GIFT OF SEELEY W. MUDD and GEORGE I. COCHRAN MEYER ELSASSER DR. JOHN R. HAYNES WILLIAM L. HONNOLD JAMES R. MARTIN MRS. JOSEPH F. SARTORI to the UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA SOUTHERN BRANCH JOHN FISKE THE HISTORY OF THE REBELLION, BY EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. IN EIGHT VOLUMES. Kr^/xa e^ oce'i. Thucyd. Ne quid falsi d'tcere audeat, ne quid veri non audeat. Cicero. THE HISTORY OK THE REBELLION AND CIVIL WARS IN ENGLAND TO WHICH IS ADDED AN HISTORICAL VIEW OF THE AFFAIRS OF IRELAND, BY EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. A NEW EDITION, EXHIBITING A FAITHFUL COLLATION OF THE ORIGINAL MS., WITH ALL THE SUPPRESSED PASSAGES; ALSO THE UNPUBLISHED NOTES OF BISHOP WARBURTON. VOL. L OXFORD, AT THE CLARENDON PRESS. MDCCCXXVI. -> 7 h a =■> '■■■>. J. . • • t • • • V ' advp:rtisement. Jl HE present edition of the History of the Rebel- lion has been carefully collated with the original manuscript of lord Clarendon ; of Avhich, as well as of the transcript employed by the sons of the noble historian in printing the first edition, it may be ex- pected that some account should be given. , Lord Clarendon began the History of the Rebel- lion on the 18th of March l64i, in the island of Scilly ; and continued it to the end of the seventh book, (with portions of the three following books,) ^'' during his subsequent residence in the island of Jersey, previously to the year 1648, as appears from the dates prefixed to those several portions as they ^ were respectively entered upon, and finished ; and that he did not proceed further until some years after his banishment, appears likewise from the same source of information. Indeed, before the completion of this History, it was *' supposed by his family ''," (and the supposition seems to carry with it great pro- bability,) " that seeing an unjust and cruel persecu- " tion prevail against him, he was induced to alter " the original plan of his work, by writing the par- " ticular history of his own life, from his earliest " days down to the time of his disgrace, as the most ^ See preface to the first edition of his Life. VOL. I. a ii ADVERTISEMENT. " effectual means of vindicating his character ; — but " afterwards, on more mature thoughts, his great " benevolence and public spirit prevailed on him to " drop the defence of his own private character, and " resume his original plan of the History of the « Rebellion." But as great portions of the life were to be ex- tracted, and inserted in their proper places in the History, (for which purpose he had introduced in the different manuscripts proper marks and memoranda,) his secretary, Mr. Shaw, was employed to make a fair transcript. This transcript could not have been finished long before lord Clarendon's death ; for the original manuscript was not completed till 1673, and his lordship died in the following yeai'. It is na- tural, therefore, to suppose that the transcript was never revised by the author. Indeed some remarks upon it by archbishop Sancroft, to whom it was submitted, confirm that supposition ; for, to name only one instance, when Shaw had copied into the History a portion from the Life, instead of writing, " the chancellor of the exchequer," he inserted the words, " the person whose life is here set down ;" which words, as referring to lord Clarendon, and as relating to his life, were perfectly intelligible, but when introduced into the Historv of the Rebellion, naturally excited the archbishop's astonishment. Such inaccuracies (of which many more could be given) might of themselves have induced the first editors ADVERTISEMENT. iii to procure a more correct copy of their father's work''. Besides, lord Clarendon had in his will directed them to consult archbishop Bancroft and bishop IVIorley as to the suppression or publication of his manuscripts ; and, under this direction, they were doubtless justified in withholding some parts of the history, which, for many reasons, were at that moment vmfit for publication. Certain it is, that when lord Clarendon revised his ninth book in the summer of 1671, it was his decided opinion, that the pulse of the nation would not be able to bear such medicines. " Wherefore," says he, " as I " first undertook this difficult work with his (king " Charles I.) approbation, and by his encourage- " ment, and for his vindication ; so I enter upon " this part of it, principally, that the world may " see {at least if there ever he a jit season for such " a communication y ivhich is not likely to he in " the present age) how difficult it was for a prince, " reduced to those straits his majesty was in, to find " ministers and instruments equal to the good work " that was to be done." But in addition to this, the immediate descendants of several of the principal actors in that tragedy were ^ Accordingly under the di- scribed by Mr. Wogan, a West- rection of Dr. Sprat, (then dean minster scholar, and the re- ef Westminster, and after- mainder by Mr. Low, the bi- wards bishop of Rochester,) shop's secretary, the first five books were tran- a 2 iv ADVERTISEMENT. alive; many were high in favour'^, and deservedly so, with the reigning monarch ; others were connected with the noble editors by a political tie ^, if not by the closer link of friendship or alliance. The state of our foreign relations likewise operated no doubt in the same way, by preventing the insertion of the long, circumstantial, and for the most part unfavour- able, characters of the Spanish ministry, while a fear of tediousness would cause the omission of many pages respecting the amusement of the toros, &c. at Madrid, when their father was ambassador at the court of Spain. Even without any of the foregoing reasons, distance of time might have blunted the edge of their animosities ; common charity might have influenced them somewhat to soften even the merited severity of the historian ^ ; or to omit an unfavourable part ^ of a character not absolutely ne- cessary to illustrate any particular transaction. The *■ See the account of the con- rendon's MS. in the notes to duct and escape of lord keeper this edition. Finch, inserted in Appendix B. " In the character of bishop in vol. i. and bishop Warbur- Williams, the expression " he ton's remark upon it, vol. vii. " was the most generally abo- p. 540. " minated," is altered to " he '^ In the beginning of the " was generally unacceptable.'* sixth book, " the pleasant story And once lord Clarendon shews " then much spoken of at court ' his high displeasure of the loses much of its point by the Scottish nation by calling them suppression of the names of the "the vermin," which expres- persons concerned in that trans- sion his sons suppressed, action; their names will be ^ As in the character of lord found inserted, from lord Cla- Arundel. ADVERTISEMENT. v present collation however satisfactorily proves that the noble editors have in no one instance added, suppressed, or altered any historical fact. Since the History of the Rebellion was first pub- lished, much more than a century has passed away, and with it all those inducements to soften or with- hold severe remarks ; and as the genuineness of the \ work has at various times, however rashly, and for party purposes, been called in question, there can be no longer a reason to withhold any portion of the original matter. Accordingly, though the text is given as it was first published by the sons of lord Clarendon », it has been carefully collated with the author's original MSS. now in the Bodleian library ; and wherever it varies, even in a single word, such variation, as well as all the omitted parts, will be found either in the notes at the foot of the page, or in the Appendix at the end of the volume. The manuscripts are regularly paged. In the eighth book unfortunately there is a chasm of twenty-four pages ; excepting this small portion, the whole of what has been and is now made public, is to be found in them ; and this collation will, it is hoped, besides satisfying the curious by the insertion of the sup- pressed passages, establish the genuineness of the History beyond the reach of cavil. 8 Their transcript of the of the Life is designated as work is referred to in the notes MS. B. ; and that of the His- as MS. A. ; the original MS. tory as MS. C. vi ADVERTISEMENT. Shortly after this edition was put to the press, the dean of Worcester, now bishop of St. David's, informed the Delegates of the Clarendon Press, that a copy of the History, with numerous manuscript notes by bishop Warburton, was preserved in the Epi- scopal library at Hartlebury, bequeathed to the see of Worcester by the late bishop Hurd. The dean also kindly requested of the bishop of Worcester that these notes might be added to the present edition, which his lordship most readily and courteously permitted, having first consulted Mr. Hurd, the ne- phew and executor of bishop Hurd. That gentleman stated it to have been his uncle's opinion, that the notes would be published on some future occasion. The public are therefore deeply indebted to the bi- shops of Worcester and St. David's for much va- luable matter subjoined to the seventh volume. With respect to the History of the Rebellion in Ire- land, of which some doubts were once entertained, whether it was written by lord Clarendon, a few words must be added. About half of that History in the handwriting of lord Clarendon, and an entire transcript in the handwriting of his secretary, are in the Bodleian library. A marginal correction in the former exactly corresponds with the handwriting of the latter ; besides which, on the first leaf of the entire copy is to be seen lord Clarendon's motto, " Ne quid veri" &c. in his lordship's own hand- writing. It will be recollected, that this History ADVERTISEMENT. vii of the Rebellion in Ireland was written in defence of the duke of Ormonde ; and the entire copy is to be found among the Ormonde papers, formerly the property of Carte the historian. It has been thought advisable to compile an en- tirely new Index, embracing all the additional mat- ter now first published. Dates also have been added in the margin throughout the whole of the work. It is further proposed to publish without delay, as an accompaniment to this History, a new edition of the Life of Lord Clarendon, exactly upon the same plan, inserting all the passages which have been heretofore omitted. BULKELEY BANDINEL. Bodleian Libra?-?/, Jan. 14, 1826.' THE PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. At length comes into the world, i\\e Jirst volume of the History of the Rebellion, and Civil Wars in Engkmd, begun in the year 1641, icith the prece- dent passages and actions that contributed there- unto, and the happy end and conclusion thereof, by the king's blessed restoration, and return, upon the 2Qth of May in the ijear 1660 ; written by Ed- ward earl of Clarendon, once lord high chancellor of England, and chancellor of the famous university of Oxford. The first of these great dignities king Charles the Second had conferred on him, whilst he was yet in banishment with him; which he held, after the restoration, above seven years, with the universal approbation of the whole kingdom, and the general applause of all good men, for his justice, integrity, sound judgment, and eminent sufficiency in the discharge of that office ; a praise, which none of his enemies ever denied him in any time. The other he received from the choice of the university, who, upon the vacancy of that place, by the death VOL. I. b 2 THE PREFACE of the marquis of Hertford, then duke of Somerset, judged they could not better manifest their steadi- ness in the cause for which they had suffered, and their resolutions of adhering to their old principles, in support of the church of England, and the an- cient monarchical government of this kingdom, than in choosing to place the protection of their interest in both under the care of one, who had so early dis- tinguished himself, even from the first approaches of the civil war, in asserting and maintaining the dis- tressed rights of the church and crown. This history was first begun by the express com- mand of king Charles the First, who, having a de- I sire that an account of the calamities, God was I pleased to inflict on the unhappy part of his reign, should be reported to posterity by some worthy, ho- nest, and knowing man, thought he could not aji- point any one more adorned with such qualifications, than this author. It is a difficult province to write the history of the civil wars of a great and powerful nation, where the king was engaged with one part of his subjects against the other, and both sides were sufficiently inflamed: and the necessity of speaking the truth of several great men, that were engaged in the quarrel on either side, who may still have very con- siderable relations, descended from them, now alive, makes the task invidious, as well as difficult. We are not ignorant that there are accounts, contained in this following History, of some emi- nent persons in those times, that do not agree with TO THE FIRST EDITION. 3 the relations we have met with of the same persons, published in other authors. But, l)esides that they who put forth this History dare not take upon them to make any alterations in a work of this kind, so- lemnly left with them to be published, whenever it should be published, as it was delivered to them ; they cannot but think the world will generally be of opinion, that others may as likely have been mis - taken in the grounds and informations they have gone upon, as our author ; who will be esteemed to liave had opportunities, equal at least with any others, of knowing the truth ; and, by the candour and impartiality of what he relates, may be believed not to have made any wilful mistakes. However, all things of this nature must be sub- mitted, as this is, with great deference to the judg- ment of the equal reader ; who will meet, in his progress through this work, with many passages, that, he will judge, may disoblige the posterity of even well meaning men in those days : much more then of such as were crafty, cunning, and wicked enough to design the mischiefs that ensued : but he shall meet with none of malice, nor any but such as the author, upon his best infoi'mation, took to be impartially true. He could not be ignorant of the rules of a good historian, (which, Cicero says, are such Joundations, that they are known to every hody,) That he should not dare to speak any falsehood; and shoidd dare to speak any truth. And we doubt not, but through the whole progress of this History, he will be found to have given no b 2 4 THE PREFACE occasion of suspecting his writings guilty of 'partial favour, or unjust enmity; and we hope, that the representing the truth, without any mixture of pri- vate passion or animosity, will be so far from giving offence to any ingenuous man of this time, that it will be received rather as an instruction to the pre- sent age, than a reproach upon the last. Moreover, the tenderness that might seem due, out of charity, good manners, and good nature, to our countrymen, our neighbours, or our relations, hath been indulged a long space of time ; and might possibly be abused, if it should not give way, at last, to the usefulness of making this work public, in an age, when so many memoirs, narra- tives, and pieces of history come out, as it were on purpose to justify the taking up arms against that king, and to blacken, revile, and ridicule the sacred majesty of an anointed head in distress ; and when so much of the sense of religion to God, and of al- legiance and duty to the crown, is so defaced, that it is already, within little more than fifty years since the murder committed on that pious prince, by some men made a mystery to judge, on whose side was the right, and on which the rebellion is to be charged. We hope therefore it will be judged necessary as well as useful, that an impartial account of the most material passages of those unhappy times should at last come out ; and that we shall have the gene- ral approbation, for having contributed thus far to awaken men to that honesty, justice, loyalty, and TO THE FIRST EDITION. 5 piety, which formerly Englishmen have been valu- able for, and without which it is impossible any government, discipline, or authority can be long maintained. There is no doubt, but this good king had some infirmities and imperfections ; and might thereby be misled into some mistakes in government, which the nation, in parliament represented, might have reformed by moderate and peaceful counsels. But the reformation lost its name, and its nature too, when so many acts passed by him in parliament, that did restrain the prerogative of the crown from doing the mischiefs it had been taxed with, had not the effect they ought to have met with, of restrain- ing the people too from further demands ; and when the inordinate ambition, anger, and revenge of some of the great leaders could not be limited within any bounds, till thev had involved the nation in blood, destroyed many thousands of their own country- men and fellow citizens, and brought at last their own sovereign to lose his head on a scaffold, under a pretended form of an high court of justice, unpre- cedented from the beginning of the world ; and, to finish their work, had overthrown all the laws of their own country, in the defence of which, they would have had it thought, they had been obliged to draw their swords. AVithout question, every body that shall duly consider the whole account of these transactions, will be able to impute mistakes, miscarriages, and faults enough to both sides: and we shall leave b 3 6 THE PREFACE them to their own sedate and composed reflections. But we cannot omit making this one observation, that where any king by ill judgment, or ill fortune, of his own, or those intrusted by him in the chief administration of his government, happens to fall into an interest contrary to that of his people, and will pursue that mistake, that prince must have ter- rible conflicts in the course of his reign, which way soever the controversy ends. On the other hand, that people, who, though invaded and oppressed in their just rights and liberties, shall not rest satisfied with reasonable reparations and securities, but, hav- ing got power into their hands, will make unjusti- fiable use of it, to the utter subversion of that go- vernment they are bound in duty and allegiance to support, do but at last make rods for their own backs, and very often bring upon themselves, from other hands, a more severe bondage than that they had shook off*. To demonstrate this general observation, let it be considered in particular, what was the advan- tage this poor nation gained from all the victories obtained over king Charles in the field, and, after- wards, in the imprisoning, and prosecuting him to death : what amends did it make for the infringe- ment and prejudice, they complained of, in their rights and liberties, to set up the protector Crom- well, who, under a thousand artifices and cruelties, intended no other reformation, but, instead of whips, to chastise the poor people with scorpions ; and, in- stead of their idol commonwealth, which some had TO THE FIRST EDITION. 7 vainly imagined to themselves, to make himself that very hated thing, a king, which had been so abo- minable in his own sight? And after him, what did all the other several sorts of government, set up sometimes to gratify the ambition of one party, and sometimes of another, end in, but so many several ways of oppression ; which, after many years spent in exhausting the blood and treasure of their coun- try, at length made way for the happy restoration of the son and family of that king, (whom they had so barbarously brought to an untimely end,) with the utmost scorn and derision of all that had pretended to rule in his stead ? Here we might descend into particulars, to make out the other part of our observation, by giving in- stances, how some of our own kings have, unhap- pily, been led into very dangerous mistakes in their government ; and how many years have passed al- most in one perpetual strife, and unfortunate con- tention between the prince and the people, in points of the highest consequence ; and especially those, which have brought the prince, sometimes, under the disadvantageous suspicion of being in- clined to the love of arbitrary power, and favouring the popish religion ; than which the most mortal enemies to the crown of England cannot possibly contrive, or wish, more miserable circumstances for it to be involved in. But we are rather desirous to draw a veil over all the calamities, that have pro- ceeded fi'om this cause ; as well because the impres- b 4 8 THE PREFACE sions those mistakes have made, and the marks they have left behind them, will not easily be worn out ; as that it might look like insulting over their mis- fortunes, who have been the chief losers by them ; which we have in no kind the inclination or the heart to do : neither would we be thought to give countenance, by what we write, to the opinions of those, who would justify the rising up in arms of subjects, to do themselves right in any controversy between them and their king. Non hcBC 171 feeder a The nature of our excellent government hath provided, in the constitution of it, other remedies, in a parliamentary way ; wherein both the preroga- tive of the crown and the rights of the people may be better secured : and besides, we know to whom vengeance peculiarly belongs, and that he who chal- lenges that power to himself, will not suffer it to be communicated to any other. But we should think ourselves very fortunate, if, in the reflections we have been making on this sub- ject, we have represented the truth, on both sides, with that fah'ness and impartiality, in the perplexed condition of our own affairs, that all princes may see and judge, that it can never turn to their ad- vantage, to be in an interest contrary to that of their people, nor to give their subjects unreasonable provocations. For (as in other cases, where the laws both of God and man are too often broken, though very strict and positive, so in this point too) TO THE FIRST EDITION. 9 the people may not always be restrained from at- tempting by force to do themselves right, though they ought not. And we hope no less, that the people will be con- vinced, that it were wiser and better for them to obtain the redress of their grievances by such ways, as the ancient laws of this kingdom have provided : and that the constitution of king, lords, and com- mons, is the happiest composition of government in the world ; and so suited to the nature of English- men generally, that though it be expelled for a time, yet it will return. We would therefore heartily wish both for prince and people, if either of them should be guilty of any irregular deviations from their own channels, that they who are injured would content themselves with gentle applications, and moderate remedies, lest the last error be worse than the first : and above all, that whosoever may have a thought of ruling in this land, may be throughly convinced in his own judgment, that it is a crown of briers and thorns that must be set on his head, without he can satisfy all reasonable men, that it is his fixed prin- ciple and resolution, inviolably to defend our reli- gion, and preserve our laws. Upon the whole matter, we have often wondered, and rest still amazed, that any prince should care to govern a people against their nature, their incli- nations, and their laws. What glory can it be to a prince of a great spirit, to subdue and break the hearts of his own subjects, with whom he should 10 THE PREFACE live properly as a shepherd with his flock ? If two lovers, who should pass their time in renewing, re- peating, and returning all the offices of friendship, kindness, tenderness, and love, were, instead of that, unluckily contriving always to cross, oppose, and torment one another, what could be the effect of such a conversation, but vexation and anguish in the beginning, a short-lived correspondence, and ha- tred and contempt in the conclusion ? Our constitution is the main point ever to be re- garded ; which, God be praised, hath been pre- served through so many ages. For though there have been some men often found, and of great parts too, who, for their private advantages, are aiding, sometimes the monarch, and sometimes the party that would be a commonwealth, under specious pre- tences for the pubhc good, to exceed the limits the constitution hath pi-escribed in this country ; yet the nation still finds, in all ages, some truly public spirits, that preserve it from being long imposed upon. There is a craft, and a perpetual subtiity, that men of private interest must work with to sup- port their own designs : but the true interest of the kingdom is the plainest thing in the world : it is what every body in England finds and feels, and knows to be right, and they are not long a finding it neither. This is that interest, that is supported non tarn Jxima, quam sua vi ; its ov/n weight still keeps it steady against all the storms that can be brought to beat upon it, either from the ignorance of strangers to our constitution, or the violence of TO THE FIRST EDITION. 11 any, that project to themselves wild notions of ap- pealing to the people out of parliament, (a parlia- ment sitting,) as it were to a fourth estate of the realm ; and calling upon them to come and take their share in the direction of the public and most important consultations. This we conceive to be another way of undermining the ancient and true constitution, but not like to be more effectual than some others, that have been tried before ; since we have the experience that no violence, nor almost ruin, hath, hitherto, hindered it from settling again upon its old foundation. There hath been, within the compass of few years, much talk, and, God knows, too many ill ef- fects too, of factions in this kingdom ; and we have lived, in our days, to see the two great parties, of late known by the names of Whig and Tory, di- rectly change their ground ; and those, who were formerly the anti-courtiers, become as pliant and obsequious, as ever they were who had been the most found fault with on that score. But we are humbly of opinion, that, at this time of day, neither of those parties have the game in their hands, as they have formerly pei'haps fancied to themselves. But they who shall be so honest, and so wise, con- stantly to prefer the true interest of England to that of any other country or people, preserve the religion and the laws, protect and promote the trade of the nation, thriftily and providently administer the public treasure, and study to maintain the so- vereignty of our seas, so naturally, so anciently, and 12 THE PREFACE so justly the true defence of this kingdom ; that body, whomsoever it shall be composed of, shall have the weight of England on its side ; and if there can be any of another frame, they must, in the end, prove so many miserable rotten reeds. Well may other princes and states, whose situa- tion requires it for their own security, find it their interest, for the preservation of their credit and re- putation amongst their neighbours, to keep con- stantly in pay great numbers of land forces ; in which they are still vieing one with the other, and boasting who can raise his thousands, and who his ten thousands : but they will be found but young statesmen for our government, who can think it advisable, that the strength of this island should be measured by proportions so unsuitable to its true glory and greatness. As well might David have thought it requisite, when he was to encounter the great giant of the Philistines, that he likewise must have had a staif to his spear like a weaver's beam. But that man after God's own heart thought it more expedient to his advantage over the enemy he was to contend with, to come against him with arms that he had tried, and that he could wield. A^Tien Saul armed him with his own armour, and put an helmet ofhrass on his head, and armed him with a coat of mail, David himself says, he could not go with these, for he had not proved them. Which makes us a little reflect on the circumstances of our own nation, that, whereas the fleet of England hath been renowned, through so many ages, for the ho- TO THE FIRST EDITION. 13 nour and security of this kingdom, in these latter days, by an unaccountable improvidence, our care has been more industriously applied to the raising great numbers of land forces, than in maintaining and supporting the glorious ancient bulwarks of our country ; and when we have to do wdth an enemy, whom we so far excel in strength at sea, that, with a little more than ordinary application, we might hope to restrain his exorbitant power by our naval expeditions, we have employed our greatest indus- try, and a vast expense, to attack him by land in that part, where, by the strength of his numerous garrisons, he must be, for many years at least, in- vulnerable. But it is to be hoped the great allies themselves, to whom, we doubt not, the English nation wishes all happiness and prosperity, as being bound up with them in the same interest, will at last be sen- sible, that this kingdom cannot be useful to the common cause in any other way, so much as at sea. The situation of this country adapts it for advan- tages by sea : the trade of it enables it to go on with a war by sea : and neither of them can long bear a great expense of a war in a foreign land : the experience of former successes at sea makes the nation ever fond of employing its vigour there : and the perpetual jealousy that, some time or other, en- deavours may be used, by the increase of land forces, to advance another greatness, and another interest, will fix the genius of the nation still to depend on its greatness, and its security by sea. 14 thp: preface Sunder e pri?icipi quod oporteaf, 7nagni lahoris ; assentatio erga principem quemcunque sine qffectu peragitur, was a saying of Tacitus, and one of those that is perpetually verified. For we see, in all times, how compliance and flattery gets the better of ho- nesty and plain dealing. All men indeed love best those that dispute not with them ; a misfortune, whilst it is amongst private persons, that is not so much taken notice of; but it becomes remarkable, and grows a public calamity, when this uncomely obsequiousness is practised towards great princes, who are apt to mistake it for duty, and to prefer it before such advice as is really good for their service ; at least till the folly and vanity of such proceedings comes to be seen through ; and then the reward of their unseasonable courtship frequently overtakes the miserable authors, though the discovery come too late to preserve from ruin the master, who hath been deluded. An eminent poet of our own nation calls this flat- tery the food of fools ; and yet it is a plant so guarded and fenced about, so cherished and pre- served in all courts, that it never fails of bringing forth much wretched fruit ; and will ever do so, till God Almighty shall send such a discerning spirit into the hearts of princes, as may enable them to distinguish between those that serve to obtain their own ends, and those who have only in their view the true interest and honour of their masters ; and to punish, instead of encouraging, those bold corrupters of all right judgment, justice, honesty, and truth. TO THE FIRST EDITION. 15 If at any time it miglit be hoped this dangerous generation of men should be discountenanced, one might be allowed to look for it in an age, when a revolution hath been thought necessary to make a reformation : for where the foundations of the earth were taken to be out of course, more steadiness, a stricter virtue, and a more unlilameable administra- tion will be expected to come in the room of it. If princes would bear it, it would be an advan- tage to them, as well as happiness to their subjects, to hear plain and bold truths, when delivered with duty, and decency, and privacy, from their faithfid servants, in their own lifetime ; whilst they might yet redress and correct any mistakes of their judg- ment, or will. But because they generally defend themselves from those approaches by their great- ness, and the awe they usually strike on those that come near them, the next best way to incline them to reflect duly upon themselves, is to get them to read the memorials of times past : where they will see how those who have once governed the world are treated, when they are dead and gone ; and that it is the privilege and practice of all present ages, to speak without restraint of those that are past : as, we may be confident, the next that comes after this we live in, will not forget to put their stamp, and their censure, on what they shall judge good or bad in any part of it. And this truth will be allowed in all times, that a great king, who is known to govern in his own person, who is not managed by his ministers, but does himself give the direction. 16 THE PREFACE the life, and determination to all his commands, as he ought to have the glory, and the merit of his conduct and skill, brought to his own account with- out a rival, so he will have the misfortune of having the errors of his reign, if any there be, imputed likewise to himself. We have been led, from one step to another, fur- ther than the scope of a preface to this History might properly have drawn us, were it not that the observation of the miscarriages in former times, con- tinued down by degrees, as we conceive, from the like mistake, and the like root of animosity and dis- content, had engaged us to make some remarks on the most eminent of them, and to lay them together in one view, for every man's calm judgment and animadversion, as the best means, in our opinion, to prevent any such for the future. Which makes us hope the reader will not be offended with some ex- cursions, upon publishing such a work, that hath so much of information and instruction in it, that it must furnish to every one great variety of reflec- tions ; and, amongst others, the observation of this particular, and almost continual misfortune to all princes, who are apt to think that, out of the great numbers of their subjects, and the crowd of their courtiers and flatterers, they can never want a sup- ply of just and faithful servants; which makes them so little value, and so often throw away, their best and ablest ministers ; whereas there is in truth no- thing so difficult for a prince, as to find a good, ho- nest, just, well tempered, and impartial servant ; and TO THE FIRST EDITION. 17 it is almost impossible to preserve him long. For whosoever comes to the yoke of true painful drudgery in his master's service, from that moment creates to himself so many industrious enemies, as he cannot gratify in all their several wild preten- sions, to displace and destroy him. So that such a man's station must be extreme slippery, and his fa- vour oftentimes shortlived, whose whole time being taken up in promoting the solid greatness of his master, and the good of his country, he cannot have leisure to take care of himself For whilst he is watching the enemies of the state, and laying foundations for the happiness of future times, as well as for the security of the present, and looking after all the parts of the administration ; that the rehgion of the land may be reverenced ; the justice of the nation unblemished ; the revenues of the crown carefully and honestly collected, and distri- buted with an equal hand of generosity and good husbandry, according to the several occasions that may require either; how can such a minister be watching the secret machinations of the enviers and underminers of his credit and honesty ? And there- fore he may be forgiven, if, being conscious to him- self of his own integrity towards the public, he con- temns the little arts of ill designing men ; by which however, from the first hour of his entering into the service of his master, he is continually pursued, till he is at length hunted down, and unavoidably de- stroyed at court. We do not intend here to write the particulars of VOL. I. c 18 THE PREFACE the life of this author ; but we may say in short, that such a figure as is here described of a great and superior minister, and, in some degree, of a fa- vourite too, this excellent man made, for about two years after the restoration of the king his master, who, during that time, relied entirely on his advice and conduct. There were indeed some other great and wise men, whom the king, for some consider- able time, consulted in his weightiest affairs. There was the earl of Southampton, then lord high trea- surer of England, with whom our author had al- wiiys an entire and fast friendship, and whom all men, that knew him, honoured for his great abi- lities, and eminent integrity. There was the duke of Albemarle, then lord general, who had the ho- nour and good fortune of bringing most things, and men, at that time to bear together, for the restora- tion of that king, and the royal family to the seat of their ancestors. There was the then marquis of Ormond, soon after his majesty's return made lord steward of the household, and lord lieutenant of Ireland; who had not only followed, but even graced his master's fortunes, in all the time of his exile, with the attendance of so eminent and me- ritorious a subject ; who had often ventured his person, and lost all his large estate in the steady pursuit of loyalty and duty to the crown, and zeal for the true religion. There was the earl of Sand- wich, who had, when admiral, and general at sea, to his share the glorious part of bringing the fleet of England, and the body of the English seamen, to TO THE FIRST EDITION. 19 concur in the king's restoration ; and had, before that time, been very meritorious towards his ma- jesty, as is mentioned at large in the ensuing parts of this History. These were the principal ; and be- sides these, there was one more, who, though in a different rank, was admitted, at that time, into the most intimate trust and confidence, old secretary Nicholas; who had served his two masters, king Charles the First and Second, with so much faith- fulness and integrity, as to be justly entitled to a part in the most important administration. But, without the least design of detracting from the cre- dit or interest of these great and honourable per- sons, we may truly say, our author had the pre- ference of them all in the king's favour and esteem ; and by his prudence, knowledge, and experience, in which he shared with the others, and his indefa- tigable labour and pains, wherein, it is most certain, they did not share with him, he had the happiness, without their envy, and with their concurrence, to have the greatest share in disposing the minds of the people, and the king too, to agree then on such measures in parliament, as laid the foundation of that peace, plenty, and prosperity this nation hath enjoyed since. He had the happiness to have the greatest share in preserving the constitution of our government entire, when the then present temper of the people was but too ready to have gone into any undue com- pliance with the crown. He had the happiness, amongst several other c 2 20 THE PKEFACE good acts of parliament, to have the greatest share in compassing and perfecting the act of oblivion and indemnity; the act for confirming judicial pro- ceedings ; and the act of uniformity ; by which the people of England were quieted in their minds, and settled in their possessions ; and the church of Eng- land redeemed from the oppressions it had lain un- der, and established and set up by the law of the land, as it was also by our blessed Saviour's promise to all those that serve him in holiness and truth, on that Rock, against which the gates of hell were not to prevail. This is that church, which desires to have her doctrine understood, as well as obeyed ; and which depends on the infallibility of scripture for her guide ; but never could be drawn to allow it to any mortal men, whether in a single person, or a greater number ; and which, of all the churches in the world, does most rationally inform her members in the practice of pure religion and undefiled to- wards God, with decency in worship, without affec- tation, superstition, or ostentation ; and obedience to the king, with due regard to the constitution and the laws of the land. By God's blessing on these means, our author had the happiness to leave last- ing monuments of his judgment and his piety; of his loyalty to his prince, and his entire love to his country. It was during the ministry of this person, and whilst he was in his greatest credit, that memorable expression was used, in one of king Charles the Se- cond's speeches to both houses : that in all his de- TO THE FIRST EDITION. 21 liberations and actions, his principal consideration should be. What will a parliament think of them ? Every body then knew, by whose advice that king was inclined to make that wise declaration. And certainly it had been happy for him, if he had always practised it ; and all England hath reason to wish, that all ministers had continued, to this day, to give the like wholesome counsel. HcB tihi erunt artes, said our author, to a king of England : Keep always well with your parliaments. Let no vain whimsey of the example of other countries, but utterly im- practicable in this, delude you. Keep always in the true interest of the nation ; and a king of England is the greatest and happiest prince in the world. How this person came first to lessen in his cre- dit, and afterwards, in the space of about five years, to fall quite out of that king's fav'our, to be dis- graced, as the language at court is, and banished, must be a little touched ; and we shall make an end. They who were then most concerned in his misfortunes, and felt the most sensible strokes of his majesty's displeasure in their family, have it not in their hearts to lay any thing hard at the door of that king, once a most gracious and indulgent mas- ter to our author, and who was certainly not of a disposition to do harsh things to any body ; and who, as we have reason to believe, out of the sense of unkind usage to the father, did afterwards, by his own singular goodness and favour, much against the mind of some in credit with him, draw his two c 3 22 THE PREFACE sons, who yet survive, into a very great degree of trust and confidence near him ; and particularly bestov^^ed on the second extraordinary marks of honour and bounty, that are to descend to his pos- terity. We take them both to be men of so much piety to their father, and so much spirit in themselves, that they would by no means be bribed to omit any thing upon this occasion, that might be of use or advantage to the honour of one they owe so much duty to ; if they could conceive, that there was need, at this time of day, to contribute to the justi- fication of his innocency. The world hath lasted long enough, since the misfortunes of this honour- able person, to be throughly convinced, that there was nothing in all those articles exhibited against him in parliament, that did in the least touch or concern him. One of his sons, then of the house of commons, offered in that house, that if they who accused him would but take the pains to prove to the house any one of the articles, and take which they would, if they made out but any one of them all, himself, and all his friends, woidd acknowledge him guilty of all. But there is no need now of the vindication of such a man, whom every body, in their consciences, do not only acquit of any crime, but all good men speak of with honour ; and who still lives in the opinion of all true Englishmen, in as high a reputa- tion as any man to this day. Yet, although we intend to decline all manner of TO THE FIRST EDITION. 23 reflection on the memory of that king, we may be allowed to say, that that excellently well natured prince, who did very few ill natured things in his reign, was prevailed upon, in this case, not only to put out of his service one of the most faithful and ancient servants then alive to his father, or himself, (which is not to be so much complained of; for it would be a hard tie indeed for a prince to be, as it were, married to his servants for better, for worse,) but to consent to an act of parliament, that obliged this his poor servant to end his days in banishment, with old age and infirmities to attend him : this might be thought a little hardhearted to inflict upon a man, who had the honour and happiness, in the more vigorous part of his life, to have led the king himself through his own exile, with credit and dignity, and in more honour and reputation, than usually attends unfortunate princes, that are de- prived of their own dominions ; and at last, in the fulness of God's own time, had the happiness to have so considerable a share in the conduct of his restoration. For it was by this author principally, / that the continual correspondence was kept up with the loyal party in England, in order to cultivate \ '■1 good thoughts of his majesty in the minds of his people, and to bring them, in some sort, acquainted with his temper and disposition, before they could know his person. This author likewise framed, disposed, and drew those letters and declarations from Breda, which had so wonderful an effect all over England, and were so generally approved here, c 4 24 THE PREFACE that they were, ahnost all, turned into acts of par- liament. Many perhaps may not unreasonably believe, that the marriage of the then duke of York with the daughter of this author might have been one great occasion, if not the foundation, of his fall ; and though it be most undoubtedly true, that this very unequal alliance was brought to pass entirely with- out the knowledge or privity of this author, but so much the contrary, that when the king, at that time, made him more than ordinary expressions of his grace to him, with assurances that this acci- dent should not lessen the esteem and favour his majesty had for him ; yet his own good judgment made him immediately sensible, and declare it too, to those he was intimate with, that this must certainly be the occasion of the diminution of his credit. The continual dropping of water does not more infallibly make an hollow in a stone, than the per- petual whispers of ill men must make impression in the heart of any prince, that will always lie open to hear them : nor can any man's mind be sufficiently guarded from the influence of continued calumny and backbiting. When the duke of York had made this marriage, it was not unnatural to those ill-minded men to suggest, that, for the time to come, that minister would be contriving advantages for the good of his own posterity, to the prejudice of his sovereign and master. What their wickedness, possibly, would TO THE FIRST EDITION. 25 have allowed them to practise, was ground enough to them for an accusation of his innocency. It was true, that the duke of York was become the chancellor's son-in-law ; and therefore they hoped to be believed, when they said, that to satisfy his ambition, he would forfeit his integrity ; which, God knows, was not true. Thus what Tacitus observes, in the time of Ti- berius, of Granius MarceUus, who was informed against to have spoken ill words of that emperor, was here, in some sort, verified on our author : Inemtahile crimen, says Tacitus concerning those words, nam, quia vera erant, etiam dicta credehan- tur. The aUiance was undeniable ; there were chil- dren born of it ; and the king was not blessed with any from his marriage. An inevitable crime laid on our author. For, because it was true, that there were children from one marriage, and not from the other, it was suggested, that both marriages had been so contrived by the chancellor : though the king knew very well, that his own marriage had not been first projected or proposed by this author ; and that he had often told his majesty, what suspicions there were in the world, that that great and virtu- ous princess might prove unfruitful. Another inevitable misfortune, which was then laid as a crime too on our author, was a report very falsely but very industriously spread abroad, that first begat a coldness, and, by degrees, very much disinclined a great many of the royal party to him ; 26 THE PREFACE a report, that he should have instilled into the king's mind a principle, that he must prefer his enemies, and advance them, to gain them to be his friends ; and for his old friends, it was no matter how he used them, for they would be so still. To which very scandalous misrepresentation we must give this true answer : It fell out indeed, that every man's expectation, that had laboured all the heat of the day in the vineyard, who had received wounds in their persons in the day of battle, or suffered in their fortunes or liberties, for the preservation of a good conscience during the usurpation of tyranny and anarchy, was not, and, alas ! could not be recompensed immedi- ately according to their merit, or the hopes they had entertained : and because it was true that they were disappointed, it was believed by some of them, that our author, being minister at that time, had instilled this damnable doctrine and position, that it was no matter how the king used his old friends : and because it was true that they were not consi- dered as they deserved, it must be believed, as they would have it, that he was the author of that ad- vice. It was true that the king, who was so wonder- fully restored with all that glory and peace, more perhaps upon the confidence of his declarations and promises from Breda, than any other human means, and who had thought it necessary to recommend, in his most gracious speech to both houses, upon the passing the act of indemnity, that all marks of dis- TO THE FIRST EDITION. 27 tinction and division amongst his subjects should be for ever buried and forgotten, did not think it for his honour, and true interest, to reign over a party only of his subjects; and therefore, immediately after his restoration, in order to the settlement of his court and family, the then earl of Manchester, whOvSe part every body remembered to have been very eminent, in the time of the rebellion, against king Charles the First, but wlio had industriously applied himself several years to the king, to make reparation for his former errors, and had been con- siderably serviceable to him in several occasions, was honoured with the office of lord chamberlain of the household; to let the kingdom see, how the king himself began with practising what he exhorted his subjects to, that admirable art of forgetfulness, when he put such a person into so eminent a station in the gov^ernment, near his own person. And it was certainly of advantage to the king, in the beginning of his settlement here, as well as a mark of justice in his nature, to let his subjects know and feel, that every one of them might capacitate himself, by his future behaviour, for any dignity and preferment. But it could never be in the heart of a man, who had been all along on the suffering side, to do his own party so base an office with the king, as this false report did insinuate. He might be of opinion that the fatted calf was to be killed, for the enter- tainment of the prodigal son, whenever he return- ed; that there might be no distinction of parties kept up amongst us : but he could never forget the 28 THE PREFACE birthright of the eldest son, who had served the king so many years, and had not at any time trans- gressed his commandment, and so well deserved that praise, and that reward. Son., thou art ever with me, and all that I have is thine. And yet this calumny, false as it was, was another inevitable crime, or at least misfortune. For without that opinion, which some of the royal party had sucked in, that the chancellor had abandoned their interest, it had been impossible to have engaged a majority in that par- liament to have consented to that act of banish- ment. God forgive the inventors and contrivers of that foul calumny ! But, by his almighty providence, who from heaven reveals secrets, it was not long before that party was disabused. For, though the chan- cellor for some time bore the blame, that they had not been more considered, it was quickly found, that it was not from him, but from the mistaken politics of the new statesmen, that they were designed to be neglected. Nor did they at all find themselves more taken notice of, after his removal ; nor have the several other parties in the kingdom, that have been cherished and countenanced in opposition to this, much declined, as we conceive, to this day. But after all, we are humbly of opinion, that it was neither of these above-mentioned unavoidable misfortunes, nor both together, that gave the fatal and last decisive blow to the fortune of this good man. The king had too good a judgment, and was too well natured, to have been imposed upon barely TO THE FIRST EDITION. 29 by such attacks as these ; which he knew very well himself, as to our author's guilt in them, were fri- volous and unjust. But there are always in courts secret engines, that actually consummate the mischiefs, that others, in a more public way, have been long in bringing to pass : and in this case there were two principal ones: The one, the interest of some of the zealots of the popish party, who knew this minister had too much credit in the nation, though he should lose it with the king, to suffer the projects, they perpetually had of propagating their religion, to take effect, whilst he should be in the kingdom : The other, the faction of the ladies, too prevalent at that time with the king, who were afraid of such a man's being near him, as durst talk to him, as he had several times taken the liberty to do, of the scandal of their lives, and reprove both the master and the mistresses, for their public unlawful conver- sations. Thus these two interests, joining their forces, were so powerful, that there was no resisting them, by a man, who could not make court to either. And so he fell a sacrifice to the ambition and malice of all sorts of enemies, who were desirous of getting new places to themselves in the court, and of trying new inventions in the state. And yet it is to be observed, that that king, who was, almost all his reign, ever labouring, with much pains, to get a little ease, which he might perhaps 30 THE PREFACE have attained with less trouble, and, no doubt, hoped, by getting rid of this old importunate coun- sellor, to terrify any man from presuming afterwards to tell him such bold truths, had scarce ever after any serenity in his whole reign : but those very wo- men, or others in their places, and the factions he himself had given countenance to, grew too hard for him, and tore him almost to pieces, sometimes in the favouring of one party, and sometimes of an- other, without steadiness of his own, or confidence enough in any of his servants, to guide him through those perplexities, that could not have been brought upon him, but by his own consent. We dare say, there were some hours in his life, that he wished he had had his old chancellor again ; who, he knew, was a more skilful pilot than any of his new statesmen : ( — Tempus erit, magno cum optaverit emptum Intactum) and that he had not, by his too much eagerness to get rid of one old servant, given too great an handle to have new measures and new counsels so often imposed upon him, throughout the whole remaining part of his life. Thus we have finished our Preface, which we thought incumbent on us to make, who had liv^ed to be acquainted with this author, and to have known his merit, that it might attend the publish- ing this History, to give the present age some in- formation of tlie character of him they are to read. And as we desired to perform it with respect to his TO THE FIRST EDITION. 31 memory, so we hope we have not exceeded the bounds of truth and modesty, which he himself would have taken unkindly from those that are doing this office to him. Whatever misfortunes he might have in his life ; whatever enemies he might have had ; or whatever errors he might have com- mitted, (which few men in his high stations escape quite clear of,) we presume to think he deserves, from all impartial men, the praise of an honest, just, and able servant to the church and crown, and to be ranked amongst the great and good ministers of state. And now we will conclude all, with a thanks- giving to God in Saint Luke, Gloi^y he to God on high, and on earth peace, good-will towards men. For God's name ought ever to be glorified in all his dispensations ; whether they be attended with the prosperities or adversities of this present world. We speak it knowingly, that our noble author did so throughout the course of his misfortunes, and that he did adore and magnify God's holy name, for all his mercies so plentifully bestowed upon him ; and particularly for giving him the courage and vir- tue constantly to act and suffer honourably through all the considerable employments of his life ; and, more especially, to endeavour to keep things even between the king and the people, (the everlasting labour of a faithful servant,) rather than advance his own favour, by unreasonably advancing the pre- rogative on the one hand, or his credit, by courting the popular interest, on the other ; which we hear- 32 PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. tily wish all men, in the highest authority under a king of England, may ever remember to practise. And whoever are acquainted with the sons of this noble author, must do tliem this justice to own, they have often declared, that they liave found themselves as well the better Christians, as the bet- ter men, for the afflicted as well as prosperous parts of their father's life ; which hath taught them, to be the less surprised with the various turns they have met with in the course of their own. With Saint Paul, they have learnt to know how to he exalted, and how to he ahased. This as Christians : and with Horace, who attributes more to fortune, they have learnt to have always in their minds, Laudo manentem : si celeres quatit Pe7inas, resigno quce dedit. And having thus glorified God on high, that they may do all in them lies towards promoting peace on earth, they do very heartily declare and profess good- will towards all men ; and bear no vmkindness to any that were the contrivers of the undeserved mis- fortunes of their noble father. DEDICATION PREFIXED TO VOL. II. OF THE FIRST EDITION. TO THE QUEEN. MADAM, Ao your majesty is most humbly dedicated this second part of the History of the Rebellion and Civil Wars, written by Edward earl of Clarendon. For to whom so naturally can the works of this author, treating of the times of your royal grand- father, be addressed, as to yourself; now wearing, with lustre and glory, that crown, which, in those unhappy days, was treated with so much contempt and barbarity, and laid low even to the dust ? This second part comes with the greater confi- dence into your presence, by the advantage of the favourable reception the first hath met with in the world ; since it is not to be doubted, but the same truth, fairness, and impartiality, that will be found throughout the whole thread of the History, will meet with the same candour from all equal judges. It is true, some few persons, whose ancestors are VOL. I. d 34 DEDICATION TO VOL. II. here found not to have had that part during their lives which would have been more agreeable to the wishes of their surviving posterity, have been of- fended at some particulars, mentioned in this His- tory, concerning so near relations, and would have them pass for mistaken informations. But it is to be hoped, that such a concern of kindred for their families, though not blameable in them, will rather appear partial on their side ; since it cannot be doubted, but this author must have had his mate- rials from undeniable and unexceptionable hands, and could have no temptation to insert any thing but the truth in a work of this nature, which was designed to remain to posterity, as a faithful record of things and persons in those times, and of his own unquestionable sincerity in the representation of them. In this assurance it is humbly hoped, it will not be unprofitable to your majesty to be here informed of the fatal and undeserved misfortunes of one of your ancestors, with the particular and sad occasions of them ; the better to direct your royal person through the continual uncertainties of the greatness of this world. And as your majesty cannot have a better guide, throughout the whole course of your reign, for the good administration of your govern- ment, than history in general, so there cannot be a more useful one to your majesty than this of your own kingdoms ; and it is presumed, without lying under the imputation of misleading your majesty, it may be asserted, that no author could have been OF THE FIRST EDITION. 35 better instructed, and have known more of the times and matters of which he writes, than this who is here presented to you. Your majesty may depend upon his relations to be true in fact ; and you will find his observations just ; his reflections made with judgment and weight ; and his advices given upon wise and honest princi- ples ; not capable of being now interpreted as sub- servient to any ambition or interest of his own ; and having now outlived the prejudices and partialities of the times in which they were written. And your majesty thus elevated, as by God's blessing you are, from whom a great many truths may be industri- ously concealed, and on whom a gi-eat many wrong notions under false colours may with equal care be obtruded, will have the greater advantage from this faithful remembrancer. This author, once a privy counsellor and minister to two great kings, and, in a good degree, favourite to one of them, hath some pretence to be admitted into your majesty's council too, and may become ca- pable of doing you service also ; whilst the accounts he gives of times past, come seasonably to guide you through the times present, and those to come. This History may lie upon your table unenvied, and your majesty may pass hours and days in the perusal of it, when, possibly, they who shall be the most useful in your service, may be reflected on for aiming too much at influencing your actions, and engrossing your time. From this History your majesty may come to d 2 so DEDICATION TO VOL. II. know more of the nature and temper of your own people, than hath yet been observed by any other hand. Neither can any living conversation lay be- fore your majesty in one view, so many transactions necessary for your observation. And seeing no prince can he endued in a moment with a perfect experience in the conduct of affairs, whatever know- ledge may be useful to your majesty's government, if it may have been concealed from you in the cir- cumstances of your private life, in this History it may be the most effectually supplied; where your majesty will find the true constitution of your go- vernment, both in church and state, plainly laid be- fore you, as well as the mistakes that were com- mitted in the management of both. Here your majesty will see how both those in- terests are inseparable, and ought to be preserved so, and how fatal it hath proved to both, whenever, by the artifice and malice of wicked and self-design- ing men, they have happened to be divided. And though your majesty will see here, how a great king lost his kingdoms, and at last his life, in the defence of this church, you will discern too, that it was by men who were no better friends to monarchy than to true religion, that his calamities were brought upon him ; and as it was the method of those men to take exceptions first to the ceremonies and out- ward order of the church, that they might attack her the more surely in her very being and founda- tion, so they could not destroy the state, which they chiefly designed, till they had first overturned the OF THE FIKST EDITION. 37 church. And a truth it is which cannot be contro- verted, that the monarchy of England is not now capable of being supported, but upon the principles of the church of England ; from whence it will be very natural to conclude, that the preserving them both firmly united together is the likeliest way for your majesty to reign happily over your subjects. The religion by law established is such a vital part of the government, so constantly woven and mixed into every branch of it, that generally men look upon it as a good part of their property too ; since that, and the government of the church, is secured to them by the same provision. So that it seems that, next to treason against your sacred per- son, an invasion upon the church ought to be watched and prevented by those wlio have the ho- nour to be trusted in the public administration, with the strictest care and diligence, as the best way to preserve your person and government in their just dignity and authority. Amongst all the observations, that may be made out of this History, there seems none more melan- cholic, than that, after so much misery and deso- lation brought upon these kingdoms by that unna- tural civil war, which hath yet left so many deep and lamentable marks of its rage and fury, there have hitherto appeared so few signs of repentance and reformation. Some persons will see, they are designed to be excepted out of this remark, whose conduct hath happily made amends for the mistakes of their an- d 3 O ■-:i ^J O-t 38 DEDICATION TO VOL. II. cestors, and whose practice in the stations they are now in does sufficiently distinguish them. Happy were it for the nation, had all the rest thought fit to follow so good examples, and that either acts of indemnity and oblivion, or acts of grace and fav^our, or employments of authority, riches, and honour, had hitherto been able to recover many of them to the temper of good subjects. The truth of this ob- servation is set forth by this author in so lively a manner, that one hath frequent occasions to look on him as a prophet as well as an historian, in several particulars mentioned in this book. That this remark may not look fro ward or angry, with great submission to your majesty, it may be considered, what can be the meaning of the several seminaries, and as it were universities, set up in di- vers parts of the kingdom, by more than ordinary industry, contrary to law, supported by large contri- butions ; where the youth is bred up in principles directly contrary to monarchical and episcopal go- vernment ? What can be the meaning of the con- stant solemnizing by some men the anniversary of that dismal thirtieth of January, in scandalous and opprobrious feasting and jesting, which the law of the land hath commanded to be perpetually ob- served in fasting and humiliation ? If no sober man can say any thing in the defence of such actions, so destructive to the very essence of the government, and yet impossible to be conducted without much consultation and advice, it is hoped this reflection will not be thought to have proceeded from an un- OF THE FIRST EDITION. 39 charitable and ill-natured spirit, but from a dutiful and tender regard to the good of the nation, and the prosperity of your majesty's reign. In the mean time, whether this does not look like an industrious propagation of the rebellious princi- ples of the last age, and on that score render it ne- cessary that your majesty should have an eye to- ward such unaccountable proceedings, is humbly submitted to your majesty ; who will make a better judgment upon the whole than any others can sug- gest to you : you have a greater interest to do it ; you have much more to preserve, and much more to lose ; you have the happiness of your kingdoms, your crown, and your government to secure, in a time of as great difficulties, as ever were yet known, under a very expensive war at present, and some circumstances attending it in relation to these na- tions, that may continue even after a peace ; besides the danger of a future separation of the two king- doms, very uncomfortable to reflect on ; which yet, in all probability, will have influence upon the pre- sent times too, if it comes once to be thought that it is inevitable. God give your majesty a safe and prosperous pas- sage through so many appearances of hazard; you can never want undertakers of divers sorts, who, ac- cording to their several politics, will warrant you success if you will trust them : but your real happi- ness will very much depend upon yourself, and your choosing to honour with your service such persons as are honest, stout, and wise. d 4 40 DEDICATION TO VOL. II. If informations of times past may be useful, this author will deserve a share of credit with you, whose reputation and experience were so great in his life- time, that they will be recorded in times to come for the real services he did, besides the honour, and gi'eat fortune, unusual to a subject, of having been grandfather to two great queens, your royal sister and yourself; both so well beloved and esteemed by your people ; both so willing and zealous to do good. Her power indeed was more limited and dependent ; but her early death made room for your majesty's more unrestrained and sovereign authority, and re- signed to yourself alone the more lasting dispensa- tion of those blessings that came from Heaven to you both. If the benefit your majesty may reap by the per- usal of this History, shall prove serviceable to after- times, it will be remembered to the praise and ho- nour of his name ; and your majesty yourself will not be displeased to allow his memory a share of that advantage ; nor be offended with being put in mind, that your English heart, so happily owned by yourself, and adored by your subjects, had not been so entirely English, without a communication with his heart too, than which there never was one more devoted to the good of his country, and the firm establishment of the crown. It being designed by this dedication only to in- troduce this noble author into your presence, it would be contrary to the intention of it to take up more of your majesty's time here ; it is best there- OF THE FIRST EDITION. 41 fore to leave this faithful counsellor alone with you. For God's sake, madam, and your own, be pleased to read him with attention, and serious and frequent reflections ; and from thence, in conjunction with your own heart, prescribe to yourself the methods of true and lasting greatness, and the solid maxims of a sovereign truly English : that during this life you may exceed in felicities and fame, and after this life, in reputation and esteem, that glorious prede- cessor of your majesty's, the renowned first Semper Eaclem, whose motto you have chosen, and whose pattern you seem to have taken for your great ex- ample, to your own immortal glory, and the defence, security, and prosperity of the kingdoms you go- vern. And God grant you may do so long. DEDICATION PREFIXED TO VOL. III. OF THE FIRST EDITION. TO THE QUEEN. MADAM, ▼\lTH all duty and submission comes into the world the last part of this History imder your ma- jesty's protection ; a just tribute to your majesty, as well on the account of the memory of the author, so long engaged, and so usefully, in the service of the crown, as of the work itself, so worthily memorable for the great subject he treats of, and so instructive, by his noble way of treating it. This work, now it is completely published, relates the transactions of near twenty years ; hardly to be paralleled in any other time, or place, for the won- derful turns and passages in it. In this space of time, your majesty sees your own country at the highest pitch of happiness and prosperity, and the lowest degree of adversity and misery. So that, when a man carries his thoughts and his memory over all the occurrences of those times, he seems to 44 DEDICATION TO VOL. III. be under the power of some enchantment, and to dream, rather than read, the relations of so many surprising revolutions. The peace and the plenty of this kingdom, and, in so short a space of time, the bloody desolation of it by a most wicked rebel- lion, the ruin of so many noble and great families, and the devastation of their estates ; and, after this, the restitution of all things as at the l>eginning, is hardly credible at this time, even so soon after aU these things came to pass. When your majesty sees one of your royal an- cestors, the first who lived to reign as heir to the two crowns of Great Britain united, and, on that account, higher in reputation, honour, and power, than any of his predecessors, brought, by unac- countable administrations on the one hand, and by vile contrivances on the other, into the greatest difficulties and distresses throughout all his king- doms ; then left and abandoned by most of his ser- vants, whom he had himself raised to the greatest honours and preferments ; thus reduced to have scarce one faithful able counsellor about him, to whom he ,could hreathe his conscience and com- plaints, and from whom he might expect one ho- nest, sound, disinterested advice : after this, how he was obliged to take up arms, and to contend with his own subjects in the field for his crown, the laws, his liberty, and life ; there meeting with unequal fortune, how he was driven from one part of the kingdom, and from one body of an army to another, till at last he was brought under the OF THE FIRST EDITION. 45 power of cruel and merciless men, imprisoned, ar- raigned, condemned, and executed like a common malefactor : and after this still, when your majesty sees his enemies triumphing for a time in their own guilt, and ruling over their fellows, and first companions in wickedness, with successful inso- lence, till these very men by force, and fraud, and sundry artifices, still getting the better of one an- other, brought all government into such confusion and anarchy, that no one of them could subsist ; and how then, by God's providence, the heir of the royal martyr was invited and brought home by the generality of the people, and their represen- tatives, to return, and take on him the govern- ment, in as full an exercise of it as any of his pre- decessors had ever enjoyed ; not subject to any of those treaties, or conditions, which had been so often offered by his father to the men then in credit and power, and, in their })ride and fury, had been as often rejected by them : when your ma- jesty sees before you all this begun, and carried on in violence and war, and concluded in a peace- ful restoration, within the space of twenty years, by Englishmen alone amongst themselves, without the intervention of any foreign power ; many of the same hands joining in the recovery and set- tlement, as they had done before in the destruc- tion, of their country ; your majesty will certainly say, This was the Lord's doing, and it must ever he marvellous in our eyes. 46 DEDICATION TO VOL. III. An account of this great work of God coming to be published in your majesty's time, it is humbly conceived not improper to congratulate your good fortune, that, in the beginning of your reign, such a history of the greatest matters, passed within your own dominions, comes to light ; as well for the ne- cessity there may be, after above forty years run out in a very unsettled and various management of the public affairs, to put men in mind again of those mischiefs under which so many great men fell on both sides, as in hopes, that on your majesty's ac- count, and for the glory of your name, whom your people have universally received with joy, this ge- neration may be inclined to let these fresh examples of good and evil sink into their minds, and make a deeper impression in them to follow the one, and avoid the other. From the year 1660 to very near 1685, which was the time of king Charles the Second's reign here in England, it must needs be owned, that, with all the very good understanding and excellent good nature of that king, there was a great mix- ture of counsels, and great vicissitudes of good and bad events, almost throughout that space of time attending his government. They seem indeed to be somewhat like the four seasons of the year ; of which three quarters are generally fair, hopeful, flourishing, and gay ; but there come as constantly severe winters, that freeze, wither, destroy, and cut off many hopeful plants, and expectations of things to come. OF THE FIRST EDITION. 47 It must be owned too, since it can never be con- cealed, that, from the beginning of the restoration, there was, certainly, not such a return to God Al- mighty for the wonderful blessings he had poured out with so liberal a hand, as, no doubt, was due to the great Author and Giver of all that happiness : neither was there such a prudence in the admi- nistration, or such a steadiness in the conduct of af- fairs, as the fresh experience of the forgone misfor- tunes might well have forewarned those that were intrusted in it, to have pursued with courage and constancy. It is but too notorious there was great forgetfulness of God, as well as manifest mistakes towards the world ; which quickly brought forth fruits meet for such undutifulness and ill con- duct. The next four years after that reign were at- tended with more fatal miscarriages ; over which it may be more decent to draw a veil, than to enter into a particular enumeration of them. Many great princes have been led unawares into irrecoverable errors ; and the greater they are, so many more particular persons are usually involved in the ca- lamity. What followed after this time, till your majesty's most happy coming to the throne, is so fresh in the memory of all men yet living, that every one will be best able to make his own observations upon it. Such deliverances have their pangs in the birth, that much weaken the constitution, in endeavouring to preserve and amend it. 48 DEDICATION TO VOL. III. And now your majesty, who succeeds to a revo- lution as well as a restoration, has the advantage of a retrospect on all these accidents, and the benefit of reviewing all the failings in those times : and whatsoever was wanting, at those opportunities of amending past errors, in the management of affairs, for the better establishment of the crown, and the security of the true old English government, it will be your majesty's happiness to supply in your time : a time in some sort resembling the auspicious begin- ning of king Charles the Second's restoration ; for in that time, as now in your majesty's, the people of this kingdom ran cheerfully into obedience ; the chiefest offenders lay quiet under a sense of their own crimes, and an apprehension of the reward justly due to them ; and all your subjects went out to meet your majesty with duty, and most with love. Comparisons of times may be as odious as that of persons ; and therefore no more shall be said here on that subject, than that since the restoration, and some few years after it, given up to joy and the for- getfulness of past miseries, there hath been no time that brought so much hope of quiet, and so general a satisfaction to these kingdoms, as that on which we saw your majesty so happily seated upon the throne of your ancestors. Among all the signs of greatness and glory in a prince's reign, there is none more really advantageous, none more comfort- able, than that which Virgil remarks as a felicity in the time of Augustus, OF THE FIRST EDITION. 49 When abroad the sovereign is j^^'osperous, and at home does govern subjects ivilUng to obey : When it is not fear that drives and compels them, but affection and loving-kindness that draws them to their duty ; and makes them rejoice under the laws by which they are governed. Such was cer- tainly the time of your majesty's first entrance ; and such God grant it may be ever. The two first volumes of this History have laid before your majesty the original causes and the foundations of the rebellion and civil war ; the con- trivances, designs, and consultations in it ; and the miserable events of it ; and seemed to have finished the whole war, when the author, at the very end of the ninth book, says, that^*0/w that time there re- mained no possibiUfy for the king to draw any more troops together in the field. And when there is an end of action in the field, tlie inquiries into the consequences afterwards are usually less warm. But it happens in the course of this History, that several new scenes of new wars, and the events of them, are opened in this volume ; which, it is hoped, will prove exceeding useful, even in those parts, where, by reason of the sadness of the subject, it cannot be delightful, and, in all other parts of it, both useful and delightful. Your majesty especially, who must have your heart perpetually intent to see what followed in the close of all those wars, and by what means and me- thods the loss of all that noble and innocent blood, VOL. I. e 50 DEDICATION TO VOL. III. and particularly that portion of tiie royal stream then spilt, was recompensed upon their heads who were the wicked contrivers of the parricide, and how at last the miseries of these nations, and the sufferings of your royal family, were all recovered by God Almighty's own unerring hand, will, no doubt, be more agreeably entertained in this volume with the relation of the secret steps of the return of God's mercy, than when he still seemed openly to have forsaken his own oppressed cause ; wherein so much of what was dearest to yourself was so highly concerned. Of the transactions within these kingdoms, soon after the war was ended, especially just before and after the barbarous murder of the blessed king, this author could have but short and imperfect in- formations abroad. It cannot therefore justly be ex- pected that he should be so full or minute in many circumstances relating to the actions and consulta- tions of that party here at home, as are to be found in some other writers, whose business it was to in- tend only such matters. One thing indeed were very much to be wished, that he had given the world a more distinct and particular narrative of that pious king's last most magnanimous sufferings in his imprisonments, trial, and death. But it seems the remembrance of all those deplorable passages was so grievous and in- supportable to the writer's mind, that he abhorred the dwelling long upon them, and chose rather to contract the whole black tragedy within too narrow OF THE FIRST EDITION. 51 a compass. But this is a loss that can only now be lamented, not repaired. But when the History brings your majesty to what the noble writer esteemed one of his principal businesses in this volume, to attend king Charles the Second, and his two royal brothers, throughout all their wanderings, which take up a considerable share of it, and are most accurately and knowingly described by him, as having been a constant witness of most of them, it is presumed, this part may give your majesty equal satisfaction to any that is gone before it. It will not be unpleasant to your majesty, since you have known so well the happy conclusion of it, to see the banished king under his long ad- verse fortune, and how many years of trouble and distress he patiently waited God Almighty's ap- pointed time, for his redemption from that captivity. In that disconsolate time of distress and lowness of his fortune, your majesty will find cause to ob- serve, that there were factions even then in his little court beyond sea ; so inseparable are such in- decent and unchristian contentions from all com- nmnities of men : they are like tai'es sown hy cm enemy amongst the wheats whilst good men sleep. Upon tiie subject of the factions in those days, there is a particular passage in this History, of two parties in that court abroad, who thought it f^orth their while, even then to be very industrious in pro- secuting this author with unjust and false accusa- tions. And the author himself observes, that, how- soever those parties seemed, on most other accounts, e 2 52 DEDICATION TO VOL. III. incompatible the one with the other, they were very heartily united in endeavouring to compass his de- struction ; and for no other reason, that ever ap- peared, but his being an unwearied assertor of the church of England's cause, and a constant friend and servant to the true interest of it ; to which either of them was really more irreconcileable, than they were to each other, whatsoever they pre- tended. This passage seems to deserve a particular reflec- tion, because, within few years after that king's re- storation, some of both those parties joined again in attacking this noble author, and accusing him anew of the very same pretended crimes they had objected to him abroad; where there had been so much malice shewed on one side, and so much natural and irresistible innocency appeared on the other, that one would have thought, no arrow out of the same quiver could have been enough enve- nomed to have hurt so faithful, so constant, and so tried a servant to the church and crown. This particular, and another, wherein your ma- jesty will find what advice this author gave his royal master, upon the occasion of his being much pressed to go to church to Charenton, and how some intrigues, and snares, cunningly laid on one side, were very plainly and boldly withstood on the other by this author, will let the world see, why this man was by any means to be removed, if his adversaries could effect it, as one that was perpe- tually crossing their mischievous designs, by an ha- OF THE FIRST EDITION. 53 bitiial course of adhering iinmoveably to the interest of this church and nation. In the progress of this book, your majesty will also find some very near that king whilst he was abroad, endeavouring to take advantage of the for- lorn and desperate circumstances of his fortune, to persuade him, that the party who had fought for his father was an insignificant, a despicable, and un- done number of men; and, on this account, putting him on the thoughts of marrying some Roman ca- tholic lady, who might engage those of that religion, both at home and abroad, in his majesty's interest ; others at the same time, with equal importunity, re- commending the power of the presbyterians, as most able to do him service, and bring him home. This noble author all this while persisted, in the integrity of his soul, to use that credit his faithful- ness and truth had gained him, to convince the king, that foreign force was a strength not desir- able for him to depend on, and, if it were suspected to be on the interest of popery, of all things most likely to prevent and disappoint his restoration ; that for his own subjects, none of them were to be neglected; his arms ought to be stretched out to receive them all ; but the old royal party was that his majesty should chiefly rely on, both to assist him in his return, and afterwards to establish his govern- ment. This noble author had been a watchful observer of all that had passed in the time of the troubles ; and had the opportunity to have seen the actions, e 3 54 DEDICATION TO VOL. III. and penetrated, in a good measure, into the consul- tations of those days, and was no ill judge of the temper and nature of mankind ; and he, it seems, could not be of opinion, but that they who had ven- tured all for the father, would be the truest and firmest friends to the son. Whether this grew up in him to be his judg- mentj from his observation of the rules of nature, and a general practice in all wise men to depend most on the service and affection of those who had been steady to them in their distresses ; or whether a lukewarm trimming indifferency, though some- times dignified with the character of politics, did not suit with his plain dealing, it is certain, he never could advise a prince to hold a conduct that should grieve and disoblige his old friends, in hope of get- ting new ones, and make all his old enemies rejoice. But, however his malicious prosecutors afterwards scandalized him, as being the author of such coun- sels, and objected to him what was their own ad- vice and practice, he really tliought this kind of conduct weakened the hands, and tended to the subversion of any government. And the success has approved this judgment ; for in the very incon- stant and variable administration under that king, it was found by experience, and to this day the memorials of it are extant, that he had quiet and calm days, or more rough and boisterous weather, as he favoured or discountenanced his own party ; called indeed a parti/ by the enemies of it, upon a levelling principle of allowing no distinctions ; OF THE FIRST EDITION. 55 tlioiigh all who have contended against it were pro- perly but ^jr/r//(?* ; whilst that was then, and is still, on the advantage-ground of being established by the laws, and incorporated into the govern- ment. By degrees your majesty is brought, in the course of this History, as it were to the top of some exalted height, from whence you may Ijehold all the errors and misfortunes of the time past with advantage to yourself; may view armies drawn up, and battles fought, without your part of the danger; and, by the experience of former misfortunes, establish your own security. It seems to be a situation not unlike that of the temple of wisdom in Lucretius ; from whence he advises his readers to look down on all the vanity and hurry of the world. And as that philosophical poet does very movingly describe the pursuits of those whom lie justly styles miseral)le men, distract- ing themselves in wearisome contentions about the business and greatness of an empty world ; so does this noble historian, with true and evident deduc- tions from one cause and event to another, and such an agreeable thread of entertainment, that one is never content to give over reading, bring your ma- jesty to an easy ascent over all the knowledge of those miserable times ; from whence, not in specu- lation only, but really and experimentally, you may look down on all the folly, and madness, and wick- edness of those secret contrivances, and open vio- lences, whereljy the nation, as well as the crown, e 4 56 DEDICATION TO VOL. III. was ])roiight to desolation ; and see how falsely and weakly those great and busy disturbers of peace pretended reformation and religion, and to be seek- ing God in every one of their rebellious and sinful actions ; whereas God was not to be found in their thunder, nor their earthquakes, that seemed to shake the foundations of the world ; but in the still voice of peace he came at last, to defeat and disap- point all their inventions : that God, to whom ven- geance belongs, arose, and shewed himself in de- fence of that righteous cause of the crown and church ; which your majesty will observe to have been combined against, fought with, overthrown, and in the end raised and reestablished together. Now these thing's happened for ensamples^ and they are written for our admonition. It is now most humbly submitted to your ma- jesty's judgment, whether the consideration of these matters, set forth in this History, be not the most useful prospect, not for yourself only, but your noblest train, your great council, the lords spiritual and temporal, and the commons in parliament as- sembled. When your majesty is so attended, by God's blessing, no power on earth will be able to disap- point your wisdom, or resist your will. And there may be need of all this power and authority, to preserve and defend your subjects, as well as your crown, from the like distractions and invasions. There may want the concurrence of a parliament to prevent the return of the same mischievous prac- OF THE FIRST EDITION. 57 tices, and to restrain the madness of men of the same principles in this age, as destroyed the last ; such as think themselves even more capable than those in the last, to carry on the like wicked designs ; such as take themselves to be informed, even from this History, how to mend the mistakes then committed by the principal directors on that side, and by a more refined skill in wickedness to be able once again to overthrow the monarchy, and then to per- petuate the destruction of it. There is no doubt, madam, but every thing that is represented to your majesty of this nature will find a party ready to deny it ; that will join hand in hand to assure the world there is no such thing. It is a common cause, and it is their interest, if they can, to persuade men, that it is only the heat and warmth of high-church inventions, that suggest such fears and jealousies. But let any impartial person judge, to whom all the libertines of the republican party are like to unite themselves ; and whether it is imaginable, that the established government, either in church or state, can be strengthened, or served by them. They must go to the enemies of both, and pretend there is no such thing as a republican party in England, that they may be the less observed, and go on the more secure in their destructive projects. They can have no better game to play, than to declare, that none but Jacobites alarm the nation with these apprehensions ; and that Jacobites are much greater enemies than themselves to your ma- 58 DEDICATION TO VOL. III. jesty. Let that be so : no man, in his wits, can say any thing to your majesty in behalf of any, let them be who they will, that will not own your government, and wish the prosperity and the hap- piness of it, and contribute all they can to main- tain it. But whilst these men most falsely asperse the sons of the church of England for being Jacobites, let them rather clear themselves of what they were lately charged before your majesty, that there are societies of them which celebrate the horrid thirtieth of January, with an execrable solemnity of scandal- ous mirth ; and that they have seminaries, and a sort of universities, in England, maintained by great contributions, where the fiercest doctrines against monarchical and episcopal government are taught and propagated, and where they bear an implacable hatred to your majesty's title, name, and family. This seems to be a torrent that cannot be resisted but by the whole legislative authority ; neither can your throne, which they are thus perpetually assault- ing or undermining, be supported by a less power. In these difficulties your great council will, over and above their personal duty to your majesty, take themselves to be more concerned to be zealous in the defence of your royal prerogative, as well as of their own just rights and privileges, in that it was under the name and style of a parliament, though very unjustly so called, that all the mischiefs men- tioned in this History were brought upon tlie king- dom. OF THE FIRST EDITION. 59 They best can discover the craft and subtilty for- merly used in those consultations ; which first in- veigled and drew men in from one wickedness to another, before they were aw are of what they were doing ; and engaged them to think themselves not safe, but by doing greater evils than they began with. They will, no doubt, be filled with a just in- dignation against all that hypocrisy and villainy, by which the English name and nation were ex- posed to the censure of the rest of the world : they only can be able to present your majesty with re- medies proper and adequate to all these evils, by which God may be glorified, and the ancient con- stitution of this government retrieved and sup- ported. There is one calamity more, that stands in need of a cure from your own sovereign hand. It is in truth a peculiar calamity fallen most heavily on this age, which though it took its chief rise from the disorderly, dissolute times of those wars, and has monstrously increased ever since, yet was never owned so much as now, and that is a barefaced contempt and disuse of all religion whatsoever. And indeed what could so much feigned sanctity, and so much real wickedness, during that rebellion begun in 1641, produce else in foolish men's hearts, than to say. There is no God f This irreligion was then pretended to be covered with a more signal morality and precise strictness in life and conversation, which was to be a recom- 60 DEDICATION TO VOL. III. pense for the loss of Christianity. But now, even that shadow of godliness and virtue is fled too. Atheism and profaneness, diligently cultivated, have not failed to produce a prostitution of all manners in contempt of all government. This profaneness and impiety seems, next to the horrible confusions of the late rebellion, to have gained ground chiefly by this method, that, when many who have been in authority have not, on se- veral accounts, been heartily affected to the support of the church established by law, there has crept in, by little and little, a liberty against all reli- gion. For where the chief advisers or managers of public affairs have inclined to alterations, which the established rules have not countenanced, they durst not cause the laws to be put in execution, for fear of turning the force of them on them- selves ; so their next refuge has been to suffer men to observe no discipline or government at all. Thus the church of England, put to nurse, as it were, sometimes to such as have been inclined to popery, and sometimes to other sects, and some- times to men indifferent to all religion, hath been in danger of being starved, or overlaid, by all of them ; and the ill consequence has redounded not only to the members of that communion, but to all the professors of Christianity itself. Whoever have ventured to give warning of these wicked designs and practices, have been rendered as persons of ill temper and very bad affections. They that have been in credit and authority, have OF THE FIRST EDITION. 61 been frequently inclined to be favourable to the men complained of; it has been oifered on their behalf, that their intentions were good; and that it was even the interest of the government to cover their principles, whatever might be the consequences of them. Thus these mischiefs have been still growing, and no laws have hitherto reached them ; and, pos- sibly, they are become incapable of a remedy ; un- less your majesty's great example of piety and vir- tue shall have sufficient influence to amend them : no honest man can say it is not reasonable, and even necessary to watch them ; and that, in com- passion to your subjects, as well as justice to your- self. This History hath shewn your majesty their fruits in the late times, by which you shall know them still ; for your majesty well remembers who has said, that Men do not gather grajoes of thorns^ or Jigs oj" thistles. That God may give your majesty a discerning spirit, a wise and understanding heart, to judge aright of all things that belong to your peace; that he may enable you to subdue your enemies abroad by successful counsels and arms, and to re- duce your ill-willers at home by prudent laws, ad- ministered with the meekness of wisdom ; that he would give you length of days in one hand, and riches and honour in the other ; that you, in your days, may have the glory to restore good nature (for which the English nation was formerly so ce- lebrated) and good manners, as well as the sin- 62 DEDICATION, &c. cere profession and universal practice of the true religion, in your kingdoms; and that his almighty power may defend you with his favourable kind- ness as with a shield, against all your adversaries of every kind, are the zealous, constant, and de- vout prayers of so many milHons, that it were the highest presumption in any one person, to subscribe a particular name to so universal a concern. THE HISTORY OF THE REBELLION, &c. BOOK I. Deut. iv. 7, 8, 9. For what nation is there so great^ zcho hath God so nigh unto them, as the Lord our God is in all things thai we call upon him for ? And what nation is there so great, that hath statutes and Judgments so righteous as all this laia, which I set before you this day ? Only take heed to thyself, and keep thy soul diligently, lest thou forget the things which thine eyes have seen.