, whose zeal to his majesty's service was most 
 remarkable, as if he had been to have commanded 
 the army ; and lastly, to advance their own credit 
 and estimation with the people, as if they were the 
 only patriots, that intended the preservation of reli- 
 gion, law, and liberty. 
 
 And having made this use of it, (which is a suffi- 
 
 "^ members,] members of par- « Scottish] Scots 
 lianient, o there] and there
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 473 ^ 
 
 cient argument what opinion they had of their own book 
 
 III. 
 
 evidence,) they never proceeded against any of the 
 persons who were in their power, though they pa- ^^^'* 
 tiently attended and importuned a trial above a 
 year after their accusation : for they well knew, 
 there must be then a more exact and strict weighing 
 of the proofs ; and that the persons accused would p 
 not only vindicate themselves from the aspersions 
 which were laid upon them, but could recriminate 
 upon the principal^ prosecutors with such charges, as 
 they would not so easily be freed from ; and this was 
 the reason, that, even during the heat and noise of 
 the accusation, they received very civil offices, visits, 
 and addresses, from the chief of those who were 
 trusted with the prosecution. 
 
 The sending that letter of Mr. Peircy's to the 
 house of commons ; or rather, the procuring that let- 
 ter to be writ, (in which such insinuations were 
 made, to the prejudice of the king and queen,) was 
 the first visible instance of the defection of the earl 
 of Northumberland from his ^ majesty's service ; 
 which wrought several ill effects in the minds of 
 many : for, as the earl then had the most esteemed 
 and unblemished reputation, in court and country, 
 of any person of his rank throughout the kingdom ; 
 so they who knew him well, discerned, that the 
 greatness of that reputation was but an effect of the 
 singular grace and favour shewed to him by his ma- 
 jesty ; who, immediately upon the death of his fa- 
 ther, had taken this earl (being then less than thirty 
 years of age) into his immediate and eminent care ; 
 
 P would] could grand 
 
 1 upon the principal] their ' from his] towards his
 
 474 THE HISTORY 
 
 * 
 
 BOOK first made him a privy-counsellor; then knight of 
 '"• the order of the garter ; then (that he might fit him ^ 
 
 1641. lyy degrees for the greatest trust and employments) 
 sent him admiral into the narrow seas, of a royal 
 navy ; and, after a summer spent in that exercise, 
 made him lord high admiral of England ; and, to 
 the very minute of which we speak, prosecuted him 
 with all manner and demonstration of respect and 
 kindness ; and (as I heard his majesty himself say) 
 " courted him as his mistress, and conversed with 
 " him as his friend, without the least interrup- 
 " tion or intermission of any ^ possible favour and 
 " kindness." And therefore many, who observed 
 this great earl purchase this opportunity of disserv- 
 ing tlie king, at the price of his brother s honour, 
 and of his own gratitude, concluded, that he had. 
 some notable temptation in conscience, and that the 
 court was much worse than it was believed to be. 
 
 The truth is, that after his brother's being accused 
 of high treason ; and then, upon his hurt in Sussex, 
 coming directly to Northumberland-house to shelter 
 himself; the earl being in great trouble how to send 
 him away beyond the seas after his wound was 
 cured, " advised with a confident friend then in pow- 
 er, whose affection to him he doubted not, and who, 
 innocently enough, brought Mr. Pym into the coun- 
 cil, who overwitted them both, by frankly consenting, 
 " that Mr. Peircy should escape into France," which 
 was all tlie care the earl had ; but then obliged him, 
 " first to draw such a letter from him, as might by 
 " the paity ^ be applied as an evidence of the reality 
 
 ' fit him] apt hlni » cured,] recovered, 
 
 ' of any] of all x by ji,^. ^^^^^-^ ^^f j„ jijg.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 475 
 
 " of the plot, after he was escaped;" and in this book 
 
 III 
 manner the letter was procured : which made a last- 
 
 ing quarrel between the two brothers; and made ^^^^' 
 the earl more at the disposal of those persons whom 
 he had trusted so far, than he had been before. 
 
 After the act for the continuance of the parlia- 
 ment, the house of commons took much more upon 
 them, in point of then- privileges, than they had 
 done ; and more undervalued the concurrence of the 
 peers ; though >' that act neither added any thing to,^ 
 nor extended their jurisdiction : which jurisdiction 
 the wisdom of former times kept from being limited 
 or defined, there being then '^ no danger of excess ; 
 and it being much ^ more agreeable to the na- 
 ture of the supreme court to have an unlimited ju- 
 risdiction. But now that they could *" not be dissolv- 
 ed without their own '^ consent, (the apprehension 
 and fear whereof had always Ijefore kept them 
 within some bounds ^ of modesty,) they caUed any 
 power they pleased to assume to themselves, " a 
 " branch of their privilege ;" and any opposing or 
 questioning that power, " a breach of their privi- 
 " leges : which all men were bound to defend by 
 " their late protestation ; and they were the only 
 '' proper judges of their own privileges." 
 
 Hereupon, they called whom they pleased delin- 
 quents ; received complaints of all kinds, and com- 
 mitted to prison whom they pleased : which had 
 been never done, nor attempted, ^ before this parlia- 
 
 y though] and ihoiigh «" they could] it could 
 
 '^ neither added any thing to,] '^ own] Not in MS. 
 
 added nothing to, « some bounds] the bounds 
 
 » then] Not in MS. *' nor attempted,] or attempt- 
 
 ^ much] Not in MS. ed,
 
 476 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK ment; except in some such apparent breach, as the 
 ^^'' arresting a privileged person, or the like : and, as 
 
 ^^^^- if theirs had swallowed up all other privileges, of 
 peers, and the ? king himself, upon the lords reject- 
 ing a bill sent up to them, " to compel all persons" 
 (without distinction of quality, and without distinc- 
 tion of punishment or proceeding, upon their refusal) 
 " to take the late protestation ;" and two lords of 
 great credit ^' (the earl of Southampton, and the lord 
 Roberts) having refused to take the same ; the house 
 of commons, in great fury, and with many expres- 
 sions of contempt, by a vote declared, " that the pro- 
 " testation made by them was fit to be taken by 
 " every person, that was well affected in religion, 
 " and to the good of the commonwealth ; and there- 
 " fore, that what person soever should not take the 
 " protestation, was unfit to bear office in the church 
 " or commonwealth ;" and directed farther, " that 
 " that vote should be printed, and that the knights 
 " and burgesses should send down copies of it to the 
 " several places for which they served :" which was 
 the most unparalleled breach of privilege, and the 
 highest and most insolent affront to the lords, to the 
 king, and to the justice of the kingdom, and the 
 most destructive to parliaments, that any age had 
 been guilty of. And yet, when some of the peers 
 nobly resented it, on the behalf of the peerage, and 
 the liberty of the subject, and jDressed resolutely for 
 reparation, means was found out to engage the king 
 to interpose his royal mediation with those lords, 
 to the end they might quietly pass by that public 
 
 B the] Not in MS. »' great credit] great estimation
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 477 
 
 violation and indignity, without further insisting book 
 
 ., : III. 
 
 on it. ' 
 
 All this time the two armies were continued at a ^^^^* 
 vast^ charge, many men whispering (but so that it 
 might be sjDoken of) " that the Scots would not re- 
 " tire till the bill against episcopacy was ^ passed :" 
 whereupon the king sent them word, about the be- 
 ginning of July, " that he desired all speed might be 
 " used for the disbanding both armies ; for the bet- 
 " ter and more orderly doing whereof, he had con- 
 " stituted the earl of Holland general of his army," 
 (the earl of Northumberland, by reason of his indis- 
 position in health, or some other reason, having laid 
 down his commission,) " and intended forthwith to 
 " send him down thither : that his majesty himself, 
 " according to a'" former resolution, and promise 
 " made to his subjects of Scotland, meant to visit 
 " that his native kingdom, for the better perfecting 
 " the peace there ; and appointed the day (about 
 " fourteen days after) he resolved to begin his pro- 
 " gress ; and therefore wished them, against that 
 " time, to prepare and finish any such acts, as they 
 " desired might receive his majesty's approbation, 
 " for the good of the kingdom, if there yet remained 
 " any thing to be asked of him." Notwithstanding 
 which message, they spent most of their time upon 
 the bill for extirpation of bishops, deans, and chap- 
 ters ; without either finishing" the act of pacification 
 
 ' insisting on it.] An account found in the Appendix, F. 
 
 of the progress of the bill a- ^ a vast] that vast 
 
 gainst episcopacy folloios in MS. ^ was passed :] were passed: 
 
 C. which differs somewhat from ■" a] Not in MS. 
 
 the account taken from MS. B. " either finishing] finishing ei- 
 
 and inserted in this History, p. ther 
 4 1 6. The rejected part will he
 
 478 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK between the two nations, or giving order for the dis- 
 
 111. 
 
 banding the army. 
 
 J 641. It was wondered at by many, and sure was a great 
 misfortune to the king, that he chose not rather at 
 that time (though the business was only to disband) 
 to constitute the earl of Essex general of his army, 
 than the earl of Holland ; for (besides that it would 
 have been an act of much more grace and satisfac- 
 ' tion to the people, and to the soldiery °) his majesty 
 having lately given him so great an earnest of his 
 trust, as the making him chamberlain of his house, 
 he? ought in policy to have pursued that work, by 
 any seasonable accumulation of favour, till he had 
 made him his perfect creature ; which had been very 
 easy, if skilfully attempted : for his pride and ambi- 
 tion, which were not accompanied with any habit of 
 ill nature, were very capable of obligations ; and he 
 had a faithfulness and constancy in his nature, which 
 had kept him always religious in matter of trust : 
 then, he was almost a declared enemy to the Scot- 
 tish '1 nation, and would have been very punctual in 
 all formalities and decencies, which had any relation 
 to his master's honour, or the honour of the nation. 
 In a word, he might have been imposed upon in his 
 understanding, but could not have been corrupted 
 by hopes or fears of'" what the two houses could have 
 done to him : and was then more the idol of the 
 people, than in truth the idolater of them. 
 
 "Whereas, by making the earl of Holland general, 
 his majesty^ much disobliged the other, who ex- 
 pected it, and to whom it had been in a manner 
 
 " soldiery] soldier '^ of] Not in MS. 
 
 '' he] Not in MS. * his majestv] he 
 
 'I ScoUish] Scoich
 
 OF THE REBELLION, 4T9 
 
 offered; and made him apprehend some distrust in book 
 the king towards him ; and that his former favour in "'" 
 
 his office had been confeiTed on him, rather because ^^^^• 
 no man else had been able to bear the envy of dis- 
 placing the earl of Pembroke, than that his own 
 merit and service was valued. Besides, the earl of 
 Holland,* upon whom he conferred that honour, had 
 formerly disappointed him, and often incurred Iiis 
 displeasure, and wore some marks of it ; and was of 
 no other interest or reputation with the party which 
 could do mischief, than as a person obnoxious" to 
 them, in the misexecuting his great and terrible 
 office of chief justice in eyre, by whicli he had 
 vexed and oppressed most counties in England, and 
 the most considerable persons in those counties ; and 
 in other particulars ; that they knew he durst not 
 offend them, and would jjurchase their protection 
 and good opinion at any price : as it fell out ; for 
 within few days after the king was gone through 
 that army, in his way to Scotland, the earl ^ wrote a 
 letter, which was communicated to both houses, in / 
 which he mystically expressed " some new design to ^l "'^ 
 " have been set on foot for corrupting the army ;" « 
 for which there was never after the least colour 
 given ; but served then to heighten the old jea- 
 lousies, and to bespeak a misunderstanding for what- 
 soever should be proposed on his majesty's behalf 
 during his absence. 
 
 Men now believed, y that they would be very for- 
 ward in dismissing the Scottish ^ army, and disband- 
 
 * Besides, the earl of Hoi- MS. After their great end was 
 
 land,] Then the person, obtained in the execution and 
 
 " obnoxious] so obnoxious death of the earl of Strafford, all 
 
 ^ the earl] he men believed, &c. 
 
 >' Men now believed,] Thus in '■ Scottish] Scots
 
 480 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK ing the other, which cost the kingdom so vast a sum 
 ^"' of money every month ; and they had already voted 
 
 ^^^'- a brotherly assistance to the Scots of three hundred 
 thousand pounds, for the service they had per- 
 formed; and an act was already prepared for the 
 raising the sum : but they had yet no mind to part 
 wdth their beloved brethren. 
 
 The commissioners who treated with the Scots 
 had agreed, " that the king should be present in his 
 " parliament in Edinburgh,^ by such a day in July, 
 " to pass the act for pacification between the two 
 " kingdoms, and such other acts as his parliament 
 " there should propose to him ;" and his majesty 
 prepared to begin his progress, soon enough to be in 
 Scotland by the time ; and they resolved on all sides, 
 " that the one army should be drawn out of the king- 
 " dom, and the other totally disbanded, before the 
 king should arrive in the northern parts, for many 
 reasons." As they had lost all confidence in the af- 
 fections of the English army, so there were many 
 jealousies arisen among the Scots, both in their army, 
 and amongst their greatest counsellors : notwith- 
 standing all which, instead of making haste to the 
 disbanding, they published much jealousy and dissa- 
 tisfaction to remain with them of the court ; " there 
 " were some evil counsellors still about the king, 
 " who obstructed many gracious acts, which would 
 *' otherwise flow from his goodness and bounty to- 
 " wards his people ; and made ill impressions in him 
 " of the parliament itself, and its proceedings." 
 