^ A HAT posterity may not be deceived, by the The preface prosperous wickedness of those ^ times of which I h.oi!^ '*"" write, '^ into an opinion, that nothing^ less than a * THE HISTORY OF THE RE- THAT CONTRIBUTED THERE- BELLION, &C.] A TRUE HISTO- UNTO. RICALL NARRATION OF THE RE- ^DeUT. IV. SeenJ] NotiniMS. BELLION AND CIVILL WARRS ^ tllOSe] these IN ENGLAND BEGUNN IN THE '^ of which 1 Write,] Not in YEARE 1641, WITH THE PR^- MS. CEDENT PASSAGES AND ACTIONS ^ nothing] Not in MS. VOL. I. B 2 THE HISTORY BOOK general combination, and universal apostasy in the whole nation from their religion and allegiance, could, in so short a time, have produced such a total and prodigious alteration and confusion over the whole kingdom ; and that^ the memory of those, s who, out of duty and conscience, have opposed ^^ that torrent, which did overwhelm' them, may not"^ lose the recompense due to their virtue; but,' having undergone the injuries and reproaches of this, may find™ a vindication in a better age ; it wiU not be unuseful, for the information of the judgment and conscience of men," to present to the world a full and clear narration of the grounds, circumstances, and artifices of this rebellion : not only from the time since the flame hath been visible in a civil war, but, looking farther back, from those former pas- sages and accidents," by which the seed-plots were made and framed, from whence those^^ mischiefs have successively grown to the height they have since arrived at.i And"^ in this ensuing history,^ though the hand and judgment of God wiU be very visible, in the in- fatuating a people (as ripe and prepared for destruc- tion) into all the perverse actions of folly and mad- ness, making the weak to contribute to the designs of the wicked, and suffering even those, by degrees, ' that] so men,] at least to the curiosity g those,] those few, if not the conscience of men, ^ opposed] opposed and re- " and accidents,] accidents sisted and actions, ' did ovcrwhehii] hath over- P those] these whehiied ^ have since arrived at,] are k not] Not in MS. now at. ' but,] and, •■ And] And then ™ may find] may not find ' in this ensuing history,] " for the information of the Not in MS. judgment and conscience of OF THE REBELLION. 8 out of a^ conscience of their guilt, to grow more book wicked than they intended to be ; letting the wise ' to be imposed upon by men of small understanding,y and permitting the innocent to be possessed^ with laziness and sleep in the most visible article of dan- ger ; uniting the ill, though of the most different opinions, opposite^ interests, and distant affections, in a firm and constant league of mischief; and di- viding those, whose opinions and interests are the same, into faction and emulation, more pernicious to the public than the treason of the others : whilst the poor people, under pretence of zeal to religion, law, liberty, and parliaments, (words of precious es- teem in their just signification,) are furiously hur- ried into actions introducing atheism, and dissolving all the elements of Christian religion ; cancelling all obligations, and destroying all foundations of law and liberty ; and rendering, not only the privileges, but the*^ very being, of parliaments desperate and impracticable :'^ I say, though the immediate finger and wrath of God must be acknowledged in these perplexities and distractions ; yet he who shall dili- gently observe the distempers and conjunctures of time, the ambition, pride, and folly of persons, and the sudden growth of wickedness, from want of care and circumspection in the first impressions, will find all these miseries'^ to have proceeded, and to have been brought upon us, from the same natural causes and means, which have usually attended kingdoms ^ a] the '^ opposite] divided y small understanding,] no ^ the] Not in MS. understanding, "^ impracticable :] impossible: ^ permitting the innocent to '^ these miseries] this bulk of be possessed] possessing the in- misery nocent B 2 4 THE HISTORY BOOK swoln with long plenty, pride, and excess, towards ' some signal mortification,^ and castigation of Hea- ven. And it may be, upon the consideration how impossible it was to foresee *^ many things that have happened, and of the necessity of overlooking s many other things, we may not yet find the cure so des- perate, but that, by God's mercy, the wounds may be again bound up ;^^ and then this prospect may not make the future peace less pleasant and du- rable. I have' the more willingly induced myself to this -~ unequal task, out of the hope of contributing some- what to that blessed '" end : and though a piece of this nature (wherein the infirmities of some, and the malice of others,^ must be boldly looked upon and mentioned) is not likely to be published in the age"" in which it is writ, yet it may serve to inform my- self, and some others, what we ought" to do, as well as to comfort us in what we have done." For which work, as I may not be thought altogether an incom- petent person, i" having been present as a member of parliament in those councils before and till the break- ing out of the rebellion, and having since had the honour to be near two great kings in some trust, so ^ mortification,] mortifica- age tions, " ought] are ^ consideration how impossi- ° have done.] MS. adds: and ble it was to foresee] view of then possibly it may not be the impossibihty of foreseeing very difficult to collect some- B overlooking] overseeing what out of that store, more •^ bound up;] MS. adds: proper, and not unuseful for though no question many must the public view. first bleed to death ; i' For which work, as I may ' 1 have] And I have not be thought altogether an ^ blessed] Not in MS. incompetent person,] And as I ' others,] MS. adds : both may not be thought altogether things and persons, an incompetent person for this "1 in the age] at least in the communication, OF THE REBELLION. 5 I shall perform the same with all faithfulness and book ingenuity; with an equal observation of the faults ______ and infirmities of both sides, with their defects and oversights in pursuing their own ends ; and shall no otherwise mention small and light occurrences, than as they have been introductions to matters of the greatest moment ; nor speak of persons otherwise, than as the mention of their virtues or vices is es- sential to the work in hand : in which I shall, with truth, '^ preserve myself from the least sharpness, that may proceed from private provocation,"^ and in the whole observe^ the rules that a man should, who deserves to be believed. I shall not then lead any man farther back in this journey, for the discovery of the entrance into those' dark ways, than the beginning of this king's reign. For I am not so sharp-sighted as those, who have discerned this rebellion contriving from (if not before) the death of queen ElizaJjeth, and fomented by several princes and great ministers of state in Christendom, to the time that it brake out. Neither do I look so far back as* I do, because I believe " the design to have been" so long since formed ;y but that, by viewing the temper, disposition, and habit, 'J in which I shall, with >' since formed;] MS. adds: truth,] in which as I shall have (they who have observed the the fate to be suspected rather several accidents, not capa- for malice to many, than of ble of being contrived, which flattery to any, so I shall, in have contributed to the several truth, successes, and do know the ^ provocation,] MS. adds: or persons who have been the a more public indignation, grand instruments towards this * and in the whole observe] change, of whom there have in the whole observing not been any four of familiarity ' those] these and trust with each other, will " as I do, because I believe] easily absolve them from so as believing much industry and foresight in ^ to have been] to be their mischief;) B 3 6 THE HISTORY BOOK at that time,^ of the court and of the country, we ' may discern the minds of men prepared, of some to act,^ and of others to suffer, all that hath since hap- pened ; the pride of this man, and the popularity of that ; the levity of one, and the morosity of another; the excess of the court in the greatest want, and the parsimony and retention of the country in the greatest plenty ; the spirit of craft and subtlety in some, and the unpolished'^ integrity of others, too much despising craft or art ; all contributing*^ jointly to this mass of confusion now before us. A view of King James in the end of March 1625 died, the begin- ning of king leaving his majesty that now is, engaged in a war his reign, with Spain, but unprovided with money to manage i?25'' ^^' ^^ ' though it was undertaken by the consent and advice of parliament : the people being naturally enough inclined to the war (having surfeited with the uninterrupted pleasures and plenty of twenty- two years peace) and sufficiently inflamed against the Spaniard; but quickly weary of the charge of it : and therefore, after an unprosperous and charge- able attempt in a voyage by sea upon Cadiz, and as unsuccessful and more unfortunate one*^ upon France, at the Isle of Rhe, (for some difference had likewise about ^ the same time begotten a war with that prince,) a general peace was shortly concluded with both kingdoms ; the exchequer being so ex- hausted with the debts of king James, the bounty . ^ at that time,] of that time, ^ all contributing] like so " to act,] to do, many atoms contributing ^ unpolished] rude and un- '' one] a one polished ^ about] at OF THE REBELLION. of his majesty that now is, (who, upon his first ac- book I. cess to the crown, gave many costly instances of- his favour to persons near him,) and the charge of ^^ the war upon Spain, and France, that botli the known and casual revenue being anticipated, the necessary subsistence of the household was unpro- vided for ; and the king on the sudden driven to those straits for his own support, that many ways were resorted to, and inconveniences submitted to, for supply ; as selling the crown-lands, creating peers for money, and many other particulars, which no access of power or plenty since could repair. Parliaments were summoned, and again dissolved 1628. in displeasure*^: and that in the fourth year (after the dissolution of tlie two former) was determined with a profession, and declaration, that, " since *' for several ill ends the calling again of a parlia- " ment was divulged, however his majesty had " shewed, by his frequent meeting with his people, " his love to the use of parliaments ; yet the late " abuse having, for the present, driven his majesty " vmwillingly out of that course, he shall account it " presumption for any to prescribe any time to his " majesty for parliaments." Which Avords Avere ge- nerally interpreted, as if no more assemblies of that nature were to be expected, and that all men were prohibited, upon the penalty of censure, so much as to speak of a parliament, s And here I cannot but let myself loose to say, that no man can shew me a source, from whence those ^' waters of bitterness ^ in displeasure] Not in MS. men inhibited upon the penalty s declaration, that, — of a par- of censure, so much as to speak liament.] declaration that there of a ])arliament. should be no more assemblies ^ those] these of that nature expected, and all B 4 1628. 8 THE HISTORY BOOK we now taste have more probably flowed, than from ■ these unreasonable,' unskilful, and precipitate disso- lutions of parliaments ; in which, by an unjust sur- vey of the passion, insolence, and ambition of parti- cular persons, the court measured the temper and affection of the country ; and by the same standard the people considered the honour, justice, and piety of the court ; and so usually parted, at those sad seasons, with no other respect and charity one to- ward the other, than accompanies persons who never meant to meet but in their own defence. In which the king had always the disadvantage to harbour persons about him, who, with their utmost industry, false "^ information, and malice, improved the faults and infirmities of the court to the people ; and again, as much as in them lay, rendered the people suspected, if not odious to the king. I am not altogether a stranger to the passages of those parliaments, (though I was not a member of them,) having carefully perused the journals of both houses, and familiarly conversed with many who had principal parts in them. And I cannot but wonder at those counsels, which persuaded the courses then taken ; the habit and temper of men's minds at that time' being, no question, very applicable to the pub- lic ends ; and those ends being only discredited by the jealousies the people entertained from the man- ner of the prosecution, that they were other, and worse than in truth they were. It is not to be de- nied, that there were, in all those parliaments, espe- cially in that of the fourth year, several passages, and distempered speeches of particular persons, not ' unreasonable,] unseason- ^ false] Not in MS. able, ' at that time] Not in MS. OF THE REBELLION. 9 fit for the dignity and honour of those places, and book unsuitable to the reverence due to his majesty and— — his councils. But I do not know any formed act ^^'^^• of either house (for neither the remonstrance or votes of the last day were such) that was not agree- able to the wisdom and justice of great courts, upon those extraordinary occasions. And whoever con- siders the acts of power and injustice of some of the ministers,"' in those" intervals of parliament, will not be much scandalized at the warmth and vivacity of those meetings. In the second parliament there was a mention, and intention declared, of granting five subsidies, a proportion (how contemptible soever in respect of the pressures now every day imposed) scarce ever" before heard of in parliament. And that meeting being, upon very unpopular and unplausible reasons, immediately dissolved, those five subsidies were ex- acted, throughout the whole kingdom, with the same rigour, as if, in truth, an act had passed to that purpose. Divers^ gentlemen of prime quality, in several'J counties of England, were, for refusing to pay the same, committed to prison, with great rigour and extraordinary circumstances. And could it be imagined, that those "^ men would meet again in a free convention of parliament, without a sharp and severe expostulation, and inquisition into their own right, and the power that had imposed upon that right? And yet all these provocations, and many other, almost of as large an extent, produced '^ of some of the ministers,] p Divers] Very many Not in MS. q several] all the several " those] the •■ those] these " scarce ever] never 10 THE HISTORY BOOK no other resentment, than the petition of right, (of Tin prejudice to the crown,) which was likewise pur- 1G28. chased at the price of five subsidies more, and, in a very short time after that supply granted, that par- liament was likewise, with strange circumstances of passion on all sides, dissolved. / The abrupt and unkind' breaking off the two first parliaments was wholly imputed to the duke of Buckingham; and of the third, principally to the ^ lord Weston, then lord high treasurer of England ; both in respect of the great power and interest they then had in the aifections of his majesty, and for that the time of the dissolutions happened to be, when some charges and accusations were preparing, ^\ and ready to be preferred against those two great persons. And therefore the envy and hatred, that attended them thereupon, was insupportable, and was visibly the cause of the murder of the first, (stabbed in* the heart by the hand of a villain," upon the mere impious pretence of his being odious to the parliament,) and made, no doubt, so great an impression upon the understanding and nature of the other, that, by degrees, he lost that temper and serenity of mind he had been before master of, and which was most fit to have accompanied him in his weighty employments : insomuch as, out of indigna- tion to find himself worse used than he deserved, he cared less to deserve well, than he had done ; and insensibly grew into that public hatred, tliat ren- dered him less useful to the service that he only in- tended. I wonder less at the errors of this nature in the * unkind] ungracious * in] to " a villain,] an obscure villain. OF THE REBELLION. 11 duke of Buckingham ; who, having had a most ge- book nerous education in courts, was utterly ignorant of - the ebbs and floods of popular councils, and of the winds that move those waters ; and could not, with- out the spirit of indignation, find himself, in the space of a few weeks, without any visible cause in- tervening, from the greatest height of popular esti- mation that any person hath ascended to, (insomuch as sir Edward Coke blasphemously called him our Saviour,) by the same breath tlirown down to the depth of calumny and reproach. I say, it is no marvel, (besides that he was naturally to follow such counsels as were'' given him,) that he could think of no better way to be freed of these y inconveni- ences and troubles the passions of those meetings gave him, than to dissolve them, and prevent their coming together : and that, when they seemed to neglect the public peace, out of animosity to him, he intended^ his own ease and security in the first place, and easily believed the public might be other- ^ wise provided for, ])y more intent and dispassionate councils. But that the other, the lord Weston, who had been very much and very popularly conversant in those conventions, who exactly knew the frame and constitution of the kingdom, the temper of the people, the extents'^ of the courts of law, and the jurisdiction of parliaments, which at that time had seldom or^ never committed any excess of jurisdic- tion, (modesty and moderation in words never was, nor ever wiU be, observed in popular councils, whose , ^ counsels as were] counsel tended as was ^ extents] extent >■ of these] of the ^ seldom or] Not in MS. ^ he intended] that he in- 12 THE HISTORY BOOK foundation is liberty of speech;) that he'^ should be- I. . lieve, that the union, peace, and plenty of the king- 1628. ^QYn could be preserved without parliaments, or that the passion and distemper gotten and received into parliaments could be removed and reformed by the more passionate breaking and dissolving them ; or that that course would not inevitably prove the most -- pernicious to himself, is as much my wonder, as any thing that hath since happened. There is a protection very gracious and just, which princes owe to their servants, when, in obedience to their just commands, upon extraordinary and neces- sary occasions, in the execution of their trusts, they swerve from the strict letter^ of the law, which, without that mercy, would be penal to them. In any such^ case, it is as legal (the law presuming it will always be done upon great reason) for the king to pardon, as for the party to accuse, and the judge to condemn. But for the sovereign *^ power to in- terpose, and shelter an accused servant from an- swering, does not only seem an obstruction of jus- tice, and lay an imputation upon the prince, of being privy to the offence ; but leaves so great a scandal upon the party himself, that he is generally con- cluded guilty of whatsoever he is charged withe ; which is commonly more than the worst man ever deserved. And it is worthy the observation, that, as no innocent man who made his defence ever suf- fered in those times by judgment of parliament ; so many guilty persons, and against whom the spirit of the times'' went as high, by the wise managing their *^ that he] Not in MS. ' sovereign] supreme •i letter] rule B with] Not in MS. ' such] Not in MS. ^ tinies] time OF THE REBELLION. 13 defence, have been freed from their accusers, not book only without censure, but without reproach; as the bishop of Lincoln, then lord keeper, sir H. Marten, ^^^^' and sir H. Spiller; men, in their several degrees, as little beholden to the charity of that time, as any men since. Whereas scarce a man, who, with indus- try and skill, laboured to keep himself from being accused, or by power to stop or divert the course of proceeding, scaped without some signal mark of in- famy or prejudice. And the reason is clear; for besides that, after the first storm, there is some com- passion naturally attends men like to be in misery ; and besides the latitude of judging in those places, whereby there is room for kindness and affection, and collateral considerations to interpose ; the truth is, those accusations (to which this man contributes his malice, another' his wit, all men what they please, and most upon hearsay, with a kind of un- charitable delight of making the charge as heavy as may be) are commonly stuffed with many odious generals, that the proofs seldom make good: and then a man is no sooner found less guilty than he is expected, but he is concluded more innocent than he is; and it is thought but a just I'eparation for the reproach that he deserved not, to free him from the censure he deserved. So that, very probably, | those two noble persons had been happy, if they * had stoutly submitted to the proceedings were de- signed against them ; and, without question, it had been of sovereign use to the king, if, in those peace- able times, parliaments had been taught to know their own bounds, by being suffered to proceed as ' another] that Jr- 14 THE HISTORY BOOK far as they could go; by which the extent of their I -power would quickly have been manifested: from 1628. whence no inconvenience of moment could have proceeded ; the house of commons never then pre- tending to the least part of judicature, or exceeding the known verge of their own privileges ; the house of peers observing the rules of the'' law and equity in their judgments, and proceeding deliberately upon clear testimony and evidence of matter of fact ; and the king retaining the sole power of par- doning, and receiving the whole profit of all penal- j ties and judgments ; and indeed having so great an influence upon the body of the peerage, that it was scarce' known that any person of honour was se- verely censured in that house, (before this present parliament,) who was not either immediately prose- cuted by the court, or in evident disfavour there ; by which,'" it may be, (as it usually falls out,) some doors were opened, at which inconveniences to the crown have got in, that were not then enough j^weighed and considered. But the course of exempting men from prosecu- if \ tion, by dissolving of parliaments, made the power of parliaments much more formidable, as conceived to be without limit ; since the sovereign power seemed to be compelled (as unable otherwise to set bounds to their proceedings) to that rough cure, and to determine their beings," because it could not determine their jurisdiction. Whereas, if they had been frequently summoned, and seasonably dissolv- ed, after their wisdom in applying medicines and cures, as well as their industry in discovering dis- k the] iVoi in MS. >" by which,] in which, ' scarce] never " beings,] being, OF THE REBELLION. 15 eases, had been discerned, they would easily have book I. been applied to the uses for which they were first, instituted; and been of no less esteem with the ^^^^* crown, than of veneration with the people. And so I shall conclude this digression, which, I conceived, was° not unseasonable for this place, nor upon this occasion, and return to the time when that brisk and improvident^ resolution was taken of declining"! those conventions ; aU men being inhibited (as I said before they generally took themselves to be"^) ' by the^ proclamation at the dissolution of the parlia- ment in the fourth year, so much as to mention or speak as if a parliament should be called. And here it will srive much light to that which The state . [. „ of the court follows, if we take a view of the state of the court about that and of the council at that time, by which' we may best see the face of that time, and the affections and temper of the people in general. For" the better taking this prospect, we will be-Thenseof ... r> I the duke of gm with" a survey or the person ot that great man, Bucking- the duke of Buckingham, (who was so barbarously '^'"' murdered about^ this time,) whose influence had been unfortunate in the pubhc affairs, and whose death produced a change in all the counsels. The duke was indeed a very extraordinary person ; and never any man, in any age, nor, I believe, in any country or nation, rose, in so short a time, to so much gi'eatness of honour, fame, and fortune, upon ° was] Not in MS. » the] Not in MS. P and improvident] Not in * by which] by which as in a MS. mirror 'i declining] totally declin- " For] And for ing X begin with] take '^ they generally took them- > about] at selves to be] Not in MS. 16 THE HISTORY BOOK no other advantage or recommendation, than of the ___1__ beauty and gracefulness^ of his person. I have*^ not 1628. ^j^g least purpose of undervaluing his good parts and ■^ qualities, (of which there will be occasion shortly to give some testimony,) when I say, that his first in- troduction into favour was purely from the hand- someness of his person. He was a younger^ son of sir George Villiers, of Brookesby, in the county of Leicester ; a family of ^ an ancient extraction, even from the time of the conquest, and transported then with the conqueror out of Normandy, where the family hath still re- -^ mained, and still continues with lustre. After sir George's first marriage, in which he had two or three sons, and some daughters, who shared an ample inheritance from him ; by a second mar- riage, with a lady^ of the family of the Beaumonts, he had this gentleman, and two other sons and a -- daughter, who all came afterwards to be raised to great titles and dignities. George, the eldest son of this second bed, was, after the death of his father, by the singular affection and care of his mother, who enjoyed a good jointure in the account of that age, well brought up ; and, for the improvement of his education, and giving an ornament to his hope- ful person, he was by her sent into France ; where he spent two or three years in attaining the lan- guage, and in learning the exercises of riding and dancing ; in the last of which he excelled most men, and returned into England by the time he was twenty-one years old. ^gracefulness] MS. adds: and <' a younger] the younger becomingness *-' a lady] a young lady •^ I have] And I have OF THE REBELLION. 17 1628. King James reigned at that time ; and though he book was a prince of more learning and knowledge than any other of that age, and really delighted more in books, and in the conversation of learned men ; yet, of aU wise men living, he was the most delighted and taken with handsome persons, and with fine clothes. He begun *^ to be weary of his favourite, the earl of Somerset, who was the only favourite that kept that post so long, without any public reproach from the people: but,g by the instigation and wickedness of his wife, he became, at least, privy to a horrible murder, that exposed him to the utmost severity of the law, (the poisoning of sir Thomas Overbury,) upon which both he and his wife were condemned to die, after a trial by their peers ; and many per- sons of quality were executed for the same. Whilst this was in agitation, and before the ut- most discovery was made, Mr. Villiers appeared in court, and drew the king's eyes upon him. There were enough in the court sufficiently^ angry and in- censed against Somerset, for being what themselves desired to be, and especially for being a Scotsman, and ascending, in so short a time, from being a page, to the height he was then at, to contribute all they could to promote the one, that they might throw out the other : which being easily brought to pass, by the proceeding of the law upon his afore- said crime,' the other found very little difficulty in rendering himself gracious to the king, whose na- ture and disposition was very flowing in affection towards persons so adorned. Insomuch that, in few ^ begun] began s but,] and, h sufficiently] enough VOL. I. ' aforesaid crime,] crime a- foresaid. C 18 THE HISTORY BOOK days after his first appearance in court, he was made ■ cup-bearer to the king ; by which he was, of course,'^ ^^^^- to be much in his presence, and so admitted to that conversation and discourse, with which that prince ahvays abounded at his meals. His inclinations' to his new cup-bearer disposed him to administer frequent occasions of discoursing of the court of France, and the transactions there, with which he had been so lately acquainted, that 'T he could pertinently enlarge upon that subject, to the king's great delight, and to the gaining "^ the esteem and value of all the standers-by to himself:" which was a thing the king was well pleased with. He acted very few weeks upon this stage, when he mounted higher ; and, being knighted, without any other qualification, he was at the same time made gentleman of the bedchamber, and knight of the order of the garter ; and in a short time (very short for such a prodigious ascent) he was made a baron, a viscount, an earl, a marquis, and became lord high admiral of England, lord warden of the cinque ports, master of the horse, and entirely disposed of all the graces of the king, in conferring all the honours and all the ofl&ces of three ° kingdoms, without a rival; in dispensing whereof, he was guided more by the rules of appetite than of judgment ; and so exalted almost all of his own numerous family and depend- ants, whose greatest merit wasP their alliance to him, which equally offended the ancient nobility, N and the people of all conditions, who saw the flowers ^ of course,] naturally, him : ' His inclinations] And his "of three] of the three inclination i' whose greatest merit was] '" gaining] reconciling who had no other virtue or " to himself:] likewise to merit than 1628. OF THE REBELLION. 19 of the crown every day fading and withered ; whilst book the demesnes and revenue thereof were^i sacrificed '- — to the enriching a private family, (how well soever originally extracted,) scarce ever"^ heard of before to^ the nation ; and the expenses of the court so vast and unlimited S that they had a sad prospect of that poverty and necessity, which afterwards befell the crown, almost to the ruin of it. Many were of opinion, that king James, before his death, grew weary of this" favourite; and that, if he had lived, he would have deprived him at least of his large and unlimited power. And this imagi- nation so" prevailed with some men, as the lord keeper Lincoln, the earl of Middlesex, lord high treasurer of England, and other gentlemen of name, though not in so high stations, that they had the courage to withdraw from their absolute dependence upon the duke, and to make some other essays, which proved to the ruin of every one of them ; there appearing no mark, 5^^ or evidence, that the king did really lessen his affection to him, to the hour of his death. On the contrary, as he created him duke of Buckingham in his absence, whilst he was with the prince in Spain ; so, after their z re- turn, the duke'' executed the same authority in con- ferring all favours and graces, and in^ revenging himself upon those, who had manifested any unkind- ness towards him. And yet, notwithstanding all this, if that king's nature had equally disposed him •J were] was ^ so] Not in MS. ^ scarce ever] not y mark,] marks, ' to] ever to ^ their] his * unlimited] MS. adds: by ^ the duke] he the old good rules of economy ^ in] Not in MS, " this] his 20 ' THE HISTORY BOOK to pull down, as to build and erect, and if his cou- ____rage and severity in punishing and reforming had 1628. |3ggj^ ag great as his generosity and incUnation was to oblige, it is not to be doubted, but that he would have withdrawn his affection from the duke entirely, before his death ; which those persons, who were admitted to any privacy witli him^, and were not in the confidence of the other, (for before those he knew well how to dissemble,) had reason enough to expect. Anaccoimt^ For it is Certain,'^ that the king was never well Charles'! plcascd with tlic dukc, after the prince's going into l^^g^'^V"' Spain ; which was infinitely against his will, and . --" contrived wholly by the duke : who, out of envy, that the earl of Bristol should have the sole ma- nagement of so great an affaii'u (as hitherto that treaty had been wholly conducted'^ by him in Spain, where he was^ extraordinary ambassador, and all particulars upon the matter" agreed upon,) had one day insinuated to the prince the common misfortune of princes, that in so substantial a part of their hap- piness in this world, as depended upon their mar- riage, themselves had never any part, but must re- ceive only an account from others of the nature, and humour, and beauty of the ladies they were to marry ; and those reports seldom proceeded from persons totally uninterested, by reason of '^ the parts they had acted towards such preparations?^. From hence he' discoursed how gallant and how brave a thing it would be, for his highness to make a jour- '^ him] Not in MS. s upon the matter] Not in '^ it is certain,] it is not to 31S. be doubted, ^ by reason of] at least un- ^ conducted] managed inclined from •" was] Avas now ' he] Not in MS. 1628. OF THE REBELLION. 21 ney into Spain, and to fetch home his mistress ; tliat book it would put an end presently to all those formali- ties, which, (though all substantial matters were agreed upon already,) according to the style of that court, and the slow jDrogress in all things of cere- mony, might yet retard*^ the infanta's voyage into England many months ; all which would be in a moment removed by his highness's' own presence ; that it would be such an obligation to the infanta herself, as she could never enough value or requite ; and being a respect rarely'" paid by any other prince, upon the like addresses, could proceed only from the high regard and reverence he had for her person ; that in the gi'eat affaii' that only remained undetermined, and was not entirely yielded to, though vmder a very friendly" deliberation, which was the restoring the palatinate, it was very pro- bable, that the king of Spain himself might choose, in the instant, to gratify his personal inteii30sition, which, in a treaty with an ambassador, might be drawn out in length, or attended with overtures of recompense by some new concessions, which would create new difficulties : however, that the mediation could not but be frankly undertaken by the infanta herself, who would ambitiously make it her work to pay a part of her great debt to the prince ; and that he might with her, and by her, present to his ma- jesty the entire peace and restitution of his family, which by no other human means could be brought to pass. • These discourses made so deep imjDression upon the mind and spirit of the prince, (whose nature ^ retard] long retard m rarely] never ' highness's] Not in MS. ° friendly] civil c 3 22 THE HISTORY BOOK was inclined to adventures,) that he was transported I _ with the thought of it, and most impatiently soli- 1 628. citous to bring it to pass. The greatest difficulty in view° was, how they might procure the king's con- sent, who was very quick-sighted in discerning dif- ficulties and raising objections, and very slow in mastering them, and untying the knots he had made : in a word, he knew not how to wrestle with desperate contingencies, and so abhorred the being entangled in such. This was first to beP attempted by the prince himself, by communicating it to the king, as his earnest desire and suit, with this cir- cumstance ; that since his doing or not doing what he most desired, depended wholly and entirely upon his majesty's own approbation and command, he^ would vouchsafe to promise not to communicate the thing proposed, before he had first taken his own resolution ; and that this condition should be first humbly insisted on, before the substantial point should be communicated; and so, this approach being first made, the success and prosecution was to be left to the duke's credit and dexterity.' All things being thus concerted between his highness and the duke, (and this the beginning of an entire confidence between them, after a long time of de- claimed jealousy and disi)leasure on the prince's part, and occasion enough administered on the other,) they shortly found fit* opportunity (and there were seasons Avhen that king was to be approached more hopefully than in others) to make their address to- " in view] that was in ^ and dexterity.] dexterity and view cultivation. P first to be] to be first = fit] a fit '1 he] that he his father. OF THE REBELLION. 23 gether. His" majesty cheerfully consented to the book condition, and being well pleased that all should __!l__ depend upon his will, frankly promised that he ^^28. would not, in any degi'ee, communicate to any per- son the matter, before he had taken, and communi- cated to them, his own resolutions." The prince then, upon his knees, declared his suit The prince and very importunate request, the duke standing a[our,°ey\o* long time by, without saying a word, while^ the king discoursed the whole matter to the prince, Avith less passion than they expected, and then looked upon the duke, as inclined to hear what he would say ; who spoke nothing to the point, whether in prudence advisable,'' or not; but enlarged upon the infinite obligation his majesty would confer upon the prince, by his concession of the violent passion his highness was transported with ; and, after many ex- alted expressions to that purpose, concluded, that he doubted that his majesty refusing to grant the prince this his humble request would make a deep impres- sion upon his spirits, and peace of mind ; and that he would, he feared, look upon it as the greatest misfortune and affliction, that could befall him in this world. The prince then taking the opportunity, from the good temper he saw his father in, to en- large upon those ^ two points, which he knew were most important in the king's own wishes and judg- ment, that this expedient would put a quick end to this treaty, which could not be continued after his arrival in that court; but that his marriage must " His] And his point of prudence counsella- ^ resolutions.] resolution. ble, y while] and until " those] these ^ in prudence advisable,] in c 4 24 THE HISTORY BOOK presently ensue, which, he knew well enough/ the . king did most '' impatiently desire of all blessings in 1 G28. this world : he said likewise, he would undertake (and he could not but be believed from the reason- ableness of it) that his presence would in a moment determine the restitution of the palatinate to his brother and sister ; which was the second thing the king longed most passionately to see before he should leave this world. King James These discourses, urged with all the artifice and consents to ^ '-' it. address imaginable, so far wrought upon and pre- vailed with the king, that, with less hesitation than his nature was accustomed to, and much less than was agreeable to his great wisdom, he gave his ap- probation, and promised that the prince should make the journey he was so much inclined to : whether he did not upon the sudden comprehend the conse- quences, which would naturally attend such a rash undertaking, or^ the less considered them, because provisions,^ which must be made for such a journey, both with reference to the expense and security of it, would take up much time, and could not be done in such a secret way, but that the counsel itself might be resumed, ^ when new measures should be taken. But this imagination was too reasonable not to be foreseen by them ; and so they had provided themselves accordingly. And therefore, as soon as they had the king's promise upon the main, they told him, the security of such a design depended on the expedition, without which there could be no secresy observed, or hoped for ; that, if it were de- *= knew well enough,] well "^ or] or whether he knew, ^ provisions,] the provisions, '' moat] the most ^ resumed,] resumed again, OF THE REBELLION. ' 25 ferred till such a fleet could be made ready, and book such an equipage prepared, as might be fit for the____ prince of Wales, so much time v\'ould be spent, as l^-^- would disappoint the i3rincipal ends of the journey : if they should send for a pass to France, the cere- mony in the asking and granting it, and that which would flow from it, in his passage through that kingdom, would be at least liable to the same objec- tion of delay : besides that, according to the myste- ries and intrigues of state, such a pass could not in 13oint of security be reasonably depended upon ; and therefore they had thought of an expedient, which would avoid all inconveniences and hazards ; and that it should be executed before it should be sus- pected : that it had never hitherto been, in the least degree, consulted but between themselves, (which was really true ;) and therefore, if they now under- took the journey only with two servants, who should not know any thing till the moment they were to depart, they might easily pass through France, be- fore they should be missed at Whitehall : which was not hard to be conceived, and so with the less dis- quisition was consented to by the king : and the far- ther deliberation of what was more to be done both in matter and manner, and the nomination of the persons who should attend them, and the time for their departure, was defeiTed to the consultation of the next day. When the king, in his retirement, and by himself, came to revolve what had been so loosely consulted before, as he had a wonderful sagacity in such re- flections, a thousand difficulties and dangers occurred to him, and so many precipices, which could hardly be avoided in such a journey. Besides those consi- 26 THE HISTORY BOOK derations, which the violent affection of a father to ^' his only son suggested to him, he thought how ill 1628. an influence it might have on his people, too much disposed to murmur and complain of the least inad- vertency ; '^ and that they looked upon the prince as the son of the kingdom, as well as his own.' He considered the reputation he should lose with all fo- reign princes, (especially if any ill accident should happen,) by so much departing from his dignity in exposing the immediate heir of the crown, his only son, to all the dangers, and all the jealousies, which particular malice, or that fathomless abyss of reason of state, might prepare and contrive against him ; and then, in how desperate a condition himself and his kingdoms should remain, if the prince miscarried by such an unparalleled weakness of his, contrary to the light of his understanding, as well as the current of his affections."^ These reflections were so terrible to him, that they robbed him of all peace and quiet of mind; — insomuch as when the prince and duke came to him about the despatch, he fell into a great passion with tears,^ and told them that he was undone, and that it would break his heart, if they pursued their reso- lution ; that, u23on a true and dispassionate disquisi- tion he had made with himself, he was abundantly convinced, that, besides the almost inevitable ha- zards of the prince's person, with whom his life was bound up, and besides the entire loss of the affec- tions of his people, which would unavoidably attend this rash action, he foresaw it would ruin the whole ^ inadvertency ;] inadvertize- ^ affections.] affection, ment ; ' with tears,] of tears, ' his own.] his natural son. 1628. OF THE REBELLION. 27 design, and irrecoverably break the match. For book whereas all those particulars, upon which he could _ positively and of right insist, were fully granted, (for that, which concerned the prince elector, who had unexcusably, and dii'ectly against his ad\dce, in- cuiTed the ban of the empire in an imperial diet, must be wrought off by mediation and treaty, could not be insisted on in justice,) nor could Spain make any new demands, all the overtures they had made being adjusted; the prince should no sooner arrive at Madrid, than all the articles of the treaty should be laid aside, and new matter "^ be proposed, which had not been yet mentioned, and could never be consented to by him : that the treaty of this mar- riage, how well soever received, and how much so- ever desired by the king and his chief ministers, was in no degree acceptable to the Spanish nation in general, and less to the court of Rome, where, though the new pope seemed more inchned to grant the dispensation than his predecessor had been, it was plain enough, that it proceeded only from the apprehension he had to displease the king of Spain, not that he was less averse from the match, it having been always believed, both in Spain and in Rome, that this marriage was to be attended with a full repeal of all the penal laws against the pa- pists," and a plenary toleration of the exercise of that religion in England, which they now saw con- cluded, without any signal or real benefit or advan- tage to them. And therefore they might expect, and be confident, that when they had the person of the prince of Wales in their hands, the king of ^ matter] matters " papists,] catholics, 28 THE HISTORY BOOK Spain (though in his own nature and inclinations full of honour and justice) would be even compelled 1 f\'?fi ' by his clergy (who had always a great influence upon the counsels of that kingdom) and the impor- tunities from Rome, who would tell him, that God had put it now° into his hand to advance the ca- tholic cause, to make new demands for those of that rehgion here ; which, though he could never consent to, would at best interi30se such delays in the mar- riage, that he should never live to see it brought to pass, nor probably to see his son return again from p Spain. Then he put the duke in mind (whom he hitherto believed only to comply with the prince to obHge him, after a long alienation from his favour) how inevitable his ruin must be, by the effect of this counsel, how ungracious he was already with the people, and how many enemies he had amongst the greatest persons of the nobility, who would make such use of this occasion, that it would not be in his majesty's power to protect him. And then ^^ he concluded with the disorder and passion, with which he begun, "^ with sighs and tears, to conjure them, that they would no more j)ress him to give his con- sent to a thing so contrary to his reason, and under- ^sc standing, and interest, the execution whereof would Y break his heart, and that they would give over any further pursuit of it. '^ The prince and the duke took not the pains to answer any of the reasons his majesty had insisted on ; his highness only putting him in mind of the promise he had made to him the day before, which was so sacred, that he hoped he would not violate ° put it now] now put it 'T then] Not in MS. I' from] out of ■■ begun^] began, OF THE REBELLION. g9 it; which if he should, it^ would make him never book think more of marriage. The duke, who better ^' knew what kind of arguments were of prevalence ' ^28. Tsdth him, treated him more rudely ; told him, no- body could beUeve any thing he said, when he re- tracted so soon the promise he had so solemnly made ; that he plainly discerned, that it proceeded from another breach of his word, in communicating with some rascal, who had furnished him with those pitiful reasons he had alleged ; and he doubted not but he should hereafter know who his counsellor had been : that if he receded from what he had pro- mised, it would be such a disobligation to ^ the prince, who had set his heart now upon the journey, ^ after his majesty's approbation, that he could nev^er forget it, nor forgive any man who had been the cause of it. The prince, who had always expressed the high- est duty and- reverence towards the king, by his humble and importunate entreaty, and the duke by his rougher dialect, in the end prevailed so far, (after his majesty had passionately, and with many oaths, renounced the ha\dng communicated the matter with any person living,) that the debate was again re- sumed upon the journey, which they earnestly de- sired might not be deferred, but that they might .take their leaves of the king within two days, in which they would have all things ready that " were necessary, his highness pretending to hunt at Theo- bald's, and the duke to take physic at Chelsea. They told him, that being to have only two more in their company, as was before resolved, they had * if he should, it] Not in MS. ' to] upon " that] which so THE HISTORY BOOK thought (if he approved them) upon sh' Francis Cot- '. tington and Endymion Porter, who, though they • might safely, should not be trusted with the secret, till they were even ready to be embarked. The persons were both grateful to the king, the former having been long his majesty's agent in the court of Spain, and was now secretary to the prince ; the other, having been bred in Madrid, after'' many years attendance upon the duke, was now one of the bedchamber to the prince : so that his majesty cheerfully approved the election they had made, and wished it might be presently imparted to them; saying, that many things would occur to them, as necessary to the journey, that they two would never think of; and took that occasion to send for sir Francis Cottington to come presently to him, (whilst the other two remained with him,) who, being of custom waiting in the outward room,y was quickly brought in ; whilst the duke whispered the prince in the ear, that Cottington would be against the jour- ney, and his highness answered he durst not. The king told him, that he had always been an honest man, and therefore he was now to trust him in an aflfair of the highest importance, which he was not upon his life to disclose to any man alive ; then said to him, " Cottington, here is baby Charles and " Stenny," (an appellation he always used of and to- wards the duke,) " who have a great mind to go by *^ " post into Spain, to fetch home the infanta, and will " have but two more in their company, and have ^ " chosen you for one. What think you of the jour- "ney?" He often protested since ^, that when he " after] and after y room,] rooms, ^ since] Not in MS. OF THE REBELLION. SI heard the king, he fell into such a trembling, that book he could hardly speak. But when the king com- __!l_ manded him to answer him, what he thought of the ^^^8. journey, he repUed, that he could not think well of it, and that he beUeved it would render all that had been done towards the match fruitless : for that Spain would no longer think themselves obliged by those articles, but that, when they had the prince in their hands, they would make new overtures, wliich they believed more advantageous to them; amongst which they must look for many that-^ would concern rehgion, and the exercise of it in England. Upon wliich the king threw himself upon his bed, and said, " I told you this before," and fell into new passion and lamentation, that he was un- done, and should lose baby Charles. There appeared displeasure and anger enough m the countenances both of the prince and duke ; the latter saying, that as soon as the king sent for him, he whispered the prince in the ear, that he would be against it ; that he knew his pride well enough ; and that, because he had not been first advised with, he was resolved to dislike it ; and therefore ^ he re- proached Cottington with all possible bitterness of words ; told him the king asked him only of the journey, and which would be the best way, of which he might be a competent counsellor, having made the way so often by post : but that he had the pre- V sumption to give his advice upon matter of state, and against his master, without being called to it, which he should repent as long as he lived ; with a thousand new reproaches, which put the poor king * that] which ^ therefore] thereupon 32 THE HISTORY BOOK into a new agony on the behalf of a servant, who he I foresaw would suffer for answering him honestly. 1 628. Upon which he said, with some commotion, " Nay, " by God, Stenny, you are very much to blame to " use him so. He answered me directly to the ques- tion I asked him, and very honestly and wisely : and yet you know he said no more than I told you, " before he was called in." However, after all this passion on both parts, the king yielded, and the jour- ney was at that conference agreed on,*^ and aU. direc- tions given accordingly to sir Francis Cottington ; the king having now plainly discovered, that the whole intrigue was originally contrived by the duke, and so violently pursued by his spirit and imi^etuosity. The manner, circumstances, and conclusion of that voyage, with the extraordinary ^ accidents that ^ happened in it, will no doubt be at large remem- bered by whosoever shall have the courage to write the transactions of that time, with that integrity he ought to do : in which it will manifestly a23pear, how much of the prophet was in the wisdom of the king; and that that designed marriage, which had been so many years in treaty, even from the death of prince Harry, and so near concluded, was solely broken by that journey : which, with the passages before mentioned, king James never forgave the duke of Buckingham ; but retained as sharp a me- mory of it as his nature could contain. This indisposition of s the king towards the duke was exceedingly increased and aggravated upon and after the prince's return out of SjDain. For though "^ that conference agreed on,] ^ extraordinary] rare that very conference agreed ^ that] which upon, s of] in OF THE REBELLION. 33 it brought infinite joy and delight to his majesty, book which he expressed in all imaginalile transport,*^. and was the argument of the loudest and most uni- ^^'^^• versal rejoicing over the whole kingdom, that the nation had ever been acquainted with ; in which the duke had so full a harvest, that the imprudence and presumption (to say no more) of carrying the prince into Spain was totally forgotten, or not remembered ' with any reference to him, and the high merit and inestimable obligation, in bringing him home, was remembered, magnified, and celebrated by all men in aU places ; yet the king was wonderfuUy dis- quieted, when he found (which he had not before their return suspected) that the prince was totally ahened from aU thoughts of, or incHnation to, the mamage ; and that they were resolved to break it, with or without his approbation or consent. And in this the duke resumed the same impetuosity he had so much indulged to himself in the debate of the journey into Spain. The king had, upon the prince's return, issued a pariia- , . , . , meiit is out writs to call a parliament, which was m the caiied after twenty-first year of his reign, thinking it necessary, reT,irn."" * with relation to the perplexities he was in, for the breach of this match with Spain, (which he foresaw must ensue,) and the sad condition of his only daughter in Germany, with her numerous issue, to receive their grave advdce. By the time the parUa- ment could meet, the prince's entu^e confidence being reposed stiU*^ in the duke, as the king's seemed to be, the duke had wrought himself into the very great esteem and confidence of the principal mem- ^ transport,] transportation, ^ reposed still] still reposed ' not remembered] forgotten VOL. I. D h- 1628. 34 THE HISTORY BOOK bers of both houses of parliament, who were most - like to be the leading men, and had all a desire to have as much reputation in the court, as they had in the country. It was very reasonably thought ne- cessary, tha|, as the king would, at the opening or the parHament, make mention of the treaty with Spain, and more at large of his daughter's being driven out of the palatinate, which would require their assistance and aid ; so that the prince and duke should afterwards, to one or both houses, as occasion should be offered, make a relation of what had passed in Spain, especially concerning the pala- tinate : that so the houses being put ' into some me- thod and order of their future debate, they might "^ be more easily regulated, than if they were in the beginning left to that liberty, which they naturally affected, and from which they would not be re- strained, but in such a manner as would be grateful to themselves. Things being thus concerted, after the houses had been three or four days together, (for in that time some days were always sj)ent in the formality of naming committees, and providing for common oc- currences, before they made an entrance upon more solemn debates,) the prince began to speak of the Spanish affairs, and of his own journey thither ; and forgot not to mention the duke with more than or- dinary affection. Whereupon it was thought fit, that the whole affair, which was Hkewise to be the prin- cipal subject matter of all their consultations, should be stated and enlarged upon, in a conference be- tween the two houses, which his highness and the ' the houses being put] putting the houses "^ might] would OF THE REBELLION. 35 duke were desired to manage. How little notice book 1. 1628. soever any body else could take of the change, the. duke himself too well knew the hearty resentment the king had of what had passed, and " the affection he still had for the Spanish treaty ; and therefore he had done°, and resolved still to do, all he could, to make himself gi'ateful to the parliament, and po- pular amongst the people, who he knew had always detested the match with Spain, or in truth any alli- ance with that nation. So when, at the conference, the prince had made The prince's , , - . ^ 1 • 1 • 1 ^"f' duke's a short mtroduction to the busmess, and. said some account of very kind things of the duke, of his wonderful caYQ^^l^JToS- of him whilst he was in Spain, and the great dex- ^'""' ^^' ,. ^ ^ tween both terity he used in getting him away, he referred the houses, whole relation to him ; who said, " That p the true " ground of the prince's journey into Spain, which " he well knew had begot such a terrible panting " in the hearts of all good Englishmen, had been " only to make a clear discovery of the sincerity of " the Spaniard, and, if his intentions "i were real, to " put a speedy end to it by marrying of "^ the lady " upon the place : if he found it otherwise, to put " his father and himself at * liberty to dispose of " himself in some other place. That the ambassa- " dor, in whose hands that great affair was solely " managed, when in one despatch he writ ' that all " was concluded, in the next used to give an ac- " count of new difficulties, and new demands : and, " when all things were adjusted at Madrid, some " and] and of >• of] Not in MS. ° done] Not in MS. ' at] into P said, "That] made ' writ] wrote '1 intentions] intention D 2 36 THE HISTORY BOOK I. 1628. unexpected scruples discovered themselves at Rome, with which the councils in Spain seemed to be surprised, and appeared to be confounded, and not to know what to say. These ebbs and floods made the prince apprehend, that the pur- pose was to amuse us, whilst they had other de- signs in secret agitation. And thereupon, that his highness had prevailed with his father (how un- willing soever) to permit him to make the ^ jour- ney, that he might make that useful discovery, which could not otherwise be ^ made in any sea- sonable time. " That they no sooner came to Madrid, than they discovered (though the prince was treated with all the respect due to his greatness, and the obligation he had laid upon that nation) that there had never been any real purpose that the infanta should be given to him : that, during so long an abode as his highness made there, they had never procured the dispensation from Rome, which they might easily have done : and that, at last, upon > the death of the pope, Gregory XV. the whole process was to begin again, and would be transacted with the formalities, which they should find necessary to their other affairs. That, instead of proceeding upon the articles, which had been pretended to be concluded, they urged nothing but new demands, and in matters of religion so peremptorily, that the principal clergymen, and the most eminent of that king's preachers, had frequent conferences with the prince, to persuade him to change his religion, and become a papist.^ And, in order to " the] that y upon] Nut in MS. ^ otherwise be] be otherwise ' a papist.] a catholic. <( OF THE REBELLION. 37 move him the more successfully thereunto, they book procured the pope to write a letter himself to his '. " highness, putting him in mind of the religion of ^628. " his ancestors and progenitors, and conjuring him " to return to the same faith : but that it had " pleased God not only to give the prince a con- " stant and unshaken^ heart in his religion, but " such wonderful abilities to defend the same in his " discourse and arguments, that they stood amazed " to hear him, and upon the matter confessed, that " they were not able to answer him. *' That they would not suffer the prince to confer " with, or so much as to speak to hardly, and very " rarely to see his mistress, whom ^ they pretended " he should forthwith marry. That they could never " ol^tain any better answer in the business of the " palatinate, than that the restoring it was not in " the power of that king, though it had been taken " by the sole power of Spain, and the Spanish army, " under the command of the marquis Spinola, who " was then in the entire possession of it : but that " his catholic majesty would use his interj^osition, " with all the credit he had with the emperor and " duke of Bavaria, without whose joint consent it " could not be done, and whose consent he hoped " to obtain : but that he was well assured, that there " was no more real intention in that point of resti- " tution, than in the other of '^ marriage ; and that " the palatinate could not be hoped ^ to be recovered " any other way than by force, which would easily " bring it to pass." ^ unshaken] unshakable "^ could not be hoped] must ^ whom] who not be looked of] of the D 3 ]628. 38 THE HISTORY BOOK Throughout his whole discourse he made frequent reflections upon the earl of Bristol, as if he very well knew the Spaniards purposes in the whole, and con- curred with them in it. " That he was so much " troubled when he first saw the prince, who alighted " at his house, that he could not contain himself, *' but wished that his highness were at home again ; " that he had afterwards, when he found that his " highness liked the infanta, persuaded him in pri- " vate that he would become a papist;^ and that,, *' without changing his religion, it Avould not be pos- " sible ever to compass that marriage." He told them, " That the king had sent for the '^ *' earl to return home, where he should be called " to account for all his miscarriages." Whereas in truth the king had recalled him rather to assist him against the duke, than to expose him to his malice' and fury ; his majesty having a great esteem of that earl's fidelity to him, and of his great abilities. The pariia. The confercncc ended in a wonderful applause, in solution both houses, of the prince and duke's behaviour and dedaie^a*" Carriage throughout the affair, and in a hasty reso- lution to dissuade the king from entertaining any farther motions towards the match, and frankly and resolutely to enter into a war with Spain ; towards the carrying on of which they raised great moun- tains of promises, and, prevailing in the first, never Tr remembered to make good the latter; which too often falls out in such counsels. war with Spain. ^ King When king James was informed of what the duke James's in i • i i i j perplex- had SO Confidently avowed, for which he had no di'spieas"uie authority, or the least direction from him, and a *= a papist ;] catholic ; OF THE REBELLION. 29 great part whereof himself knew to be untrue; and book ^ that he had advised an utter breach of the treaty, and to enter upon a war with Spain, he was infi- \ 1 6"28. jitv.nst the nitely offended ; so that he wanted only a resolute ''"i^^ "P"" and brisk counsellor to assist him in destroying the sion. duke : ^ and such a one he promised himself in the arrival of the earl of Bristol, whom he expected every day. His majesty s had another exception against the Ti.e eari of duke, which touched him as near, and in which he his lisrand enlarged himself much more. Lionel Cranfeild, who,^''^'' though extracted from a gentleman's family, had been bred in the city, and, being a man of great wit and understanding in all the mysteries of trade, had found means to work himself into the good opi- nion and favour of the duke of Buckingham ; and having shortly after married a near relation ^ of the duke's, with wonderful expedition was made a privy- counsellor, master of the wardi'obe, master of the wards, and, without parting with any of these, was now become lord high treasurer of England, and earl of Middlesex, and had ' gained so much credit with the king, (being in truth a man of great parts and notable dexterity,) that, during the duke's ab- sence in Spain, he was not only negligent in the issuing out such sums of money as were necessary for k the defraying those unlimited expenses, and to correspond with him with that deference he had used to do, but had the courage to dispute his com- mands, and to appeal to the king, whose ear was always inclined to him, and in whom he begun ^ to f the duke :] him : ' had] had in truth s His majesty] He ^ foi.-] ^q ^ relation] ally i begun] began D 4 1(J28. 40 THE HISTORY BOOK believe himself so far fastened, that he should not I. . stand in need of the future support of the favourite. And of all this the duke could not be v^ithout ample information, as well from his own creatures, who were near enough to observe, as from others ; who, caring for neither of them, were more scandalized at so precipitate a promotion of a person of such an education, and whom they had long known so much their inferior, though it could not be denied, that he filled the places he held with great abilities. The duke no sooner found the parliament dis- posed to a good opinion of him, and being well as- sured of the prince's fast kindness, than he projected the ruin of this bold rival of his, of whom he saw clearly enough that the king had so good an opi- nion, that it would not be in his sole power to crush him, as he had done others in the same and as high a station. And so he easily procured some leading men in the house of commons, to cause an impeach- ment for several corruptions and misdemeanours to be sent up to the house of peers against that great minister, whom they had so lately known their equal in that house ; which (besides their natural inclina- tion to that kind of correction"^) disposed them with great alacrity to this " prosecution. The wise king knew well enough the ill consequence that must at- tend such an activity ; and that it would shake his own authority in the choice of his own ministers, when they should find, that their security did not depend solely upon his own protection : which breach upon his kingly power was so much without a precedent, (except one unhappy one made three "^ that kind of correction] those kinds of executions " this] the 1628. OF THE REBELLION. 41 years before, to gratify likewise a private displea- book sure,) that the like had not been practised in very _ many o years.? ^Vhen this prosecution was first entered upon, and that the king clearly discerned^ it was con- trived by the duke, and that he had likewise pre- vailed with the prince to be well pleased with it ; his majesty sent for them, and with much warmth and passion dissuaded them from appearing farther in it ; and conjured them " to use all their interest " and authority to restrain it, as such a wound to " the crown, that would not be easily healed." And when he found the duke unmoved by all the consi- derations, and arguments, and commands he had otfered, he said, in great choler, " By God, Stenny, " you are a fool, and will shortly repent this folly, " and will find, that, in this fit of popularity, you " are making a rod, with which you will be scourged " yourself." And turning in some anger to the prince, told him, " That he w ould live to have his belly full " of parliament impeachments : '^ and when I shall " be dead, you will^ have too much cause to re- " member, how much you have ^ contributed to the " weakening of the crown, by the two precedents " you areu now so fond of;" intending as well the engaging the parliament in the war, as the prosecu- tion of the earl of Middlesex. But the duke's power (supported by the prince's ° verj' many] some hundred ^ and when I shall be dead, of you will] and that when he P years.] MS. adds: and ne- should be dead, he would ver in such a case as this. ' ' you have] he had '1 discerned] discerned that " the two precedents you are] "■ parliament impeachments :] this precedent he was parliaments : 42 THE HISTORY BOOK countenance) was grown so great in the two houses, _ that it was in vain for the king to interpose ; and 1628. so (notwithstanding so good a defence made by the earl, that he was absolved from any notorious crime by the impartial opinion of many of those who heard all the evidence) he was at last condemned in a great fine to a long and strict imprisonment, and never to sit in parliament during his life : a clause of such a nature as was never before found in any jvidgment of i3arliament, and, in truth, not to be in- flicted upon any peer but by attainder. How much alienated ^ soever the king's affection was in truth from the duke, upon these three pro- vocations; 1. The prince's journey into Spain; 2. The engaging the parliament to break the match and treaty with Spain, and to make a war against that crown ; and, 3. The sacrificing the earl of Mid- dlesex in such a manner, upon his own animosity; yet he was so far from thinking fit to manifest it, (except in whispers to very few men,) that he was prevailed with to restrain the earl of Bristol upon his first arrival, without permitting him to come into his presence, which he had positively promised, The earl of and rcsolvcd to do ; and in the end suffered his at- cused in torney general to exhibit a charge of high treason, parimmeut. ^^ j^-^ j^gjgg^y'g name, agaiust the said earl, who was thereupon committed to the Tower; but so little dejected with it, that he answered the articles with Accuses the great stcadiuess and unconcernedness, and exhibited another charge of high treason against the duke in many particulars. And in this order and method the war was hastily "= How much alienated] And how aliened OF THE REBELLION. 43 entered into against Spain, and a new treaty set on book foot for the prince of Wales with the daughter of. France ; which was quickly concluded, though not ' ^^^* fully completed ^ till after the death of king James ; who, in the spring following, after a short indisposi- tion by the gout, fell into an ague,^ which, meeting many humours in a fat, unwieldy body of fifty- eight^ years old, in four or five fits carried him out King james of the world. After whose death many scandalous and libellous discourses were raised, without the least colour or gi-ound ; as appeared upon the strict- est and most s malicious examination that could be made, long after, in a time of licence, when nobody was afraid of offending majesty, and when prosecut- ing the highest reproaches and contumelies against the royal family was held very meritorious. Upon the death of king James, Charles prince of Prince Wales succeeded to the crown, with as universal a succeeds joy in the people as can be imagined, and in a con- j",™g g^^. juncture, when all the other parts of Christendom, f^!^'^f '" being engaged in war, were very solicitous for his friendship ; and the more, because he had already discovered an activity, that was not like to suffer him to sit still. The duke contiaued in the same degree of favour at the least with the son, which he had enjoyed so many years under the father. A rare felicity ! ^ seldom known, and in which the ex- pectation of very many was exceedingly disap- pointed ; who, knowing the great jealousy and in- dignation that the prince had heretofore had against ^ fully completed] executed s most] Not in MS. ^ an ague,] a quartan ague, ^ A rare felicity!] Which was ^ fifty-eight] A blank left in a rare felicity ; MS. 44 THE HISTORY BOOK the duke, insomuch as he was once very near strik- _ ; — mg him, expected that he would now remember "^°- that insolence, of which he then so often complained; without considering the opportunity the duke had, by the conversation with the prince, during his journey into Spain, (which was so grateful to him,) and whilst he was there, to wipe out the memory of all former oversights, by making them appear to be of a less magnitude than they had been understood before, and to be excusable from other causes, still being severe enough to himself for his unwary part, whatsoever excuses he might make for the excess ; and by this means to make new vows for himself, and to tie new knots to restrain the prince from future jealousies. And it is very true, his hopes in this kind never failed him ; the new king, from the death of the old even to the death of the duke him- self, discovering the most entire confidence in, and even friendship to him, that ever king had shewed to any subject : all prefernfents in church and state given by him ; all his kindred and friends promoted to the degree in honour, or riches, or offices, as he thought fit, and all his enemies and enviers dis- countenanced, and kept at that distance from the ^ court as he appointed. King But a parliament was necessary to be called, as first pariia- at the cntrauce of all kings to the crown, for the meiitcaiie continuance of some supplies and revenue to the king, which have been still used to be granted in that season. And now he quickly found how pro- phetic the last king's predictions had proved,' and were like to prove. The parliament that had so ' proved,] Not in MS. OF THE REBELLION. 45 rashly'^ advanced the war, and so passionately • ad- book hered to his person, was now no more ; and though _ the house of peers consisted still of the same men, ^^~^ and most of the principal men of the house of com- mons were again elected to serve in this parliament, yet they were far from wedding the war, or taking themselves to be concerned to make good any de- claration •" made by the former : so that, though the war was entered in, aU hope of obtaining money to carry it on was even desperate ; and the affection they had for the duke, and confidence in him, was not then so manifest, as the prejudice they had now, and animosity against him, was visible to all the world : all the actions of his life ripped up and sur- veyed, and all malicious glosses made upon all he had said and all he had done : votes and remon- strances passed against him as an enemy to the public; and his ill management made the ground of their refusal to give the king that supply he had reason to expect, and was absolutely necessary to the state he was in. And this kind of treatment was so ill suited to the duke's great spuit, which indeed might have easily" been bowed, but could very hardly be broken, that it wrought contrary effects upon his high mind, and his indignation, to find himself so used by the same men. For they who flattered him most before, mentioned him now with the greatest bitterness and acrimony ; and the same men who had called him our saviour, for bringing the prince safe out of Spain, called him now the corrupter of the king, and betrayer of the liberties ^ rashly] furiously " might have easily] might ' passionately,] factiously, easily have "^ declaration] declarations 46 THE HISTORY BOOK of the people, without imputing the least crime to '■ — him, to have been committed since the time of that 1628. exalted adulation, or that was not then as much known to them, as it could be now ; so fluctuating and unsteady a testimony is the applause of pojiular councils. Thatpariia- This iudiguation, I say, so transported the duke, the next that hc thought ° necessary to publish and manifest accmintof"^ greater contempt of them than he should have the duke. (jQjie . causing this and the next parliament to be quickly dissolved, as soon as they seemed to enter- tain counsels not grateful to him, and before he could well determine and judge what their temper was in truth like to prove : and upon every dissolution, such as P had given any offence were imprisoned or dis- graced ; new projects were every day set on foot for money, which served only to offend and incense the people, and brought little supplies^ to the king's occasions, yet raised a great stock for expostulation, murmur, and complaint, to be exposed when other supplies should be required. And many persons of the best quahty and condition under the peerage were committed to several prisons, with circum- stances unusual and unheard of, for refusing to pay money required by those extraordinary ways ; and the duke himself would passionately say, and fre- quently do, many things, which only grieved his friends and incensed his enemies, and gave them as well the ability as the inclination to do him much harm. A war de- In this fatal conjuncture, and after many r several Fr^ance!'^'' costly embassies into France, in the last of which ° thought] thought it ^ supplies] supply V as] who IT many] Not in MS. OF THE REBELLION. 47 the duke himself went, and brought triumphantly book home^^^L^h him the queen, to the joy of the nation ; ' in a timeT when all endeavours should have been ^ ^^^• used to have extinguished that war, in which the kings -^as gg unhappily engaged against Spain, a new war was as precipitately declared against France ; and the fleet, that had been unwarily designed to have surprised Cales, under a general very unequal to that great work, was no sooner returned without success, and with much damage, than it ^ was re- paired, and the army reinforced for the invasion of France ; in which the duke was general himself, and made that unfortunate " descent upon the Isle of Rhe, which was quickly afterwards attended with many unprosperous attempts, and then with a mise- rable retreat, in which the flower of the army was lost. So that how ill soever Spain and France were inclined to each other, they were both bitter ^ ene- mies to England ; whilst England itself was so to- tally taken up with the thought of revenge upon the person who they thought had been the cause of their distress, that they never considered, that the sad effects of it (if not instantly provided against) must inevitably destroy the kingdom ; and gave no . truce to their rage, till the duke finished his course by a wicked assassination y in the fourth year of the king, and the thirty-sixth of his age. John Felton, an obscure man in his own person, ^ The assas. who had been bred a soldier, and lately a lieutenant tlleVuke^of of a foot company, whose captain had been killed |^^j^'''"°' ^ king] kingdom wicked means mentioned be- * it] the fleet fore " unfortunate] notable ^ an obscure man in his own ^ ^ bitter] mortal person,] an obscure person, y a wicked assassination] the 48 THE HISTORY BOOK upon the retreat at the Isle of Rhe, upon which he I. .conceived that the company of right ought to have 1628, been conferred upon him, and it being refused to him by the duke of Buckingham, general of the army, had s given up his commission of lieutenant, and withdrawn himself from the army. He was of a melancholic nature, and had little conversation with any body, yet of a gentleman's family in Suf- folk, of good fortune and reputation. From the time that he had quitted the army, he resided in London ; when the house of commons, transported with passion and prejudice against the duke of Buckingham, had accused him to the house of peers for several misdemeanours and miscarriages, and in some declaration had styled him, " the cause of all " the evils the kingdom suffered, and an enemy to " the public." Some transcripts of such expressions, (for the late licence of printing all mutinous and seditious dis- courses was not yet in fashion,) and some general invectives he met with amongst the people, to whom that great man was not grateful, wrought so far upon this melancholic gentleman, that, by degrees, and (as he said upon some of his examinations) by frequently hearing some popular preachers in the city, (who were not yet arrived at the presumption and impudence they have been since transported with,) he believed he should do God good service, if he killed the duke ; which he shortly after re- solved to do. He chose no other instrument to do it with than an ordinary knife, which he bought of a common cutler for a shilling : and, thus provided, s had] lie had OF THE REBELLION. 49 he repaired to Portsmouth, where he arrived the eve book of St. Baitholomew. The duke was then there, in '■ — order to the preparing and making ready the fleet and the army, with which he resolved in few days to transport himself to the rehef of Rochelle, which was then straitly besieged by the cardinal Richelieu ; ^ and for the ^ relief whereof the duke was the more obliged, by reason that, at his being at the Isle of Rhe, he had received great supplies of victuals,^ and some companies of their garrison from that town, the want of both which they were at this time very sensible of, and grieved at."^ This morning of St. Bartholomew the duke had received letters, in M^hich he was advertised that Rochelle had relieved itself; upon which he directed that his breakfast might speedily Ije made ready, and he would make haste to acquaint the king with the good news, the court being then at Southwick, the house of sir Daniel Norton, five miles from Portsmouth. The chamber wherein he was dressing himself was full of company, of persons of quality, and officers of the fleet and army. There was monsieur de Soubize, brother to the duke of Rohan, and other French gentlemen, who were very solicitous for the embarkation of the army, and for the departure of the fleet for the re- lief of Rochelle ; and they were at that time " in much trouble and perplexity, out of apprehension ff that the news the duke had received that morning might slacken the preparations for the voyage, which ' by the cardinal Richelieu ;] ' victuals,] victual, by the cardinal of Richelieu ; '" at.] with. '' the] Not in MS. " at that time] at this tinis VOL. I. E 50 THE HISTORY BOOK their impatience and interest persuaded them p were I. . not advanced with expedition ; and so they had then 16-8. jjgjjj j^^uch discourse with the duke of the impossi- bility that his intelligence covdd be true, and that it was contrived by the artifice and dexterity of their enemies, in order to abate the warmth and zeal that was used for theu' relief, the arrival of which relief those enemies had ^ so much reason to apprehend ; and a little longer delay in sending it would ease them of that terrible apprehension, their forts and works toward the sea and in the harbour being al- most finished. This discourse, according to the natural custom of that nation, and by the usual dialect of that lan- guage, was held with that passion and vehemence, that the standers by, who vmderstood not French, did believe that they were angry, "^ and that they -^ used the duke rudely.^ He being ready, and in- formed that his breakfast was ready, drew toAvards the door, where the hangings were held up ; and, in that * very passage, turning himself to speak with sir Thomas Fryer, a colonel of the army, who was then speaking near his ear, he was on the sudden struck over his shoulder upon the breast with a knife ; upon which, without using any other words but," " The villain hath killed me," and in the same moment pulling out the knife himself, he fell down dead, the knife having pierced his heart. No man had seen the blow, or the man who gave^ it; but in the confusion they were in, every man P them] Not in MS. ^ rudely.] very rudely. 1 which relief those enemies ' that] the had] which they had '^ but,] but that, >" angry] very angry ^ gf*ve] made OF THE REBELLION. 51 made his own conjectures, and declared it as a thing book known ; most agreeing that it was done by the '. — French, from the angry discom'se they thought they ^^2^- hady heard from them. And it was a kind of a miracle, that they were not all killed in that in- stant ; the sober ^ sort, that preserved them from it, having the same opinion of their guilt, and only re- serving them for a more judicial examination and proceeding. In the crowd near the door there was found upon the ground a hat, in the inside whereof there was sewed upon the crown a paper, in which was ^ writ four or five lines of that declaration made by the house of commons, in which they had styled the duke an enemy to the kingdom, and under it a short ejacu- lation or two towards a prayer. It was easily enough concluded that the hat belonged to the person who had committed the murder : but the difficulty re- mained still as great, who that person should be ; for the writing discovered nothing of the name ; and ^ whosoever it was, it was very natural to believe that he was gone far enough not to be found without a hat. In this hurry, one running one way, another an- other way, a man was seen walking before the door very composedly witliout a hat ; whereupon one cry- ing out, " Here is the fellow that killed the duke ;" upon which others run ^ thither, every body asking, " Which is he ? Which is he ?" To which the man without the hat very composedly answered, " I am he." Thereupon some of those who were most y had] Not in MS. =* was] were '■ sober] soberer ^ run] ran E 2 (C 52 THE HISTORY BOOK furious, suddenly rune upon the man with their '. drawn swords to kill him : but others, who were at ^"^°' least equally concerned in the loss, and in the sense of it, defended him ; himself with open arms very calmly and cheerfully exposing himself to the fury and swords of the most enraged, as being very will- ing to fall a sacrifice to their sudden anger, rather than to be kept for that deliberate justice, which he I knew must be executed ^ upon him. / He was now known enough, and easily discovered to be that Felton, whom we mentioned before, who / had been a lieutenant in the army. He was quickly carried into a private room by the persons of the / best condition, some whereof were in authority, who I first thought fit so far to dissemble, as to mention the I duke only as grievously wounded, but not without I hope of recovery. Upon which Felton smiled, and said, he knew well enough ^ he had given him a blow, that had determined all their s hopes. Being then asked (which was the discovery principally aimed at) by whose instigation he had performed that horrid and wicked act, he answered them with a wonderful assurance, " That they should not trou- " ble themselves in that inquiry ; that no man living " had credit or power enough with^ him, to have " engaged or disposed him to such an action ; that " he had never intrusted his purpose and resolution " to any man ; that it proceeded only from himself " and the impulse ' of his own conscience ; and that " the motives thereunto would appear, if his hat '^ run] ran s their] those '' executed] exercised '' with] in '^ only] only as ' impulse] impulsion ' enough] Not in MS. OF THE REBELLION. 53 " were found, in which he had therefore fixed them, book I. " because he believed it very probal^le that he might " perish in the attempt. He confessed that he had ^^^^' " come to the town but the night before, and had " kept his lodging, that he might not be seen or " taken notice of; and that he had come that morn- " ing to the duke's lodging, where he had waited at *' the door for his coming out ; and when he found, " by the motions within, that he was coming, he " drew to the door, as if he held up the hanging ; '^ *' and sir Thomas Fryer speaking with^ the duke, " as hath been said, and being of a much lower sta- " ture than the duke, who a little inclined towards " him, he took the opportunity of giving the blow " over his shoulders." ^ He spoke very frankly of what he had done, and bore the reproaches of those who spoke to him, with the temper of a man who thought he had not done -^ amiss. But after he had been in prison some time, where he was treated without any rigour, and with humanity enough ; and before, and at his trial, which was about four months after, at the king's bench bar, he behaved himself with great modesty and wonderful repentance ; being, as he said, convinced in his conscience, that he had done wickedly, and asked the pardon of the king, the duchess, and of all the duke's servants, whom he acknowledged to have offended ; and very earnestly besought the judges, that he might have his hand struck off, with which he had performed that impious act, be- fore he should be put to death. The court was too near Portsmouth, and too The king's receiving ^ with] at that time to ' shoulders.] shoulder. E 3 54 THE HISTORY BOOK many courtiers upon the place, to have this murder (so barbarous "" in the nature and circumstances, the 16-8. jij^g whereof had not been known in England many" the news of in t the dukes ages) long concealed from the king. His majesty was at the public prayers of the church, when sir John Hippesly came into the room, with a troubled countenance, and, without any pause in respect of the exercise they were performing, went directly to the king, and whispered in his ear what had fallen " out. His majesty continued unmoved, and without the least change in his countenance, till prayers were ended ; Avhen he suddenly departed to his chamber, and threw himself upon his bed, lamenting with mucli passion, and with abundance of tears, the loss he had of an excellent servant, and the horrid man- ner in which he had been deprived of him ; and he continued in this melancholic ° discomposure of mind many days. Yet his manner of i^ receiving the news in public, when it was first brought him ^ in the presence of so many, (who knew or saw nothing of the passion he expressed upon his retreat,) made many men be- lieve,"^ that the accident was not very ungrateful ; at least, that it was very indifferent to him ; as being rid of a servant very ungracious to the people, and the prejudice to v/hose person exceedingly obstructed all overtures made in ])arli anient for his service. And, upon this observation, persons of all condi- tions took great licence in speaking of the person of the duke, and dissecting all his infirmities, believing "" barbarous] wonderful p his manner of] the manner " nianvl in many of his " njelancholic] melancholic '' him] to him and ^ believe,] to believe, OF THE REBELLION. 55 they should not thereby incur any displeasure of the book king's.' In which they took very iU measures; for. from that time almost to the time of his own death, ^ ' the king admitted very few into any degree of trust, who had ever discovered themselves to be enemies to the duke, or against whom he had ' manifested a notable prejudice. And sure never any prince ex- pressed a more lively ^ regret for the loss of a ser- vant, than his majesty did for this great man, in his constant favour and kindness to his wife and chil- dren, in all offices of grace towards his servants, and in a wonderful solicitous care for the payment of his debts ; which, it is very true, were contracted for his majesty's service ; though in such a manner, that there remained no evidence of it, nor were any of the duke's officers intrusted with the knowledge of it, nor any record kept of it, but in the king's own generous memory. ''^ ..x'^ This great man ^ was a person of a noble nature, a ciiaracter and generous disposition, and of such other endow-" "^ ments, as made him very capable of being a great favourite to a great king. He understood the arts ^ of a court, and all the learning that is professed there, exactly well. By long practice in business, * king's.] king. with the knowledge of it, nor * had] had ever was there any record of it, but " expressed a more lively] in his majesty's own generous manifested a most lively memory,) and all offices of grace ^ in all offices — generous me- towards his servants, mory.] Thus in MS. : in a won- >' This great man] The MS. derful solicitous care for the begins thus : After all this, and payment of his debts, (which, such a transcendant mixture of it is very true, were contracted ill fortune, of which as ill con- for his service ; though in such duct and great infirmities seem a manner, that there remained to be the foundation and source, no evidence of it, nor was any this great man, &c. of the duke's officers intrusted ^ arts] arts and artifices E 4 56 THE HISTORY BOOK under a master that discoursed excellently, and sure- ly knew all things wonderfully, and took much de- 1628. light in indoctrinating his young unexperienced fa- vourite, who, he knew, w ould be always looked upon as the workmanship of his own hands, he had ob- tained a quick conception, and apprehension of busi- ness, and had the habit of speaking very gracefully and pertinently. He was of a most flowing courtesy and affability to all men who made any address to him ; and so desirous to oblige them, that he did not enough consider the value of the obligation, or the merit of the person he chose to oblige ; from which much of his misfortune resulted. He was of a courage not to be daunted, which was manifested in all his actions, and in ^ his contests with particu- lar persons of the greatest reputation ; and especially in his whole demeanour at the Isle of Rhe, both at the landing and upon the retreat ; in both which no man was more fearless, or more ready to expose him- self to the highest ^ dangers. His kindness and af- fection to his friends was so vehement, that they were as ^ so many marriages for better and worse, and so many leagues offensive and defensive ; as if he thought himself obliged to love all his friends, and to make war upon all they were angry with, let the cause be what it would. And it cannot be de- nied that he was an enemy in the same excess, and prosecuted those he looked upon as his enemies with the utmost rigour and animosity, and was not easily ': induced to ^ reconciliation. And yet there were some examples of his receding in that particular. And « in] Not in MS. *^ they were as] it was ^ highest] brightest '' to] to a OF THE REBELLION. 57 when he was" in the highest passion, he was so far book from stooping to any dissimvilation, whereby his dis- '. — pleasure might be concealed and covered till he had ^^^^• attained his revenge, (the low method of courts,) that he never endeavoured to do any man an ill office, before he first told him what he was to expect from him, and reproached him with the injuries he had done, with so much generosity, that the person found it in his power to receive further satisfaction, in the way he would choose for himself. In ^ this manner he proceeded with the earl of Oxford, a man of great name in that time, and whom he had endeavoured by many civil offices to make his friend, and who seemed equally to incline to the friendship : when he discovered (or, as many thought, but suspected) that the earl was entered into some cabal in parliament against him ; he could not be dissuaded by any of his friends, to whom he imparted his resolution ; but meeting the earl the next day, he took him aside, and after many re- proaches for such and such ill offices he had done him^, and for breaking his word towards him, he told him, "he w^ould rely no longer on his friend- " ship, nor should he expect any further friendship " from him, but, on the contrary, he would be for " ever his enemy, and do him all the mischief he *' could." The earl, (who, as many thought, had not been faulty towards him, was as great-hearted as he, and thought the very suspecting him to be an injury unpardonable,) without any reply to the particulars, declared, " that he neither cared for his " friendship, nor feared his hatred ;" and from thence ^ when he was] Not in MS. ^ In] And in s him] Not in MS. 1628. 58 THE HISTORY BOOK avowedly entered into the conversation and confi- . dence of those who were always awake to discover, and solicitous to pursue, any thing that might prove to his disadvantage ; which was of evil consequence to the duke, the earl being of the most ancient of the nobility, and a man of great courage, and of a family which had in no time swerved from its fide- lity to the crown. Sir Francis Cottington, who was secretary to the prince, and not grown courtier enough to dissemble '' his opinion, had given the duke offence before his ' journey into Spain, as is before touched upon, and improved that prejudice, after his coming thither, by disposing the prince all he could to the marriage of the infanta; and by his behaviour after his re- turn, in justifying to king James, who had a very good opinion of him, the sincerity of the Spaniard in the treaty of the marriage, " That they did in " truth desire it, and were fully resolved to gratify " his majesty in the business of the palatinate ; and " only desired, in the manner of it, to gratify the " emperor and the duke of Bavaria all they '"^ could, " which would take up very little time." All which being so contrary to the duke's purposes and resolu- tions,' his displeasure to Cottington was sufficiently manifest. And king James was no sooner dead, and the new officers and orders made, but the profits and privileges which had used to be continued to him who had been secretary, till some other promo- tion, were all retrenched. And when he was one morning attending in the privy lodgings, as he was h dissemble] dissemble well ' purposes and resolutions,] ' his] the positions and purposes, ^ they] he 1628. OF THE REBELLION. 59 accustomed to do, one of the secretaries of state book came to him, and told him, " that it was the king's _ " pleasure he "^ should no more presume to come " into those rooms ;" (which was the first instance he had received of the king's disfavour ;) and at the same instant the duke entered into that quarter. Sir Francis Cottington " addressed himself towards him, and desired " he would give him leave to speak to " him:" upon which the duke inclining his ear, moved to a window from the company, and the other told him, " that he received every day fresh marks of his " severity ;" mentioned the message which had been then delivered to him, and desired only to know, " whether it could not be in his power, by all du- " tiful application, and all possible service, to be re- " stored to the good opinion his grace had once " vouchsafed to have of him, and to be admitted to " serve him ?" The duke heard him without the least commotion, and with a countenance serene enough, and then answered him, " That he would " deal very clearly with him ; that it was utterly " impossible to bring that to pass which he had pro- " posed : that he was not only firmly resolved never *' to trust him, or to have to do with him ; but that " he was, and would be always, his declared enemy; " and that he would do always whatsoever ° should *' be in his power to ruin and destroy him, and of " this he might be most assured ;" without mention- ing any particvdar ground for his so heightened dis- pleasure. The other very calmly replied to him, (as he was »" he] that he tington " Sir Francis Cottington] " whatsoever] whatever Upon which sir Francis Cot- 60 THE HISTORY BOOK master of an incomparable temper,) " That since he '. — " was resolved never to do him good, he p hoped, " from his justice and generosity, that he would not " suffer himself to gain by his loss ; that he had laid " out by his command so much money for jewels *' and pictures, which he had received : and that, in " hope of his future favour, he had once presented " a suit of hangings to him, which cost him 800/. " which he hoped he would cause to be restored to " him, and that he would not let him be so great " a loser by him." The duke answered, " he was " in the right ; that he should the next morning go " to Oliver, (who was his receiver,) and give him a " particular account of all the money due to him, " and he should presently pay him :" which was done the next morning accordingly, without the least abatement of any of his demands. And he was so far reconciled to him before his death, that being resolved to make peace ^ with Spain, to the end he might more vigorously pursue the war with France, (to which his heart was most passionately fixed,) he sent for Cottington to come to him, and after conference with him, told him, " the king would send him ambassador thither, and " that he should attend him at Portsmouth for his " despatch." His single misfortune was, (which indeed was productive of many greater,) that he never made a noble and a Avorthy friendship with a man so near his equal, that he would frankly advise him for his honour and true interest, against the current, or ra- ther the torrent, of his impetuous passion ; which P he] that he ') peace] a peace OF THE REBELLION. 61 was partly the vice of the time, when the court was book not replenished with great choice of excellent men ; ' and partly the vice of the persons who were most ^^^^' worthy to be applied to, and looked upon his youth, and his obscurity before his lise^ as obligations upon him to gain their friendships by extraordinary ap- plication. Then his ascent was so quick, that it seemed rather a flight than a growth ; and he was such a darUng of fortune, that he was at the top before he was well ^ seen at the bottom ; * and, as if he had been born a favourite, he was supreme the first month he came to court ; and it was want of confidence, not of credit, that he had not all at first "* which he obtained afterwards ; never meeting with the least obstruction from his setting out, till he was as great as he could be : so that he wanted depend- ants before he thought he could want coadjutors. Nor was he very fortunate in the election of those dependants, very few of his servants having been ever qualified enough to assist or advise him ; and they " were intent only upon growing rich under him, not upon their master's growing good as well as great : insomuch as he was throughout his for- tune a much wiser man than any servant or friend he had. Let the fault or misfortune be what or whence it will, it may reasonably " be believed, that, if he had been blessed with one faithful friend, who had been qualified with wisdom and integrity, that great per- son would have committed as few faults, and done >■ before his rise] Not in MS. effect, not cause, of his first pro- * well] Not in MS. motion ; t bottom ;] MS. adds: for the " they] Not in MS. gradation of his titles was the " reasonably] very reasonably 62 THE HISTORY BOOK as transcendent worthy actions, as any man who - shined in such a sphere in that age in Europe. For 1628. jjg ^^g Qf ajj excellent disposition, y and of a mind^ very capable of advice and counsel. He was in his nature just and candid, liberal, generous, and boun- tiful ; nor was it ever known, that the temptation of money swayed him to do an unjust or unkind thing. And though he left a very gi'eat estate ^ to his heirs ; considering the vast fortune he inherited by his wife, the sole daughter and heir of Francis earl of Rutland, he owed no part of it to his own industry or solicitation, but to the impatient humour of two kings his masters, who would make his for- tune equal to his titles, and the one as much ^ above other men, as the other was. And he considered it no otherwise than as theirs, and left it at his death engaged for the crown, almost to the value of it, as is touched upon before. If he had an immoderate ambition, with which he was charged, and is a weed (if it be a weed) apt to grow in the best soils ; it doth not appear that it was in his nature, or that he brought it with him to the court, but rather found it there, and was a gar- ment necessary for that air. Nor was it more in his power to be without promotion, and titles, and wealth, than for a healthy man to sit in the sun in the brightest dog-days, and remain without any warmth. He needed no ambition, who was so seated in the hearts of two such masters. There are two particulars, which lie heaviest upon his memory, either of them aggravated by cir- cumstances very important, and which administer > disposition,] nature, '■* estate] inheritance 2 mind] capacity ^ as much] Not in MS. OF THE REBELLION. 63 frequent occasions by theii- effects to be remem- book bered. '• The first, his engaging his old unwilling master 1628. and the kingdom in the war with Spain, (not to mention the bold journey thither, or the breach of that match,) in a time when the crown was so poor, and the people more inclined to a bold inquiry, how it came to be so, than dutiful^ to provide for its supply : and this only upon personal animosities be- tween him and the duke of Olivarez, the sole fa- vourite in that court, and those animosities from very trivial provocations, which '^ flowed indeed from no other fountain, than that the nature and educa- tion of Spain restrained men from that gaiety and frolic humour,^ to which the prince's court was more inclined. And Olivarez had been heard to censure very severely the duke's familiarity and want of re- spect towards the prince, (a crime monstrous to the Spaniard,) and had said, that " if the infanta did " not, as soon as she was married, suppress that li- " cence, she would herself quickly undergo the mis- " chief of it :" which gave the first alarm to the ^ duke to apprehend his own ruin in that union, and accordingly to use all his endeavours to break and prevent it : and from that time he took all occasions to quarrel with and reproach the Conde duke. One morning the king desired the prince to take the air, and to visit a little house of pleasure he had (the Prado) four miles from Madrid, standing in a forest, where he used sometimes to hunt ; and the duke not being ready, the king and the prince and '^ dutiful] dutifully humour,] from that gaiety of '' which] and humour, and from that frolic '^ from that gaiety and frolic humour, 64 THE HISTORY BOOK the infante don Carlos went into the coach, the king likewise calling the earl of Bristol into that coach I. 1628. to assist them in their conversation, the prince then not speaking any Spanish ; and left Olivarez to fol- low in the coach with the duke of Buckingham. When the duke came, they went into the coach, accompanied with others of both nations, and pro- ceeded very cheerfully towards the^ overtaking the king : but when u23on the way he heard that the earl of Bristol was in the coach with the king, he broke out into aS great passion, reviled the Conde 4 duke as the contriver of the affront, reproached the earl of Bristol for his presumption, in taking the place which in all respects belonged to him, who was joined with him as ambassador extraordinary, and came last from the presence of his '' master, and resolved to go out of the coach, and to return to Madrid. Olivarez easily discovered by the disorder, and the noise, and the tone, that the duke was very angry, without comprehending the cause of it ; only found that the earl of Bristol was often named with such a tone, that he began' to suspect what in truth might be the cause. And thereupon he commanded a gentleman, who was on horseback, with all speed to overtake the king's coach, and desire that it might stay ; intimating, that the duke had taken some displeasure, the ground whereof was not enough understood. Upon which the king's coach stayed ; and when the other approached within dis- " tance, the Conde duke ahghted, and acquainted the king with what he had observed, and what he con- ceived. The king himself ahghted, made great com- ^ the] Not in MS. e a] Not in MS. *' his] their ' begun] began OF THE REBELLION. 65 pliments to the duke, the earl of Bristol excusing book himself upon the king's command, that he should ___il__ serve as interpreter.' In the end don Carlos went ^^2*^- into the coach with the favourite, and the duke and the earl of Bristol went with the king and the prince ; and so they prosecuted their journey, and after dinner returned in the same manner to Ma- drid, This, with all the circumstances of it, adminis- tered wonderful occasion of discourse in the court and country, there having never been such a comet seen in that hemisphere ; their'"' submiss reverence to their princes being a vital part of their religion. There were very few days passed afterwards, in which there was not some manifestation of the high- est displeasure and hatred in the duke against the earl of Bristol.' And when the Conde duke had some eclaircissement with the duke, in which he made aU the protestations of his sincere affection, and his desire to maintain a clear and faithful friend- ship with him, which he conceived might be, in some degree, useful to both their masters ; the other re- ceived his protestations with all contempt, and de- clared, with a very unnecessary frankness, " that he " would have no friendship with him." The next ™ day after the king returned from ac- companying the prince towards the sea, where, at parting, there were all possible demonstrations of mutual affection between them; the king" caused a fair pillar to be erected in the place where they last eml)raced each other, with inscriptions of great ' interpreter.] a trustman, other. ^ their] and their ■" The next] And the next 1 the earl of Bristol.] the " the king] and the king VOL. I. - F 66 THE HISTORY BOOK honour to the prince ; there being then in that court '. not the least suspicion, or imagination, that the mar- > '"^^* riage would not succeed. Insomuch that afterwards, upon the news from Rome, that the dispensation was granted, the prince having left the desponsorios in the hands of the earl of Bristol, in which the in- fante don Carlos was constituted the prince's proxy to marry the infanta on his behalf; she was treated as princess of Wales, the queen gave her place, and the English ambassador had frequent audiences, as with his mistress, in which he would not be covered : yet, I say, the very next day after the prince's de- parture from the king, Mr. Clark, one of the prince's bedchamber, who had formerly served the duke, was H-j sent back to Madrid, upon pretence that somewhat was forgotten there, but in truth, with orders to the earl of Bristol not to deliver the desponsorios (which, by the articles, he was obliged to do within fifteen days after the arrival of the dispensation) until he should receive further orders from the prince, or king, after his return into England. Mr. Clark was not to deUver this letter to the ambassador, till he was sure the dispensation was come ; of which he could not be advertised in the instant. But he lodging in the ambassador's house, and falling sick of a calenture, which the physicians thought would prove mortal, he sent for the earl to come to his bed side, and delivered him the letter before the arrival of the dispensation, though long after it was known to be granted ; upon which all those ceremonies were performed to the infanta. By these means, and by this method, this great affair, upon which the eyes of Christendom had been so long fixed, came to be dissolved, without the least OF THE REBELLION. 67 mixture with, or contribution from, those amours, book which were afterwards so confidently discoursed of ^' For though the duke was naturally carried violently ' ^"^• to those passions, when there was any grace or beauty in the object ; yet the duchess of Olivarez, of whom was the talk,^ was then a woman so old, past children, of so abject a presence, in a word, so — crooked and deformed, that she could neither tempt his appetite, nor v magnify his revenge. And what- soever ^ he did afterwards in England was but tueri opus, and to j^rosecute the design he had, upon the reason and provocation ' aforesaid, so long before contrived during his a})ode in Spain. The other particular, by which he involved him- self in so many fatal intricacies, from which he could never extricate himself, was, his running violently into the war with France, without any kind of pro- vocation, and upon a particular passion very unwar- rantable. In his embassy in France, where his per- son and presence was wonderfully admired and es- teemed, (and in truth it was a wonder in the eyes of all men,) and in which he appeared with all the lustre the wealth of England could adorn him with, and outshined all the bravery that court could dress itself in, and overacted the whole nation in their own most peculiar vanities ; he had the ambition to fix his eyes upon, and to dedicate his most violent affection to, a lady of a very sublime quality, and to pursue it with most importunate addresses : inso- much as when the king had brought the queen his sister as far as he meant to do, and delivered her " was the talk,] the talk was, '' reason and provocation] P nor] or reasons and provocations 1 whatsoever] whatever F 2 68 THE HISTORY BOOK into the hands of the duke, to be by him conducted '■ into England; the duke, in his journey, after the* 16-8. (departure from that court, took a resolution once more to make a visit to that great lady, which he believed he might do with much * privacy. But it K was so easily discovered, that provision was made for his reception ; and if he had pursued his attempt, he had been without doubt assassinated ; of which he had only so much notice, as served him to de- cline the danger. But he swore, in the instant, " that he would see and speak with that lady, in " spite of the strength and power of France." And from the time that the queen arrived in England, he took all the ways he could to undervalue and exasperate that court and nation, by causing aU those who fled into England from the justice and displeasure of that king, to be received and enter- tained here, not only with ceremony and security, but with bounty and magnificence ; and the more extraordinary the persons were, and the more noto- rious theii'" king's displeasure was towards them, (as in that time there were very many lords and ladies in those circumstances," ) the more respectfully they were received and esteemed. He omitted no opportunity to incense the king against France, and to dispose him to assist the Hugonots, whom he likewise encouraged to give their king some trouble. And, which was worse than all this, he took great pains to lessen the king's affection towards his young queen, being exceedingly jealous, lest her interest might be of force enough to cross his other designs : '^ the] his ^ in those circumstances,] of * much] great that classis, " their] the 1628. OF THE REBELLION. 69 and in this stratagem, he so far swerved from the book instinct of his nature and his proper inclinations, . that he, who was compounded of all the elements of affability and courtesy towards all kind of people, had brought himself to a habit of neglect, and even of rudeness, towards the queen. One day, when he unjustly apprehended that she had shewed some disrespect to his mother, in not going to her lodging at an hour she had intended to go,> and was hindered by a mere^ accident, he came into her chamber in much passion, and, after some expostulations rude enough, he told her, " she should " repent it." Her majesty ^ answering with some quickness, he replied insolently to her, " that there " had been queens in England, who had lost their " heads." And it was universally known, that, dur- ing his life, the queen never had any credit with the king, with reference to any public affairs, and so could not divert the resolution of making a war with France. The war with Spain had found the nation in a surfeit of a long peace, and in a disposition inclin- able enough to war with that nation, which might put an end to an alliance the most ungrateful to them, and which they most feared, and from whence no other damage had yet befallen them, than a chargeable and unsuccessful voyage by sea, without the loss of ships or men. But a war with France must be carried on at another rate and expense.' Besides, the nation was weary and surfeited with the first, before the second was entered upon ; and it was very visible to wise men, that when the ge- y go,] do, ' mere] very =• Her majesty] And her majesty F 3 THE HISTORY . BOOK neral trade of the kingdom, from whence the sup- port of the crown principally resulted, should be ut- I. 1 628. terly extinguished with France, as it was with Spain, and interrupted or obstructed with all other places, (as it must be, in a great measure,^ in a war, how prosperously soever carried on,) the effects would be very sad, and involve the king in many perplexities ; and it could not but fall out accordingly. Upon the return from Cales without success, though all the ships, and, upon the matter, all the men were seen, (for though some had so surfeited in the vineyards, and with the wines, that they had been left behind, the generosity of the Spaniards had sent them all home again ;) and though by that fleet's putting in at Plymouth, near two himdred miles from London, there could be but very '^ imper- fect relations, and the news of yesterday was con- tradicted by '^ the morrow ; besides that ^ the expe- dition had been undertaken by the advice of the parliament, and with an universal approbation of the people, so that nobody could reasonably speak loudly against it ; yet, notwithstanding all this, the ' -^ ill success was heavily borne, and imputed to ill con- duct ; the principal officers of the fleet and army di- vided amongst themselves, and all united in their murmurs against the general, the lord viscount Wim- bledon ; who, though an old officer in Holland, was never thought equal to the enterprise ^ In a word, there was indisposition enough quickly discovered against the war itself, that it was easily discerned it, '^ in a great measure,] Not in ^ that] Not in MS. MS. ^ enterprise] MS. adds: and "^ there could be but very] so had in truth little more of a that there could be very Holland officer than the pride ^ by] Not in MS. and formality. OF THE REBELLION. 71 would not be pursued with the vigour it was en- book tered into, nor carried on by any cheerful contribu-— — tion of money from the public. ^ ^'^^• But the running into this war with France (from whence the queen was so newly and s joyfully re- ceived) without any colour of reason, or so much as the formality of a declaration from the king, con- taining the ground, and provocation, and end of it, according to custom and obUgation in the like cases, (for it was observed that the manifesto '^ which was j)ublished was in the duke's own name, who went admiral and general of the expedition,) opened the mouths of all men to inveigh against it with all bit- terness, and the sudden ill effects of it, manifested in the return of the fleet to Portsmouth, within such a distance of London, that nothing could be con- cealed of the loss sustained ; in which most noble families found a son, or a' brother, or near kinsman wanting, without such circumstances of their deaths which are usually the consolations and recompenses of such catastrophes. The retreat had been a rout without an enemy, and the French had their re- venge by the disorder and confusion of the English themselves ; in which great numbers of noble and ignoble were crowded to death, or drowned without the help of an enemy : and as some '^ thousands of the common men were wanting, so few of those principal officers who attained^ to a name in war, and by whose courage and experience any war was to be conducted, could be found. The effects of this overthrow did not at first ap- s and] and so ^ some] many *• manifesto] declaration ' attained] hud attained ' a] Not in MS. ¥ 4 72 THE HISTORY BOOK pear in whispers, murmurs, and invectives, as the retreat "^ from Cales had done ; but produced such 1 628. r^ general consternation over the face of the whole nation, as if all the armies of France and Spain were united together, and had covered the land: .^0/ mutinies in the fleet and army, under pretence of their want of pay, (whereof no doubt there was j^a much due to them,) but in truth, out of detestation ^ of the service, and the authority of the duke. The counties throughout the kingdom were so incensed, and their affections poisoned, that they refused to suffer the soldiers to be billetted upon them; by which they often underwent greater inconveniences and mischiefs than they endeavoured to prevent. The endeavour to raise new men for the recruit of the army by pressing (the usual " method that had commonly" been practised upon such occasions) found opposition in many places ; and the autho- rity by which it was done not submitted to, as being counted ^ illegal. This ^ produced a resort to martial law, by which many were executed ; which raised an asperity in the minds of more than of the common people. And tliis distemper was so uni- versal, that ^ the least spark still meeting with com- bustible matter enough to make a flame, all^ wise men looked upon it as the prediction of the destruc- tion and dissolution that would follow. Nor was there a serenity in the countenance of any man, who had age and experience enough to consider things to come ; but only in those who wished the '" retreat] retirement 'i This] which " usual] only >• that] Not in MS. " commonly] ever ^ all] that all P being counted] Not in MS. OF THE REBELLION. 73 destruction of the duke, and thought it could not be book purchased at too dear a price, and looked upon this ^' flux of humours as an inevitable way to bring it to ^ ^28. pass. And it cannot be denied, that from these two wars so wretchedly entered into, and the circum- stances before mentioned, and which flowed from thence, the duke's ruin took its date ; and never left pursuing hmi, till that execraljle act upon his person ; the malice whereof was contracted by that sole evil spirit of the time, without any partner in the conspiracy. And the venom of that season in- creased and got vigour, until, from one licence to another, it proceeded till the nation was coiTupted to that monstrous degree, that it grew satiated, and weary of the government itself; under which it had enjoyed a greater measure of felicity, than any na- tion was ever possessed of; and which could never be continued to them, but under the same govern- ment'. And as these calamities originally sprung from the inordinate appetite and passion of this young man, under the too much easiness of two in- dulgent masters, and the concurrence of a thousand other accidents ; so," if he had lived longer,^ the ob- servation and experience he had gained 5^^, which had very much improved his understanding, with the greatness of his spirit, and jealousy of his master's honour, (to whom his fidelity was superior to any temptation,) might have repaired many of the incon- veniences which he had introduced, and would have t government] Not in MS. was taken away at the age of " so,] so that, thirty-six years) " longer,] MS. adds: (for he y gained] Not in MS. 74 THE HISTORY BOOK prevented the mischiefs which were the natural ef- ' fects of those causes. 1628. There were many stories scattered abroad at that An account _ •' _ of apredic- time, of scveral prophecies and predictions of the duke's duke's untimely and violent death. Amongst the ^^^^^' rest there was one, which was upon a better foun- dation of credit than usually such discourses are founded upon. There was an officer in the king's wardrobe in Windsor castle, of a good reputation for honesty and discretion, and then about the age of fifty years, or more. This man had, in his youth, been bred in a school, in the parish where sir George Villiers, the father of the duke, lived, and had been much cherished and obliged, in that season of his age, by the said sir George, whom afterwards he never saw. About six months before the misei-able end of the duke of Buckingham, about midnight, this man being in his bed at Windsor, where his office was, and in a^ very good health, there ap- peared to him, on the side of his bed, a man of a very venerable aspect, who drew the curtains of his bed, and, fixing his eyes upon him, asked him, if he knew him. The poor man, half dead with fear and apprehension, being asked the second time, whether he remembered him ; and having in that time called to his memory the presence of sir George Villiers, and the very clothes he used to wear, in which at that time he seemed to be habited, he an- swered him^, " that he thought him to be that per- " son." He replied, " he was in the right ; that he " was the same, and that he expected a service from ' a] Not in MS. « him] Not in MS. OF THE REBELLION. 75 " him; which was, that he should go from him to book " his son the duke of Buckingham, and tell him, if ^' " he did not ^ somewhat to ingratiate himself to the ^ ^28. " people, or, at least, to abate the extreme malice " they had against him, he would be suffered to live " but ^ a short time." After '^ this discourse he dis- appeared ; and the poor man, if he had been at all waking, slept very well till morning, when he be- lieved all this to be a dream, and considered it no otherwise. The next night, or shortly after, the same person appeared to him again in the same place, and about the same time of the night, with an aspect a Uttle more severe than before, and asked him, whether he had done as he had required him : and perceiving he had not, gave him very severe ^ reprehensions ; told him, " he expected more compliance from him ; " and that, if he did not perform liis commands, he " should enjoy no peace of mind, but should be al- " ways pursued by him ;" upon which, he promised him to obey him. But the next morning waking ' out of a good sleep, though he was exceedingly per- plexed with the lively representation of all particu- lars to his memory, he was wiUing still to persuade himself that he had only dreamed ; and considered, that he was a person at such a distance from the duke, that he knew not how to find any admission to his presence, much less had any hope to be be- lieved in what he should say. So ^ with great trouble and unquietness, he spent some time in thinking ^ did not] did not do ^ severe] sharp " but] Not in MS. f So] And so ^ After] And after 76 THE HISTORY BOOK what he should do, and in the end resolved to do ' nothing in the matter. 1628. The same person appeared to him the third time, with a terrible countenance, and bitterly reproach- ing him for not performing what he had promised to do. The poor man had by this time recovered the courage to tell him, " That in truth he had de- " ferred the execution of his commands, upon con- " sidering, how difficult a thing it would be for him " to get any access to the duke, having acquaintance " with no person about him ; and if he could obtain " admission to him, he should never be able to per- " suade him, that he was sent in such a manner; " but he should at best be thought to be mad, or to *' be set on and employed, by his own or the malice " of other men, to abuse the duke ; and so he should " be sure to be undone." The person replied, as he had done before, " That he should never find rest, " till he should perform what he required ; and " therefore he were better to despatch it : that the " access to his son was known to be very easy ; and " that few men waited long for him : and for the " gaining him credit, he would tell him two or three " particulars, which he charged him never to men- " tion to any person living, but to the duke himself; " and he should no sooner hear them, but he would " believe all the rest he should say ;" and so repeat- ing his threats s he left him. In ^^ the morning, the poor man, more confirmed by the last appearance, made his journey to London ; where the court then was. He was very well known 8 repeating his threats] repeated his threats *' In] And in OF THE REBELLION. 77 to sir Ralph Freeman, one of the masters of re- book quests, who had married a lady that was nearly al- ^' lied to the duke, and was himself well received by ^^^S. him. To him this man went ; and though he did not acquaint him with all particulars, he said enough to him to let him see there was somewhat extraordi- nary in it ; and the knowledge he had of the sobriety and discretion of the man made the more impression in him. He desired that " by his means he might be " brought to the duke ; to such a place, and in such " a manner, as should be thought fit :" affirming, i " That he had much to say to him ; and of such a " nature, as would require much privacy, and some " time and patience in the hearing." Sir Ralph pro- mised " he would speak first with the duke of him, " and then he should understand his pleasure :" and ~^ accordingly, in the first opportunity, he did inform him of the reputation and honesty of the man, and then what he desired, and of all he kneAV of the matter. The duke, according to his usual openness and condescension, told him, " That he was the next " day early to hunt with the king ; that his horses " should attend him at Lambeth-bridge, where he " would land by five of the clock in the morning ; " and if the man attended him there at that hour, " he would walk, and speak with him, as long as " should be necessary." Sir Ralph carried the man with him the next morning, and presented him to the duke at his landing, who received him courte- ously ; and walked aside in conference near an hour, none but his own servants being at that hour in that place ; and they and sir RaljDh at such a distance, ' affirming,] Not in MS. 78 THE HISTORY BOOK that they could not hear a word, though the duke '■ — sometimes spoke, and with great commotion ; which ^ ' sir Ralph the more easily observed, and perceived, because he kept his eyes always fixed upon the duke ; having procured the conference, upon some- what he knew there was of extraordinary. And the man told him in his return over the water, " That when he mentioned those particulars which " were to gain him credit, the substance whereof he *' said he durst not impart to him, the duke's colour " changed, and he swore he could come to that " knowledge only by the Devdl ; for that those par- *' ticulars were known only ^ to himself, and to one " person more, who, he was sure, would never speak " of it." The duke pursued his purpose of hunting ; but was observed to ride all the morning with great pen- siveness, and in deep thoughts, without any delight in the exercise he was upon ; and before the morn- ing was spent, left the field, and alighted at his mo- ther's lodgings in Whitehall; with whom he was shut up for the space of two or three hours ; the noise of their discourse frequently reaching the ears of those who attended in the next rooms : and when the duke left her, his countenance appeared full of trouble, with a mixture of anger; a countenance that was never before observed in him, in any con- versation ^ with her, towards whom he had a pro- found"^ reverence. And the countess herself (for though she was married to a private gentleman, sir Thomas Compton, she" had been created countess •^ known only] only known profound] towards her he had ' conversation] encounters ever a most profound "" towards whom he had a " she] Not in MS. OF THE REBELLION. 79 of Buckingham, shortly after her son had first as- book sumed that title) was, at the duke's leaving her, ^- found overwhelmed in tears, and in the highest 1^28. agony imaginable. Whatever there was of all tliis, it is a notorious truth, that when the news of the duke's murder (which happened within few months after) was brought to his mother, she seemed not in the least degi-ee surprised ; but received it as if she had foreseen it ; nor did afterwards express such a degree of sorrow, as was expected from such a mo- ther, for the loss of such a son. This digression, much longer than it was intended, may not be thought altogether improper" in tliis discourse. For as the mention of his death was very pertinent, in the place, and upon the occasion, it happened to be made; so upon that occasion it seemed the more reasonable to digress p upon the nature, and character, and fortune of the duke ; as being the best miiTor to discern the temper and spirit of that age, and the wonderful "i concurrence of many fatal accidents, to disfigure the government of two excellent kings ; under whom their kingdoms f^ in general prospered exceedingly, and enjoyed a longer peace, a greater plenty, and in fuller security, than had been in any former age."^ " improper] unnatural adds : and who was so far ^ digress] enlarge from any acrimony to the me- '1 and the wonderful] and the mory of that great favourite, rather and because all the par- (whose death he had lamented ticulars before set down are to at that time, and endeavoured be found in the papers and to vindicate him from some li- memorials of the person, whose bels and reproaches,which vented life is the subject of this dis- after his death,) that he took course, who was frequently delight in remembering his heard to relate the wonderful many virtues, and to magnify "" any former age.] MS. his affability and most obliging 80 THE HISTORY BOOK And because there was so total a change of all counsels, and in the whole face of the court, upon / / A ror ect *^^ dcatli of that mighty ^ favourite ; all thoughts of of the court ^ar being presently laid aside, (though there was a nisters after faiut looking towards the relief of Rochelle by the the duks's death. flcct, that was ready under the command of the earl ^' of Lindsey,) and the provisions for peace and plenty taken to heart ; it wiU not be unuseful nor unplea- sant to enlarge the digression, before a return to the proper subject of the discourse, by a prospect of the constitution of the court, after that bright star was shot out of the horizon : who were the chief mini- sters, that had the principal management of public affairs in church and state ; and how equal their fa- culties and qualifications were for those high trans- actions ; in which mention shall be only made of those who were then in the highest trust ; there being at that time no ladies, who had disposed them- 1 selves to intermeddle in business : and hereafter, when that activity begun,* and made any progress, it will be again necessary to take a new survey of the court upon that alteration. Of the lord Sir Thomas Coventry was then lord keeper of the ventry. "' great scal of England, and newly made a baron. He was a son of the robe, his father having been a judge in the court of the common pleas ; who took great care to breed him," though his first born, in nature ; and he kept the memo- some servants of the duke's, rial of that prediction, (tliough who had the nearest trust with no man looked upon relations him, and who were informed of of that nature with less reve- much of it before the murder of rence and consideration,) the the duke, substance of which (he said) was " mighty] omnipotent confirmed to him by sir Ralph * begun,] began. Freeman, and acknowledged by " him,] his son. OF THE REBELLION. 81 the study of the common law; by which he'' liim- rook self had been promoted to that degree ; and in whicli, [; in the society of the Inner Temple, his son made a JG28. notable progress, by an early eminence in practice and learning ; insomuch as he was recorder of Lon- don, solicitor general, and king's attorney, before he was forty years of age. A rare ascent ! All which offices he discharged with great al)ilities, and singu- lar reputation of integrity. In the first year after the death of king James, he was advanced to he keeper of the great seal of England (the usual ' ad- vancement from the office of attorney general) upon the removal of the bishop of Lincoln ; who, tliough a man of great wit and good scholastic learning, was generally thought so very unequal to the place, that his remove was the only recompense and satisfaction that could be made for his promotion. And yet it was enough known, that the disgrace proceeded only from the private displeasio-e of the duke of Buckingham. The lord Coventry enjoyed this place with an universal reputation (and sure justice was never better administered) for the space of about sixteen years, even to his death, some months before he was sixty years of age ; which was anotlier im- , portant circumstance of his felicity, that great office being so slippery, that no man had died in it before for near the space of forty years. Nor had his suc- cessors, for some time after him, much better for- tune. And he himself had use of all his strengtli and skill (as he was an excellent wrestler in this kind^) to preserve himself from falling, in two shocks : the one given him by the earl of Portland, ^ he] Not in MS. ' in this kind] Not in MS, y the usual] the natural VOL. I. G 82 THE HISTORY BOOK lord high treasurer of England; the other by the I. .marquis of Hamilton, who had the greatest power 1628. over the affections of the king of any man of that time. He was a man of wonderful gravity and wisdom ; and understood not only the whole science and mys- tery of the law, at least equally with any man who had ever sate in that place ; but had a clear concep- tion of the whole policy of the government both of f church and state, which, by the unskilfulness of some well-meaning men, justled each the other too much. He knew the temper, disposition,^ and genius of the kingdom most exactly ; saw their spirits grow every day more sturdy, inquisitive,'' and impatient; and therefore naturally abhorred all innovations which he foresaw would produce ruinous effects. Yet many, who stood at a distance, thought that he was not active and stout enough in opposing'^ those innovations. For though, by his place, he presided in all pubUc councils, and was most sharp-sighted in the consequence of things ; yet he was seldom known , to speak in matters of state, which, he well knew, ^^ were for the most part concluded, before they were brought to that pubHc agitation; never in foreign affairs, which the vigour of his judgment could well have comprehended \^ nor indeed freely in any thing, but what immediately and plainly concerned the jus- tice of the kingdom ; and in that, as much as he could, he procured references to the judges. Though in his nature he had not only a firm gravity, but a ^disposition,] and disposition, ''could well have compre- '' inquisitive,] and inquisitive, hended ;] could well conipre- '^ in opposing] in the opposing hend ; OF THE REBELLION. 83 severity, and even some morosity,^ yet it was so hap- book pily tempered, and his courtesy and affability towards ' all men so transcendent '^ and s so much without affec- ^^"^^" tation, that it marvellously recommended him ^ to all men of all degrees, and he was looked upon as an excellent courtier, without receding from the native simplicity of his own manners. ' He had, in the plain way of speaking and delivery, without much ornament of elocution, a strange pow- er of making himself believed, the only justifiable de- sign of eloquence : so that though he used very frank- ly to deny, and would never suffer any man to depart from him with an opinion that he was inclined to gratify, when in truth he was not, holding that dissi- mulation to be the worst of lying ; yet the manner of it was so gentle and obliging, and his condescen- sion such, to inform the persons whom he could not satisfy, that few departed from him with ill will, and ill wishes. But then, this happy temper and these good facul- ties rather preserved him from having many enemies, and supplied him with some well-wishers, than fur- nished him with any fast and unshaken friends ; who are always procured in courts l)y more ardour, and more vehement professions and applications, than he would suffer himself to be entangled with. So that he was a man rather exceedingly liked, than passion- ately loved : insomuch that it never appeared, that he had any one friend in the court, of quality enough ^morosky,']MS.adds : (which § and] Not in MS. his children and domestics had '' recommended him] recon- evidence enough of,) ciled f so transcendent] was so ' manners.] manner, transcendent G 2 84 THE HISTORY BOOK to prevent or divert any disadvantage he might be - exposed to. And therefore it is no wonder, nor to 1 1C28. jjQ imputed to him, that he retired within himself as much as he could, and stood upon his defence with- out making desperate sallies against growing mis- chiefs ; which, he knew well, he had no power to hinder, and which might probably begin in his own ruin. To conclude ; his security consisted very much in his having but little credit'^ with the king; and he died in a season most opportune, in which' a wise man would have prayed to have finished his course, and which in truth crowned his other signal prospe- rity in the Vv^orld. Of the lord Sir Richard "Weston had been advanced to the Weston, white staff, into'" the office of lord high treasurer of laLiL ""^ England, some months before the death of the duke of Buckingham ; and had, in that short time, so much disobliged him, at least disappointed his expec- tation, that many, who were privy to the duke's most secret purposes, did believe, that, if he had outlived that voyage in which he was engaged, he would have removed him, and made another treasurer. And it is very true, that great office too had been very slippery, and not fast to those who had trusted themselves in it : insomuch as there were at that time five noble persons alive, who had all succeeded one another im- mediately in that unsteady charge, without any other person intervening : the earl of Suffolk ; the lord vis- j count Mandevile, afterwards earl of Manchester ; the '' earl of Middlesex ; and the earl of Marlborough, who was removed under pretence of his age and disabi- ^ in his having but little ere- ' in which] and in which dit] in the little credit he had "' into] to OF THE REBELLION. 85 lity for the work, (which had been a better reason book against his promotion, so few years before, that his ' infirmities were very little increased,) to make room ^^-^• for the present officer ; who, though advanced by the duke, may properly be said to be established by his death. He was a gentleman of a very ancient" extraction by father and mother. His education had been very good amongst books and men. After some years study of the law in the Middle TemjDle, he travelled into foreign parts, and at an age fit to make observa- tions and reflections ; out of which, that which is commonly called experience is constituted. After this he betook himself to the court, and lived there some years ; at that distance, and with that awe, as was agreeable to the modesty of the age, when men were seen some time before they were known ; and well known before they were preferred, or durst j)re- tend to it.° He spent the best part of his fortune (a fair one, that he inherited from his father) in his attendance at court, and involved his friends in securities with him, who were willing to run his hopeful fortune, before he received the least fruit from it, but the countenance of great men and those in authority, the most natural and most certain stairs to ascend by. He was then sent ambassador to the archdukes, Albert and Isabella, into Flanders ; and to the diet in Germany, to treat about the restitution of the pa- latinate ; in which negotiation he behaved himself with great prudence, and with the concurrent testi- " very ancient] very good and ° durst pretend to it.] durst ancient ' pretend to be |>reterred. G 3 1628. 86 THE HISTORY liooK mony of his being a wise man,P from all those princes and ambassadors with whom he treated, "i Upon*^ his return, he^ was made a privy-counsel- lor, and chancellor of the exchequer, in the place of the lord Brooke, who was either persuaded, or put out of the place ; which, being an office of honour and trust, is likewise an excellent stage for men of parts to tread, and expose themselves upon ; where ^ they have occasions of all kinds" to lay out and spread all their faculties and qualifications most for their advantage. He behaved himself very well in this function, and appeared equal to it ; and car- ried himself so luckily in parliament, that he did his master much service, and preserved himself in the good opinion and acceptation of the house ; which is a blessing not indulged to many by those high pow- ers. He did swim in those troubled and boisterous waters, in which the duke of Buckingham rode as admiral, with a good grace, when very many who were about him were drowned, or forced on shore with shrewd hurts and bruises : which shewed he knew well how and when to use his limbs and strength to the best advantage ; sometimes only to avoid sinking, and sometimes to advance and get ground : and by this dexterity he kept his credit with those who could do him good, and lost it not with others, who desired the destruction of those upon whom he most depended. P testimony of his being a ambassadors, wise man,] testimony of a wise '' Upon] and upon man, ^ he] Not in MS. '' princes and ambassadors ' where] and where with whom he treated.] with " occasions of all kinds] oc- whom he treated, princes and casion of all natures OF THE REBELLION. 87 He was made lord treasurer in the manner and at book the time mentioned before, upon the removal of the . earl of Marlborough, and few months before the death ' ^^^' of the duke. The former circumstance, which is often attended by compassion towards the degraded, and prejudice towards the promoted, brought him no disadvantage : for besides the delight that season had in changes, there was little reverence towards the person removed ; and the extreme visible poverty of the exchequer sheltered that province from the envy it had frequently created, and opened a door for much applause to be the portion of a wise and provident minister. For the other, of the duke's death, though some, who knew the duke's passions and prejudice, (which often produced rather sudden indisposition, than obstinate resolution,) believed he would have been shortly cashiered, as so many had lately been ; and so that the death of his founder was a gi'eater confirmation of him in the office, tlian the delivery of the white staff to him^ had been : yety many other wise men, who knew the treasurer's talent in remov- ing prejudice, and reconciling himself to wavering and doubtful affections, believed, that the loss of the duke was very unseasonable ; and that the awe or apprehension of his power and displeasure was a very necessary alloy' for the imj^etuosity of the new offi- cer's nature, which needed some restraint and check, for some time, to his immoderate pretences, and ap- petite of power. He did indeed appear on the sudden wonderfully elated, and so far threw off his old affectation to please some very much, and to displease none, in =< to him] Not in MS. >' yet] Not in MS. ■'■ alloy] allay G 4 88 THE HISTORY BOOK which art he had excelled, that in few months after the duke's death he found himself to succeed him in '^^^- the pubhc displeasure, and in the malice of his ene- mies, without succeeding him in his credit at court, or in the affection of any considerable dependants. And yet, though he was not superior to all other men in the affection, or rather resignation, of the king, so that he might dispense favours and disfa- vours according to his own election, he had a full share in his master's esteem, who looked upon him as a wise and able servant, and worthy of the trust he reposed in him, and received no other advice in "^ the large business of his revenue ; nor was any man so much his superior, as to be able to lessen him in the king's affection by his power. So that he was in a post, in which he might have found much ease and delight, if he could have contained himself within the verge of his own province, which was large enough, and of such extent,* that he might, at the same time, have drawn a great dependence upon him of very considerable men, and have appeared'^ a very useful and profitable minister to the king ; whose re- venue had been very loosely managed during the late years, and might, by industry and order, have been easily improved : and no man better understood what method was necessary towards that good hus- bandry, than he. But I know not by what frowardness in his stars, he took more pains in examining and inquiring into other men's offices, than in the discharge of his own ; and not so much joy in what he had, as trouble and agony for what he had not. The truth is, he had so " such extent,] such an extent, '* have appeared] appeared OF THE REBELLION. 89 vehement a desire to be the sole favourite, that he book had no relish of the power he had : and in that con- ' tention he had many rivals, who had credit enough ^ ^'^^* to do him ill offices, though not enough to satisfy their own ambition ; the king himself being resolved to hold the reins in his own hands, and to put no further trust in others, than was necessary for the capacity they served in. Which resolution in his majesty was no sooner believed, and the treasurer's pretence taken notice of '^, than he found the number of his enemies exceedingly increased, and others to be less eager in the pursuit of his friendship ; and every day discovered some infirmities in him, which being before known to few, and not taken notice of, did now expose him both to public reproach, and to private animosities ; and even his vices admitted those contradictions in them, that he could hardly enjoy the pleasant fruit of any of them. That which first exposed him to the public jealousy, which is al- ways attended with public reproach, was the concur- rent suspicion of his religion. His wife and all his daughters were declared of the Roman ^^ religion: and though he*^ himself, and his sons, sometimes went to church, he was never thought to have zeal for it ; and his domestic conversation and depen- dants, with whom only he used entire freedom, were all known papists, ^ and were believed to be agents for the rest. And yet, with all this disadvantage to himself, he never had reputation and credit with that party, who were the only people of the kingdom who did not believe him to be of their profession. For ' of] Nut in MS. ^ he] Not hi MS. '' Roman] Romish '' papists,] catholics, 90 THE HISTORY BOOK the penal laws (those only excepted which were san- guinary, and even those sometimes let loose) were • never more rigidly executed, nor had the crown ever ^ \ so great a revenue from them, as in his time ; nor did they ever pay so dear for the favours and indul- gences of his office towards them. No man had greater ambition to make his family great, or stronger designs to leave a great fortune to it. Yet his expenses were so prodigious,^ especially in his house, that all the ways he used for supply, which were all that occurred, could not serve his turn ; insomuch that he contracted so great debts, (the anxiety whereof, he pretended, broke his mind, and restrained that attention^' and industry, which was necessary for the due execution of his office,) ( that the king was pleased twice to pay his debts ; at least, towards it, to disburse forty thousand pounds in ready money out of his exchequer. Besides, his majesty gave him a whole forest (Chute forest in "^ Hampshire) and much other land belonging to the crown ; which was the more taken notice of, and murmured against, because, being the chief minister of the revenue, he was particularly obliged, as much as in him lay, to prevent, and even oppose, such dis- inherison ; and because, under that obligation, he had, avowedly and sourly, crossed the pretences of other men, and restrained the king's bounty from being exercised almost to any. And he had that ad- vantage, (if he had made the right use of it,) that his credit was ample enough (seconded by the king's own experience, and observation, and inclination) to retrench very much of the late unlimited expenses, t prodigious,] prodigiously great, ^' attention] intentness OF THE REBELLION. 91 and especially those of bounties; which from the book death of the duke ran in narrower^ channels, and^ ___!__ never so much overflowed as towards himself, who ^^^8. stopped the current to other men. He was of an imperious nature, and nothing wary in disobhging and provoking other men, and had too much courage in offending and incensing them : but after having offended and incensed them, he was of so unhappy a feminine temper, that he was always in a terrible fright and appreliension of them. He had not that application, and submission, and I'everence for the queen, as might have been expect- ed from his wisdom and breeding, and often crossed her pretences and desires, with more rudeness than was natural to him. Yet he was impertinently soli- citous to know what her majesty said of him in pri- vate, and what resentments she had towards him. And when by some confidants, who had their ends upon him from those offices, he was informed of some bitter expressions fallen from her majesty, he was so exceedingly afflicted and tormented with the sense of it, that sometimes by passionate complaints and representations to the king ; sometimes by more duti- ful addresses and expostulations with the queen, in bewailing his misfortune ; ^ he frequently exposed himself, and left his condition worse than it Avas be- fore : and the eclaircissement commonly ended in the discovery of the persons from whence'" he had re- ceived his most secret intelligence. He quickly lost the character of a bold, stout, and magnanimous man, which he had been long reputed to be in worse times ; and, in his most prosperous ' narrower] narrow ' misfortime ;] misfortunes ; ^ and] which •" whence] whom m THE HISTORY BOOK season, fell under the reproach of being a man of big ' looks, and of a mean and abject spirit. J 628. There was a very ridiculous story at that time in the mouths of many, which, being a known truth, may not be unfitly mentioned in this place, as a kind of illustration of the humour and nature of the man. Sir Julius Caesar was then master of the rolls, and had, inherent in his office, the indubitable right and disposition of the six clerks' places ; all which he had, for many years, upon any vacancy, bestowed to such persons as he thought fit. One of those places was become void, and designed by the old man to his son Robert Caesar," a lawyer of a good name, and exceedingly beloved. The lord treasurer^ (as he was vigilant in such cases) had notice of the clerk's expiration so soon, that he procured the king to send a message to the master of the rolls, express- ly forbidding him to dispose of that six-clerk's place, till his majesty's pleasure should be further made known to him. It was the first command of that kind that had been heard of, and wasP felt by the old man very sensibly. He was indeed very old, and had outlived most of his friends, so that his age was an objection against him ; many persons of quality being dead, who had, for recompense of services, pro- cured the reversion of his office. The treasurer found it no hard matter so far to terrify him, that (for the king's service, as was pretended) he admitted for a six-clerk a person recommended by him, (Mr. Fern, a dependant upon him,) who paid six thousand pound ready money ; which, poor man ! he lived to " Caesar,] Seymour, surer " The lord treasvirer] 'J'lic tre?i- i' was] Not in MS. OF THE REBELLION. 93 repent in a gaoL This work being done at the charge boo k of the poor old man, who had been a privy-counsellor [_ from the entrance of king James, had been chancel- '^'^S. lor of the exchequer, and served in other offices ; the depriving him of his right made a great noise : and the condition of his son, (his father being not likely^i to live to have the disposal of another office in his power,) who, as was said before, v/as generally be- loved and esteemed, was argument of gi'eat compas- sion, and was lively and successfully represented to the king himself; who was graciously pleased to pro- mise, that, " if the old man chanced to die before any " other of the six-clerks, that office, when it should fall, " should be conferred on his son, whosoever should " succeed him as master of the rolls : " which might well be provided for ; and the lord treasurer obliged himself (to expiate the injury') to procure some de- claration to tliat purpose, under his majesty's sign manual; which, however easy to be done, he long forgot, or neglected. One day the earl of TuUibardine, who was nearly allied to Mr. Caesar, and much his friend, being with the treasurer, passionately asked him, " Whether he " had done that business ?" To whom he answered with a seeming trouble, " That he had forgotten it, " for which he was heartily sorry ; and if he would " give him a little note^ in writing, for a memorial, " he would put it amongst those which he would " despatch mth the king that afternoon." The earl presently writ in a little paper, Rememher CcBsar ; and gave it to him ; and he put it into that little 'I not likely] not like " note] Not in MS. "^ the injury] for the injury 1628. 94 THE HISTOllY BOOK pocket, where, he said, he kept all his memorials . which were first to be transacted. Many days passed, and Caesar never thought of. At length, when he changed his clothes, and he who waited on him in his chamber, according to custom, brought him all the notes and papers which were left in those he had left off, which he then common- ly perused ; when he found this little billet, in which was only written, Remember CcBsar^ and which he had never read before, he was exceedingly con- founded, and knew not what to make or think of it. He sent for his bosom friends, with whom he most confidently consulted, and shewed the paper to them, the contents whereof he could not conceive ; but that it might probably have been put into his hand (because it was found in that enclosure, wherein he put all things of moment which were given him) when he was in motion, and in the privy lodgings in the court. After a serious and melancholic deli- beration, it was agreed, that it was the advertise- ment from some friend, who durst not own the dis- covery : that it could signify nothing but that there was a conspiracy against his life, by his many and mighty enemies : and they all knew Caesar's fate, by contemning or neglecting such animadversions. And therefore they concluded, that he should pretend to be indisposed, that he might not stir abroad all that day, nor that any might be admitted to him, but persons of undoubted affections ; that at night the gates * should be shut early, and the porter enjoined to open them ^ to nobody, nor to go himself to bed till the morning; and that some servants should ^ gates] gate " them] it OF THE REBELLION. 95 watch with him, lest violence might be used at the book gate; and that they . themselves, and some other— ll_ gentlemen, would sit up all the night, and attend ^^^^• the event. Such houses are always in the morning haunted by early suitors; but it was very late be- fore any could now get admittance into the house, the porter having quitted some of that arrear of sleep, which he owed to himself for his night's watching; which he excused to his acquaintance, by whispering to them, " That his lord should have " been killed that night, which had kept all the " house from going to bed." And shortly after, the earl of Tullibardine asking him, whether he had re- membered Caesar ; the treasurer quickly recollected the ground of his perturbation, and could not for- bear imparting it to his friends, who likewise af- fected the communication, and so the whole jest came to be discovered. To conclude, all the honours the king conferred upon him (as he made him a baron, then an earl, and knight of the garter; and abov^e this, gave a young beautiful lady nearly allied to his majesty,'' and to the crown of Scotland, in marriage to his eldest son) could not make him think himself great enough. Nor could all the king's bounties, nor his own large accessions, raise a fortune to his heir; but after six or eight years spent in outward opu- lency, and inward murmur and trouble that it was not greater ;> after v^ast sums of money and great wealth gotten, and rather consumed than enjoyed, without any sense or delight in so great prosperity, with the agony that it was no gi-eater ; he died un- ^ his majesty,] hiiu, y not greater ;] no greater ; 96 THE HISTORY BOOK lamented by any; bitterly mentioned by most who ___^___ never pretended to love him, and severely censured 1 628. and complained of by those who expected most from him, and deserved best of him ; and left a numerous family, which was in a short time worn out, and yet outlived the fortune he left behind him. Of the earl The ucxt great ^ counsellor of state was the lord Chester privy-seal, who was likewise of a noble extraction, leli* ^"^^' ^"^ ^^ ^ family at that time very fortunate. His grandfatlier had been lord chief justice, and left by king Harry the Eighth one of the executors of his last will. He was the younger son of his father, and brought up in the study of the law in the Middle Temple ; and had passed,^ and, as it were, made a progress through all the eminent degrees of the law, and in the state. At the death of queen Elizabeth, or thereabouts, he was recorder of Lon- don ; then the king's sergeant at law ; afterwards ^ chief justice of the king's bench. Before tlie death of king James, by the favour of the duke of Buck- ~~ ingham, he was raised to the place of lord high treasurer of England ; and within less than a year afterwards, by the withdrawing of that favour, he was reduced to the almost ^' empty title of president of the council; and, to allay the sense of the dis- ^ honour, created viscount Mandevile. He bore the diminution very well, as he was a wise man, and of an excellent temper, and quickly recovered so much grace, that he was made earl of Manchester, and lord privy-seal,'^ and enjoyed that office to his death ; ' The next great] The next ^ ahnost] Not in MS. greatest ^earlof Manchester, and \on] ^ had [jassed,] had passed privy-seal,] lord privy-seal, and through, earl of Manchester, 1628. OF THE REBELLION. 97 whilst he saw many removes and degradations in all book the other offices of which he had been possessed. He was a man of great industry and sagacity in business^ which he delighted in exceedingly; and preserved so great a vigour of mind, even to his death, (when he was very near eighty years of age,) that some, who had known him in his younger years, did believe him to have much quicker parts in his age, than before. His honours had gi'own faster upon him than his fortunes ; which made him too solicitous to advance the latter, by all the ways which offered themselves ; whereby he exposed him- self to some inconvenience, and many reproaches, and became less capable of serving the public by his counsels and authority ; which his known wisdom, long experience, and confessed gravity and ability, would have enabled him to have done ; most men considering more the person that speaks, than the things he says. And he was unhappily too much used as a check upon the lord Coventry ; and when the other perplexed their counsels and designs with inconvenient objections in law, his authority, who had trod the same paths, was still called upon ; and he did too frequently gratify their unjustifiable de- signs and pretences : a guilt and mischief, all men who are obnoxious, or who are thought to be so, are liable to, and can hardly preserve themselves from. But his virtues so far weighed down his in- firmities, that he maintained a good general reputa- tion and credit with the whole nation and people; he being always looked upon as full of integrity and zeal to the protestant religion, as it was estabHshed by law, and of unquestionable loyalty, duty, and fide- lity to the king ; which two qualifications will ever VOL. I. H 98 THE HISTORY BOOK gather popular breath enough to fill the sails, if the '. \»essel be competently provided with ballast. He 1628. jj-gjj -jj ^ lucky time, in the beginning of the rebel- lion, when neither religion, or loyalty, or law, or wis- dom, could have provided for any man's security. Of the earl The carl of Arundel was the next officer of state,^ * who, in his own right and quality, preceded the rest of the council. He was generally thought to be a proud man,^ who lived always within himself, and to himself, conversing little with any who were in common conversation ; so that he seemed to live as it were in another nation, his house being a place to which all people ^ resorted, who resorted to no other place ; strangers, or such who affected to look like strangers, and dressed themselves accordingly. He resorted sometimes to the court, because there only was a greater man than himself; and went thither the seldomer, because there was a greater man than himself. He lived towards all favourites, and great officers, without any kind of condescen- sion ; and rather suffered himself to be ill treated by their power and authority (for he was often s in dis- grace, and once or twice prisoner in the Tower) than to descend in making any application to them. And upon these occasions he spent a great inter- val of his time in several journeys into foreign parts, and, with his wife and family, had lived some years in Italy, the humour and manners of which nation he seemed most to like and approve, and affected to imitate. He had a good fortune by descent, and a ^ next officer of state,] next man supercilious and proud, to the officers of state, ^ people] men " He was generally thought ^ often] always to be a proud man,] he was a OF THE REBELLION. 99 much greater from his wife, who was the sole book daughter upon the matter (for neither of the two ^' sisters left any issue) of the gi-eat house of Shrews- ^^-^• bury : but his expenses were without any measure, and always exceeded very much his revenue. He was willing to be thought a scholar, and to under- stand the most mysterious parts of antiquity, because he made a wonderful and costly purchase of excel- lent statues, whilst he was in Italy and in Rome, (some whereof he could never obtain permission to remove from Rome, though he had paid for them,) and had a rare collection of the most curious me- dals.*^ As to all parts of learning he was almost il- '^ literate, and thought no other part of history so^ considerable, as^ what related to his own family; '' in which, no doubt, there had been some very me- morable persons. It cannot be denied that he had in his person, in his aspect, and countenance, the ap- pearance of a great man, which he preserved in his gait and motion. He wore and affected a habit very different from that of the time, such as men had only beheld in the pictures of tlie most considerable men ; aU which drew the eyes of most, and the re- verence of many, towards him, as the image and representative of the primitive nol^ility, and native gravity of the nobles, when they had been most ve- nerable : but this was only his outside, his nature -^ and true humour being much disposed to levity and delights,^ which indeed were very despicable and childish."^ He was rather thought not to be much ^ medals.] MS. adds : whereas ^ as] but in truth he was only able to buy ' much disposed to levity and them, never to understand them ; delights,] so much disposed to and vulgar delights, • so] Not in MS. ™ childish.] MS. adds : He H 2 100 THE HISTORY BOOK concerned for religion," than to incline to this or I. . that party of any ; ° and had little other p affection 1628. £qj. ^Yie nation or the kingdom, than as he had a great share in it, in which, like the great leviathan, he might sport himself; from which he withdrew,*! as soon as he discerned the repose thereof was like to be disturbed, and died in Italy, under the same ^ doubtful character of religion in which he lived. Of William William earl of Pembroke was next, a man of earl of Pem- broke, another mould and making, and of another fame and reputation with all men, being the most universally ""^ beloved ' and esteemed of any man of that age ; and, having a great office in the court, he made the court itself better esteemed, and more reverenced in the country. And as he had a great number of friends of the best men, so no man had ever the confidence * to avow himself to be his enemy. He was a man was never suspected to love from the people by his avidity any body, nor to have the least and pretence of jurisdiction, propensity to justice, charity, or than had ever been extorted by compassion, so that though he all the officers preceding,) yet, got all he could, and by all I say, in all his offices and em- the ways he could, and spent ployments, never man used or much more than he got or had ; employed by him, ever got any he was never known to give fortune under him, nor did ever any thing, nor in all his employ- any man acknowledge any obli- ments (for he had employments, gation to him. of great profit as well as ho- " not to be much concerned nour, being sent ambassador ex- for religion,] to be without re- traordinarj^ into Germany, for ligion, the treaty of that general peace, ° party of any ;] MS. adds : for which he had great appoint- He would have been a proper ments, and in which he did no- instrument for any tyranny, if he thing of the least importance, could have a man tyrant enough and which is more wonderful, to have been advised by him, he was afterwards made general p little other] no other of the army raised for Scotland, i withdrew,] withdrew him- and received full pay as such ; self, and in his own office of earl ■■ beloved] loved marshal, more money was drawn * the confidence] wickedness OF THE REBELLION. 101 very well bred, and of excellent parts, and a grace- book fill speaker upon any subject, having a good propor- '. tion of learning, and a ready wit to apply it, and }^^^' enlarge upon it ; of a pleasant and facetious humour, and a disposition affable, generous, and magnificent. He was master of a great fortune from his ances- tors, and had a great addition by his wife, another ^^ daughter, and heir of the earl of Shrewsbury, which he enjoyed during his life, she outliving him : but all served not his expense, which was only limited by his great mind, and occasions to use it nobly. He lived many years about the court, before in it ; and never by it ; being rather regarded and esteemed by king James, than loved and favoured. After the foul fall of the earl of Somerset, he was made lord chamberlain of the king's house, more for the court's sake than his own ; and the court appeared with the more lustre, because he had the government of that province. As he spent and lived upon his own fortune, so he stood upon his own feet, without any other support than of his proper virtue and merit ; and lived towards the favourites with that decency, as would not suffer them to censure or reproach his master's judgment and election, but as with men of his own rank. He was exceedingly beloved in the court, because he never desired to get that for him- self, which others laboured for, but was still ready to promote the pretences of worthy men. And he was equally celebrated in the country, for having received no obligations from the court which might corrupt or sway his affections and judgment; so that all who were displeased and unsatisfied in the court, or with the court, were always inclined to put themselves under his banner, if he would have H 3 102 THE HISTORY BOOK admitted them; and yet he did not so reject them, '■ — as to make them choose another shelter, but so far / • suffered them ^ to depend on him, that he could re- strain them from breaking out beyond private re- sentments and murmurs. He was a great lover of his country, and of the religion and justice, which he believed could only support it ; and his friendships were only with men of those principles. And as his conversation was most with men of the most pregnant parts and un- derstanding, so towards any such", who needed sup- port or encouragement, though unknown, if fairly recommended to him, he was very liberal. Sure ^ never man was planted in a court, that was fitter for that soil, or brought better qualities with him to purify that air. Yet his mem.ory must not be flattered, > that his virtues and good inclinations may be believed; he was not without ^ some aUay of vice, and without being clouded with great infirmities, which he had in too exorbitant a proportion. He indulged to himself the pleasures of all kinds, almost in all ex- cesses. To women, whether out of his natural con- stitution, or for want of his domestic content and delight, (in which he was most unhappy, for he paid ^ much too dear for his wife's fortune, by taking her "*'" ^ person into the bargain,) he was immoderately given up. But therein he likewise retained such a power and jurisdiction over his very appetite, that he was not so much transported with beauty and outward allurements, as with those advantages of the mind, * suffered them] Not in MS. ^' flattered,] so flattered, " such] Not in MS. ^ believed ; he was not with- ^ Sure] And sure out] believed without OF THE REBELLION. 103 as manifested an extraordinary wit, and spirit, and book knowledge, and administered great pleasure in the_____ conversation. To these he sacrificed himself, his ^^^^• precious time, and much of his fortune. And some, who were nearest his trust and friendship, were not without apprehension, that his natural vivacity and ^ vigour of mind begun ^ to lessen and dechne by those excessive indulgences. About the time of the death of king James, or presently after, he was made lord steward of his majesty's house, that the staff of chamberlain might be put into the hands of his brother, the earl of Montgomery, upon a new contract of friendship with the duke of Buckingham ; after whose death, he had likewise such offices of his, as he most affected, of honour and command ; none of profit, whicli he cared not for ; and within two years after, he died himself of an apoplexy, after a full and cheerful supper. A short story may not be unfitly inserted, it being very frequently mentioned by a person of known integrity^, whose character is here undertaken to be set down, and who, at that time, being on his way to London, met at Maidenhead some persons of qua- lity, of relation or dependance upon the earl of Pem- broke, sir Charles Morgan, commonly called general Morgan, who had commanded an army in Germany, and defended Stoad ; Dr. Feild, then bishop of Saint David's ; and Dr. Chafin, the earl's then chaplain in his house, and much in his favour. At supper one of them di-ank a health to the lord steward : upon which another of them said, " that he beUeved his " lord was at that time very merry, for he had now » begun] began ^ a person of known integrity,] the person H 4 104 THE HISTORY BOOK " outlived the day, which his tutor Sandford had '. " prognosticated upon his nativity he would not out- " live; but he had done it^ now, for that was his bii'th-day, which had completed his age to fifty years." The next morning, by the time they came to Colebrook, they met with the news of his death. He died exceedingly lamented by men of all qua- lities,^ and left many of his servants and dependants owners of good estates, raised out of his employ- ments and bounty. Nor had his heir cause to com- plain : for though his expenses had been very mag- nificent, (and it may be the less considered, and his providence the less, because he had no child to in- herit,) insomuch as he left a great debt charged upon the estate; yet considering the wealth he left in jewels, plate, and furniture, and the estate his bro- ther enjoyed in the right of his wife (Avho was not fit to manage it herself) during her long life, he may be justly said to have inherited as good an estate from him, as he had from his father, which was one of the best in England. Of Philip The earl of Montgomery, who was then lord Montgo- chamberlain of the household, and now earl of Pem- ^^'^^' broke, and the earl of Dorset, were likewise of the privy-council ; men of very different talents and qua- lifications. The former being a young man, scarce of age at the entrance of king James, had the good ~~^ fortune, by the comeliness of his person, his skill, and indefatigable industry in hunting, to be the first who drew the king's eyes towards him with affec- tion; which was quickly so far improved, that he «■ but he had done it] which * men of all qualities] all lie had done qualities of men OF THE REBELLION. 105 had the reputation of a favourite. Before s the end book of the first or second year, he was made gentleman ^' of the king's bedchamber, and earl of Montgomery ; ^^^8. which did the king no harm : for besides that he received the king's bounty with more moderation than other men, who succeed^ him, he was gene- rally known, and as generally esteemed ; being the son of one earl of Pembroke, and younger brother to another,^ who HberaUy supplied his expense, be- yond what his annuity from his father would bear. He pretended to no other qualifications, tlian to ^ understand horses and dogs very well, which his master loved him the better for, (being, at his first coming into England, very jealous of those who had the reputation of great parts,) and to be believed honest and generous, which made him many friends, and left him then^ no enemy. He had not sat many years in that sunshine, when a new comet appeared in court, Robert Carr, a Scotsman, quickly after declared favourite : upon whom the king no sooner fixed his eyes, but the earl, without the least murmur or indisposition, left all doors open for his entrance ; (a rare temper ! and it ^ could proceed from nothing, but his great perfection in loving field-sports ;) which the king received as so great an obligation, that he always after loved him in the second place, and commended him to his son at his death, as a man to be relied on in point of honesty and fidelity ; though it appeared afterwards, that he was not strongly built, nor had sufficient ballast to ^ Before] And before of Pembroke, ^ son of— to another,] son ' then] Not in MS. and younger brother to the earl ^ it] Not in MS. 106 THE HISTORY BOOK endure a storm; of which more will be said here- '. after. r^c^^?^\ The other, the earl of Dorset, was, to all intents, Of Edward ' ' ' earl of Dor- principles, and purposes, another man; his person : beautiful, and graceful, and vigorous ; his wit plea- sant, sparkling, and sublime ; and his other parts of learning, and language, of that lustre, that he could not miscarry in the world. The vices he had were of the age, which he was not stubborn enough to contemn or resist. He was a younger brother, grand- child to the great treasurer Buckhurst, created, at ^ the king's first entrance, earl of Dorset, who out- lived his father, and took care and delight in the education of his grandchild, and left him a good support for a younger brother, besides a wife, who was heir to a fair fortune. As his person and parts were such as are before mentioned, so he gave them full scope, without restraint ; and indulged to his appetite all the pleasures that season of his life (the fullest of jollity and riot of any that preceded, or succeeded) could tempt or suggest to him. He entered into a fatal quarrel, upon a subject very unwarrantable, with a young nobleman of Scotland, the lord Bruce ; upon which they both transported themselves into Flanders, and attended only by two chirurgeons * placed at a distance, and under an obligation not to stir but upon the fall of one of them, they fought under the walls of Ant- werp, where the lord Bruce fell dead upon the place ; and sir Edward Sackville (for so he was tlien called) being likewise hurt, retired into the ' chirurgeons] surgeons OF THE REBELLION. 107 next monastery, which was at hand. Nor did tliis book miserable accident, which he always exceedingly la- ^' mented,"* make that thorough impression upon him, ^^'-^• but that he indulged still too much to those impor- tunate and insatiate appetites, even of that indivi- dual person, that had so lately embarked him in that desperate enterprise; being too much tinder not to be inflamed with those sparks. His elder brother did not enjoy his grandfather's titles " many years, before it descended, for want of heii's male, to the yoimger brother. But in these few years the elder, "^ by an excess of expense in all the ways to which money can be applied, so ^ en- tirely consumed almost the whole great fortune that descended to him, that, when he was forced to leave the title to his younger brother, he left upon the matter nothing to him to support it ; which exposed him to many difficulties and inconveniences. Yet his known great parts, and the very good general reputation he had acquired, notwithstanding his de- fects,^ (for as he was eminent in the house of com- mons, whilst he sat there ; so he shined in the house of peers, w^hen he came to move in that si^here,) in- cUned king James to call him to his privy-council before his death. And if he had not too much che- rished his natmal constitution and propensity, and been too much grieved and wrung by an uneasy and strait fortune, he would have been an excellent man of business ; for he had a very sharp, discerning spi- ^ always exceedingly la- p so] he so niented] did always exceeding- ^ acquired, notwithstanding ly lament his defects^ notwithstanding " titles] title his defects acquired. " the elder,] Not in MS. 108 THE HISTORY BOOK rit, and was a man of an obliging nature, much ho- I _ nour, and great generosity, and of most entire fide- 1G28. i[^y j-Q ^i^Q crown. There were two other persons of much authority in the council, because of great name in the court ; as they deserved to be, being, without doubt, two as accomplished courtiers as were found in the palaces of all the princes in Europe; and the greatest (if not too great) improvers of that breeding, and those qualifications, with which courts used ^ to be adorn- ed ; the earl of Carlisle, and earl of Holland : both, (though men of pleasure,) by their long experience in court, well acquainted with the affairs of the kingdom, and better versed in those abroad, than any other who sat then at that board. Of the earl The formcr, a younger brother of a noble family ai lb e. .^ Scotland, came into the kingdom with king James, as a gentleman ; under no other character, than a person well qualified by his breeding in France, and by study in human learning, in which he bore a good part in the entertainment of the king, who much delighted in that exercise ; and by these means, and notable gracefulness in his beha- viour, and affability, in which he excelled, he had wrought himself into a particular interest with his master, and into greater affection and esteem with the whole Enghsh nation, than any other of that country ; by choosing their friendships and conver- sation, and really preferring it to any of his own : insomuch as upon the king's making him gentleman of his bedchamber and viscount Doncaster, by ^ his royal mediation (in which oflSce he was a most pre- * used] use * by] and by OF THE REBELLION. 109 valent prince) he obtained the sole daughter and book heir of the lord Denny to be given him in marriage ; ^' by which he had a fair fortune in land provided for ^^28. any issue he should raise, and which his son by that lady lived long to enjoy. He ascended afterwards, and with the expedition he desired, to the other conveniences of the court. He was groom of the stole, and an earl, and knight of the garter ; and married a beautiful young lady, daughter to the earl of Northumberland, without any other approbation of her father, or concernment in it, than suffering him and her to come into his presence after they were married. He lived rather in a fair intelligence than any friendship with the favourites ; having credit enough with his master to provide for his own interest, and he troubled not himself for that of other men ; and had no other consideration of money, than for the support of his lustre; and whilst he could do that, he cared not for money, having no bowels in the point of running in debt, or borrowing all he could. He was surely a man of the greatest expense in his own person, of any in the age he lived ; and in- troduced more of that expense in the excess of clothes and diet, than any other man ; and was in- deed the original of all those inventions, from which others did but transcribe copies. He had a great universal understanding, and could have taken as much delight in any other way, if he had thought any other as pleasant, and worth his care. But he found business was attended with more rivals and vexations ; " and, he thought, with much less plea- sure, and not more innocence. " vexations ;] vexation ; 110 THE HISTORY BOOK He left behind him the reputation of a very fine ' gentleman, and a most accomplished courtier ; and 1628. after having spent, in a very jovial life, above four hundred thousand pounds, which, upon a strict com- putation, he received from the crown, he left not a house, nor acre of land, to be remembered by. And when he had in his prospect (for he was very sharp- sighted, and saw as far before him as most men) the gathering together of that cloud in Scotland, which shortly after covered both kingdoms, he died with as much tranquillity of mind to all appearance, as used to attend a man of more severe exercise of vir- tue ; and with^ as little apprehension of death, which he expected many days. Of the earl The earl of Holland was a younger son of a noble *^ *° ■ house, and a very fruitful bed, which divided a nu- merous issue between two great fathers ; the eldest, many sons and daughters to the lord Rich ; the younger, of both sexes, to Mountjoy earl of Devon- shire y. The reputation of his family gave him no great advantage in the world, though his eldest ])ro- ther was earl of ^Varwick, and owner of a great for- tune ; and his younger earl of Newport, of a very plentiful revenue likewise. He, after some time spent in France, betook himself to the war in Hol- land, which he intended to have made his profes- sion ; where, after he had made two or three cam- paigns, according to the custom of the English vo- lunteers, he came in the leisure of the winter to visit his friends in England, and the court, that shined then in the plenty and bounty of king James ; and about the time of the infancy of the ^ with] Not in MS. adds: who had been more than V earl of Devonshire] MS. once married to the mother. OF THE REBELLION. Ill duke of Buckingham's favours/- to whom he grew book in a short time very acceptable. But his friendship ^' was more entire to the earl of Carlisle, who was ^^^^• more of his nature and humour, and had a genero- sity more applicable at that time to his fortune and his ends. And it was thought by many who stood within view, that for some years he supported him- self upon tlie familiai'ity and friendship of the other ; which continued mutually between them very many years, with little interruption, to their death. He was a very handsome man, of a lovely and winning presence, and gentle conversation ; by which he got so easy an admission into the court, and grace of king James, that he gave over the thought of further intending the life of a soldier. He took all the ways he could to endear himself to the duke, and to his confidence, and wisely declined the re- ceiving any grace or favour, but as his donation ; above all, avoided the suspicion that the king had any kindness for him, upon any account but of the duke, whose creature he desired to be esteemed, though the earl of Carlisle's friend. And he pros- pered so well in that pretence, that the king scarce made more haste to advance the duke, than the duke did to promote the other. He first preferred him to a wife, the daughter and heir of Cope, by whom he had a good fortune ; and, amongst other things, the manor and seat of Kensington, of which he was shortly after made baron. And he had quickly so entire a confidence in him, that the duke ^ jDrevailed with the king to jy^ put him about his son the prince of Wales, and to ^ favours,] favour, ^ the duke] he 112 THE HISTORY BOOK be a gentleman of his bedchamber, before the duke ' himself had reason to promise himself any propor- 1628. tion of his highness's grace and protection. He was then made earl of Holland, captain of the guard, knight of the garter,^ and of the privy-council; sent the first ambassador into France to treat the mar- riage with the queen, or rather privately to treat about the marriage before he was ambassador. And when the duke went to the Isle of Rhe, he trusted the earl of HoUand with the command of that army with which he was to be recruited and assisted. In ^ this confidence, and in this posture, he was left by the duke when he was killed ; ^ and having the advantage of the queen's good opinion and fa- vour, (which the duke neither had, nor cai'ed for,) he made all possible approaches towards the obtain- ing his trust, and succeeding him in his power ; or rather that the queen might have solely that power, and he only be subservient to her; and upon this account he made a continual war upon the earl of Portland the treasurer, and all others who were not gracious to the queen, or desired not the increase of her authority. And in this state, and under this protection, he received every day new obligations from the king, and great bounties, and continued to flourish above any man in the court, whilst the wea- ther was fair : but the storm did no sooner arise, but he changed so much, and declined so fast from the honour he was thought to be master of, that he fell into that condition, which there will be here- after too much cause to mention, and to enlarge upon. '' garter,] order, '^ In] And in '^ was killed ;] died ; ^ OF THE REBELLION. 113 The two secretaries of state (who^ were not in book those days officers of that magnitude they have been ' since, beinff only to make despatches upon the con- ^^^^* \ Of the two elusion of councils, not to govern, or preside in those secretaries councils) were sir John Coke, who, upon the death John coke of sir Albert Moreton, was, from being master of L'y carie" ' requests, preferred to be secretary of state ; and sir *""* Dudley Carleton, who, from his employment in Hol- land, was put into the place of the lord Conway, M^ho, for age and incapacity, was at last removed from the secretary's office, which he had exercised many ^ years with very notable insufficiency ; so that king James was wont pleasantly to say, " That Sten- " ny" (the duke of Buckingham) " had given him " two very proper servants ; a secretary, who could " neither write nor ? read ; and a groom of his bed- " chamber, who could not truss his points ;" Mr. Clark having but one hand. Of these two secretaries, the former was a man of a very narrow education, and a narrower nature ; having continued long in the university of Cam- bridge, where he had gotten Latin learning enough ; and afterwards in the country in the condition of a private gentleman, till after he was fifty years of age ; when, upon some reputation he had for indus- try and diligence, he was called to some painful em- ployment in the office of the navy, which he dis- charged well ; and afterwards to be master of re- quests, and then to be secretary of state, which he enjoyed to a great age : and was a man rather un- adorned with parts of vigour and quickness, and un- endowed with any notable virtues, than notorious for ^ who] which ' many] for many ^ nor] or VOL. I. I lU THE HISTORY BOOK any weakness or defect of understanding, or^ trans- ' ported with any vicious inclinations, appetite to mo- 1628. j^gy. Q^jy excejDted. His cardinal perfection was in- dustry, and his most eminent infirmity covetousness. His long experience had informed him well of the state and affairs of England ; but of foreign trans- actions, or the common interest of Christian princes, he was entirely undiscerning and ignorant.^ Sir Dudley Carleton was of a quite contrary na- ture, constitution, and education, and understood all that related to foreign employments,^ and the con- dition of other princes and nations, very well : but was unacquainted ^ with the government, laws, and customs of his own country, and the nature of the people. He was a younger son in a good gentle- man's family, and bred in Christ Church, in the uni- versity of Oxford, where he was a student of the foundation, and a young man of parts and towardly expectation. He went from thence early into France, and was soon after secretary to sir Harry Nevil, the ambassador there. He had been sent ambassador to Venice, where he resided many years with good re- putation ; and was no sooner returned from thence into England, than he went ambassador into Hol- land, to the States General, and resided there when that synod was assembled at Dort, which hath given the world so much occasion since for uncharitable disputations, which they were called together to pre- vent. Here the ambassador was not thought so equal a spectator, or assessor, as he ought to have been ; but by the infusions he made into king James, and '^ or] than ^ employnientsjemployment, ' undiscerning and ignoranf,.] ^ unacquainted] utterly un- ignorant, and undiscerning. acquainted OF THE REBELLION. 115 by his own activity, he did all he could to discoun- book tenance that party that was most learned, and tn ^' raise the credit and authority of the other ; which ^ ^^^' has since proved as inconvenient and troublesome to their own country, as to their neighbours. He was once more ambassador extraordinary in Holland after the death of king James, and was the last who was admitted to be present, and to vote in the general assembly of the States, under that cha- racter ; of which great privilege the crown had been possessed from a great part of the reign of queen Elizabeth, and through the time of king James to that moment ; which administered fresh matter of murmur for the giving up the towns of the Brill, and Flushing, Avhich had been done some years be- fore by king James ; without which men thought those States would not have had the courage so soon to have degraded the crown of England from a place in their councils, which had prospered so eminently under the shadow of that power and sup- port. As soon as he returned from Holland, he was ..^ called to the privy-council. The™ making him se- cretary of state, and a peer of the realm, when his estate was scarce visible, was the last piece of work- manship the duke of Buckingham lived to finish, who seldom satisfied himself with conferring a single obligation. The duke had observed, and discovered, that theT';eme^«f channel, in which the church promotions had for- Laud-s pow- merly run, had been liable to some corruptions, at church. least to many reproaches ; and therefore had com- mitted the sole representation of those affairs, and the recommending to " the vacancies wliicli should "' The] And the " the recommending to] Not in MS. 12 116 THE HISTORY BOOK happen, to Dr. Laud, then bishop of Bath and Wells, '■ and sworn of the privy-council. And the king, after ^ ^^^* the duke's ^ death, continued that trust in the same hands, infinitely to the benefit and honour of the church, though, it may be, no less to the prejudice of the poor bishop ; who, too secure in a good con- science, and most sincere worthy intention, p (with which no man was ever more plentifully replenished,) thought he could manage and discharge the place and office of the greatest minister in the court (for he was quickly made archbishop of Canterbury) with- out the least condescension to the arts and strata- gems of the court, and without any other friendship, or support, than what the splendour of a pious life, and his unpolished integrity, would reconcile to him ; which was an unskilful measure in a licentious age, and may deceive a good man in the best times ^ that shall succeed ; which exposed him to such a torrent of adversity and misery, as we shall have too natural an occasion to lament in the following discourse, in which it will be more seasonable to enlarge upon his singular abilities, and immense virtue. There were more (too many more) honourable persons in that time of the privy-council^ whose fa- culties were not notorious enough to give them any great part in the aflfairs, nor had their advice much influence upon them. Other very notable men were shortly after added to the council, who will hereafter'^ be remembered in their proper places and seasons. What hath been said before contains information enough of the persons in employment, and the state of the court and kingdom, when the duke of Buck- ° the duke's] his i times] Not in MS. P intention,] intentions, "^ hereafter] anon OF THE REBELLION. 117 ingham was taken from it ; by which, and the lively book reflections upon the qualities and qualifications of the ^' several persons in authority in court and council, no ^^2^* man could expect that the vigorous designs and en- terprises, undertaken by the duke, would be pur- sued with equal resolution and courage ; but that much the greater part of them would be wholly in- tent upon their own accommodations in their for- tunes, (in which they abounded not,) or^ in their ease and pleasure, which they most passionately af- fected ; having, as hath been said, no other conside- ration of the public, than that no disturbance there- in might interrupt their quiet in theu' own days : and that the rest, who had larger hearts and more public spirits, would extend theu' labour, activity, and advice, only to secure the empire at home by aU peaceable arts, and advancement of trade, which might gi'atify the people, and fiU the empty coffers of the impoverished crown. To which end the most proper expedients were best understood by them, not to enlarge it, by continuing and propagating the war ; the ways and means whereof they knew not how to comprehend ; and had all the desiDcrate ima- ginations and jealousies of the end and necessary consequences of it. And so they all concurred (though in nothing else) in their unanimous advice to the king " to put the quickest period he could " possibly to the expensive war against the two ** crowns :" and, his majesty following their advice, a peace was made with both, upon better terms and ^.^^^'■^^l conditions, and in less time, than, from the known two crowns. impatience of the war, could reasonably have been ® or] and I 3 118 THE HISTORY BOOK expected, or hoped for. And after some imquietness * of the people, and unhappy assaults upon the prero- The^hM g^tive by the parliament, which produced its disso- pariiament lutiou, and thcrcupon some froward and obstinate dissolved. • p n j disturbances in trade, there quickly followed so excel- lent a composure throughout the whole kingdom, that the like peace, and plenty, and universal tran- quillity for ten years was never enjoyed by any na- tion ; and was the more visible and manifest in Eng- land, by the sharp and bloody war suddenly entered into between the two neighbour crowns, and the uni- versal conflagration, that, from the invasion" of the Swedes, covered the whole empire of Germany. And so ^ we shall return to the discourse, to which this very long digression hath given a greater inter- ruption than was intended. The ill ef- That proclamation, mentioned before, at the pTocia^ua- ^ breaking up y of the last parliament, and which was fortVupon commonly understood " to inhibit ^ all men to speak breaking up « Qf another parliament," produced two very ill effects cond pariia- of different natures. It afflicted many good men (who otherwise were enough scandalized at those distempers which had incensed the king) to that de- gree, that it made them capable of receiving some im- pressions from those who were diligent in whispering and infusing an opinion into men, " that there was " really an intention to alter the form of government, * unquletness] short unquiet- what progress and by what sta- ness tions the person, whose life is " invasion] inundation set down, was advanced in the * And so — intended.] And so world. we shall return to the discourse, v breaking up] break which this very long digression ^ was commonly understood hath interruj)ted longer than was " to inhibit] inhibited intended, by which we shall see OF THE REBELLION. 