 Their design was to remove the duke of Rich- 
 mond from the king, both because they had a mind 
 
 " in Edinburgh,] at Edinburgh, 

 
 OF THE REBELLION. 481 
 
 to have his office of warden of the cinque-ports book 
 from him, that it might be conferred on the earl of _ __1_ 
 
 Warwick; and as he was almost the only man of ^^'^^' 
 great quality and consideration about the king, who 
 did not in the least degree stoop, or make court ^ to 
 them, but crossed them boldly in the house ; and all 
 other ways pursued his master's service with his ut- 
 most vigour and intentness of mind : they could not 
 charge him with any thing like a crime, and there- 
 fore only intended by some vote to brand him, and 
 make him odious; by which they presumed, they 
 should at last make him willing to ransom himself 
 by quitting that office : for which there was some 
 underhand treaty, by persons who were solicitous to 
 prevent farther inconveniences ; and, as they found 
 any thing like to succeed in that, they slackened or 
 advanced their discourse^ of evil counsellors. 
 
 One day they were very warm upon the argu- 
 ment, and had a purpose to have named him di- 
 rectly, which they had hitherto forborne to do, when 
 Mr. Hyde stood up, and said, " He did reaUy believe 
 " that there yet remained some evil counsellors, who 
 " did much harm, about the king ; and that it would 
 " be much better to name them, than to amuse the 
 " house so often with the general mention of them, 
 " as if we were afraid to name them :" he proposed, 
 " that there might be a day appointed, on which, 
 " upon due reflections upon those who had been 
 " most notorious in doing mischief to the public, we 
 " might most probably find, who they were who trod 
 " still in the same paths, and might name them ac- 
 " cordingly ; and that for his part, if a day were ap- 
 
 •' make court] make love "^ their discourse] that discourse 
 
 VOL. I. I i
 
 482 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK « pointed for that discovery, he would be ready to 
 '"' ' name one, who, by all the marks we could judge 
 
 ^^'^^' " by, and by his former course of life, might very 
 " reasonably be believed to be an evil counsellor." 
 
 They were exceedingly apprehensive'^ that he 
 meant the marquis of Hamilton, (who, for the rea- 
 sons aforesaid, was very dear to them,) and thence- 
 forward, though they desisted not from prosecuting 
 the duke, till at last they had compelled him to quit 
 the cinque-ports to the earl of Warwick, they no 
 more urged the discovery of evil counsellors. And 
 all the familiar friends of Mr. Hyde were importuned 
 to move him, " not to endeavour to do any prejudice 
 " to the marquis of Hamilton ;" and even the king 
 himself was prevailed with to send to him to that 
 purpose : so industrious was that people to preserve 
 those whom for private ends they desired to pre- 
 serve, as well as to destroy those who they desired 
 should be destroyed. 
 Sir Edward When cvery body expected that nothing should 
 bill for"ex- be mentioned in the house but the despatch of the 
 e'pilcopfcy treaty of the pacification, by the commissioners of 
 thri.mis'e l^oth"' sides; which was the only obstruction to the 
 of com- discharge of the armies, and which could be done in 
 
 inons, and "^ 
 
 committed, two days, if they pursued it ; they called in a morn- 
 ing " for the bill" (that had so long before been 
 Ijrought in by sir Edward Deering) " for the extir- 
 " pation of episcopacy," and gave it a second read- 
 ing ; and resolved, " that it should be committed to 
 " a committee of the whole ^ house, and that it 
 " should be proceeded upon the next morning." It 
 
 ■' apprehensive] MS. adds.- '" of both] on both 
 
 (ii8 Ihey had cause) f whole] Not in MS.
 
 1641. 
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 483 
 
 was a very long debate the next morning, after the book 
 speaker had left the chair, who should be in the- 
 chair for the committee ; they who wished well to 
 the bill having resolved " to put Mr. Hyde into the 
 " chair, that he might not give them trouble by fre- 
 " quent speaking, and so too much obstruct the ex- 
 " pediting the bill ;" they who were against the bill 
 pressed and called loud to « Mr. Crew to be in the 
 chair : but in conclusion, Mr. Hyde was commanded 
 to the chair ; they who were enemies to the bill be- 
 ing divided in opinion, many believing, tliat he would 
 obstruct the bill more in that place, than if he re- 
 mained at liberty ; and they found it to be true. 
 
 The first day the committee sat full seven hours, 
 and determined, " that every day, as soon as the 
 " house was resumed, the chairman sliould report 
 " the several votes of that day to the house, which 
 " should determine them before it rose ;" which was 
 without any precedent, and very prejudicial to the 
 grave transaction of the business : for, besides that 
 it was a prejudging ^ the house in its judgment, 
 ^who, upon report of the committee, should have 
 regard to the whole bill in the amendments made 
 by them, which they were precluded from, by hav- 
 ing confirmed the several days' votes ;^ it was so late 
 every day before the house was resumed, (the speaker 
 commonly leaving the chair about nine of the clock, 
 and never resuming it till four in the afternoon,) that 
 it was very thin ; they only, who prosecuted the bill 
 with impatience, remaining in the house, and the 
 
 ? loud to] loud for votes ;] Thus in MS. : when 
 
 ^ prejudging] preengaging the bill engrossed should be put 
 
 ' who, upon report — days' to the question ; 
 
 I i 2t
 
 484 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK others,^ who abhorred it, growing weary of so tire- 
 __!i_L_some an attendance, left the house at dinner-time, 
 
 ^^'^^- and afterwards followed their pleasures : so that the 
 lord Falkland was wont to say, " that they who 
 " hated bishops, hated them worse than the devil ; 
 " and that they who loved them, did not love them 
 " so well as their dinner." 
 
 However, the chairman gave some stop to their 
 haste ;^ for, besides that at the end of his report 
 every day to the house, before the house put the 
 question for the concurrence in the votes, he always 
 enlarged himself against every one of them, and so 
 spent them much time ; when they were in the heat 
 and passion of the debate, they oftentimes were en- 
 tangled in their questions:"^ so that when he re- 
 ported to the house the work of the day, he did fre- 
 quently report two or three votes directly contrary 
 to each other, which, in the heat of their debate, 
 they had unawares run into. And after near twenty 
 days spent in that manner, they found themselves 
 very little advanced towards a conclusion, and that 
 they must review all that they had done ; and the 
 king being resolved to begin his journey for Scot- 
 The bill iajj(j^ they ^gj.g forced to discontinue their beloved 
 
 laid aside. _ •' 
 
 bill, and let it rest ; sir Arthur Haslerig declaring in 
 the house, " that he would never hereafter put an 
 " enemy into the chair :" nor had they ever after the 
 courage to resume the consideration of the bill, till 
 after the war was entered into. 
 
 ^ the others,] the other, m ^i^gy oftentimes were en- 
 
 ' gave some stop to their tangled in their questions :] he 
 
 haste ;] perplexed them very often ensnared them in a ques- 
 
 nnich ; tion :
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 485 
 
 The time being come, within two or three days, ^9,?^ 
 
 (according to his former declaration,) for the king's - 
 journey into Scotland, the house of commons thought 
 it time to lay aside their disputes upon the church, 
 which every day grew more involved, and to intend 
 the perfecting the act of pacification, and the order 
 for disbanding ; both which were thought necessary 
 to be despatched, before his majesty should begin 
 his progress ; and might have been long since done. 
 On a sudden, the house of commons grew into a per- 
 plexed debate, concerning the king's journey into 
 Scotland, (which had been long before known, and 
 solemnly promised by his majesty to the commis- 
 sioners of Scotland ; where preparation was made for 
 his reception, and the parliament summoned there 
 accordingly,) and ° expressed many dark and doubt- 
 ful apprehensions of his safety ; not without some 
 glances, " that if his majesty were once with his 
 " army, he might possibly enter upon new counsels, 
 " before he consented to disband it° ;" and in the 
 end concluded, " to desire the lords to join with 
 " them in a request to the king, to defer his journey 
 " into Scotland, till the act of pacification was passed, 
 " the armies disbanded, and till such other acts were 
 " prepared, as should be thought necessary for the 
 " good of the kingdom ;" without mentioning any 
 time, against which those things should be ready : 
 which, though it was an unreasonable request, yet 
 most men having no mind the king p should go into 
 Scotland, it was consented to by both houses ; and 
 thereupon an address was made to his majesty to 
 that purpose : who returned his answer, " that he 
 
 " and] Not in MS. " it] Not in MS. p the king] he 
 
 ii3 
 
 III. 
 
 1641.
 
 486 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK « was sorry, the houses, having had so long notice of 
 ' his intentions i for that journey, (which could not 
 
 1641, « i^y^ appear very reasonable'" to them,) had neg- 
 " lected to prepare all such things, as were necessary 
 " to be despatched by him before he went ; that, 
 " though his presence in Scotland was depended 
 " upon by such a day, and the disappointment might 
 " beget some prejudice to him, yet, he was content 
 " to satisfy their desires so far, as to defer his journey 
 " for fourteen days ; within which time they might 
 ** make all things ready that were of importance, 
 " and beyond which time it would not be possible 
 " for him to make any stay." 
 
 This time being gotten, they proceeded but slowly 
 
 in the directions ^ for disbanding, (though the earl of 
 
 Holland was gone down to the army,) or in the act 
 
 of the pacification ; but continued their mention 
 
 " of fears and jealousies of the peace of the king- 
 
 " dom ; of an invasion from foreign parts ; and an in- 
 
 " surrection of the papists in England : against all* 
 
 " which, they said, there was not yet sufficient pro- 
 
 " vision, by the laws and constitution of the king- 
 
 HLstir " ^^^" ^"d therefore one day, sir Arthur Hasle- 
 
 bu/foVset ^^^ (^^'h<^> as was said before, was used by that party, 
 
 tiiiigthe like the dove out of the ark, to try what footinar 
 
 militia. . 
 
 there was) preferred a bill " for the settling the mi- 
 " litia of the kingdom, both by sea and land, in such 
 " persons as they should nominate ;" with all those 
 powers and jurisdictions, which have been since 
 granted to the earl of Essex, or sir Thomas Fairfax, 
 by land, or to the earl of Warwick, by sea. There 
 
 'i intentions] intention ^ directions] direction 
 
 ^ reasonable] necessary ' against all] for all
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 487 
 
 were in the bill no names, but blanks to receive book 
 them, when the matter should be passed; though 
 
 men were assured, that the earl of Essex was their 
 confident by land, and the earl of Northumberland 
 by sea : and yet the inclination to the earl of War- 
 wick would have begot some disturbance, if the mat- 
 ter had come then to be pressed. 
 
 When the title of this bill was read, it gave so ge- n.e solid 
 neral an offence to the house, that it seemed inclined joim se- 
 to throw it out, without suffering it to be read ; not ''°" * ' • 
 without some reproach to the person that brought it 
 in, " as a matter of sedition ;" till Mr. Saint-John, 
 the king's solicitor, rose up, and spoke " to it, and 
 (having, in truth, himself drawn the bill) said, " he 
 " thought that passion and dislike very unseason- 
 " able, before the Ijill was read ; that it was the 
 " highest privilege of every member, that he might 
 " propose any law, or make any motion, which, in 
 " his conscience, he thought advantageous for the 
 " kingdom, or the place for which he served. As ^ 
 " for the matter, which by the title that bill seemed 
 " to comprehend, he was of opinion, that somewhat y 
 " was necessary to be done in it ; for he was sure, 
 " that such power, as might be necessary for the se- 
 " curity of the kingdom, over the militia, was not 
 " yet by law vested in any person ; or in the crown 
 " itself: that they had lately by their votes blasted 
 " and condemned the power of lords lieutenants, 
 " and their deputies, which had been long exercised, 
 " and submitted to by the people ; that, since that 
 " was determined, it was necessary to substitute 
 " such in their room, '■ as might be able to suppress 
 
 " spoke] spake >' somewhat] something 
 
 " As] Not in MS. ' in their room,] in the room, 
 
 I i 4
 
 488 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK "any insurrection, or resist any invasion:* and 
 ^"' « tlierefore, that it was fit to hear the bill read ; and 
 
 more 
 
 J 641. i( ^£ ^^y fitting expedient was proposed^ in it to that 
 " purpose, to embrace it ; otherwise, to think of a 
 " better. For the nomination of persons, it would 
 " not be seasonable to speak of it, till the power and 
 " jurisdiction were first settled and constituted : and 
 " then, if it seemed too great for any subject, it 
 " might be devolved upon the crown ; which yet was 
 " not sufficiently possessed of a legal power to the 
 " purposes aforesaid." 
 The bill Upon this discourse, by a person of the king's 
 
 read once * ' j i o ^ 
 
 and no swom couucil, tlic bill was read ; but with so uni- 
 versal a dislike, that it was never called upon the 
 second time, but slept, till long after the matter of it 
 was digested in ordinances. 
 
 The peremptory day again drawing very near, for 
 the king's journey into Scotland, and very little done 
 towards the public, since the time they had pre- 
 vailed with his majesty to suspend it, on a Saturday 
 in the afternoon (the progress being to begin on 
 Monday) they again fell into violent passion^ against 
 the king's going into Scotland : the which they 
 thought of so great importance to be hindered, that 
 they resolved (and prevailed with tlie lords to do the 
 like) to sit the next day, being Sunday; which had 
 scarce ever'^ before been known, since the first institu- 
 tion of i)arliaments ; and which they thought fit to 
 excuse by a short declaration, that the people might 
 not be thereby encouraged to profane the sabbath. 
 
 * any invasion :] an invasion : passion] they fell into unusual 
 
 ^ was proposed] were pro- passion again 
 
 posed '^ scarce ever] never 
 ^ they again fell into violent
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 489 • 
 
 When they found the king constant to his former book 
 
 resolution, and that all they could allege could pre- '■ — 
 
 vail no farther with him, than, whereas he intended ^"^'* 
 to go on ^ Monday after dinner, to stay till Tuesday 
 morning, they very earnestly proposed, " that he 
 " would leave a commission with some persons, to 
 " pass such acts as should be prepared and pass 
 " both houses in his absence ; and to make a custos 
 ^' regni^ to supply the place of government till his 
 " return :" with many other extravagancies, which 
 themselves understood not. But when they found 
 that no such commission could be legally granted, 
 to consent to any acts that were not consented to 
 by both houses at the date of the commission ; and 
 that both the person and the power of a custos 
 regni would be duly weighed, and would take up 
 much consideration, if the king were willing to sa- 
 tisfy them ; they were contented with a commission 
 to the earl of Essex, of lieutenant-general on ^ that 
 side Trent: which his majesty having granted; and The act of 
 
 /,,, r> ' r> • 1 iii pacification 
 
 confirmed the act or pacification between the two being pass- 
 kingdoms, (which in great haste was transacted in^i,',„bg_ 
 both houses, as if it had been only matter of form,)?'"''"*. 
 