119 "both in church and state; of which, said they, a book 1. 1628. " gi'eater instance cannot be given, than this pubHc " declaring (as it was interpreted) ^ that we shall " have no more parliaments." Then, this freedom from the danger of such an inquisition did not only encourage ill men to all boldness and licence, but wrought so far upon men less incUned to ill, (though not built for examples,) that they kept not those strict guards upon themselves they used to do ; espe- cially if they found themselves above the reach of ordinary justice, and feared not extraordinary, they by degi-ees thought that no fault which was like to find no punishment. Supplemental acts of state were Projects of '■ V^ , all kinds. made to supply defect of laws ; and so tonnage, and ^^^g, poundage, and other duties upon merchandises, were collected by order of the board, which had been positively ^ refused to be settled by act of parliament, and new and greater impositions laid upon trade : obsolete laws were revived, and rigorously executed, wherein the subject might be taught how unthrifty a thing it was, by too strict a detaining of what was his, to put the king as strictly to inquire what was his own. By this ^ ill husbandry the kinsj received a vast That of •^ . • J l^niglithood. sum of money from all persons of quahty, or indeed jg3Q of any reasonable condition throughout the kingdom, upon the law of knighthood ; which, though it had a foundation in right, yet, in the circumstances of proceeding, was very grievous. And no less unjust projects of all kinds, many ridiculous, many scanda- lous, all very grievous, were set on foot ; the envy ^ (as it was interpreted)] Not ^ positively] perversely in MS. '^ By this] And by this I 4 120 THE HISTORY BOOK and reproach of which came to the king, the profit to other men : insomuch that, ^ of two hundred thou- J630. g^jj^ pound drawn from the subject, by these ways, ■ ~ in a year, scarce fifteen hundred came to the king's That of i' reason] apothegms ^ to] Not in MS. ' nor] or 124 THE HISTORY BOOK included^ the estates of all the standers-by; they '. had no reason to hope that ^ doctrine, or the pro- 1630. nioters^ of it, would be contained within any bounds ; and it was no wonder that they, who had so little reason to be pleased with their own condition, were not less solicitous for, or apprehensive of, the incon- veniences that might attend any alteration. And here the damage and mischief cannot be ex- pressed, that the crown and state sustained by the deserved reproach and infamy that attended the judges, by being made use of in this and like ^ acts of power ; there being no possibility to preserve the dignity, reverence, and estimation of the laws them- selves, but by the integrity and innocency of the judges. And no question, as the exorbitancy of the house of commons, in their next parliament, pro- ceeded ^ principally from their contempt of the laws, and that contempt from the scandal of that judg- ment ; so the concurrence of the house of peers in that fury can be imputed to no one thing more, than to the irreverence and scorn the judges were justly in ; who had been always before looked upon there as the oracles of the law, and the best guides to as- sist that house in^ their opinions and actions : and the lords ? now thought themselves excused for swerving from the rules and customs of their prede- cessors (who in altering and making of laws, in judg- ing of things and persons, had always observed the advice and judgment of those sages) in not asking '^ included] concluded proceeded] this parliament hath ^ that doctrine] that that doc- proceeded trine f to assist that house in] and '^ promoters] preachers • directors of '^ like] the like 8 the lords] they ^ in their next parliament, OF THE REBELLION. 125 questions of those whom they knew nobody would book believe; thinking^ it a just reproach upon them,__i__ (who out of their courtship ^ had submitted the diffi- ^^'^^• culties and mysteries of the law to be measured by the standard of what they called^ general reason, and explained by the wisdom of state,) that they themselves should^ make use of the licence which the others °^ had taught them", and determine that to be law, which they thought to be° reasonable, or found to be convenient. If these men had preserved the simplicity of their ancestors, in severely and strictly defending the laws, other men had observed the modesty of theirs, in humbly and dutifully obey- ing them. Upon P this consideration it is very observable, that in the wisdom of former times, when the pre- rogative went highest, (as very often it hath been swoln above any pitch we have seen it at in our times,) never any court of law, very seldom any judge, or lawyer of reputation, was called upon to assist in an act of power ; the crown well knowing the moment of keeping those the objects of reverence and veneration with the people : and that though it might sometimes make sallies upon them by the pre- rogative, yet the law would keep the people from any invasion of it, and that the king could never suf- fer, whilst the law and the judges were looked upon by the subject, as the asylum ^i for their liberties, and security. And therefore you shall find the policy of ^ thinking] and thinking ^ which the others] they ' courtship] gentilesses " them] Not in MS. ^ what they called] Not in ° to be] Not in MS. MS. P Upon] And upon ' that they themselves should] ^ asylum] asyla to see those men / 126 , THE HISTORY BOOK many princes hath endured as sharp animadversions I - and reprehensions from the judges of the law, as their 1630. piety hath from the bishops of the church; as hav- ing no less influence *" upon the people, under the re- ^ putation of justice, by the one, than under the ties ® of conscience and religion, by the other. To extend this consideration of the form and cir- cumstance of proceeding in cases of an unusual na- ture a little farther ; as it may be most behoveful for princes in matters of grace and honour, and in conferring of favours upon their people, to transact the same as pubhcly as may be, and by themselves, or their ministers, to dilate upon it, and improve the lustre by any addition, or eloquence of speech ; (where, it may be, every kind word, especially from the prince himself, is looked upon as a new bounty ;) so it is as requisite in matters of judgment, pvmish- ment, and censure upon things, or persons, (especial- ly when the case, in the nature of it, is unusual, and the rules in judging as extraordinary,) that the same be transacted as privately, and with as little noise and pomp of words, as may be. For (as damage is much easier borne and submitted to by generous minds, than disgrace) in the business of "^ ship-money, and" many other cases in the star-chamber, and at council-board, there were many impertinencies, in- congruities, and insolencies, in the speeches and ora- tions of the judges, much more offensive, and much more scandalous than the judgments and sentences themselves. Besides that men's minds and under- ■■ as having no less influence] *of] of die imposing no less " and] and in * under the ties] Not in MS. OF THE REBELLION. 127 standings were more instructed to discern the con- book sequence of tilings, which before they considered not. ' And^ undoubtedly, my lord Finch's speech in the ^^>^^- exchequer-chamber made ship-money much more abhorred and formidable, than all the commitments by the council-table, and all the distresses taken by the sheriffs in England ; the major part of men (be- sides the common unconcernedness in other men's sufferings) looking upon those proceedings withy a kind of applause to themselves, to see other men pu- nished for not doing as they had done ; which de- light was quickly determined, when they found their own interest, by the unnecessary logic of that argu- ment, no less concluded than Mr. Hambden's. He ^ hath been but an ill observer of the passages of those times we speak of, who hath not seen many sober men, who have been clearly satisfied with the conveniency, necessity, and justice of many sentences, depart notwithstanding extremely offended, and scan- dalized with the grounds, reasons, and expressions of those who inflicted those censures ; when they found themselves, thinking to be only spectators of other men's sufferings, by some unnecessary inference or declaration, in probable danger to become the next delinquents. They who look back upon the council-books of queen Elizabeth, and the acts of the star-chamber then, shall find as high instances of power and sove- reignty upon the liberty and property of the subject, as can be since given. But the art, order, and gra- vity of those proceedings (where short, severe, con- stant rules were set, and smartly pursued, and the " And] As >' with] as '^ He] And he , 128 THE HISTORY BOOK party felt only* the weight of the judgment, not '. the passion of his judges) made them less taken no- 1630. ^j(.g Qf^ ^^(j gQ jggg grievous to the public, though as intolerable to the person : whereas, since those excel- lent rules of the council-board were less observed, and debates (which ought to be in private, and in the absence of the party concerned, and thereupon the judgment of the table to be pronounced by one, without the interposition of others, or reply of the party) suffered to be public, questions to be asked, passions discovered, and opinions to be promiscu- ously delivered ; all advice, directions, reprehensions, and censures of those places grew to be in less re- verence and esteem ; so that, besides the delay and interruption in despatch, the justice and prudence of the counsels did not many times weigh down the infirmity and passion of the counsellors ; and both suitors and offenders returned into their country, with such exceptions and arguments against per- sons, as brought and prepared much prejudice to whatsoever should proceed from thence ; and what- ever excuses shall be made, or arguments given, that upon such extraordinary occasions there was a ne- cessity of some pains and care to convince men's un- derstandings of ^ the reasons and grounds of their proceeding, (which, if what was done had been only ad informandam conscientiam without reproach, or penalty, might have been reasonable,) it is certain the inconvenience and prejudice, that grew thereby, was greater than the benefit : and tlie reasons of the judges being many times not the reasons of the judgment, those ^ might more satisfactorily and more * felt only] only felt the understandings of men with '' men's understandings of] <^ those] that OF THE REBELLION. 129 shortly have '^ been put in the sentence itself, than book spread in the discourses of the censurers. ' These errors (for errors they were in view, and '^^^■ errors they are proved by the success) are not to be imputed to the court, but to the spirit and over- activity of the lawyers themselves ; who should more carefuUy have preserved their profession, and its*^ professors, from being profaned by those services, which have rendered botli so obnoxious to reproach. There were two persons of that profession, and of that time, by whose several and distinct constitu- tions (the one knowing nothing of nor caring for the court ; the other knowing or caring for nothing- else) those mischiefs were introduced ; Mr. Noy, the attorney general ; and sir John Finch, first, lord chief justice of the common pleas, and tlien lord keeper of the great seal of England. The first, upon the gi'eat fame of his ability and of attorney learning, (and he was very able and learned, f) was,Kdy" by great industry and importunity from court, per- suaded to accept that place, for which all other men laboured, (being the best, for profit, that profession is capable of,) and so he suffered himself to be made the king's attorney general. The court made no impression upon his manners ; upon his mind it did : and though he wore about him an affected morosity, which made him unapt to flatter other men, yet even that morosity and pride rendered him the most liable to be grossly flattered himself, that can be imagined. And by this means the great persons, who steered the public affairs, by admiring his parts, and extol- '^ have] Not in MS. learned,)] and very able and ^ its] the learned he was,) ' and he was very able and VOL. I. K 130 THE HISTORY BOOK ling his judgment as well to his face as behind his _____hack, wrought upon him by degrees, for the emi- 1G30. nency of the service, to be an instrument in all their designs ; thinking that he could not give a clearer testimony, that his knowledge in the law was greater than all other men's, than by making that law which all other men believed not to be so. So he moulded, framed, and pursued the odious and crying project of soap ; and with his own hand drew and prepared the writ for ship-money ; both which will be the lasting monuments of his fame. In a word, he was an unanswerable instance, how necessary a good edu- cation and knowledge of men is to make a wise man, at least a man fit for business. Of sir John Sir John Finch had much that the other wanted, but nothing that the other had. Having led a free » life in a restrained fortune, und having set up upon the stock of a good wit, and natural parts, without the superstructure of mucli knowledge in the profession by which he was to grow ; he ^' was wilUng to use those weapons in which he had most skill, and so (being not unseen in the affections of the court, but not having reputation enough to guide or reform tliem) he took up ship-money where Mr. Noy left it ; and, being a judge, carried it up to that pin- nacle, from whence he almost broke his own neck ; having, in his journey thither, had too much influ- ence on his brethren to induce them ^ to concur in a judgment they had all cause to repent. To which, his declaration, after he was keeper of the great seal of England, must be added, upon a demurrer put in s free] licentious liis brethren to induce them] ^ he] Not in MS. too much a solicitor to induce had too much influence on his brethren OF THE REBELLION. 131 to a bill before him, which had no other equity in book it, than an order of the lords of the council ; " that " " whilst he was keeper, no man should be so saucy ^^'^^• " as ^ to dispute those orders, but that the wisdom ** of that board should be always ground enough for " him to make a decree in chancery ;" which was so great an aggravation of the excess of that table, that it received more prejudice from that act of unrea- sonable countenance and respect, than from all the contempt could possibly' have been offered to it. But of this no more. Now after all this (and I hope I cannot be ac- The felicity 1 n in • 1 ' ' ... T ^^ '^'"^ times cused ol much flattery m this mquisition) I must be before the so just as to say, that, during the whole time that IS^iot!" these pressures were exercised, and those new and '"*'''^^"*'- extraordinary ways were run, that is, from the dis-""''''""^ " " on the sub- solution of the parliament in the fourth year, to theject; beginning of this parliament, which was above twelve years, this kingdom, and all his majesty's dominions, (of the interruption in Scotland somewhat shall be said in its due time and place,) enjoyed the greatest calm, and the fullest measure of felicity, that any people in any age, for so long time together, have been blessed with ; to the wonder and envy of all the other'" parts of Christendom. In " this comparison I am neither unmindful of, compared nor ungrateful for, the happy times of queen Eliza- Times of beth, and" king James. But for the former, theS.f' doubts, hazards, and perplexities, upon a total change and alteration of religion, and some confi- dent attempts upon a farther alteration by those who ^ as] Not in MS. " In] And in ' possibly] possible '^ and] or for those more "* other] Nut in MS. happy under K 2 132 THE HISTORY BOOK thought the reformation not carried far enough;? '■ — the charge, trouble, and anxiety of a long continued war (how prosperous and successful soever) even during that queen's whole reign; and (besides some domestic ruptures into rebellion, frequently into treason ; and besides the blemish of an unparalleled act of blood upon the life of a crowned neighbour queen and ally) the fear and apprehension of what ' was to come (which is one of the most unpleasant kinds of melancholy) from an unknown, at least an unacknowledged, successor to the crown, clouded much of that prosperity then, which now shines with so much splendour before our eyes in chro- nicle. And with And for the other under king; James, (which in- the times . , . . of king deed were excellent tmies, bona st sua tiormt,) the mingling with a stranger nation, formerly not very gracious with this, which was like to have more in- terest of favour : the subjection to a stranger prince, whose nature and disposition they knew not : the discovery of a treason, ^ the most prodigious that had ever been attempted, upon his first entrance into the kingdom : the wants of the crown not in- ferior to what it hath since felt, (I mean whilst it sat right on the head of the king,) and the pressures upon the subject of the same nature, and no less complained of: the absence of the prince in Spain, and the solicitude that his highness should ^ not be disposed in marriage to the daughter of that king- dom, rendered the calm and tranquillity of that time less equal and pleasant. To which may be added P thought the reformation not t the discovery of a treason,] carried far enough ;] thought the noise of treason, not the reformation enough ; * should] might OF THE REBELLION. 133 the prosperity and happiness of the neighbour king- book doms not much inferior to that of this, which, ac-. cording to the pulse of states, is a great diminution ' ^^^• of their liealth ; at least their prosperity is much improved, and more visible, by the misery and mis- fortunes of their neighbours. The happiness of the times I now mention was invidiously set off by this distinction,^ that every other kingdom, every other state were entangled,* and some almost destroyed, by the rage and fury of arms ; those who were engaged in an ambitious con- tention " with their neighbours, having the view and apprehensions of the miseries and desolation, which they saw other states suffer by a civil war ; whilst the kingdoms we now lament were alone looked upon as the garden of the world ; Scotland (which was but the wilderness of that garden) in a full, en- tii'e, and ^ undisturbed peace, which they had never seen ; the rage and barbarism ^ of their private feuds being composed to the reverence, or to the awe, of public justice ; in a competency, if not in an excess of plenty, which they had never hopes ^ to see, and in a temper (which was the utmost that in those days was desired or hoped fory) free fi'om rebellion : Ireland, which had been a sponge to draw, and a , gulph to swallow all that could be spared, and all that could be got from England, merely to keep the * now mention was invidi- were ambitiously in contention ously set off by this distinc- '' and] Not in MS. tion,"] mentioned was enviously ''' barbarism] MS. adds: (that set off by this, ' s the blood, for of the charity * state were entangled,] pro- we speak not,) vince, were engaged, some en- ^ hopes] hope tangled, ^ that in those days was de- " who were engaged in an sired or hoped for)] we desired ambitious contention] which and hoped to see) K 3 134. THE HISTORY BOOK reputation of a kingdom, reduced to that good de- ^' gree of husbandry and government, that it not only 1 G30. subsisted of itself, and gave this kingdom all that it might have expected from it ; but really increased the revenue of the crown forty or fifty thousand pounds a year, besides a considerable advantage to the people by '' the trafiick and trade fi'om thence ; arts and sciences fruitfully planted there ; and the whole nation beginning to be so civilized, that it was a jewel of great lustre in the royal diadem. When these outworks were thus fortified and adorned, it was no wonder if England was gene- rally thought secure, with the advantages of its own climate ; the court in great plenty, or rather (which is the discredit of plenty) excess, and luxury ; the country rich, and, which is more, fidly enjoying the pleasure of its own wealth, and so the easier cor- rupted with the pride and wantonness of it ; the church flourishing with learned and extraordinary men, and (which other good times had in some de- gree ^ wanted) supplied with oil to feed those lamps ; and the protestant religion more advanced against the church of Rome by writing, (without prejudice to other useful and godly labours,) especially by those two books of the late lord archbishop of Canterbury his grace, and of Mr. Chilling worth, than it had been from the reformation ; trade increased to that de- gree, that we were the exchange of Christendom, (the revenue from thence^ to the crown being al- • most double to what it had been in the best times,) '• a considerable udvaiitage to =* had in some degree] Nut the people by] much more to in MS. the people in b from thence] thereof OF THE REBELLION. 135 and the bullion of neighbour *^ kingdoms brought to book receive a stamp from the mint of England ; foreign'^ merchants looking upon nothing so much their own, as ^ what they had laid up in the warehouses of this kingdom ; the royal navy, in number and equipage much above former times, very formidable at sea ; and the reputation of the greatness and power of the king much more with foreign princes than any of his progenitors : for those rough courses, which made him perhaps^ less loved at home, made him more feared abroad; by how much the power of kingdoms is more reverenced than their justice by their neighbours : and it may be, this consideration might not be the least motive, and may not be the worst excuse for those counsels. Lastly, for a com- plement of all these blessings, they were enjoyed by, and under the protection of, a king, of the most harmless disposition, the most » exemplary piety, the greatest sobriety,^' chastity, and mercy, that any prince hath been endowed with, (God ' forgive those that have not been sensible of, and thankful for, those endowments,) and who might have said, that which Pericles was proud of, upon his death-bed, concerning his citizens,^ " that no Englishman had *' ever worn a mourning^ gown through his occa- " sion." In a word, many wise men thought it a time, wherein those two adjuncts, '" which Nerva was deified for uniting, imperium et Ubertas^ were as well reconciled as is possible. *= neighbour] all other briety, '^ foreign] all foreign ' God] and God « so much their own, as] as ^ concerning his citizens,] their own, but Not in MS. ^ perhaps] happily ^ a mourning] black ^ the most] and the most "" two adjuncts,] two misera- '^ sobriety,] example of so- ble adjuncts, K 4 136 THE HISTORY BOOK But all these blessings could but enable, not com- ^' pel us to be happy : we wanted that sense, acknow- 1630. ledgment, and value of our own happiness, which all but we had ; and took pains to make, when we could not find, ourselves miserable. There was in truth a strange absence of understanding in most, and a strange perverseness of understanding in the rest : the court full of excess, idleness, and luxury ; the " country full of pride, mutiny, and discontent ; every man more troubled and perplexed at that they called the violation of one law, than delighted or pleased with the observation of all the rest of the charter : never imputing the increase of their receipts, re- venue, and plenty, to the wisdom, virtue, and merit of the crown, but objecting every small imposition to the exorbitancy and tyranny of the government ; the growth of knowledge and learning being dis- relished, for the infirmities of some learned men, and the increase of grace and favour upon the church more repined and murmured at, than the increase of piety and devotion in it,° which was as visible, acknowledged, or taken notice of; whilst the indiscretion and folly of one sermon at Whitehall was more bruited abroad, and commented upon, than the wisdom, sobriety, and devotion of a hundred. It cannot be denied but there was sometimes preached there matter very unfit for the place, and very scandalous for the persons, who presumed often to determine things out of the verge of their own profession, and, in or dine ad spiritualia, gave unto Caesar what Caesar refused to receive, as not belong- ing to him. But it is as true (as was once said by " the] and the « in it,] in the church, OF THE REBELLION. 137 a man fitter to be believed in that point than I, and book one not suspected for flattering of the clergy) " that ^' " if the sermons of those times preached in court ^^'^^• " were collected together, and published, the world " would receive the best bulk of orthodox divinity, " profound learning, convincing reason, natural pow- " erful eloquence, and admirable devotion, that hath " been communicated in any age since the apostles' " time." And I cannot but say, for the honour of the king, and of those who were trusted by him in his ecclesiastical collations (who have received l)ut sad rewards for their uprightness) in those reproach- ed, condemned times, there was not one churchman, in any degree of favour or acceptance, (and this the inquisition, that hath been since made upon them, a stricter never was in any age, must confess,) of a scandalous insufficiency in learning, or of a more scandalous condition of p life ; but, on the contrary, most of them of confessed eminent parts in know- ledge, and of virtuous and ^ unblemished lives. And therefore wise men knew, that that, which looked like pride in some, and like petulance in others, would, by experience in affairs, and conversation amongst men, both of which most of them wanted, be in time wrought off, or, in a new succession, re- formed, and so thought the vast advantage from their learning and integrity, an ample recompense for any inconvenience from their passion ; and yet, by the prodigious impiety of those times, the latter was only looked on with malice and revenge, with- out any reverence or gratitude for the former. When the king* found himself possessed of all The king's first jour- I' of] in >■ When the king] This ac- 'J and] or count of the king's Jirst journey 138 THE HISTORY BOOK that tranquillity mentioned before, that he had no reason to apprehend any enemies from abroad, and 1C33. less any insurrections at home, against which no ney into , "^ ^ _ , . . p . Scotland to kmgdom in Christendom, m the constitution of its there!' ""^ govcmment, in the solidity ^ of the laws, and in the nature and disposition of the people, was more se- cure than England ; that he might take a nearer view of those great blessings which God had poured upon him, he resolved to make a progi'ess into the northern parts of his kingdom, and to be solemnly crowned in his kingdom of Scotland, which he had never seen from the time he had * first left it, when he was about two years old." In order to this jour- ney, which was made with great splendour, and pro- portionable expense, he added to the train of his court many of the greatest noljility, who increased ^ the pomp of the court at their own charge, (for so they were required to do,) and seemed with alacrity to submit y to the king's pleasure, as soon as they knew his desire ; and so his attendance in all re- spects was proportionable to the glory of the greatest king. This whole progress was made, from the first setting out to the end of it, with the greatest mag- nificence imaginable ; and the highest excess of feast- ing was then introduced, or, at least, feasting was into Scotland is taken from the the age of two years, and no M.S. of lord Clarendon's Life, more. The relation of it in MS. C. and " increased] cared not to add which inuncdiately follows the to preceding part of lliis History, >' for so they were required ■willhefound in the Jppendix,A. to do,) and seemed with ahi- ^ solidity] solidity and exe- crity to submit] which tliey culion were obliged to do, and did ' had] A^o^ in MS. with all visible alacrity submit " about two years old.] of OF THE REBELLION. 139 then^ carried to a height it never had attained^ be- book fore ; from ^ whence it hardly declined afterwards, ' to the great damage and mischief of the nation in ^^^^• their estates and manners. All persons of quality and condition, who lived within distance of the northern road, received the great persons of the no- bility with that hospitality which became them ; in which all cost was employed to make their enter- tainments splendid, and their houses capable of'^ those entertainments. The king ^ himself met with many entertainments ^ of that nature, at the charge of particular men, who desired the honour of his presence, which had been rarely practised till then by the persons of the best condition, though it hath since grown into a very inconvenient custom. But when he passed through Nottinghamshire, both king and court were received and entertained by the earl ^^ of Newcastle, and at his own proper expense, in such a wonderful manner, and in such an excess of feasting, as had scarce ever ^ before been known in England ; and would be still thought very prodi- gious, if the same noble person had not, within a year or two afterwards, made the king and queen a more stupendous entertainment ; which, (God be thanked,) though possibly it might too much whet the appetite of others to excess, no man ever after in those days s imitated. The great offices of the court, and principal places of attendance upon the king's person, were then upon the matter equally divided between the Eng- ^ feasting was then] Not in '^ of] for MS. ' d The king] And the king . " never had attained] had ^ entertainments] treatments never been • scarce ever] never *' from] and from ^ in those days] Not in MS. 140 THE HISTORY BOOK lish and the Scots ; the marquis of Hamilton master of the horse, and the earl of Carlisle first gentleman 1 633. Qf ^}jg bedchamber, and almost all the second rank of servants^' in that place, being of that kingdom ; so that there was as it were an emulation between the two nations, which should appear in the greatest lustre, in clothes, horses, and attendance : and as there were (as is said before) many of the principal nobility of England, who attended upon the king, and who were not of the court ; so the court was never without many Scots volunteers, and their number was well increased upon this occasion in nobility and gentry, who were resolved to confute ' all those who had believed their country to be very poor. The king's The king no sooner entered Scotland, but all his magnificent , « t i reception Englisli scrvauts and officers yielded up their at- tendance to those of the Scots nation, who were ad- mitted into the same oflfices in Scotland,^ or had some titles to those employments* by the constitution of that kingdom ; as most of the great offices are held by inheritance ; as the duke of Richmond and Lenox Avas then high steward, and high admiral of Scot- land by descent, as others had the like possession of other places ; so that all the tables of the house, which had been kept by the English officers, were laid down, and taken up again by the Scots, who kept them up with the same order, and equal splen- dour, and treated the English with all the freedom and courtesy imaginable ; as all the nobility of that nation did, at their own expense, where their offices did not entitle them to tables at the charge of the '■ rank of servants] relation ^ Scotland,] England, ' confute] convince ' emjiloyments] relations OF THE REBELLION. 141 crown, keep very noble houses to entertain their new book guests ; who had so often and so well entertained ' them : and it cannot be denied, the whole behaviour ' ^^^' of that nation towards the English was as generous and obliging as could be expected ; and the king appeared with no less lustre at Edinburgh, than at Whitehall ; and in this pomp his coronation passed with all the solemnity and e^^dence of pubUc joy that could be expected, or that can be imagined ; •" and the parliament, then held, with no less demon- stration of duty, passed and presented those acts which were prepared for them to the royal sceptre ; in which were some laws restraining " the extrava- gant power of the nobility, which, in many cases, they had long exercised, and the diminution whereof they took very heavily, though at that time they took httle notice of it; the king being absolutely advised in all the affairs of that kingdom then, and long before, and after, by the sole counsel of the marquis of Hamilton, who was, or at least was** then believed to be, of the greatest interest of any subject in that kingdom, of whom more will be said here- after. The king was very well pleased with his recep- tion, and with all the transactions there ; nor indeed was there any thing to be blamed, but the luxury and vast expense, which abounded in aU respects of feasting and clothes with too much licence : which being imputed to the commendable zeal of the peo- ple, of all conditions, to see their king amongst them, whom they were not like to see there again, and so "' could be expected, or that "restraining] wliicli restrained can be imagined ;] can be ima- " was] Not in MS. gined, or could be expected ; 142 THE HISTORY BOOK their expense was to be but once made,P no man ^- had cause to suspect any mischief from it : and yet 1633. the debts contracted at that time by the nobihty and gentry, and the wants and temptations they Yet the found themselvcs exposed to, from that unlimited ^''c'^ee'din-^ cxpcnse, did very much contribute to the kindling comiuo- tjjat fire, which shortly after broke out in so terrible tioDS then sown. a combustion : aor were the sparks of murmur and sedition then so well covered, but that many dis- cerning men discovered very pernicious designs to lurk in their breasts, who seemed to have the most cheerful countenances,^ and who acted great parts in the pomp and triumph. And it evidently ap- peared, that they of that nation, who shined most in the court of England, had the least influence in their own country, except only the marquis of Ha- milton, whose affection to his master was even then suspected by the wisest men in both kingdoms ; and that the immense bounties the king and his father had scattered amongst those of that nation, out of the wealth of England, besides that he had sacri- ficed the whole revenue ^ of that kingdom to them- selves, were not looked upon as any benefit to that nation,^ but as obligations cast away upon particular men ; many of whom had with it wasted their own patrimony in their country. The king himself observed many of the nobility to endeavour to make themselves popular by speak- ing in parliament against those things which were most grateful to his majesty, and which still passed, I' once made,] MS. adds : and their country, to the natural pride and vanity "^i countenances,] countenance, of that people, who will bear ^ revenue] revenue and ben.e- any inconveniences in it or from fit it, than confess the poverty of * nation,] people, OF THE REBELLION. 143 notwithstanding their contradiction ; and he thought book a little discountenance upon those persons would - either suppress that spirit within themselves, or ^^^^• make the poison of it less operative upon others. But as those acts of discountenance were too often believed to proceed from the displeasure of the mar- quis of Hamilton, and by that means'^ rather ad- vanced than depressed them," so they had^ an ad- mirable dexterity in sheltering themselves from any of those acts of discountenance, which they had no mind to own;y when it hath been visible,^ and was *» then notorious, that many of the persons then, as the earl of Rothes, and others, of whom the king had the worst opinion, and from whom he purpose- ly ^' withheld any gi*ace by never speaking to them, or taking notice of them in the court, yet^ when the king was abroad in the fields, or passing through villages, when the greatest crowds of people flocked to see him, those men would still be next him, and entertain him with some discourse, and pleasant re- lations, which the king's gentle disposition could not avoid, and which made those persons to be gene- rally believed to be most acceptable to his majesty ; upon which the lord Falkland was wont to say, " that keeping of state was like committing adul- " tery, there must go two to it :" for let the proud- est or most formal man resolve to keep what dis- tance he will towards others, a bold and confident ' by that means] so intended whi;n they can make " them,] the object, benefit by it;) ^ they had] that people have ^ visible,] notoriously visible, naturally ^ was] it was > to own;] MS. adds: (as ''purposely] most purposely they are equal promoters and •■ yet] Not in MS. promulgators of it, though not 144 THE HISTORY BOOK man instantly demolishes that whole machine, and gets within him, and even obliges liim to his own IG33. laws of conversation. The king was always the most punctual observer of aU decency in his devotion, and the strictest pro- moter of the ceremonies of the church, as believing in his soul the church of England to be instituted the nearest to the practice of the apostles, and the best for the propagation and advancement of Chris- tian religion, of any church in the world : and on the other side, though no man was more averse from the Romish church than he was, nor better under- stood the motives of their separation from us, and animosity against us, he had the highest dislike and prejudice to that part of his own subjects, who were against the government established, and did always look upon them as a very dangerous and seditious people ; who would, under pretence of conscience, which kept them from submitting to the spiritual jurisdiction, take the first opportunity they could find, or make, to withdraw ^ themselves from their temporal subjection ; and therefore he had, with the utmost vigilance, caused that temper and disposition to be watched and provided against in England ; and if it were then in truth there, it lurked with wonderful secrecy. In Scotland indeed it covered the whole nation, so that though there were bishops in name, the whole jurisdiction, and they themselves were, upon the matter, subject to an assembly, which was purely preibyterian ; no form of religion in prac- tice, no liturgy, nor the least appearance of any beauty of holiness : the clergy, for the most ])art, '' to uithdrnvv] to distuib and uitlidraw OF THE REBELLION. 145 corrupted in their principles; at least,® none coun- book tenanced by the great men, or favoured by the peo- ' pie, but such; though it must be owned their uni- ^^^^* versities, especially Aberdeen, flourished under many excellent scholars, and very learned men. Yet, though all the cathedral churches were totally neglected with reference to those administrations over the whole kingdom, the king's ^ own chapel at Holy- rood-house had still been maintained with the come- liness s of the cathedral service, and all other de- cencies used in^ the royal chapel; and the whole nation seemed, in the time of king James, well in- clined to receive the liturgy of the church of Eng- land, which that ^ king exceedingly desired, and was so confident of, that they who were privy to his counsels^ in that time did believ^e, the bringing' that work to pass was the jDrincipal end of his pro- gress thither some years before his death ; though he was not so well satisfied at his being there, two or three of the principal persons trusted by him in the government of that kingdom, dying in or about that very time : but though ™ he returned without making any visible attempt in that affair, yet he re- tained still the purpose and resolution to his death to bring it to pass. However, his two or three last years having been " less pleasant to him, by the ^ at least,] Thus in MS. : at splendour least, (for it cannot be denied '' decencies used in] forma- but that their universities, espe- lities incident to daily Aberdeen, flourished un- ' that] the der many excellent scholars and '^ his counsels] the counsels very learned men,) none coun- of that king tenanced by the great men, or ' the bringing] that the bring- favoured by the people, but such ; ing f the king's] yet the king's "" though] that 8 comeliness] decency and " having been] were VOL. I. L 146 THE HISTORY BOOK prince's voyage into Spain, the jealousies which, ^' about that time, begun « in England, and the high p 1633. proceedings in parliament there, he thought 'i it ne- cessary to suspend any prosecution of that design, until a more favourable conjuncture, which he lived not to see.^ Transac The king his son, who, with his father's other ilTtro/u^c""* virtues, s inherited that zeal for religion, proposed* tuf-Vi'nto nothing more to himself, than to unite his three Scotland, kingdoms in one form of God's worship, and public devotions ; " and there being now so great a serenity in all his dominions as is mentioned before, there is great reason to believe, that in this journey into Scotland to be crowned, he carried with him the re- solution^ to finish that important business in the church at the same time. To that end,y the then bishop of London, Dr. Laud, attended on his ma- jesty throughout that whole journey, which, as he was dean of the chapel, he was not obhged to do, and no doubt would have been excused from, if that design had not been in view ; to accomplish which he was no less ^ solicitous than the king himself, nor the king the less solicitous for his advice. He preached in the royal chapel at Edinburgh % (which scarce any Englishman had ever done before in the " begun] began " and public devotions ;] and P high] imperious in a uniformity in their public ^ he thought] so that he devotions; thought X carried with him the reso- ■■ which he lived not to see.] lution] carried the resolution and he lived not to see that with him conjuncture. y Xo that end,] And to that ' who, with his father's other end, virtues,] with his kingdoms, ^ no less] not less and other virtues, » at Edinburgh] Not in ' proposed] and proposed MS. OF THE REBELLION. 147 king's presence,) and principally upon the benefit book of conformity, and the reverend ^ ceremonies of the ' church, with all the marks of approbation and ap- ^^^^• plause imaginable ; the great civility of that people being so notorious and universal, that they would not appear unconformable to his majesty's wish in any particular. And many wise men were then and still are of opinion, that if the king had then pro- posed the liturgy of the church of England to have been received and practised by that nation, it would have been submitted to without '^ opposition : but, upon mature consideration, the king concluded that it was not a good season to promote that business. He had passed two or three acts of parliament, which had much lessened the authority and depend- ence of the nobility and great men, and incensed and disposed them proportionably to cross and op- pose any proposition, which would be most grateful ; and that overthwart'^ humour was enough disco- vered to rule in the breasts of many, who made the greatest professions. Yet this was not the obstruc- tion which diverted the king : the party that was averse from the thing, and abhorred any thought of conformity, could not have been powerful enough to have stopped the progress of it ; the mischief was, that they who most desired it, and were most con- cerned to promote it, were the men who used all their credit to divert the present attempting it ; and the bishops themselves, whose interest was to be most advanced thereby, applied all their counsels se- cretly to have the matter more maturely considered ; and the whole design was never consulted but pri- ^ reverend] reverent '' overthwart] tharteous '^ without] against all L 2 148 THE HISTORY BOOK vately, and only some few of the great men of that ' nation, and some of the bishops, advised with by the lt)33. king, and the bishop of London; it being manifest enough, tliat as the finishing that great affair must be very grateful to England, so the English must not appear to have a hand in the contriving and promoting it. The same men'', who did not only pretend, but really and heartily wish, that they might have a li- turgy to order and regulate the worship of God in tlieir churches, and did very well approve the cere- monies established in the church of England, and desired to submit to ^ and practise the same there, had no mind that the very liturgy of the church of England should be projwsed to, or accepted by them; for which they offered two prudential reasons, as their observations upon the nature and humour of the nation, and upon the conferences they had often had with the best men upon that subject, which was often agitated in discourse, upon what had been for- merly projected by king James, and upon what fre- quently occurred to wise men in discourses upon the thing itself, and the desiraljleness of it. The first was, that the English liturgy, how pi- ously and wisely soever framed and instituted, had found great opposition : and though the matter of the ceremonies had wrought for the most part only upon light-headed, weak men, whose satisfaction was not to be laboured for = ; yet there were many grave and learaed men, who excepted against some particulars, which would not be so easily answered ; " That the reading Psalms being of the old transla- e men] Not in MS. s for] Not in MS. ' to] Not in MS. OF THE REBELLION. 149 " tion were iir many particulars so different from book " the new and better translation, that many in- ' " stances might be given of importance to the sense ^ ^■^^' " and truth of scripture.'^ They said somewhat of the same nature concerning tlie translation of the Epistles and Gospels, and some other exceptions against reading the Apocrypha, and some other par- ticulars of less moment ; and desired, " that, in form- " ing a liturgy for their church, they might, by re- " forming those several instances, give satisfaction " to good men, who would thereupon be easily in- " duced to submit to it." The other reason^', which no doubt was the prin- cipal,^ and^ took this in the way to give it the bet- ter introduction, was, " that the kingdom of Scot- " land generally had been long jealous, that, by the " king's continued absence from them, they should " by degrees be reduced to be but as a province to " England, and suljject to their laws and govern- " ment, which they ^ would never submit to ; nor " would any man of honour, who loved the king " best, and respected England most, ever consent to " bring that dishonour upon his country. If the " very liturgy, in the terms it is constituted and " practised in England, should be offered to them, *' it would kindle and inflame that jealousy, as the " prologue and introduction to that design, and as " the first range of that ladder, "' which should serve " to mount over all their customs and privileges, '^ and be opposed and detested accordingly : where- " as, if his majesty would give order for the prepar- ^ reason] Not in MS. ' they] it ' was the principal,] iVoiJ??iT/N. "^ ranj^e of that ladder,] rung •^ and] but of the ladder, L 3 150 THE HISTORY BOOK " ing a liturgy, with those few desirable alterations, : " it would easily be done ; and in the mean time 1633. a ^jjgy would so dispose the minds of the people for " the reception of it, that they should even desire " it." This "^ expedient was so passionately and ve- hemently urged even by the bishops, that, however they deferred ° to the minds and humours of other men, it was manifest enough, that the exception and advice proceeded from the pride of their own hearts. The bishop of London, who was always present with the king at these debates, was exceedingly troubled at this delay, p and to find those men the instruments in it, who seemed i to him as solicitous for the expedition, as zealous for the thing itself, and who could not but suffer by the deferring it.'" He knew well how far any enemies to conformity would be from being satisfied with those small al- terations, which being consented to, they would with more confidence, though less reason, frame other ex- ceptions, and insist upon them with more obstinacy. He foresaw the diflSculties which would arise in re- jecting, or altering, or adding to the liturgy, which had so great authority, and had, by the practice of near fourscore years, obtained great veneration from all sober ^ protestants ; and how much easier it would be to make objections against any thing that should be new, than against the old ; and would therefore have been very glad that the former resolution might be pursued ; there having never been any thoughts * " This] And this seemed " deferred] referred •■ deferring it.] delay. P delay,] interjection, « sober] Not in MS. 1 who seemed] who had ' thoughts] thought OF THE REBELLION. 151 in the time of king James, or the present king, but book of the English liturgy; besides that any variation '. from it, in how small matters soever, would make ^^^^• the uniformity the less, the manifestation whereof was that which was most aimed at and desired. The king had exceedingly set his heart upon the matter, and was as much scandalized as any man at the disorder and indecency in the exercise of reli- gion in that church : yet he was affected with what was offered for a little delay in the execution, and knew more of the ill humour and practices amongst the greatest men of the kingdom at that season, than the bishop did, and believed he could better compose and reduce them in a little time, and at a distance, than at the present, and whilst he was amongst them. Besides he was in his nature much ^ inclined to the Scots nation, having been born amongst them, and as jealous as any one of them could be of ^ their liberties and privileges, and as careful they y might not be invaded by the English, who, he knew, had no great '* reverence for them : and therefore the objection, " that it would look like an imposi- " tion from England, if a form, settled in jjarliament " at Westminster, should without any alteration be " tendered (though by himself) to be submitted to, " and observed in Scotland," made a deep impression in his majesty. In a word, he committed the framing and com- posing such a liturgy as would most probably be ac- ceptable to that people, to a select number of the bishops there, who were very able and willing to " much] too much MS. ^ of] that ^ great] Not in MS. y and as careful they] Not in L 4 152 THE HISTORY BOOK undertake it : and so his majesty returned into Eng- l^nrl at the time he had designed,* without having 1633. gygj. proposed, or made the least approach in public towards any alteration in the church. It had been very happy, if there had been then nothing done indeed, that had any reference to that affau', and that, since it was not ready,^ nothing had been transacted to promote it, which accidentally alienated the affections of the people from it ; and what was done ^ was imputed to the bishop of Lon- don, who was like enough to be guilty of it, since he did really '^ believe, that nothing more contri- buted to the benefit and advancement of the church, than the jDromotion of churchmen to places of the greatest honour, and offices of the highest trust : this*^ opinion and the prosecution of it (though his integrity was unquestionable, and his zeal as great for the good and honour of the state, as for the ad- vancement and security of the church) was the un- happy foundation of his own ruin, and of the preju- dice f towards the church, the malice against it, and almost the destruction of it. The king During; the kind's stay in Scotland, when he found during his O O J stay there the conjiincturc not yet ripe for perfecting that good ])ishopric order which he intended in the church, he resolved burgh. to leave a monument behind him of his own affec- tion and esteem of it. Edinburgh, though the me- tropolis of the kingdom, and the chief seat of the king's own residence, and the place where the coun- 3 he had designed,] proposed "^ really] naturally to himself, *= this] and this ^ not ready,] Thvs in MS.: *" prejudice] Thus in MS.: not ready to promote it, no- prejudice towards, and malice thing had been transacted, which against, and almost destruction '^ what was done] this of the church. OF THE REBELLION. 153 cil of state and the courts of justice still remained, book was but a borough town within the diocese of the 1 archbishop of saint Andrew's, and governed in all ^^^^• church affairs by the preachers of the town ; who, being chosen by the citizens from the time of Mr. Knox, (who had a principal hand in the suppression of popery, with circumstances not very commend- able to this day,) had been the most turbulent and seditious ministers of confusion that could be found in the kingdom ; of which king James had so sad experience, after he came to age, as well as in his minority, that he would often say, " that his access " to the crown of England was the more valuable " to him, as it redeemed him from the subjection to " the ^ ill manners and insolent practices of those " preachers^, which he could never shake off be- " fore." The king, before his return from thence, with the full consent and approbation of the arch- bishop of saint Andrew's, erected Edinburgh into a bishopric, assigned it a good and convenient juris- diction out of the nearest limits of the diocese of saint Andrew's, appointed the fairest church in the town to be the cathedral, settled a competent reve- nue upon the bishop out of lands purchased by his majesty himself from the duke of Lenox, who sold it much the cheaper, that it might be consecrated to so pious an end; and placed a very eminent scholar of a good family in the kingdom, who had been edu- cated in the university of Cambridge, to be the first bishop in that his new city ; and made another per- son, of good fame and learning, the^ first dean of his new cathedi'al, upon whom likewise he settled a f the] their •» of those preachers] Not in MS. ' the] his 154 THE HISTORY^ BOOK proper maintenance; hoping by this means the bet- I - ter to prepare the people of the place, who were the 1633. most numerous and richest of the kingdom, to have a due reverence to order and government, and at least to discountenance, if not suppress, the factious spirit of presbytery, which had so long ruled there. But this application little contributed thereunto : the people^ generally thought, that they had too many bishops before, and so the increasing the num- ber was not like to be very grateful to them. The bishops had indeed very little interest in the affections ^ of that nation, and less authority over it ; they had not power to reform or regulate their own cathedrals, and very rarely shewed themselves in the habit and robes of bishops ; and durst not con- test with the general assembly in matters of juris- diction : so that there was little more than the name His majesty of episcopacy preserved in that church. To redeem prefers soru6 bishops in them from that contempt, and to shew that they sec°uia°of-" should bc Considerable in the state, how little au»- ^onabi" "^^ thority soever they were permitted to have in the church, the king made the archbishop of saint An- drew's, a learned, wise, and pious man, and of long experience, chancellor of the kingdom, (the greatest office, and which had never been in the hands of a churchman since the reformation of religion, and suppressing the pope's authority,) and four or five other bishops of the privy-council, or lords of the session ; which his majesty presumed, by their power in the civil government, and in the judicatories of the kingdom, would render them so much the more reverenced, and the better enable them to settle the ^ the people] and the people ' aifections] aflection OF THE REBELLION. 155 affairs of the church : which fell out otherwise too ; book I. and it had been better that envious promotion had been suspended, till by their grave and pious de- ^^'^'^' portment they had wrought upon their clergy to be better disposed to obey them, and upon the people to like order and discipline ; and till by these means the liturgy had been settled, and received amongst them ; and then the advancing some of them to greater honour might have done well. But this unseasonable accumulation of so many honours upon them, to which their functions did not entitle them, (no bishop having been so much as a privy-counsellor in very many years,) exposed them to the universal envy of the whole nobility, many whereof wished them well, as to their ^ ecclesiasti- cal qualifications, but could not endure to see them possessed of those oflEices and emi:)loyments, which they looked upon as naturally belonging to them- selves ; ° and then the number of them was thought too great, so that they overbalanced many debates ; and some of them, by want of temper, or want of breeding, did not behave themselves with that de- cency in their debates, towards the greatest men of the kingdom, as in discretion they ought to have done, and as the others reasonably expected from them : so that, instead of bringing any advantage to the church, or facilitating the good intentions of the king in settling order and government, it produced a more general prejudice to it ; though for the pre- sent there appeared no sign of discontent, or ill-will to them ; and the king left Scotland, as he believed, full of affection and duty to him, and well inclined ^ their] all their " themselves ;] them ; 156 THE HISTORY BOOK to receive a liturgy, when he should think it season- '. able to commend it to them. character. r^}^,^^; It was about the end of August in the year 1633, The king s '-' *^ return, and wheu the kinff rctumed from Scotland to Greenwich, the death of ^ i i j- • archbishop wlicre the queen kept her court ; and the first acci- 1633°:' his dent of moment, that happened after his coming thither, was the death of Abbot, archbishop of Can- terbury ; who had sat too many years in that see, and had too great a jurisdiction over the church, though he was without any credit in the court from the death of king James, and had not much in many years before. He had been head or master of one of the poorest colleges in Oxford, and had learning sufficient for that province. He was a man of very morose manners, and a very sour aspect, which, in that time, was called gravity ; and under the opinion of that virtue, and by the recommendation of the earl of Dunbar, the king's first Scotch favourite, he was preferred by king James to the bishopric of Co- ventry and Litchfield, and presently after to Lon- don, before he had been parson, vicar, or curate of any parish-church in England, or dean or prebend of any cathedral church ; and was in truth totally ignorant of the true constitution of the church of England, and the state and interest of the clergy ; as sufficiently appeared throughout the whole course of his life afterward. He had scarce performed any part of the office of a bishop in the diocese of London, when he was snatched from thence, and promoted to Canterbury, upon the never enough lamented death of Dr. Ban- croft, that metropoUtan, who understood the church excellently, and had almost rescued it out of the hands of the Calvinian party, and very much sub- OF THE REBELLION. 157 diied the unruly spii'it of the nonconformists, by and book after the conference at Hampton-court ; counte- ' nanced men of the greatest parts in learning, and ^^2'^- disposed the clergy to a more solid course of study, than they had been accustomed to ; and, if he had lived, would quickly have extinguished all that fire in England, which had been kindled at Geneva ; or if he had been succeeded by bishop Andrews, bishop Overal, or any man who understood and loved the ' church, that infection would easily have been kept out, which could not afterwards be so easily ex- pelled. But Abbot brought none of this antidote with him, and considered Christian religion no otherwise, than as it abhorred and reviled popery, and valued those men most, who did that most furiously. For the strict observation of the discipline of the church, or the conformity to the articles or canons esta- blished, he made little inquiry, and took less care ; and having himself made a very little progress in the ancient and solid study of divinity, he adhered only" to the doctrine of Calvin, and, for his sake, did not think so ill of the discipline as he ought to have done. But if men prudently forbore a public re\dling and railing at the hierarchy and ecclesiasti- cal government, let their opinions and private prac- tice be what it would, they were not only secure from any inquisition of his, but acceptable to him, and at least equally preferred hy him. And though many other bishops plainly discerned the mischiefs, which daily broke in to the prejudice of religion, by his defects and remissness, and prevented it in their " only] wliolly 158 THE HISTORY BOOK own dioceses as much as they could, and gave all '. their countenance to men of other parts and other 1633, pi'inciples ; and though the bishop of London, Dr. Laud, from the time of his authority and credit with the king, had apphed all the remedies he could to those defections, and, from the time of his being chancellor of Oxford, had much discountenanced and almost suppressed that spirit, by encouraging another kind of learning and practice in that uni- versity, which was indeed according to the doctrine of the church of England ; yet that temper in the archbishop, whose house was a sanctuary to the most eminent of that factious party, and who licensed their most pernicious writings, left his successor a very difficult work to do, to reform and reduce a church into order, that had been so long neglected, and that was so ill filled p by many weak, and more wilful churchmen. Bishop It was within one week after the king's return archbishop : from Scotlaud, that Abbot died at his house at Lam- js c arac- ^^^^ rpj^^ q ].j^g ^ook vcry Uttlc time to consider who should be his successor, but the very next time the bishop of London (who was longer on '' his way home than the king had been) came to him, his majesty entertained him very cheerfully with this compellation, 3Ii/ lord's grace of Canterhury, yoii are very welcome ; and gave order the same day for the despatch of all the necessary forms for the translation : so that within a month or thereabouts after the death of the other archbishop, he was com- pletely invested in that high dignity, and settled in his palace at Lambeth. This great prelate had been ^ filled] inhabited ' the doing of it, to be called in question, contradicted, and op- posed. Then the manner, and gesture, and posture, in the celebration of it, brought in new disputes, and administered new subjects of offence, according to the custom of the place, and humour of the peo- ple ; and those disputes brought in new words and terms (altar, adoration, ^ and genuflexion, and other expressions) for the more perspicuous carrying on those disputations. New books were written for and against this new practice, with the same earn- estness and contention for victory, as if the life of Christianity had been at stake. Besides,* there was not an equal concurrence, in the prosecution of this matter, amongst the bishops themselves ; some of them proceeding more remissly in it, and some not only neglecting to direct any thing to be done towards it, but restraining those who had a mind to it, from meddling in it. And this again produced as inconvenient disputes, when the subordinate clergy would take upon them, not only without the direc- tion of, but expressly against the diocesan's injunc- tions, to make those alterations and reformations themselves, and by their own authority. ^ begot] begat ^ adoration,] and adoration, y that imposed] to impose ^ Besides,] Not in MS. 1635. 170 THE HISTORY BOOK The archbishop, guided purely by his zeal, and .reverence for the place of God's service, and by the canons and injunctions of the church, with the cus- tom observed in the king's chapel, and in most ca- thedral churches, without considering the long in- termission and discontinuance in many other places, prosecuted this affair more passionately than was fit for the season ; and had prejudice against those, wlio, out of fear or foresight, or not understanding the thing, had not the same warmth to promote it. The bishops who had been preferred by his favour, or hoped to be so, were at least as solicitous to bring it to pass in their several dioceses ; and some of them with more passion and less circumspection, than they had his example for, or than he approved ; prosecuting those who opposed them very fiercely, and sometimes unwarrantably, which was kept in remembrance. Whilst other bishops, not so many in number, or so valuable in weight, who had not been beholding to him, ^ nor had hope of being so, were enough contented to give perfunctory orders for the doing it, and to see the execution of those orders not minded ; ^ and not the less pleased to find, that the prejudice of that whole transaction reflected solely upon the archbishop. The bishop of Lincoln (Williams) who had here- tofore been ^ lord keeper of the great seal of Eng- land, and generally unacceptable whilst he held that office,^ was, since his disgrace at court, and prosecu- tion from thence, become very popular ; and having '' him,] them, ege^jerally unacceptable whilst " minded ;] intended ; he held that office,] the most '' heretofore been] been here- generally abominated whilst he tofore had been so. 1635. OF THE REBELLION. 171 several faults objected to him,' the punishment book whereof threatened him every day, he was very, wilhng to change the scene, and to be brought upon the stage for opposing these innovations (as he called them) in religion. It was an unlucky word, and cozened very many honest men into apprehensions very prejudicial to the king and to the church. He published a discourse and treatise against the matter and manner of the prosecution of that business ; s a book so fuU of good learning, and that learning so close and solidly appUed, (though it abounded with too many light expressions,) that it gained him re- putation enough to be able to do hurt ; and shewed that, in his retirement, he had spent his time with his books very profitably. He used all the wit and all the malice he could, to awaken the people to a jealousy of these agitations and innovations in the exercise of religion ; not without insinuations that it aimed at greater alterations, for which he knew the people would quickly find a name ; and he was ambitious to have it believed that the archbishop was his greatest enemy, for his having constantly opposed his rising to any government in the church, as a man whose hot and hasty spiiit he had long known. Though there were other books written with good learning, and which sufficiently answered the bishop's book, and to men of equal and dispassionate incli- nations fuUy vindicated the proceedings which had been, and were still, very fervently carried on ; yet it was done by men whose names were not much '' having several faults ob- enough to be ashamed of, jected to him,] having faults « business ;] matter 172 THE HISTORY BOOK reverenced,^ and who were taken notice of, with _____ great insolence and asperity to undertake the de- 1635. feYice of all things which the people generally were displeased with, and who did not affect to be much cared for by those of their own order. So that from this unhappy subject, not in itself of that important value to be either entered upon with that resolu- tion, or to be carried on with that passion, proceeded upon the matter a schism amongst the bishops them- selves, and a great deal^ of uncharitableness in the learned and moderate clergy, towards one another : which, though it could not increase the malice, added very much to the ability and power of the enemies of the church to do it hurt, and also ^ to the number of them. For without doubt, many who loved the established government of the church, and the exercise of reUgion as it was used, and de- sired not a change in either, nor did disUke thfe or- der and decency, which they saw mended, yet they liked not any novelties, and so were liable to en- tertain jealousies that more was intended than was hitherto proposed; especially when those infusions proceeded from men unsuspected to have any incli- nations to change, and were^ known assertors of the government both in church and state. They did observe the inferior clergy took more upon them than they were wont,™ and did not live towards their neighbours of quality, or their patrons them- selves, with that civility and condescension they had used to do ; which disposed them likewise to a with- ^ reverenced,] reverenced by • and were] and from many men, m ^^re wont,] had used to ' a great deal] a world do, ^ also] added OF THE REBELLION. 173 drawing their good countenance and good neigh- book bourhood from them. ^' The archbishop had not been long in that post, '^ ^635. when there was another great alteration in the court by the death of the earl of Portland, high treasurer of England; a man so jealous of the archbishop's credit with the king, that he always endeavoured to lessen it by all the arts and ways he could ; which he was so far from effecting, that, as it usually falls out, when passion and malice make accusation, by suggesting many particulars which the king knew to be untrue, or believed to be no faults, he rather confirmed his majesty's judgment of him, and pre- judiced his own reputation. His death caused not^ponthe grief in tlie archbishop ; who was upon it made one Portiand-s of the commissioners of the treasury and revenue, frchbLhop which he had reason to be sorry for, because it en- T*!*" """ •' ' of the coin- gaged him in civil business and matters of state, ™'^''°"''"^ of the tiea- wherem° he had bttle experience, and which hesury. had hitherto avoided. But being obhged to it now by his trust, he entered upon it with his natural earnestness and warmth, making it his principal care to advance and improve the king's revenue by all the ways which were offered, and so hearkened to all informations and propositions of that kind ; and having not had experience of that tribe of peo- ple who deal in that traffick, (a confident, senseless, and for the most part a naughty people,) he was sometimes misled by them to think better of some projects than they deserved : but then he was so entirely devoted to what would be beneficial to the king, that all propositions and designs, which were " in that post,] ,it Canterbury, " wherein] in which 174. THE HISTORY BOOK for the profit (only or principally) of particular per- _!__sons how great soever, were opposed and crossed, 1635. ^^^ yQYj often totally suppressed and stifled in their birth, by his power and authority ; which created him enemies enough in the court, and many of ability to do mischief, who knew well how to re- compense discourtesies, which they always called in- juries. The P revenue of too many of the court consisted principally in enclosures, and improvements of that nature, which he still opposed passionately, except they were founded upon law ; and then, if it would bring profit to the king, how old and obsolete soever the law was, he thought he might justly advise the prosecution. And so he did a little too much coun- tenance the commission concerning^ depopulation, which brought much charge and trouble upon the people, and ^ was likewise cast upon his account. He had observed, and knew it must be so, that the principal officers of the revenue, who governed the affairs of money, had always access to the king, and spent more time with him in private than any of his servants or counsellors, and had thereby fre- quent opportunities to do good or ill offices to many men ; of which he had had experience, when the earl of Portland was treasurer, and the lord Cot- tington chancellor of the exchequer ; neither of them being his friends ; and the latter still enjoying his ^ place, and having his former access, and so con- tinuing a joint commissioner of the treasury with him, and understanding that province much better, P The] And the >• and] which 1 concerning] for » j^j^-j ^j^-jj- OF THE REBELLION. 175 still* opposed, and commonly carried every thing book against him : so that he was weary of the toil and 1 reasuier. vexation of that business; as all other men were, ^^•^^' and still are of the delays which are in all despatches in that office, whilst it is " executed by commission. The treasurer's is the gi^eatest office of benefit in Bishop the kingdom, and the chief in precedence next the mTdTiord archbishop's, and the great seal : so that the eyes of ^" all men were at gaze who should have this great office ; and the greatest of the nobility, who were in the chiefest employments, looked upon it as the prize of one of them ; such offices commonly making way for more removes and preferments : when on a sudden the staff was put into the hands of the bishop of London, a man so unknown, that his name was scarce heard of in the kingdom, who had been within two years before but a private chaplain to the king, and the president of a poor college in Oxford. This inflamed more men than were angry before, and no doubt did not only sharpen the edge of envy and malice against the archbishop, (who was the known architect of this new fabric,) but most unjustly in- disposed many towards the church itself; which they looked upon as the gulph ready to swallow all the great offices, there being others in view, of that robe, who were ambitious enough to expect the rest. In the mean time the archbishop himself was in- finitely pleased with what was done, and unhappily believed he had provided a stronger support for the church ; and never abated any thing of his severity and rigour towards men of aU conditions, or in the ' still] he still whilst that office is " in that office, whilst it is] 1636. 176 THE HISTORY BOOK sharpness of his language and expressions, which ' was so natural to him, that he could not debate any thing without some commotion, when the ar- gument was not of moment, nor bear contradiction in debate, even in the council, where all men are equally free, with that patience and temper that was necessary ; of which they who wished him not well took many advantages, and would therefore contradict him, that he might be transported with some indecent passion ; which, upon a short recol- lection, he was always sorry for, and most readily and heartily would make acknowledgment. No man so willingly made unkind use of all those occa- sions, as the lord Cottington, who being a master of temper, and of the most profound dissimulation, knew too well how to lead him into a mistake, and then drive him into choler, and then expose him upon the matter, and the manner, to the judgment of the company ; and he chose to do this most when the king was present ; and then he would dine with him the next day. The king, who was excessively affected to hunt- ing and the sports of the field, had a great desire to make a great park for red as well as fallow deer, between Richmond and Hampton-court, where he had large wastes of his own, and great parcels of wood, which made it very fit for the use he de- signed it to : but as some parishes had commons ^ in those wastes, so many gentlemen and farmers had good houses and good farms intermingled with those wastes of their own inheritance, or for their y lives, or years ; and without taking of ^ them into " commons] common * taking of] taking in of > their] Not m MS. OF THE REBELLION. 177 the park, it would not be of the largeness or for the book use proposed. His majesty desired to purchase ^' those lands, and was very willing to buy them^ '63^ upon higher terms than the peojole could sell them '^ at to any body else, if they had occasion to part with them ; and thought it no unreasonable thing, upon those terms, to expect this^ from liis sulyects ; and so he employed his own surveyor, and other of his officers, to treat with the owners, many whereof were his own tenants, whose farms ^ would at last expire. The major part of the people were in a short time prevailed with, but many very obstinately refused ; and a gentleman, who had the best estate, with a convenient house and gardens, would by no means part with it ; and the king being as earnest to com- pass it, it made a gi'eat noise, as if the king would take away men's estates at his own pleasure. The bishop of London, who was treasurer, and the lord Cottington, chancellor of the exchequer, were, from the first entering upon it, very averse from the de- sign, not only for the murmur of the people, but because the purchase of the land, and the making a brick-wall about so large a parcel of ground, (for it is near ten^ miles about,) would cost a greater sum of money than they could easily provide, or than they thought ought to be sacrificed to such an occa- sion : and the lord Cottington (who was more so- licited by the country people, and heard most of their murmurs) took the business most to heart, and endeavoured by aU the ways he could, and by fre- quent importunities, to divert his majesty from pur- ^ them] it '^ farms] terms ^ them] it '^ near ten] not less than ten '^ this] Not in MS. or twelve VOL. I. N 178 THE HISTORY BOOK suing it, and put all delays he could well do in the ^' bargains which were to be made ; till the king grew 1636. very angry with him, and told him, " he was re- " solved to go through with it, and had abeady " caused brick to be burned, and much of the wall " to be built upon his own land :" upon which Cot- tington thought fit to acquiesce. The building the wall before people consented to part with their land, or their common, looked to them as if by degrees they should be shut out from both, and increased the murmur and noise of the people who were not concerned, as well as of them who were : and it was too near London not to be the common discourse. The^ archbishop (who de- sired exceedingly that the king should be possessed as much of the hearts of the people as was possi- ble, at least that they should have no just cause to complain) meeting with it, resolved to speak with the king of it; which he did, and received such an answer from him, that he thought his majesty rather not informed enough of the inconveniences and mischiefs of the thing, than positively resolved not to desist from it. Whereupon one day he took the lord Cottington aside, (being informed that he disUked it, and, according to his natural custom, spake with great warmth against it,) and told him, " he should do very well to give the king good coun- " sel, and to withdraw him from a resolution, in " which his honour and justice ^ was so much called " in question." Cottington answered him very grave- ly, " that the thing designed was very lawful, and he thought the king resolved very well, since ^' the f The] And the >> since] and since ^justice] his justice a ii OF THE REBELLION. 179 place lay so conveniently for his winter exercise, book and that he should by it not be compelled to make ^ " so long jom-neys as he used to do, in that season of ^^'^^• " the year, for his sport, and that nobody ought to " dissuade him from it." The archbishop, instead of finding a concurrence from him, as he expected, seeing himself reproaclied upon the matter for his opinion, grew into mucli passion, telling him, " such men as he would ruin " the king, and make him lose the affections of his " subjects ; that for his own part, as he had begun, " so he would go on to dissuade the king from pro- " ceeding in so ill a counsel, and that he hoped it " would appear who had been his counsellor." Cot- tington, glad to see him so soon hot, and resolved to inflame him more, very calmly replied to him, " that " he thought a man could not, with a good con- " science, hinder the king from pursuing his resolu- " tions, and that it could not but proceed from want " of affection to his person, and he was not sure that " it might not be high treason." The other, upon the wildness of his discourse, in great anger asked him, " Why ? from whence he had received that doctrine ?" He said, with the same temper, " They, ' who did not wish the king's health, could not love him ; and they, who went about to hinder his taking " recreation, which preserved his health, might be " thought, for aught he knew, guilty of the highest " crimes." Upon which the archbishop in great rage, and with many reproaches, left him, and either pre- sently, or upon the next opportunity, told the king, " that he now knew who was his great counsellor " for making his park, and that he did not wonder " tliat men durst not represent any arguments to N 2 i( a 180 THE HISTORY BOOK " the contrary, or let his majesty know how much ' " he suffered in it, when such principles in divinity 1636. a Q^^ jg^^ were laid down to terrify them;" and so recounted to him the conference he had with the lord Cottington, bitterly inveighing against him and his doctrine, mentioning him with all the sharp re- proaches imaginable, and beseeching his majesty, " that his counsel might not prevail with him," tak- ing some pains to make his conclusions appear very false and ridiculous. The king said no more, but, " My lord, you are " deceived ; Cottington is too hard for you : upon " my word, he hath not only dissuaded me more, " and given more reasons against this business, than " all the men in England have done, but hath really " obstructed the work by not doing his duty, as I " commanded him, for which I have been very much displeased with him : you see how unjustly your passion hath transported you." By wliich repre- hension he found how much he had been abused, and resented it accordingly. Whatsoever was the cause of it, this excellent man, who stood not upon the advantage ground be- fore, from the time of his promotion to the arcli- bishopric, or rather from that of his being commis- sioner of the treasury, exceedingly provoked, or un- derwent the envy, and reproach, and malice of men of all qualities and conditions ; who agreed in nothing else : all which, though well enough known to him, were not enough considered by him, who believed, as most men did,' the government to be so firmly settled, that it could neither be shaken from within ' as most men did,] Not in MS. OF THE REBELLION. 181 nor without'^, and that less than a general confusion book of law and gospel could not hurt him; which Avas '. true too : but he did not foresee how easily that con- ^^^^• fusion might be brought to pass, as it proved shortly to be. And with this general observation of the out- ward visible prosperity, and the inward reserved dis- position of the people to murmur and unquietness, we conclude this first book. ^ without,] without as most men did THE END OF THE FIRST BOOK. N 3 / THE HISTORY OF THE REBELLION, &c. BOOK II. PsAL. lii. 2, 4. Thy tongue deviseth mischiefs, like a sharp razor, working deceitfully. Thou lovest all devouring words, O thou deceitful tongue. PsAL. Iv. 21. The words of his mouth were smoother than butter, hut war xcas in his heart : his xcords were softer thau oil, yet were they drawn swords.^ XT was towards the end of the year 1633, when 1637. the king i-eturned from Scotland, having left it to ^^^'^',^^^^1^'^ the care of some of the bishops there to provide such ^ft^'' ^^ * -^ ^ king's re- a liturgy, and such a book of canons, as might best turn suit the nature and humour of tlie better sort of that relating people j_,to which the rest would easily submit : and J'J^''Jo^^° that, as fast as they made them ready, they should pjj^^"/ J^j canons. PsAL. Hi. &c. — drawn swords.} Not in MS. N 4 184 THE HISTORY BOOK transmit them to the archbishop of Canterbury, to whose assistance tlie king joined the bishop of Lon- ^^^"' don, and doctor Wren, who, by that time, was be- come bishop of Norwich ; a man of a severe, sour nature, ])ut very learned, and particularly versed in the old hturgies of the Greek and Latin churches. And after his majesty should be this way certified of what was so sent, he would recommend and enjoin the practice and use of both to that his native king- dom. The bishops there had somewhat to do, before they went about the preparing the canons and the liturgy ; what had passed at the king's being there in parliament had left bitter inclinations and unruly spirits in many of the most popular nobility ; who watched only for an opportunity to inflame the peo- ple, and were weU enough contented to see combus- tible matter every day gathered together to contri- bute to that fire. The promoting so many bishops to be of the privy- council, and to sit in the courts of justice, seemed at first wonderfully to facilitate all that was in design, and to create. an affection and reverence towards the church, at least an application to and dependence upon the greatest churchmen. So that there seemed to be not only a good prejiaration made with the people, but a general expectation, and even a desire that they might have a liturgy, and more decency observed in the church. And this temper was te- lieved to be the more universal, because neither from any of the nobility, nor of the clergy, who were thought most averse from it, there appeared any sign of contradiction, nor that licence of language against it, as was natural to that nation ; but an entire acquiescence in aU the bishops thought fit to OF THE REBELLION. 185 do; which was interpreted to proceed from a con- book version in their judgment, at least to a submission "' to^ authority : whereas in truth, it appeared after- 1637. wards to be from the oliservation tliey made of'^ the temper and indiscretion o[ those ])ishops in the great- est authority, that they were like to have more ad- vantages administered to them by their ill managery, than they could raise by any contrivance of their own. It was now two years, or very near so much, be- Touching fore tlie bishops in Scotland had prepared any thing tf^h^cT-^' to offer to the king towards their intended reforma- °°°^- tion ; and tlien they inverted the proper method, and first presented a body of canons to precede tlie liturgy, whicli was not yet ready, they clioosing to finish the shorter work first. The king referred the consideration of the canons, as he had before re- solved to do, to the arch])ishoi), and the otlier two bi- shops formerly named, the bishop of London, and the bishop of Norwich ; who, after their perusal of them, and some alterations made with the consent of those bishops who brought them from Scotland, returned them to the king ; and liis majesty, impatient to see the good work entered upon without any other cere- mony, (after having given his royal approbation,) issued out his proclamation for the due o1)servation of them within his kingdom of Scotland. It was a fatal inadvertency that these. xanons,^ neither^before nor after they were sent to the king, had been ever seen'^ by the assembly, or any convo- ^ to] to the neither before nor after these •^ of ] from canons were sent to the king '^ tliat these canons, — been they were never seen ever seen] Thus in MS : that 186 THE HISTORY BOOK cation of the clergy, which was so strictly obliged to '■ — the observation of them ; nor so much as communi- '^^"' cated to the lords of the council of that kingdom; it being almost impossible that any new discipline could be introduced into the church, which would not much concern the government of the state, and even trench upon or refer to the municipal laws of the kingdom. And, in this consideration, the arch- bishop of Canterbury had always declared to the bi- shops of Scotland, " that it was their part to be sure, " that nothing they should propose to the king in " the business of the church, should be contrary to " the laws of the land, which he could not be thought " to understand ; and that they should never put any " thing in execution, without the consent and ap- " probation of the privy-council." But it was the unhaj^py craft of those bishops to get it believed by the~ king, that the work would be grateful to the most considerable of the nobility, tlie clergy, and the people, (which they could hardly believe,) in order to the obtaining his majestv 's^ approbation J^nd authority for the execution of that, which they did really believe would not find opposition from the no- bility, clergy, or people, against his majesty's express power and will, which without doubt was then in great veneration in that kingdom ; and so they did not in truth dare to submit those canons to any other examination, than what the king should direct in England, It was, in the next pl ace, as strange, t hat canons® should be published before the liturgy was prepared, (which was not ready in a year after, or thereabouts,) *^ that canons] that those canons OF THE REBELLION. 187 when three or four of the canons were principally book for the observation and punctual compliance with ^^' the liturgy ; which all the clergy were to be sworn 1 637. to submit to, and to pay aU obedience to what was enjoined by it, before they knew what it contained. Whereas, if the liturgy had been first published with all due circumstances, it is possible that it might have found a better reception, and the canons have been^ less examined. The Scottish? nation, how capable soever it was of being led by some great men, and misled by the clergy, would have been corrupted by neither into a barefaced rebellion against their king, whose person they loved, and reverenced his government ; nor could they have been wrought upon towards the lessening the one, or the other, by any other sugges- tions or infusions, than such as should make them jealous or apprehensive of a design to introduce po- pery ; a great part of their religion '* consisting in an entu'e detestation of popery, in believing the pope to be Antichrist, and hating perfectly the persons of all papists ^ The canons now published, besides (as hath been touched before) that they had passed no approbation of the clergy, or been communicated to the council, appeared to be so many new laws imposed upon the whole kingdom by the king's sole authority, and con- trived by a few private men, of whom they had no good opinion, and who were strangers to the nation ; so that it was thought ^ no other than a subjection f have been] Not in MS. ' papists] MS. adds : and 1 *5 Scottish] Scotch doubt all others, who did not ^ a great part of their reli- hate tliem. gion] their whole religion ^ thought] Not in MS. 188 THE HISTORY BOOK to England, by receiving laws from tlience, of which II . tliey were most jealous, and which they most pas- 1637. sionately abhorred. Then they were so far from being confined to the church, and the matters of re- ligion, that they believed there was no part of their civil government uninvaded by them, and no per- sons of what quality soever unconcerned, and, as they thought, unhurt in them. And there were some things in some particular canons, how rational soever in themselves, and how distant soever in the words and expressions from inclining to popery, which yet gave too much advantage to those who maliciously watched the occasion to persuade weak men, that it was an approach and introduction to that religion, the very imagination whereof intoxi- cated all men, and deprived them of all faculties to examine and judge. Some of the said canons ^ defined and determined such an unlimited " power and prerogative to be in " the king, according to the pattern" (in express terms) " of the kings of Israel, and such a full su- " premacy in all cases '" ecclesiastical, as hath never " been pretended to by their former kings, or sub- " mitted to by the clergy and laity of that nation ;" which " made impression upon men of all tempers, humours, and inclinations. " And^ that no eccle- " siastical person should become surety, or bound " for any man ; that national or general assemblies " should be called only by the king's authority ; that " all bishops, and other ecclesiastical persons, who " die without children, should be obliged to give a > Some of the said canons] " which] and which The first canon " And] Not. in MS. ■^ cases] causes OF THE REBELLION. 189 " good part of their estates to the church, and, book " though they should have children, yet to leave . '- — - " somewhat to the church, and for advancement of ^^^''• " learning ;" which seemed rather to be matter of state, and policy, than of religion ; thwarted their laws and customs, which had been observed by them ; lessened, if not took away the credit of churchmen ; and prohibited them from that liberty of commerce in civil affairs, which the laws per- mitted to them ; and reflected upon the interests of those who had, or might have, a right to inherit from clergymen. " That none sliould receive the " sacrament liut upon their knees ; that the clergy " should have no private meetings for expounding " scripture, or for consulting upon matters ecclesi- " astical ; that no man should cover his head in the " time of divine service ; and that no clergyman " should conceive prayers ex tempore ^ but be bound " to pray only by the form prescribed in the liturgy," (which, by the way, was not seen nor framed,) " and " that no man should teach a public school, or in a " private house, without a licence first oljtained " from the archbishop of the province, or the Ijishop " of the diocese." All these were new, and things with which they had not been acquainted ; and though they might be fit P to be commended to a regular and orderly people, piously disposed, yet it was too strong meat for infants in discipline, and too much nourishment to be administered at once to weak and queasy sto- machs, and 'I too much inclined to nauseate what was most wholesome. But then, to apply the old terms of the church, to mention " the quatuor tem- P might be fit] were all fleet,] fleet for the sea, ' then] Not in MS. " the] his ^ at that time] in any army OF THE REBELLION. 203 country by sea to hinder their trade, and to make a 'book descent upon the land, and join with such forces as. . the loyal party of that nation should draw together ^^^^' to assist the king's, which his own interest (as. was believed) would give great life to, his family being numerous in the nobility, and united in an entii'e dependence upon him. Upon the first march of the army northwards, the Tiie eari of earl of Essex was sent with a party of horse and si^sTes B°er- foot, to use all possible expedition to possess himself ^^'^''* of Berwick, which the king had been advertised the Scots would speedily be masters of. The earl lost no time, but marched day and night with great order and diligence; and every day met several Scotsmen of quality well known to him, and sent expressly to the king, who all ° severally made him very particular relations of the strength of the Scots army, the excellent discipline that was observed in it, and p the goodness of the men, and that they were by that time possessed of Berwick ; and when he was within one day's march of it, a person of prin- cipal condition, of very near relation to the king's service, (who pretended to be sent upon matter of high importance to his majesty from those who most intended his service there,) met him, and advised him very earnestly " not to advance farther with his " party, which," he said,^ " was so much inferior in " number to those of the enemy, that it would infal- *' libly be cut off: that himself overtook the day be- " fore a strong party of the army, consisting of three " thousand horse and foot, with a train of artillery, " all which he left at such a place," (which he ° who all] all who p and] Not in MS. 'i he said,] Not in MS. 204 THE HISTORY book' named,) "within three hours march of Berwick, II ' " where they resolved to be the night before, so that J 639, « jjjg proceeding farther must be fruitless, and ex- *' pose him to inevitable ruin." These advertise- ments wrought no otherwise upon the earl, than to hasten his marches, insomuch that he came to Ber- wick sooner than he proposed to have done, entered the place without the least opposition, and by all the inquiry he could make by sending out parties, and other advertisements, he could not discover that any of the enemies' forces had been drawn that way, nor indeed that they had any considerable forces to- gether nearer than Edinburgh. The earl being thus possessed of his post, lost no time in advertising the king of it, and sent him a very particular account of the informations he had received from so many ear and eye witnesses, who were all at that time in the court, and very fit to be suspected after the publishing of so many falsehoods ; and these very men ^ had been constant in the same reports, and as confident in reporting the defeat of the earl of Essex, and cutting off his party, as they had been to himself of the Scots march, and their being masters of Berwick. The joy was not con- cealed with which his majesty received the news of the earl's being in Berwick, the contrary whereof those ^ men made him apprehend with much per- plexity ; but tliey underwent no other reproach for their intelligence, than that their fears had multi- plied their sight, and that they had been frighted with other men's relations ; which remissness, to call it no worse, was an ill omen of the discipline that Wtis like to be observed. ■■ these very men] the men ^ those] these OF THE REBELLION. 