 ' J ' journey to- 
 
 he took his journey from London towards Scotland ^^ards 
 
 •^ -^ . Scotland. 
 
 toward the middle of August, leaving both houses 
 sitting at Westminster. 
 
 The unexpected passion and importunity to hin- 
 der his majesty's journey into Scotland was not well 
 understood; and the less, for that the governing 
 party was divided upon it : some of them, with 
 trouble equal to what they had at any time ex- 
 pressed, insisting upon his not going ; others alleg- 
 
 « on] 'Not in MS. ^ on] of
 
 ^ 490 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK ing, " that his majesty was so far engaged in it, that 
 ^"' " he could not in honour recede from it :" whilst 
 
 ^^'^^- the Scottish^ commissioners, who were often ap- 
 pealed and referred to in the debate, answered so 
 mysteriously, as argued rather a conveniency, and 
 expectation of the journey itself, than any necessity 
 in point of time. Neither was the ground of his 
 majesty's so positive and unalterable resolution of 
 going thither, sufficiently clear to standers by ; who 
 thought he might have transacted the business of 
 that kingdom (where he could not reasonably ex- 
 pect any great reverence to his person) better at a 
 distance ; and that his presence might be more ne- 
 cessary in this. 
 
 But, as his majesty's impatiency to see both ar- 
 mies disbanded, and this kingdom freed from the 
 invasion, (both which he heartily desired,) and his 
 desire to refresh himself, from the vexation which 
 the two houses, or one of them, or some in one of 
 them, daily gave him ; hurried him to that expedi- 
 tion, without well weighing and preparing how to 
 comport himself through it : so, no doubt, that op- 
 position, and instance against it (besides the con- 
 tinued ^ desire they had to remove the king from 
 any fixed resolution) was designed ^ partly, to pro- 
 cure an excuse for the hasty passing the bill of pa- 
 cification ; which they had purposely retarded (fore- 
 seeing there were many particulars in it, that, if 
 weighed, would never have been consented to) till 
 they might be so straitened in time, that whoever 
 o))jccted against what was offered, might seem to 
 hinder the disbanding, and to necessitate the king's 
 
 ^ Scottish] Scotch ' was designed] proceeded 
 
 '' continued] natural
 
 1641, 
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 491 
 
 longer stay: but principally they hoped, ^ that his book 
 majesty, rather than defer his journey, on which ^ he 
 was resolved, would consent to any unreasonable 
 qualifying such persons "^ whom they should name, 
 w ith power in his absence ; and moreover probably 
 there was " some real jealousy of the Scots at that 
 time, and between the Scottish ° commissioners 
 themselv^es, (as was conceived by some,) by reason 
 of great addresses made to the king by the earl of 
 Rothes, the principal and governing person of that 
 nation, and some insinuation of favour from his ma- 
 jesty to him ; so that they did in earnest desire to 
 put off that jouraey, for fear of disturbance there. 
 
 The truth is, the king was well satisfied with the 
 promises made to him by that earl; who desired to 
 live in this court, and was to have? been shortly 
 made gentleman of the bedchamber, and was in 
 hope 1 to marry a great and wealthy lady : and it is 
 certain, the king expected, by his help and interest, 
 to have found such a party in Scotland, as would 
 have been more tender of his honour than they after 
 expressed themselves ; and did always impute the 
 failing thereof to the absence of that earl, who be- 
 ing sick at the king's going from London, within 
 six weeks after died. But others believed, he had 
 been so far guilty of what had been done amiss, 
 that he would neither have been able nor wiUing to 
 ])reserve the foundation of that power, which might'" 
 hardly have forgotten by what means it had been 
 oppressed. 
 
 ^ they hoped,] hoping, " Scottish] Scotch 
 
 ' on which] to which '- was to have] should have 
 
 "^ persons] person i was in hope] had himself 
 
 " and moreover probably there a hope 
 was] except there were ^ might] could
 
 492 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK I must not omit here, the disbanding another 
 ^"' army, about the same time; the circumstances where- 
 J641. of were very remarkable, and the cause of much 
 TrrnVdii trouble that ensued. The king perceiving that he 
 bout thb ^^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^ have any use of the new army 
 time. in Ireland ; at least not that use for which it was 
 raised, (which was, to have visited Scotland,) and 
 finding often mention, enviously and maliciously, 
 made of that army in the house of commons ; and 
 having from thence (l)y the advice of the committee 
 for Ireland) received some addresses for that purpose ; 
 resolved to disband them ; and, to that end, signified 
 his pleasure to the lords justices of Ireland, and to 
 the earl of Ormond, his lieutenant-general of that 
 army ; directing withal (according to the last advice 
 he had received from the earl of Strafford) "that 
 " any officers of the army should have free leave to 
 " transport what men they ^ could get of that army, 
 " for the service of any prince in amity with this 
 " crown :" and shortly after, upon the earnest desire 
 of don Alonzo de Cardinas, ambassador from the 
 king of Spain, his majesty consented, that four thou- 
 sand soldiers of that army should be transported for 
 the service of that king into Flanders ; at the same 
 time permitting as many as desired the same, to be 
 transported for the service of the French king. This 
 was no sooner known, but the house of commons in- 
 terposed, with their accustomed confidence and dis- 
 temper, " to beseech his majesty to revoke that li- 
 " cence :" and, by impertinent and slight reasons, 
 boldly urged and insisted on, as they did in every 
 thing else, prevailed with the king " to inhibit the 
 
 ^ they] he
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 493 
 
 " transporting any of those soldiers out of that king- book 
 " dom, for the service of any prince whatsoever." . 
 
 Many were of opinion that this activity in a busi- ^^^^• 
 ness of which they had not the least connusance, pro- 
 ceeded from the instigation of the ambassador of the 
 French king; who was very conversant with the 
 principal persons of that faction, and no doubt fo- 
 mented those humours out of which the public cala- 
 mities were bred ; and some said boldly, and one or 
 two * have since affirmed it, as upon their knowledge, 
 " that Mr. Pym received five thousand pound from 
 " that French minister, to hinder that supply to 
 " Spain." Others believed, that it proceeded only 
 from that proud and petulant spirit which possessed 
 them, to lessen the reputation of the king ; and to 
 let the king of Spain and all other princes see the 
 power they had, to oppose and cross his resolutions 
 in the most pure acts of sovereignty. But I believe, 
 though there might be a mixture of both the other 
 reasons, the principal motive that induced them to 
 that interposition, was the advice and desire of the 
 committee from the parliament of Ireland, whose 
 counsel was entirely followed in whatsoever con- 
 cerned that kingdom ; and who, no doubt, might 
 have some prospect of" the rebellion that shortly af- 
 ter broke ^ out, which could hardly have taken effect, 
 if that body of men had been removed out of the 
 kingdom, according to the king's direction. But of 
 that more in its place. 
 
 As soon as the king begun >' his journey for Scot- 
 land, all orders, and what else was necessary, were 
 
 * one or two] an obscure per- of] had then designed 
 son or two x broke] brake 
 
 " might have some prospect > begun] began
 
 494 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK despatched for the disbanding; and a resoUition 
 ' taken, " to send a committee of lords and commons 
 
 1641. « ^Q attend his majesty (that is, to be a spy upon him) 
 " in Scotland, and to be present when the act of pa- 
 " cification should be transacted in that parliament, 
 " and to preserve the good intercourse and corre- 
 " spondence which was begun between the two na- 
 " tions :" but in truth, to lay the scene how the next 
 year should be spent ; and to bespeak new laws for 
 this kingdom, by the copies of what should be con- 
 sented to for that. 
 
 In this errand two lords, and four of the commons, 
 were appointed to go ; but for the two lords, the lord 
 Howard of Escrick served the ^ turn ; who was 
 ready ^ to be governed by Mr. Fiennes, and Mr. 
 Hambden, who, together with sir William Armyn, 
 made up the committee. Which being despatched, 
 they thought it time to breathe a little, and to visit 
 their countries, ^ for whom they had done such no- 
 table service : and so, towards the latter end of Au- 
 gust, (having first constituted a committee to sit dur- 
 ing the recess for the despatch of any important oc- 
 currences, and qualifying them with jjower they 
 could not depute ; such a committee, and such a qua- 
 lification, having never before been '^ heard of in par- 
 liaments,) both houses adjourned themselves till the 
 middle of October following, by which time they pre- 
 sumed the king would be returned from Scotland ; 
 having, from the time that they were first convened, 
 which was about nine months, (longer time than 
 ever parliament had before continued together in one 
 
 ' the] not in MS. b countries,] counties, 
 
 '' ready] naturally ^ before been] been before
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 495 
 
 session,) besides all the*^ extraordinary acts of blood book 
 
 and power, procured the king's assent to these fol- 
 lowing important laws ; by some of which, ^ the king-.^^^'^^^^^^^* 
 dom might have received ample benefit and advan- pass*- ii since 
 
 *^ -^ tlie begin- 
 
 tage. ning of this 
 
 parliament. 
 
 (( 
 
 A bill for triennial parliaments : ^" which took ^,^ 
 
 act for 
 
 up a long debate; there being many clauses, in case *'^'^""'*' 
 the crown should? omit tlie sending out of writs, uients; 
 derogatory to majesty, and letting the reins too 
 loose to the people : yet, since it was evident, that 
 great ^ inconveniences had befallen the kingdom by 
 the long intermission of those conventions ; and 
 that that intermission could not have happened, if 
 there had not been some neglect of what had been 
 settled by former laws ; therefore ^ there was some 
 colour of ^ reason for those clauses, by which the 
 crown could in no case suffer, but by its own de- 
 fault. At last * it found an easy passage through 
 both houses ; and by his majesty (who was satisfied 
 that such a frequency of meeting with his people, 
 as once in three years, might be more convenient 
 than prejudicial to his ser\dce ; and believed, that, 
 by his consenting to this act, the proceedings in 
 the "^ parliament would be more moderate) it had a 
 favourable reception,'^ and was enacted by him the 
 next day after it had ° passed both houses. 
 
 " An act for the taking*- away the high commis- An act for 
 " sion court :" which comprehended much more than tLTifgh^^^ 
 
 commission 
 
 '' the] their ' therefore] and therefore '^°"' ' 
 
 '^ by some of which,] by '^ colour of] Not in MS. 
 
 which^ 1 At last] Not in MS. 
 
 ^ for triennial parliaments :] "^ in the] in this 
 
 for the triennial parliament : " it had a f ivourable recep- 
 
 ^ should] Not in MS. tion,] had an equal reception, 
 
 ^ great] unspeakable ° had] Not in MS.
 
 496 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK was generally intended. That jurisdiction was erect- 
 ed by a statute in the first year of queen Elizabeth, 
 
 1641. instead of a larger power which had been exercised 
 under the pope's authority, tlien abolished; and, 
 whilst it was exercised with moderation, was an 
 excellent means to vindicate and preserve the dig- 
 nity and peace of the church : though, from the lie- 
 ginning, it was murmured p against by the non-con- 
 formable party of the kingdom. 
 
 But of late, it cannot be denied, that, by the 
 great power of some bishops at court, it had much 
 overflowed the banks which should have contained 
 it; not only in meddling with things that in truth 
 were not properly within their connusance ; but ex- 
 tending their sentences and judgments, in matters 
 triable before them, beyond that degi'ee that was 
 justifiable ; and grew to have so great a contempt 
 of the common law, and the professors of it, (which 
 was a fatal unskilfulness in the bishops, who could 
 never have suffered whilst the common law had 
 been preserved,) that prohibitions from the supreme 
 courts of law, which have, and must have, the su- 
 perintendency over all inferior courts, were not only 
 neglected, but the judges reprehended for granting 
 them, (which without perjury they could not deny,) 
 and the lawyers discountenanced for moving for^ 
 them, (which they were obliged in duty to do ;) so 
 that thereby the clergy made almost a whole profes- 
 sion,"^ if not their enemies,® yet very undevoted to 
 them. 
 
 P murnuired] not unmur- fession,] made a whole nation, 
 
 mured that is, ahnost a whole profes- 
 
 1 tor] Not in MS. sion, 
 
 ' made almost a whole pro- ' enemies,] enemy.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 497 
 
 Then, it was grown from an ecclesiastical court, book 
 for the reformation of manners, to a court of re- __!!!__ 
 
 venue, and imposed great fines upon those who were ^^'^^' 
 culpable before them ; sometimes above the degree 
 of the offence, had the jurisdiction of fining been 
 unquestionable : which it was not. Which course 
 of fining was much more frequent, and the fines 
 heavier, after the king had granted all that revenue 
 (whatsoever it should prove to be) to be employed 
 for the reparation of St. Paul's church ; which, 
 though it were a glorious work, and worthy the 
 piety of those who advanced it, and the greatness 
 of his mind who principally intended it, made the 
 gi*ievance the heavier.* 
 
 By these means (besides the conflux and influ- 
 ence" of that part of the clergy then in town,^ 
 which had formerly been obnoxious, and suppressed 
 by the bishops : which I do not mention as any 
 piece of their exorbitancy ; for I do not know that 
 ever any innocent clergyman suffered by any eccle- 
 siastical censure ; though, it may be, the guilty were 
 more severely proceeded against, and with less po- 
 litic circumstances, than the nature of that time re- 
 quired) that court had very few friends ; and having 
 many enemies, the proposition for abolishing it was 
 easily hearkened to ; of which the violent party 
 easily taking notice, they who prepared the bill in- 
 serted clauses, that not only took away the high 
 commission court, which was intended, but, upon 
 the matter, the whole ecclesiastical jurisdiction ; 
 and, under pretence of reforming the great abuses 
 by the oath ex officio, and excommunication, de- 
 
 t the heavier.] less popular. ^ then in town,] Not in 
 
 " influence] reputation MS. 
 