205 If the war had been now vigorously pursued, it book had been as soon ended as begun ; for at this time ' they had not drawn three thousand men together in ^^^^• the whole kingdom of Scotland, nor had in truth arms complete for such a number, though they had the possession of all the king's forts and magazines there S nor had they ammunition to supply their few firearms ; horses they had, and officers they had, which made all their show. But it was the fatal misfortune of the king, which proceeded from the excellency of his nature, and his tenderness of blood, that he deferred so long his resolution of using his arms ; and after he had taken that resolution, that it was not prosecuted with more vigour. He more intended the pomp of his preparations than the strength of them, and did still believe, that the one would save the labour of the other. At the same time that he resolved to raise an army, he caused inquiry to be made, what obhgations lay upon his subjects to assist him, both as he went himself in person, and as it was an expedition against the Scots ; which, in the ancient enmity between the two nations, had been provided for by some laws ; and in the tenure which many men held their estates by, he found ^' that the kings had usu- ally, when they went to make war in their own per- sons, called as many of the nobility to attend upon them, as they thought fit. Thereupon ^ he summoned most of the nobility of The king the kingdom, without any consideration of their af- the English fections how they stood disposed to that service, to °t"g|JJ^,f^ attend upon him by a day appointed, and through- t there] Not in MS. by. He found " estates by, he found] estates ^ Thereupon] And thereupon im. ^6 THE HISTORY BOOK out that expedition; presuming, that the glory of "• such a visible appearance of the whole nobility 1639. would look like such an union in the quarrel, as would at once terrify and reduce the Scots; not considering, that such kinds of uniting do often y produce the greatest confusions, when more and greater men are called together than can be united in affections and interests ; ''- and in the necessary differences which arise from thence, they quickly come to know each other so well, as they rather break into ^ several divisions, than join ^ in any one public interest ; and from hence have always risen the most dangerous factions,^ which have threatened and ruined the peace of nations : and it fell out no better here. If there had been none in the march but soldiers, it is most probable that a noble peace would have quickly ensued, even without fighting : but the progress was more illustrious than the ' march, and the soldiers were the least part of the army, and least consulted with. In this pomp the king continued his journey to York, where he had a full court, those noblemen of the northern parts, and many others who overtook not the king till then, joining all in that city; where his majesty found it necessary to stay some days ; and there the fruit, that was to be gathered from such a conflux, quickly budded out. Some rules were to be set down for the government of the army ; the court '^ was too numerous to be >' kinds of uniting do often] ^ have always risen the most kind of imilings do naturally dangerous factions,] the most ' and interests ;] or interests ; dangerous factions have always ^ rather break into] easily arose, unite in ' fi the court] and the court '' than join] thougli never OF THE REBELLION. SOT wholly left to its own licence; and the multitude book of the Scots in it administered matter of offence ^^' and jealousy to people of all conditions, who had ^^3^- too much cause to fear that the king was every day betrayed; the common discourse by all the Scots being either to magnify ^ the good intentions of their countrymen, and that they had all duty for the king, or to undervalue ^ the power and interest of those who discovered themselves against the church. It was therefore tiiought fit by the whole body of the council, that a short protestation should be drawn, in which all men should " profess their loy- " alty and obedience to his majesty, and disclaim " and renounce the having any intelligence, or hold- " ing any correspondence with the rebels." No man imagined it possible that any of the English would refuse to make that protestation ; and they who thought worst of the Scots did not think they would make any scruple of doing the same, and conse- quently that there would be no fruit or discovery from that test ; but they were deceived. The Scots indeed took it to a man, without grieving their con- science, or reforming their manners. But amongst the English nobility the lord Say, and the lord .-^ Brook, (two popular men, and most undevoted to the church, and, in truth, to the whole govern- ment,) positively refused, in the king's own pre- sence, to make any such protestation. They said, " If the king suspected their loyalty, he might pro- " ceed against them as he thought fit ; but that it " was against the law to impose any oaths or pro- " testations = upon them which were not enjoined ^ to magnify] magnifying ^ oaths or protestations] oath ' to undervakie] undervahiing or protestation 208 THE HISTORY BOOK "by the law; and, in that respect, that they might "• " not betray the common liberty, they would not 1639. « submit to it." This administered matter of new dispute in a very unseasonable time ; and though there did not then appear more of the same mind, and'^ they two were committed, at least restrained of their liberty ; yet this discovered too much the humour and spirit of the court in their daily dis- courses upon that subject ; so that the king thought it best to dismiss those two lords, and require them to return to their houses : and if all the rest who were not officers of the army, or of absolute neces- sity about the king's person, had been likewise dis- missed and sent home, the business had been better prosecuted. Indeed, if the king himself had stayed at London, or, which had been the next best, kept his court and resided at York, and sent the army on their proper errand, and left the matter of the war w^hoUy to them, in all human reason, his enemies had been speedily subdued, and that kingdom reduced to their obedience \ , Before the king left York, letters and addresses _■ were sent from the Scots, " lamenting their ill for- " tune, that their enemies had so great credit with " the king, as to persuade him to believe, that they " were or could be disobedient to him, a thing that " could never enter into their loyal hearts ; that they " desired nothing but to be admitted into the pre- " sence of their gracious sovereign, to lay their " grievances at his royal feet, and leave the deter- " mination of them entirely to his own wisdom and ^ and] Not in MS. it would not have been easy for ' obedience] MS. adds: which them to have shaken off. OF THE REBELLION. 209 " pleasure." And though the humility of the style book gained them many friends, who thought it great ' pity that any blood should be spUt in a contention ^ ^^^' which his majesty might put an end to by his own word, as soon as he would hear their complaints ; yet hitherto the king preserved himself from being wrought upon, and marched with convenient expe- dition to the very borders of Scotland, and encamp- The king ed with his army in an open field, called the Berkes, f^^H^^ o^ on the further side of Berwick, and lodged in his ^':°^'t"'^ ' <=> with his tent with the army, though every day's march ^'^™y- wrought very much upon the constitution if not the courage of the court, and too many wished aloud, " that the business were brought to a fair treaty." Upon advertisement that a party of the Scots sends the army was upon the march, ^ the earl of Holland was^and'as faV sent with a body of three thousand horse, and two"*^"°"' thousand foot, with a fit train of artillery, to meet it, and engage Mdth it ; who marched accordingly into Scotland early in a morning as far as a place called Dunce, ten or twelve miles into that king- dom. It was in the beginning of August, when the nights are very short, and, as soon as the sun rises, the days for the most part hotter than is reasonably expected from the climate, and,^ by the testimony of all men, that day was the hottest that had been known. When the earl came with his horse to Dunce, he found the Scots drawn up on the side of a hill, where the front could only be in view, and where, he was informed, the general Lesley and the whole army was ; and it was very true, they were all there indeed ; but it was as true, that all did not ^ the march,] their march, ^ and,] Not in MS. VOL. I. P 210 THE HISTORY BOOK exceed the number of three thousand men, very ill ^_ armed, and most country fellows, who were on the ^^^^' sudden got together to make that show : and Lesley had placed them by the advantage of that hill so speciously, that they had the appearance of a good body of men, there being all the semblance of great bodies behind on the other side of the hill ; the false- hood of which would have been manifest as soon as they should move from the place where they were, and from whence they were therefore not to stir. The horse had outmarched the foot, which, by reason of the excessive heat, was not able to use great expedition : besides, there was some error in the orders, and some accidents of the night that had retarded them ; so that when the enemy appeared first in view, the foot and the artillery was three or four miles behind. The earl's Nothing cau be said in the excuse of the counsel retreat from ,., -ii ^ i i • i Dunce. 01 that day, which might have made the king a glo- rious king indeed. The earl of Holland was a man of courage, and at that time not at all suspected to be corrupted in his affections ; and though he ™ him- self had not seen more of war ^ than two or three campaigns in Holland before his coming to the court, he had with him many as good officers as the war of that age, which was very active, had made, and men of unquestionable courage and military know- ledge. As he might very safely have made a halt at Dunce, till his foot and artillery came up to him, so he might securely enough have engaged his body of horse against their whole inconsiderable ° army, there being neither tree nor busli to interrupt his "1 he] Not in MS. » inconsiderable] pitiful " of war] of the war 1639. OF THE REBELLION. 211 charge; but it was thought otherwise ; and no ques- book tion it was generally believed, by the placing and drawing out their front in so conspicuous a place, by the appearance of other troops behind them, and by the shewing great herds of cattle at a distance upon the hills on either side, that their army was very much superior in number. And therefore, as soon as the earl came in view, he despatched mes- sengers one after another to the king, with an ac- count of what he heard and saw, or believed he saw, and yet thought not fit to stay for an answer ; but with the joint consent of all his chief p officers (for it was never after pretended that any one officer of name dissuaded it, though they were still ashamed of it) retii'ed towards his foot, to whom he had like- wise sent orders not to advance ; and so wearied and tired by the length of the march, and more by the heat of the weather, which was intolerable, they returned to the camp where the king was ; and the Scots drew a little back to a more convenient post for their residence. The covenanters, who very well understood the weaknesses of the court, as well as their own want of strength, were very reasonably exalted with this success, and scattered their letters abroad amongst the noblemen at court, according to the humours of the men to whom they writ ; there being upon the matter an unrestrained intercourse between the king's camp and Edinburgh. They writ three several letters to the three ffene- ^^^^ ^°'■'^- '' " nanters rals, the earl of Arundel, the earl of Essex, and the write to the earl of Holland. That to the earl of Essex was m ,ai officers. P chief] superior P 2 212 . THE HISTORY BOOK a dialect more submiss than to the others; they __^!l__said much to him of " his own fame and reputation, 1639. « which added to their affliction that he should be *' in arms against them ; that they had not the least " imagination of entering into a war against Eng- " land ; their only thought and hope was to defend " their own rights and liberties, which were due to " them by the law^ of the land, until they might " have access to his majesty, to expose their com- " plaints to him, from which they were hindered by " the power and greatness of some of their own " countrymen ;" being desirous the earl should un- derstand that their principal grievance was the in- terest of the marquis of Hamilton, who, they knew, was not in any degree acceptable to the earl ; and therefore desired him " to be ready to do them good " offices to the king, that they might be admitted to " his presence." The earl of Essex, who was a punc- tual man in point of honour, received this address superciliously enough, sent it to the king without re- turning any answer, or holding any conference, or performing the least ceremony, with or towards the messengers. The earls of Arundel and Holland gave another kind of reception to the letters they received. To the former, after many professions of high esteem of his person, they enlarged upon " their great affection " to the English nation, and how they abhorred the " thought of a war between the two nations ;" they besought him " to present their supplication" (which they enclosed) " to the king, and to procure their de- " puties admission to his majesty." The earl used '1 law] laws OF THE REBELLION. 213 them with more respect than was suitable to the book office of a general, and made many professions of " his desire to interpose, and mediate a good peace '^^^• " between the nations :" and it was confidently re- ported and believed, that he had frequently made , .- those professions by several messages he had sent before into Scotland ; and he had given passes to many obscure persons, to go into and return out of that kingdom. Their letter to the earl of Holland was in a more confident style, as to a man from whom they ex- pected all good offices. They sent him likewise a copy of their supplication to the king, and desired him " to use his credit that a treaty might be en- " tered into, and that his majesty would appoint " men of religion and of public hearts to manage " the treaty." From*" this time that earl was found at least enough inclined to that interest ; and the king's readiness to hear discourses of a pacification, and that messengers would be shortly sent to him with propositions worthy of his acceptation, abated those animosities, and appetite to war, which had made all the noise in the march. Indeed the marquis of Hamilton's neighbourly re- sidence with his fleet and foot soldiers before Leith, without any show of hostility, or any care taken to draw his friends and followers together for the king's service ; on the other side, the visits his mother made him on board his ship, who was a lady of great au- thority amongst the covenanters, and most addicted to them and their covenant,^ her daughters being "■ From] And from = to them and their covenant,] to it and them, P 3 214 THE HISTORY BOOK likewise married to those noblemen who most furi- _ously persecuted the church, and presided in those 1639. councils; the king's refusing to give leave to some officers of horse, who had offered to make inroads into the country, and destroy the stock thereof, whereby they would be presently obliged to make submission, and to ask pardon ; and lastly, the re- ception of the earl of Holland after his shameful retreat, with so much satisfaction and joy as his ma- jesty had manifested upon his return, (having after the first messenger's arrival from Dunce, when the enemy was in view, sent him orders not to engage,) made it then suspected, as it was afterwards beUeved by those who stood nearest, that his majesty had in truth never any purpose to make the war in blood, but believed that by shewing an army to them, that was able to force them to any conditions, they would have begged pardon for the contest * they had made, and so he should have settled the church, and all things else, according to his pleasure : and sure he might have done so, if he had but sat still, and been constant to his own interest," and positive in deny- ing their insolent demands. But the Scots in the court had made impression upon so many of the English lords, that though at that time there were very few of them who had entered into an unlawful combination against the king, yet there was almost a general disUke of the war, both by the lords of the court and of the country ; and they took this opportunity to communicate their murmurs to each other ; none of the persons who w^re most maligned for their power and interest with the king being * contest] contests " interest,] honour, OF THE REBELLION. 215 upon the place; and all men believing, that nothing book could be asked of the king, but what must be satis ^ — fied at their charge, whose damage they considered, ^^^^' though it was to be procured at the expense of the kind's honour. When the covenanters understood by their intelligence, that the season was ripe, they sent their supplication (of which they had scattered so many copies) to the king, and found themselv^es so welcome to all persons, that their modesty was not like to suffer any violence in offering the condi- tions. The Scots had from the beffinninff practised a new 'I'^ey ad- sturdy style of address, in which, under the licence liing. of accusing the counsel and carriage of others, whom yet they never named, they bitterly and insolently reproached the most immediate actions and direc- tions of his majesty himself; and then made the greatest professions of duty to his majesty's jDcrson that could be invented. The king had not, at that time, one person about him of his council, who had the least consideration of his own^ honour, or friend- ship for those who sat at the helm of affairs ; the duke of Lenox only excepted ; who was a young man \ / of small experience in affairs, though a man of great honour, and very good parts, and under the dis- . advantage of being looked upon as a Scotsman ; which he was not in his affections at all, being born in England, of an English mother, and having had his education there; and had indeed the manners and affections >' of an Englishman, and a duty and reverence "^ for the king and the*^ church accordingly; ^ own] ^ot in MS. fection > affections] nature and heart '^ the] Not in MS. ^ reverence] reverence and af- p 4 216 THE HISTORY BOOK and would never trust himself in those intrigues, as II. . . ' too mysterious for him. 1639. -pjjg j,gg^ ^j,Q were about the king in any offices of attendance, were the earl of Holland, whom we have had occasion to mention before in the first en- trance upon this discourse, and whom we shall have often occasion hereafter to speak of; and therefore shall say no more of him now, than that he neither loved the marquis of Hamilton, whom he believed the Scots intended to revenge themselves upon ; nor Wentworth the deputy of Ireland; nor the arch- bishop of Canterbury ; nor almost any thing that was then done in church or state. Secretary Coke, who had all the despatches upon his hand, was near eighty years of age ; a man of gravity, who never had quickness from his cradle ; who loved the church well enough as it was twenty years before ; and un- derstood nothing that had been done in Scotland, and thought that nothing that was or could be done there was^ worth such a journey as the king had put himself to. Sir Harry Vane was comptroller of the house, and a busy and a bustling man ; who had credit enough to do his business in all places, and cared for no man otherwise than as he found it very convenient for liimself. There was no other of his council of name but the general, the earl of Arundel, who was always true to the character under which he has been^ delivered, and thought he had been ge- neral long enough. All the lustre of the court was in that part of the nobility which attended upon command, and at their own charge ; and therefore the more weary of it. The earl of Pembroke hath '' was] Not in MS. <^ has been] was heretofore OF THE REBELLION. 217 been forgotten, who abhorred the war as obstinately book as he loved hunting and hawking, and so was like to II. promote all overtures towards accommodation with ^^2^* great importunity: so the Scots found persons to treat with^ according to their own wish. The earl of Essex still preserving his grandeur and punctu- ality, positively refused to meddle in the treaty, or to be communicated with, or so much as to be present, or receive any visits from the Scottish commissioners till after the pacification was concluded. The covenanters were firm, and adhered still to their old natural principle, even in this their ad- dress ; justified all they had done to be " according " to their native rights, and for the better advance- " ment of his majesty's service, which they had al- " ways before their eyes ;" and desired " to have " those receive exemplary punishment, who had " done them ill oflfices, and misrepresented their car- " riage to the king ; and that some noble lords might *' be appointed to treat upon all particulars." And a treaty of • 1 1 . , , - . pacification upon no other submission than this a treaty was pre- entered sently entered upon, and concluded. concluded. Whosoever will take upon him to relate all that passed in that treaty, must be beholding to his own invention ; the most material matters having passed in discourse, and very little committed to writing. Nor did any two who were present agi-ee in the same relation of what was said and done ; and which was worse, not in the same interpretation of the meaning of what was comprehended in writing. An agreement was made, if that can be called an agree- ment, in which nobody meant what others believed ^ with] with them 1639. 218 THE HISTORY BOOK he did : ** The armies were to be disbanded ; an act 11. . . " of oblivion passed ; the king's forts and castles to " be restored ; and an assembly and parliament to " be called for a full settlement ; no persons re- " served for justice, because no fault had been com- " mitted." The king's army, by'' the very words of the agreement, was not to be disbanded until all should be executed on their part ; and the king him- self, at that time, resolved to be present in the as- sembly at least, if not in the parliament : but the impatience of all was such for peace, that the king's army was presently disbanded ; his majesty making all possible haste himself to London, and sending the earl of Traquaire to Edinburgh, to prepare all things for the assembly ; whilst the Scots made all the caresses to many of the English, and both ^ breathed out in mutual confidence their resentments to each other. The marquis of Hamilton (whether upon the fame of the treaty, or sent for by the king, few knew) left his fleet before Leith in a very peaceable posture, and came to the Berkes some hours after the treaty was signed ; which was very convenient to him, for thereby he was free from the reproach that attended it, and at liberty to find fault with it ; which he did freely to the king, and to some others, whereby he preserved himself in credit to do more mischief. Many were then of opinion, and still are, that the marquis at that time was very unacceptable ^ to his countrymen; and it is certain that the chief ma- nagers at the treaty did persuade the English in whom they most confided, that their principal aim was * by] which by ^ both] Not in MS. e unacceptable] odious OF THE REBELLION. 219 to remove him from the court; which was a design book willingly heard, and universally grateful. But what- _ ever state of grace he stood in when he came thither, ^ ^^^" he did himself so good offices before he parted, that he was no more in their disfavour. The king's army was presently disbanded, and the Scots returned to Edinburgh with all they desired ; having gotten many more friends in England than they had be- fore ; kept all their officers, and as many of their men as they thought fit, in pay ; and prosecuted all those who had not shewed the same zeal in their covenant as themselves with great rigour, as men whose affections they doubted ; and, instead of re- mitting any thing of their rage against their bi- shops, they entered a public protestation, " That " they did not intend, by any thing contained in the " treaty, to vacate any of the proceedings which " had been in the late general assembly at Glas- " gow," (by which aU the bishops stood excommu- nicated,) and renewed all their menaces against them by proclamation ; and imposed grievous penalties upon aU who should presume to harbour any of them in their houses : so that by the time the king came to London, it appeared plainly, that the army was disbanded without any peace made, and the Scots in equal inclination, and in more reputation, to affront*^ his majesty than ever. Upon which a paper published by them, and avowed to contain the matter of the treaty, was burned by the common hangman ; every body disavowing the contents of it, but nobody taking upon him to pubUsh a copy that they owned to be true. ^ in equal inclination, and in more reputation, and eqvial iu- niore reputation, to atFront] in clination to affront 220 THE HISTORY BOOK The mischief that befell the king from this wonder- "• fill atonement cannot ])e expressed, nor was it ever The ill con- sequences of it. 1639. discovered what prevailed over his majesty to bring it so wofuUy to pass : aU men were ashamed who had contributed to it ; nor had he dismissed his army with so obliging circumstances as was like to incline them to come willingly^ together again, "^ if there were occasion to use their service. The earl of Essex, who had merited very well throughout the whole affair, and had never made a false step in action or counsel,^ was discharged in the crowd, without ordinary ceremony ; and an accident hap- pening at the same time, or very soon after, by the death of the lord Aston, whereby the command of the forest of Needwood feU into the king's disposal, which lay at the very door of that earl's estate,"^ and would infinitely have gratified him, was denied to him, and bestowed upon another : all which wrought very much upon his high" nature, and made him sus- ceptible of some impressions afterwards, which other- wise would not have found such easy admission. The factions and animosities at court were either greater, or more visible, than they had been before. The earl of Newcastle (who was governor to the prince, and one of the most valuable men in the kingdom, in his fortune, in his dependences, and in his qualifications) had, at his own charge, drawn together a goodly troop of horse of two hundred ; which for the most part consisted of the best gentle- men of the north, who were either allied to the earl, or of immediate dependence upon him, and came • willingly] so willingly '" that earl's estate,] his es- ^ again,] Not in MS. tate, ' or counsel,] or in counsel, " high] rough proud OF THE REBELLION. 221 together purely upon his account; and called this book troop the prince of Wales's troop; whereof the earl ______ himself was captain. When the earl of Holland '^39. marched with that party into Scotland, the earl of Newcastle accompanied him with that troop, and, upon occasion of some orders, desired that troop, since it belonged to the prince of Wales, might have some precedence ; which the general of the horse refused to grant him, but required him to march in the rank he had prescribed ; and the other obeyed it accordingly, but with resentment, imputing it to the little kindness that was between them. But as soon as the army was disbanded, he sent a challenge to the earl of Holland, by a gentleman very punctual, and well acquainted with those errands ; who took a proper season to mention it to him, without a possi- bility of suspicion. The earl of Holland was never susjDCcted to want courage, yet in this occasion he shewed not that alacrity, but that the delay exposed it to notice; and so, by the king's authority, the matter was composed ; though discoursed of with liberty enough to give the whole court occasion to express their affections to either party. The king himself was very melancholic, and quick- ly discerned that he had lost reputation at home and abroad; and those counsellors who had been most faulty, either through want of courage or wisdom, (for at that time few of them wanted fidelity,) never afterwards recovered spirit enough to do theu' duty, but gave themselves up to those who had so much over-witted them ; every man shifting the fault from himself, and finding some friend to excuse him : and it being yet necessary, that so infamous a matter should not be covered with absolute oblivion, it fell 222 THE HISTORY BOOK to secretary Coke's turn, (for whom nobody cared,) '. -vvho was then near fourscore years of age, to be 1639. n^ade the sacrifice; and, upon pretence that he had omitted the writing what he ought to hav^e done, and inserted somewhat he ought not to have done, he was put out of his office ; and within a short time after, sir Henry Vane (who was treasurer of the house) by the dark contrivance of the marquis of Hamilton, and by the open and visible power of the queen, made secretary of state ; which was the only thing that could make the removal of the other old man censured and murmured at : and this was at- tended again with a declared and unseasonable dis- like and displeasure' in the queen against the lieu- tenant of Ireland, newly made earl of Strafford ; who out of some kindness to the old man, who had been much trusted by him and of use to him, and out of contempt and detestation of Vane, but prin- cipally out of a desire to have'' that miscarriage ex- piated by a greater sacrifice, opposed the removal of secretary Coke with all the interest he could, got it suspended for some time, and put the queen to the exercise of her full power to perfect her work ; which afterwards produced many sad disasters. So that this unhappy pacification kindled many fires of con- tention in court and country, though the flame broke out first again in Scotland. On the other side, the Scots got so much benefit and advantage by it, that they brought all their other mischievous devices to pass with ease, and a pros- perous gale in all they went about. They had be- fore little credit'' abroad in any foreign parts, and ' " have] have liad p little credit] no credit OF THE REBELLION. so could procure neither arms nori ammunition; book and though they could lead the people at home, out of the hatred and jealousy of popery, into unruly ^^^^• tumults, yet they had not authority enough over them to engage them in a firm resolution of rebel- lion : the opinion of their unquestionable duty and loyalty to the king was that which had given them reputation to affront him : nor durst they yet at- tempt to lay any tax or imposition upon the people, or to put them to any charge. But, after this pa- cification, they appeared much more considerable abroad and at home ; abroad, where they were not so much considered before,^' now that they had brought an army into the field against the king, and** gained all they pretended to desire, without reproach or blemish, France, their old ally, looked upon them as good instruments to disturb their neighbours ; and cardinal Richelieu (who had never looked ujDon the defeat and overthrow at the isle of Rhe, as any reparation for the attempt and dis- honour of the invasion) was very glad of the oj)por- tunity of disturlnng a rest and quiet, which had not been favourable to his designs ; and sent an agent privately to Edinburgh, to cherish and foment their unpeaceable inclinations ; and received another from thence, who solicited supplies, and communicated counsels : he sent them arms and ammunition, and promised them encouragement and assistance pro- portionable to any enterprise they should frankly en- gage themselves in. Holland entered into a closer correspondence with them ; and they found a-edit 1 nor] or and considered by nobody, "■ were not so much consider- " and] Not in MS. ed before,]were without a name, 224 THE HISTORY BOOK there for a ffreat stock of arms and ammunition, II. . '. — upon security of payment within a year; which se- 1639. cupity they easily found a way to give. And thus countenanced and suppHed, they quickly got credit and power over the people at home ; and as soon as they had formed some troops of those who had been listed by them under good officers, (whereof store resorted to them of that nation out of Germany and Sweden,) and assigned pay to them, they made no longer scrujDle to impose what money they thought fit upon the people, and to levy it with aU rigour upon them who refused, or expressed any unwilling- ness to submit to the imposition ; and made the re- sidence of any amongst them very uneasy, and very insecure, who were but suspected by them not to wish well to their proceedings : and so they re- newed all those forms for the administration of the government, which they had begun ^ in the begin- ning of the disorders, and which they disclaimed upon making the pacification ; and refused to suffer the king's governor of the castle of Edinburgh (which was put into his hands about the same time) either to repair some works which were newly fallen down, or so much as to buy provision in the town for the food of the garrison. But that which was the greatest benefit and ad- vantage that accrued to " them from the agreement, and which was worth all the rest, was the conversa- tion they had with the English with so much repu- tation, that they had persuaded very many to be- lieve, that they had all manner of fidelity to the king, and had too much cause to complain of the ' begun] began " to] unto OF THE REBELLION. 225 hard proceedings against them by the power of some book of their own countiymen ; and the acquaintance "' they made with some particular lords, to that de- ^^^^' gree, that they did upon the matter agree what was to be done for the future, and how to obstruct any opposition or proceedings by those who were looked upon as enemies by both sides : for none in Scot- land more disliked all that was done in court, and the chief actors there, than those lords of England did ; though they were not so well prepared for an expedient for the cure. The people of Scotland being now reduced by them'' to a more implicit obedience, and nobody daring to oppose the most extravagant y proceedings of the most violent persons in power, =^ they lost no time, as hath been said, to make all preparations for a war they meant to pursue. Most of the king's privy-council and great ministers, who (though they had not vigorously performed their duty in support of the regal power) till now had been so reserved, that they seemed not to approve the disorderly pro- ceedings, but now as frankly wedded that interest as any of the leaders, and quickly became the chief of the leaders. As * the earl of Argyle : who had been preserved The eari by the king's immediate kindness and full power, "Ji^f/I-J^^ and rescued from the an^er and fury of his incensed *'"' '^°^^" " J nanters, father; who, being provoked by the disobedience ""*'''tii- . r. T • standing liis and insolence of his son, resolved so to have dis- great oui- posed of his fortune, that little should have accom- ti)e'k"ng,° panied the honour after his death. But by tJie king's interposition, and indeed imj^josition, the earl, " by them] Not in MS. ^- in power,] in autliorily, y extravagant] violent •'' As] Not in MS. VOL. I. Q 226 THE HISTORY 1G39. BOOK in strictness of the law in Scotland, having need of "' the king's grace and protection, in regard of his being become Roman Catholic, and his majesty- granting all to the son which he could exact from the father, the old man was in the end compelled to make over all his estate to his son ; reserving only such a provision for himself, as supported him ac- cording to his quality during his life, which he spent in the parts beyond the seas. The king had too much occasion afterwards to remember, that in the close, after his majesty had determined what should be done on either part, the old man declared, " He " would submit to the king's pleasure, though he " believed he was hardly dealt with ;" and then with some bitterness put his son in mind of his un- dutiful carriage towards him ; and charged him " to " cany in his mind how bountiful the king had " been to him ;" which yet, he told him, he was sure he would forget : and thereupon said to his majesty, " Sir, I must know this young man better than you " can do : you have brought me low, that you may " raise him ; which I doubt you will live to repent ; " for he is a man of craft, subtilty, and falsehood, " and can love no man ; and if ever he finds it in " his power to do you mischief, he will be sure to do " it." The king considered it only as the effect of his passion, and took no other care to prevent it, but by heaping every day new obligations upon him; making him a privy-counsellor, and giving him other offices and power to do hurt, thereby to re- strain him from doing it ; which would have wrought upon any generous nature the effect it ought to have done. The earl ^ (for his father was now dead) ^ The earl] This earl OF THE REBELLION. 227 came not to Edinburgh during the first troubles; book and though he did not dissemble his displeasure against the bishops, because one of them had af- ^^39. fronted him, in truth, very rudely, yet he renewed aU imaginable professions of duty to the king, and a readiness to engage in his service, if those disorders should continue : but after the pacification and dis- banding '^ of the king's army, and the covenanters declaring that they would adliere to the acts of the Assembly at Glasgow, he made haste to Edinburgh with a great train of his family and followers ; and immediately signed the covenant, engaged for the provision of arms, and raising forces ; and in all things behaved himself like a man that might very safely be confided in by that party ''. There wanted not persons still who persuaded the king, " that all might yet be ended without " blood ; that there were great divisions amongst " the chief leaders, through emulations ^ and ambi- " tion of command ; and that the access of the earl " of Argyle to that party would drive others as con- " siderable from it, who never did, nor ever would, " unite with him in any design ;" and therefore ad- vised, " that his majesty would require them to " send some persons intrusted by their body to at- " tend him, and give an account of the reasons of " their proceedings." They demanded a safe con- duct for the security of the persons they should em- ploy ; wiiich was sent accordingly : and thereupon some persons of the nobility, and others, were com- missioned to wait on the king ; amongst which the •^ disbanding] the disbanding ^ emulations] emulation ^. by that party] Not in MS. Q 2 228 THE HISTORY BOOK lord Lowden was principally relied on for his parts ' and abilities ; a man who was better known after- 1639. wards, and whom there wiU hereafter be so often occasion to mention, as it will not be necessary in this place further to enlarge upon him. They be- haved themselves, in all respects, with the confidence of men employed by a foreign state ; refused to give any account but to the king himself ; and even to himself gave no other reason for what was done, but the authority of the doers, and the necessity that re- ~~'~^- quired it ; that is, that they thought it necessary : but then they polished their sturdy ^ behaviour with aU the professions of submission and duty, which their language could afford. ? A letter in- At this time the kino; happened to intercept a tercepted . n ri xr from some letter, whicli had been signed by the chief of the tisb nobi- covenanters, and particularly by the lord Lowden, FrencV''^ Written to the French king, in which they com- ^"°- plained " of the hardness and injustice of the go- " vernment that was exercised over them ; put him " in mind of the dependence this kingdom formerly " had upon that crown ; and desired him now to " take them into his protection, and give them as- " sistance ; and that his majesty would give entire " credit to one Colvil, who was the bearer of that " letter, and well instructed in all particulars :" and the letter itself was sealed, and directed Au Roy; a style only used from subjects to their natural king. This letter l)eing seen and perused by the lords of the council, and the lord Lowden being examined, and refusing to give any other answer, than " That " it was writ before the agreement, and thereupon '■ their sturdy] this sturdy e afFord.] comprehend. OF THE REBELLION. 229 "reserved and never sent; that, if he had com- book " mitted any offence, he ought to be questioned for "' " it in Scotland, and not in England ; and insisting ^ ^^9- " upon his safe conduct, demanded liberty to re- " turn." All men were of opinion, that so foul a conspiracy and treason ought not to be so sliglitly excused ; and that both the lord Lowden and Colvil (who was likewise found in London, and appre- hended) should be committed to the Tower : which was done accordingly ; all men expecting that they should ^1 be brought to a speedy trial. This discovery made a very deep impression upon the king ; and persuaded him, that such a foul ap- plication could never have been thought of, if there had not been more poison in the heart, than could be expelled by easy antidotes ; and that the strong- est remedies must be provided to root out this mis- chief: thereupon he first advised with that com- mittee of the council, which used to be consulted in secret affairs, what was to be done ? That summer's action had wasted all the money that had been care- fully laid up ; and, to carry on that vast expense, the revenue of the crown had been anticipated ; so that, though the raising an army was visibly ne- cessary, there appeared no means how to raise that army. No expedient occurred to them so proper as a parliament, which ^ had been now intermitted near twelve years. And though those meetings had of late been attended by some disorders, the effects of mutinous spirits ; and the last had been dissolved (as hath been said before) with some circumstances of passion and undutifulness, which so far incensed ^ should] would ' which] and which Q3 S30 THE HISTORY BOOK the king, that he was less inclined to those assem- . blies ; yet this long intermission, and the general 1639. composure of men's minds in a happy peace, and universal plenty over the whole nation, (superior sure to what any other nation ever enjoyed,) made it reasonably believed, notwithstanding the mur- murs of the people against some exorbitancies of the court, that sober men, and such as loved the peace and plenty they were possessed of, would be made choice of to serve in the house of commons ; and then the temper of the house of peers was not to be apprehended : but especially the opinion of the pre- judice and general aversion over the whole kingdom to the Scots, and the indignation they had at their presumption in their design ^^ of invading England, made it believed, that a parliament would express a very sharp sense of their insolence and carriage to- wards the king, and provide remedies proportion- able. A pariia- Upon thcsc motivcs and reasons, with the unani- in England nious couscnt and advice of the whole committee, Ai)Si64o. ^^^ king resolved to call a parliament; which he communicated the same day, or rather took the re- solution that day, in his full council of state, which expressed great joy upon it ; and directed the lord keeper to issue out writs for the meeting of a pai'- liament upon the third day of April then next en- suing ; it Ijeing now in the month of December ; and all expedition was accordingly used in sending out the said writs, the notice of it being most wel- come to the whole kingdom. That it might appear that the court was not at ^ design] thought OF THE REBELLION. 231 all apprehensive of what the parliament would or book could do ; and that it was convened by his majesty's—-—!— grace and inclination, not by any motive of neces- ^^''^• sity; it proceeded in all respects in the same un- popular ways it had done : ship-money was levied with the same severity ; and the same rigour used in ecclesiastical courts, without the least compliance with the humour of any man ; which looked like ' steadiness ; and, if it were then well pursued, de- generated "^ too soon afterwards. In this interval, between the sealing of the writs " tiic loni and the convention of a parliament, ° the lord keeper ventrj dies. Coventry died ; to the king's great detriment, rather than to his own. So much hath been said already of this great man, that there shall be no further en- largement in this place, than to say, that he was a very wise and excellent person, and had a rare fe- licity, in being looked upon generally throughout the kingdom with great affection, and a singular esteem, when very few other men in any high trust were so ; and it is very probable, if he had lived to the sitting of that parliament, when, whatever lurked in the hearts of any, there was not the least out- ward appearance v of any irreverence to the crown, that he might have had great authority in the form- ing those counsels, which might have preserved it from so unhappy a dissolution. His loss was the more manifest and visible in his successor ; the seal being within a day or two given to sir John Finch, sir Joim ■I'n... n,i . r> 1 Fiiicli made chiei justice ot the court oi common pleas ; a man lo^j keeper. ' looked like] was great ° a parliament,] the parlia- "^ degenerated] it degene- ment, rated. p outward appearance] ap- " sealing of the writs] sealing proach the writs Q 4 232 THE HISTORY BOOK exceedingly obnoxious to the people upon the busi- "■ ness of ship-money ; and not of reputation and au- 1639. thority enough to countenance and advance the king's service. These digressions have taken up too much time, and may seem foreign to the proper subject of this discourse ; yet they may have given some light to the obscure and dark passages of that time, which were understood by very few^. The pariia- The parliament met according to summons upon nientmet ^^le third of April in the year 1640, with the usual April the ^ •' third, 16-40. ceremony and formality: and after the king had shortly mentioned " his desire to be again acquainted " with parliaments, after so long an intermission ; " and to receive the advice and assistance of his " subjects there ;" he referred the cause of the pre- sent convention to be enlarged upon by the lord keeper : who related the whole proceedings of Scot- land ; " his majesty's condescensions the year be- *' fore, in disbanding his army upon their promises " and professions ; their insolencies since ; and their " address to the king of France, by the letter men- " tioned before ;" which the king had touched upon, and having forgot to make the observation upon the superscription himself, he required the keeper to do it ; who told them, after the whole relation, " That " his majesty did not expect advice from them, " much less that they should interpose in any office " of mediation, which would not be grateful to him ; 1 very few] M.S. adds : but herein contained, or what is for the future, very short men- necessary to explain or ilhxatratfe tion shall be made of any thing those actions or counsels, in but what inimcdiutely relates to which he was interested or con- the person, whose life is to be cerned. (( (( a OF THE REBELLION. 233 but that they should, as soon as might be, give book " his majesty such a supply, as he might provide for ' " the vindication of his honour, by raising an army, ^ ^^^• " which the season of the year, and the progress " the rebels had already made, called upon without delay; and his majesty assured them, if they ' would gratify him with the despatch of this mat- ter,'' that he would give them time enough after- " wards to represent any grievances to him, and a " favourable answer to them ;" and so dismissed the commons to choose their speaker ; to which sergeant sergeant Glanvile was designed, and chosen the same day : a chosTn ^ man very equal to the work, very well acquainted '''^^^*^'^' with the proceedings in parliament ; of a quick con- ception, and of a ready and voluble expression, dex- terous in disposing the house, and very acceptable to them. The earl of Arundel, earl marshal of England, was made lord steward of the king's house ; an office necessary in the beginning of a parliament ; being to swear all the members of the house of commons before they could sit there ^ Two days after, the commons presented their speaker to the king, who, in the accustomed manner, approved their choice ; upon which they returned to their house, being now formed and qualified to enter upon any debates. The house met always at eight of the clock, and rose at twelve ; which were the old parliament "■ the despatch of this matter,] Shaftesbury in the county of this expedition, Dorset, but made choice to " sit there] MS. adds : Mr. serve for his neighbours of the Hyde was chosen to serve for former place, and so a new writ two places, for the borough of issued for the choice of another Wotten-Basset in the county of burgess for Shaftesbury. Wilts, and for the borough of 234 THE HISTORY BOOK hours; that the committees, upon whom the great- __—est burden of the*^ business lay, might have the 1640. afternoons for their preparation and despatch. It was not the custom to enter upon any important business in the first fortnight ; both because many members used to be absent so long ; and that time was usually thought necessary for the appointment and nomination of committees, and for other cere- monies and preparations that were usual : but there was no regard now to that custom ; and the ap- pearance of the members was very great, there having been a large time between the issuing out of the writs and the meeting of the parliament, so that all elections were made and returned, and every body was wiUing to fall to the work. Whilst men gazed upon each other, looking who '- — - should begin, (much the greatest part having never Mr. P) Ill's before sat in parliament,) Mr. Pym, a man of good sp^ech'eT'^ rcputatiou, but much better known afterwards, who had been as long in those assemblies as any man then living, brake the ice, and in a set discourse of above two hours, after mention of the king with the most profound reverence, and commendation of his wisdom and justice, he observed, " That by the " long intermission of parliaments many unwarrant- " able things had been practised, notwithstanding " the great virtue of his majesty:" and then enu- merated all the projects which had been set on foot ; all the illegal proclamations which had been pub- lished, and the proceedings which had been upon those proclamations ; the judgment upon ship- money ; and many grievances which related to the ' the] Not in MS. concerning grievances. OF THE REBELLION. 235 ecclesiastical jurisdiction ; summing up shortly, and book sharply, all that most reflected upon the prudence and the justice of the government; concluding, ^^^^• " That he had only laid that scheme before them, " that they might see how much work they had to " do to satisfy their country ; the method and man- " ner of the doing whereof he left to their wisdoms." Mr. Grimston insisted only on the business of ship- money ; the irregular and preposterous engaging the judges to deliver their opinion to the king, and their being afterwards divided in their judgments ; " and said, " He was persuaded, that they, who gave " their opinions for the legality of it, did it against " the clictamen of their own conscience." Peard, a bold lawyer, of little note, inveighed more pas- sionately against it, calling it an ahomination : upon which, Herbert, the king's solicitor, with all imaginable address, in whicli he then excelled, put them in mind " with what candour his majesty had " proceeded in that, and all other things which re- " lated to the administration of justice to all his " people ; that, how persuaded soever he was within " himself of the justice as well as necessity of levy- " ing ship-money, he would not send out a writ for " the doing thereof, till he received the affirmative " advice of all the judges of England; and when " the payment was opposed by a gentleman," (and then he took occasion to stroke and commend Mr. Hambden, who sat under him, for his great temper and modesty in the prosecution of that suit,) " the " king was very well contented that all the judges of " England should determine the right ; that never " judgments ;] judgment ; THE HISTORY BOOK 11. 1640. The house of peers ad- vise the commons to bej^in with a sup- ply. " any cause had been debated and argued more so- " lemnly before the judges ; who, after long delibe- " ration between themselves, and being attended " with the records, which had been cited on both " sides, delivered each man his opinion and judg- " ment publicly in the court, and so largely, that " but two judges argued in a day ; and after all " this, and a judgment with that solemnity pro- " nounced for the king, by which the king was as " legally possessed of that right, as of any thing else " he had ; that any particular man should presume " to speak against it with that bitterness, and to " call it an ahonmiation, was very offensive, and " unwarrantable ; and desired that that gentleman, " who had used that expression, might explain liim- " self, and then withdraw." Very many called him to the bar ; and the soUcitor's discourse was thought to have so much weight in it, that Mr. Peard very hardly escaped a severe reprehension : which is men- tioned only that the temper and sobriety of that house may be taken notice of, and their dissolution, which shortly after fell out, the more lamented. Though the parliament had not sat above six or seven days, and had managed all their debates, and their whole behaviour, with wonderful order and sobriety, the court was impatient that no advance was yet made towards a supply ; which was fore- seen would take up much time, whensoever they went about it, though never so cordially ; and there- fore they prevailed with the house of peers, which was more entirely at the king's disposal, that they * would demand a conference with the house of cont- * they] it OF THE REBELLION. 237 mons, and then propose to them, by way of advice, book " That they would begin with giving the king a__J " supply, in regard of the urgency and even neces- ^^'^^^- " sity of his affairs, and afterwards proceed upon " their grievances, or any thing else as they thought " fit :" and the house of peers accordingly did give their advice to this purpose at a conference. This conference was no sooner reported in the house of commons, than their whole temper seemed to be shaken. It was the undoubted fundamental privi- lege of the commons in parliament, that all supplies should have their rise and beginning from them ; this had never been infringed, or violated, or so much as questioned in the worst times ; and that now after so long intermission of parliaments, that all privileges might be forgotten, the house of peers should begin with an action their ancestors never attempted, administered too much cause of jealousy of somewhat else that was intended ; and so with an unanimous consent they declared it to be "so This voted " high a breach of privilege, that they could not privilege by " proceed upon any other matter until they first n,^on^s°™" " received satisfaction and reparation fi'om the house " of peers ;" and which the next day they demanded at a conference. The lords were sensible of their error ; which had been foreseen, and dissuaded by many of them ; they " acknowledged the privilege " of the commons as fully as they demanded it, and " hoped they had not broken it by offering their " advice to them without mentioning the nature of " the supply, the proportion, or manner of raising " it, which they confessed belonged entirely to them :" in fine, they desired them, " that this might be no " occasion of wasting their time, but that they would 238 THE HISTORY BOOK " proceed their own way, and in their own method, ' " upon the affairs of the kingdom." This gave no 1640. satisfaction; was no reparation; and served their turn who had no mind to give any supply without discovering any such dissatisfaction, which would have got them no credit, the house generally being y exceedingly disposed to please the king, and to do him service. But this breach of privilege, which was craftily enlarged upon, as if it swallowed up all their other privileges, and made them wholly sub- servient to the peers, was universally resented. A committee was appointed to examine precedents of former times, in case of violation of their privileges by the lords, though not of that magnitude, and thereupon to prepare a protestation to be sent up to the house of peers, and to be entered into ^ their own Journal ; and in the mean time no proceedings to be in the house upon any public business % except upon some report from a committee. The king's After somc days had ^ passed in this manner, and to the house it uot being in view when this debate would be at nionT ^^ ci^d, the king thought of another expedient, and sent a message in writing to the commons by sir j Henry Vane, who was now both secretary of state 'i and treasurer of the household, and at that time of good credit there ; wherein his majesty took notice, " that there was some difference between the two " houses, which retarded the transaction of the great *' affairs of the kingdom, at a time when a foreign " army was ready to invade it : that he heard the " payment of ship-money, notwithstanding that it y generally being] being ge- ^ business] Not in MS. nerally ^ had] had been ^ into] in OF THE REBELLION. 239 " was adjudged his right, was not willingly sub- book " mitted to by the people ; to manifest therefore his "" " good affection to his subjects in general, he made ^^'^O- " this proposition : that if the parUament would " grant him twelve subsidies to be paid in three " years, in the manner proposed, (that was, five sub- i " sidies to be paid the first year, four the second, { ^. " and three to be paid the last year, ^) his majesty " would then release all his title or pretence to ship- " money for the future, in such a manner as his par- " liament should advise." Though exceptions might have been taken again in point of privilege, because his majesty took no- tice of the difference between the two houses ; yet that spirit had not tlien taken so deep root : so that they resolved to enter, the next day after the deli- very of it, upon a full debate of his majesty's mes- sage ; they who desu'ed to obstruct the giving any supply, believing they should easily j^revail to reject this proposition upon the greatness of the sum de- manded, without appearing not to favour the cause in which it was to be employed, which they could not have done with any advantage to themselves, the number of that classis of men being then not considerable in the house. It was about the first This de- day of May that the message was delivered, and the next day it was resumed about nine of the clock in the morning, and the debate continued till four of the clock in the afternoon ; which had been seldom used before, but afterwards grew into custom. Many observed, " that they were to purchase a release of " an imposition very unjustly laid upon the king- *■ the last year,] in the last year, bated. 240 THE HISTORY BOOK " dom, and by purchasing it, they should upon the __[!_" matter confess it had been just;" which no man 1640. jjj jjig heart acknowledged; and therefore wished, " that the judgment might be first examined, and " being once declared void, what they should pre- " sent the king with would appear a gift, and not a " recompence :" but this was rather modestly insi- nuated tlian insisted upon ; and the greater number reflected more on '^ the proportion demanded, which some of those who were thought very well to under- stand the state of the kingdom, confidently affirmed to be more than the whole stock in money of the kingdom amounted to ; which appeared shortly after to be a very gross miscomputation. There were very few, except those of the court, (who were ready to give all that the king would ask, and indeed had little to give of their own,) who did not believe the sum demanded to be too great, and wished that a less might be accepted, and therefore were willing, when the day was so far spent, that the debate might be adjourned till the next morning; which was willingly consented to by all, and so the house rose. All this agitation had been in a committee of the whole house, the speaker having left the chair, to which Mr. Lenthall, a lawyer of no eminent ac- count, was called. But there was not, in the whole day, in all the variety of contradictions, an offensive or angry word spoken : except only that one private country gentleman, little known, said, " He observed " that the supply was to be employed in the support- " ing helium episcojmle, v/hich. he thought the bishops " were fittest to do themselves :" but as there was '^ on] of OF THE REBELLION. 241 no reply, or notice taken of it, so there was nobody book who seconded that envious reflection, nor any other '. — expression of that kind. "'* The next day as soon as the house met, and prayers were read, it resolved again into a com- mittee of the whole house, ^ the same person being again called to the chair : it was expected, and hoped, that there would have been some new mes- sage from the king, that might have facilitated the debate ; but nothing appearing of that kind, the pro- l^osition was again read, and men of all sides dis- coursed much of what had been said before, and many spoke with more reflection upon the judgment of ship-money than they had done the day past, and seemed to wish, " that whatsoever they ^ should give " the king should be a free testimony of their = af- " fection and duty, without any release of ship- " money, which deserved no consideration, but in a " short time would appear void and null." And this seemed to agree with the sense of so great a part of the house, that Mr. Hambden, the most popular man in the house, (the same ^' who had defended the suit against the king in his own name, upon the ille- gality of ship-money,) thought the matter ripe for the question, and desired the question' might be put, " Whether the house would consent to the pro- " position made by the king, as it was contained in " the message ?" which would have been sure to have found a negative from all who thought the sum too great, or were not pleased that it should be given in recompence of ship-money. ^ a committee of the whole ^ tbe.same] and the same house,] a grand committee, ' the question] that the ques- ^ they] we tion 8 their] our ' VOL. I. R 242 THE HISTORY BOOK When many called to have this question, sergeant ! — Glanvile, the speaker, (who sat by amongst the other 1640. j^^gi^^berg whilst the house was in a committee, and hath rarely used to speak in such seasons,) rose up, and in a most pathetical speech, in which he excelled, endeavoured to persuade the house " to comply wdth " the king's desire, for the good of the nation, and "to reconcile him to parliaments for ever, which i " this seasonable testimony of their affections would " infallibly do." He made it manifest to them how very inconsiderable a sum twelve subsidies amounted to, by teUing them, "that he had computed what " he was to pay for those twelve subsidies ;" and when he named the sum, he^ being known to be possessed of a great estate, it seemed not worth any farther deliberation. And in the warmth of his dis- course, which he plainly discerned made a wonder- ful impression upon the house, he let fall some sharp expressions against the imposition of ship-money, and the judgment in the point, which he said plain- ly " was against the law, if he understood what law " was," (who was known to be very learned,) which expression, how necessary and artificial soever to re- concile the affections of the house to the matter in question, very much irreconciled him at court, and to those upon whom he had the greatest depend- ence. There was scarce ever a speech that more ga- thered up and united the inclinations of a popular council to the speaker : and if the question had been presently put, it was believed the number of the dis- senters would not have appeared great. But after ** he] and he OF THE REBELLIOxN. 243 a short silence, some men, who wished well to the book main, expressed a dislike of the way, so that other '. — men recovered new courage, and called again with ^^"^^^ some earnestness, " That the question formerly pro- " posed by Mr. Hambden should be put :" which seemed to meet with a concurrence. Mr. Hyde tlien stood up, and desired, " that question might not be | " put ; said, it was a captious question, to which " only one sort of men could clearly give their vote, " which were they who were for a rejection of the " king's proposition, and no more resuming the de- " bate upon that subject : but that they who de- " su-ed to give the king a supply, as he believed " most did, though not in such a proportion, nor, it " may be, in that manner, could receive no satisfac- " tion by that question ; and therefore he proj^osed, " to the end that every man might frankly give his " yea, or his no, that the question might be put " only, upon the giving the king a supply : which *' being carried in the affirmative, another question " might be upon the proportion, and the manner ; " and if the first were carried in the negative, it " would produce the same effect, as the other ques- " tion proposed by Mr. Hambden would do." This method was received by some^ with great approbation, but opposed by others with more than ordinary passion, and diverted by other propositions, which being seconded took much time, without pointing to any conclusion. In the end sergeant Glanvile said, " That there had been a question pro- " posed by his countryman, that agreed very well *' with his sense, and moved that the gentleman * by some] Not in MS. R 2 244 THE HISTORY BOOK " might be called upon to propose it again." Mr. '^" Hyde™ stated the case again as he had done, an- ^ ^^- swered somewhat that had been said against it, and moved, " that question might be put." Whereupon for a long time there was nothing said, but a con- fused clamour, and call, " Mr. Hambden's question,' " Mr. Hyde's question ;" the call appearing much stronger for the last, than the former : and it was genei*ally believed, that the question had been put, and carried in the affirmative, though it was posi- tively opposed by Herbert the solicitor general, for what reason no man could imagine, if sir Henry Vane the secretaiy had not stood up^ and said, *' That, as it had been always his custom to deal " plainly and clearly with that house in all things, " so he could not but now assure them, that the " putting and carrying that question could be of no use ; for that he was most sure, and had authority " to tell them so, that if they should pass a vote for the giving the king a supply, if it were not in the ■" proportion and manner proposed in his majesty's *' message, it would not be accepted by him; and " therefore desired that question might be laid " aside ;" which being again urged by the solicitor general upon the authority of what the other liad declared, and the other privy-counsellors saying no- thing, though they were much displeased with the secretary's averment, the business was no more pressed ; but it being near five of the clock in the afternoon, and every body weary, it was willingly consented to that the house should be adjourned till the next morning. "^ Mr. Hyde] Whereupon Mr. Hyde i( a OF THE REBELLION. 245 Both sir Henry Vane, and the solicitor general," book II. (whose opinion was of more weight with tlie king, than the others,) had made a worse representation ^^^^^' of the humour and affection of the house than it deserved, and undertook to know, that if they came together again, they Avould pass such a vote against ship-money, as would blast that revenue and other branches of the receipt ; which others believed they would not have had the confidence to have attempt- ed ; and very few, that they would have had the credit to have compassed. What followed in the next parliament, within less than a year, made it believed, that sir Henry Vane acted that part mali- ciously, and to bring all into confusion ; he being known to have an implacable hatred against the earl of Strafford, lieutenant of Ireland, whose destruction was then upon the anvil. But what transported the solicitor, who had none of the ends of the other, could not be imagined, except it was his jiride and peevishness, when he found that he was like to be of less authority there, than he looked to be ; and yet he was heard with gi^eat attention, though his parts were most prevalent in puzzling and perplex- ing that discourse he meant to cross. Let their mo- tives be what they would, they two, and they only, \ _>< wrought so fai* with the king, that, without so much | deliberation as the affair was worthy of, his majesty the next morning, which was on the fifth of May, near a month after their first meeting, « sent for the speaker to attend him, and took care that he shoidd " solicitor general,] solicitor on the fourth or fifth of May, general Herbert, not three weeks from their first " on the fifth of May, near a meeting, month after their first meeting,] R 3 246 THE HISTORY BOOK go directly to the house of peers, upon some appre- ^'' hension that if he had gone to the house of com- JC40. nions, that house would have entered upon some in- grateful discourse ; which they were not inclined to The pariia- do ; and thcu sending for that house to attend him, ^ived.'^ the keeper, by his majesty's command, dissolved the parliament. There could not a greater damp have seized upon the spirits of the whole nation, than this dissolution caused ; and men had much of the misery in view, which shortly after fell out. It could never be hoped, that more sober and dispassionate men would ever meet together in that place, or fewer who brought ill purposes with them ; nor could any man imagine what offence they had given, which put the king upon? that resolution. But it was observed, that in the countenances of those who liad most opposed all that was desired by his majesty, there was a marvellous serenity ; nor could they conceal the joy of their hearts : for they knew enough of what was to come, to conclude that the king would be shortly compelled to call another parliament ; and they were { as sure, that so many so unbiassed ^ men would never be elected again. Within an hour after the dissolving, Mr. Hyde met Mr. Saint-John, who had naturally a great cloud in his face, and very seldom was known to smile, but then had a most cheerful aspect, and seeing the other melancholic, as in truth he was from his heart, asked him, " What troubled him ?" who answered, " That the same that troubled him, he believed, " troubled most good men ; that in such a time of P upon] to ' For the portion of the history chose rather to serve as lieute- immediately preceding this short nanl-gencral under the earl of extract from MS. C. see Jppen- Norlhumberland, believing that dix A. OF THE REBELLION. 249 berland ; and the lord Conway general of the horse : book which made the gi'eat officers of the former year, the ' earl of Arundel, the earl of Essex, and the earl of ^^^^• Holland, (who thought themselves free from anyberiand oversights that had been committed,) more capable Hj5.ai.^^' of infusions by those who were ready to work ac- cording to the occurrences upon their several consti- tutions. =^ But the reputation of the earl of Nor- thumberland, who had indeed arrived at a wonder- ful general estimation, was believed to be most in- strumental in it^ : and the lord Conway^ was thought an able soldier, and of great parts. Besides, the earls of Essex and Holland'^ were thought less go- vernable by those councils to which the main was then to be intrusted, the earl of Strafford bearing a part in them ; to whom the first was very averse, and the latter irreconcileable. Despatches were sent into Ireland to quicken the preparations there, which the earl had left in a great forwardness, under the care of the earl of Ormond, [/ his lieutenant-general : monies issued out for the le- vies of horse and foot there, and for the making a train : all which were as weU advanced as, consider- ing the general discomposure, could be reasonably expected. ^ constitutions.] MS. adds : ously carried on. and I am': jjersuaded if this war ^ j^ jj-j ^^^^ ^^ ][jg^ had been left to the managery of ^Conway] MS. adds: by as the same officers, or rather if the gentle and as general a concur- earl of Essex had been made ge- rence neral,(who, notwithstanding the 'Holland] MS. adds: (For, trivial disobligation he had re- for the earl of Arundel, there was ceivedHn being denied the com- neither reason why he was ge- niand of Beedon-forest, might neral in the first expedition, and easily have been caressed,) it why he was not in this ;) would have^been more prosper- 250 THE HISTORY BOOK The king,*^ the earl of Northumberland, and the "• earl of Strafford, thought they had well provided for ^ ^^^- the worst in making*" of the lord Conway to be ge- conw^ay neral of the horse : a man very dear to the two earls ; SrhoJs? a"d indeed, by a very extraordinary fate, he had ^ got a very particular interest and esteem in many worthy men of very different qualifications. He had been born a soldier in his father's garrison of the Brill, when he was governor there ; and bred up, in several commands, under the particular care of the lord Vere, whose nephew he was ; and though he was married young, when his father was secretary of state, there was no action of the English either at sea or land, in which he had not a considerable com- mand ; and always preserved a moi*e than ordinary reputation, in spite of some great infirmities, which use to be a great allay to the credit of active men ; for he was a voluptuous man in eating and drinking, and of great licence in all other excesses, and yet was very acceptable to tlie strictest and the gravest men of all conditions. And which was stranger than all this, he had always (from his pleasure, to which his. nature excessively inclined him, and from his profession, in which he was diligent enougli) re- served ^so much time for his books and study, that he was well versed in all parts of learning, at least ap- peared like such a one in all occasions, and in the best companies. He was of a very pleasant and in- offensive conversation, wliich made liim generally very acceptaljle : so that tlie court being at tliat time full of faction, very few loving one another, or those '' The kins;,] And the king, f he had] Not in MS. '■ in making] in making choice 1640. OF THE REBELLION. 251 who resorted to any who were not loved by them, he book alone was even domestic with all, and not suspected by either of the lords' or the ladies' factions. The war was generally thought to be as well pro- vided for, as, after the last year's miscarriage, it could be, by his being made general of the horse ; and no man was more pleased with it than the arch- bishop of Canterbury, who had contracted an ex- traordinary opinion of this man, and took great delight in his company, he being well able to speak \ in the affairs of the church, and taking care to be thought by him a very zealous defender of it ; when they who knew him better, knew he had no kind of i sense of religion, and thought all was alike. He was sent down with the first troops of horse and foot which were levied, to the borders of Scotland, to attend the motion of the enemy, and had a strength sufficient to stop them, if they should attempt to pass the river, which was not fordable in above one or two places, there being good garrisons in Berwick and Carlisle. And in this posture he lay near New- burn in the outskirts of Northumberland. Whilst these things were thus pubUcly acted, pri- vate agitations were not less vigorously intended. The treaty and pacification of the former year had given an opportunity of forming correspondences, and contri\dng designs, which before had been more clandestine ; and the late meeting in parliament had brought many together, who could not otherwise •• have met, and discovered humours and affections, which could not else have been so easily communi- cated. The court was full of faction and animosity, each man more intending the ruin of his adversary, and satisfying his private malice, than advancing his 252 THE HISTORY BOOK master's service, or complying with his public duty, ^^' and to that purpose directing all their endeavours, 1G40. ^j^^ forming all their intercourse; whilst every man unwisely^ thought him whom he found an enemy to his enemies, a friend to all his other affections : or rather by the narrowness of his understanding, and extent of his passion, contracted^ all his other affec- tions to that one of revenge. And by this means those emissaries and agents for the confusion which was to follow were furnished with opportunity and art to entangle all those (and God knows they were a great many ^) who were trans- ported with those vulgar and vile considerations : cheap, senseless libels were scattered about the city, and fixed upon gates and pubHc remarkable places, traducing and viUfying those ^ who were in higliest trust and employment : tumults were raised, and all licence both in actions and words taken ; insomuch as a rabble of mean, unknown, dissolute persons, to the number of some thousands, attempted the house of A tumult the lord archbishop of Canterbury at Lambeth, with about Lam- ^ -' beth-house. opcu profcssiou and jDrotestation, " that they would " tear him in pieces ;" which (though one of that rabble, a sailor, was apprehended and executed in South wark, upon an indictment of high treason) was so just a cause of terror, that the archbishop, by the king's command, lodged for some days and nights in Whitehall ; which place likewise was not unthreaten- ed in their seditious meetings and discourses. This infamous, scandalous, headless insurrection, quashed "^ unwisely] sottishly ^ traducing and vilifying ^ contracted] having contract- those] traducing some, and pro- cd scribing others, of those ' many] people OF THE REBELLION. 253 by the deserved death of that one varlet, was not^ book thought to be contrived or fomented by any per-__^!l_ sons of quality: yet it vi^as discoursed after in the ^^^^• house of commons by Mr. Strode (one of those ephori who most avowed the curbing and suppressing of majesty) with much pleasure and content; and it was mentioned in the first draught of the first re- monstrance (when the same was brought in by Mr. Pym) not without a touch of approbation, which was for that reason somewhat altered, though it still carried nothing of censure™ upon it in that piece. Things standing tlius both in court "^ and city, and the Scots preparing with great industry for inva- sion, ^ and we, at least, for a defence, on a sudden the lord Lowden, (who before was said to be com- -^' mitted for desii'ing protection and aid from the French king, by a letter under his hand) was dis- charged from his im])risonment ; ^^ ithout imparting that resolution to the council ; and after a few days admittance and kind reception at Whitehall, was dismissed into Scotland ; his authority and power with that people being as considerable as any man's, and his conduct as necessary for the enterprises they had in hand. This stratagem was never under- stood, and was then variously spoken of; many be- lieving he had undertaken great matters for the king in Scotland, and to quiet that distemper : others, that it was an act entirely compassed by the marquis | ^ of Hamilton, who was like to stand in need of great | ' supporters, by that extraordinary obligation to en- dear himself with that nation ; or to communicate ' not] not then ° with great industry for in- "" censure] judgment vasion,] aniayne for an invasion. " in court] in the court 254, THE HISTORY BOOK somewhat to that nation, if his condition before were ^^' so good that it needed no endearment. They who '^^^- published their thoughts least, made no scruple of saying, " that if the policy were good and necessary " of his first commitment, it seemed as just and pru- " dent to have continued him in that restraint." The progress in the king's advance for Scotland was exceedingly hindered by the great and danger- ous sickness of the earl of Northumberland the ge- neral, whose recovery was either totally despaii'ed of by the physician, or pronounced to be expected very slowly ; so that there wovdd be no possibility for him to perform the serv^ice of the north : whereupon he sent to the king, to desire p that he would make choice of another general. And though the lord Conway in all his letters sent advertisement, " that " the Scots had not advanced their preparations to " that degree, that they would be able to march " that year," yet the king had much better intelli- gence that they were in readiness to move ; and so concluded, that it was necessary to send anothier ge- neral; and designed the earl of Strafford for that command, and to leave the forces in Ireland, which were raised to make a diversion in Scotland, to be governed by the earl of Ormond. The earl of "^ Strafford was scarce recovered from a great sick- ness, yet was willing to undertake the charge, out of pure indignation to see how few men were for- ward to serve the king with that vigour of mind they ought to do ; but 'i knowing well the malicious designs which were contrived against himself, he' would rather serve as lieutenant-general under the* J' to desire] Not in MS. 'i but] and •• he] but he OF THE REBELLION. 255 earl of Northumberland, than that he should resign book his commission : and so, with and under that quali- ' fication, he made all possible haste towards the north, ^^'^^' before he had strength enough for the journey. But ^ before he could arrive with the army, that The lord infamous irreparable rout at Newburn was fallen roTtrj at out; where the enemy marched at a time and place, ^^'^ *""""• when and where they were expected, through a riv^er deep though fordable, and up a hill, where our army was ranged to receive them : through those difficul- ties and disadvantages, without giving or taking any blows, (for the five or six men of ours who were killed, fell by their cannon, before the passing of the river,) they put our whole army to the most shameful and confounding flight that was ever heard of; our foot making no less haste from Newcastle, than our horse from Newburn ; both leaving the ho- nour, and a great deal of the wealth of the kingdom, arising from the coal-mines,* to those who had not confidence enough (notwithstanding the evidence ^-' they had seen of our fear) to possess that town in two days after ; not believing it possible that such a place, which was able to have maintained the war alone some time," could be so kindly quitted '^ to them : the lord Conway never after turning his face towards the enemy, or doing any thing like a com- mander, though his troops were quickly brought to- gether again, without the loss of a dozen men, and were so ashamed of their flight, that they were very willing as well as able to have taken what revenge * But] And " maintained the war alone * a great deal of the wealth some time] waged war with of the kingdom, arising from their nation, the coal-mines,] the coal, ^ quitted] quit 256 THE HISTORY BOOK they would upon the enemy, who were possessed ' with all the fears imaginable, and would y hardly be- 1640. lieve their own success, till they were assured that the lord Conway with all his army rested quietly in The Scots Durham, and then they presumed to enter into New- army enter Newcastle. Castlc.''' But it seemed afterwards to be a full vindication of ^ the honour of the nation, that, from this in- famous defeat at Newburn, to the last entire con- quest of Scotland by Cromwell, the Scots army scarce*^ performed one signal action against the Eng- ^-| lish, but were always beaten by great inequality of I numbers as oft as they encountered, '^ if they were not supported by English troops. In this posture the earl of Strafford found the army about Durham, bringing with him a body much broken with his late sickness, which was not clearly shaken off, and a mind and temper confess- ing the dregs of it, which being marvellously pro- voked and inflamed with indignation at the late dishonour, rendered him less gracious, that is, less inclined to make himself so, to the officers, upon his y would] could puted to the spreading of that ^- till they were — Newcastle.] corruption into many other of- This portion is not in lord Cla- ficers and parts of the army. rendon's hand-writing in the And to the distraction of the MS. The part, in the plate of time, that immediately ensued, which it is inserted, is as fol- when no order or discipline was lows: made it generally believ- observed, but every thing was ed that he was corrupted by done according to the humour some friends at home, if not by and presumption of the day, the enemy abroad ; and that he and it seemed, &c. was never publicly questioned » of] to for it, that is, judicially, for he ^ scarce] never was exposed to all the public <• encountered,] approached to reproaches imaginable, was im- anv encounter. OF THE REBELLION. ^7 first entrance into his charge ;'' it may be, in that book mass of disorder,^ not quickly discerning to whom— _ kindness and respect was justly due. But those who ^^^^* by this time no doubt were retained for that pur- pose, took that opportunity to incense the army against him ; and so far prevailed in it, that in a short time it was more inflamed against him than against the enemy ; and was willing to have their want of courage imputed to excess of conscience, and that their being not satisfied in the grounds of the quarrel was the only cause that they fought no better. In this indisposition in all parts, ^ the earl found it necessary to retire with the army to the skirts of Yorkshire, and himself to York, (whither The king's the king was come,) leaving Northumberland andtr"atinito- the bishopric of Durham to be possessed by the yjc-'''"''^' ^°'''- toi^s ; who being abundantly satisfied with what they never hoped to possess, made no haste to advance their new conquests. It was very much wondered at,» that the earl of Strafford, upon his first arrival at the army, called no persons to a council of war for that shameful business of Newburn, or the more shameful quit- ting of Newcastle, (where were not ten barrels of musquet bullets, nor moulds to make any ; the enemy having been long expected there, and our army not less than a month in that town ; time enough, if nothing had been done before, to have made that place tenable for a longer time than it could have •^ upon his first entrance into parts,] And in this disposition his charge ;] upon his entrance on all parts, into his first charge ; e It was very much wondered ^ disorder,] MS. adds: and at,] It was then and is now unsoldierliness, very much wondered at, ^ In this indisposition in all VOL. I. S 258 THE HISTORY BOOK been distressed.) Whether the earl saw that it would "' nnf have been in his power to have proceeded finally 1640. ^^^ exemplarily upon that inquisition, and there- fore chose rather not to enter upon it ; or whether he found the guilt to be so involved, that though some were more obnoxious, few were unfaulty ; or whether he plainly discerned to what^' the whole tended, and so would not trouble himself further in discovering of that, which, instead of a reproach, might prove a benefit to the persons concerned ; I know not : but public^ examination it never had. The Scots needed not now advance their progress ; their game was in the hands (no prejudice to their skill) of better gamesters. Besides, they were not to make the least inroad, or do the least trespass to their neighbours of Yorkshire ; who were as soli- citous, that, by any access or concurrence of the strength of that large county, they should not be driven farther back ; and therefore, instead of draw- ing their trained bands together (which of them- selves would have been a greater or better'^ army than was to contend with them) to defend their county, or the person of the king then with them, they prejDared petitions of advice and good counsel to him to call a parliament, and to remove all other grievances but the Scots. At the same time some lords from London (of known and since published affections to that invasion) attended his majesty at York with a petition, signed by others, eight or ten in the whole, who v/ere craftily persuaded by the leigers there, Mr. Pym, Mr. Hambden, and Mr. Saint-Jolm, to concur in it, being full of duty and modesty enough ; without considering, that nothing '' to what] whither ' public] any public •* better] a better OF THE REBELLION. 259 else at that time could have done mischief; and so book suffered themselves to be made instruments towards ^^' those ends, which in truth they abhorred. 1^"^^- In these distractions and discomposures, between an enemy proud and insolent in success, an army corrupted, or at best disheartened, a country muti- nous and inclined to the rebels, at least not inclined to reduce them, and a court infected with all three, the king could not but find himself in great straits ; besides that his treasure, which had hitherto kept that which was best from being worse, was quite spent. The raising and dislianding the first army so unfortunately and wretchedly, had cost full three hundred thousand pounds, which the good husbandry of the ministers of the revenue had treasured up for an emergent occasion ; and the borrowing so much money for the raising and supplying this latter army had drawn assignments and anticipations upon the revenue to that degree, that there was not left wherewithal to defray the necessary ' expense of the king's household. A parliament would not be easily thought of, on this consideration, ■» that it could not come together speedily enough to prevent that mis- chief, to which it should be chiefly applied : for if we were not then in a condition to defend ourselves, in forty days (the soonest a parliament could meet) an army elate with victory, when no town was for- tified, or pass secured, might" run over the king- dom; especially the people being every where so like to bid them welcome. ' necessary] constant neces- many other considerations tlinn sary n might] would "* on this consideration,] for S 2 260 THE HISTORY BOOK A new invention "^ (not before heard of, that is, ' so old, that it had not been practised in some hun- 1640. ^j.gtjs of years) was thought of, to call a great coun- coundi of cil of all the peers of England to meet and attend smnm affected] had affected ^ or other] or the OF THE REBELLION. 263 sador there, who knew him to be such, and, offering book his service, acquainted him with his journey, as if there had been no laws there *^ for his reception. And for the most invidious ^ protection and counte- nance of that whole party, a public agent from Rome (first Mr. Con, a Scottish-man ; and after him the count of Rozetti, an Itahan) resided at London in great ^ port ; publicly visited the court ; and was avowedly resorted to by the catholics of all condi- tions, over whom he ^ assumed a particular jurisdic- tion ; and was caressed and presented magnificently by the ladies of honour, who inclined to that profes- sion. They had likewise, with more noise and va- nity than prudence would have admitted, made pub- lie collections of money to a considerable sum, upon ^ some recommendations from the queen, and to be ^, by her majesty presented as a free-will offering from ' his Roman catholic subjects to the king, for the carrying on the war against the Scots ; which drew upon them the rage of that nation, with little devo- tion and reverence to the queen herself; as if she desired to suppress the protestant religion in one kingdom as well as the other, by the arms of the Roman ^ catholics. To conclude, they carried them- selves so, as if they had been suborned by the Scots to root out their own religion. The bulk and burden of the state aff"airs, whereby The per- the envy attended them Ukewise, lay principally *°'^'posf°g upon the shoulders of the lord archbishop of Canter- J^J^^^""^- bury, the earl of Strafford, and the lord Cottington ; state. some others being joined to them, as the earl of ^ there] here "^ he] they '^ invidious] envious ' ^ Roman] Not in MS. '■ in great] in a great s4 064 THE HISTORY BOOK Northumberland for ornament, the lord bishop of ___ London for his place, being lord high treasurer of 1640. England, the two secretaries, sir Henry Vane and sir Francis Windebank, for service, and communica- tion of intelhgence ; only the marquis of Hamilton indeed, by his skill and interest, bore as great a part as he had a mind to do, and had the skill to meddle no farther than he had a mind. These persons made up the committee of state, (which was reproachfully after called the juncto^ and enviously then in the court the cabinet council^) who were upon all oc- casions, when the secretaries received any extraor- dinary intelligence, or were to make any extraordi- nary despatch, or as often otherwise as was thought fit, to meet : whereas the body of the council ob- served set days and hours for their meeting, and came not else together except specially summoned. The arch. But, as I Said Ijcforc, the weight and the envy of bishop of ,, - 1 1 /» mi caiitei- all great matters rested upon the three nrst. 1 he "'^■' archbishop, besides the sole disposal of whatsoever concerned the church, which was an invidious ^ pro- vince, having been from the death of the earl of Portland (at which time he was made commissioner of the treasury) more engaged in the civil business, than I am persuaded he desired to be ; and through- out the whole business passionately concerned for the church of Scotland, and so, conversant in those transactions : by all which means, besides that he had usually about him an uncourtly quickness, if not sharpness, and did not sufficiently value what men said or thought of him ; a more than ordinary prejudice and uncharital)leness was contracted against '' invidious] envious OF THE REBELLION. 265 him; to which the new canons, and the circum- book stances in making them, made no small addition. The earl of Strafford had for the space of almost ^^'^^• six years entirely governed Ireland, where he had strlffoTd.*' been compelled, upon reason of state, to exercise many acts of power ; and had indulged some to his own appetite and passion, as in the cases of the lord chancellor, and the lord Mount- Norris ; the first of which was satis pro imperio ; but the latter, if it had not concerned a person notoriously unbeloved, ^ and so the more unpitied, would have been thought the most extravagant piece of sovereignty, that in a time of peace had been ever executed by any sub- ject. When and why he was called out of Ireland to assist in council here, I have touched before. He was a man of too high and severe a deportment, and too great a contemner of ceremony, to have many friends at court, and therefore could not but have enemies enough : he had two that professed it, the earl of HoUand, and sir Henry Vane : the first could never forget or forgive a sharp sudden saying of his, (for I cannot caU it counsel or advice,) when there had been some difference a few years before between his lordship and the lord Weston, in the managing whereof the earl of Holland was confined to his house, " that the king should do well to cut off his " head :" which had been aggravated (if such an in- jury were capable of aggravation) by a succession of discountenances mutually performed between them to that time. Sir Henry Vane had not far to look back to the time that the earl had with great earn- estness opposed his being made secretary, and pre- ^ unbeloved,] unloved, y ^66 THE HISTORY BOOK vailed for above a month's delay; which, though it II. was done with great reason and justice by the earl, ^ ^^^' on the behalf of an old fellow-servant, and his very good ^ friend sir John Coke, (who was to be, and afterwards was, removed to let him in,) yet the jus- tice to the one lessened not the sense of unkindness to the other : after which, or about the same time, (which it may be made the other to be the more virulently remembered,) being to be made earl of Strafford, he would needs in that patent have a new creation of a barony, and was made baron of Raby, a house belonging to sir Henry Vane, and an honour he made account should belong to himself;^ which was an act of the most unnecessary provocation (though he contemned the man with marvellous scorn) that I have known, and I believe was the chief occasion of ^ the loss of his head. To these a third adversary (like to be more pernicious than the other two) was added, the earl of Essex, naturally enough disinclined to his person, his power, and his parts, upon some rough carriage of the earl of Straf- ford's towards the late earl of saint Alban's, to whom he had a friendship, ^ and therefore *" openly professed to be revenged. Lastly, he had an enemy more terrible than all the other, and like to be more fatal, the whole Scottish nation, provoked by the de- claration he had procured of Ireland, and some high carriage and expressions of his against them in that kingdom. So that h0 had reason to expect as hard measure from such popular councils as he saw were like to ])e in request, as all those disadvantages »' good] Not in MS. in MS. ' to himself ;] to him too ; ' a friendship,] some piety, ^ the chief occasion of] Not. "' and therefore] Not in MS. OF THE REBELLION. 267 could create towards him. And yet no doubt his book confidence was so gi'eat in himself, and in the form of justice, (which he could not suspect would be so totally confounded,) that he never apprehended a greater censure than a sequestration from all public employments, in which it is probable lie had abun- dant satiety : and this confidence could not have proceeded (considering the full knowledge he had of his judges) but from a proportionable stock of °, and satisfaction in, his own innocence. The lord Cottington, though he was a very wise The lord man, yet having spent the greatest part oi his liieton. in Spain, and so having been always subject to the unpopular imputation of being of the Spanish fac- tion, indeed was better skilled to make his master great abroad, than graciaus at home ; and being chancellor of the exchequer from the time of the dissolution of the parliament in the fourth year, had his hand in many hard shifts for money ; and had the disadvantage of l^eing suspected at least a fa- vourer of the papists, (though that religion thought itself nothing beholding to him,) by which he was in great umbrage with the people : and then though he were much less hated than either of the other two, and the less, because there was nothing of kindness betAveen the archbishop and him ; and in- deed very few particulars of moment could be proved against him : yet there were two objections against him, which rendered him as odious as any to the great reformers ; the one, that he was not to be re- conciled to, or made use of in, any of their designs ; the other, that he had two good offices, without the n of] Not in MS. , 268 THE HISTORY BOOK having of which their reformation could not be per- ' feet : for besides being chancellor of the exchequer, 1640. j^g ^,gg likewise master of the wards, and had raised — the revenue of that court to the king to be much greater than it had ever been before his administra- tion ; by ^ which husbandry, all the rich families of England, of noblemen and gentlemen, were exceed- ingly incensed, and even indevoted to the crown, looking upon what the law had intended for their protection and preservation, to be now- applied to their destruction ; and therefore resolved to take the first opportunity to ravish that jewel out of the royal diadem, though it were fastened there by the known law, upon as unquestionable a right, as the subject enjoyed any thing that was most his own. The mar- The marquis of Hamilton, if he had been then quis of Hamuton. wcighcd in the scales of the people's hatred, was at that time thought to be in greater danger than any one of the other; for he had more enemies, and fewer friends, in court or country, than any p of the other. His interest in the king's affection ^i was (at least) ^ equal, and thought to be superior to any man's ; and he had received as invidious ^ instances, and marks of those affections. He had more out- faced the law in bold projects and pressures upon the people, than any other man durst have presumed '- to do, as especially in the projects of wine and ii'on ; about the last of which, and the most gross, he had a sharp contest with the lord Coventry, (who was a good wrestler too,) and at last compelled him to let it pass the seal : the entire profit of which always " by] and by r (^t least)] Not m MS. P any] either 5 invidious] envious *i aflfection] affections OF THE REBELLION. 