 VOL. I. K k
 
 498 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK stroyed and cancelled all coercive power whatsoever 
 in those courts, which was never intended : yet, in 
 
 ^^'^'- that hurry, it made a progress through both houses, 
 and attended the royal assent. But, when his ma- 
 jesty understood the extent thereof, and how far the 
 body of the bill exceeded the title ; and that, instead 
 of reformation, it was opening a door to the most 
 scandalous offences, and leaving adultery and incest 
 as unpunishable, as any other acts of good fellow- 
 ship ; he made a pause in the consenting to it, till 
 both houses might review whether the remedy y 
 were proportionable to the disease. 
 
 Immediately the fire was kindled against the bi- 
 shops, as the only obstacles to any reformation ; 
 with some passionate insinuations, " that, since they 
 " opposed a due regulation of their power, there 
 " would be no way but to cut them off root and 
 " branch." And thereupon some bishops themselves 
 were again made instruments ; and others, who pre- 
 tended to take care of the church, persuaded the 
 king, " for the bishops' sake, to confirm that bill :" 
 whilst the designers were much pleased to find that 
 logic i^revail; little doubting, but when'^ they had 
 taken away their jurisdiction in the church, by that 
 bill, and their dignity in the state, by removing 
 tliem out of the house of peers, they should find it 
 no liard matter to abolish their names and titles out 
 of the kingdom ; and to enjoy the •' goodly lands 
 and revenues, which could only make the reforma- 
 tion perfect and complete. And in this manner that 
 law was enacted. 
 An act for « A bill for takiuff away the star-chamber court." 
 
 talung away " "^ 
 
 >■ the remedy] their remedy " enjoy the] enjoy their 
 
 ' but when] that when
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 499 
 
 The progress of which bill was this. The exorbi- book 
 
 . Ill 
 tances of this court had been such (as hath been be- _ 
 
 fore touched) that there were very few persons of '^'^'' 
 quality who had not suffered, or been perplexed, by chamber 
 the w eight or fear of those censures and judgments. 
 For, having extended their jurisdiction from riots, 
 perjury, and the most notorious misdemeanours, to 
 an asserting all proclamations, and orders of state ; 
 to the \dndicating illegal commissions, and grants of 
 monopolies, (all which were the chief groundworks 
 of their late proceedings,) no man could hope to be 
 longer free from the inquisition of that court, than 
 he resolved to submit to those, and the like extraor- 
 dinary courses. And therefore there was an entire 
 inclination to limit and regulate the proceedings of 
 that court : to which purpose, a bill was brought in, 
 and twice read, and, according to custom, committed. 
 It being returned after by the committee, and the 
 amendments read ; it was suddenly suggested, (by 
 a person not at all inclined to confusion, or to the 
 violent party that intended that confusion,) "that 
 " the remedies provided by tliat bill were not pro- 
 " portionable to the diseases ; that the usurpations 
 " of that court were not less in the forms of their 
 " proceedings,'^ than in the matter upon which they 
 " proceeded ; insomuch that the course of the court 
 " (which is the rule of their judging) was so much 
 " corrupted, that the grievance was as much there- 
 " by<^, in those cases of which they had a proper 
 " connusance, as it was "^ by their excess in holding 
 " pleas of that, in which, in truth, they had no ju- 
 " risdiction : and therefore he conceived, the proper 
 
 ^ their proceedings,] their ^ thereby] Not in MS. 
 proceeding, '' it was] Not in MS. 
 
 K k 2
 
 500 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK " and most natural cure for that mischief would be, 
 ^'^* . " utterly to abolish that court, which it ® was very 
 
 J (541. "difficult, if not impossible, to regulate; and, in 
 " place thereof, to erect and establish such a jurisdic- 
 " tion as might be thought necessary." Hereupon, 
 the same bill was re-committed, with direction, " so 
 " far to alter the frame of it, as might serve utterly 
 " to take away and abolish that court :" which was 
 accordingly done ; and again brought to the house, 
 and engrossed, and sent up to the lords. So that 
 important bill was never read but once in the house 
 of commons, and was never committed; which, I 
 believe, was never before heard of in parliament. 
 
 It could not meet with any opposition in the 
 house of peers : all who had been judges there hav- 
 ing their several judgments hanging like meteors 
 over their heads ; and the rest, being either grieved 
 or frighted by it : and so, being brought to his ma- 
 jesty, received his royal assent. 
 
 Thus feU that high court, a great branch of the 
 prerogative ; having rather been ^ extended and con- 
 firmed, than founded, by the statute of the tenth 
 year of king Henry the Seventh : for, no doubt, it 
 had both a being and a jurisdiction before that time, 
 though vulgarly it received date from thence ; and, 
 whilst it was gravely and moderately governed, was 
 an excellent expedient to preserve the dignity of 
 the king, the honour of his council, and the peace 
 and security of the kingdom. But the taking it 
 away was an act very popular ; which, it may be, 
 was not then more politic, than the reviving it may 
 be tliought hereafter, when the present distempers 
 shall be expired. 
 
 ^ it] iVo^ iw, MS. ^ rather been] been rather
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 501 
 
 " An act for the certainty of the meets, bounds, book 
 
 III. 
 
 " and limits of all the forests in England :" which 
 
 was a great benefit and ease to the people; who had^^^^^JJ^^^^ 
 
 been so immoderately vexed by the justice in eyre's ti^^ ^er- 
 
 . -^ . taiuty of 
 
 seat, (exercised with great rigour by the earl of meets, 
 HoUand, and revived by Mr. Noy, when he was at- and limits 
 torney general,) that few men could assure them- °*^ ^°'^''*^* ' 
 selves their estates and houses might not be brought 
 within the jurisdiction of ^ some forest ; the which 
 if they were, it cost them great fines : and there- 
 fore, to ease them of their future fears, the king 
 departed with his own unquestionable right (which 
 would, a year before, have been purchased at the 
 price of at least ^ two hundi-ed thousand pounds) 
 without any murmur.^ 
 
 " An act, that no clerk of the market of his ma- An act, 
 
 . yr> • limiting 
 
 " jesty's house should execute his office m any part the office 
 " of the kingdom, but only within the verge of the"i,e'',ya,.ket 
 " court: and the execution of that office granted toj^Jj^^'f^""^ 
 " mayors and bailiffs of towns corporate ; and to the house; 
 " lords of liberties and fi^anchises, and to their de- 
 " puties." By which, the people through England 
 were freed from many petty vexations and extor- 
 tions, which the deputies and agents for that office 
 (who commonly farmed the perquisites of it,'^ with- 
 in several limits) exercised over them. And let no 
 man say, that this was but an act of justice, for the 
 redress of risible misdemeanours which his own of- 
 ficers were guilty of; and that his majesty parted 
 with nothing of profit to himself, by that act : for the 
 misdemeanours of any office may be prevented, and 
 
 ^ jurisdiction of] Not in MS. verity. 
 
 i> at least] Not in MS. ^ perquisites of it,] perqui- 
 
 ' murmur,] murmur for se- sites of that office, 
 
 K k 3
 
 502 THE HISTORY 
 
 BOOK punished, and redressed, without the taking away, 
 or suppressing, the office itself; which is an instance 
 
 J 641. of power, and prerogative. And the other was used 
 as an argument heretofore (which few have since 
 approved) for the passing away most of the old rents 
 of the crown, " that they yielded little profit to the 
 " crown, being always swallowed by the many of- 
 " ficers incumbent upon that ^ service ;" without con- 
 sidering, that even those many officers are of the es- 
 sential honour and greatness of princes. But, as that 
 computation was very erroneous in point of thrift, 
 so it is much more scandalous in point of power ; 
 and he, that thinks the king gives away nothing 
 that is worth the keeping, when he suffers an office, 
 which keeps and maintains many officers, to be abo- 
 lished and taken away, does not consider, that so 
 much of his train is abated, and that he is less 
 spoken of, and consequently less esteemed, in those 
 places where that power formerly extended; nor 
 observes, how ™ private men value themselves upon 
 those lesser franchises and royalties, which espe- 
 cially keep up the power, distinction, and degrees 
 of men. 
 An act for " Au act for thc prcvcntion of vexatious proceed- 
 vexatious" " iogs touchiug the order of knighthood :" by which. 
 
 touciiing " ^0 expiate the trespasses which had been lately com- 
 
 proceedings 
 toucliing 
 
 Irkni-ht ^^^^^^^ 'jy the rigorous circumstances of proceeding 
 hood ; upon that claim, the king parted with, and released 
 to his people, a right and duty, as unquestionably 
 due to him by the law, as any service he can lay 
 claim to ; and such, as the subject received the dis- 
 charge of it, as a singular benefit and advantage." 
 
 ' upon that] to that " advantage.] advantage to 
 
 ■" how] how much him.
 
 OF THE REBELLION. 503 
 
 " An act for the free making saltpetre and gun- book 
 
 111. 
 
 " powder within the kingdom :" which was a part . 
 of the prerogative; and not only considerable, as it^^^^f.j}^j. 
 restrained that precious and dangerous commodity t^e free 
 from vulgar hands ; but, as in truth it brought a saltpetre 
 considerable revenue to the crown ; and more to powle"" 
 those, whom the crown gratified and obliged by that ^'j',^I;|j" ,JJ'f 
 licence. The pretence for this exemption was, " the 
 unjustifiable proceedings ° of those (or of inferior 
 persons qualified by them) who had been trusted in 
 that employment ;" by whom, it cannot be denied, 
 many men suffered : but the true reason was, that 
 thereby they might be sure to have in readiness a 
 good stock in that commodity, against the time theu' 
 occasions should call upon them. 
 
 "An act against divers encroachments and op-Auact 
 
 ,, . . , I, I 1 • „ against 
 
 pressions in the stannery courts : the logic or divers eii- 
 which act extended itself to all inferior courts, and I,',"„t,''.^,„, 
 manner of proceedings throughout the kingdom ; "^j"'!!^^^'^"^"* 
 though the full measure of that benefit seemed to "^'t courts. 
 be poured out upon the two counties of Cornwall 
 and Devonshire ; the people whereof had been so 
 much oppressed by the jurisdiction of that court, 
 (supported and extended with great passion and fury 
 by the earl of Pembroke, the lord warden of those 
 stanneries,) that both prohibitions, and habeas cor- 
 pus's from the king's bench, had been disobeyed and 
 neglected ; not without some personal affront, and 
 reproach to all the judges of that court : and there- 
 fore, it could not but be great ease of heart to those 
 parts, to be freed from the exorbitancy of that op- 
 pression. 
 
 "An act, whereby all the proceedings in the bu- 
 
 " proceedings] proceeding 
 
 K k 4
 
 504 THE HISTORY, &c. 
 
 BOOK " siness of ship-money were adjudged void, and dis- 
 III 
 
 . " annulled ; and the judgments, enrolments, and 
 1641. i( entries thereupon, vacated and cancelled:" which 
 
 An act 
 
 against (how just and necessary soever) was a frank depar- 
 uioney. turc froui a right, vindicated by a judgment in the 
 exchequer-chamber, before all the judges in Eng- 
 land ; and therefore deserved a just acknowledg- 
 ment ; besides that, some clauses in that statute as- 
 sert the subject's liberty and property, beyond what 
 was done by the petition of right ; which needed an 
 , additional establishment. 
 
 These acts of parliament, finished and enacted in 
 the time we speak of; besides the quitting the long 
 used right of laying impositions p upon foreign trade, 
 in the preamble of the bill for tonnage and pound- 
 age ; and besides that fatal bill for the continuance 
 of this parliament; will be acknowledged,^ by an 
 incorrupted posterity, to be everlasting monuments 
 of the king's princely ^ and fatherly affection to his 
 people ; and such an obligation of repose and trust 
 from his majesty ^ in the hearts of his subjects, that 
 no expressions of piety, duty, and confidence, from 
 them, could have been more than a sufficient return 
 on their parts : which how they performed, is to fol- 
 low in the next place. 
 
 P laying impositions] impos- ' of the king's princely] of a 
 
 i"g princely 
 
 1 acknowledged,] hereafter » his majesty] the king 
 acknowledged. 
 
 *^ 
 
 THE END OF THE THIRD BOOK.
 
 APPENDIX.
 
 APPENDIX, A. 
 
 REFERRED TO IN PP. 137. 248. 
 
 A. HAT which in the consequence was woi*se than all this, 
 that is, which made the consequence of all the rest the 
 worse, was, that by all those vast receipts and disburse- 
 ments by the people, the king''s coffers were not at all, or 
 not considerably replenished. Whether by the excess of the 
 court, (which had not been enough contracted ;) the vmapt- 
 ness of ministers ; or the intentness of ministers upon their 
 own, more than the public profit; the maintaining great 
 fleets at sea, more for the glory than benefit of the king, in 
 a time of entire peace, and when his jurisdiction in the deep 
 was not questioned, at least not contested ; or, which was a 
 greater, and at that time thought a more unnecessary charge, 
 the building of many great ships; or whether the popular 
 axiom of queen Elizabeth, that as her greatest treasure was 
 in the hearts of her people, so she had rather her money 
 should be in their purses than in her own exchequer, (which 
 she never said but at the closing of some parliament, when 
 she had gotten all she could from them,) was grown current 
 policy ; or whether all these together contributed thereunto, 
 I know not ; but I am sure, the oversight or the misfortune 
 proved very fatal. For as the crown never advanced itself 
 by any remarkable attempt, that depended wholly upon the 
 bounty of the people ; so it never suffered from abroad or 
 at home, when the exchequer was plentifully supplied, what 
 circumstances soever had accompanied or attended that 
 plenty. And without doubt, if such provision had been 
 made, the disjointed affections and dispositions of that time 
 had not been too apt to lay hold and countenance the first
 
 508 APPENDIX, A. 
 
 interruption : and the first possible opportunity of interrup- 
 tion they did lay hold of. 
 
 About the year 1634 (there being as great a serenity in 
 England as had been ever known) the king visited his na- 
 tive kingdom of Scotland, where he had not been (other- 
 wise than in his princely favours, which he had every day 
 showered upon them) since he was two years old, and with 
 much magnificence and splendour was crowned there ; and 
 amongst other ceremonies was assured, (which, it is true, they 
 had reason to believe would be very acceptable to his ma- 
 jesty,) that they would, for their decency and union in God's 
 service, receive a set form and liturgy, if his majesty would 
 be pleased to enjoin it to them: and about the year 1637 
 such a liturgy was sent to them, with canons and orders for 
 their church government. Whether that liturgy was com- 
 piled with care and circumspection, whether it were recom- 
 mended to the people with discretion and prudence, or whe- 
 ther the people were prepared by due circumstances to re- 
 ceive it ; whether the bishops of that kingdom or this were 
 more passionate and unskilful in the prosecution, than for 
 the time they ought to have been ; or whether the supreme 
 minister of state employed and trusted by the king there 
 were friend to the church, and so concerned enough in the 
 disorders in the bud, I determine not ; but leave all men to 
 their own judgments, upon the books of that time, written 
 by both parties, and still extant. Sure it is, it was so far 
 from a general reception, that occasion was from thence 
 taken to unite the whole nation in a covenant against it ; 
 and when so much way was given to their fury, as that 
 both liturgy and canons were laid by, and assurance given 
 that neither should be pressed upon them, the animosity 
 continued, and grew so great against the church, that no- 
 thing would satisfy them but a total abolition of bishops 
 throughout that kingdom : for the better compassing where- 
 of, all things were prepared there for a war ; colonel Lesley, 
 a man of good command formerly under the king of Swe- 
 den, and distasted here, (that is, denied somewhat he had 
 a mnid to have, which was always to that people the high-
 
 APPENDIX, A. 509 
 
 est injury,) chosen to be their general ; and all provisions of 
 arms and ammunition from foreign parts, and horses from 
 the north of England, were procured with all possible care 
 and diligence. To chastise these insolencies, and to preserve 
 his interest in that kingdom, visibly then in issue, his ma- 
 jesty raised an army, fit for the quarrel, and about May, in 
 the year 1639, advanced in person towards the north ; hav- 
 ing sent before the earl of Essex, lieutenant general of his 
 army, to secure Berwick : which he did with very great dili- 
 gence and dexterity. 
 
 The pomp of this journey of his majesty (for it was ra- 
 ther a progress than a march) was the first error committed, 
 and was in truth the ground of all the errors and misfor- 
 tunes that ensued. His majesty had summoned all the nobi- 
 lity of England to attend upon him in this expedition; which 
 increased his train, but added nothing to his strength. Whe- 
 ther the ground of that counsel was an apprehension that 
 the indisposition of the people might attempt in his absence, 
 and so that it were safest to have the great men with him ; 
 or whether there were an opinion and intention of raising 
 money upon those who would buy their ease, and so be ex- 
 cused from that trouble and expense ; or whether it was 
 thought the drawing all the nobility together in that man- 
 ner would look more like a union of this nation in the quar- 
 rel, and so make the greater impression upon that, I could 
 yet never learn : but affairs do only succeed well, when will- 
 ing instruments are engaged in the prosecution; and he 
 that is used against his inclination is not to be trusted in 
 a capacity of doing hurt. At the first rendezvous at York, 
 it was thought fit to unite the court and army by a counter- 
 covenant, to be taken by every person, for the defence of the 
 king, and to renounce any intelligence with the enemy. This 
 being taken by all the rest of the nobility, was absolutely 
 refused by the lord Say and the lord Brooke ; who were 
 thereupon committed to prison, and so freed from farther 
 attendance. By this time it was very visible, that the fac- 
 tious and discontented party in England had close corre- 
 spondence with these covenanters; to whicli purpose Mr.
 
 510 APPENDIX, A. 
 
 Nathaniel Fiennes, son to the lord Say, was then in Scotland, 
 making it his way home from the Low Countries : and the 
 defection of that nation was so entire, that, saving some few 
 persons of honour, (whose friends, children, and allies, were 
 likewise in rebellion,) there were no Scotchmen in the 
 court or army. The king advanced beyond Berwick three 
 miles upon the river of Tweed, where he pitched his camp, 
 being above sixteen thousand horse and foot, which (if a 
 number of lords and gentlemen, unwillingly brought thither, 
 had been away) had been a very good army. Whether the 
 Scots were at that time ready to have received such a 
 strength, or whether they were in truth ever after strong 
 enough to have encountered it, I cannot say, having heard 
 several persons, who might be presumed to know much, se- 
 verally discourse it ; and therefore I shall neither now or 
 hereafter mention the actions or affairs of that kingdom 
 more than is absolutely necessary to continue the thread of 
 this relation, and then in such particulars as I have had a 
 clear knowledge or a clear information in, the main being 
 fit for a work by itself, and a workman more conversant in 
 the mysteries of that people. Certain it is, from the time that 
 the Scotch army (such as it was) drew near the borders, the 
 purpose and desire of fighting every day lessened in ours ; 
 the nobihty and gentry working so much upon the soldiers, 
 that his majesty found it necessary to entertain the first 
 overture of a treaty, which was almost as soon concluded as 
 begun, and thereupon both armies disbanded ; his majesty 
 intending, and having so declared, to be himself shortly with 
 his parliament in Scotland to put an end and determination 
 to all particvilars : sending in the mean time the marquis of 
 Hamilton (who had been the only person trusted by his 
 majesty in that grand affair) thither. The resolution for 
 his majesty's personal repair into Scotland, which should 
 have been within twenty days after the pacification, was 
 quickly altered ; and the earl of Traquaire, then lord trea- 
 surer of that kingdom, sent thither to hold the parliament 
 as his majesty's commissioner, the king himself returning 
 by ordinary journeys in progress to London. This altera-
 
 APPENDIX, A. 511 
 
 tlon, which they presently called a receding from the agree- 
 ment, gave them a very great advantage, and was very 
 prejudicial to the king ; and if he had gone thither in per- 
 son, he would very probably have disposed them to a rea- 
 sonable conformity, (for they had both the terror of tlie 
 army they had seen so near them, and the trouble and 
 charge of their own, before them,) or have broken upon 
 some accident or new occasion, which might have been no 
 reproach to the former counsels at the pacification : whereas, 
 as it fell out, the rupture seemed to proceed from a review 
 of the same considerations and conclusions; and so was 
 thought a tax upon the former counsellors, who, the more 
 they had reason to be ashamed of what they had advised, 
 had the more reason to be angry at contrary resolutions. 
 That which in truth was and reasonably might be the ground 
 of that alteration from the king's going thither, Avas an ap- 
 prehension of danger to his person, or rather, that his resi- 
 dence there might be compelled to be longer than either 
 was necessary, or he had a mind to make it : and infusions 
 of this nature can only be broken through by the magna- 
 nimity of the prince himself; for where there is the least 
 hint of his safety, the most bold seemed the least careful ; 
 and so all men confcrm their counsels, let the reason be 
 what it will, and the necessity what it will, (for where great 
 enterprises are to be undertaken, great hazards are to be 
 run,) to what is most secure, rather than to what is most 
 fit. Experience tells us, worse could not have befallen, than 
 hath happened : and therefore (if for no other reason) we 
 may soberly believe, his presence there, at that time that was 
 designed, would have produced better effects, both in that 
 kingdom and in this; which upon the commerce of that 
 treaty, began to continue the traffick of intelligence. 
 
 Next to his majesty's not going, the sending the earl of 
 Traquaire as his commissioner was thought by many of 
 the worst consequence ; for though he was a wise man, (the 
 wisest to my understanding that I have known of that na- 
 tion,) he was not a man of interest and power with the 
 people, but of some prejudice ; and though he might be
 
 512 APPENDIX, A. 
 
 solicitous enough for that which he thought his master's 
 sovereignty against that anarchy the people's fury seemed to 
 set up, yet he was not thought at all a friend to the church, 
 but rather to connive at many extravagances and exorbi- 
 tances, (even after the time of his commission,) to the end 
 that an alteration in the ecclesiastical might seem the more 
 reasonable price for a reformation in the temporal state; 
 though I know he dissembled that inclination so well, that 
 he procured and received that trust under the notion espe- 
 cially of being a stickler for, if not a patron of the bishops : 
 whereas the fault or misfortune was, nothing succeeded in 
 that parliament according to expectation ; and the earl, with- 
 out dissolving it, returned into England, leaving them sit- 
 ting, choosing immediately a commissioner themselves in the 
 king's right, and shortly after summoning the castle of Edin- 
 burgh (which was honestly and stoutly defended and kept 
 by general Ruther for the king) to be delivered into their 
 hands. 
 
 The fire brake not out faster in Scotland, than the reso- 
 lution was taken in England by some more prosperous at- 
 tempt to repair the faults of the last summer, and either to 
 reform or reduce that people, upon a full representation of 
 the state of those affairs at the council-board, shortly after 
 the king's return to London, by marquis Hamilton, who 
 came since the raising a new army was intended with all 
 vigour and expedition; and men being now at a greater 
 distance from danger, the advice was not less unanimous for 
 a new war, than it had three months before been for the 
 pacification ; (a proclamation issuing out by the full advice 
 of the lords of the council for the public burning the articles 
 of the pacification ;) though they were willing shortly after 
 to lay tlie guilt of this counsel upon three or four men, who 
 bore the burden, and paid the price of the misfortune. The 
 lord Wentworth, then deputy of Ireland, was about that 
 time here, and to him the advice was acknowledged of calling 
 a parliament, whereby his majesty might be enabled to wage 
 that war. Whoever gave the counsel, the resolution was taken 
 in December, 1639, for the calling a parliament in April fol-
 
 APPENDIX, A. 513 
 
 lowing ; to which purpose writs immediately issued out, to 
 the singular and universal joy of the people. The deputy 
 of Ireland, having with marvellous dexterity, between De- 
 cember and April, passed into Ireland, called a parliament 
 in that kingdom, procured four subsidies to be given, and 
 a declaration very frankly made against the Scots, formed 
 an army of eight thousand foot and one thousand horse, to 
 be ready within three months, to march into Scotland ; and 
 returned hither again before the day of the meeting, which 
 was on the 13th of April, 1640 ; when, with the usual full 
 solemnity, his majesty came to Westminster, and acquainted 
 the lords and commons, that he had principally called them 
 thither, to assist him against the rebellion of his subjects of 
 Scotland; and informed them of many particulars in that 
 business ; very earnestly pressing despatch, in respect of the 
 season of the year, the forwardness of the preparation in 
 Scotland, and their activity with foreign princes ; there being 
 then a letter produced, signed by many noblemen of Scot- 
 land, amongst whom the lord Lowden (then a prisoner in 
 the Tower of London for that offence) was one, to the king 
 of France, in plain and express words desiring relief and 
 protection from him against their native king. That par- 
 liament, assembled on the 13th of April, (as I said before,) 
 was, to the extreme grief and amazement of all good men, 
 dissolved the fifth of IVIay following, being in truth as com- 
 posed and as well disposed a house, as, I believe, had met 
 together in any time ; and therefore having never passed the 
 least action or word of irreverence or disrespect toward his 
 majesty during the time they contmued together. A better 
 instance cannot be given of the modesty and temper, than 
 that a member of the house of commons (Mr. Peard, who 
 brought himself afterwards to a bold dialect) was forced to 
 explain, that is no less than to recant, for saying, in a frank 
 debate of our grievances, that ship-money was an abomina- 
 tion ; which was within seven months voted little less than 
 treason. It Avill be very little time spent to look over the 
 particular passages in that short parliament ; which when 
 we have done, we shall conclude the evil genius of the king- 
 
 VOL. I. L 1
 
 514 APPENDIX, A. 
 
 dom wrought that dissolution, which was the most imme- 
 diate cause (that is, the contrary had been the most im- 
 mediate cure) of all that hath since gone amiss. Within few 
 days after the beginning, at a conference between both 
 houses in the painted chamber, the lords (as the whole sub- 
 ject-matter of that conference) desired the commons, with 
 all possible speed, to enter upon the consideration of supply, 
 by way of subsidy ; which was no sooner reported in the 
 house, but resented, as a great breach of privilege, that bu- 
 siness of supply and subsidy being, by the fundamental rules 
 of parliament, always to begin in the house of commons. 
 More time was not spent, nor more warmth expressed, in this 
 debate, than might have been reasonably expected. The 
 king afterwards, by a message delivered in the house of com- 
 mons by sir H. Vane, (then secretary of state, and treasurer 
 of the household,) again pressed a supply ; and offered, for 
 twelve subsidies, to quit any claim he had to ship-money for 
 the time to come ; (that tax of ship-money being at that time 
 levying throughout the kingdom ;) a great instance of the 
 prosperity the court at that time took itself to be in. This 
 message was delivered on Saturday the 2d of May, about 
 ten of the clock in the morning, and the debate thereof was 
 continued till four of the clock that afternoon ; which was 
 then thought an extraordinary matter, the house usually in 
 those times, and by the course of parliament, rising at twelve. 
 The subject of the debate was upon three particulars. First, 
 for the house to be pressed in matter of money in the begin- 
 ning, before any redress was given, or so much as a consul- 
 tation entered upon of those pressures and grievances, which 
 had been sustained for at least a dozen years, seemed very 
 unusual : and though the time of the year, and the activity 
 of the Scots, were urged as motives to expedition, it was as 
 obvious, that the season of the year was an argiunent rather 
 made tlian found, and that it had been as easy to have liad 
 the parliament the 13th of March as the 13th of April ; and 
 therefore that consideration rather administered matter of 
 jealousy than satisfaction to equal and indifferent persons. 
 Secondly, men were somewhat startled to hear a composi-
 