269 reverted to himself, and to such as were his pen- book sioners. He had been the sole manager of the bu ' siness of Scotland till the pacification; the readiest '^'^^* man, though then absent, to advise that pacification, and the most visible author of the breach of it. Lastly, the discoveries between the lord Mackey and David Ramsey, by which ^ the marquis was ac- \ ^, cused of designing to make himself king of Scot- / land, were "^ fresh in many men's memories, and the late passages in that kingdom had revived it in others ; so that he might reasonably have expected as ill a presage for himself from those fortunetellers, as the most melancholic of the other : but as he had been always most careful and solicitous for himself, so he was most likely to be apprehensive on his own behalf, and to provide accordingly. And here I cannot omit a story, which I received from a very good hand, by which his great subtilty and industry for himself may appear, and was in- deed as great a piece of art (if it were art) as I be- lieve will be found amongst the modern politicians. After the calling the council of the peers at York was resolved upon, and a little before the time of their appearance, the marquis came to the king, and with some cloudiness (which was not unnatural) and trouble in his countenance, he desired his majesty to give him leave to travel : the king, surprised, was equally troubled at it, and demanded his reason : he told him, " he weU foresaw a storm, in which his " shipwreck was most probable amongst others ; and " that he, never having any thing before his eyes " but his majesty's service, or in his vows, but an ' by which] wherein " were] was 270 THE HISTORY BOOK " entire simple obedience to his commands, might __1L__" happily, by his own unskilfulness in what was fit J 640. « |3y ajjy other rule, be more obnoxious than other " men ; and therefore, that, with his majesty's leave, " he would withdraw himself from the hazard at " least of that tempest." The king, most graciously inclined to him, bid ^ him " be most confident, that " though he might (which he was resolved to do) " gratify his people with any reasonable indulgence, he would never fail his good servants in that pro- tection which they had equal reason to expect " from him." The marquis with some quickness replied, " that the knowledge of that gracious dis- " position in his majesty was the principal cause " that he besought leave to be absent ; and that " otherwise he would not so far desert his own in- " nocence, which he was sure could be only sullied " and discredited with infirmities and indiscretions, " not tainted or defaced with design and malice. But (said he) I know your majesty's goodness will interpose for me to your own prejudice : and I will rather run any fortune, from whence I may again return to serve you, than be (as I foresee I " should be) so immediate a cause of damage and " mischief to so royal a master." He told him, " that he knew there were no less fatal arrows " aimed at the archbishop of Canterbury and the " earl of Strafford than at himself; and that he had " advertised the first, and advised the last, to take " the same course of withdi'awing whereby he meant " to secure himself: y but (he said) the earl was too '^ bid him] bad him " take the same course he >' *' to take the same course " meant to secure himseirby " of withdrawing whereby he " withdrawing : " meant to secure himself'] to (( it OF THE REBELLION. 271 (t ffreat-hearted to fear, and he doubted the other book II " was too bold to fly." The king was much disturbed with the proba- ^^^^• bility and reason of what was said ; which the other as soon observing, " There is (said he) one way by " which I might secure myself without leaving the " kingdom, and by which your majesty, as these " times are like to go, might receive some advan- " tage : but it is so contrary to my nature, and will " be so scandalous to my honour in the opinion of " men, that, for my own part, I had rather run my " fortune." His majesty, glad that such an expe- dient might be found, (as being unwilling to hazard his safety against so much reason as had been spoken, by compelling him to stay ; and as unwill- ing, by suffering him to go, to confess an apprehen- sion that he might be imposed upon,) impatiently asked, " What that way was ?" The marquis re- plied, " That he might endear himself to the other " party by promising his service to them, and seem- " ing to concur with them in opinions and designs ; " the which he had reason to believe the principal " persons would not be averse to, in hope that his " supposed interest in his majesty's opinion might " be looked upon as of moment to them for their " particular recommendations. But (he said) this " he knew would be ^' looked vipon with so much " jealousy by other men, and shortly with that re- " proach, that he might by degrees be lessened even " in his majesty's own trust ; and therefore it was a " province he had no mind to undertake :" and so , ^ would be] would be immediately 272 THE HISTORY BOOK renewed his suit again very earnestly for leave to ' travel. 1640. rpjjg king, for the reasons aforesaid, much de- lighted with this expedient, and believing likewise, that in truth he might by this means frequently re- ceive informations ^ of great use, and having a sin- gular esteem of the fidelity and affection of the marquis, told him positively, " That he should not " leave him ; that he was not only contented, but " commanded him to ingratiate himself by any " means with the other people ;" and assured him, " that it should not be in any body's power to in- " fuse the least jealousy of him into his royal breast." The which resolution his majesty observed so con- stantly, that the other enjoyed the liberty of doing whatsoever he found necessary for his own behoof; and with wonderful craft and low condescensions to the ends and the appetites of very inferior people, and by seasonable insinuations to several leading persons (of how different inclinations soever) of such particulars as were grateful to them, and seemed to advance their distinct and even contrary interests and pretences, he grew to have no less credit in the parliament, than with the ^ Scottish commissioners ; , and was with great vigilance, industry, and dex- terity, preserved from any public reproach in those charges which served to ruin other men, and which with more reason and justice might have been ap- I)lied to him than '^ any other ; and yet for a long time he did not incur the jealousy of the king ; to whom he likewise gave many advertisements, which, " informations] animadver- *' with the] in the sions ' c than] than against OF THE REBELLION. 273 if there had been persons enough who would have book II. concurred in prevention, might have proved of great- In this state and condition were things and per- The king sons when the lords came to York to the great coun-thegrelt*^ cil in September ; and the first day of their meeting Yrrrhij're- (that the counsel might not seem to arise from them solutions to ^ '-' call a par- who were resolved to give it, and that the queen liament. might receive the honour of it ; who, the king ^ said, had by a letter advised him to it ; as his ma- jesty exceedingly desu'ed to endear her to the peo- ple) the king declared to them, " that he was re- " solved to call a parliament to assemble at West- " minster the third day of November following;" which was as soon as was possible. So the first work was done to theu' hands, and they had now nothing to do but to dispose matters in order against that time, which could not well be done without a more overt conversation with the Scots. For though there was an intercourse made, yet it passed for the most part through hands whom the chief had no mind to trust : as the lord Savile ; whom his \ bitter hatred to the earl of Strafford, and as pas- sionate hope of the presidentship of the north, which the earl had, made applicable to any end ; but other- wise a person of so ill a fame, that many desired '■ not to mingle in counsels ^ with him. For, besides his no reputation, they begun now to know that he j had long held correspondence with the Scots before ^ their coming in, and invited them to enter the king- dom with an army ; in order to which, and to raise his own credit, he had counterfeited the hands of , ^ the king] he * in counsels] Not in MS. VOL. I. T S74 THE HISTORY BOOK some other lords, and put their names to some un- ^^' dertakings of joining with the Scots; and therefore 1640. they were resolved to take that negociation out of his hands, (without drawing any prejudice upon him for his presumption,) which they had quickly an op- The Scots portunity to do. For the first day of the lords king :" upon meeting, a petition is presented to his majesty full appoinTed of dutiful aud humble expressions from the Scots, atRippon. ^i^Q ^gij knew their time, and had always (how rough and undutiful soever their actions were) given the king as good and as submissive words as can be imagined. This petition, full of as much submis- sion as a victory itself could produce, (as was urged by some lords,) could not but beget a treaty, and a treaty was resolved on speedily to be at Rippon, a place in the king's quarters : but then, special care was taken, by caution ^ given to his majesty, that no such ungracious persons ? might be intrusted by him in this treaty as might beget jealousies in the Scots, and so render it fruitless : and therefore the earls of Hertford, Bedford, Pembroke, Salisbury, Essex, ~^ Holland, Bristol, and Berkshire, the lords Mandevile, j Wharton, Dunsmore, Brook, Savile, Paulet, Howard of Escrick (the lord Say being sick, and so not pre- sent at York) were chosen by the king ; all popular men, and not one of them of much interest in the court, l3ut only the earl of Holland, who was known to be fit for any counsel that should be taken against tlie earl of Strafford, who had among them scarce a friend '' or person civilly inclined towards him. When these commissioners from the king arrived ^ caution] cautions friend] had not amongst thgm « persons] person one friend '' had among them scarce a OF THE REBELLION. S75 at Rippon, there came othei's from the Scots army book II. of a quahty much inferior, there being not above two noblemen, whereof the lord Lowden was the ^^'*^- 1 . . , The corn- chief, two or three gentlemen and citizens, and missioners Alexander Henderson their metropolitan, and two oriraLa^ct. three other clergymen. The Scots applied them- selves most particularly to the earls of Bedford, Essex, Holland, and the lord Mandevile, though in public they seemed equally to caress them all ; and besides the duty they professed to the king in the most submiss expressions of reverence that could be used, they made great and voluminous expressions " of their affection to the kingdom and people of *' England ; and remembered the infinite obligations " they had from time to time received from this na- " tion ; especially the assistance they had from it in " their reformation of religion, and their attaining " the light of the gospel ; and therefore as it could " never fall into their hearts to be ungrateful to it, " so they hoped that the good people of England " would not entertain any ill opinion of their coming^ " into this kingdom at this time in a hostile man- " ner, as if they had the least purpose of doing wrong " to any particular person,^ much less to alter any *' thing in the government of the kingdom ; pro- " testing, that they had the same tenderness of then- " laws and liberties, and privileges, as of their own ; " and that they did hope, as the oppressions upon " their native country, both in their civil and spiri- " tual rights, had obliged them to this manner of " address to the king, to whom all access had been " denied them by the power of their enemies ; so, ' ' their coming] the manner ^ person,] persons, of their coming t3 <( 276 THE HISTORY BOOK " that this very manner of their coming in might be "• " for the good of this kingdom, and the benefit of 1640. « ^j^g subjects thereof, in the giving them opportu- " nities * to vindicate their own liberties and laws ; '< which, though not yet so much invaded as those " of Scotland had been, were enough infringed by " those very men who had brought so great misery i " and confusion upon that kingdom ; and who in- i " tended, when they had finished their work there, ♦* and in Ireland, to establish the same slavery in ' j " England as they had brought upon the other two 1 " kingdoms. All which would be prevented by the removal °' of three or four persons from about the king ; whose own gracious disposition and inclina- " tion " would bountifully provide for the happiness " of all his dominions, if those ill men had no in- " fluence upon his counsels." There was not a man of all the English com- missioners to whom this kind of discourse was not grateful enough, and who did not promise to him- self some convenience that the alterations which were like to happen might produce. And with those lords with whom they desired to enter into a ** greater confidence, they conferred more openly and particularly, of the three persons towards whom their greatest prejudice was, the archbishop, the earl of Strafford, and the marquis of Hamilton, (for in their whole discourses they seemed equally at least incensed against him, as against either of the other two,) whom p they resolved should be removed from the king. They spake in confidence " of the ' opportunities] opportunity ° a] Not in MS. ■^ removal] remove p whom] which •■ " inclination] inclinations OF THE REBELLION. 277 " excess of the queen's power, which in respect of book " her religion, and of the persons who had most in- ! — " terest in her, ought not to prevail so much upon ^^'^^* " the king as it did in all affairs. That the king " could never be happy, nor his kingdom ^ flourish, " till he had such persons about him in all places of " trust, as were of honour and experience in affairs, " and of good fortunes and interests in the affections " of the people ; who would always inform his ma- " jesty that his own greatness and happiness con- " sisted in the execution of justice, and the happi- " ness of his subjects ; and who are known to be " zealous for the preservation and advancement of " the protestant religion, which every honest man " thought at present to be in gi-eat danger, by the " exorbitant power of the archbishop of Canterbury, " and some other bishops who were governed by " him." It was no hard matter to insinuate into the persons with whom they held this discourse,'" that they were the very men who they wished should be in most credit about the king ; and they concluded that their affections were so great to this kingdom, and they so desu-ed ^ that all grievances might be redressed * here", that though they should " receive present satisfaction in all that concerned themselves, they would not yet return, till provision \ ^ might likewise be made for the just interest of \^ England, and the reformation of what was amiss . there in ^ reference to church and state. ^ kingdom] kingdoms ^ they so desired] Not in MS. "" discourse,] M^S. adds : that * redressed] reduced they were the persons to whom " though they should] if they they wished all trust should be might communicated, and * in] with T 3 278 THE HISTORY BOOK This appeared so hopeful a model to most of the ' king's commissioners, (who y having no method pre- 1640. scribed to them to treat in, were^ indeed sent only to hear what the Scots would propose, the king him- self then intending to determine what should be gi'anted to them,) they never considered the truth of any of their allegations, nor desired to be in- formed of the ground of their proceedings ; but pa- tiently hearkened to all they said in public, of which they intended to give an account to the king ; and willingly heard all they said in private, and made svich use of it as they thought most conduced to their own ends. The Scottish commissioners pro- posed, " that, for the avoiding the effusion of Chris- " tian blood, there might be some way found to pre- " vent all acts of hostility on either side ; which " could not jDossibly be done, except some order was " given for the payment of their army, which was " yet restrained to close and narrow quarters." And ; the truth is, they were in daily fear that those quar- '; ters would have been beaten up, and so the ill cou- j rage of their men too easily discovered, who were more taught to sing psalms, and to pray, than to use their arms ; their hopes of prevailing being, from the beginning, founded upon an assurance that they should not be put to fight. There had been in that infamous rout at New- burn two or three officers of quality taken prisoners, who endeavouring to charge the enemy with the courage they ought to do, being deserted by their troops could not avoid falling into the Scots hands ; two of which were Wilmot, who was commissary- >■ who] that z were] and were * OF THE REBELLION. ' 279 general of the horse, and O'Neile, who was major of book a regiment ; both officers ^ of name and reputation, and of 'good esteem in the court with all those who ^ ^'^^' were incensed against the earl of Strafford, towards whom they were both very indevoted. These "^ gentlemen were well known to several of the prin- cipal commanders in the Scots army, (who had served together with them in HoUand under the prince of Orange,) and were treated with great ci- vility in their camp ; and when the commissioners came to Rippon, they brought them with them, and presented them to the king by his commissioners, to whom they were very acceptable ; and did those who delivered them more service by the reports they made of them in the army when they returned to their charges, and in the court, than they could have done by remaining prisoners with them ; and contributed very much to the irreconciling the army to the earl of Strafford, who was to command it. After few days the commissioners returned to the king at York, and gave him an account of what had passed, and of the extraordinary affection of the Scots to his majesty's service ; and Wilmot and O'Neile magnified the good discijiline and order observed in the army, and made their numbers to be believed much superior to what in tiaith they were. Three of the commissioners, and no more, were The conn- of the king's council, the earls of Pembroke, Salis- bout the bury, and Holland, who were all inspired by thcY^"!^' Scots, and liked well all that they pretended to de- sire. Besides those, the king had nobody to consult * both officers] both who were officers ^ These] Those T 4 ^ 280 THE HISTORY BOOK with but the lord keeper Finch, the duke of Rich- ^^' mond, the marquis of Hamilton, the earl of Straf- IG40. fQj.j^ ajj(j sip Harry Vane, principal secretary of state. The first of which, the lord keeper, was ob- noxious to so many reproaches, that, though his af- . fection and fidelity was very entire to the king, all his care was to provoke no more enemies, and to ingratiate himself to as many of those as ^ he per- ceived were like to be able to protect him, which he knew the king would not be able to do ; and to- wards this he laboured with all industry and dex- terity. The duke of Richmond was young, and used to discourse with his majesty in his bedcham- ber rather than at the council-board, and a man of honour and fideUty in all places ; and in no degree of confidence with his countrymen, because he would not admit himself into any of their intrigues. The marquis had leave to be wary, and would give his enemies no new advantages. Nor indeed was there any man's advice of much credit with the king, but that of the earl of Straf- ford ; who had no reason to declare his oinnion upon so nice a subject in the presence of the earl of Hol- land and sir Harry Vane ; and thought there was only one way to be pursued, (which was not to be communicated at the council,) and that was to drive the Scots out of the kingdom by the army : and without considering what was done at the treaty, (which had not yet agreed upon any cessation,) he sent a good party of horse, commanded by major Smith, to fall upon a Scottish quarter in the bishop- ric of Durham, who defeated two or three of their ' those as] those who OF THE REBELLION. 281 troops, and took all their** officers prisoners, and book II. made it manifest enough that the kingdom might, be rid of the rest, if it were vigorously pursued; ^^'^^• which the earl of Strafford heartily intended. But Lesley, the Scottish general, complained "that he ,; " himself had forborne to make any such attempt " out of respect to the treaty ;" and the English commissioners thought themselves neglected and af- fronted by it. And when it was found that the officer who conducted that enterprise was a Roman catholic, it made more noise ; and they prevailed with the king to restrain his general fi'om giving out * any more such orders. The king begun ^ so far to dislike the temper of his commissioners, that he thought the parliament^ would be more jealous of his honour, and more sen- sible of the indignities he suffered by the Scots, than the commissioners appeared to be ; and therefore he sent them back to Rippon again to renew the treaty, and to conclude a cessation of arms upon as good terms as they could ; so that the Scots army might not advance into Yorkshire, nor enlarge their quar- ters any way beyond what they were ah*eady pos- sessed of: and this concession being agreed to, they should not enter upon any other particulars, but ad- journ the treaty to London ; which was the only thing the Scots desired, and without this they could never have brought their designs to pass. When the other lords returned to Rippon, the earl of Pem- broke (as a man of a great fortune, and at that time very popular) was sent with two or three other lords to London, with a letter from the king, and a sub- ^ their] the king began * The king begun] And the *" parliament] parliament itself 282 THE HISTORY BOOK scription from the lords commissioners of the treaty ^^- (which was then more powerful) to borrow two hun- 1640. dred thousand pounds from the city, for the pay- ment of both armies whilst the cessation and treaty should continue ; " which they hoped would quickly " be at an end, and the Scots return into their own " country." The city was easily persuaded to fur- nish the money, to be repaid out of the first that should be raised by the parliament ; which was very shortly to meet. A cessation The ^ commissioncrs at Rippon quickly agreed agree on. ^^^^ ^j^^ ccssation ; and were not^ unwilling to have allowed fifty thousand pounds a month for the sup- port of the Scots army, when they did assign but thirty thousand pounds a month for the payment of the king's ; and to have taken the Scottish commis- sioners words for their musters, which made their numbers so much superior to the other : but that sum of fifty thousand pounds a month was after- wards reduced to about five and twenty thousand ; and the whole amounting to above fifty thousand pounds a month, was a sum too great for the king- dom to pay long, as was then generally believed.^ It was pretended that two months would put an end to the treaty; so that the two hundred thou- sand pounds, which the city had supplied, would discharge all the ^ disbanding : and in this hope the K The] And the musters, which made their num- •• and were not — generally be- bers so much superior to the lieved.] and undertook to pay other ; Avhich two sums amount- fifty thousand pound the month ing to fourscore thousand pound, for the support of the Scots a sum too great for the kingdom army, when they did assign but to pay long, as was then gene- thirty thousand pound the month rally believed, for the king's ; taking the Scots ' the] to the commissioners word for their king re- turns. OF THE REBELLION. 283 king confirmed the cessation, and sent a safe con- book duct for such commissioners as the Scots should ^^' think fit to send to London for the carrying on the 1640. The treaty treaty. adjourned All which being done, the king and the lords left whither The York, that they might be at London before the be- ginning of the parliament ; the earl of Strafford staying still in the north to put the army into as good a posture as he could, and to suppress the mu- tinous spirit it was inclined to ; and, if it were pos- sible, to dispose that gi'eat county (of which he had the entire command) to a better temper towards the king's service, and to a greater indignation towards the Scots ; of whom they did not use to have too charitable an opinion. But in both these applica- tions he underwent great mortifications ;^ the officers of the army every day asking his leave to repair to London, being chosen to serve in parliament ; and when he denied to give them passes, they went away without them : and the gentlemen of the country who had most depended upon him, and been obliged by him, withdrawing their application and attendance, and entering into combination with his greatest enemies against him. It is not to be denied, the king was in very great straits, and had it not in his power absolutely to choose which way he would go ; and well foresaw, that a parliament in that conjuncture of affairs would not apply natural and proper remedies to the disease ; for though it was not imaginable it would run ^ the courses it afterwards did, yet it was visible enough he must resign very much to their affections ^ mortifications ;] mortification ; ' run] have run 284 THE HISTORY BOOK and appetite, (which were not like to be contained "• within any modest bounds,) and therefore no ques- 1640. tion his majesty did not think of calling a parlia- ment at first, but was wrought to it by degi-ees : yet the great council could not but produce the other ; where the unskilfulness and passion of some for want of discerning consequences, and a general sharpness and animosity against persons, did more mischief than the power or malice of those who had a formed design of confusion ; for without doubt that fire at that time (which did shortly after burn the whole kingdom) might have been covered under a bushel. So as in truth there was no counsel so necessary then, as for the king to have continued in his army, and to have drawn none thither, but such as were more afraid of dishonour than danger ; and to have trusted the justice and power of the law with sup- pressing of tumults, and quieting disorders in his rear. It is strange, and had somewhat of a judgment from Heaven in it, that all the industry and learning of the late years had been bestowed in finding out and evincing, that in case of necessity any extraor- dinary way for supply was lawflil; and upon that ground had proceeded when there was no necessity ; and now, when the necessity was apparent, money must be levied in the ordinary course of parliament, which was then more extraordinary ^ than the other had been ; as York must be defended from an enemy within twenty-five miles of it, by money to be given at London six weeks after, and to be gathered with- in '" six months. It had been only the season and ' extraordinan] unnatural ^ within] in and extraordinary OF THE REBELLION. 285 evidence of necessity that had been questioned; and book II. the view of it in a perspective of state at a distance . that no eyes could reach, denied to be ground enough ^ ^'*^- for an imposition : as no man could pull down his neighbour's house because it stood next furze, or thatch, or some combustible matter which might take fire; though he might do it when that com- bustible matter was really a-fire. But it was never denied that flagrcmte hello, when an enemy had actually invaded the kingdom, and so the necessity both seen and felt, all" men's goods are the goods of the public, to be applied to the public safety, and as carefully to be repaired by the public stock. And it is very probable, (since the factions within, and the correspondence abroad was so apparent, that a parliament then called would do the business of the Scots, and of those who invited them hither,) that if the king had positively declared, that he would , have no parliament as long as that army stayed in England, but as soon as they were retired into their ' own country he would summon one, and refer all matters to their advice, and even be advised by them in the composing the distractions of Scotland : I say, it is probable, that they would either willingly have left the kingdom, or speedily have been compelled ; there being at that time an army in Ireland (as was said before) ready to have visited Scotland. ° Neither would the indisposition of the king's army (which was begot only by those infusions, that there must of necessity be a parliament, which would pre- vent farther fighting) have lasted, when they found p those authors confuted; for the army was consti- " all] that all try. " Scotland.] their own conn- p found] had found ^6 THE HISTORY BOOK tuted of good officers, which were more capable of ^^' being deceived l)y their friends, than imposed upon 1640. by their enemies ; and they had their soldiers in good devotion, and the business of Newbm'n would rather have spurred them on than restrained them.^i And it had been much the best course that could have been taken, if, after the fright at Newburn, the king, as well as the earl of Strafford, had made haste to Durham, and kept that post, without staying at York; and after some exemplary justice and dis- grace upon the chief officers who were faulty, till the army had recovered their spirits, (which in a very short time it did with shame and indignation enough,) had marched directly against the Scots ; by which they would have speedily dispossessed them of their new conquest, and forced them to have run distracted into their own country ; as may be reasonably concluded from their behaviour when- ever they were assaulted afterwards by the English. And it is as strange, that the experience of the last summer, when the attendance of so great a number of the nobility (who had no mind to the war, and as little devotion to the court) was the true ground and cause of that ridiculous pacifica- tion, did not prevail with the king never to convene the same company to him again •■ ; which could do him very little good, if they had desired it; and could not but do him more harm than even the worst of them at that time intended to do : for it might very easily have been foreseen, that the call- ing so many discontented, or disobliged, or disaf- fected men together, with a liberty to consult and *i have spurred them on than Sjiur than a bit to all. restruined them.] have been a "■ again] Not in MS. OF THE REBELLION. 287 adWse, very few whereof had that inclination^ and book . II. reverence for the person of the king they ^ ought to '- — have had, though scarce any of them had at that ^^^^' time that mischief in theii' hearts which they after- wards discovered against him, or indeed had the least purpose to rebel : I say, the calling such men together could not but make men" much worse than they came, and put worse thoughts into their heads than they brought with them, when the mis- carriage as well as the misfortune of the court w ould be the common argument and discourse ; and when they would quickly discern, that it was like to be in every one of their powers ^ to contribute to the destruction, at least to the disgrace, of men they had no kindness for, and most of them great ani- mosity against. But the king was without the presence and at- ^ tendance of any man in whose judgment and wis- dom he had a full confidence ; for the earl of Straf- ford was at the army ; and they who first proposed the calling the peers knew well enough that the king knew parliaments too well to be inclined to call one, if they should propose it; and therefore they proposed another expedient, which he knew not; and so was surprised with the advice, (which he thought could do no harm,) and gave y direction for the issuing out of the writs, before he enough considered whether it might not in truth produce some mischief he had not well thought of; as he quickly found. ^ Nor did the Scots themselves re- solve to give him more disquiet in the ensuing par- * inclination] affection ^ powers] power ^ they] as they y and gave] and so gave " men] every man * found.] found it. ^ 288 THE HISTORY BOOK liament, than the major part of his great council, II -that he brought together, resolved to concur with ^^^^- them in:^ and with that disposition, which they could never have contracted if they had remained by themselves, they all hastened to the place where they might do the mischief they intended. The next error to this was, that at the meeting of the great council at York, and before any consent to the treaty at Rippon, there was not a state made, and information given of the whole proceedings in Scotland, and thereupon some debate and judgment by the whole council before the sixteen departed, for their information and instruction : and this had been strangely omitted before at the pacification, in- somuch as many who had been employed in that first at the Bei'kes, and in the last at Rippon, con- fessed that none^ of them (and they were of the prime quality) then did, or ever after, know any thing of the laws and customs of that kingdom (by which they might have judged whether the king had exceeded his just power, or any thing of the matter of fact in the several transactions) but what they had received at those meetings from the per- sons who were naturally to make their own defence, and so by accusing others to make their own case the more plausible; in which it could not be ex- pected they would mention any thing to ^ their own disadvantage. By them they were told " of a liturgy imposed " upon them by their bishops, contrary to ^ or with- " out act of parliament, with strange circumstances *' of severity and rigour : of some clauses in that li- " in :] therein : c ^o] for '• none] neither J to] Not in MS. OF THE REBELLION. 289 (( turgy, different from that of the church of Eng- book " land ;" with pretty smart comments of advice, and animadversions ^ upon those alterations : " of a book ^ ^^^* " of canons, in which an extraordinary and extra va- " gant power was asserted to the bishops : of a high " commission court, which exceeded all limits, and " censured all degrees of men : of the insolent " speeches of this bishop to that nobleman, and of " the ill life of another : of their own ^ great humi- " lity and duty to their sacred sovereign, without " whose favour and protection they would not live :" and, lastly, " of their several most submiss addresses, " by petition and all other ways, to his majesty ; " being desirous, when their grievances were but " heard, to lay themselves and their complaints at " his royal feet, and to be most entirely disposed by " him in such manner, as to his wisdom alone should " be thought fit : but that, by the power and inter- " position of their adversaries, all their supplications *• had been rejected, and they never yet admitted to " be heard." With these and the like artifices the good ^ lords were so wrought upon and transported, that they easily consented to whatsoever was j)roposed ; nor was there any proposition made and insisted on by them at the first or second treaty, which was not for tlie matter fully consented to : whereas, if their lordships had been fully advertised of the whole truth, (though there had been some inadvertencies and incogitancy in the circumstances of the transac- tion,) his majesty had full power, by the laws of Scotland then in force, to make that reformation he ^ animadversions] animad- ^ own] Not in MS. version s the good] our good VOL. I. U 290 THE HISTORY BOOK intended. AU^ their petitions and addresses had found most gracious acceptance, and received most 1640. gracious answers. But/ on the contrary, they had invaded all the rights of the crown, altered the go- vernment, affronted the magistrates and ministers of justice, and his majesty's own regal authority, with unheard of insolences and contempts ; rejected all his offers of grace and pardon, and, without cause or provocation, denounced war against him; be- i sieged and taken the castle of Edinburgh, and other places which held for his majesty. I say, if this had been made as evident to them as surely it might have been made, it is not possible but those noble persons would have preserved themselves from being deluded by them; at least many of the inconveni- ences which after ensued would have been prevented, if the form and method of their proceedings had been prescribed, or better looked into.^ But it must be confessed, that in that conjunc- ture such necessary evidence and information could very hardly be given : for though it must not be doubted that there were many particular persons of honour of that nation who abhorred the outrages which were committed, and retained within their own breasts^ very loyal wishes for his majesty's prosperity ; yet it cannot be denied that those per- sons, who by the places they held (of king's advo- cate, and other offices) ought to have made that in- formation of matter of law, and matter of fact, were tliemselves the most active promoters of the rebel- lion ; and the defection was so general, and so few '' All] And all k ju^o.] unto. ' But,] And that, ' breasts] breast OF THE REBELLION. 291 declared, or were active on his majesty's behalf,'" no ok that they who were not corrupted in their inward. fidelity were so terrified, that they durst not appear ^^^^" in any oflSce that might j^rovoke those who solely had the power and the will to destroy them. The last and most confounding error was the re- moving the treaty to London, and upon any terms consenting that the Scottish commissioners should reside there before a peace concluded. By which means, they had not only opportunity to publish all their counsels and directions in their sermons to the , people, (who resorted thither in incredible numbers,) and to give their advice, from time to time, to those of the English who knew not so well yet to compass their own ends, but were ready (when any business was too big and unwieldy to be managed by the few who were yet throughly engaged) to interpose in the name of their nation, and, with reference to things or persons, to make such demands from and on the behalf of tlie kingdom of Scotland, as under no other style would have received any countenance : and this brought that universal terror with it (as will appear to the life in the process of this history") upon those of nearest relation to the king's service, as well as those at a greater distance, who clearly discerned and detested the villainy and wickedness of those transactions, that their wariness and wis- dom could not be great enough to preserve them, if they did not stupidly look on witliout seeming to understand what they could in no degree control or prevent. '" the defection was so ge- declaration or activity on bis ma- neral, and so few declared, or jesty's behalf, was so general, were active on his majesty's " history] relation behalf,] the defection, as to any U 2 292 THE HISTORY BOOK In all conspiracies there must be great secrecy, "' consent, and union ; yet it can hardly be conceived. 1G40. ^j|.|^ what entire confidence in each other the nu- merous and not very rich'' nobility of Scotland (for of the common people, who are naturally very de- pendent onP the other, there can be no wonder) con- curred in the carrying on this rebellion : their strange condescension and submission to their ignorant and insolent clergy, who were to have great authority, because they were to inflame all sorts of men upon the obligations of conscience; and in order there- unto, and to revenge a little indiscretion and ill manners of some of the bishops, had liberty to erect a tribunal the most tyrannical over all sorts of men, and in all the families of the kingdom : so that the preacher reprehended the husband, governed the wife, chastised the children, and insulted over the servants, in the houses of the greatest men. They referred the management ^ and conduct of the whole affair to a committee of a few, who had never before exercised any office or authority in the public, with that perfect resignation and obedience, that nobody presumed to inquire what was to be done, or to murmur at or censure any thing that was done ; and the general himself, and the martial affau's, were subject to this regimen and discipline as well as the civil : yet they who were intrusted with this supe- riority, paid all the outward respect and reverence to the person of the general, as if all the power^ and disposal had been in him alone. The few English (for there were yet but very few who were intrusted from the beginning of the en- " and not very rich] proud ^ management] managery and indigent ■■ all the power] the sole P very dependent on] slaves to power OF THE REBELLION. 293 terprise, and with all that was then projected) were book men of reserved and dark natures, of great industry ' and address, and of much reputation for probity and ^^^^' integrity of life, and who trusted none ]3ut those who were contented to be trusted to that degree as they were willing to trust them, without being inquisi- tive into more than they were ready to communi- cate, and for the rest depended upon their discretion and judgment ; and so prepared and disposed, by se- cond and third hands, many to concur and contri- bute to several^ preparatory actions, who would never have consented to the conclusions* which na- turally resulted from those premises. This united strength, and humble and active tem- per, was not encountered by an equal providence and circumspection in the king's councils, or an equal temper and dutiful disposition in the court ; nor did they, who resolved honestly and stoutly to discharge the offices of good servants and good subjects to the utmost opposition of all unlawful attempts, commu- nicate their purposes to men of the same integrity, that so they might unite their counsels as well in the manner and way, as their resolutions in the end. But every one thought it enough to preserve his own innocence, and to leave the rest to those who should have authority to direct. The king was perplexed and irresolute, and, according to his natural consti- tution, (which never disposed him to jealousy of any man of whom he had once thought well,) was full of hope, that his condition was not so bad as it seemed to be. The queen" wished much better to the earl 5 several] many " The queen] MS. adds : how *■ the conclusions] those con- much troubled soever elusions u 3 294. THE HISTORY &c. BOOK of Holland, than to the archbishop, or the eaii of ^^- Strafford, neither of them being in any degree ac- 1G40. ceptable to her; so that she was little concerned for the danger that threatened them : but when she saw the king's honour and dignity invaded in the prose- cution, she withdrew her favour from the earl of Holland : but then she was persuaded, by those who ^■'- had most credit with her, to believe, that, by the re- moval of the great ministers, her power and autho- rity would be increased, and that the prevailing party would be willing to depend upon her ; and that, by gratifying the principal persons of them with such preferments as they affected, she would quickly re- concile all ill humours ; and so she hearkened to any overtures of that kind ; which were always carried on without the consent or privity of those who were concerned, who in truth more disliked her absolute power with the king, than any other excess of the court, and looked upon it as the greatest grievance. - Eveiy man there considered only what application would be most like to raise his own fortune, or to do those''' harm with whom he was angry, and gave himself wholly up to those artifices which might pro- mote either. To preserve themselves from the dis- pleasure and censure of the parliament, and to ren- der themselves gracious to those who were like to be powerful in it, was all men's business and sohcitude. And in this very unequal and disproportioned condi- tion and temper, was the king's and the Scottish army, the court y and the country, when the parlia- ment met. ^ do those] do him >' the court] that of the court THE END OF THE SECOND BOOK. THE HISTORY OF THE REBELLION, &c. BOOK III. Deut. xii, 30. Take heed to thyself that thou he not snared by Jblloioing them, and that thou inquire not after their gods, saying, Hoxo did these nations serve their gods ? even so will I do lihewise. Judges ii. 3. But they shall he as thorns in your sides, and their gods shall he a snare unto you.^ A HE parliament met^' upon the third of November, 1C40. 1640, with a fuller appearance than could be rea- ment met sonably expected, from the short time for elections Ji,e\hird,' after the issuing out ^ the writs ; insomuch as at the ^''^^" first not '^ many members were absent. It had a sad and a melancholic aspect upon the first entrance, which presaged some unusual and unnatural events. * Deut. xii. 30. &c. — imto vieeting of this parliament will you.l Not in MS. be found in the Appendix B. ^ The parliament met] Tlie ^ out] out of account given in MS. C. of the '' not] Not in MS. u 4 296 THE HISTORY BOOK The kine; himself did not ride with his accustomed III. . . equipage nor in his usual majesty to Westminster, but Jfi-l^- went privately in his barge to the parliament stairs, and after '^ to the church, as if it had been to a return of a prorogued or adjourned parliament. And there was likewise an untoward, and in truth an unheard of accident, which broke ^ many of the king's mea- sures, and infinitely disordered his service beyond a capacity of reparation. From the time the calling a parliament was resolved upon, the king designed sir ^ Thomas Gardiner, who was recorder of London, to be speaker in the house of commons ; a man of gra- vity and quickness, that had somewhat of authority and gracefulness in his person and presence, and in all respects equal to the ser\'ice. There was little doubt but that he would be chosen to serve in one of the four places for the city of London, which had very rarely rejected their recorder upon that occa- sion ; and lest that should fail, diligence was used in one or two other places that he might be elected. The opposition was so great, and the faction so strong, to hinder his being elected in the city, that four others were chosen for that service, without hardly mentioning his name : nor was there less in- dustry used to prevent his being chosen in other places ; clerks were corrupted not to make out the writ for one place, and ways were found out ^ to ^ hinder the writ from being executed in another, time enough for the return before the meeting : so great a fear there was, that a man of entire affections to the king, and of prudence enough to manage those affections, and to regulate the contrary, should be •= after] su ' broke] brake e out] 'Sot in MS. 1640. OF THE REBELLION. 89*7 put into the chair. ^' So that the very morning the ^^^^ parliament was to meet, and when the king in-- tended to go thither, he was informed, that sir Thomas Gardiner was not returned to serve as a member in the house of commons, and so was not capable of being chosen to be speaker; so that his majesty deferred his going to the house till the after- noon, by which time he was to think of another speaker. Upon the perusal of all the returns into the crown office, there were not found many lawyers of emi- nent name, (though many of them proved very emi- nent men afterwards,) or who had served long in former parliaments, the experience whereof was to be wished; and men of that profession had been most commonly i thought the most proper for that service, and the putting it out of that channel at that time was thought too hazardous ; so that, after all the deliberation the shortness of ^ that time would admit, Mr. Lenthall, a bencher of Lincoln's Inn, (a lawyer of competent practice, and no ill reputation for his affection to the government both of church and state,) was pitched upon by the king, and with very great difficulty rather prevailed with than per- suaded to accept the charge. And no doubt a worse could not have been deputed of all that profession who were then returned ; for he was a man of a very narrow, timorous nature, and of no experience or conversation in the affairs of the kingdom, beyond what the very drudgery in his profession (in which all his design was to make himself rich) engaged him h the chair.] that chair. ^ the shortness of] Not in ' most commonly] always MS. 298 THE HISTORY BOOK in. In a word, he was in all respects very unequal . L_- to the work ; and not knowing how to preserve his JG40. Q^j^ dignity, or to restrain the licence and exorbi- tance of others, his weakness contributed as much to the growing mischiefs, as the malice of the principal contrivers. However, after the king had that after- noon recommended* the distracted condition of the kingdom (with too little majesty) to the wisdom of the two houses of parliament, to have such reforma- tion and remedies applied as they should think fit, proposing to them, as the best rule for their coun- sels, " that all things should be reduced to the prac- " tice of the time of queen Elizabeth ;" the house of commons no sooner returned to their house, than Mr. Lent, they chosc Mr. Lcuthall to be their speaker; and liall made "^ . . . speaker, two days after, with the usual ceremonies and cir- cumstances, presented him to the king, who de- clared his acceptation ; and so both houses were ready for the"^ work. There was observed a marvellous elated counte- nance in many" of the members of parliament before they met together in the house ; the same men who six months before were observed to be of very mo- derate tempers, and to wish that gentle remedies might l3e applied, without opening the wound too wide, and exposing it to the air, and rather to cure what was amiss than too strictly to make inquisition into the causes and original of the malady, talked now in another dialect both of things and persons ; and said, " that they must" now be of another tem- ' rccomniciulcd] commended Thus in MS. : Mr. Hyde, who "" the work] their work was returned to serve for a bo- " many] most rough in Cornwall, met Mr. " and said, " that they must] Pym in Westminster-hall somo OF THE REBELLION. 299 " per than they were the last parliament ; that they book " must not only sweep the house clean below, but must pull down all the cobwebs wliich hung in the ^ ^■^^• " top and corners, that they might not breed dust, " and so make a foul house hereafter ; that they had " now an opportunity to make their country happy, *' by removing all giievances, and pulling up the " causes of them by the roots, if all men would do " their duties ;" and used much other sharp dis- course p to the same purpose : by which it was dis- cerned, that the warmest and boldest counsels and overtures would find a much better reception than those of a more temperate allay ; which fell out ac- cordingly : and the very first day they met together, in which they could enter upon business, Mr. Pym, Mr.pym in a long, formed discourse, lamented the miserable jebate of state and condition of the kingdom, aggravated alis"'^^^"*^^^- the i3articulars which had been done amiss in the government, as " done and contrived maliciously, " and upon deliberation, to change the whole frame, "and to deprive the nation of all the liberty and " property which was their buthright by the laws of " the land, which were now no more considered, but " subjected to the arbitrary power of the privy- " council, which governed the kingdom according to *' their will and pleasure ; these calamities faUing " upon us in the reign of a pious and virtuous king, " who loved his people, and was a great lover of " justice." And thereupon enlarging in some specious commendation of the nature and goodness of the king, that he might wound him with less suspicion, days before the parliament, and him, Mr. Hyde, that they must conferring together upon the p discourse] discourse to him state of affairs, the other told (( (( 300 THE HISTORY BOOK he said, " We must inquire from what fountain ' " these waters of bitterness flowed ; what persons 1640. « ^i^Qy were ^ho had so far insinuated themselves " into his royal affections, as to be able to pervert his excellent judgment, to abuse his name, and wickedly apply his authority to countenance and " support their own corrupt designs. Though he " doubted there would be many found of this classis, " who had contributed their joint endeavours to " bring this misery upon the nation ; yet he believed *' there was one more signal in that administration " than the rest, being a man of great parts and con- " trivance, and of great industry to bring what he designed to pass ; a man, who in the memory of many present had sat in that house an earnest vin- " dicator of the laws, and a most zealous assertor " and champion for the liberties of the people ; but " that it was long since he turned apostate from " those good affections, and, according to the cus- " tom and nature of apostates, was become the great- est enemy to the liberties of his country, and the greatest promoter of tyranny that any age had produced." And then he ^ named " the earl of " Strafford, lord lieutenant of Ireland, and lord pre- " sident of the council established in York, for the northern parts of the kingdom : who, he said, had in both places, and in all other provinces wherein " his service had been used by the king, raised ample monuments of his tyrannical nature ; and that he believed, if they took a sliort survey of his actions " and behaviour, they would find him the principal " author and promoter of all those counsels which '1 he] Not in MS. a a OF THE REBELLION. 301 " had exposed the kingdom to so much ruin :" and so book instanced in'" some high and imperious actions done by him in England and in Ireland, some proud and ^^"^^^ over-confident expressions in discourse, and some passionate advices he had given in the most secret councils and debates of the affairs of state ; adding some lighter passages of his vanity and amours ; that they who were not inflamed with anger and detest- ation against him for the former, might have less esteem and reverence for his prudence and discre- tion : and so concluded, " That they would well " consider how to provide a remedy proportionable " to the disease, and to prevent the farther mischiefs " they were ^ to expect from the continuance of this " great man's power and credit with the king, and " his influence upon his counsels." From the time that the earl of Strafford was named, most men believed that there would be some committee appointed^ to receive information of all his miscarriages, and that, upon report thereof, they would farther consider what course to take in the examination and prosecution thereof: but they had already prepared and digested their business to a riper period. Mr. Pym had no sooner finished his discourse, than sir John Clotworthy (a gentleman of Ireland, and utterly unknown in England, who was, by the contrivance and recommendation of some powerful persons, returned to serve for a borough in Devon- shire, that so he might be enabled to act this part against the lord lieutenant) made a long and con- in] Not in MS. ^ appointed] named they were] which they were 302 THE HISTORY BOOK fused relation " of his tyrannical carriage in that III. " kingdom ; of the army he had raised there to in- 1G40. it ya^jje Scotland; how he had threatened the parlia- " ment, if they granted not such supplies as he re-" " quired ; of an oath he had framed to be adminis- " tered to all the Scottish nation which inhabited " that kingdom, and his severe proceedings against " some persons of quality who refused to take that " oath ; and that he had with gi'eat pride and pas- " sion publicly declared at his leaving that kingdom, " If ever he should return to that sword, he would " not leave a Scottish-man to inhabit in Ireland :" with a multitude of very exalted expressions, and some very high actions in his administration of that government, in which the lives as well as the for- tunes of men had been disposed of out of the com- mon road of justice : all which made him to be look- ed upon as a man very terrible, and under whose au- thority men would not choose to put themselves. Several other persons appearing ready to continue the discourse, and the morning being spent, so that, according to the observation of parliament hours, the time of rising was " come, an order was suddenly made, " that the door should be shut, and nobody " suffered to go out of the house ;" which had rarely t. been ^ practised : care having been first taken to give ' such advertisement to some of the lords, that that "~"; house might likewise be kept from rising; which would otlierwise y very much have broken their mea- sures. Then sir John Hotham, and some other Yorkshire men, who had received some disobli^ation from the '&" " was] being =< rarely been] been rarely > otherwise] Not in MS. OF THE REBELLION. 303 earl in the country, continued the invective, men- book tioning many particulars of his imperious carriage, ' and that he had, in the face of the country, upon ^^^^' the execution of some illegal commission, declared, " that they should find the little finger of the king's " prerogative heavier upon them than tlie loins of *' the law ;" which expression, though upon after- examination it was found to have a quite contrary sense, marvellously increased the passion and preju- dice towards liim. In conclusion, after many hours of bitter inveigh- ing, and ripping up the course of his life before his coming to court, and his actions after, it was moved, according to the secret resolution taken before, " that "he might be forthwith impeached of high trea- " son ;" which was no sooner mentioned, than it found an universal approbation and consent from the whole house ^ : nor was there, in all the debate,^ one person who offered to stop the torrent by any favourable testimony concerning the earl's carriage, save only that the lord Falkland, (who was very well known to be far from having any kindness for him,) when the proposition was made for the pre- sent accusing him of high treason, modestly desired tlie house to consider, " Whether it would not suit " better with the gravity of their proceedings, first " to digest many of those particulars, which had " been mentioned, by a committee, before ^ they sent " up to accuse him ? declaring himself to be abun- dantly satisfied that there was enough to charge him :" ^ which was very ingenuously and frankly ^ house] Not iti MS. debate, . ^ all the debate,] the whole ^ before — charge him :] Thus a 304 THE HISTORY BOOK answered by Mr. Pym, " That such a delay might ^^^' « probably blast all their hopes, and put it out of 1640. « theii' power to proceed farther than they had done " already ; that the earl's power and credit with the " king, and with all those who had most credit with " king or queen, was so great, that when he should " come to know that so much of his wickedness " was discovered, his own conscience would tell him " what he was to expect ; and therefore he would " undoubtedly procure the parliament to be dis- " solved, rather than undergo the justice of it, or *' take some other desperate course to preserve him- " self, though with the hazard of the kingdom's ruin : whereas, if they presently sent up to im- peach him of high treason before the house of peers, in the name and on the behalf of all the commons of England, who were represented by " them, the lords would be obliged in justice to " commit him into safe custody, and so sequester " him from resorting to council, or having access to " his majesty : and then they should proceed against " him in the usual form with all necessary expe- " dition." To those who were known to have no kindness for him, and seemed to doubt whether all the par- ticulars alleged, being proved, would amount to high treason, it was alleged, " That the house of com- " mons were not judges, but only accusers, and that " the lords were the proper judges whether such a complication of enormous crimes in one person did not amount to the highest offence the law took <( (C in MS : declaring himself to be was enough to charge him be- abundantly satisfied that there fore they sent up to accuse him. OF THE REBELLION. 305 '•' notice of, and therefore that it was fit to present it hook III. " to them." These reasons of the haste they made, so clearly delivered, gave that universal satisfaction, that, without farther considering the injustice and unreasonableness of it, they voted unanimously, (for aught appeared to the contrary l)y any avowed con- tradiction,) " Tliat they would forthwith send up to The com " the lords, and accuse the earl of Strafford of higli peach the " treason, and several other crimes and misdemean- foniof h?i;h " ours, and desire that he might be presently seques- *"''**'^"' " tered from the ^ council, and committed to safe " custody ;" and Mr. Pym was made choice of for the messenger to perform that office. This '' being determined, the doors were opened, and most of the house accompanied him on the errand. It was about tliree of the clock in the afternoon, when the earl of Strafford, (l)eing infirm, and not well disposed in his health, and so not having stirred out of his house that morning,) hearing that ])oth houses still sat, thought fit to go thither. It was believed by some (upon what ground was never clear enough) that he made that haste tlien to accuse tlie lord Say, and some others, of having induced the Scots to invade the kingdom : Init he was scarce en- tered into the house of peers, wlien the message from the liouse of commons was called in, and when Mr. Pym at the bar, and in the name of all the commons of England, impeached Thomas earl of Strafford (with the addition of all his other titles) of high treason, and several other heinous crimes and mis- demeanours, of which he said the commons woidd in due time make proof in form ; and in the mean time •^ tlie] Nol ill MS. '^ Tills] And this VOL. I. X 306 THE HISTORY BOOK desired in their name, that he miffht be sequestered III . from all councils, and be put into safe custody; and (I 1640. gQ withdrawing, the earl was, with more clamour than was suitable to the gi-avity of that supreme court, called upon to withdraw, hardly obtaining leave to be first heard in his place, which could not l)e denied him. He ^ then lamented " his great misfortune to lie under so heavy a charge ; professed his innocence and integrity, which he made no doubt he should " make appear to them ; desired that he might have " his liberty, until some guilt should be proved ; ^ " and desired them to consider, what mischief they " should bring upon themselves, if upon such a ge- " neral charge, without the mention of any one " crime, a peer of the realm should be committed to " prison, and so deprived of his place in that house, " where he was summoned by the king's writ to as-. " sist in their counsels ; s and of what consequence " such a precedent might be to their own privilege " and birthright :" and then withdrew. The peers The earl is with vcrv little debate resolved " he ^ should be com- committed "^ to the black-" mitted to the custody of the gentleman usher of " the black-rod, there to remain until the house of " commons should bring in a particular charge " against him :" which determination of the house was pronounced to him at the bar upon his knees, by the lord keeper of the great seal, upon the wool- sack : and so being taken away by Maxwell, gen- tleman usher, Mr. Pym was called in, and informed « He] And he debate resolved " he] And with *^ proved ;] made appear; very little debate the peers re- B counsels ;] counsel ; solved that he •^ The peers with very little OF THE REBELLION. 307 what the house liad done ; after which (it beinff then book . Ill about four of the clock) both houses adjourned till '. the next day. ' ^^0- When this work was so prosperously over, they begun ^ to consider, that notwithstanding all the in- dustry that had been used to procure sucli members to be chosen, or returned though not chosen, wlio had been most refractory to the government of the church and state ; yet that the house was so consti- tuted, that when the first heat (which almost all men brought with them) should be a little allayed, violent counsels would not be long hearkened to: and there- fore, as they took great care by the ^ committee of elections to remove as many of those members as they suspected not to be inclinable to their passions upon pretence " that they were not regularly cliosen," that so they might l)ring in others more pliable ^ in their places ; in which no ride '" of justice was so much as pretended to be observed by them ; inso- much as it was often said by leading men amongst them, " That they ought in those cases of elections " to be guided Ijy the fitness and worthiness of the " person, whatsoever " the desire of those was, in " whom the right of election remained ;" and there- fore one man hath been admitted upon the same rule by which another hath been rejected : so they declared, " That no person, how lawfully and regu- " larly soever chosen and returned, should be and sit " as a member with them, who had been a jjarty or " favourer ^ of any project, or who had been employ- " ed in any illegal commission." ' begun] began ^ rule] rules ^ the] their " whatsoever] whatever ' pliable] compliable " favourer] a favourer X 2 308 THE HISTORY BOOK By P this means (contrary to the customs^ and . rights of parliament) many gentlemen of good quali- 1640. ^y were removed, in whose places commonly others were chosen of more agreeable dispositions : but in this likewise there was no rule observed; for no person was hereby removed, of whom there was any hope that he might be applied to the violent courses which were intended. Upon which occasion the king charged them in one of his declarations, " that when, " under that notion of projectors, they expelled •^ " many, they yet never questioned sir Henry Mild- " may, or Mr. Laurence Whitaker ;" who had been I most scandalously engaged in those pressures, though since more scandalously in all enterprises against his majesty ; to which never any answer or reply was made. The next art was to make the severity and rigour of the house as formidable as was possible, and to make as many men apprehend themselves obnoxious to the house, as had been in any trust or employment in the kingdom. Thus they passed many general votes concerning ship-money, in which all who had ._^ been high sheriffs, and so collected it, were highly concerned. The like sharp conclusions were made ^ upon all lords lieutenants and their deputies, which were the prime gentlemen of quality in all the coun- ties of England. Then upon some disquisition of the proceedings in the star-chamber, and at the council-table, all who concurred in such a sentence, and consented to such an order, were declared cri- minal, ^ and to be proceeded against. So that, in a moment, all the lords of the council, all who had V By] And by " were made] Not in MS. '' customs] custom " criminal] criminous OF THE REBELLION. 309 been deputy lieutenants, or high sheriffs, during the book I III. late years, found themselves within the mercy of. these grand inquisitors: and hearing new terms of ^^^^• art, that a complication of several misdemeanours might grow up to treason, and the like, it was no wonder if men desired by all means to get their fa- vour and protection. When they had sufficiently startled men by these The archbi- proceedings, and upon half an hour's debate sent up terbury ac- an accusation against the lord archbishop of Canter- [i"gf,''trea- bury of high treason, and so removed him likewise ^°°- from the king's council, they rested satisfied with their general rules, votes, and orders, without mak- ing haste to proceed either against things or per- sons ; being willing rather to keep men in suspense, and to have the advantage of their fears, than, ])y letting them see the worst that could befall them, lose the benefit of their application. For this reason they used their utmost skill to keep off any debate of ship-money, that that whole liusiness might hang like a meteor over the heads of those that were in any degree faulty in it; and it was observable, when, notwithstanding all their endeavours to divert it,' that business was brought into debate, and upon that (which could not be avoided) the lord Fincli named as an avowed factor and procurer of that odious judgment ; who, if their rule were true, " that - " an endeavour to alter the government by law, and " to introduce an arbitrary power, were treason," was the most notoriously and inexcusably guilty of that crime of any man that could be named ; before they would endure the mention of an accusation of high t endeavours to divert it,] diversions, X 3 drew be- yond sea 310 THE HISTORY BOOK treason, they appointed a committee, with great de- ' liberation and solemnity, to bring in a charge for- ^^^^- mally prepared, (which had not been done in the case of the lord archbishop, or the earl of Strafford,) and then gave him a day to be heard for himself at the house of commons' bar, whereby, " against aU order, he was ^ to take notice of what was handled in the house concerning himself; y and then finding that, by their own rules, he would be likewise ac- cused of high treason, they continued the debate so long, that the lords' house was risen, so that the ac- cusation was not carried up till the next morning ; The lord and bcforc that time, the lord keeper (being well in- P^^j^^^^itij, formed of all that had passed) had withdrawn him- self; and shortly after went into Holland: the lord Littleton, then chief justice of the court of common pleas, being made keeper of the great seal of Eng- land in his place. About the same time, sir Francis Windebank,^one of the principal secretaries of state, and then a mem- ber of the house of commons, was accused of many transactions on the behalf of the papists, of several natures, (whose extraordinary patron indeed he was,) and he being then present in the house, several war- rants under his own hand were produced for the dis- cliarge of prosecutions against priests, and for the re- lease of priests out of prison : whereui)on, whilst the matter should be debated, according to custom he was ordered to withdraw, and so went into the usual l)lace, the committee-chamber ; immediately where- upon, the house of commons went to a conference with the lords upon some other occasion, and return- " whereby,] and so, ^ he was] Not in MS. y himself;] him ; OF THE REBELLION. 311 ing from that conference, no more resumed the de- book bate of the secretary ; but having considered some other business, rose at their usual hour ; and so the secretary had liberty to go to his own house ; from whence, observing the disposition of the house, and well knowing what they were able to say against him, he had no more mind to trust himself in that As did like- company, but the same night withdrew himself from Jary winde- any place where inquiry might be made for him, and ^'"^^' was no more heard of till the news came of his being landed in France. So that within less than six weeks, for no more ^ was yet elapsed, these terrible reformers had caused the two greatest counsellors of the kingdom, and whom they most feared, and so hated, to be removed from the king, and imprisoned, under an accusation of high treason ; and frighted away the lord keeper ^ of the great seal of England, and one of the princi- pal secretaries of state, into foreign kingdoms, for fear of the like ; besides the prepai-ing all the lords of the council, and very many of the principal gen- tlemen throughout England, who (as was said before) had been high sheriffs, and deputy lieutenants, to expect such measure of punishment from their gene- ral votes and resolutions, as their future demeanour should di-aw upon them, for their past offences ; by which means, they were like to find no vigorous ^ resistance or opposition in their farther designs. I could never yet learn the true ^ reason, why they suffered secretary Windebank to escape their justice, (for the lord Finch, it was visible he was in their favour, and they would gladly have preserved ^ no more] no more time ^ true] Not in MS. ^ vigorous] very vigorous X 4 312 THE HISTORY BOOK him in the place,) against whom they had more preg- "^' nant testimony of offences within the verge of the IG40. i^^y^ ^j^an against any person they have accused since this parliament, and of some that, it may be, might have proved capital, and so their appetite of blood might have been satisfied : for, besides his frequent letters of intercession in his own name, and significa- tion of his majesty's pleasure, on the behalf of papists and priests, to the judges, and to other ministers of justice; and protections granted by himself to priests, that nobody should molest them ; he harboured some priests in his own house, knowing them to be such ; wliich, by the statute made in the twenty-ninth year of queen Elizabeth, is made felony : and there were some warrants under his own hand for the release of priests out of Newgate, who were actually attainted of treason, and condemned to be hanged, drawn, and quartered ; which, by the strict letter of the statute, the lawyers said, would have been very penal to him. I remember one story brought into the house con- cerning him, that administered some mirth : A mes- senger, (I think his name was Newton,) who princi- pally attended <= the service of apprehending priests, came one day to him in his garden, and told him, " that he had brought with him a priest, a stirring " and active person, whom he had apprehended that " morning ; and desired to know to what prison he *' should carry him." The secretary sharply asked him, " Whether he would never give over this blood- ** thirsty humour ?" and in gi'eat anger calling him knave, and taking the warrant from him by which he had apprehended liim, departed without giving any other direction. The messenger, appalled, thought *^ attended] intended OF THE REBELLION. 313 the priest was some person in favour, and therefore book took no more care of him, but suffered him to de- 1_ part. The priest, freed from this fright, went se- ^^'^^• curely to his lodgings, and within two or three days was arrested for debt, and carried in execution to prison. Shortly after, secretaiy Windebank sent for the messenger, and asked him, " What was become " of the priest he had at such a time brought before " him ?" He told him, " that he conceived his ho- " nour had been offended with the apprehension of " him, and therefore he had looked no farther after " him." The secretary in much passion told him, " the discharging a priest was no light matter ; and " that if he speedily found him not, he should an- " swer the default with his life ; that the priest was " a dangerous fellow, and must not escape in that " fashion." The messenger, besides his natural in- clination to that exercise, terrified with those threats, left no means untried for the discovery, and at last lieard where the man was in execution in prison : thither he went, and demanded the priest (who was not there known to be such) as his prisoner for- merly, and escaped from him ; and by virtue of his first warrant took him again into his custody, and immediately carried him to the secretary; and with- in few days after, the priest was discharged, and at liberty. The jailor, in whose custody he had been put for debt, was arrested by the parties grieved, and he again sued the messenger, who appealed for ' justice to the house of commons against the secre- tary. This '^ case had been presented to the committee, d This] And this 314 THE HISTORY BOOK and was ready to be reported, with all those war- ____1_ rants under his own hand before mentioned, at the l(i4U. iiiY\Q when secretary Windebank was in the house. Besides that, he was charged by the lords, by mes- sage or at a conference, for breach ^ of privilege at the dissolution of the last parliament, and signing warrants for the searching the studies and papers of some members ; for which, according to the doctrine then received, he might have been put into the cus- tody of the sergeant of the house. But as the last occasion was not laid hold of, because it would have inevitably involved his brother secretary, sir Harry Vane, who was under the same charge, and against whom indeed that charge was aimed : so, it seems, they were contented he should make an escape from any trial for the rest ; either, because they thought his place would be sooner void by his flight than by his trial, which would have taken up some time, and required some formality, they having s designed that place to Mr. Hollis ; or, that they thought he would, upon any examination, draw in somewhat to the prejudice of sir Henry Vane, whom they were to protect: and so they were well content with his escape. ^ Having made their first entrance upon business with this vigour, they proceeded every day with the same fervour ; and he who expressed most warmth against the court and the government, was heard witli the most ' favour ; every day producing many *■ breach] the breach the farther debate till the next ^ having] had morning, before which time he '' so they were well content chose to retire, and transported with his escape.] The MS. has himself into France. likewise : so the house deferred ' most] more OF THE REBELLION. 815 formed elaborate orations against all the acts of book ]ii. state which had been done for many years preceding. That they might hasten the prosecution of the earl 1^40. of Strafford, which was their first great design, they made a close committee of such members as they knew to be most for their purpose, who should, un- der an obligation of secrecy, prepare the heads of a charge against him ; which had been seldom or ^ never heard of before in parliament : and that they might be sure to do their business effectually, they sent a message to the house of peers, to desire them " to nominate a select committee Hkewise of a few, ; to examine upon oath such witnesses, as the com- mittee of the house of commons for preparing the charge against the earl of Strafford should produce before them, and in their presence, and upon such interrogatories as they should offer;" which, though it was without precedent or example, the lords pre- sently consented to, and named such men as knew well what they had to do. Then they caused peti- tions to be every day presented, by some who had been grieved by any severe sentences in the star- chamber, or committed by the lords of the council, against lords lieutenants of counties, and their de- puty lieutenants, for having levied money upon the country, for conducting and clothing of soldiers, and other actions of a martial nature, (which had been done ^ by those officers so qualified, from the time of queen Elizabeth, and was practised throughout her reign,) and against sheriffs, for having levied ship- money. Upon all which petitions (the matter being pressed and aggravated still upon every particular ^ seldom or] Not in MS. ' been done] been always done 1(5-10. 's. 316 THE HISTORY BOOK by some member of note and authority, upon which) "^' all the acts how formal and judicial soever, without"^ so much as hearing the sentences or judgments read, were voted " to be illegal, and against the li- " berty and property of the subject ; and that all " who were guilty of such proceedings should be " prosecuted " for their presumption, and should " likewise pay damages to the persons injured." By which general votes (all passed within a short time ° after the sitting of the parliament) they had made themselves so terrible, that all privy-counsel- lors, as well for what they had done at the board, as in the star-chamber ; (where indeed many notable sentences had passed, with some excess in the pu- nishment;) all lords lieutenants, who for the most part were likewise counsellors, whereof all were of the house of peers ; and then all who were deputy lieutenants, or had been sheriffs since the first issu- ing out of writs for the coUection of ship-money, whereof very many were then of the house of com- mons ; found themselves involved under some of those votes, and liable to be proceeded against upon the first provocation ; whereby they were kept in such awe, both in the one house and the other, as if they were upon their good behaviour, that they durst not appear to dislike, much less to oppose, whatsoever was proposed i\ All persons imprisoned for sedition by the star- chamber upon the most solemn examination and the most grave deliberation, were set at liberty, that "^ without] and without days " prosecuted] proceeded a- i' was ])roposed.] they pro- g'"»st posed. ° :i short time] three or four OF THE REBELLION. 317 they might prosecute their appeals in parliament, book In the mean time, though there were two armies in the bowels of the kingdom, at so vast an expense, ^ ^ ' care was taken only to provide money to pay them, without the least mention that the one should re- turn into Scotland, and the other be disbanded, that so that vast expense might be determined : but, on the contrary, frequent insinuations were given, "that " many great things were first to be done before the " armies could be disbanded ;" ^ only they desired the king " that all papists might be forthwith ca- " shiered out of his army," which his majesty could not deny; and so some officers of good account were immediately dismissed. It will not be impertinent nor unnatural to this The temper present discourse, to set down in this place the pre- houses at sent temper and constitution of both houses of par- .|D, ti',"^*^' liament, ^ that it may be the less wondered at, that ^^J^'^l^^'^^'jJ^g^ so prodiffious an alteration should be made in so'<'''<^'"s '^ ^ _ men in short a time, and the crown fallen so low, that it both. could neither support itself and its own majesty, nor them who would appear faithful to it. Of the house of peers, the great contrivers and in tiie designers were, first* the earl of Bedford, a wise peers tiic man, and of too great and plentiful a fortune to^Jj^",,]. wish a subversion of the government ; and it quickly appeared, that he only intended to make himself and his friends great at court, not at all to lessen the court itself. The lord viscount Say, a man of a close and re-Ti.ciorj 1 at so vast an expense,] at band ; the monthly expense of no less ' parliament,] MS. adds: and than one hundred and fifty of the court itself, thousand pounds, ' * first] Not in MS. be disbanded ;"] dis- r (( 318 THE HISTORY BOOK served nature, of a mean and a narrow fortune, of __1__ great parts, and of the highest ambition, but whose 1640. ambition would not be satisfied with offices and pre- ferments, " without some condescensions and altera- tions in ecclesiastical matters. He had for many- years been the oracle of those who were called ' puritans in the worst sense, and steered all their counsels and designs. He was a notorious enemy to the church, and to most of the eminent church- men, with some of whom he had particular contests. He had always opposed and contradicted all acts of ' state, and all taxes and impositions, which were not exactly legal, and so had as eminently and as obsti- nately refused the payment of ship-money as Mr. Hambden had done ; though the latter, by the choice of the king's council, had brought his cause to be first heard and argued, with which judgment it was intended the whole right of that matter should be concluded, and all other causes overruled.'^ ' The lord Say would not acquiesce, but pressed to have his own case argued, and was so solicitous in person with all the judges, both privately at their chambers, and publicly in the court at Westminster, that he was very grievous to them. His commit- ment at York the year before, because he refused to take an oath, or rather subscribe a protestation, against holding intelligence with the Scots, when the king first marched against them, had given him much credit. In a word, he had very great autho- rity with all the discontented party throughout the kingdom, and a good reputation with many who " preferments,] preferment, the whole right in that matter, "it was intended — overruled.] and to overrule all other cases, that was intended to conclude OF THE REBELLION. 319 were not discontented, y who believed him to be a book wise man and of a very useful temper, in an age of. licence, and one who would still adhere to the law. ^^'^^• The lord Mandevile, eldest son to the lord privy- The lord seal, was a person of great civility, and very well' ^"'"' bred, and had been early in the court under the fa- vour of the duke of Buckingham, a lady of whose family he had married : he had attended upon the prince when he was in Spain, and had been called to the house of peers in the lifetime of his father, by the name of the lord Kimbolton, ^- which was a very extraordinary favour. L^pon the death of the duke of Buckingham, his wife being likewise dead, he married the daughter of the earl of Warwick ; a K^ man in no grace at court, and looked upon as the ' greatest patron of the puritans, because of much the greatest estate of all who favoured them, and so was esteemed by them with great application and vene- ration : though he was of a life very licentious, and unconformable to their professed rigour, which they rather dispensed with, than they would withdraw ^ from a house where they received so eminent a pro- tection, and such notable bounty. Upon this ^ latter marriage the lord Mandevile totally estranged him- self from the court, and upon all occasions appeared enough to dislike what was done there, and engaged himself wholly in the conversation of those who were most notoriously of that party, whereof there was a kind of fraternity of many persons of good condition, who chose to live together in one family, at a gentleman's house of a fair fortune, near the y discontented,] 'Not in MS. " they would withdraw] to ^ bv the name of the lord withdraw Kimbolton,] Not in MS. ^ Upon this] From this 320 THE HISTORY BOOK place where the lord Mandevile lived; whither III _—l— others of that classis likewise resorted, and main- ^^'^^' tained a joint and mutual correspondence and con- versation together with much familiarity and friend- ship: that lord, to support and the better to im- prove that popularity, living at a much higher rate than the narrow exhibition allowed to him l)y his wary father could justify, making up the rest by contracting a great debt, which long lay heavy upon him ; by which generous way of living, and by his -- natural civility, good manners, and good nature, i which flowed towards all men, he was universally ^ acceptable and beloved; and no man more in the confidence of the discontented and factious party than he, and none ^ to whom the whole mass of their designs, as well what remained in chaos as what was formed, was more entirely communicated, and no man ^ more consulted with. And therefore these three lords are nominated as the principal ^ agents in the house of peers, (though there were many there of quality and interest much superior to any ^ of them,) because they were principally and absolutely trusted by those who were to manage all in the house of commons, and to raise that spirit which was upon all occasions to inflame the lords. Yet it ^ being enough known and understood, that, how indisposed and angry soever many of them at present appeared to be, there would be still a major part there, who would, if they were not overreached, adhere to the king and the established government, and therefore these three persons were trusted with- out reserve, and relied upon so to steer, as might *" none] Not in MS. <■ to any] to either '^ no m;in] Nol in MS. f it] Not in MS. OF THE REBELLION. 321 increase their party by all the arts imaginable; and book they had dexterity enough to appear to depend— '. upon those three ^ lords, who were looked upon as ^^'^'^• greater, and as popular men ; and to be subservient to their purposes, whom in truth they governed and disposed of. And by these artifices, and applications to his The emi of vanity, and magnifying the general reputation and credit he had with the people, and sharpening the sense he had of his late ill treatment at court, they fully prevailed upon, ^^ and possessed themselves of, ^- — the earl of Essex; who, though he was no good speaker in public, yet, by ' having sat long in parlia- ment, was ^ so well acquainted with the order of it in very active times, that ' he was a better speaker there than any where else, and being always heard with attention and respect, had much authority in the debates. Nor did he need any incitement (which made all approaches to him the more easy) to do any thing against the persons of the lord archbishop of Canterbury and the lord lieutenant of Ireland, towards whom he professed a full dislike ; who were the only persons against whom there was any declared design, and against whom the Scots had in their manifesto demanded justice, '" as the cause of the war between the nations. And in this prosecution there was too great a concurrence : War- wick, Brook, Wharton, Paget, Howard, and some others, implicitly followed and observed the dictates e three] Not in MS. in their manifesto demanded ^ upon,] Not in MS. justice,] the Scots having in ' by] Not in MS. their manifesto demanded jus- ^ was] and tice against those two great ' that] Not in MS. men, "^ against whom the Scots had VOL. I. Y 322 THE HISTORY BOOK of the lords mentioned before, and started or se- ^^^' conded what they were directed. 1640. jjj ^j^g house of commons were many persons of In the house of wisdom and gravity, who being possessed of great and plentiful fortunes, though they were undevoted enough to the coiu't, had all imaginable duty for the king, and affection to the government established by law or ancient custom ; and without doubt, the major part of that body consisted of men who had no mind to break the peace of the kingdom, or to make any considerable alteration in the government of church or state : and therefore all inventions were set on foot from the beginning to work on them, and corrupt them, by suggestions " of the " dangers which threatened all that was precious to " the subject in their liberty and their property, by overthrowing or overmastering the law, and sub- jecting it to an arbitrary power, and by counte- nancing popery to the subversion of the protestant religion ;" and then, by infusing terrible appre- hensions into some, and so working upon their fears " of being called in question for somewhat they had " done," by which they would stand in need of their protection ; and raising the hopes of others, " that, " by concurring with them, they should be sure to " obtain offices, and honours, and any kind of pre- " ferment." Though there were too many corrupted and misled by these several temptations, and others who needed no other temptations than from the fierceness " of their own natures, and the malice they had contracted against the church and against the court ; yet the number was not great of those " fierceness] fierceness and barbarity OF THE REBELLION. 323 in whom the government of the rest was vested, nor book were there many who had the absolute authority to lead, though there was° a multitude disposed!' to i^'i^- foUow. Mr. Pym was looked upon as the man of greatest Mr. Pym; experience in parliament, where he had served very long, and was always a man of business, being an officer in the exchequer, and of a good reputation generally, though known to be incUned to tlie puri- tan faction;'! yet not of those furious resolutions against the church as the other leading men were, and wholly devoted to the earl of Bedford, who had nothing of that spirit. Mr. Hambden was a man of much greater cun- Mr. Hamb- ning, and it may be of the most discerning spirit, ' s ^. and of the greatest address and insinuation to bring any thing to pass which he desired, of any man of that time, and who laid the design deepest. He was a gentleman of a good extraction, and a fair for- tune, who, from a life of great pleasure and licence, had on a sudden retired to extraordinary sobriety and strictness, and vet retained his usual cheerful- ness and affability ; which, together with the opi- nion of his wisdom and justice, and the courage he had shewed in opposing the ship-money, raised his reputation to a very great height, not only in Buck- inghamshire, where he lived, but generally through- out the kingdom. He was not a man of many words, and rarely begun the discourse, or made the first entrance upon any business that was assumed ; but a very weighty speaker, and after he had heard | a fuU debate, and observed how the house was like \ ° was] were "- puritan faction ;] puritan P disposed] that was disposed party ; Y 2 324 THE HISTORY BOOK to be inclined, took up the argument, and shortly, ____l_and clearly, and craftily, so stated it, that he com- I G40. i^^only conducted it to the conclusion he desired ; and if he found he could not do that, he was never >" without the dexterity to divert the debate to an- other time, and to prevent the determining any thing in the negative, which might prove inconve- nient in the future. He made so great a show of civility, and modesty, and humility, and always of ^^ mistrusting his own judgment, and esteeming ^ his with whom he conferred for the present, that he seemed to have no opinions or resolutions, but such as he contracted from the information and instruc- tion he received upon the discourses of others, whom he had a wonderful art of governing, and leading into his principles and inclinations, whilst they believed that he wholly depended upon their counsel and advice. No man had ever a greater ^^ power over himself, or was less the man that he seemed to be, which shortly after appeared to every body, when he cared less to keep on the mask. Mr. Saint. Mr. Saiut-Johu, who was in a firm and entire conjunction with the other two, was a lawyer of Lincoln's Inn, known to be of parts and industry, but not taken notice of for practice in Westminster- hall, till he argued at the exchequer-chamber the case of ship-money on the behalf of Mr. Hambden ; which gave him much reputation, and called him into all courts, and to all causes, where the king's prerogative was most contested. He was a man re- served, and of a dark and clouded countenance, very proud, and conversing with very few, and those, men '' was never] never was " esteeming] of esteeming OF THE REBELLION. 325 of his own humour and inclinations. He had been book questioned, committed, and brought into the star-. chamber, many years before, with other persons of great name and reputation, (which first brought his name upon the stage,) for communicating some paper among themselves, which some men at that time had a mind * to have extended to a design of sedition : but it being quickly evident that the pro- secution would not be attended with success, they were all shortly after discharged ; but he never for- gave the court the first assault, and contracted an implacable displeasure against the church purely from the company he kept. He was of an intimate trust with the earl of Bedford, to whom he was in some sort " allied, (being a natural son of the house of Bullingbrook,) and by him brought into all mat- ters where himself was to be concerned. It was generally believed, that these three persons, with the other three lords mentioned before, were of the most intimate and entire trust with each other, and made the engine which moved aU the rest ; yet it was visible, that Nathaniel Fiennes, the second son of the lord Say, and sir Harry Vane, eldest son to the secretary, and treasurer of the house, were re- ceived by them with full confidence and without reserve. The former, being a man of good parts of learn- Mr, Natha- ing, and after some years spent in New college in "es ; "^"* Oxford, of which his father had been formerly fel- low, (that family claiming ^ and enjoying many pri- vileges there, as of kin to the founder,) had spent his time abroad, in Geneva and amongst the cantons ' at that time had a mind] " in some sort] Not in 3IS. had a mind at that time ^ claiming] pretending Y 3 326 THE HISTORY BOOK of Switzerland, where he improved his disinclination ' to the church, with which milk he had been nursed. 1 640. Fi-oni his travels he returned through Scotland (which few travellers took in their way home) at the time when that rebellion was in the bud ; and was very- little known, except amongst that people, which con- versed wholly amongst themselves, until he was now found in parliament, when it was quickly discovered, that as he was the darling of his father, so y he was like to make good whatsoever he had for many years promised. Sir Harry The othcr, sir Harry Vane, was a man of great Vane ju- ^ ^ , « nior; natural parts, and of very profound dissimulation, of a quick conception, and very ready, sharp, and weighty expression. He had an unusual aspect, which, though it might naturally proceed both from his father and mother, neither of which were beau- tiful persons, yet made men think there was some- thing ^ in him of extraordinary ; and his whole life made good that imagination. Within a very short time after he returned from his studies in Magdalen college in Oxford, where, though he was under the care of a very worthy tutor, he lived not with great ^ exactness, he spent some little time in France, and I more in Geneva; and, after his return into Eng- land, contracted a full prejudice and bitterness against the church, both against the form of the government, and the liturgy, which was generally in great reverence, even with many of those who were not friends to the other. In this giddiness, which then much displeased, or seemed to displease, his father, who still appeared highly conformable, • so] so that ^ something] somewhat OF THE REBELLION. 327 and exceeding ^ sharp against those who were not, book III. he transported himself into New England, a colony, within few years before planted by a mixture of all ^^'^^• religions, which disposed the professors to dislike the government of the church ; who were qualified by the king's charter to choose their own govern- ment and governors, under the obligation, "that " every man should take the oaths of allegiance and " supremacy ;" which all the first planters did, when they received their charter, before they transported themselves from hence, nor was there in many years ^ the least scruple amongst them of complying with those obUgations ; so far men were, in the infancy of their schism, from refusing to take lawful oaths. He was no sooner landed there, but his parts made him quickly taken notice of, and very probably his quality, lieing the eldest son of a privy-counsellor, might give him some advantage ; insomucli that, when the next season came for the election of their magistrates, he Avas chosen their governor : in which place he had so ill fortune (his working and unquiet fancy raising and infusing a thousand scrujjles of conscience, which they had not brought over with them, nor heard of before) that he unsatisfied with them, and they with him, he transported himself ; into England ; having sowed such seed of dissen- sion there, as grew up too prosjjerously, and mise- rably divided the poor colony into several factions, and divisions, and persecutions of each other, which still continue to the great prejudice of that planta- tion : insomuch as some of them, upon the ground of the ^ first expedition, liberty of conscience, have ^ exceeding] exceedingly '' years] years after *■ the] their Y 4 328 THE HISTORY BOOK withdi-awn themselves from their jurisdiction, and "'■ obtained other charters from the king, by which, in ^^^^* other forms of government, they have enlarged their plantation, within new limits adjacent to the other. He was no sooner returned into England, than he seemed to be much reformed from his*^ extrava- gancies, and, with his father's approbation and di- rection, married a lady of a good family, and by his father's credit with the earl of Northumberland, who was high admiral of England, was joined presently and jointly with sir William Russel in the ofl&ce of ._ treasurer of the navy, (a place of great trust and profit,) which he equally shared with the other, and seemed a man well satisfied and composed to the government. ^Mien his father received the disobli- gation from the lord Strafford, by his being created baron of Raby, the house and land of Vane, (which® title he had promised himself, but it ^ was unluckily cast upon the earl,s purely out of contempt of Vane^S) they sucked in all the thoughts of revenge imaginable ; and from thence the son betook ^ him- self to the friendship of Mr. Pym, and all other dis- contented or seditious persons, and contributed all that intelligence (which will hereafter be*^ men- tioned, as he himself will often be) that designed the ruin of the earl, and which grafted him in the entire confidence of those who promoted the same ; so that nothing was concealed from him, though it is beheved that he communicated his own thoughts to very few. <> froin his] in those •' of Vane] Not in MS. •^ (which] and which ' the son betook] he betook ' but it] which ^ hereafter be] be hereafter ^ the earl,] him. OF THE REBiELLION. 