 APPENDIX, A. 515 
 
 tion proposed (setting aside the proposition, which was then 
 diought prodigious) for ship-money, whicli they expected 
 should have been disclaimed in the point of right, and were 
 sure would be declaimed against in the first debate: and they 
 who out of several considerations had been always content 
 to pay it, were nevertheless as unwilling, by making a pur- 
 chase of it, to confess what they never believed, especially 
 since they who had declai-ed it to be a right, (the judges,) 
 had likewise declared it to be a right so inherent in the 
 crown, that even an act of parliament could not dissolve it. 
 I mention not the discourses upon the proportion of twelve 
 subsidies, proposed as a recompense, and required to be 
 paid in three years ; five the first, four the second, and three 
 the third year ; which was then sadly alleged by grave men 
 to be more than the stock of the kingdom could bear in so 
 short a time; and without doubt was so believed : but we 
 are reformed in that learning, and find, that, besides all vio- 
 lence by the soldiers, and extraordinaries by fines and delin- 
 quency, the very contribution, settled and cheerfully sub- 
 mitted to in most countries, amount to above forty subsidies 
 in a year, Avhich is only an argument that the wealth of the 
 kingdom was much greater than it was understood to be. 
 Thirdly, though there was not then any declared faction for 
 the Scots, nor in truth any visible inclination to them ; yet 
 the demanding a supply in that manner, and always upon 
 that ground to raise an army against the Scots, looked like 
 an engagement in or for the war ; which reasonably could 
 not be expected from men, to whom no particulars of those 
 affairs had been communicated. And as the same was crafti- 
 ly insinuated by men who, it may be, were favourers of their 
 proceedings ; so the consideration of it took place, or at least 
 made pauses, in the most sober men, and made them wish, 
 that the supply had been only desired, without giving other 
 reason than the general occasions. But that had not so well 
 complied with the ends of the king, who, it may be, looked 
 upon the united declaration of both houses against the Scots 
 as more in order towards the preventing a war, than all the 
 supply they were like to give him would be to support it; 
 
 L 1 2
 
 516 APPENDIX, A. 
 
 but this was the fitter to be wished, than attempted : yet in 
 all this debate there was not the least objection made 
 against the war, nor excuse made for the Scots ; only one 
 member cast out an envious word, that he heard it was 
 helium episcopale. This debate (the gravest, and most void 
 of passion, and the fullest of reason and ingenuity that 
 ever I have known) upon those three weighty points took 
 up Saturday and Monday, and about six of the clock at 
 night was adjourned till Tuesday morning, the temper and 
 inclination of the house (for I speak of the house of com- 
 mons, the work was upon them) being most apparent pre- 
 sently to consent to give subsidies, though the number pro- 
 posed was not like to be agreed unto. But on Tuesday 
 morning, his majesty, having sent for the speaker before the 
 sitting of the house, and carried him with him to West- 
 minster, sent for both houses, and dissolved them, to the 
 most astonishing grief of all good men that I ever beheld. 
 Though it was as observable, that those who had been the 
 greatest promoters of the troubles and rviin we have since 
 suffered, were the most visibly satisfied and delighted with 
 that morning"'s work that can be imagined : and one of 
 them, of principal reckoning, observing a cloudiness in me, 
 bade me be of good comfort ; all would go well ? for things 
 must be worse, before they could be better. 
 
 The ground and reason of that counsel, for dissolving 
 the parliament, (for the resolution was taken in full and so- 
 lemn council,) was upon a misrepresentation of the temper 
 and disposition of the house by sir Harry Vane, who con- 
 fidently averred, that they would not give a subsidy; but 
 instead thereof would pass some such vote against ship- 
 money, and other acts of power, as would render those 
 courses, and so the benefits accruing from thence, for the 
 future more difficult : which was a strange averment from 
 a person who had been the only cause that a supply was 
 not voted the day before, by his hindering such a question 
 to be put, and affirming with much passion, that to his 
 knowledge fewer subsidies than were proposed by his ma- 
 jesty, and ])aid in any other manner than was proposed,
 
 APPENDIX, A. 517 
 
 would be absolutely rejected by him ; which was most con- 
 trary to the instructions he had receivefd. Whether this un- 
 heard of boldness in one place and the other proceeded 
 from any intelligence or combination with that faction, 
 whose ends were advanced by it, (his son lying then in the 
 bosom of those people;) or whether in truth he thought 
 himself less secure, having trod those high ways as furi- 
 ously as any ; or whether his contracted venom and malice 
 against the earl of Strafford obliged him to endeavour to 
 dissolve it, and thereby to reproach the council of conven- 
 ing it ; or whether a mixture of all these, as this last might 
 naturally beget a greater compliance -with the first, and a 
 greater solicitation upon the second consideration, I deter- 
 mine not : but observed it was, and very worthy to be ob- 
 served it is, that though the dissolution of that parliament 
 was the ground or cause of all the mischief that followed, 
 and therefore always inserted as the most odious aggrava- 
 tion in the highest charge against any man they meant to 
 destroy, as against the earl of Strafford and the archbishop 
 of Canterbury, yet they never proceeded in the examina- 
 tion and proof of that part, which they could have done as 
 well as they did in more secret discoveries, if they had not 
 known it would most have concerned some to whom they 
 meant not to be severe : and though this connivance might 
 have been in the archbishop''s trial, upon the merit of his 
 late services and sufferings, yet at the time of the earl of 
 Strafford's arraignment (which was before notice was taken 
 of the robbing of the cabinet) it could not have been for- 
 borne, especially when it might possibly have added some- 
 what to his guilt, which might have been thought necessary 
 to be improved by such an unpopular addition, if it had 
 not been for some extraordinary service, which was not 
 then acknowledged. However, it seemed strange to many 
 standers by, that this untrue information given by sir Harry 
 Vane could produce so fatal a resolution, when there were 
 two other counsellors then of the house, besides many other 
 persons of interest, whose testimony might have been 
 equally considered : which no doubt it would have been, if 
 
 Lis
 
 518 APPENDIX, A. 
 
 it had been as confidently alleged, and if the other''s con- 
 firmation had not received much confirmation and credit by 
 the concurrence of sir Edward Herbert, then solicitor ge- 
 neral, a man that gives as much reason to other men, and 
 as little to himself, as most I know. 
 
 The hopes and expectations of money and assistance 
 from that parliament being determined, the lords of the 
 council (according to their declaration at that meeting, 
 when the summoning a parliament was agreed upon in De- 
 cember before, that if by any refractoriness in that conven- 
 tion, the king should not receive the fruit and aid he pur- 
 posed, they would assist him any extraordinary way) gave 
 direction for the more vigorous execution of the writ, and 
 instructions for ship-money ; committed four members of 
 the late parliament for somewhat said or done there ; and 
 searched the chambers and closets of others, (which always 
 gave credit to the persons, never contributed to the work 
 in hand, whatever it was,) and for a foundation for raising 
 an army, which the preparations in Scotland, and the pro- 
 ceedings there, (for they had taken in or besieged all the 
 castles which were in the hands of men trusted by the 
 king,) made very necessary. The lords themselves under- 
 took presently to lend great sums of money to his majesty, 
 many, twenty thousand pounds apiece, and by their ex- 
 amples to invite (and the invitation of such examples was 
 well understood) other men to do the like : and to that pur- 
 pose all great officers, and all men notoriously known to 
 have money, or to be able to procure any, were sent for 
 and treated with at the council-table ; by which means in 
 very few days near three hundred thousand pounds were 
 not only provided, (which gave present reputation to the 
 action,) but really paid into the exchequer. A general was 
 9^ppointcd, &c. as in page 248.
 
 APPENDIX, B. 
 
 REFERRED TO IN PAGE 295. 
 
 x\T the opening of the parliament, (which was on the 
 third day of November, 1640,) the king very frankly de- 
 livered himself to the lords and commons, that he put his 
 whole affairs into their hands, and was resolved to follow 
 their advice, both in order to an agreement with the Scots, 
 and in repairing the grievances at home, which he con- 
 fessed the necessities of the times had brought upon his 
 people. All those, whether in church or state, he was willing 
 should be removed, and desired that all things might be 
 reduced to the good order and practice of queen Elizabeth; 
 which to the people of England were sure looked upon 
 with the greatest reverence : and so left them, the house of 
 commons being in the first place to choose a speaker. And 
 in this first entrance there was an ill accident, (though then 
 by many not valued, by wise men considered as of great 
 moment, and an ill presage.) As soon as his majesty had 
 resolved upon the calling of a parliament, he considered of 
 a fit speaker, (the election of whom in all times had been 
 by the designation of the king,) and resolved upon sir 
 Thomas Gardiner, then recorder of London, a man very 
 affectionate to his service, and very fit to have moderated 
 in such an assembly. This was no sooner known, (which 
 according to custom was as soon published as resolved, that 
 he might make his provisions accordingly,) than the leaders 
 of that people expressed much trouble at it ; presuming he 
 would never be induced to comply with their purposes; and 
 used their utmost endeavovu's to keep him from being re- 
 turned a member of the house, without which it was not 
 possible to be chosen speaker. So, in the election of the 
 
 l14
 
 520 APPENDIX, B. 
 
 o 
 
 four members for the city of London, they carried it, that 
 he was rejected ; which affront had been seldom offered to 
 their recorder. Then they so wrought upon the earl of 
 Pembroke, whose interest in many places was so great, that 
 many burgesses were chosen by his recommendation, that 
 notwithstanding he was a person of near ti'ust Avith that 
 earl, and promised a place by him, he was likewise there 
 disappointed : so that the morning before the appearance 
 of the lords and commons, (which was to be in the after- 
 noon,) sir Thomas Gardiner, being not returned a member, 
 the king was put to a new consideration for a speaker ; and 
 was in that sudden distress persuaded to design Mr. Len- 
 thall, (a lawyer of good practice, and no ill affections, but a 
 very weak man, and unequal to sucli a task,) who was 
 chosen speaker, and afterwards in the usual form presented 
 to his majesty, and by him accepted. These ceremonies 
 were no sooner over, than the house of commons (which 
 meant to govern) fell briskly to their business, and spent 
 the two first days in very sharply discussing the general 
 state of the kingdom, mentioned the miscarriages in church 
 and state with great bitterness ; and the third day, after a 
 debate of seven or eight hours, resolved to accuse the earl 
 of Strafford of high treason. Thouo-h the earl was as un- 
 loved a person in that house as can be imagined, yet there 
 wanted not some, who desired, for the dignity of the house, 
 that a charge of so high a nature, against a person not like 
 to be easily oppressed, should be very warily weighed and 
 considered. On the other side, it was confidently under- 
 taken, that an impeachment should within few days be 
 brought in, by which his guilt would be very manifest. In 
 the mean time the ground and necessity of their proceed- 
 ing they declared to be these : that the earl had an inten- 
 tion, and endeavoured to overthrow the fundamental go- 
 vernment of the kingdom by the law, and to introduce an 
 arbitrary power ; and to that purpose, that he had an army 
 ready in Ireland, which should have been brought over 
 into this kingdom, whicli some persons undertook upon 
 Ihoir reputations to prove, though (they said) the particu-
 
 APPENDIX, B. 521 
 
 lars at that time were not fit for many reasons to be disco- 
 vered. Then many exorbitant speeches and actions in Eng- 
 land and Ireland, said and done by him, were remembered. 
 But two particulars, one as a ground, the other as a reason, 
 were especially given, for the speedy accusing him of high 
 treason, which prevailed over many. ^To those who were 
 known to have no kindness for him, and seemed to doubt 
 whether all the particulars alleged, being proved, would 
 amount to high treason, it was alleged, that the house of 
 commons were not judges, but only accusers ; and that the 
 lords were the proper judges, whether such a complication 
 of enormous crimes in one person did not amount to the 
 highest offence the law took notice of; and therefore that it 
 was fit to present it to them. In the next place, that it was 
 most necessary immediately to accuse him of high treason, 
 by which probably the lords would think fit to remove him 
 from the king''s presence : whereas, if that were not, his in- 
 terest and activity was such, as he would be able to render 
 all their good endeavours for the commonwealth fruitless. 
 With these reasons, and the warmth of six or seven hours'* 
 debate, in which many instances were given of most ex- 
 travagant power exercised by him, (which being so unlike 
 any thing they had before heard of, men the more easily 
 called treason,) it was concluded, that an accusation of high 
 treason should be immediately sent up against him ; which 
 was by Mr. Pym (accompanied by very many of the house 
 of commons) carried up to the lords'" bar about four of the 
 clock in the afternoon, that house sitting then by instinct, 
 though the doors of the house of commons had been shut, 
 and no member suffered to go out during the whole agita- 
 tion. The accusation was no sooner delivered, and the mes- 
 sengers retired to expect an answer, than the earl (who 
 came in that article into the house) was commanded to 
 withdraw, and presently brought to the bar on his knees, 
 and from thence committed to prison to the gentleman 
 
 » At this part of the manuscript C. this part is taken, and directing that 
 
 is a mark apparently by lord Claren- this paragraph should be, as it is, in- 
 
 don, answering to a similar mark in serted in that particular part of the 
 
 MS. B. from whence the history in history. See Hist. p. 304. line 24.
 
 522 APPENDIX, B. 
 
 usher of the black rod, without so much as a pause, whe- 
 ther a bare accusation of treason, without any particular 
 charge, were ground enough to commit a member of their 
 own body ; which was not then thought fit to be doubted. 
 
 [The subsequent proceecUngs of the house of commons, with 
 respect to the lord keeper Finch and archbishop Laud, in 
 the printed history, are taken from the same manuscript 
 as the above extract. The follo-icing relation of the same 
 transactions is copied from 3IS. B. p. 105.] 
 
 It began now to be observed, that all the public profes- 
 sions of a general reformation, and redress of all tlie griev- 
 ances the kingdom suffered under, were contracted into a 
 sharp and extraordinary prosecution of one person they 
 had accused of high treason, and within some bitter men- 
 tion of the archbishop ; that there was no thought of dis- 
 missing the two armies, which were the capital grievance 
 and insupportable burden to the whole nation; and that 
 instead of questioning others, who were looked upon as the 
 causes of greater mischief than either of those they pro- 
 fessed so much displeasure against, they privately laboured, 
 by all their offices, to remove all prejudice towards, at 
 least all thoughts of prosecution for, their transgressions; 
 and so that they had blanched all sharp and odious men- 
 tion of ship-money, because it could hardly be touched 
 without some reflection upon the lord Finch, who had 
 acted so odious a part in it, and who, since the meeting in 
 the great council at York, had rendered himself very gra- 
 cious to them, as a man who would facilitate many things 
 to them, and therefore fit to be preserved and protected. 
 Whereupon the lord Falkland took notice of the business 
 of ship-money, and very sharply mentioned the lord Finch 
 as the principal promoter of it; and that being then a 
 sworn judge of the law, he had not only given his own 
 judgment against law, but been the solicitor to corrupt all 
 the other judges to concur with him in their opinion : and 
 concluded, that no man ought to be more severely prose-
 
 APPENDIX, B. 523 
 
 cuted than he. It was very visible that the leading men 
 were much troubled at this discourse, and desired to divert 
 it; some of them proposing, in regard we had very much 
 great business upon our hands, and in necessary preparation, 
 we should not embrace too much together, but suspend the 
 debate of ship-money for some time, till we could be more 
 vacant to pursue it ; and so Avere ready to pass to some 
 other matter. Upon which Mr. Hyde insisted, upon what 
 the lord Falkland had said, there was a particular of a very 
 extraordinary nature, which ought to be examined without 
 delay, because the delay would probably make the future 
 examination to no purpose. And therefore proposed, that 
 immediately, whilst the house was sitting, a small com- 
 mittee might be appointed, who, dividing themselves into 
 the number of two and two, might visit all the judges, and 
 ask them apart, in the name of the house, what messages 
 the lord Finch, when he was chief justice of the court of 
 common pleas, had brought to them from the king in the bu- 
 siness of ship-money, and whether he had not solicited them 
 to give judgment for the king in that case. Which motion 
 was so generally approved by the house, that a committee 
 of eight, whereof himself was one, was presently sent out of 
 the house, to visit the several judges, most whereof were at 
 their chambers. And justice Crook, and some other of the 
 judges, being surprised with the questions, and pressed ear- 
 nestly to make clear and categorical answers, ingenuously 
 acknowledged, that the lord chief justice Finch had fre- 
 quently, whilst that matter was depending, earnestly soli- 
 cited them to give their judgments for the king, and often 
 used his majesty's name to them, as if he expected that 
 compliance from them. The committee, which had divided 
 themselves to attend the several judges, agreed to meet at 
 a place appointed, to communicate the substance of what 
 they had been informed, and agree upon the method of 
 their report to the house, which they could not make till 
 the next morning, it being about ten of the clock when 
 they were sent out of the house. 
 
 That committee was no sooner withdrawn, which con-
 
 524 APPENDIX, B. 
 
 sisted of all men of more temperate spirits than the princi- 
 pal leaders were possessed with, but, without any occasion 
 given by any debate, or coherence with any thing proposed 
 or mentioned, an obscure person inveighed bitterly against 
 the archbishop of Canterbury ; and there having been a 
 very angry vote passed the house two days before, upon a 
 sudden debate of the canons which had been made by the 
 convocation, after the dissolution of the last parliament, (a 
 season in which the church could not reasonably hope to do 
 any thing that would find acceptation,) upon which debate 
 they had declared by a vote that those canons were against 
 the king''s prerogative, the fundamental laws of the realm, 
 the liberty and property of the subject ; and that they con- 
 tained divers other things, tending to sedition, and of dan- 
 gerous consequence; Mr. Grimston took occasion, from 
 what was said of the archbishop, to put them in mind of 
 their vote upon the canons; and said, that their presumption 
 in sitting after the dissolution of the parliament, contrary 
 to custom, if not contrary to law, and the framing and con- 
 triving all those canons, which contained so much sedition, 
 was all to be imputed to the archbishop; that the Scots had 
 required justice against him for his being a chief incen- 
 diary and cause of the war between the two nations ; that 
 this kingdom looked upon him as the author of all those 
 innovations in the church which were introductive to popery, 
 and as a joint contriver with the earl of Strafford to involve 
 the nation in slavery: and therefore proposed that he might 
 be presently accused of high treason, to the end that he 
 might be sequestered from council, and no more repair to 
 the presence of the king, with whom he had so great credit, 
 that the earl of Strafford himself could not do more mis- 
 chief by his counsels or infusions. This motion was no 
 sooner made, but seconded and thirded, and found such a 
 general acceptation, that without considering that, of all the 
 envious particulars whereof he stood reproached, there was 
 no one action which amounted to treason, they forthwith 
 voted that it should be so, and immediately promoted Mr. 
 Grimston to the message : who presently went up to the
 
 APPENDIX, B. 625 
 
 house of peers ; and being called in, in the name of all the 
 commons of England accused the archbishop of Canter- 
 bury of high treason, and other misdemeanours : and con- 
 cluded in the same style they had used in the case of the 
 lord lieutenant of Ireland. Upon which the poor archbi- 
 shop (who stoutly professed his innocence) was brought to 
 the bar upon his knees, and thence committed to the cus- 
 tody of Maxwell, the gentleman usher of the black rod, 
 (from whence the earl of Strafford had been sent few days 
 before to the Tower;) where he remained many months 
 before they brought in a particular charge against him. 
 
 Notwithstanding which brisk proceeding against the arch- 
 bishop, when the committee the next morning made their 
 report of what the several judges had said concerning the 
 lord Finch, they were wonderfully indisposed to hear any 
 thing against him: and though many spake with great 
 sharpness of him, and how fit it was to prosecute him in 
 the same method and by the same logic they had pro- 
 ceeded with the other two ; yet they required more particu- 
 lars to be formally set down of his miscarriage, and made 
 another committee to take further examinations, in which 
 committee Mr. Hyde likewise was. And when the report 
 was made, within few days, of several very high and im- 
 perious miscarriages, besides what related to ship-money, 
 upon a motion made by a young gentleman of the same 
 family, who pretended to have received a letter from the 
 lord keeper, in which he desired to have leave to speak in 
 the house, before they would determine any thing against 
 him, the debate was suspended for the present, and liberty 
 ^ven him to be there, if he pleased, the next day. At which 
 time, having likewise obtained the permission of the peers to 
 do what he thought good for himself, he appeared at the bar; 
 said all he could for his own excuse, more in magnifying 
 the sincerity of his religion, and how kind he had been to 
 many preachers, whom he named, and whom he knew were 
 of precious memory with the unconformitable party; and con- 
 cluded with a lamentable supplication for their mercy. It 
 was about nine of the clock in the morning when he went
 
 526 APPENDIX, B. 
 
 out of the house : and when the debate could no longer be 
 deferred what was to be done upon him, and when the sense 
 of the house appeared very evidently, notwithstanding all 
 that was said to the contrary, by those eminent persons who 
 promoted all other accusations with the utmost fury, that 
 he should be accused of high treason in the same form the 
 other two had been, they persisted still so long in the de- 
 bate, and delayed the putting the question, by frequent in- 
 terruptions, (a common artifice,) till it was twelve of the 
 clock, and till they knew that the house of peers was risen, 
 (which they were likewise easily disposed to, to gratify the 
 keeper ;) and then the question was put, and carried in the 
 affirmative, with very few negatives; and the lord Falk- 
 land appointed to carry up the accusation to the house of 
 peers ; which they knew he could not do till the next morn- 
 ing : and when he did it the next morning, it appeared that 
 the lord Finch had sent the great seal the night before, 
 and wisely withdrawn himself; and was soon after known to 
 be in Holland. 
 
 There was another accident about the same time, very 
 memorable, and fit to be inserted in this place : the raising 
 as much jealousy as was possible against the papists, and 
 making them as odious as formidable, was a principal part 
 of the design, and was to serve for several purposes, and so 
 was a part of every day''s exercise. The voluntary collec- 
 tion and contribution made by them, upon the queen's re- 
 commendation, upon the king's fa-st expedition against the 
 Scots, was urged, with all the bold reflections which could 
 be made upon that argument ; the public resort to Somerset- 
 house, to hear mass ; the late perversion of some persons of 
 honour to the Romish religion ; the reception of Con, and 
 after him of Rosetti, (who was then about the court, or 
 newly gone,) under a formal commission from the pope to 
 the queen; and the liberty given Wall, Jesuit and priest, 
 to resort into the kingdom, and to exercise their functions 
 here, was a part of every set discourse that was made. And 
 as much of this was intentionally to reflect upon secretary 
 Windebank, (who lay imder the reproach of favouring
 
 APPENDIX, B. 527 
 
 and protecting the Roman catholics, and for that and many 
 other reasons was very unpopular ;) so an unlucky occasion 
 brought him quickly upon the stage, which administered 
 somewhat of mirth. There was one Stockdale, a messenger 
 of the chamber, whose office is to wait upon the secretaries 
 of state, and to be sent and employed by them, who was 
 notorious for his zeal against the Romish priests, and for a 
 great dexterity in the discovery and apprehension of them. 
 This man had come to the secretary for his warrant to carry 
 one to some prison, who he said was a priest, who 
 
 did pervert very many, and of a very turbulent nature, 
 and did much mischief: that he knew where he lay, and to 
 what place he most resorted ; and so with great pains and 
 diligence apprehended him, and would carry him to the 
 gaol as soon as he had his honour's warrant : the man pre- 
 suming that he should have been very welcome to the se- 
 cretary for the discovery. But he quickly found the con- 
 trary ; for the secretary in much passion called him blood- 
 sucker, and told him he was a fellow taken notice of to be 
 of great cruelty, and to lie in wait for the blood of honest 
 men, who lived quietly, and gave no offence, and forbade him 
 to trouble him more in such occasions : upon which the terri- 
 fied messenger was well content his prisoner should go whi- 
 ther he would. Some months after, the priest was arrested, 
 and taken in execution for a greater debt than he was able, 
 or his friends willing to pay for him, and so put into prison, 
 there being no suspicion that he was a priest. But his friends 
 apprehended that discovery would be quickly made, and 
 that he would be then prosecuted with the utmost severity, 
 (he being a very active man, and obnoxious above others;) 
 and so resorted to the secretary, to lament the poor man's 
 condition, and so bespeak his favour, if the worst should 
 happen. The secretary sent for Stockdale, and asked him 
 what was become of such a priest, who was his prisoner : 
 he answered him, that his honour had been so angry with 
 him for the apprehension of him, that he durst no longer 
 detain him, and had so suffered him to dispose of himself. 
 The secretary replied, that answer would not serve his turn ;
 
 59S APPENDIX, B. 
 
 that he had not been angry with him for his apprehension ; 
 but he remembered that he had spoken with him about it 
 at a time that he was very busy upon some despatch the 
 king had enjoined him, and so was unwilling to be inter- 
 rupted, and might possibly from thence speak angrily to 
 him. That he had received new information that that priest 
 was a dangerous man, and therefore that he should be very 
 solicitous to find him, and take him into his custody ; which 
 if he should fail to do, he would commit him to gaol for 
 him, for suffering him to escape ; for, having been his pri- 
 soner, he was to answer for liim ; and he knew what a priest 
 was by the law, and consequently what would become of 
 him for discharging him. The poor messenger, thus terri- 
 fied, said, he would use all the means he could to find him 
 out: and within a short time had intelligence (as there 
 never want false brothers to make these discoveries) that 
 the man was in such a prison ; where he found him, and 
 seized upon him as his prisoner. And the keeper of the 
 prison, when he knew he was a priest, and sent for by a se- 
 cretary of state, suffered him to take him away ; who went 
 with great joy to the secretary with his prisoner ; who com- 
 mended his diligence, and told him, he would take care to 
 lay the man fast enough from running away : and the mes- 
 senger being so discharged, the prisoner was likewise left 
 to look better to himself. It was not long before the cre- 
 ditor, at whose suit the priest had been taken in execution, 
 missed his debtor ; and thereupon brought his action against 
 the gaoler for an escape ; and he for his own indemnity 
 sued the messenger for rescuing his prisoner ; and the mes- 
 senger complained by petition to the house of commons, and 
 set out the whole proceedings. The petition was very ac 
 cep table, and read with great delight : and the secretary 
 himself, being then in the house, and hearing it read, gave 
 so ill an account of himself, (as he was a bashful speaker,) 
 that he was called upon to withdraw ; and so, according to 
 custom, retired into the committee-chamber : and the house 
 was scai'ce entered upon the consideration how they should 
 proceed against him, when a message came from the house
 
 APPENDIX, B. 529 
 
 of peers for a present conference ; which being consented 
 to, the house was adjourned : and the conference taking up 
 some time, the house being resumed, the managers desired 
 time till the morning to make their report : and thereupon 
 the house resolved to rise, and adjourned accordingly; 
 friends and enemies being well contented to suspend for the 
 present any further proceeding against the secretary ; who 
 took the opportunity, as soon as the house was up, to go to 
 his own house. And knowing well, that the house meant not 
 to give him over, and that the committee, who had made 
 inquiry into his actions, were furnished with many grievous 
 particulars, which he knew not how to answer, and amongst 
 the rest, that they had in their hands, which the keeper of 
 Newgate had delivered to them, some warrants under his 
 hand for the discharge and release of one or more priests, 
 after they were attainted, and after judgment had been 
 given against them, which must have been very penal to 
 him, it being neither of his office nor in his power to gi-ant 
 such warrants, nor in the gaoler's to have obeyed them; which 
 he had done, and so the men escaped : and so he lost no 
 time in withdrawing himself: so that when the house sent 
 for him, he was not [to] be found ; and within few days it 
 was known that he was landed at Calais. And so, witliin 
 less than two months from their first day of the sitting, the 
 parliament had accused and imprisoned the two gi'eatest 
 ministers of state, the archbishop of Canterbury, and the 
 lord lieutenant of Ireland, under a charge of high treason ; 
 forced the lord keeper of the great seal and the principal 
 secretary of state, to avoid the penalty of the like charge, to 
 leave their offices and the kingdom, and to fly into foreign 
 parts ; terrified all the privy-council, and very many of the 
 nobility and of the most considerable gentlemen of the 
 kingdom, with their votes upon commitment, and decrees 
 of the star-chamber, and upon lord lieutenants and deputies 
 lieutenants ; and frighted the bishops and all the cathedral 
 clergy with their arraignment of the canons. So that it was 
 no wonder that nobody appeared with courage enough to 
 provoke them by any contradiction. 
 VOL. I. Mm
 
 APPENDIX, C 
 
 REFERRED TO IN PAGE 349. 
 