329 Denzil Hollis, the younger son and younger bro- book tlier of the earls of Clare, was as much valued and ' esteemed by the whole party, as any man ; as he ^ ^'^^■. deserved to be, being of^ more accomplished parts HoIHs. than any of them, and of great reputation by the part he acted against the court and the duke of Buckingham, in the parliament of the fourth year of the king, (the last parliament that had been be- fore the short one in April,) and his long imprison- ment, and sharp prosecution afterwards, upon that account ; of which he retained the memory with acrimony enough. But he would in no degree in- termeddle in the counsel or prosecution of the earl of Strafford, (which he could not prevent,) who had married his sister, by whom he had all his children,'" which made him a stranger to all those consulta- tions, though it did not otherwise interrupt the friendship he had with the most violent of those prosecutors. In all other contrivances he was in the most secret counsels with those who most go- verned, and was " resj^ected by them with very sub- miss applications as a man of authority. Sir Gilliert Gerrard, the lord Digby, Strode, Haslerig ; and the northern gentlemen, who were most angry with the earl, or apprehensive of their own being in the mercy of the house, as Hotham, Cholmely, and Stapleton ; with some popular lawyers of the house, who did not suspect any wickedness in design, and so be- came involved by degrees in the worst, observed and pursued the dictates and directions of the other, according to the parts which were assigned to them ' being of] being a man of dren were, "> by whom he had all his " was] "Not in MS. children,] by whom all his chil- 330 THE HISTORY BOOK upon emergent occasions: whilst the whole house __i!i_ looked on with wonder and amazement, without ] 640. any man's ^ interposing to allay the passion and the fury with which so many were transported. This was the present temper and constitution of both houses of parliament upon their first coming together, when (as Tacitus says of the Jews, " that " they exercised the highest offices of kindness and " friendship towards each other, et adversus omnes " alios hostile odium'") they watched all those who „ 1 they knew were not of their opinions, nor like to be, with all possible jealousy ; and if any of their elec- tions could be brought into question, they were sure ' to be voted out of the house, and then all the arti- fices were used to bring in more sanctified members ; so that every week increased the nvmiber of their party, both by new elections, and the proselytes they gained upon the old. Nor was it to be wondered at, for they pretended all public thoughts, and only the reformation of disapproved and odious enormi- ties, and dissembled all purposes of removing foun- dations, which, though it was in the hearts of some, they had not the courage and confidence to commu- nicate it. The English and the Scottish'' armies remained quiet in their several quarters in the north, without any acts of hostility, under the obligation of the ces- sation, which was still prorogued from month to month, that the people might believe that a full peace would be quickly concluded. And the treaty, which during the king's being at York had been held at Rippon, being now adjourned to London, " any man's] one man's p Scottish] Scots OF THE REBELLION. 331 the Scottish^ commissioners (whereof the earl of book III. Rothes, and the lord Lowden, who hath been men- tioned before, were the chief) came thither in great ^^l*^^' state, and were received by the king with that coun- tish com- missioners tenance, which he could not choose but shew to come to them; and were then lodged in the heart of the and lodge city, near London-Stone, in a house which used to '" *^^ *^'*^" be inhabited by the lord mayor or one of the sheriffs, and was situate so near to the church of St.Antho- lins,'' (a place in late times ® made famous by some seditious lecturer,) that there was a way out of it into a gaEery of the church. ' This benefit was well foreseen on all sides in the accommodation, and this church assigned to them for their own devotions, where one of their own chaplains still preached, amongst which Alexander Henderson was the chief, who was likewise joined with them in the treaty in all matters which had reference to religion : and to hear those sermons there was so great a conflux and resort, by the citizens out of humour and faction ; by others of all qualities " out of curiosity ; and by some that they might the better justify the con- tempt they had of them, that from the first appear- ance of day in the morning on every Sunday, to the shutting in of the light, the church was never empty. They (especially the women) who had the happiness to get into the church in the morning (they who could not, hung upon or about the windows without, to be auditors or spectators) keeping their places till the afternoon's exercise was finished, which both morning and afternoon, except to palates and appe- ^ Scottish] Scots ' the church.] that church. •" St. Antholins,] St. Antlins " qualities] quality ^ late times] all times 332 THE HISTORY BOOK tites ridiculously corruiDted, was the most insipid and flat that could be delivered upon any delibe- '^^0- ration. The earl of Rothes had been the chief architect of that whole machine from the beginning, and was a man very well bred, of very good parts, and great address ; in his person very acceptable, pleasant in conversation, very free and amorous, and unre- strained in his discourse by any scruples of religion, which he only put on when the part he was to act required it, and then no man could appear more conscientiously transported. There will be some- times occasion to mention him hereafter, as already as much hath been said of the other, the lord Low- den, as is yet necessary. A commit- They were no sooner come to the town, but a houses ap. new committcc of the members of both houses, such tr°aTwit*r ^s were very acceptable to them, was appointed to the Scottish i^eugiv and continue the treaty with them that had commis- •' sioners. bccu bcguu at Rippou : and then they published and printed their declaration against the archbishop of Canterbury and the lieutenant of Ireland, in which they said, " That as they did reserve those " of their own country who had been incendiaries " between the two kingdoms, to be proceeded against " in their own parliament ; so they desired no other " justice to be done against these two criminal per- " sons but what should seem good to the wisdom of " the parliament." It was easily discerned (by those who saw at any distance, and who had been long jealous of that trick) from that expression concerning tlie'ir own countrymen, that they meant no harm to the mar- quis of Hamilton, against whom, in the beginning 1640. OF THE REBELLION. 333 of the rebellion, all their bitterness seemed to be di- book III. rected, and who was thought to have'^ the least por-- tion of kindness or good-will from the three nations, of any man who related to the king's service. But he had, by the friendship he had shewed to the lord Lowden, and procuring his liberty when he was in the Tower for so notorious a treason, and was >' to be in the head of another as soon as he should be at liberty ; and by his application and dexterity at York in the meeting of the great council, and with the Scottish ^ commissioners employed thither before the treaty ; and by his promise of future offices and services, which he made good abundantly ; procured as well from the English as the Scots all assurance of indemnity : which they so diligently made good, that they were not more solicitous to contrive and find out evidence or information against the other two great men, than they were to prevent all infor- mation or complaint, and to stifle all evidence which was offered or could be produced against the mar- quis. And they were exceedingly vigilant to prevent the Scottish ^ commissioners entering into any fami- liarity or conversation with any who were not fast to their party : insomuch as one day the earl of Rothes walking in Westminster-haU with Mr. Hyde, towards whom he had a^ kindness by reason of their mutual friendship with some persons of honour, and they two walking towards the gate to take coach to make a visit together, the earl on a sudden desired the other "to walk towards the coach, and he would ^ who was thought to have] ^ Scottish] Scotch who indeed of all men had "■ Scottish] Scotch y was] Not in MS. ^ a] Not in MS. 334 THE HISTORY BOOK " overtake him by the time he came thither:" but '^'' . staying very long, he imagined he might be diverted \ 640. from his purpose, and so walked back into the hall, where presently meeting him, they both pursued theii' former intention ; and being in the coach, the earl told him, " that he must excuse his having " made him stay so long, because he had been de- " tained only concerning him ; that when he was " walking with him, a gentleman passing by touched " his cloak, which made him desu'e the other to go before ; and turning to the other person, he said, that seeing him walk in some familiarity with Mr. " Hyde, he thought himself obliged to tell him, that " he walked with the greatest enemy the Scottish*^ nation had in the parliament, and that he ought to take heed how he communicated any thing of " importance to him ; and that after he was parted " with that gentleman, before he could jDass through " the hall, four or five other eminent men, severally, " gave him the same advertisement and caution ;" and then spoke '^ as unconcernedly and as merrily of the persons and their jealousy as the other could do. Men who were so sagacious in pursuing their point were not like to miscarry. The first compliment they put upon the Scottish ^ commissioners was, that they were caressed ^ by both *^ Scottish] Scots their reception, the neighbour ^ spoke] spake church for their devotion, whi- ^ Scottish] Scots ther so great a herd flocked on ^ The first — caressed] Thus Sundays to hear Mr. Henderson tn MS. C. : The Scotch commis- and his fellow-chaplains, that sioners were in this time come very many came to and sat in to London, where they were the church from the time that it magnificently entertained ; and was light, that they might re- one of the best houses in the ceive the comfort of those lec- heart of the city assigned for tures, which were not till the OF THE REBELLION. 835 houses with all possible expressions of kindness at book least, if not of submission ; and an order was care- fully entered, "that upon all occasions the appella- 1640. " tion should be used of Our brethren of Scotland f^ and upon that, wonderful kind compliments passed,^ of a sincere resolution of amity and union between the two nations. Things being thus constituted, it became them to satisfy the public expectation in the discovery of their new treasons, and in speedy proceedings against those two great persons. For the better preparing whereof, and facilitating whatever else should ])e ne- cessary for that enterprise, the Scottish ^ commis- sioners in the name of that nation presented (as is said before) two distinct declarations, against the persons of the archbishop and the earl of Strafford, stuffed with as much bitterness and virulency as can be imagined, making them " the odious incendiaries " of the differences between the two nations, and " the original causes of all those calamities in that " kingdom which begot ^ those differences, and most " pathetically pressing for justice against them both." These discourses (for each^ of them consisted of many sheets of paper) were publicly read in both houses ; that against the archbishop of Canterbury was for the present laid aside, and I am persuaded, at that time, without any thought of resuming it, hoping that his age and imprisonment would have quickly freed them from farther trouble. But a Proceedings speedy proceeding against the other was vehemently eari of straf- pressed, as of no less importance than the peace be- ^°'"^'^ *"^^' afternoon ; for in the morning ^ Scottish] Scotch their devotions were private. ' begot] begat They were caressed, &c. ^ each] either s passed,] are passed, 336 THE HISTORY BOOK tween the two kingdoms, not without some intima- "^* tion, " that there could be no expectation that the 1640. a Scottish^ army would ever retire into their coun- " try, and consequently that the king's army"^ could " be disbanded, before exemplary justice was ° done " upon that earl to their satisfaction." ^\Tien they had inflamed men with this consideration sufficient- ly, they, without any great difficulty, (in order to the necessary expedition for that trial,) prevailed in two propositions of most fatal consequence to the king's service, and to the safety and integrity of all honest men. The first, " for a committee to be settled of both " houses for the taking preparatory examinations." Thus the allegation was, " That the charge against " the earl of Strafford was of an extraordinary na- " ture, being to make a treason evident out of a complication of several ill acts ; that he must be " traced through many dark paths, and this prece- dent seditious discourse compared with that sub- sequent outrageous action, the cu'cumstances of " ])oth which might be equally considerable with " the matter itself; and therefore that, before this " charge could be so directly made and prepared as " was necessary," (for he was hitherto only accused generally of treason,) " it was requisite, that a com- " mittee should be made of both houses to examine *' some witnesses upon oath, upon whose depositions " his impeachment would easily be framed." This was no sooner proposed in the house of commons, than consented to ; and upon as little debate yielded to by the lords ; and the committee settled accord- ' Scottish] Scotch "1 army] Not in MS. " was] were (( 1640. OF THE REBELLION. 337 ingly : without considering that such an inquisition book (besides that the same was contrary to the practice - of former times") would easily prepare a charge against the most innocent man alive ; where that liberty should be taken to examine a man's whole life ; and all the light, and all the private discourses had passed from him, might be tortured, perverted, and applied, according to the conscience and the craft of a diligent and malicious prosecution. The second was, " for the examining upon oath " privy-counsellors, upon such matters as had passed " at the council-table." The allegation for this was, " That the principal ingredient into the treason with " which P the earl was to be charged, was, a purpose " to change the form of government ; and, instead " of that settled by law, to introduce a power merely " arbitrary. Now this design must be made evi- " dent, as well by the advices which he gave, and " the expressions he uttered upon emergent occa- " sions, as by his public actions ; and those could not " be discovered, at least not proved, but by those " who were present at such consultations, and they " were only privy-counsellors." As it was alleged, " That at his coming from Ireland the earl had said " in council there. That if ever he 'i returned to that " sword again, he would not leave a Scottish-man *' " in that kingdom : and at his arrival in this king- " dom, the lord mayor and some aldermen of London " attending the board about the loan of monies, and " not giving that satisfaction was expected, that he ° contrary to the practice of p with which] of which former times] most contrary to '' ever he] he ever the rules of law or the practice "" Scottish-man] Scotch-man of any former times VOL. I. Z i( a 338 THE HISTORY BOOK " should pull ^ a letter out of his pocket, and shew ^ ' " what course the king of France then took for the 1 G40. a raising of money ; and that he should tell the king, " That it would never be well till he hanged up a " lord mayor of London in the city to terrify the " rest." There was no greater difficulty to satisfy the house of commons with the reasonablene^ of this, than of the former ; but the compassing it was not like to be easy ;* for it was visible, that, though the lords should join with them, (which was not to be despaired,) the" privy-covmsellors would insist upon the oath they had taken, and pretend, " that without the king's consent they might not discover any thing that had passed at that board ; so that the greatest difficulty would be, the procuring the king's con- " sent for the betraying himself: but this must be " insisted on, for God forbid that it might be safe for " any desperate wicked counsellor to propose and " advise at that board" (which in the intervals of parliaments wholly disposed the affairs of state) " courses destructive to the health and being of the " kingdom ; and that the sovereign physician, the " parliament, (which had the only skill to cure those " contagious and epidemical diseases,) should be " hindered fi'om preserving the public, because no " evidence must be given of such corrupt and wicked " counsels." And so provided with this specious oratory, they desire the lords " to concur with " them for this necessary examination of privy- " counsellors ;" who, without much debate, (for the persons concerned knew well their acts were visible " pull] pull out I easy ;] so easy ; " the] that the 1G40. OF THE REBELLION. 339 and public enough, and therefore considered not book III much what words had passed,) consented, and ap- . pointed some to attend the king for his consent : who, not well weighing the consequence, and being in public council unanimously advised ** to consent *' to it ; and that the not doing it would lay some " taint upon his council, and be a tacit confession, " that there had been agitations at that place which " would not endure the light ;" yielded that they should be examined : which was speedily done ac^ cordingly, by the committee of both houses appoint- ed for that purpose. The damage was not to be expressed, and the ruin that last act brought to the king was irreparable ; for, besides that it served their turn (which no ques- tion they had discovered before) to prove those words against the earl of Strafford, which sir Harry Vane so punctually remembered, (as you shall find at the earl's trial.) and besides that it was matter of horror to the counsellors, to find that they might be ar- raigned for every rash, every inconsiderate, every imjjerious expression or word they had used there ; and so made them more engaged to servile applica- tions ; it banished for ever all future freedom from that board, and those persons, from whom ^ his ma- jesty was to expect advice in his greatest straits ; all men satisfying themselves, " that they were no more " obliged to deliver their opinions there freely, when " they might be impeached in another place for so " doing ;" and the evincing this so useful doctrine was without doubt more the design of those grand ^ whom] whence z 2 340 THE HISTORY BOOK managers, than any hope they had, of receiving fur- III. , ther information thereby, than they had before. 1 640. ^ji(j fQj. ujy part, I must ask leave of those noble lords, who after the king's consent gave themselves liberty^ to be examined, to say, that if they had well considered the oath they had taken when they were admitted to that society, which was. To keep secret all matters committed a7id revealed to them^ or tJiat^ should be treated of secretly in council, they would not have beUeved, that the king himself could have dispensed with that part of their oath. It is true, there is another clause in their oath, that aUows them with the king's consent to reveal a matter of coun- cil : but that is, only what shall touch another coun- sellor ; which they are not to do without the leave of the king or the council. It was now time to mind ^ themselves, as well as the public, and to repair, as well as pull ^ down ; and therefore, as the principal reason (as was said before) for the accusing those two gi*eat persons of high treason (that is, of the general consent to it before any evidence was required) was, that they might be removed from the king's presence and his counsels, without which they conceived theirs would have no power with him ; so that being compassed, care was taken to infuse into the king by marquis Hamilton, (who you heard before was licensed to take care of himself; and was now of great intimacy with the governing and undertaking party,) " that his ma- " jesty having declared to his people, that he really y liberty] leave « mind] intend ^ thaq Not in MS. b as pull] as to pull OF THE REBELLION. 341 " intended a reformation of all those extravagancies book . III. " which former necessities, or occasions, or mistakes, '■ — " had brought into the government of church or ^^^ * " state : he could not give a more lively and demon- strable evidence, and a more gracious instance of such his intention, than by calling such persons to his council, wliom the people generally thouglit *' most inclined to, and intent upon, such reforma- " tion : besides, that this would be a good means to *' preserve the dignity and just power of that board, " which might otherwise, on the account of the late " excess and violation, be more subject to inconve- *' nient attempts for the future*^." Hereupon in one day were sworn privy-counsellors. Divers new much to the public joy, the earl of Hertford, (whonicounsei- the king afterwards ^^ made marquis,) the earl of „'7the ° ° Bedford, the earl of Essex, the earl of Bristol, theP°P"'^' ' ' ' party. lord Say, the lord Savile, and the lord Kimbolton ; and within two or three days after, the earl of War- wick : being all persons at that time very gi'acious to the peojDle, or to the Scots, by whose election and discretion the people chose ; and had been all in some umbrage at court, and most^ in visible disfavour there. This act the king did very cheerfully ; heartily inclined to some of them, as he had reason ; and not apprehending any inconvenience by that act from the other, whom he thought this light of his grace would reform, or at least restrain. But the calling and admitting men to that board is not a work that can be indifferent ; the reputa- •^ " which might otherwise, to some inconvenient attempts. " — the future."] which might '^ afterwards] shortly after otherwise for the late excess be ^ most] most of them more subject to violation, at least z 3 342 THE HISTORY BOOK tion, if not the government, of the state depending^ ^"- on it. And though, it may be, there hath been too 1640. much curiosity heretofore used to discover men's humours ^ in particular points, before they have re- ceived that honour ; whereas possibly such differences were rather to have been desired than avoided ; yet there are certain opinions, certain propositions, and general principles, that whosoever does not hold, and '* does not believe, is not, without great danger, to be accepted for a privy-counsellor. As, whoso- ever is not fixed to monarchical grounds, the preser- vation and upholding whereof is the chief end of such a council : whosoever doth ^ not believe that, in order to that great end, there is a dignity, a freedom, a juris- diction most essential to be preserved in and to that place ; and takes not the preservation thereof to heart ; ought never to be received there. What in pru- dence is to be done towards that end, admits a lati- tude that honest and wise men may safely and pro- fitably differ in^ ; and those differences (which I said before there was too much unskilful care to prevent) usually produce great advantages in knowledge and wisdom : but the end itself, that which the logicians call the terminus ad quern, ought always to be a ])osfulatum, which whosoever doubts, destroys : and princes cannot be too strict, too tender, in this con- sideration, in the constituting the body of their privy-council ; upon the prudent doing whereof much of their safety, more of theu' honour and reputation (wliich is the life itself of princes) both at home and ^depending] so much depend- ^' and] Not in 31 S. Jng ' doth] does « humours] particular opi- k j^] Not in MS. nions OF THE REBELLION. 343 abroad, necessarily depends ; and the inadvertencies book III in this point have been, mediately or immediately, the root and the spring of most of^ the calamities ^^"^^^ that have ensued. Two reasons have been frequently given by princes for oversights, or for wilful breaches, in this impor- tant dispensation of their favours. The first, " that " such a man can do no harm ;" w^hen, God knows, few men have done more harm than those who have been thought to be able to do least ; and there can- not be a greater error, than to believe, a man whom we see qualified with too mean parts to do good, to be therefore incapable of doing hurt : there is a sup- ply of malice, of pride, of industry, and even of folly, in the weakest, when he sets his heart upon it, that makes a strange progress in mischief. The second, " when persons of ordinary faculties, either upon " importunity, or other collateral respects, have been " introduced there,'" that it is but a place of honour, " and a general testimony of the king's affection ;" and so it hath been as it were reserved as a prefer- ment for those, who were fit for no other preferment. As amongst the Jesuits they have a rule, that they who " are vmapt for greater studies, shall study cases of conscience. By this means the number hath been increased, which in itself breeds great inconveni- ences ; since a less number are fitter both for counsel and despatch, in matters of the greatest moment, that depend upon a quick execution, than a greater number of men equally honest and wise : and for that, and other reasons of unaptness and incompe- tency, committees of dexterous men have been ap- ' most of] all •" there^] thither, " they who] they which z 4 344 THE HISTORY BOOK pointed out of the table to do the business of it;** ' and so men have been no sooner exalted with the 1640. honourable i^ title, and pleased with the obligation of being made privy-counsellors, than they have checked that delight with discerning that they were not fully trusted ; and so have ^ been more incensed with the reproachful distinction at, than obliged with the ho- nourable admission to, that board, where they do not find all persons equally members. And by this kind of resentment, many sad inconveniences have be- fallen the king, and those men ^ who have had the honour and misfortune of those secret trusts. The truth is, the sinking and near desperate con- dition of monarchy in this kingdom can never be buoyed up, but by a prudent and steady council at- tending upon the virtue and vivacity of the king ; nor be preserved and improved when it is up, but by cherishing and preserving the wisdom, integrity, dignity, and reputation of that council : the lustre whereof always reflects upon the king himself; who is not thought a great monarch when he follows only his own reason ^ and appetite ; but when, for the in- forming his reason, and guiding his actions, he uses the service, industry, and faculties of the wisest men. And though it hath been, and will be, always ne- cessary to admit to those counsels some men of great power, who will not take the pains to improve their ^ great parts ;^ yet the number of the whole should not be too great ; and the capacities and qualities of " of it ;] of the table ; ^ (,„]y j^jg ^^y^ reason] the ^ honourable] reverent reins of his own reason '" have] Not in MS. t to improve their great parts ;] ' the king, and those men] to to have great parts ; the king, and to those men 1640. OF THE REBELLION. 345 the most should be" fit for business; that is, either book for judgment and despatch ; or for one of them at - least ; and for ^ integrity above all. This digression (much longer than was intended) will not appear very impertinent, when the great disservice shall appear, which befell >' the king by the swearing those lords formerly mentioned (I speak but of some of them) privy-counsellors. For, in- stead of exercising themselves in their new pro- vince, and endeavouring to preserve and vindicate that jurisdiction, they looked upon themselves as preferred thither, by their reputation in parliament, not by the ^ kindness and esteem ^ of the king ; and so resolved to keep up principally the greatness of that place, to which they thought they owed their own ^ greatness. And therefore, when the king re- quired the advice of his privy-council, in those mat- ters of the highest importance which were then every day incumbent on him,'^ the new privy-coun- seUors positively declared, " that they might not " (that was, that nobody might) give his majesty " any advice in matters depending in the two houses, " which was not^ agreeable to the sense of the two " houses ; which they caUed ^ his great council, by " whose wisdom he was entirely to guide himself." As^ this doctrine was insipidly s and perniciously urged by some'*; so it was supinely^ and stupidly submitted to by others^ : insomuch as the king in a " should be] Not in MS. '^ which was not] and not "<■ for] Not in MS. ^ they called] (forsooth) was y befell] befell unto ^ As] And as ^' by the] Not in MS. s insipidly] most insipidly * esteem] estimation ^ some] them ^ own] Not in MS. ' supinely] most supinely <= on him,] to him, ^ others] the rest 346 THE HISTORY BOOK moment found himself bereaved of all ^ public assist- ^"' ance and advice,™ in a time when he needed it most ; 1 640. ^nd his greatest, and, upon the matter, his only bu- siness, being prudently to weigh and consider what to consent to, and what to deny, of such things as should be proposed to him by the two houses, he was now told, " that he was only to be advised by them;" ^ — I which was as much as to say, that he must do what- soever they desired of him." Whereas in truth, it is not only lawful for the privy-council, but their duty,^ to give faithfully and freely their advice to the king upon all matters con- cluded in parliament, to which his royal assent p is necessary, as well as upon any other subject whatso- ever. Nay, a privy-counsellor, as such, is i bound to dissuade the king from consenting "■ to that which is prejudicial to the crown ; at least to make that pre- judice manifest to him ; though as a private person he could wish the matter consented to. And there- fore, by the constitution of the kingdom, and the constant practice of former^ times, all bills, after they had passed both houses, were delivered * by the clerk of the parliament to the clerk of the crown ; and by him brought to the attorney-general; who presented the same to the king " sitting in council, and having read them, declared what alterations ^ of all] of any p assent] consent •" and advice] or advice *'g''^] riglits, OF THE REBELLION. 351 in the greatness of his heart, sit down by the affront; book but committed two or three such weak, saucy in- ^^^' discretions, as caused an inhibition to be sent him, l^^O. " that he should not presume to come any more to " court :" and from that time he p resolved to re- venge himself of the bishop of Durham, upon the whole order ; and so turned lecturer, and preached against them ; being endued with malice and bold- ness, instead of learning and any tolerable parts. These three persons having been, for several fol- lies and libelling humours, first gently reprehended, and after, for their incorrigibleness, more severely censured and imprisoned, found some means in f)ri- son of correspondence, which was not before known to be between them ; and to combine themselves in a more pestilent and seditious libel than they had ever before vented ; in which the honour of the king, queen, counsellors, and bishops, was with equal licence blasted and traduced ; which was faithfully dispersed by their proselytes in the city. The au- thors were quickly and easily known, and had in- deed too much ingenuity to deny it ; and were there- upon brought together to the star-chamber 'i ore te- nus ; where they behaved themselves with marvel- lous insolence; with full confidence demanding, " that " the bishops who sat in the court" (being only the archbishop of Canterbury, and the bishop of London) " might not be present, because they were their ene- " mies, and so parties :" which, how scandalous and ridiculous soever it seemed then there, was good lo- gic and good law two years after in Scotland, and served to banish the Ijishops of that kingdom both - P he] Not in MS. 'i star-chamber] star-chamber-bar. 352 THE HISTORY BOOK from the council-table and the assembly. Upon a "'* .very patient and solemn hearing, in as full a court 1 ^^0- as ever I saw in that place, '^ without any difference in opinion or dissenting voice, they were all three censured as scandalous, seditious, and infamous per- sons, " to lose their ears in the pillory, and to be im- " prisoned in several gaols during the king's plea- " sure :" all which was executed with rigour and se- verity enough. But yet their itch of libelUng still broke out ; ^ and their friends of the city found a line of communication with them ". Hereupon the wis- dom of the state thought fit, that those infectious sores should breathe out their corruption in some air more remote from that catching city, and less liable to the contagion : and so, by an order of the lords of the council, Mr. Pryn was sent to a castle in the island of Jersey ; Dr. Bastwick to Scilly ; and Mr. Burton to Guernsey ; where they remained unconsi- dered, and truly I think unpitied, (for they were, men of no virtue or merit,) for the space of two years, till the beginning of this present parliament. Shortly upon that, petitions were presented by their wives or friends, to the house of commons, ex- pressing " their heavy censures and long sufferings ;" and desiring, by way of appeal, " that the justice " and rigour of that sentence might be reviewed and " considered ; and that their persons might be " brought from those remote and desolate places to " London, that so they might be able to facilitate ^ " or attend their own business." The sending for them out of prison (which was the main) took up ' ever I saw in that place,] 1 ^' with them] Not in MS. ever saw, x facilitate] solicit ' broke out ;] brake out ; OF THE REBELLION. 353 much consideration : for though very many who had book no kindness, had yet compassion for the men ; thinking >' they had suffered enough ; and that, ' ^'^^• though they were scurvy fellows, they had been scurvily used : and others had not only affection to their persons, as having suffered for a common cause ; but were concerned to revive and improve their use- ful faculties of libelling and reviling authority ; and to make those ebullitions of their malice ^ not thought noisome to the state : yet a sentence of a supreme court, the star-chamber, (of which they had not yet spoke with irreverence,) was not lightly to be blown off: but, when they were informed, and had consi- dered, that l)y that sentence the petitioners were con- demned to some prisons in London ; and were after- ward removed thence by an order of the lords of the council ; they looked upon that order as a violation of the sentence ; and so made no scruple to order " that the prisoners should be removed from those " foreign prisons, to the places to which they were " regularly first committed." And to that purpose warrants were signed by the speaker, to the gover- nors and captains of the several castles, " to bring " them in safe custody to London :" which were sent with all possible expedition. Pryn and Burton being neighbours (though in distinct islands) landed at the same time at South- ampton ; where they were received and entertained with extraordinary demonstrations of affection and esteem ; attended by a marvellous conflux of com- pany ; and their charges not only borne with great y for the men ; thinking they] ' of their malice] Not in MS. towards them ; as thinking they VOL. T. A a 354 THE HISTORY BOOK magnificence, but liberal presents given to them. _Jl!l_And this method and ceremony kept them company ^^'^^' all their journey, great herds of people meeting them at their entrance into all towns, and waiting upon them out with wonderful acclamations of joy. When they came near London, multitudes of people of se- veral conditions, some on horseback, others on foot, met them some miles from the town ; very many having been a day's journey ; and they *^ were brought, about two of the clock in the afternoon, in at Charing-cross, and carried into the city by above ten thousand persons, with boughs and flowers in their hands ; the common people strewing flowers and herbs in the ways as they passed, making great noise, and expressions of joy for their deliverance and return ; and in those acclamations mingling loud and virulent exclamations against the bishops, " who " had so cruelly prosecuted such godly men." In the same manner, within five or six days after, and in like triumph. Dr. Bastwick returned from Scilly, landing at Dover; and from thence bringing the same testimonies of the affections and zeal of Kent, as the others had done from Hampshire and Surrey, was met before he came to Southwark by the good people of London, and so conducted to his lodging likewise in the city. I should not have wasted thus much time •* in a discourse of this nature, but that it is and was then evident, that this insurrection (for it was no better) and phrensy of the people was an effect of great in- dustry and policy, to try and publish the temper of the people ; and to satisfy themselves in the activity *^ they] so they '' thus much time] this much time and paper OF THE REBELLION. 355 and interest of their tribunes, to whom that province book of shewing them ^ was committed. And from this ' time, the licence of preaching and printing increased ^ ^'^^• to that degree, that all pulpits were freely delivered to the schismatical and silenced preachers, who till then had lurked in corners, or lived in New Eng- land ; and the presses at liberty for the publishing the most invective, seditious, and scurrilous pam- phlets, that their wit and malice could invent. Whilst the ministers of the state, and judges of the law, like men in an ecstasy, surprised and amazed with several apparitions, had no speech or motion ; as if, having committed such an excess of jurisdic- tion, (as men upon great surfeits are enjoined for a time to eat nothing,) they had been prescribed to exercise no jurisdiction at all. AVhereas, without doubt, if either the privy-council, or the judges and the king's learned council, had assumed the courage to have questioned the preaching, or the printing, or the seditious riots upon the triumph of those three ^ scandalous men, before the uninterruption and secu- rity had confirmed the people in all thi*ee, it had been no hard matter to have destroyed those seeds, and pulled up those plants, which, being ^ neglected, grew up and prospered to a full harvest of rebellion and treason. But this was yet but a rudeness and rankness abroad, A^thout any visible countenance or approbation from the parliament : all seemed ^ chaste within those walls. The first malignity that was apparent there (for the accusation of the archbishop and the earl of ^ them] the people - being] Not in MS. ^ those three] these three '' all seemed] all was A a 2 356 THE HISTORY BOOK Strafford were looked upon as acts of passion, di- "^' rected against particular persons, who were thought ^ ^"^^^ to have deserved some extraordinary measures ^ and proceeding) was against the church : first, ^ in their committee for religion ; which had been assumed ever since the latter times of king James, though seldom or never any such thing had before been heard of ^ in parliament ; where, under pretence of receiving petitions against clergymen, they often de- bated points beyond the verge of their understand- A deciara- ing : thcu, "^ by their cheerful reception of a declara- some mi- tion of many sheets of paper against the whole go- a'pet'iti'on" vcmmcnt of the church ; presented by ten or a dtSs dozen ministers, at the bar; and pretended to be against signed by several hundreds of the ministers " of the govern- c ^ ment of Loudou and the coimtries ° adjacent : and a petition, by bishops, presented by alderman Pennington, and alleged to be subscribed by twenty thousand men, inhabitants within the city of London ; who required, in plain terms, " the total extirpation of episcopacy." Yet p the house was then so far from being possessed with that spirit, that the utmost that could be obtained, upon a long debate upon that petition, was, " that it " should not be rejected ;" against which the num- ber of the petitioners was urged as a powerful argu- ment ; only it was suffered to remain in the hands of the clerk of the house, with direction, " that no " copy of it should be given." And for the ministers' declaration, one part only of it was insisted on by ' measures] measure '-" then,] but ^ first,] not only " several hundreds of the mi- ' thoiif^h seldom or never any nisters] seven hundred minis- such thing had before been ters heard of] but no such thing " countries] counties had been before heard of p Yet] But OF THE REBELLION. 357 them, and read in the house; which concerned the book exercise of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and the excess ' of their courts^: the other parts were declined by ^^^0- many of them, and especially ordered " to be sealed " up by the clerk, that they might ^ be perused by " no man." So that all that envy and animosity against the church seemed to be resolved into a de- sire, " that a bill might be framed to remove the " bishops from their votes in the lords' house, and " from any office in secular affairs ;" which was the utmost men pretended to w^ish : and to such a pur- pose a bill was shortly after prepared, and brought into the house ; of which more shall be said in its proper place. It was a strange disingenuity, *^ that was practised Great dis- . , . . 1 ' ^ 'J ingenuity m the procuring those petitions ; v» hich continuea used in pio- ever after in the like addresses. The course was, JS,!^^' first, to prepare a petition very modest and dutiful, for the form ; and for the matter, not very unrea- sonable; and to communicate it at some pul)lic meeting, where care was taken it should be re- ceived with approbation : the subscription of very few hands filled the paper itself, where the petition was written, and therefore many more sheets were annexed, for the reception of the number, which gave all the credit, and procured aU the counte- nance, to the undertaking. When a multitude of hands was procured, the petition itself was cut off, and a new one framed, suitable to the design in hand, and annexed to the long list of names which were subscribed to the former. By* this means, ^ the exercise of ecclesiastical "^ they might] it might jurisdiction, and the excess of ' disingenuity,] uningenuity their courts] the exercise of and mountebankry, their jurisdiction, and the excess ^ By] And by of their ecclesiastical courts 558 THE HISTORY BOOK many men fomid theii' hands subscribed to petitions, __1!!__ of which they before had never heard. As several 1640. ministers, whose hands were to the petition and de- claration of the London ministers before mentioned, have professed to many persons, *•' that they never " saw that petition or declaration before it was pre- " sented to the house ; but had signed another, the *' substance of which was, not to be compelled to " take the oath enjoined by the new canons : and " when they found, instead of that, their names set " to a desire of an alteration of the government of " the church, they with much trouble went to Mr. " Marshall, with whom they had intrusted the pe- " tition" and their hands; who gave them no other " answer, but that it was thought fit by those who " understood business better than they, that the lat- " ter petition shoidd rather be preferred than the " former." And when he found, they intended by some public act to vindicate themselves from that calumny ; such persons, upon whom they had their greatest dependence, were engaged, by threats and promises, to prevail with them to sit still, and to pass by that indirect proceeding. Complaints For the better facilitating and making way for some parti, thosc virulcut ^ attempts upon the church, petitions Sop's;* ^"^ complaints were exhibited >' against the exorbi- tant acts of some bishops ; especially against the bi- shops of Bath and WeUs, and Ely ; who, they al- leged, '■ " had with great pride and insolence pro- " voked aU the sentry, and ^ most of the inhabitants And against , ^ c> j ^ ww newca-" withiu their dioceses." And the new canons wer<3 noils ; " the petition] their petition ' they alleged,] "Not in MS. "^ those virulent] these virulent ' and] and in truth >■ were exhibited] are exhibited OF THE REBELLION. 359 insisted on, "as a most palpable invasion by the book " whole body of the clergy, upon the laws and U- "^' " berty of the people." 1640. I said^^ before, that after the dissolution of the former short parliament, the convocation '^ was con- tinued by special warrant from the king ; and by his majesty, in a solemn message sent to them by sii* Harry Vane, then principal secretary, " required " to proceed in the making of canons, for the better " peace and quiet of the church." Notwithstanding this command, the chief of the clergy, well knowing the spirit of bitterness that was contracted against them ; and many obsolete pamphlets against their jurisdiction and power being, since the commotions in Scotland, revived and published with more free- dom ; desired his majesty, " that the opinions of the " judges might be known and declared, whether " they might then lawfully sit, the parliament being *' dissolved, and proceed in the making of canons ; " as likewise, upon other particulars in their juris- *' diction, which had been most inveighed against ?" All the judges of England, upon a mature debate, in the presence of the king's council, under their hands asserted, " the power of the convocation in " making*^ canons, and those other parts of jurisdic- " tion, which had been so enviously questioned." Hereupon they proceeded ; and having composed a body of canons, presented the same to his majesty, for his royal approbation. They were then again debated at the council-board, not without notable opposition ; for upon some lessening the power and ^ I said] I told you '^ " the power of the convo- •^ convocation] convocation " cation in making] their power house of making A a 4 360 THE HISTORY BOOK authority of their *^ chancellors, and their commissa- '"' ries, by those canons, the professors of that law took ^^^^' themselves to be disobliged; and sir Henry Martin, (who was not likely to^ oversee any advantages,) upon several days of hearing at the council-table, with his utmost skill objected against them : but in the end, by the entire and unanimous advice of the privy-council, the canons were confirmed by the king, under the great seal of England, and thereby enjoined § to be observed. So that whatsoever'' they were, the judges were at least as guilty of the first presumption in framing them, and the lords of the council in publishing and executing them, as the bi- shops, or the rest of the clergy, in either. Yet the storm fell wholly on the church : and the matter of those canons, and the manner of making them, was insisted on, as a pregnant testimony of a mahgnant spirit in the very function of the bishops. The truth is, the season in which that synod con- tinued to sit (as was observed before) was in so ill a conjuncture of time, (upon the dissolution of a par- liament, and almost in an invasion from Scotland,) that nothing could have been transacted there, of a popular and prevailing influence. And ' then, some sharp canons against sectaries, and some additionals in point of ceremonies, countenancing, though not enjoining, what had not been long practised, infi- nitely inflamed some, and troubled others ; who jointly took advantage of what strictly was amiss ; as the making an oath, the matter of which was conceived incongruous ; and enjoining it to many of ^ their] the g enjoined] legally enjoined ' who was not likely to] who '^ whatsoever] whatever '-""•f' »"t i And] Not i7i MS. OF THE REBELLION. 361 the laity, as well as the clergy; and likewise'^ the book granting of subsidies. So that the house of commons (that is, the major ^ 11 Which are part) made no scruple, m that heat, * to declare, condemned " that the convocation-house had no power at all of house^of it commons. making canons :" notwithstanding that it was ap parent by the law, and the uncontradicted practice of the church, that canons had never been otherwise made : " and that those canons contained in them " matter of sedition and reproach to the regal " power ; prejudicial to the liberty and property of " the subject, and to the privileges of parliament." By the extent of which notable vote and declara- tion, they had involved almost the whole clergy under the guilt of arbitrary proceedings ; '" as much as they had done the nobility and gentry before, under their votes against ^ lords lieutenants, deputy lieutenants, privy-counsellors, and sheriffs ; and of which they made the same use ; as shall be remem- bered in its proper place. ° In the mean time p the two armies were neces- Money bor- sarily to be provided for, lest the countries where Jliedty by their quarters were should come to be oppressed by J^'^'J^JJ^'^^^j. free quarter : which would not only raise a very in- supplying ^ ^ -^ . "^ , the two ar- convenient noise, but introduce a necessity of dis-mies. banding the armies, which they were in no degree ready for : and money not being to be raised soon enough in the regular i way, by act of parliament, which would require some time in the passing;^' be- ^ likewise] Not in MS. of the History omitted in this ' heat,] fury, place, see Jppendix, D. "1 the guilt of arbitrary pro- ^ In the mean time] Not in ceedings ;] an arbitrary guilt ; MS. " against] of i regular] formal •^ proj3er place.] For a portion '^ passing ;] passage ; 36*2 THE HISTORY BOOK sides, that the manner and way of raismg it had Tint been enough considered; and the collecting it 1640. would require much time, even after an act of par- liament should be passed ; therefore for the present supply it was^ thought fit to make use of their credit with the city ; to whom a formal embassy of lords and commons was sent ; which were carefully chosen of such persons as carried the business of the house before them, that the performing the service might be as well imputed to their particular reputa- tion and interest, as to the affection of the city: and these men in their orations to the citizens under- took " that their money should be repaid with in- " terest by the care of the parliament." And this was the first introduction of the public faith ; which grew afterwards to be applied to all monstrous pur- poses. This * expedient succeeded twice or thrice for such sums as they thought fit to require; which were only enough to carry on their affairs, and keep them in motion ; not proportionable to discharge the debt due to the armies, but to enable them to pay their quarters : it being fit to keep a consider- able debt still owing, lest they should appear too ready to be disbanded. A new They " had likewise another design in this com- coun^ii of merce with the city ; which, always upon the loan chosen"!^^ of uioncy, uscd to recommend ^ some such thing to the parliament, as might advance the designs of the party ; as " the proceeding against delinquents ;" or ' it was] they loan of money, used to reconi- ' This] And this mend] for always upon the " They] And they loan of money they recom- ^ which, always upon the mended 1640. OF THE REBELLION. 363 " some reformation in the church:" which the ma- book nagers knew well what use to make of upon any. emergency. When they had set this traffick on foot in the city, and so brought their friends there into more reputation and activity ; then, at their elec- tion for y common-council men, (which is every year before Christmas ; and in which new men had rarely used to be chosen, except in case of death, but the old still continued,) all the grave and substantial citizens were left out ; and such chosen as were most eminent for opposing the government, and most disaffected to the church, though of never so mean estates : which made a present visible altera- tion in the temper of the city, (the common- council having so great a share in the management of af- fairs there,) and even in the government itself. Other ways were now ^ to be thought of for get- ting of money, which was, once at least every month, called for very importunately by the Scot- tish * commissioners ; which caused the same pro- vision to be made for the English forces. The next expedient was, "That in so great an exigence, and " for the public peace ; that the armies might not " enter into blood, by the determination of the ces- " sation, which want of pay would inevitably pro- " duce ; the several members of the house would " lend money, according to their several abiUties ; " or that such as had no money would become " bound for it ; and upon these terms enough could *' be borrowed." This ^ was no sooner proposed, but consented to by all the eminent leaders ; and y then, at their election for] ^ Scottish] Scots for at their election of '' This] And this ^ now] Not in MS. 364 THE HISTORY BOOK by many others, in order to make themselves the "'• more acceptable to those ; and some did it for their 1 640. own convenience, there being little hazard of their money, and full interest to be received, and believ- ing it would facilitate the disbanding of the armies ; to which '^ all sober men's hearts were directed. And now, to support their stock of credit, it was time to raise money upon the people by act of par- liament ; which they had an excuse for not doing in the usual way, " of giving '^ it immediately to the " king, to be paid into the exchequer ; because the " public faith was so deeply engaged to the city for " a great debt ; and so many particular members in " the loan of monies, and in being bound for the " payment of great sums, for which their estates " were liable : and therefore it was but reason, that " for their indemnity the money that was to be ** raised should be paid into the hands of particular " members of the house, named by them ; who " should take care to discharge all public engage- A bill pass- " ments." The ^ first bill they passed being but for hi^two"'^ two subsidies, which was not sufficient to discharge the^houSe ^^y considerable part of the money boiTowed, they of com- inserted in the bill the commissioners' names, who mons natn- ini^ com- were to receive and dispose the money. And the king made no pause in the passing it ; himself not considering the consequence of it, and none about him having the courage to represent ^ it to him. The same Froui s that time, there was no bill passed for the afterwards I'^islug of mouey, but it was disposed of in the same, or the like manner ; that none of it could be ^ to which] upon which ^ represent] present •' " of giving] and giving ^ From] But from ' The] And the missioiiers to receive the money continued. a it 1G40. OF THE REBELLION. 365 applied to the king's use, or by his direction. And book they likewise took notice, ^ " that, from the time of _ his majesty's coming to the crown, he had taken the customs and impositions upon merchandise as his own right, without any act of parliament; " which (they said) ^ no king had ever before done ;" insinuating withal, " that they meant to make a fur- " ther inquiiy ^ into those, who had been the chief " ministers in that presumption." They said, " No- " body could imagine, but that they intended to " gi'ant the same to his majesty, in the same man- " ner, for his life, as had been done to his progeni- " tors by former parliaments : but that they found " such an act coidd not be presently made ready ; " because the book of rates now in practice (besides " that it had not been made by lawful authority) " contained many excesses, and must be reformed " in several particulars ; in preparing which, they " would use all possible diligence, and hoped to ef- " feet it in a short time : however, that the continu- " ance of the collection in the manner it was in, " without any lawful title, and during the very sit- " ting of the parliament, would be a precedent of a " very ill ^ consequence, and make the right of giv- " ing it the more questioned; at least the less valued. " And therefore it would be fit, that either all the " present collection should™ be discontinued, and " cease absolutely ; which was in the power of the " merchants themselves to do, " by refusing to pay " any duties which there was no law to compel •' And they likewise took no- ' (they said)] Not in MS. tice,] Thus in MS. : Nor were '^ inquin,] inquisition they contented with this inva- ' very ill] very evil sion of his prerogative, but took ™ should] Not in MS. notice, " to do,] to make, ]640. 366 THE HISTORY BOOK " them to: or, that a short act should be presently III " passed, for the continuance of those payments ° for " a short time ; against the expiration whereof, the " act for granting them p for life, with the book of " rates, would be prepared, and ready."- There were many inconveniences discovered in the first, in dis- continuing the collection and payment of duties, " which would not be so easily revived again, and " reduced into order : and that the last would, with- " out prejudice to either, both vindicate the right of " the subject, and secure the king's profit :" and so they prepared (with all the expressions of duty and affection to the king that can be imagined) and pre- sented a grant of those duties for some few months. In which there was a preamble, disapproving and condemning " all that had been done in that parti- " cular, from his majesty's first coming to the crown, " to that time ; and asserting his whole right to " those payments ^ to depend upon the gift of his " subjects :" and concluded with " most severe pe- " nalties to be inflicted upon those, who should pre- " sume hereafter to collect or receive them ^ other- " wise than as they were, or should be, granted by " act of parliament :" which had never been in any other act of parliament declared : which the king likewise passed. ^ So all the revenue ^ he had to live upon, and to provide him meat, and which he had ° those payments] the pay- and the king likewise passed it. Jnent t So all the revenue — him P for granting them] Not in too, whenever] Thus in MS. : MS. and so, besides other unseason- •1 to those payments] Not in able concessions and determin- ^^' ations, put all the revenue he had ' them] those duties to live upon, and to provide " which had — passed.] which him meat, into their hands, and was never before provided for, to take from him whenever OF THE REBELLION. 367 reason to expect should have been more certainly book continued to him, was taken into their hands ; in ' order to take it from him too, whenever they should ^^'*^- think it convenient to their other designs : of which he shortly after found the mischief. Though, as hath been observed," there was not hitherto ^ one penny of money given to the king, or received by his ministers ; yet, because subsidies were raised upon the people, according to the formaUty of parliaments ; and as if all that great supply had been to the king's own coffers ; it was thought ne- cessary, that the people should be refreshed with some behoveful law, at the same time that they found themselves charged with the payment of so many subsidies. And under that consideration, to- gether with the l)ill y for subsidies, another was sent up to the lords, for a triennial parliament : both which quickly passed that house, and were trans- mitted to the king. In that for the triennial parliament (though the a bin for a , , „ . triennial same was*^ grounded upon two former statutes m parliament the time of king Edward the Third, "That there p"';"^;, Till ^ ■ *' should be once every year a parliament") there were some clauses very derogatory to monarchical principles ; as " giving the people authority to as- " semble together, if the king failed to call them," and the like : yet his majesty, really intending to make those conventions frequent, without any great hesitation, enacted those two biUs together ; so much to the seeming joy and satisfaction of both houses, " Though, as hath been ob- ing takerifrom MS. B.) is given served,] Tliut portion of the in the Appendix, D. history which connects this part ^ not hitherto] not yet with line 20, of page 361, {the ^ the bill] that bill intermediate printed account be- ^ was] were 368 THE HISTORY BOOK that they pretended "to have sufficiently provided " ' " for the security ^ of the commonwealth ; and that 1641. (( there remained nothing to be done, but such a re- " turn of duty and gratitude to the king, as might " testify their devotions ; and that their only end " was to make him glorious :" but those fits of zeal and loyalty never lasted long. Sir Edward Thc lord Fiuch's fliffht made not only the place Littleton ° , , made lord of keeper " vacant, but begot ^ several other vacan- ^^^^'^' cies. The seal was given to Littleton, who was then chief justice of the common pleas ; for which place he was excellently fitted : but being a man of a grave and comely presence, his other parts were overvalued ; his learning in the law being his mas- terpiece. And he '^ was chosen to be keeper, upon the opinion and recommendation of the two gi-eat ministers under the cloud ; who had before brought him to be a privy-counsellor, whilst chief justice, to the no little jealousy of the lord Finch. Banks, the attorney general, was weary enough of the inquisition that was made into the king's grants, and glad to be promoted to the common pleas. Herbert,® the solicitor general, who had sat all this time in the house of commons, awed and terrified with their temper ; applying himself to Mr. Hambden, and two or three of the other, witlioiit interposing or crossing them in any thing; longed infinitely to be out of that fire : and so the office of attorney general, which at any other time had been to be wished, was now the more ' grateful, as it re- " security] indemnity '' And he] And so he ^ the ])lace of keeper] that ^ Herbert,] And Herbert, pl'ice t now tlie more] )iow most "^ begot] begat OF THE REBELLION. 369 moved him from the other attendance, it not being book usual in those times for the attorney general to be a member of the house of commons : ^ and he was^ 1641. called by writ to attend the house of peers, where he sits upon the woolsack at the back of the judges. From the time that there was no more fear of the archbishop of Canterbury, nor the lord lieutenant of Ireland, nor of any particular men who were like to succeed them in favour ; all who had been active in the court, or in any service for the king, being to- tally dispirited, and most of them to be disposed to any ill offices ' against him ; the great patriots thought they might be able to do their country better service, if they got the places and prefer- ments of the court for themselves,^ and so prevent' the evil counsels which had used to spring from thence. For which purpose,'" they had then a fast friend there, the marquis of Hamilton ; who could most dexterously put such an affair into agitation, with the least noise, and prepare both king and queen to hearken to it very willingly : and in a short time all particulars were well adjusted for every man's accommodation. The earl of Bedford was to be treasurer : in order Great offices o -r 1 111 11*1 desis^ned for to which, the bishop of London had already desired some heads the king "to receive the staff into his hand, and*" ^'^f'^^'y- " give him leave to retire to the sole care of his bi- " shopric ;" by which he wisely withdrew from the 8 it not being usual in those ^ and he was] and so he was times for the attorney general ' ill offices] vile offices to be a member of the house of ^ of the court for themselves,] commons :] there being an in- in the court, capacity put upon that place of ' prevent] prevented sitting as a member in |)arlia- '" For which purpose,] And ment : VOL. I. C b 370 THE HISTORY BOOK storm, and enjoyed the greatest tranquillity of any man of the three kingdoms, throughout the whole ^^^^' boisterous and destroying time that followed; and lived to see a happy and blessed end of them, and The bishop died in great honour. " And so the treasury was for of London . . . i* t -r» resigning tho preseut put into commission. Mr. Jrym was to the treasury be chaucellor of the exchequer: which office the IS put into J ,j Cotting-ton was likewise ready to surrender, commis- <5 ./ ' ^^°°- upon assurance of indemnity for the future. These two were engaged to procure the king's revenue to be liberally provided for, and honourably increased and settled. saint-john And, that this might be the better done, the earl made soli- p x» i r- i citorgene- 01 Bcdford prevailed with the king, upon the re- moves mentioned before, to make Oliver Saint-John (who hath been often, and will be oftener mentioned ^,.^- in this discourse) his solicitor general; which his majesty readily consented to ; hoping that^, being a gentleman of an honourable extraction, (if he had been legitimate,) he p would have been very useful in the present exigence to support his service in the house of commons, where his authority was then great ; at least, that he would be ashamed ever to appear in any thing that might prove prejudicial to the crown. And he became immediately possessed of that office of great trust ; and was so well quali- fied for it, at that time,*i by his fast and rooted ma- lignity against the government, that he lost no credit with his party, out of any apprehension or jealousy that he would change his side : and he made good their confidence ; not in the least degree abating his malignant spirit, or dissembling it; but with the " honour.] honour and glory. p he] that he " that] Not in MS. n at that time,] Not in MS. 1641. OF THE REBELLION. 371 same obstinacy opposed every thing which might bo?^ advance the king's service, when he was his soli-, citor, as ever he had done before. The lord Say was to be master of the wards; which place the lord Cottington was Ukewise to sur- render for his own ^ quiet and security. And Denzil Hollis was to be secretary of state, in the place of secretary Windebank. Thus far the intrigue for preferments was entirely complied with : and it is great pity that it was not fully executed, that the king might have had some able men to have ad\"ised or assisted him ; which probably these very men would have done, after they had been so throughly engaged : whereas the king had none left about him in any immediate trust in business, (for I speak not of the duke of Richmond, and some very few men more about his person, who always behaved themselves honourably,) who either did not betray, or sink under the weight or reproach of it. But the earl of Bedford was resolved, that he would not enter into the treasury, till the revenue was in some degree settled; at least, ^ the bill for tonnage and poundage passed, with all decent cir- cumstances, and for life ; which both he and Mr. Pym did very heartily labour to effect ; and had in their thoughts many good expedients, by which they intended to raise the revenue of the crown. And none of them were very solicitous to take their pro- motions, before some other accommodations were provided for some of the rest of their chief com- panions ; who would be neither well pleased with ' own] Not in MS. " at least,] and at least, B b 2 III. /- 372 THE HISTORY BOOK their so hasty advancement before them, nor so sub- III ' missive in the future to follow their dictates. ^^'^^- Hambden was a man they could not leave unpro- vided for ; and therefore there were several designs, and very far driven, for the satisfaction and promo- tion of him, and Essex, and Kimbolton,* and others ; though not so fully concluded, as those before men- tioned. For the king's great end was, by these com- /pliances, to save the life of the earl of Strafford, and to preserve the church from ruin : for nobody thought the archbishop in danger of his life. And there were few of the persons mentioned before, who thought their preferments would do them much good, if the earl were suffered to live ; but in that of the church, the major part even of those persons would have been willing to have satisfied the king ; the rather, because they had no reason to think the two houses, or indeed either of them, could have been induced to have pursued the contrary. And so the continued and renewed violence in the prose- cution of the earl of Strafford made the king well contented (as the other reasons prevailed with the other persons) that the putting of those promotions in practice ^ should be for a time suspended. A proposi. When there was a new occasion, upon the impor- tion made for borrow- tunity of thc Scottish ^ commissioners, to procure ing money iiit i i^i in the city: morc money, and the leadmg men, who used to be forward in finding out expedients for supply, seemed to despair of being able to borrow more ; because the city was much troubled and disheartened, to see the work of reformation proceed so slowly, and no ^ Kimbolton,] Maiulevillc, promotions " putting of those promotions " Scottish] Scots in practice] execution of those OF THE REBELLION. 373 delinquents yet brought to justice; and that till book some advance was made towards tliose longed-for ends, there must be no expectation of borrowing ^° * more money from or in the city : at that time, Mr. Hyde said in the house, >' " That he did not believe " the thing to be so difficult as was pretended ; that " no man lent his money, who did not gain by it ; " and that it was evident enough, that there was ^ " plenty of money ; and therefore he was confident, " if a small committee of the house were nominated, " who, upon consultation between themselves, might " use the name of the house to such men as were " reputed to have money, they might prevail with " them to lend as much as might serve for the pre- " sent exigence." Whereupon the house willingly approved the motion ; and named him,^ Mr. Capel, sir John Strangeways, and five or six more, whom they desired might be joined with them ; who, the same or the next day, repaired into the city; re- solving to apply themselves to no men but such who were of clear reputation in point of wisdom, and so- briety of understanding, as well as of wealth and ability to lend. And after they had spoken toge- ther with four or five eminent men, they agreed to divide themselves,^ and to confer severally with their particular acquaintances,^ upon the same subject: many men choosing rather to lend their money, than to be known to have it; and being very wary in their expressions, except in private. When they had again communicated together, y at that time, Mr. Hyde said ^ to divide themselves,] to in the house,] upon which Mr. pair, Hyde said, "^ acquaintances,] acquaint- ^ was] is ance, ^ him,] himself, B b 3 374 THE HISTORY BOOK they found that the borrowing the money would be "^' very easy ; every man with whom they had con- 1641. ferred being ready and forward to lend the money, or to find a friend who should, upon their security who proposed it. '^ Most of them in their private dis- course said, " that there was money enough to be " lent, if men saw there would be like to be an " end'^ of borrowing; but that it was an universal " discomfort and discouragement, to all men of " estates and discretion, to see two great armies " still kept on foot in the kingdom, at so vast a " charge, when there remained no fear of a war ; " and that if a time were once appointed for the " disbanding them, there should not want money ** for the doing all that should be necessary in order " to it." This answer satisfied them in all respects : and the next day Mr. Hyde reported ^ the success of their employment ; " that they had conferred with " most of the ^ substantial and best reputed men of " the city ; who, by themselves and their friends, " had promised to supply the money which was de- " sired." And then he enlarged upon " the temper *' they understood the city to be in, by the reports " of those who might be reasonably supposed to " know it best ; that it was indeed very much trou- " bled and disheartened,'' to see two armies kept on " foot at so vast a charge within the bowels of the " kingdom, when, God be thanked, all the danger " of a war was removed ; and that they who were '' to lend tlie money, or to ^ an end] any end find a friend who should, upon ^ reported] reported to the their security who proposed it.] house to lend the money upon their e niost of the] the most security who proposed, or to ^ disheartened,] melancholic, find a friend who should. OF THE REBELLION. 375 " very able to make good what they promised, had book " frankly undertaken, that if a peremptory day was . '- — " appointed for being rid of those armies, there ^^^^* " should not be want of money to discharge them." The report was received with great applause by the major part of the house, as was reasonably col- lected by then- countenance : but it was as appa- rent, that the governing party was exceedingly per- plexed with it, and knew not on a sudden what to say to it : if they embraced the opportunity, to pro- cure a supply of money which was really wanted, it would be too great a countenance to the persons who had procured it ; whose ' reputation they were wiUing to depress : besides, it would imply their ap- probation of what had been said of the disbanding : at least, would be a ground of often mentioning and pressing it ; and which, how grateful soever to most other men, was the thing they most abhorred. After a long silence, Mr. Hambden said, " that the worthy " gentlemen were to l)e much commended for the " pains they had taken ; of which, he doubted not, " good use would be made :" and so proposed, " That " it might be well thought of, and the debate re- " sumed the next day ;" which could not be denied. The next day, alderman Pennington (a man in high- But discou- est confidence with the party; and one, who in sinu- defeated by ated all things to the common-council which he was ^''^ p^*^*^" directed should Ije started there) begun ^ the dis- course ; and said, " that the gentlemen, who had " been last in the city to borrow money, had made " a fair report ; but that in the end of it there was " colloquintida ; that he could not find with what ' whose] and whose ^ begun] begun B b 4 376 THE HISTORY BOOK " persons they had conferred^ about the temper of ^^^- " the city ; nor that any considerable people trou- 1641. « bled themselves with designing or wishing what " the parliament should do, which they knew to be *' wise enough, to know what and when they were " to do that which was ^ best for the kingdom : and " they acquiesced in their grave judgment :" and concluded, " that the money that the house stood in " need of, or a greater sum, was ready to be paid to " whomsoever they should ° appoint to receive it." The house made itself very merry with the alder- man's colloquintida, and called upon him "to ex- " plain it ;" and so the debate ended : all sober ° men being well pleased to see the disorder they were in, and the pains they had taken to free them- selves from it ; which every day was renewed upon them, as the subject-matter afforded occasion ; and they visibly lost much of the reverence, which had been formerly paid them.P A commit- About the beginning of March, they begun ^ to ileianX"! ^^^^^c preparations for the trial of the earl of Straf- prosecution ^^^^ ' ^^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ ^ccn about thrcc months in pri- of the carl gon uudcr the'* accusation of hi2:h treason: and by of Istrafford. ^ ^ " •' this time, for the better^ supply in this work,' a committee was come from the parliament in Ireland, to solicit matters concerning that kingdom. This •-^. committee (most of them being papists, and the principal actors since in the rebellion) was received with great kindness, and, upon the matter, added to ' conferred] conferred with i begun] began "" was] is r under the] under their " should] would s the better] their better •• sober] Not in MS. t ji^jg ^^j-k,] that work. P them.] to them. OF THE REBELLION. 377 the committee for the prosecution of the earl of book Strafford. So that now, Ireland seemed no less in-.^ '■ — tent upon the ruin of that unfortunate lord, than ^^'^'' England and Scotland; there being such a corre- spondence settled between Westminster and Dublin, that whatsoever was practised in the house of com- mons here was soon " after done likewise there : and as sir George Ratcliff was accused here of high trea- son, upon pretence of being a confederate with the L- earl in his treasons ; but in truth that he might not be capable of giving any evidence on the behalf of him, and thereupon sent for into this kingdom : so all, or most of the other persons, who were in any- trust with the earl, and so privy to the groimds and reasons of the counsels there, and only able to make those apparent, were accused by the house of com- mons in that kingdom of high treason ; under the general impeachment, of " endeavouring to subvert " the fundamental laws of that kingdom, and to in- " troduce an arbitrary power :" wliich served the ^ turn there, to secure their persons, and to remove them from councils, as it had done here. What seeds were then sown for the rebellion, which within a year after broke ^ out in Ireland, by the great liberty and favour that committee found ; who, for the good service against that lord, were hearkened to in all things that concerned that king- dom, shall be observed, and spoken of at large, here- after. Much time was spent in consideration of the man- considera- ^ J X tions touch- ner of the trial; for they could find no precedent ing the would fit their case : " Whether it should be in the™^"^;^ " soon] very soon "" the] Not in MS. v broke] brake 378 THE HISTORY BOOK "house of peers? which room was thought too ^^^- " little, for the accusers, witnesses, judges, and spec- 1641. "tators: Who should prosecute? Whether mem- *' bers chosen of the commons, or the king's council ? " Whether the bishops" (which were twenty-four in number, and like to be too tender-hearted in matter of blood, and so either to convert many, or to in- crease a dissenting party too much) " should have " voices in the trial ? Whether those who had been " created peers since the accusation was ^ carried up, " should be admitted to be judges?" And lastly, " Whether the commoners, who were to be present " at the trial, should sit uncovered ? and, Whether " any members of tlie house of commons should be " examined at the trial on the behalf of the earl?" who had sent a list of names, and desired an order to that purpose. After much debate it was agreed,*"^ " that the trial " should be in Westminster-hall, where seats should " be built for the reception of the whole house of " commons, which together with the speaker should " be present :" for they then foresaw, that they might be put to another kind of proceeding than that they pretended ; and (though with much ado) they consented to sit uncovered, lest such a little cir- cumstance might disturb the whole design. For the prosecution, they had no mind to trust the king's council; who neither knew their secret evidence, nor,'^ being informed, were like to apply and press it so vigorously as the business would re- quire : and therefore they appointed " that com- " mittee which had prepared the charge, to give in '' was] Not in MS. ■' agreed,] resolved, '' nor,] or, OF THE REBELLION. S79 " the evidence, and in the name of all the commons book III. " of England to prosecute the impeachment." For the bishops : after many bitter invectives, and ^^'^^' remembering the faults of particular persons, and the canons which seemed to involve the whole body, with sharpness and threats ; they took the case to be so clear upon an old canon, (the only one they acknowledged for orthodox,) that clericus non de- bet interesse sa?iguini, that they were content " to " refer that to the house of peers, as proper only for *' their determination." And this they did, not upon any confidence they had in the matter itself, what- ever law, or i-eason, or canon they pretended ; or in the lords, the major part of whom, when any differ- ence of opinion was, always dissented from their de- signs : but that they had a trick of doing their bu- siness by intimation ; and had '^ a sure friend amongst the bishops, who had promised them seasonably to free them of that trouble. They "^ would not trust their lordships' own incli- nations with the other point, of the new barons, which they knew would be controverted; but in plain terms demanded, " that no peer, created since " the day upon which the earl of Strafford was im- " peached of «^ high treason, because they were in- " volved as commoners in the making that accusa- " tion, should sit as judges at his trial." For the earl's demand, " of an order to examine " some members on his behalf, upon matters of fact, " at his trial ;" after a long debate, they left it only in the power of the persons themselves who were nominated, " to be examined if they would," (not '^ and had] and they had ^ They] And therefore they «= of] for 380 THE HISTORY BOOK without some smart animadversions, " that they ^"- " should take heed what they did,") and refused to 1641. enjoin them; though the same had been done at their desire, for the lords of the council; but that was affainst the earl, and so the less to be considered. The lords, in the absence of the lord keeper, who was very sick, made choice of the earl of Arundel to preside and govern the court ; being a person noto- riously disaffected to the earl of Strafford. And for the great business of the bishops, they were saved the labour of giving any rule (which, it may be, would have troubled them) by the bishop of Lincoln's standing up, and moving, on the behalf of himself and his brethren, " that they might be ex- " cused from being present at the trial, being eccle- " siastical persons, and so not to have their hands in *' blood ;" and such other reasons, as, when they are examined, will not be found of very great weight.^ This bishop had been, by several censures in the star-chamber, imprisoned in the Tower, where he remained till after the beginning of this parliament, and was then set at liberty upon the desire of the lords ; who knew him to be a mortal and irreconcile- able enemy to the archbishop of Canterbury : and in- deed he " had always been a puritan so far, as to love none of the bishops, and to have used many^ learned churchmen with great contempt and insolence ; and yet he left no way unjDractised to assure the king, " that he would do great matters in parliament for " his service, if he might be at liberty." The next day after he came to the house of peers, the lord Say ^ will not be found of very s he] Nut in MS. greiit weight.] will be found ^ many] all very trivial. OF THE REBELLION. 381 made that speech,^ which he since printed; taking book notice " of some imputations laid on him by the archbishop of Canterbury, that he should be a sec- ^^'^^* " tary ;" which nobody can doubt, that reads that speech : yet he had no sooner done, than that bishop rose, and made a large panegyric in his praise, and professed, " that he always believed his lordship to " be as far from a sectary, as himself." And when lie found the great desire of the house of commons to be freed from the bishops' votes in that trial, he never left terrifying them with the censure that hung over their heads for making the canons, till he per- suaded them to ingratiate themselves, by desiring to be excused in that matter, before an order should be made for their absence. This example of the bishops prevailed with some lords, who had been created since the accusation, to quit their right of judging ; and amongst them, the lord Littleton (who had been made a baron upon the desire of the earl of Strafford, for that only reason, that he professed, " If he were a peer, he would (and " indeed he could) do him notable service") was the first who quitted his right to judge, because he had been a commoner when the accusation was first brought up : but they who insisted upon their right, (as the lord Seymour and others,) and demanded the judgment of the house, were no more disturbed, but exercised the same power to the end, as any of the other lords did ; and so, no doubt, might the bishops too, if they would : for, though there might be some reason for their absence, when the trial was accord- ing to law, ])efore and by his peers only ; yet, when ' speech,] schisniatical speech, 382 THE HISTORY BOOK that Tudgment was waved, and a bill of attainder fry t/ O . brought up against him, theii' votes in that bill were ^'^'^'- as necessary and essential, as of any other of the lords. And it may be, their unseasonable, volun- tary, unjust quitting it then, made many men less solicitous for the defence of their right ^ afterwards. But of that in its place. The trial All thiugs being thus prepared, and settled; on March the Monday, the twenty-second of March, the earl of N.'s.'^^" Strafford was brought to the bar in Westminster- hall ; the lords sitting in the middle of the hall in their robes ; and the commoners, and some strangers of quality, with the Scottish ^ commissioners, and the committee of Ireland, on either side ; there being a close box made at one end, at a very convenient dis- tance for hearing, in which the king and queen sat untaken notice of: his majesty, out of kindness and curiosity, desiring to hear all that could be alleged : of which, I believe, he afterwards repented himself; when *' his having been present at the trial" was alleged and urged to him, as an argument for the passing the bill of attainder. The charge After the carl's™ charge was read, and an intro- him. duction made by Mr. Pym, in which he called him the wicked earl ; some member of the house of com- mons, according to their parts assigned, being a law- yer, applied and pressed the evidence, with great li- cence and sharpness of language ; and, when the earl had made his defence, replied with the same liberty upon whatsoever he said ; taking all occa- sions of bitterly inveighing against his person : which ^ for the defence of their ^ Scottish] Scotch right] for the utter taking away "^ the earl's] his that right OF THE REBELLION. S83 reproachful way of carriage was looked upon with so book much approbation, that one of the managers (Mr ^ — Palmer) lost all his credit and interest with them, and never recovered it, for using a decency and mo- desty in his carriage and language towards him ; though the weight of his arguments pressed more upon the earl, than all the noise of the rest. The trial lasted eighteen days ; in which, " all the " hasty or proud expressions, or words, he had ut- " tered at any time since he was first made a privy- ** counsellor ; all the acts of passion or power that " he had exercised in Yorkshire, from the time that " he was first president there ; his engaging himself " in projects in Ireland, as the sole making of flax, " and selling tobacco in that kingdom ; his billeting " of soldiers, and exercising of martial law there;" " his extraordinary way of ° proceeding against the " lord Mountnorris, and the lord chancellor Loftus;P " his assuming a power of judicature at the council- " table, to determine private interests,'! and matter " of inheritance ; some rigorous and extrajudicial de- " terminations in cases of plantations ; some high dis- " courses at the council-table in Ireland ; some casual'" *' and light discourses at his own table, and at public " meetings ; and lastly, some words spoken in secret " council in this kingdom, after the dissolution of the " last parliament," were urged and pressed against him, to make good the general charge, of " an en- " deavour to overthrow the fundamental govern- " ment of the kingdom, and to introduce an arbi- " trary power." " there ;] in that kingdom ; ^ interests,] interest, " way ofj Not in MS. ' some casual] and some ca- P Loftus ;] Not in MS. sual 384 THE HISTORY BOOK The earl behaved himself with great show of hu- ^^^' mility and submission ; but yet, with such a kind of 1641. courage, as would lose no advantage; and, in truth, fence?" made his defence with all imaginable dexterity ; an- swering this charge,^ and evading that, with all pos- sible skill and eloquence ; and though he knew not, till he came to the bar, upon what parts of his charge they would proceed against him, or what evidence they would produce, he took very little time to recollect himself, and left nothing unsaid that might make for his own justification. For the business of Ireland ; he complained much, " that, by an order from the committee which pre- " pared his charge against him, all his papers in — " that kingdom, by which he should make his de- " fence, were seized and taken from him ; and, by " virtue of the same order, all his goods, household- " stuff, plate, and tobacco (amounting, as he said, to " eighty thousand pounds) were likewise seized ; so " that he had not money to subsist in prison : that all ._^ " those ministers of state in Ireland, who were most " privy to the acts for which he was questioned, and " so could give the best evidence and testimony on " his behalf, were imprisoned under the charge of " treason. Yet he averred, that lie had behaved " himself in that kingdom, according to the power " and authority granted by his commission and in- " structions, and according to the rules and customs " observed by former deputies and lieutenants. That " the monopolies of flax and tobacco had been under- " taken by him for the good of that kingdom, and *' benefit of his majesty : the former establishing a '' charge,] Not in MS, OF THE REBELLION. 385 " most beneficial trade and good husbandry, not be- book " fore practised there ; and the latter bringing a '— " revenue of above forty thousand pounds to the ^^'^'' " crown, and advancing trade, and bringing no da- " mage to the subject. That billeting of soldiers," (which was alleged to be treason, by a statute made in Ireland in the time of king Henry the Sixth,) "-and the exercising of martial law, had been always " practised by the lieutenants and deputies of that " kingdom ;" which he proved by the testimony and confession of the earl of Cork and the lord Wilmot ; neither of which desired to say more for his behoof, than inevitably they must. He said, " the act of " parliament mentioned, of Henry the Sixth, con- " cerned not him ; it comprehending only the in- " ferior subjects, and making it penal to them to " billet soldiers, not the deputy, or supreme com- " mander ; if it did, that it was repealed by Poyn- " ing's act, in the eleventh year of Henry the Se- " venth : however, if it w ere not, and that it were " treason still, it was treason only in Ireland, and " not in England ; and therefore, that he could not " be tried here for it, but must be transmitted thi- " ther." He said, " the council-table in Ireland had " a large ^ legal jurisdiction, by the institution and " fundamental customs of that kingdom ; and had, " in aU times, determined matters of the same na- " ture, which it had done in his time : and that the " proceedings there upon plantations had been with " the advice of the judges, upon a clear title of the " crown, and upon great reason of state ; and that *■ large] large^ natural, VOL. I. C C 386 THE HISTORY BOOK *' the nature and disposition of that people required __!__1_" a severe hand and strict reins to be held upon 1641. « them, which " being loosed, the crown would *' quickly feel the mischief." For the several discourses, and words, wherewith he was charged ; he denied many, and explained and put a gloss upon others, by the reasons and circum- stances of the debate. One particular, on which they much insisted,^ though it was spoken twelve years before, " that he should say in the public hall " in York, that the little finger of the prerogative " should lie heavier upon them than the loins of the *' law," he directly inverted ; and proved, by two or three persons of credit, " that he said" (and the oc- casion made it probable, being upon the business of knighthood, which was understood to be a legal tax) " the little finger of the law was heavier than the " loins of the prerogative ;" that imposition for knighthood amounting to a much higher rate, than any act of the prerogative which had been exer- cised. " However," he said, *' he hoped no indiscre- " tion, or unskilfulness, or passion, or pride of words, " would amount to treason ; and for misdemeanours, " he was ready to submit to their justice." I He made the least, that is, the worst excuse, for those two acts against the lord Mountnorris, and the lord chancellor ; which indeed were powerful acts, and manifested a nature excessively imperious ;>' and, no doul)t, caused ^ a greater dislike and terror, in * " which] and that > imperious;] MS. adds: if * on which they much in- not inclined to tyranny ; sisted,] which they much in- * caused] drew sisted on, ^ in] from 1641. OF THE REBELLION. 387 sober and dispassionate^ persons, than all that was book alleged against him. A servant of the earl's, one. Annesley, (kinsman to Mountn orris,) attending on his lord during some fit of the gout, (of which he often laboured,) had by accident, or negligence, suf- fered a stool to fall upon the earl's foot; enraged with the pain whereof, his lordship with a small cane struck Annesley : this being merrily spoken of at dinner, at a table where the lord Mountnorris was, (I think, the lord chancellor's,) he said, " the gen- " tleman had a brother that would not have taken " such a blow." This coming some months after to the deputy's hearing, he caused a council of war to be called ; the lord Mountnorris being an officer of the army ; where, upon an article " of moving sedi- " tion, and stirring up the soldiers against the ge- " neral," he was charged with those words formerly spoken at the lord chancellor s table. What defence he made, I know not ; for he was so surpiised, that he knew not what the matter was, when he was summoned to that council : but the words being proved, he was deprived of his office (being then vice-treasurer) and his foot-company ; committed to prison ; sentenced ^ " to lose his head." The office and company were immediately disposed of, and he imprisoned, till the king sent him over a pardon, by which he was discharged with his life ; all the ^ other parts of the sentence being fully executed. This seemed to all men a most prodigious course of proceeding ; that, in a time of full peace, a peer of the kingdom and a privy-counsellor, for an unad- ^ dispassionate] dispassioned ** the] Not in MS. *■ sentenced] and sentenced c c 2 388 THE HISTORY 1641. BOOK vised, passionate, mysterious word, (for the expres- "^" sion was capable of many interpretations,) should be called before a council of war, which could not rea- sonably be understood to have then a jurisdiction over such persons, and in such cases ; and, without any process, or formality of defence, in two hours should be deprived of his life and fortune : the in- justice whereof seemed the more formidable, for that the lord Mountnorris was known, for some time be- fore, to stand in great jealousy and disfavour with the earl : which made it looked on as a pure act of revenge ; and gave all men warning, how they trusted themselves in the territories where he commanded. The earl discharged himself of the rigour and se- verity of the sentence, and laid it upon " the council ' of war ; where he ^ himself not only forbore to be ' present, but would not suffer his brother, who was ' an officer of the army, to stay there :" he said, ' he ^ had conjured the court to proceed without any ' respect of favour or kindness to himself; and that, ' as soon as he understood the judgment of the ' council, which was unanimous, he declared pub- ' licly, (as^ he had likewise done before,) that a hair ' of his head should not perish ; and immediately ' wrote an earnest letter to his majesty, for the pro- * curing his pardon ; which was by his majesty, ' upon his lordship's recommendation and media- ' tion, granted accordingly ; and thereupon the lord ' Mountnorris was set at liberty : though, it is true, ' he was, after his enlargement, not suffered to come 'J;oh England." He concluded, "that the lord •= he] Not in MS. ' he] thitt he s as] which *> to] for OF THE REBELLION. ' 889 " Moimtnorris was an insolent person; and that he book III " took this course to humble him ; and that he '. " would be very well content, that the same course ^^^l. *' might be taken to reform him ; if the same care " might likewise be, that it might jDrove no more to " his prejudice, than the other had been to that " lord." But the standers by made another excuse for him : " The lord Mountnorris was a man of great " industry, activity, and experience in the affairs of " Ireland ; having raised himself from a very pri- ^ *' vate, mean condition" (having been an inferior . servant to the lord Chichester) " to the degree of a *' viscount, and a privy-counsellor, and to a very ample revenue in lands and offices ; and had al- ways, by servile flattery and sordid application, wrought himself into trust and nearness with all " deputies, at their first entrance * upon their charge, " informing them of the defects and oversights of " their predecessors ; and, after the determination " of their commands, and return into England, in- *' forming the state here, and those enemies they " usually contracted in that time, of whatsoever " they had done, or suffered to be done, amiss ; " whereby they either suffered disgrace, or damage, " as soon as they were recalled from those honours. " InJ this manner he begun '^ with his own master, ? " the lord Chichester ; and continued the same arts " upon the lord Grandison, and the lord Falkland, «^' " who succeeded ; and, upon that score, procured " admission and trust with the earl of Strafford, " upon his first admission to that government : so ' entrance] entering J In] And in ^ begun] began c c 3 390 THE HISTORY BOOK *' that this dilemma seemed unquestionable, that ei- "^' « ther the deputy of Ireland must destroy my lord 1641. « Mountnorris, whilst he continued in his office, or " my lord Mountnorris must destroy the deputy, as " soon as his commission was determined ^" And upon this consideration, besides that his no virtue made him unpitied, many looked with less concem- edness upon that act, than the matter itself de- served. "^ The case of the lord chancellor seemed, to com- mon understandings, an act of less violence, because it concerned not life ; and had some show of for- mality at least, if not regularity in the proceeding ; and that which was amiss in it took its growth from a nobler root than the other ". The endeavour was, to compel the lord chancellor to settle more of his land, and in another manner, upon his eldest son, than he had a mind to, and than he could legally be compelled to : ° this the earl, upon a paper petition preferred to him by the wife of that son, (a lady, for P whom the earl had so great a value and esteem, that it*i made his justice the more suspected,) press- ed, and in the end ordered him to do. The chancel- lor refused ; was committed to prison ; and shortly after, the great seal taken from him, which he had kept with great reputation of ability for the S23ace of above twenty years. In the pressing this charge, many things of levity, as certain letters of great af- fection and familiarity from the earl to that lady, 'determined] MS. adds: " than the other'] MS. adds: which usually lasted not above by how much love is a more SIX years. honourable passion than revenge "" matter itself deserved.] " to :] to do : matter itself in the logic of it p for] of deserved. n it] Not in MS. 1G41 OF THE REBELLION. 