 JL HERE cannot be a better instance of the unruly and 
 mutinous spirit of the city of London, which was the sink 
 of all the ill humour of the kingdom, than the triumphant 
 entry which some persons at that time made into London, 
 who had been before seen upon pillories, and stigmatized as 
 libellous and infamous offenders: of which classis of men 
 scarce any age can afford three such as Pryn, a lawyer, 
 Bastwick, a physician, and Burton, a preacher in a parish 
 of London, names very well known to that time ; who had 
 been all severely sentenced in the star-chamber, at several 
 times, for publishing seditious books against the court, and 
 the government of church and state : and having undergone 
 the penalties inflicted upon them by those sentences, con- 
 tinued the same practice still, in the prisons where the)"^ 
 were kept, and still sent out the most bitter and virulent 
 libels against the church, and the persons of the most emi- 
 nent bishops, that their malice could invent. For which, 
 being again brought into the star-chamber, ore tenus, they 
 with great impudence acknowledged what they were charged 
 with, and said they would justify the truth of all they had 
 said or \\Tit, and demanded that none of the bishops, who, 
 they said, were parties, and their declared enemies, might 
 sit in the court as their judges ; and committed many inso- 
 lencies, which enough provoked the court to be severe to 
 them ; which, upon a day set apart only for that debate, 
 with great solemnity most of the lords declared their parti- 
 cular judgments against them in set and formed discourses; 
 so that there was never a greater unanimity in any sen- 
 tence ; and they were judged to undergo corporal punish- 
 ment, and to remain prisoners during their lives; which 
 sentence was executed upon them with the utmost rigour. 
 And afterwards, upon the resort of persons to them in pri- 
 son, and by that means they finding still opportunity to
 
 APPENDIX, C. 531 
 
 spread their poison, they were all removed to several pri- 
 sons, Pryn to the Isle of Jersey, Bastwick to a castle in 
 North Wales, and Burton to the Isle of Scilly ; where they 
 remained unthought of for some years. This parliament 
 was no sooner met, but a petition was delivered by Bast- 
 wick's wife on the behalf of hor husband, which brought on 
 the mention of the other two, and easily procured an order 
 for the bringing them to the town, to the end they might 
 have liberty to prosecute their complaints ; and orders were 
 signed by the speaker of the house of commons to the seve- 
 ral governors of the castles where they were in custody, for 
 their safe sending up. Whether it were by accident or 
 combination, Pryn and Bastwick met together in the same 
 town and the same inn, two days short of London, and 
 were received and visited by many of the town and places 
 adjacent, as persons of merit, and to whom much kindness 
 and respect was due. The next night they came to Cole- 
 brook, where they were met by many of their friends from 
 London, and were treated with great joy and feasting ; and 
 being to come to London the next day, they were met by 
 multitudes of people, on horseback and on foot, who with 
 great clamour and noise of joy congratulated their reco- 
 very. And in this manner, about two of the clock in the 
 afternoon, they made their entry into London by Charing- 
 cross; the two branded persons riding first, side by side, 
 with branches of rosemary in their hands, and two or three 
 hundred horse closely following them, and multitudes of 
 foot on either side of them, walking by them, every man on 
 horseback or on foot having bays or rosemary in their hats 
 or hands, and the people on either side of the street strew- 
 ing the way as they passed with herbs, and such other 
 greens as the season afforded, and expressing great joy for 
 their return. Nor had any minister of justice, or magistrate, 
 or the state itself, courage enough to examine or prosecute 
 in justice any persons who were part of that riotous assem- 
 bly, whereof there were many citizens of good estates ; so 
 low the reputation of the government was fallen, and so 
 heartless all who should have supported it. 
 
 M m 2
 
 APPENDIX, D. 
 
 REFERRED TO IN PAGE 361. 
 
 tllTHERTO the vast burden of fourscore thousand 
 pounds a month for the two armies was supported by par- 
 ticular loans and engagements of particular persons, no bill 
 of subsidies being yet preferred; and in those loans and 
 engagements, no men so forward as the great reformers be- 
 fore mentioned : and their policy in this was very notable. 
 If subsidies had been granted at first, proportionable to the 
 charge, (as naturally was expected,) a stock of credit would 
 have been raised, whereby monies might have been had for 
 the disbanding both armies, which they had not mind to, as 
 Mr. Stroud once said, when that point was pressed, and 
 that the Scots might return ; that they could not yet spare 
 them, for the sons of Zeruiah were too strong for them. 
 Then, they made their own merit and necessary use appear, 
 that the great occasions of the kingdom, and the preserving 
 it from two great armies, depended upon their interest and 
 reputation ; and therefore they suffered the Scots"' commis- 
 sioners sometimes in great disorder to press for money, 
 when none was ready, and to declare, that if it were not re- 
 turned by such a day, their army must necessarily advance 
 to change their quarters ; that so their dexterity might ap- 
 pear in suppressing or supplying that importunity. In the 
 last place, the task of borrowing of money gave them op- 
 portunity of pressing their own designs to facilitate their 
 work ; as, if any thing they proposed in the house was 
 crossed, presently the city would lend no more money, be- 
 cause of this or that obstruction : tlie particulars whereof, 
 and the advantages they had by it, will be mentioned sea- 
 sonably. At last, rather for the support of their own ere-
 
 APPENDIX, D. 533 
 
 dit, than the supply of the kingdom, a bill was prepared 
 for six subsidies, to be received by persons appointed by 
 themselves, without ever passing through the king's exche- 
 quer ; for which there was a natural excuse, that it would 
 hardly discharge the present engagements, and so was pro- 
 perly to be received by them who had before advanced the 
 money ; yet, according to the formality of parliament, and 
 as if 8ec. as in Hist, page 367, line 10.
 
 APPENDIX, E. 
 
 REFERRED TO IN PAGE 446. 
 
 Within two or three days after this time, the earl of 
 Bedford, who was the only man of that authority with the 
 leaders, that he could to some degree temper and allay 
 their passions, as being most privy to their ambitions, fell 
 sick of the small-pox, and in few days died ; which put an 
 end, at least for the present, to all treaties at court. For 
 though the lord Say, (who was already master of the wards, 
 in the place of the lord Cottington, who wisely withdrew 
 from that office to accommodate him, as he had done before 
 from the chancellorship of the exchequer for the accommo- 
 dation of Mr. Pym,) that he might succeed him in his 
 pretence to the treasurer''s staff, was very wiling to succeed 
 him in the moderate pretences, and would have been con- 
 tented to have preserved the life of the earl of Strafford ; 
 yet neither his credit with the king, nor his authority with 
 his confederates, was equal to the other's : and so they pro- 
 ceeded with all imaginable fury against that unfortunate 
 great man, till they had taken away his hfe. The manner of 
 that trial, and the proceeding afterwards against him by 
 bill of attainder, and the drawing down the tumult to 
 Westminster, for the facilitating the passage of that bill in 
 the house of peers ; the fixing up the names of those who 
 dissented from it in the house of commons, as enemies to 
 their country; the application to the king by the bishop of 
 Lincoln, (then made archbishop of York,) to satisfy him in 
 point of conscience; the drawing down the tumvilts again 
 to Whitehall, to cry out for justice; the king's unwilling 
 consent to that bill ; and the behaviour and courage of the 
 car] at his death ; the advantage the governing party had
 
 APPENDIX, E. 535 
 
 from the discovery of a senseless combination, or rather a 
 foolish communication between some officers of the army, 
 who betrayed each other, upon which Wilmot, Ashburn- 
 ham, and Pollard, three members of the house, were com- 
 mitted to prison, Perry, Jermin, and some others, fled the 
 kingdom ; the protestation that thereupon was entered 
 into by the house of commons for the defence of the privi- 
 leges of parhament, which was taken throughout the king- 
 dom, though it was rejected by the house of peers ; the mis- 
 chievous use that was made of that protestation; are all 
 particulars worthy to be mentioned at large, in the history 
 of that time, though they do not properly belong to the 
 discourse ^ we are now engaged in. 
 
 » Tliis extract, it will be perceived, is taken from the original manuscript 
 of the Life.
 
 APPENDIX, F. 
 
 REFERRED TO IN PAGE 47T. 
 
 About the same time, another bill sent to the lords 
 from the commons had the same fate with that for the pro- 
 testation, and were the two only acts the lords to that time 
 had refused to concur in. The government of the church 
 by bishops was of that general reverence, that notwith- 
 standing the envy and malice that the persons of many of 
 them had contracted, and notwithstanding the malignity 
 the Scotch nation had expressed even to the function, 
 ■there appeared not in many persons of consideration any 
 intention to extirpate that order; but very many who seemed 
 to be friends to that, (and some that really were so,) both of 
 the house of peers and commons, were importunate (and 
 had entered into a combination to that purpose) to remove 
 the bishops from sitting in the house of peers : and to that 
 end a bill was prepared and brought into the house of 
 commons ; where, though it received some opposition, by 
 many who well foresaw that the taking away that essential 
 part of their dignity would be a means, in a short time, to 
 confound what was left, and that they who were in truth 
 enemies to them would never compound for less than an 
 abolition, but would hereafter urge this as an argument for 
 the other, whatever pretences they made, as some of the 
 most violentest of them then, and who have since pursued 
 them to the death, did publicly profess, and the principal 
 of them protested to the king, that they would never at- 
 tempt or wish any other alteration, than the removing them 
 out of the house of peers; and although it was informed 
 by those who well enough understood what they said, that 
 the passing such a law would make a great alteration in the
 
 APPENDIX, F. 53T 
 
 frame and constitution of parliaments, by reason that the 
 bishops were the representative body of the clergy, and so 
 made up the third estate ; yet that last substantial and un- 
 answerable argument being understood by few, and having 
 been formerly too peremptorily and unskilfully rejected by 
 the clergy themselves, who would have found out and fan- 
 cied another title of sitting there ; and many really believing 
 that this degradation would abate the edge of that po- 
 pular envy which otherwise threatened to cut off the order 
 by the roots: others in truth thinking that twenty-four 
 voices declared upon the matter for the crown, did or might 
 too much prejudice the commonwealth in the house of 
 peers, some being so angry with particular bishops upon 
 matter of interest and title, that they sacrificed their reason 
 and their conscience to their revenge : whilst they who had 
 vowed their utter destruction and extirpation, well knew 
 that this progress was most necessary for their end; and 
 that the only way to rid them out of the church was first to 
 rid them out of the house, that so there might be twenty- 
 four voices less to oppose the other. The bill passed the 
 house of commons, and was transmitted to the lords, where 
 it received several solemn debates ; and at last, after very 
 grave agitation, about the time that the bill for the pro- 
 testation was cast out, by the consent of above three parts 
 of four, it was likewise rejected : the which was no sooner 
 known, than the house of commons let themselves loose 
 into as great passion as they had formerly done upon the 
 protestation, expressing great indignation that the lords 
 should refuse to concur with them in any thing they pro- 
 posed. And thereupon they caused a short bill to be pre- 
 pared for the utter abolition of archbishops, bishops, deans 
 and chapters out of the church of England, which was 
 brought into the house of commons A^ithin three days after 
 the other was refused above, he that preferred it using 
 these verses of Ovid, after some sharp mention of the lords' 
 non-concurrence ; 
 
 Cuncta prills tentanda, sed immedicabile vtdmis 
 
 Ense rec'idendnvi est, &c. 
 VOL. I. N n
 
 538 APPENDIX, F. 
 
 which bill was shortly after committed, and took up the 
 whole time of the house for near eight weeks together, till 
 they found it was easier to resolve to destroy the govern- 
 ment that was, than to agree upon any other in the place 
 of it ; and till their own clergy, who most passionately and 
 seditiously laboured to overthrow bishops, deans, and chap- 
 ters, declared publicly at the bar, (where they were licensed 
 to speak in answer to what some cathedral men alleged for 
 their corporation,) that though it was very fit and just to 
 take away the lands of the church from the bishops, deans, 
 and chapters, which now enjoyed them, yet that it was not 
 lawful to alien those lands to any profane or lay use : which 
 being so contrary to their ends who principally pursued 
 the extirpation, caused them for a time to give over that 
 violent prosecution, and to suffer the bill to sleep. 
 
 END OF VOL. I.
 
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