391 which were found in her cabinet after her death •■; book others of passion, were exposed to the pubHc view ; . to procure prejudice rather to his gravity and dis- cretion, than that they were in any degree material to the business. The earl said little more to it, than "that he " hoped, what passion soever, or what injustice so- " ever, might be found in that proceeding, and sen- " tence, there would be no treason : and that, for " his part, he had yet reason to believe, what he had " done was very just; since it had been reviewed " by his majesty, and his privy-council here, upon " an appeal from the lord viscount Ely, (the de- " graded lord chancellor,) and upon a solemn hear- *' ing there, which took up many days, it had re- " ceived a confirmation." But the truth is, that rather accused the earl of an excess of power, than absolved him of injustice ; for most men, that weighed the whole matter, be- lieved it to be a high act of oppression, and not to be without a mixture of that policy, which was spoken of before in the case of the lord Mount- norris : for the chancellor, being a person of great experience, subtilty, and prudence, had been always very severe to departed deputies ; and not over agreeable, nor ^ in any degree submiss, to their full power ; and taking himself to be the second person in * the kingdom, during the holding of his place, " thought himself little less than equal to the first, who could naturally hope but for a term of years ^ ' death] MS. add^ .- for she " during the holding of his was lately dead place,] during his life, » nor] or " years] six years ' in] of c c 4 392 THE HISTORY BOOK in that superiority : neither had he ever before met ^ ^"' with the least check, that might make him suspect ^^^^' a diminution of his authority or interest, y That which was with most solemnity and ex- pectation alleged against the earl, as the hinge upon which the treason was principally to hang, was a discourse of the earl's in the committee of state (which they called the cabinet council) upon the dissolution of the former parliament. Sir Harry Vane, the secretary of state, gave in evidence, " That the king at that time calling that committee " to him, asked them, since he failed of the assist- " ance and supply expected "^ by subsidies, what " course he should now take ? that the earl of Straf- " ford answered. Sir, you have now done your duty, " and your subjects have failed in theirs; and there- " fore you are absolved from the rules of govern- " ment, and may supply yourself by extraordinary " ways ; you must prosecute the war vigorously ; " you have an army in Ireland, with which you '■'I ^ " may reduce tliis kingdom. The earl of Northumberland being examined, for the confirmation of this proof, remembered only, " that the earl had said. You have done your duty, " and are now absolved from the rules of govern- " ment ;" but not a word of the army in Ireland, or reducing this kingdom. The lord marquis Hamil- ton, the lord bishop of London, and the lord Cot- tington, being likewise examined, answered upon their oatlis, " that they heard none of those words " spoken by the earl." And these were the only persons present at that debate, save only the arch- y authority or interest.] au- ^ expected] he expected thority, dexterity, or interest. OF THE REBELLION. 393 bishop of Canterbury, and secretary Windebank, book neither of which could be examined, or would be be- ^"' i( a lieved. 1641. The earl positively denied the words ; alleged " much animosity to be in sii' Harry Vane towards him ;" and observed, " that not one of the other witnesses, who were likewise present, and as like to remember what was spoken as the secretary, " heard one word of the Irish army, or reducing *' this kingdom : that, if he had spoken those words, " it could not be understood to be spoken of Eng- " land, but of Scotland, of which the discourse was, ! . " and for which that army was known to be raised." < He concluded, " that if the words were spoken by " him, which he expressly denied, they were not " treason ; and if they were treason, that, by a sta- " tute made in Edward the Sixth's time, one wit- " ness was not sufficient to prove it, and that here " was but one." Seventeen days being spent in the whole progress The eari's of this trial ;'^ the earl having defended himself with ^fhtsde? wonderful dexterity and ability, concluded, " that if *^^»'^*-'- " the whole charge (in which he hoped he had " given their lordships satisfaction of his loyalty and " integrity, how great soever his infirmities were) " was proved, that the whole made him not guilty " of high treason ; and to that purpose desired, that " his learned counsel might be heard ;" and most pathetically conjured their lordships, " that, for their " own sakes, they would not, out of displeasure or " disfavour towards his person, create a precedent " to the prejudice of the peerage of England, and ^ in the whole progress of this trial ;] in these skirmishes ; 394 THE HISTORY ^ BOOK " wound themselves through his sides:" which was ^^^' _ good counsel ; and hath been since (though too late) ters of law. ^^^^- acknowledged to be SO. His coun- The next day, his counsel was heard in the same 2 to^mat- place to the matter of law. And here I cannot pass by an instance of as great animosity, and indirect prosecution, in that circumstance of assigning him counsel, as can be given. After the house of peers had assigned him such counsel as he desired, to as- sist him in matter of law, (which never was, or can justly be denied to the most scandalous felon, the most inhuman murderer, or the most infamous trai- tor,) the house of commons, upon some occasion, took notice of it with passion and dislike, some- what ^ unskilfully, " that such a thing should be " done without their consent ;" which was no more, than that the judge should be directed by the pro- secutor, in what manner to proceed and determine : others, with much bitterness, inveighing against " the presumption of those lawyers, that durst be of " counsel with a person accused by them of high " treason ;" and moving, " that they might be sent " for, and proceeded against for that contempt :" whereas, they were not only obliged to it, by the honour and duty of their profession ; but had been punishable for refusing to submit to the lords' or- ders. The matter was too gross to receive any pub- lic order, and so the debate ended ; but served (and no doubt that was the intention) to let those gentle- men know, how warily they were to demean them- selves, lest the anger of that terrible congregation should be kindled against them. ^ somewhat] some OF THE REBELLION. 395 But truly I have not heard that it made any im- book pression upon those persons ; it did not, I am sure, upon Mr. Lane, who argued the matter of law for ^"^* ^ ^ , ... Mr. Lane's the earl. The matters which were by him prmci- argument pally insisted on, and averred with such confidence as a man uses who believes himself, were these : " 1. That by the wisdom and tenderness of par- '* liaments, which knew that there could not be a " greater snare for the subject, than to leave the na- " ture of treason undefined and unlimited, all trea- " sons were particularly mentioned and set down in " the statute of the 25 Edw. IIL cle Proditionibus. " That nothing is treason, but what is comprehended " within ^ that statute ; all treasons before that sta- " tute, as killing the king's uncle, his nurse, piracy, " and divers others, being restrained and taken away " by the declaration of that act. And that no words " or actions, in any of the articles of the earl of " Strafford's charge, did amount to treason within " that statute. " 2. That by reason of the clause in that statute, " of declaring treason in parliament, divers actions " were declared to be treasons in parliament, in the " time of king Richard the Second, to the gi'eat pre- " judice of the subject : it was therefore specially " provided, and enacted, by a statute in the first " year of the reign of king Henry the Fourth, chap- " ter the tenth, which is still in force, that nothing " should be declared and adjudged treason, but what " was ordained in that statute of the 25 Edw. III. " by which statute, all power of declaring new trea- <^ within] with 396 THE HISTORY BOOK " sons in parliament was taken away; and that no ^"' « precedent of any such declaration in parliament J 641. a ^.g^jj ]jQ shewed since that time: all new treasons, " made by any act of parliament in the reign of " king Henry the Eighth, being by the statute of the " first year of queen Mary, chapter the first, taken " away, and restrained to '^ the 25th Edw. III. and " that likewise ^ by another statute of the first year " of queen Mary, chapter the tenth, all trials of " treasons ought to be according to the rules of the " common law, and not otherwise. " 3. That the foundation, upon which the im- " peachment was framed, was erroneous ; for that " (besides that it was confessed on all hands, the " laws ^ of the kingdom were not subverted) an en- " deavour to subvert the fundamental laws and sta- " tutes of the realm, by force attempted, is not trea- " son, being only made felony by the statute of the " first year of queen Mary, chapter the twelfth ; " which is likewise expired. That cardinal Wolsey, " in the thirty-third year of king Henry the Eighth, was indicted only of a premunire, for an endea- " vour to bring in the imperial laws into this king- dom. And that an endeavour, or intention, to " levy war, was made treason, only by a statute of " the 13th Elizabeth, (a time very inquisitive for " treason,) which expired with her life. " 4. Lastly, that if any tiling was alleged against " the earl which might be penal to him, it was ^ not " sufficiently and legally proved ; for that by the '' to] by f the laws] that the laws " that likewise] likewise that b it was] that it was i( i( OF THE REBELLION. 897 " statute of the first year of king Edward the Sixth, book " chapter the twelfth, no man ought to be arraigned, ^^^' " indicted, or condemned, of any treason, unless it ^^'^^• " be upon tlie testimony of two lawful and sufficient " witnesses, produced in the presence of the party " accused ; unless the party confess the same : and " if it be for words, w ithin three months after the " same spoken, if the party be within the kingdom : " whereas there was in this case only one witness, " sir Plenry Vane, and the words spoken six months " before." The case being thus stated on the earl's behalf, the judgment of the lords, in whom the sole power of judicature was conceived to be, was by all men expected ; the house of commons having declared, " that they intended not to make any reply to the r ^. " argimient of law made by Mr. Lane, it being be- " low their dignity to contend with a private law- ' " yer." Indeed they had a more convincing way to \ proceed by ; for the next day after that argument, ' sir Arthur Haslerig, (brother-in-law to the lord a bin „f Brooke,) an absurd,^ bold man, brought up by Mr.brmlghr Pym, and so employed by that party to make any housl^l attempt, preferred a bill in the house of commons, ^'"'I''* *''^ ' earl. " for the attainder of the earl of Strafford of high " treason :" it being observed, that by what the earl had said for himself in the matter of fact and in matter of prudence, of the consequence of such an • extraordinary proceeding; and by what had been said for him in the point of law ; most sober men, who had been, and still were, full enough of dislike and passion against the earl, were not at all satis- '' an absurd,] and an absurd. .>"' 398 THE HISTORY BOOK fied in the justice of the impeachment, or in the "^' . manner of the prosecution ; and therefore, that the ^^^^' house of peers, which consisted of near one hundred and twenty, besides the bishops, and of whom four- ^ score had been constantly attending the trial, were not like to take upon them the burden of such a judgment as was expected. The bill was received with wonderful alacrity, and immediately read the first and the second time, and so committed ; which was not usual in parlia- ments, except in matters of great concernment and conveniency in the particular; or of little import- ance or moment in the general. ^ Those who at first consented, upon slight information, to his im- peachment, upon no other reason, but (as hath been said before) because they were only to accuse, and the lords to judge, and so thought to be troubled no more with it, being now as ready to judge, as they had been to accuse, finding some new reasons to satisfy themselves, of which one was, " They had /<« gone too far to sit still, or retire." A day or two before the bill of attainder was brought into the house of commons, there was a very remarkable passage, of which the pretence was, " to make one witness, with divers circumstances, " as good as two ;" though I believe it was directed in truth to an end very foreign to that which was . proposed. The words of the earl of Strafford, by whicli, " liis endeavour to alter the frame of govern- " ment, and his intention to levy war," should prin- cipally appear, were proved singly by sir Henry Vane ; which had been often averred, and promised, '' in the general.] to the general. OF THE REBELLION. 399 should be proved by several witnesses ; and the law book was clear, " that less than two witnesses ought not " to be received in case of treason." *64l. To make this single testimony appear as sufficient as if it had been confirmed by more, Mr. Pym in- formed the house of commons, " of the grounds upon " which he first advised that charge, and was sa- " tisfied that he should sufficiently prove it. That " some months before the beginning of this parlia- *' ment, he had visited young sir Henry Vane, eldest " son to the secretary, who was then newly recovered " from an ague ; that they ^ being together, and con- " doling the sad condition of the kingdom, by reason " of the many illegal taxes and pressures, sir Harry " told him, if he would call upon him the next day, " he would shew him somewhat that would give him " much trouble, and inform him what counsels were " like to be followed to the ruin of the kingdom ; " for that he had, in perusal of some of his father's " papers, accidentally met with the result of the " cabinet council upon the dissolution of the last " parliament, which comprehended the resolutions " then taken. " The next day he shewed him a little paper of " the secretary's own writing ; in which was con- " tained the day of the month, and the results of " several discourses made by several counsellors ; " with several hieroglyphics, which sufficiently ex- " pressed the persons by whom those discourses were *' made. The matter was of so transcendent a na- " ture, and the counsel so prodigious, with reference " to the commonwealth, that he desired he might * they] Not in MS. 400 THE HISTORY BOOK "take a copy of it; which the young gentleman ^^^' " would by no means consent to, fearing it might 1C41. « prove prejudicial to his father. But when Mr. " Pyni informed him, that it was of extreme conse- " quence to the kingdom, and that a time might pro- " bably come, when the discovery of this might be a " sovereign means to preserve both church and state, " he was contented that Mr. Pym should take a copy " of it ; which he did, in the presence of sir Henry " Vane ; and having examined it, together with " him,^ deUvered the original again to sir Henry. " That ^ he had carefully kept this copy by him, " without communicating the same to any body, till " the beginning of this parliament, which was the " time he conceived fit to make use of it ; and that " then, meeting with many other instances of the " earl's ill"^ disposition to the kingdom, it satisfied " him to move whatsoever he had moved, against " that great person." Having ^ said thus much, he read the paper in his hand ; in which the day of the month was set down, and his majesty to be present, and stating the ques- tion to be, " What was now to be done ? since the " parliament had refused to give subsidies for the sup- " ply of the war against Scotland." There were then written two LlJs and a t over, and an /and an r, which was urged, " could signify nothing but lord " lieutenant of Ireland ;" and the words written and applied to that name were, " Absolved from rules of " government ; — Prosecute the war vigorously ; — An " army in Ireland to subdue this kingdom — ;" which ^ examined it, together with ■" ill] Not in MS. him,] examined it together, " Having] And having ' Tliat] He said that OF THE REBELLION. 401 was urged, " to comprehend the matter of the earl's book III. " speech and advice :" that paper by fractions of. words (without mentioning any formed speech) con- 1641. taining only the results of the several counsellors' advice. Before those letters which were ordered to signify the lieutenant of Ireland, were an A.B. C. G. which might be understood to signify, the archbishop of Canterbury his grace ; and at those letters, some short, sharp expressions against parliaments, and thereupon fierce advice to the king. Next in the paper, was an ]\f with an r over, and an Ho, which were to be understood for marquis Hamilton, who was master of the horse ; and the words annexed thereunto seemed to be rough, but without a sup- plement signified nothing. Then there was an L, an H, and an A, ° which must be interpreted lord high admiral, which was the earl of Northumberland ; and fi'om that hieroglyphic proceeded only a few words, which implied advice to the king, " to be advised by " his parliament." Then there was L'^ Cott. (which would easily be believed to signify the lordCottington) with some expressions as sharp, as those appUed to the lieutenant of Ireland. When he had read this paper, he added ; " That " though there was but one witness directly in the " point, sir Henry Vane the secretary, whose hand- " writing that paper was, whereof this was a copy; *' yet he conceived, those circumstances of his and " young sir Henry Vane's having seen those original " results, and being ready to swear, that the paper " read by him was a true copy of the other, might " reasonably amount to the validity of another wit- ° an H, and an A,"] an A and an H, VOL. I. D d 402 THE HISTORY B(30K " iiess: and that it was no wonder, that the other "'• « persons mentioned in that writing, who had given ^ ^^1 • "as bad counsel, would not rememlier, for their own " sakes, what had passed in that conference ; and " that the earl of Northumberland (who was the " only good counsellor in the pack) had remembered " some of the words, of a high nature, though he " had forgotte n the other." When Mr. Pym had ended, young sir Harry Vane rose, in some seeming disorder ; confessed all that the other had said ; and added, " That his father being " in the north with the king the summer before, had '• sent up his keys to his secretary, then at White- " hall ; and had written to him (his son) that he " should take from him those keys, which opened " his boxes where his writings and evidences of his " land were, to the end that he might cause an as- " surance to be perfected which concerned his wife ; " and that he having perused those evidences, and " despatched what depended thereupon, had the cu- " riosity to see p what was in a red velvet cabinet " which stood with the other boxes ; and thereupon " required the key of that cabinet from the secre- " tary, as if he still wanted somewhat towards the '' business his father had directed ; and so having got- " ten that key, he found, amongst other papers, that " mentioned by Mr. Pym, which made that impres- " sion in him, that he thought himself bound in con- " science to communicate it to some person of better " judgment than himself, who might be more able " to prevent the mischiefs that were threatened '* therein ; and so shewed it to Mr. Pym ; and being p to see] to desire to see IG4 OF THE REBELLION. 403 " confirmed by him, that the seasonable discovery book III. " thereof might do no less than preserve the king- . " dom, had consented that he should take a copy " thereof; which to his knowledge he had faithfully " done : and thereupon had laid the original in its " proper place again, in the red velvet cabinet. He " said, he knew this discovery would prove little less *' than his ruin in the good opinion of his father ; " but having: been induced ^ by the tenderness of his *' conscience- towards his common parent, his coun- " try, to trespass against his natural father, he hoped " he should find compassion from that house, though *' he had little hopes of pardon elsewhere." The son no sooner sat down, than the father (who, without any counterfeiting, had a natural appearance of sternness) rose, with a pretty confusion, and said, " That the ground of his misfortune was now disco- " vered to him ; that he had been much amazed, " when he found himself pressed by such interroga- *' tories, as made him suspect some discovery to be " made, by some person as conversant in the coun- " sels as himself: but he was now satisfied to whom " he owed his misfortunes; in which, he was sure, the *' guilty person should bear his share. That it was *' true, being in the north with the king; and that " unfortunate son of his having married a virtuous " gentlewoman, (daughter to a worthy member then " present,) to whom there was somewhat in justice " and honour due, which was not sufficiently settled ; " he had sent his keys to his secretary ; not well " knowing in what box the material writings lay ; " and directed him to suffer his son to look after '1 induced] provoked D d 2 404 THE HISTORY BOOK « those evidences which were necessary : that by this ' « occasion, it seemed, those papers had been exa- ^^^^' " mined and perused, which had begot much of this " trouble. That for his part, after the summons of " this parliament, and the king's return to London, " he had acquainted his majesty, that he had many " papers remaining in his hands, of such transactions " as were not like to be of further use ; and there- " fore, if his majesty pleased, he would burn them, " lest by any accident they might come into hands " that might make an ill use of them : to which his " majesty consenting, he had burned many ; and " amongst them, the original results of those debates, " of which that which was read was pretended to be " a copy : that to the particulars he could say no- " thing more, than what he had upon his examina- " tion expressed, which was exactly true, and he " would not deny ; though by what he had heard " that afternoon (with which he was surprised and " amazed) he found himself in an ill condition upon " that testimony." This scene was so well acted, with such passion and gestures, between the father and the son, that many speeches were made in commendation of the conscience, integrity, and merit of the young man, and a motion made, " that the father might be en- " joined by the house to be friends with his son :" but for some time there was, in public, a great dis- tance observed between them. Many men wondered very much at the unneces- sary relation of this story ; which would visibly ap- pear very ridiculous to the world, and could not but inevitably produce much scandal and inconvenience to the fathei', and the son ; who were too wise to be- OF THE REBELLION. 405 lieve, that those drcumstances would add any thing book to the credit of the former single testimony : neither was there ever after any mention of it in public, to move the judgment of those, who were concerned to be satisfied in what they were to do : and therefore some, who observed the stratagems used by that par- ty to compass their own private ends, believed that this occasion was taken to publish those results, only to give the lord Cottington notice in Avhat danger he was, that so he might wisely quit his mastership of the wards to the lord Say; who expected it, and might be able, by that obligation, to protect him from farther prosecution : and so that they meant to sacrifice the reputation of the secretary to the ambi- tion of the lord Say. But without doubt (though this last consideration was very powerful with them) the true reason of the communication of this passage was, that they found it would be impossible to con- ceal their having received the principal information from the secretary, for their whole prosecution ; by reason some of the committee, who were intrusted to prepare the charge against the earl of Strafford, and consequently were privy to that secret, were fallen from them ; at least from their ends ; and therefore they thought fit to publish this history of the intel- ligence, ^ that it might be rather imputed to the con- science and curiosity of the son, than to the malice ^ of the father. The bill of attainder in few days passed the house The bin _ . ^ passed the of commons ; though some lawyers, oi great ana house of known learning, declared, " that there was no ground f^°™da7s! " ■■ the intelligence,] their in- = the malice] the malice and telligence, perjury Dd3 406 THE HISTORY BOOK " or colour in law, to judge him guilty of high trea- "^' *' son :" and the lord Digby (who had been, from the 1 64 1 , ijeoinning, of that committee for the prosecution, and had much more prejudice than kindness to the earl) in a very pathetical speech declared, " that he could " not give his consent to the bill ; not only, for that " he was unsatisfied in the matter of law, but, for " that he was more unsatisfied in the matter of fact ; " those words, upon which the impeachment was "• principally groimded, being so far from being prov- " ed by two witnesses, that he could not acknowledge " it to be by one ; since he could not admit sir Har- " ry Vane to be a competent witness, who being first " examined, denied that the earl spoke * those words; " and upon his second examination, remembered " some ; and at his third, the rest of the words :" and thereupon related many circumstances, and made many sharp observations upon what had pass- ed ; which none but one of the committee could have done : for which he was presently after questioned in the house ; but made his defence so well, and so much to the disadvantage of those who were con- cerned, that from that time they prosecuted him with an implacable rage and uncharitableness upon all occasions. The bill passed with only fifty -nine dissenting voices, there being near two hundred in the house ; and was immediately sent up to the lords, with this addition, " that the commons would " be ready the next day in Westminster-hall, to give " their lordshi])s satisfaction in the matter of law, " upon what had passed at the trial." The earl was then again brought to the bar ; the ' the earl spoke] the earl spake OF THE REBELLION. 407 lords sitting as before, in their robes; and the com- book mons as they had done ; amongst them, Mr. Solici- . "^' tor Saint-John," from his place, argued for the space ^^^'• ^ ^^ ^ Mr. Saint- ot near an hour the matter of law. Of the argument John de- itself I shall say little, it being in print, and in many point of law hands ; I shall only remember two notable proposi- \f^^l^ ^^^ tions, wliich are sufficient characters of the person and the time. Lest what had been said on the earl's behalf, in point of law, and upon the want of proof, should have made any impression in their lordships, he averred, " That, in that way of bill, private satis- " faction to each man's conscience was sufficient, al- " though no evidence had been given in at all :" and as to the pressing the law, he said, '' It was true, we " give laws ^ to hares and deer, because they are y " beasts of chase ; but it was never accounted either " cruelty, or foul play, to knock foxes and wolves " on the head as they can be found, because they " are ^ beasts of prey." In a w ord, the law and the humanity were alike ; the one being more fallacious, and the other more barbarous, than in any age had been vented in such an auditory. The same day, as a better argument to the lords The names speedily to pass the bill, the nine and fifty members n,o„e*rs'^j"s.' of the house of commons, who (as is said before) hadf°*"l? ^ ^ I from the dissented from that act, had their names written in ^'"' «^*- posed un- > pieces of parchment or paper, under this superscrip- 'ier the ? tion, Straffordians, or enemies to their country; strafford- and those papers fixed upon posts, and other the'^"'' most visible places about the city; which was as y " Mr. Solicitor Saint- John,] parliament,) Mr. Saint-John, (whom his ma- ^ give laws] give law jesty had made his solicitor ge- ^ they are] they be neral since the beginning of ' they are] they be D d 4 408 THE HISTORY BOOK gi-eat and destructive a violation of the privileges "^- and freedom of parliament, as can be imagined : yet, 164 J. being complained of in the house, not the least countenance was given to the complaint, or the least care taken for the discovery. The persons, who had still the conduct of the de- signs, began to find, that their friends abroad (of whose help they had still great need, for the getting petitions to be brought to the house ; and for all tu- multuous appearances in the city ; and negociations with the common council) were not at all satisfied with them, for their want of zeal in the matter of religion ; and, though they had branded as many of the bishops, and others of the prelatical party, as had come in their way; and received all petitions against the church with encouragement: yet, that there was nothing done, or visibly in projection to be done, towards lessening their jurisdiction ; or in- dulging any of that liberty to their weak brethren, which they had from the beginning expected from them. Besides,^ the discourse of their ambition, and hopes of preferment at court, was grown public, and raised much jealousy of them. But the truth is, they who had made in their hearts the most destructive vows against the church, never durst communicate their bloody wishes to their best friends, whose authority gave them their gi*eat- est credit. For besides that their own clergy, whose hands they produced in great numbers to complain^ against the innovations, which had (as they said) been introduced ; and against the ceremonies, which had been in constant practice since the reformation, '^ Besides,] And then ^ complain] complaints OF THE REBELLION. 409 as well as before ; were far from being of one nnind book in the matter or manner of what they wished should ' be altered; as appeared whenever they came*^ be- ^^'*'' fore the house, or a committee, when any of them were asked questions they did not expect ; there was less consent amongst their lay-friends, in eccle- siastical affairs, than amongst the other. The earl of Bedford had no desire that there should be any alteration in the goveniment of the church ; and had always lived towards my lord of Canterbury himself with all respect and reverence, and frequently visited and dined with him ; sub- scribed liberally to the repair of St. Paul's church, and seconded all pious undertakings : though, it is true, he did not discountenance notoriously those of the clergy who were unconformable. The earl of Essex was rather displeased with the person of the archbishop, and some other bishops, than indevoted to the function ; and towards some of them he had great reverence and kindness, as bi- shop Moreton, bishop Hall, and some other of the less formal and more popular prelates : and he was as much devoted as any man to the Book of Com- mon Prayer, and obliged all his servants to be con- stantly present with him at it ; his household chap- lain being always a most conformable man, and a good scholar. In truth, in the house of peers there were only at that time taken notice of, the lords Say and Brooke, as positive enemies'^ to the whole fabric of the church, and to desire a dissolution of that govern- ment ; the earl of Warwick himself having never '^ they came] they appeared they believed to be positive ene- ^ as positive enemies] and niies 410 THE HISTORY BOOK discovered any aversion to episcopacy, and much ^^'" . professed the contrary. ^^^^' In the house of commons, though of the chief leaders, Nathaniel Fiennes, and young sir Harry Vane, and shortly after Mr. Hambden (who had not before owned it) were believed to be for root and branch ; which grew shortly after a common expres- sion, and discovery of the several tempers : yet Mr. Pym was not of that mind, nor Mr. Hollis, nor any of the northern men, or those lawyers who drove on most furiously with them : all who were pleased with the government itself of the church. A bill pass. The first design that was entertained against the house of church ; and which was received in the house of toTa"ke"^ commons with a visible countenance and approba- away ti)e ^[q^ q^ uianv, who wcrc neither of the same prin- bishops -^ '^ votes In ciples uor purposes ; ^ was a short bill that was parliament, . i i • i i brought m, " to take away the bishops votes m par- " liament ; and to leave them out in all commissions " of the peace, or that had relation ^ to any tem- " poral affairs." This was contrived, with great de- liberation and preparation, to dispose men to con- sent to it : and to this many of the house of peers were much disposed ; and amongst them, none more than the earl of Essex, and all the popular lords ; who observed, " that they seldom carried any thing " which directly opposed the king's interest, by rea- " son of" the number of the bishops, who, for the " most part, unanimously concurred against it, and " opposed many of their other designs : and they be- " lieved that it could do the church no harm, by the '■ nor purposes ;] or purjjoses ; with relation ' or lliat had rehition] and « reason of] Not in MS. 1641. OF THE REBELLION. 411 " bishops having fewer diversions from their spu'i- book " tual charges." In the house of commons, they used that, and other arguments, to remove the prejudice from it ; and, as there were many who were persuaded, that the passing that bill would be no prejudice ; and were as unwilling, that the bishops should be jus- tices of the^ peace, or in any^ other secidar com- missions, as the lords were that they should '^ sit with them : so they prevailed with others, who heartily desired that there might be no such dimi- nution of their honour and authority, by persuading them, " That there was so great a concurrence to- " wards the passing this bill ; and so great a combi- " nation throughout the nation against the whole " government of the church, and a resolution to de- " stroy it absolutely : in which the Scots were so " resolutely engaged, that they discoursed in all " companies, that it was impossible for a firm peace " to be preserved between the nations, if bishops " were not taken away ; and that the army would " never march out of the kingdom, till that were " brought to pass : but that if this bill were once " passed, a greater number in both houses would be " so well satisfied, that the violenter party would *' be never able to prosecute their designs i." And this reason did prevail over many men of excellent judgments, and unquestionable affections ; who did in truth at that time believe, " that the passing this " act was the only expedient to preserve the church :" insomuch, as when it was brought into the house, it found a better reception than was expected ; and ^ the] Not in MS. ^ should] should not ' or in any] and in any ' designs] desires 412 THE HISTORY BOOK some men, who, others thought, would have opposed ^^^" it, spoke "* on its behalf, expressing their desire " that 1641. « it might pass.' There was a difference in opinion in this debate, between two persons, who had been never known to differ in the house, and the entire friendship they had for each other was very remarkable ; which ad- ministered much pleasure to very many who loved neither of them. When the bill was put to the question, Mr. Hyde (who was from the beginning known to be an enemy to it) spoke ° very earnestly " for the throwing it out ;" said, " It was changing ** the whole frame and constitution of the kingdom, " and of the parliament itself: that, from the time " that parliaments begun, ° there had never been one *' parliament, where p the bishops were not part of " it : that if they were taken out of the house, there " would be but two estates left ; ^ for that they as " the clergy were the third estate, and being taken " away, there was nobody left to represent the clergy: " which would introduce another piece of injustice, " which no other part of the kingdom could com- " plain of, who were all represented in parliament, " and were therefore bound to submit to all that " was enacted, because it was upon the matter with " their own consent : whereas, if the bishops were " taken from sitting in the house of peers, there was nobody who could pretend to represent^ the clergy; and yet they must be bound by their determina- *' tions." When he had done, the lord Falkland, who al- "1 spoke] spake p where] when " spoke] spake q left ;] left out ; ° begun,] began, r represent] present OF THE REBELLION. 418 ways sat next to him, (which was so much taken book notice of, that, if they came not into the house toge- ^"' ther, as usually they did, every body left the place ^^4^- for him that was absent,) suddenly stood up, and declared himself " to be of another opinion ; and " that, as he thought the thing itself to be abso- " lutely necessary for the benefit of the church, " which was in so great danger ; so he had never " heard, that the constitution of the kingdom would " be violated by the passing that act ; and that he " had heard many of the clergy protest, that they " could not acknowledge that they were represented^ " by the bishops. However we might presume, that " if they could make that appear, that they were a " third estate, that the house of peers (amongst " whom they sat, and had yet their votes) would " reject it." And so, with some facetiousness, an- swering some other particulars, concluded, "for the " passing the act." The house was so marvellously delighted, to see the two inseparable friends divided in so important a point, that they could not contain from a kind of rejoicing ; and the more, because they saw Mr. Hyde was much surprised with the contradiction; as in truth he was ; having never discovered the least in- clination in the other towards such a compliance : and therefore they entertained an imagination and hope that they might work the lord Falkland to a farther concurrence with them. But they quickly found themselves disappointed; and that, as there was not the least interruption of close friendship between the other two; so, when the same argu- * represented] presented 414 THE HISTORY BOOK ment came again into debate, about six months __!!L_ after, the lord Falkland changed his opinion, and 1641. gave them all the opposition he could: nor was he reserved in acknowledging, " that he had been de- " ceived, and by whom ;" and confessed to his friends, with whom he would deal freely, " that Mr. " Hambden had assured him, that if that bill might " pass, there would be nothing more attempted to " the prejudice of the church :" which he thought, as the world then went, would be no ill composi- tion. This bill, for taking away the bishops' votes out of the house of peers, produced another discovery, which cast the conductors farther behind, than they were advanced by their conquest amongst the com- mons ; and disquieted them much more, than the other had exalted them. How currently soever it had passed in the lower house ; when it was brought to the upper, the lords gave it not so gracious a re- ception as was expected : many of the greatest men of that house grew weary of the empire which the others had exercised over them ; and some, who had gone with them, upon their observation that they had worse designs than they owned, fell from them, and took the opportunity to discover themselves, upon the debate of this bill ; against which they in- veighed with great sharpness ; and ])lamed the house of commons, " for presuming to meddle with an af- " fair, that so immediately concerned themselves : * " that if they might send up a bill this day, at once " to take out one whole bench from the house, as " this would do the bishops, they might to-morrow ' ihemselves :] them : OF THE REBELLION. 415 " send another, to take away the barons, or some book III. " other degi'ee of the nobility :" with many more arguments, as the nature of the thing would easily l^'^^* administer ; with such warmth and vigour as they had not before expressed : insomuch as, though the other party, which had not hitherto been withstood, set up their rest upon the carrying it; supplying tlieir other arguments with that, " How much the " house of commons, which best knew the temper " and expectation of the nation, would resent their " not concurring with them in a remedy they judged " so necessary ; and what the consequence might be, " of such a breach between the two houses, they " trembled to think ; since the kingdom had no hope " of being preserved but by their union, and the " effects of their wisdom, in removing all things, *' and all persons, out of the way, which were " like " to obstruct such a thorough reformation, as the " kingdom needs and expects ;" all which had so The house little effect,-'' that the house could not be prevailed j°m,t7i,ebm. with, so much as to commit the bill, (a countenance they frequently give to bills they never intend to pass,) but at the second reading it, they utterly cast it out. This unexpected and unimagined act cast such a damp upon the spirits of the governing j^arty in both houses, that they knew not what to do : the mischiefs which were in view, by this discovery of the temper of the house of peers, had no bottom ; j they were not now sure, that they should be able to carry any thing ; for the major part, which threw out this bill, might cross them in any thing they • " which were] which are vailed so little, ^ had so little effect,] pre- 416 THE HISTORY BOOK went about : besides the influence it would have in ""• thp house of commons, and every where else; for ^^^^' they knew very well/ how many of their followers therefore followed them, because they believed they would carry all before them. However, that their spirits might not be thought to fail, they made haste to proceed in all the angry and choleric things before them : to the trial of the earl of Strafford ; impeaching several bishops for in- novations, and the like ; the house of commons being very diligent to kindle those fires which might warm A bill the peers : and that the bishops might see how little into the they had gotten, by obstructing the other bill, they crmmom prepared a very short bill, " for the utter eradication ward Detr- " ^^ bishops, dcaus, and chapters ; with all chancel- ing, for " lors, officials, and all officers, and other persons extirpating bishops, " belonging to either of them :" which they pre- chaptersi vailcd with sir Edward Deering, a man very oppo- ^' site to all their designs, (but a man of levity and vanity ; easily flattered, by being commended,) to present into the house ; which he did from the gal- lery,'- with the two verses in Ovid, the application whereof was his greatest motive ; Cuncta prius tentanda, sed immedicabile vulnus Ense reddendum est, ne pars sincera trdhatur. He took notice " of the great moderation and can- " dour of the house, in applying so gentle a remedy, " by the late bill, to retrench the exorbitances of " the clergy : hoping that the pruning and taking " off a few unnecessary branches from the trunk, " the tree might prosper the better ; that this mor- y knew very well,] very well which he did from the gallery,] knew, who presented it to the house * to present into the house ; from the gallery, OF THE REBELLION. 417 " tification mieht have mended their constitution, book . III. " and that they would have the more carefully ^ in- " tended their health : but that this soft remedy had " proved so ineffectual, that they were grown more " obstinate and incoiTigible ; so that it was now ne- " cessary to put the axe to the root of the tree ;" and thereupon desired, "that the bill might be " read." As soon as the title of it was read, (which was almost as long as the bill itself,) it was moved'' with great warmth, "that the bill might not be read: " that it was against the custom and rule of the " house of commons,'" that any private person should " take upon him (without having first obtained the " leave and direction of the house) to bring in a " new act, so much as to abrogate and abolish any " old single law ; and therefore, that it was a won- " derful presumption in that gentleman, without any " communication of his purpose, or so much as a " motion that he miglit do it, to bring in a bill, that " overthrew and repealed so many acts of parlia- " ment, and changed and confounded the whole " frame of the government of the kingdom :" and therefore desired, " that it might be rejected." The gentleman who brought it in made many excuses " for his '^ ignorance in the customs of parliament, " having never l)efore served in any ;" and acknow- ledged, " that he had never read more than the title " of the bill ; and was prevailed with by his neigh- " hour who sat next to him (who was sir Arthur =' have the more carefully] the *^ the house of commons,] uiore carefully have parliament, ^ it was moved] Mr. Hyde "^ for his] of his moved VOL. I. E e IG 418 THE HISTORY BOOK " Haslerig) to deliver it ;" which he saw would have "^' been done by somebody else. Though the rejecting 1641. j|. ^jjg earnestly urged by very many ; and ought, by the rules of the house, ^ to have been done ; yet, all the other people as violently pressed the reading it.; and none so importunately as Saint-John, who was at this time^ the king's solicitor, (who in truth had drawn it :) he said, " nobody could judge of a bill by " the title, which might be false ; and this bill, for aught any one ^ knew to the contrary, at least, for aught he and many others knew, might contain " the establishing the bishops, and granting other " immunities to the church ; instead of pursuing the " matter of the title :" and others, as ingeniously ^ declaring, " that our orders are in our own power, " and to be altered, or dispensed with, as we see " cause :" many out of curiosity desiring to hear it read ; and more to shew the lords that they would not abate their mettle ; upon their declaring their plea- sure, the bill was at last read ; and no question being But laid by p^jI; 1 ypon the first reading, it was laid by, and not time. called upon in a long time after ; many men being really persuaded, that there was no intention to pur- sue it ; and that it was only brought in, to manifest a neglect towards the lords. A vote 'pjjg northern gentlemen,'^ at least they who were pjissed in O ' J tiie i.ouse most activc, and had most credit, (as Hotham, and of com- mons Cholmely, and Stapleton,) were marvellously solicit- court of ous to despatch the commitment of the bill " for York. « the house,] parliament, ^ The northern gentlemen,] ' at this time] now When the house grew entangled 8 any one] any man in multiplicity of business and ^ ingeniously] uningeniously despatches now, the northern ' being put,] being to be put, gentlemen, OF THE REBELLION. 419 " taking away the court of York ;"^ and having after book great debate, and hearing what all parties interested'" '■ — could offer, gotten the committee to vote, " That it ^"^^^ " was an illegal commission, and very prejudicial to " the liberty and the property of his majesty's sub- " jects of those four northern counties, where that " jurisdiction was exercised ;" they called upon Mr. Hyde (the chaii-man) to make the report : and the house having concurred in, and confirmed, the same vote ; they appointed him " to prepare himself to " deliver the opinion of the house " at a conference " with the house of peers, and to desire their con- " currence in it ; and that they would thereupon be " suitors to the king, that there might be no more " commissions of that kind granted :" for they had a great apprehension, that either upon the earl of Strafford's resignation, or his death, (which they re- solved should be very shortly,) they should have a new president put over them. Mr. Hyde, at the conference in the painted cham- a confe. / • .1111 • \ '"ente witli ber, (bemg appointed by the house to manage it,) the lonis told the lords, "that the four northern counties were '''°" " suitors to their lordships, that they might not be " distinguished from the rest of his majesty's sub- " jects, in the administration of his justice, and re- " ceiving the fruits of it ;° that they only were left " to the arbitrary power of a president and coun- " cil, which every day procured new authority and " power to oppress them :" he told them, that till ' commitment of the bill " for " of the house] MS. adds : (they "taking away the court of having confirmed the vote of the " York ;"] commitment of the committee) court of York ; " of it ;] thereof; "^ interested] interessed E e 2 420 THE HISTORY BOOK "the thirty-first I' year of king Harry the Eighth, the _i!l_-" administration of justice was the same in the 1641. « north, as in the west, or other parts of the realm ; " that about that time there was some insurrection " in that country, which produced great disorders " and bloodshed, which spread itself to the very " borders of Scotland : whereupon that king issued " out a commission to the archbishop of York, and " the principal gentlemen of those counties, and some " learned lawyers, to examine the grounds of all " those disorders, and to proceed against the male- " factors with all severity, according to the laws of " the land." He read the first ^ commission to them ; which appeared to be no other, than a bare com- mission of oyer and terminer. " It was found that this commission did much good, and therefore it was kept on foot for some time longer than such " commissions use to be ; and it was often renewed " after, but still in the same form, or very little al- " teration, till queen Elizabeth's time ; and then " there was an alteration ^ in the commission itself; " besides that, it had reference to instructions, which contained matters of state upon some emergent occasions : there were more and greater altera-^ " tions, both in the commission and instructions, " in the time of king James, when the lord Scroop " was president ; and that, when the lord Strafford " was first made president, they were more enlarged ? " and yet he had procured new additions to be made " twice after." The instructions of the several times were read ; and the alterations observed ; and some 1' thirty-first] twenty-eighth " an alteration] some altera- 1 the first] tlial first tion • OF THE REBELLION. 421 precedents very pertinently^ urged; in which it ap- book III peared, that gi'eat men had been very severely sen-___l_ tenced, in no less penalty than of a premunire, for ^ ^^ ' • procuring and executing such commissions : and he * concluded with " desiring the lords to concur in the " same sense, the house of commons had expressed " themselves to be of, with reference to the commis- " sion and instructions." The speech, and argument, met with good appro- The lords bation " in both houses ; where he got great credit %vith the by it: and the earl of Bath, who was to report it, '=°°""°"'' and had no excellent or graceful pronunciation, came himself to Mr. Hyde, and " desired a copy of it, that " he might not do him wrong in the house, by the " report ;" and having received it, it was read in the house, and by order entered, and the paper itself affixed to their Journal ;^ where it still remains ; and the house of peers fully concurred with the com- mons in their vote : so that there was not, in many years after, any attempt, or so much as mention of another commission. The y northern men were so well pleased, that they resolved to move the house, " to give Mr. Hyde " public thanks for the service he had done the " house ;" but the principal leaders diverted them from it, by saying, " that he had too much credit " already, and needed not such an addition, as he " behaved himself." However, those northern men themselves continued marvellously kind ; and on his behalf, on all occasions, opposed any combination of ^ pertinently] pertinently and had a wonderful approbation smartly - ^ Journal ;] Diurnal ; t he] Not in MS. >• The] And the " met with good approbation] E e 3 422 THE HISTORY Bf)OK the most powerful of them against him; of which "^- somewhat will be said hereafter. 1641. zThe opposition in the lords' house, and the fre- quent contradiction in the house of commons, had allayed much of the fury which had so much pre- vailed; and all men impatiently desired that the armies might be discharged ; when all men believed, I)etter quarter would be kept : but no progress would be made towards that, till the earl of Strafford's bu- siness could be despatched ; the Scots being bound to gratify their English friends in that particular, as if it were their own work. They who treated for the promotions at court were solicitous to finish that, as what would do all the rest : and the king was as positive, not to do any thing towards it, till he might secure the life of the earl of Strafford ; which being done, he would do any thing. And the earl of Bed- ford, who had in truth more authority with the vio- 1 lent men than any body else, laboured heartily to bring it to pass.^ In the afternoon of the same day (when the con- ference had been in the painted chamber upon the court of York) Mr. Hyde going to a place called Piccadilly, (which was a fair house for entertain- ment and gaming, with ^ handsome gravel walks with sliade, and where were an upper and lower bowling-green, whither very many of the nobility, and gentry of the best quality, resorted, both for ex- ercise and conversation,) as soon as ever he came into the gi'ound, the earl of Bedford came to him ; ^ The opposition — bring It to " Proceed below. In the after- pass.] This portion is scratched " noon," &c. over in the MS. and lord Claren- " with] and don h(is uritten in the margin. OF THE REBELLION. 423 and after some short compliments upon what had book passed in the morning, told him,^ " He was glad he " was come thither, for there was a friend of his in ^^"^^^ " the lower ground, who needed his counsel." He then lamented " the misery the kingdom was like to " fall into, by their own violence, and want of tem- " per, in the prosecution of their own happiness." ; He said, " This business concerning the earl of " Strafford was a rock, upon which we should all " split, and that the passion of the parliament would " destroy the kingdom : that the king was ready to " do all they could desire, if the life of the earl of " Strafford might be spared : that his majesty ^ was " satisfied, that he had proceeded with more passion " in many things, than he ought to have done, by " which he had rendered himself useless to his ser- " vice for the future ; and therefore he was well con- *' tent,^ that he might be made incapable of any em- " ployment for the time to come ; and that he should " be banished, or imprisoned for his life, as they " should choose : that if they would take his death upon them, by their own judicatory, he would not interpose any act of his own conscience : but since they had declined that way, and meant to proceed by an act of parHament, to which he himself must be a party, that it could not consist with his con- " science, ever to give his royal assent to that act ; " because, having been present at the whole trial," (as he had been, in a box provided on purpose, in- cognito, though conspicuous enough,) " and heard " all the testimony they had given against him, he « >' told him,] he told him, "^ content,] contented, <^ his majesty] he ^ he] and he E e 4f i( a « 424 THE HISTORY BOOK " had heard nothing proved, by which he could be- "^' " lieve that he was a traitor, either in fact, or in in- 1641. « tention : and therefore his majesty did most ear- " nestly desire, that the two houses would not bring " him a bill to pass, which in conscience he could " not, and would not consent to."^ The earl continued ;e " That^ though he yet was " satisfied so well in his own conscience, that he be- " lieved he should have no scruple in giving his own " vote for the passing it," (for it yet depended in the lords' house,) " he knew not how the king could be " pressed to do an act so contrary to his own con- " science ; and that, for his part, he took all the pains " he could to persuade his friends to decline their " violent prosecution, and to be content ^ with the " remedy proposed by the king ; which he thought " might be rendered so secure, that there need re- " main no fears of that man's ever appearing again " in business : and that how difficult a work soever ~'~~'i " he found it to be, he should not despair of it, if he " could persuade the earl of Essex to comply ; but " that he found him so obstinate, that he could not " in the least degree prevail with him ; that he had " left his brother, the earl of Hertford, (who was " that day made a marquis,) in the lower ground, " walking with him, who he knew would do all he " could ; and he desired Mr. Hyde to walk down " into that place, and take his turn, to persuade the " earl of Essex ^ to what was reasonable ;" which he was very willing to do. ' and would not consent to."] ^ That] Not in MS. and therefore would not con- ' content] contented *'*^"t- ^ the earl of Essex] him i' continued ;] said ; OF THE REBELLION. 425 He found the marquis and the earl walking there book III. together, and no other persons with them ; ^ and as soon as they saw him, they both came to him; and ^^^' the marquis, after a short salutation, departed, and left the other two together ; which he did purposely. The earl begun °* merrily, in telling him, " That he " had that morning performed a service, which he " knew he did not intend to do ; that by what he " had said against the court of York, he had revived " their indignation against the earl of Strafford ; so " that he now hoped, they should proceed in their " bill against him with vigour, (whereas they had " slept so long upon it,) which he said was the effect, " of which he was sure he had no mind to be the " cause." Mr. Hyde confessed, " he had indeed no " such purpose ; and hoped, that somewhat he had " said might put other thoughts into them, to pro- " ceed in another manner upon his crimes : that he " knew well, that the cause of their having slept so " long upon the bill, was their disagreement upon " the point of treason, which the longer they thought " of, would administer the more difficulties : but " that, if they declined that, they should all agree, " that there were crimes and misdemeanours evi- " dently enough proved, to deserve so severe a cen- " sure, as would absolutely take away all power from " the earl of Strafford, ° that might prove danger- " ous to the kingdom ; or mischievous to any par- " ticular person, to whom he was not a friend." ' with them ;] there ; Strafford,] as would determine ■" begun] began all the activity hereafter of the " as would absolutely take earl of Strafford, away all power from the earl of 426 THE HISTORY BOOK He shook his head, and answered, "Stone-dead ' " hath no fellow : that if he were judged guilty in a 1641. a premunire, according to the precedents cited by *' him ; or fined in any other way ; and sentenced to " be imprisoned during his life ; the king would pre- " sently grant him his pardon, and his estate, re- " lease all fines, and would likewise give him his li- " berty, as soon as he had a mind to receive his ser- " vice ; which would be as soon as the parliament " should be ended." And when Mr. Hyde° was ready to reply to him, the earl told him familiarly, " that he had been tired that afternoon upon that " argument, and therefore desired him to continue " the discourse no longer then ; assuring him, he " would be ready to confer with him upon it at any " other time." Shortly P after, Mr. Hyde took another oppor- tunity to speak freely with him again concerning it, but found him upon his guard ; and though he heard all the other would say, with gi-eat patience, yet he did not at all enlarge in his answers, but seemed fixed in his resolution ; and when he was pressed, " how unjustifiable a thing it was, for any man to do " any thing which his conscience informed him was " sinful ; that he knew him so well, that if he were " not satisfied in his own conscience, of the guilt of " the earl of Strafford, the king could never be able " to oblige him to give his vote for that bill ; and " therefore he wondered, how he could urge the king " to do an act which he declared to be so much " against his conscience, that he neither could, nor " would, ever give his royal assent to that bill ;" the " Mr. Hyde] he p Sliortly] And shortly OF THE REBELLION. 427 earl answered^ more at large, and with some com- book motion, (as if he were in truth possessed w^ith that opinion himself,) " That the king was obliged in ^"'* ' " conscience to conform himself, and his own under- " standing, to the advice and conscience of his par- ■ " liament :" which w^as a doctrine newly resolved by their divines, and of great use to them for the pur- suing; their future counsels. Notwithstanding all this, the bill had not that warm reception in the house of peers, that was ex- pected; but, after the first reading, rested many days ; and being then read the second time, depend- ed long at the committee ; few men believing, upon consideration of the affections and parts of the se- veral lords, that of the fourscore, who were present at the trial, above twenty would ever have consented | to that act: besides, it was not beheved, now the formal trial and way of judicature was waved, the / •" bishops would so stupidly (to say no worse) exclude ■ themselves from voting in a law which was to be an act of parliament. But there happened about that time two acci- Two acci- I'll! 1 • 1 • dents that dents, which (though not then, or it may be since, contributed taken notice of, as of any moment or relation to ^^Tds p'Tss- that business) contributed strangely to the passing "'^j^J'^j ^,,g that bill; and so to the fate of that OTcat person. ^an of . . Strafford. The first, a discovery of some meetings and dis- courses, between some persons of near relation to his majesty's service, and some officers of the army, about the high proceedings of the parliament ; and of some expedients, that might reduce them to a better temper ; which were "^o sooner intimated to <5 the earl ansvveredj to .. Hch he answered 428 THE HISTORY BOOK some of the great managers, than the whole was ^^^' formed and shaped into "a formidable and bloody J 641. « design against the parliament." The second, the sudden death of the earl of Bedford. Of both which it will be necessary to say somewhat ; that it may be observed, from how little accidents, and small cii'- ' cumstances, by the art and industry of those men, the greatest matters have flowed, towards the con- fusion we have since laboured ^ under. The first, a Somc principal officers of the army, who were of somV members of the house of commons, and had been denceTbe" carcsscd, both bcforc and after the beginning of the court .and Parliament, by the most popular agents of both some prin- houscs ; and had in truth contributed more to their cipal officers of the Eng- designs, than was agreeable to their duty, and the army. ^^^^^ rcposcd in them by the king ; found themselves now not so particularly considered as they expected, by that party ; and their credit in other places, and particularly in the army, to be lessened : for that there was visibly much more care taken for the sup- ply of the Scottish ^ army, than of the king's ; inso- much, that sometimes money that was assigned and paid for the use of the king's army, was again taken away, and disposed to the other ; and yet, that the parliament much presumed, and depended, upon their interest in, and power to dispose, the affections of that army. Therefore, to redeem what had been done amiss, and to ingratiate themselves in his* majesty's favour, they bethought themselves how to dispose, or at least ' we have since labouxedj \^ ". ^ Scottish] Scotch now labour t in his] to his OF THE REBELLION. 429 to pretend that they would dispose, the army to book some such expressions of duty and loyalty towards ' the king, as might take away all hope from other ^^^'• men, that it might be applied to his disservice : and to that purpose, they had conference, and communi- cation, with some servants of a more immediate trust and relation to both their majesties ; through whom they might convey their intentions and devotions to the king, and again receive his royal pleasure, and direction, how they should demean themselves. For aught I could ever observe, by what was afterwards reported in the house of commons ; or could learn from those who were most " conversant with all the secrets of that design ; there was never the least in- tention of working farther upon the affections of the army, than to preserve them from being corrupted, or made use of, for the imposing unjust and^ unrea- sonable things upon the king : and all that the king ever so much as consented y should be done by them, was, that as most counties in England, or rather, the factious and seditious persons in most counties, had been^ induced to frame and subscribe petitions to the parliament, against the established government of the church, with other clauses, scandalous to the government of the state too ; so ^ the officers of the army too '' should subscribe this following petition ; which was brought ingrossed to his majesty for his approbation, before they would presume to recom- mend it to any for their subscription. " most] Not in MS. the king so much as consented " unjust and] unjust or ' had been] having been y all that the king ever so ^ so] Not in MS. much as consented] all that ever ^ too] Not in MS. 430 THE HISTORY BOOK To the king's^ most excellent majesty; the lords "^' spiritual and temporal; the knights, citizens, ^^^!- and burgesses, now assembled iti the high court tion in- of parliament. tended to *^ "* be sub- scribed by « The humble petition of the officers and soldiers tlie officers. " of the army, " Humbly sheweth. That although our wants " have been very pressing, and the burden we are become unto these parts (by reason of those wants) very grievous unto us : yet so have we demeaned ourselves, that your majesty's great and weighty affairs, in this present parliament, have hitherto received no interruption, by any complaint, either from us, or against us ; a temper not usual in ar- mies ; especially in one destitute not only of pay, but also of martial discipline, and many of its principal officers ; that we cannot but attribute it to a particular blessing of Almighty God, on our " most hearty affections and zeal to the common " good, in the happy success of this parliament ; to " which, as we should have been ready hourly to " contribute our dearest blood, so now that it hath " pleased God to manifest his blessing so evidently*^ " therein, we cannot but acknowledge it with thank- " fulness ; as likewise ^ his great mercy, in that he " hath inclined your majesty's royal heart so to co- " operate with the wisdom of the parliament, as to " effect so great and happy a reformation upon the " former distempers of this church and common- •^ To the king's] This petition ^ so evidently] so manifestly ?.v in the handwriting of lord * as likewise] we cannot but Clarendon's secretary. acknowledge it (( a a ti (( (( it t( a OF THE REBELLION. 431 "wealth: as first, in your majesty's gracious con- book " descending to the many important demands of our !_ "neighbours of the Scottish nation; secondly, in ^^^^' " granting so free a course of justice against all de- " linquents of what quality soever ; thirdly, in the " removal of all those grievances, wherewith the " subjects did conceive either their liberty of per- " sons, property, or estate,^ or freedom of conscience, " prejudiced ; and lastly, in the greatest pledge of " security that ever the subjects of England received " from theij' sovereign, the bill of triennial parlia- " ment. " These things so graciously accorded unto by " your majesty, without bargain or compensation, " as they are more than expectation or hope could " extend unto, so now certainly they are such, as " all loyal hearts ought to acquiesce in with thank- " fulness ; which we do with all humility, and do at " this time, with as much earnestness as any, pray, " and wish, that the kingdom may be settled in " peace and quietness, and that all men may, at " their own homes, enjoy the blessed fruits of your " wisdom and justice. " But it may please your excellent majesty, and " this high court of parliament, to give us leave, " with grief and anguish of heart, to represent unto " you, that we hear that there are certain persons " stirring and pragmatical,^ who, instead of render- " ing glory to God, thanks to your^ majesty, and " acknowledgment to the parliament, remain yet as " unsatisfied and mutinous as ever ; who, whilst all " the rest of the kingdom are arrived even beyond f property, or estate,] pro- e pragmatical,] practical, priety of estate '' to your] to his 432 THE HISTORY BOOK " their wishes, are daily forging new and unseason- "^' " able demands ; who, whilst all men of reason, loy- a n it 1641. (( QHy^ and moderation, are thinking how they may " provide for your majesty's honour and plenty, in " return of so many graces to the subject, are ' still " attempting new diminutions of your majesty's just " regalities, which must ever be no less dear to all " honest men than our own freedoms ; in fine, men " of such turbulent spirits, as are ready to sacrifice the honour and welfare of the whole kingdom to their private fancies, whom nothing else than a subversion of the whole frame of government will satisfy : far be it from our thoughts to believe, " that the violence and unreasonableness of such " kind of persons can have any influence upon the " prudence and justice of the parliament. But that which begets the trouble and disquiet of our loyal hearts, at this present, is, that we hear those ill- affected persons are backed in their violence by " the multitude and the power of raising tumults ; " that thousands flock at their call, and beset the " parliament, and Whitehall itself; not only to the " prejudice of that freedom which is necessary to " great councils and judicatories, but possibly to " some personal danger of your sacred majesty, and " the ^ peers. " The vast consequence of these persons' mahg- " nity, and of the licentiousness of those multitudes " that follow them, considered, in most deep care " and zealous affection for the safety of your sacred " majesty, and the parliament ; our humble petition " is, that in your wisdom ' you would be pleased to ' arc] they are i your wisdom] your wis- ^ the] Not in MS. donis" a a OF THE REBELLION. 433 remove such dangers, by punishing the ringleaders book III. " of these tumults, that your majesty and the parlia- " ment may be secured from such insolencies here- ^^'^^* " after. For the suppressing of which, in all humi- " lity we offer ourselves to wait upon you, (if you " please,) hoping we shall appear as considerable in *' the way of defence, to our gracious sovereign, the " parliament, our religion, and the established laws " of the kingdom, as what number soever shall au- " daciously presume to violate them : so shall we, " by the wisdom of your majesty and the parlia- " ment, not only be vmdicated from precedent in- " novations, but be secured from the future, that " are threatened, and likely to produce more dan- " gerous effects than the former. " And we shall pray, &c." His majesty having read this petition, and con- The true ceiving that the authority of the army might seem Zlt ZZ of as great importance for the good reception of so Jhlt'|!fti- much reason and justice, as the subscription of a*'°"- rabble had been alleged often to be, for the counte- nance of what in truth was mutinous and seditious, said, " that he approved well enough of it, and was " content that it might be subscribed by the officers *' of the army, if they desired it." The officer, who presented the draught to his majesty, told him, "that " very few of the army had yet seen it : and that it " would be a great countenance to it, if, when it " was carried to the principal officers who were first " to sign it, any evidence might be given to them, " that it had passed his majesty's approbation ; other- " wise they might possibly ™ make scruple for fear ■" they might possibly] possibly they might VOL. I. F f 434 THE HISTORY BOOK " of offending him." Thereupon his majesty took ^^^' a pen, and writ at the bottom of the petition C. R. ^^'^^- as a token that he had perused and allowed it : and so the petition was carried down into the country where the army lay, and was signed by some offi- cers ; but was suddenly quashed, and no more heard of, till in the discovery of the pretended ° plot : of which more in its place. The meetings continuing, between those officers of the army and some servants of his majesty's, to the ends aforesaid ; others of the army, who had ex- pressed very brisk resolutions towards the service, and were of eminent command and authority with the soldiers,'' were by special direction introduced into those councils (all persons obliging themselves by an oath of secrecy, not to communicate any thing that should pass amongst them) for the better exe- cuting what should be agreed. At the first meeting, one of the persons p that was so introduced, after he had heard the calm proposi- tions of the rest, and that " their design was, only " to observe and defend the laws, that neither the " arguments of the Scots, nor the reputation of their " army, might compel the king to consent to the " alteration of the government of the church, nor to " remove the bishops out of the house of peers, " which would, in a great degree, produce an al- teration ; or the power of any discontented per- sons, by theu' tumultuary petitions, impose upon, " or diminish, the just legal power of the king," told them, " Those resolutions would produce very little " effects for his majesty's service ; that there was " pretended] Not itj MS. p one of the persons] the per- " soldiers,] soldier, son OP THE REBELLION. 4S5 " but one way to do his majesty notable service, book " which was by bringing up the army presently to "' " London, which would so awe the parliament, that '^^'• " they would do any thing the king commanded." There was not (as I have been credibly informed) a man in the company, that did not perfectly abhor (or seemed so to do) that odious proposition ; but contented themselves with making such objections against it, as rendered it ridiculous and unpractica- ble ; and so the meeting, for that time, dissolved. Whether the person that proposed this desperate advice,*! did it only as a bait, to draw an opinion from other men, (for he had ^ a perfect dislike and malice to some of the company,) or whether the dis- dain to see his counsel rejected, and the fear that it might be discovered to his disadvantage, wrought upon him, I know not ; but the same, or the next day, he discovered all, and more than had passed, to some of those who seemed to take most care for the public ; intimated to them, " how he was startled " with the horror of the design, and how faithfully " he resolved to serve the commonwealth, or to lose " his life in the attempt :" yet at the same time acted his part at court, with all possible demonstra- tion of abhorring the proceedings of the parliament, to that degree, that he offered " to undertake, with " a crew of officers and good fellows, (who, he said, " were at his disposal,) to rescue the earl of Straf- " ford from the lieutenant of the Tower, as he " should bring him to his trial, and so to enable *' him to make an escape into foreign parts." The discovery being thus made, to the earl of 1 desperate advice,] desperate device, ' he had] he was of F f 2 , 436 THE HISTORY BOOK Bedford, the Lord Say, and the lord Kimbolton, "'■ and, no doubt, by them communicated to then- chief ^^^^' associates; as dangerous as the design was after- wards alleged to be, it was not published in three months after to the houses, against whom the de- sign ^ was intended ; nor till long after the death of the earl of Bedford : who, no doubt, rather desired to bind up those wounds which were made, than to make them wider, by entertaining new jealousies between king and people ; and would not consent to the extending and extorting conclusions, which did not naturally flow from the premises ; without which, this so useful a treason to them could not have been made up. But as they thought not fit (as I said before) to publish this whole discovery till near three months after, so they made extraordinary use of it by parts, from the instant that they received the secret; it being always their custom, when they found the heat and distemper of the house (which they endea- voured to keep up, by the sharp mention and re- membrance of former grievances and pressures) in any degree allayed, by some gracious act, or gra- cious profession of the king's,* to warm and inflame them again with a discovery, or promise of a dis- covery, of some notable plot and conspiracy against themselves, " to dissolve the parliament by the pa- " pists ;" or some other way, in which they would be sure that somewhat always should reflect upon the court. Thus they were sometimes informing " of " great multitudes of papists gathering together in " Lancashire ;" then " of secret meetings in caves, • the design] the treason * the king's,] the king. OF THE REBELLION. 437 " and under ground in Surrey; letters from beyond book sea, of great provisions of arms making there for III. "the cathoHcs of England;" and the like; which '^"^'* upon examination always vanished : but for the time '^ (and they were always applied in useful articles of time) served to transport common minds with fears and apprehensions, and so induced them to comply in sense with those, who were like soonest to find remedies for those diseases which none but them- selves could discover. And in this progress there sometimes happened strange accidents for the con- firmation of their credit. Whilst they were full of clamour against the pa- pists, upon the instances of some insolences and in- discretions committed by them, during the late in- tervals of parliament, (and mentioned before,) espe- cially upon a great alacrity expressed, and contribu- tion raising, the year before, for advancing the war with Scotland ; an order was made, " that the jus- " tices of peace of Westminster should carefully ex- " amine, what strangers were lodged within their " jurisdiction ; and that they should administer the " oaths of allegiance and supremacy to all suspected " for recusancy, and proceed according to those sta- " tutes." An afternoon being appointed for that ser- vice, in Westminster-hall, and many persons warned to appear there, amongst the rest one James, a papist, appeared, and being pressed by Mr. Hay- ward, a justice of peace, to take the oaths, suddenly di'ew out his knife, and stabbed him ; with some re- proachful words, " for persecuting " poor catholics." This strange, unheard of outrage, upon the person of a minister of justice executing his office by an " for persecuting] for his persecuting F f 3 438 THE HISTORY BOOK order of parliament, startled all men; the old man ^''' sinking with the hurt, though he died not of it. 1641. ^jj(j though, for aught I could ever hear, it pro- j ceeded only from the rage of a sullen varlet (for- merly suspected to he crazed in his understanding) without the least confederacy or combination with any other; yet it was a great countenance to those, who were before thought over ajoprehensive and in- quisitive into dangers ; and made many believe it rather a design of all the pai3ists of England, than a desperate act of one man, who could never have been induced to it, if he had not been promised as- sistance by ^ the rest. ^ The ill use The discovcry ^ of the plot concerning the army ill the house being made about the middle of April, which was uiouT the end of the earl of Strafford's trial, they for the present made no farther use of it than might con- tribute to their ends in that business ; reserving the rest (as was said before) to be applied in more ne- cessary seasons : therefore, about the time that the bill of attainder was preferred, that no interposition from the court might discountenance or hinder that great work, Mr. Pym one day informed the house of commons, " that he had great cause to fear, there *' was at that time as desperate a design and con- " spiracy against the parliament, as had been in any " age ; and he was in doubt, persons of great quality " and credit at court had their hands in it : that " several officers had been treated with in London " to raise men, under pretence that they should go " to ^ Portugal ; but that the Portugal ambassador " assistance by] assistance ^ The discovery] This disco- from very y rest.] MH. adds : But to the ^ go to] go for ])oint. OF THE REBELLION. 439 " being conferred with about it, professed that he book " knew nothing of it : and that no person had any '■ — " authority or promise from him to that purpose:" (and it is true, there had been some idle discourses in a tavern between some officers, about raising men for Portugal, which was immediately carried to Mr. Pym ; as all tavern and ordinary discourses were :) " that, for the present, he might not acquaint them " with all'' particulars, which might hinder theii' " further discovery ; only desired, that a message "' might be sent to the lords, to desire them to ap- " point a committee to examine such witnesses as " should be produced, for the discovery of a plot " against the parUament ; and that in the mean " time they would join in a message to the king, to " desire his majesty that he would not, for some few " days, grant any pass to any of his servants to go " beyond '^ the seas ; saying, that he believed some " men's consciences would tempt them to make an " escape, when they heard of this examination." Such a committee was appointed to examine, and such a message sent to his majesty, as was desired. But in the mean time, some persons who had been at the tavern, and talked of raising men for Portu- gal ; and others who had been at the conference be- fore mentioned, where the proposition was for bring- ing up the army ; finding that what had passed so privately, and amongst themselves, '^ had been dis- covered, and was like to pass a very severe inquisi- tion, from them ^ who made glosses and comments as they pleased, upon what other men spoke ^ or ^ with all] with other sorily amongst them, "^ go beyond] pass beyond ^ from them] by them "^ amongst themselves,] cur- ^ spoke] spake Ff 4 440 THE HISTORY no OK did; and not knowing how much more than the ^"' truth had been informed, or what interpretation ^^^'- should be made of that which Avas the truth; re- solved not to trust themselves with such judges, (whose formality was first to imprison, and after, at their leisure, to examine,) and so fled into France. This was no sooner known and pubUshed, than it gave great credit and reputation to Mr. Pym's vigi- lancy and activity ; for it now appeared, there was some notable mischief intended, upon the discovery whereof, such eminent men s were fled. And in this disorder and trouble of mind, men fearing ac- cording as they were directed, the bill of attainder found the easier passage in the house of commons. Having gotten thus ^^ much ground ; and the bill then depending (and like long to dejDend) with the lords ; Mr. Pym told them in the house of commons, " that it appeared by the flight of such considerable " persons, that what he had before imparted to them " was of moment, and that his fears were not ground- " less ; that it concerned their service, that he should " not yet impart the whole matter to them, since " the danger was prevented, which they should " shortly understand at large : in the mean time, " he did assure them, that God had miraculously " preserved them from a most prodigious conspi- racy, in which all their privileges and liberties should have been swallowed up : that though this attempt was disappointed, yet he feared there " might be some new device ; and therefore he pro- " posed, for the better evidence of their union and " unanimity, (which would be the greatest discou- ' eminent men] eminent persons *" gotten thus] gotten this <( (( OF THE REBELLION. 441 " raffement to all who wished ill to them,) that some book . Ill " protestation might be entered into by the members ' " of both houses, for the defence of their privileges, IS^ll* " and the performance of those duties to God and " the king, which they were obliged to, as good " Christians and good subjects ; and that a com- " mittee might be appointed speedily to withdraw, " and prepare such a protestation." The motion was entertained with general ^ appro- bation ; insomuch as they who were apprehensive enough of the ill designs of those who advanced this, and of the ill consequence of such voluntary protestations, thought fit rather to watch the matter and words, than to oppose the thing itself; which, it was evident, it was to no purpose to do : and therefore they were well contented with the naming such persons for the committee, as were ^ not like to submit to any unlawful or inconvenient obliga- tion. This was urged as of such consequence, that the doors were locked, and no persons suffered to go out of the house, till this should be concluded. After a long debate, these words were agreed upon, and offered to the house for the protestation. " I A. B. do,^ in the presence of Almighty God, pro- upon this " mise, vow, and protest, to maintain and defend, protestation " as far as lawfully I may, with my life, power, '^ *J^J]J " and estate, the true reformed protestant reli- '»o"ses. " gion, expressed in the doctrine of the church of " England, against all popery and popish innova- " tions within this realm, contrary to the same " doctrine ; and, according to the duty of my al- ' with general] with a general tion is in the handwriting of lord ^ as were] who were Clarendon s secretary. ' 1 A. B. do,] This protesta- 443 THE HISTORY BOOK " legiance, his majesty's royal person, honour, and "'• « estate ; as also, the power and privileges of par- 1641. « liament ; the lawful rights and liberties of the " subject ; and every person that maketh this pro- " testation, in whatsoever he shall do in the law- " ful pursuance of the same : and to my power, " and as far as lawfully I may, I wiU oppose, and, " by all good ways and means, endeavour to bring to condign punishment, all such, as shall, either by force, practice, counsels, plots, conspiracies, " or otherwise, do any thing to the contrary of " anything in this present protestation contained: " and further, that I shall, in all just and honour- " able ways, endeavour to preserve the union and " peace between the three kingdoms of England, " Scotland, and Ireland ; and neither for hope, " fear, nor other respect, shall relinquish this pro- " mise, vow, and protestation." This was immediately taken by the speaker of the house of commons, and by all the members then present ; and sent up to the lords, who all likewise took the same, except the earl of Southampton, and the lord Roberts, who positively refused it, alleging, " There was no law that enjoined it, and the conse- " quence of such voluntaiy engagements might pro- " duce effects that were not then intended :" which without doubt was very wisely considered ; and had not been pressed in the house of commons, for two reasons ; it being visibly impossible to dissuade the thing, the house being awakened by the discourse, mentioned before, of a plot against the parliament, the poison of which, this sovereign antidote was to" "' was to] would III. 1641. OF THE REBELLION. 443 expel and discover; but especially for that well-af- book fected persons, who were jealous of no other design . than the alteration of the government of the church, thought they had obliged those rigid reformers from any such attempt, when they had once bound them- selves " to maintain and defend the protestant reli- " gion expressed in the doctrine of the church of " England ;" there being no other scheme of the doctrine of the church of England, than the thirty- nine Articles, of which one is, " to preserve the go- " vernment of the church by bishops." Whereas the other party was abundantly gi-atified with having an oath of their own making, to entan- gle the people, (so hke a covenant, by which such admirable things had been compassed by their neigh- bours,) and upon which they could make what gloss they pleased, when they had occasion ; as they did within two days after: for the protestation being taken on Monday the third of May, the Wednesday following some of their own party took occasion to inform the house, " that it was apprehended by many " well-affected persons abroad, who were of notable " and exemplary devotions ° to the parUament, that " if they should take that protestation, they should *' thereby engage themselves for the defence of bi- " shops, which in their conscience they could not " do : and which they hoped the house did not in- " tend to oblige them to :" whereupon, without any great opposition, (the house being thin ; and they who were of another opinion, believing this artifice would, to all sober men, appear very ridiculous,) this ensuing order was made. " exemplary devotions] exemplar devotion 444 THE HISTORY BOOK « Whereas o some doubts have been raised, by ^'^- <( several persons out of this house, conceniing the 1641. a meaning of these words contained in the protesta- tion of'" " tion lately made by the members of this house, ItTon'T'* " [viz- the true reformed protestant religion, ex- an order of « pressed iu the doctrine of the church of England, tlie house of -t^ ^ ^ • • t_ • commons. « again st all popery and popish innovations within " this realm, contrary to the same doctrine,] this " house doth declare, that by those words was and " is meant, only the public doctrine professed in the " said church, so far as it is opposite to popery and " popish innovations ; and that the said words are " not to be extended to the maintaining of any form " of worship, discipline, or government, nor of any " rites, or ceremonies, of the said church of Eng- « land." This explanation being thus procured in the house of commons, without ever advising with the house of peers, (who had Hkewise taken the same protesta- tion,) and, in truth, so contrary to the intentions of most that took it ; the)' ordered, " that the protesta- " tion, together with this explanation, should be *' printed and published ; and that the knights and " burgesses should send copies thereof to the coun- " ties and boroughs for which they served ; and that " they should intimate unto the people, with what " willingness all the members of that house made " that protestation ; and that they should further " signify, that as they did justify the taking it " themselves, so they could not but approve it in all " such as should take it." Upon which declaration, the emissaries of their clergy i' caused the same to " Whereas] This order is in dons secretary. the handwriting of lord Claren- v their clergj] the clergy OF THE REBELLION. 445 be taken in London, and the parts adjacent, within book very few days after the pubhshing.^ And for their '. — better encouragement (thous;h their zeal would not , , ,, o ^ o A bill pass- attend such formaUties) a bill was prepared, passed ^^ f'ere, to compel all the house of commons, and was sent up to the lords, the subjects " to compel all the subjects to take that protesta- " tion." What the success of that bill was, and what use was afterwards made of this protestation, (which was then thought so harmless a thing,) and particularly, what influence it had upon the business of the earl of Strafford, shall be remembered in its proper place. The other accident that fell out during the time The other that the business of the earl of Strafford was agi-thatcontri- tated, and by which he received much prejudice, „",.js t^.g was the death of the earl of Bedford. This lord ;^"' f ''^- taiiidor, was was the greatest person of interest in all the popular the death of , the earl of party, being of the best estate, and best understand- Bedford. ing, of the whole number;'' and therefore most like to govern the rest. He was besides of great civility, and of much more good-nature than any of the other. And therefore the king, resolving to do his business with that party by him, resolved to make him lord high treasurer of England, in the place of the bishop of London ; wlio was as willing to lay down the office, as any body was to take it up. And to gratify him the more, at his desire, intended to make Mr. Pym chancellor of the exchequer, as he had done Mr. Saint-John his solicitor general, (all which hath been touched before,) as also, that ^ Mr. Hollis 1 the publishing.] the pub- ® (all which hath been touch- lishing thereof. ed before,) as also, that] Not in ^ whole number;] whole MS. party ; 446 THE HISTORY BOOK was to be secretary of state, the lord Say master of '"■ the wards, and the lord Kmibolton to be lord privy- ^^^'' seal after the death of his father, who then held that place. Others were to be placed about the prince, and to have offices when they fell. The earl of Bedford* secretly undertook to his majesty, that the earl of Strafford's life should be preserved ; and to procure his revenue to be settled, as amply as any of his progenitors ; the which he intended so really, that, to my knowledge, he had it in design to endeavour to obtain an act for " the set- ting up the excise in England, as the only natural means to advance the king's profit. He feU sick within a week after the bill of attainder was sent up to the lords' house ; and died shortly after, much afflicted with the passion and fury which he per- ceived his party inclined to : insomuch as he de- clared, to some of near trust with him, " that he " feared the rage and madness of this parliament would bring more prejudice and mischief to the kingdom, than it had ever sustained by the long " intermission of parliaments." He was a wise man, and would have proposed and advised moderate courses; but was not incapable, for want of reso- lution, of being carried into violent ones, if his ad- vice were not ^ suljmitted to : and therefore many, who knew him well, thought his death not unsea- sonable, as well to his fame, as his fortune ; and that it rescued him as well from some possible guilt, as J- The earl of Bedford] In be found in the Appendix, E. MS. B. w another account of " to obtain an act for] Not in the death of the duke of Bed- MS. ford, ivhich is not even inserted " were not] would not have m lord Clarendon s Life. It will been OF THE REBELLION. 447 from those visible misfortunes, which men of all con- book ditions have since undergone. ' As soon as the earl of Bedford was dead, the lord ^^^^' Say (hoping to receive the reward of the treasurer- ship) succeeded him in his undertaking, and faith- fully promised the king, "that he should not be " pressed in the matter of the earl of Strafford's " life :" and under that promise got credit enough to persuade his majesty to whatsoever he said>' was necessary to that business. And thereupon, when the bill was depending with the lords, and when there was little suspicion that it would pass, though the house of commons every day by messages en- deavoured to quicken them, he persuaded the king " to go to the house of peers, and, according to cus- " tom, to send for the house of commons, and then " to declare himself, that he could not, with the " safety of a good conscience, ever give his consent " to the bill that was there depending before them " concerning the earl of Strafford, if it should be " brought to him, because he was not satisfied in " the point of treason : but he was so fully satisfied " that the earl was unfit ever to serve him more, in " any condition of employment, that he would join " with them in any act, to make him utterly inca- " pable of ever bearing office, or having any other " employment in any of his majesty's dominions ; " which he hoped would satisfy them." This advice, upon the confidence of the giver, the king resolved to follow: but when his resolution was imparted to the earl, he immediately sent his brother to him, beseeching his majesty "by no y whatsoever he said] whatsoever he told 448 THE HISTORY BOOK « means to take that way, for that he was most as- ^"' « siired it would prove very pernicious to him ; and 1641. a therefore desired, he might depend upon the ho- " nour and conscience of the peers, without his ma- " jesty's interposition." The king told his brother, *' that he had taken that resolution by the advice of " his best friends ; but since he liked it ^ not, he " would decline it." The next morning the lord Say came again to him, and finding his majesty al- tered in his intention, told him, " if he took that " course he ^ advised him, he was sure it would pre- " vail ; but if he declined it, he could not promise " his majesty what would be the issue, and should " hold himself absolutely disengaged from any un- " dertaking." The king observing his positiveness, and conceiving his intentions to be very sincere, suf- fered himself to be guided by him ; and went imme- diately ^ to the house, and said as the other had ad- vised. Whether that lord did in truth believe the discovery of his majesty's conscience in that manner would produce the effect he foretold; or whether he advised it treacherously, to bring on those incon- veniences which afterwards happened ; I know not : but many, who believed his will to be much worse than his understanding, had the uncharitabieness to think, ^ that he intended to betray his master, and to put the ruin of the earl out of question. The event proved very fatal ; for the king no sooner returned from the house, than the house of commons, in great passion and fury, declared this last act of his majesty's to be " the most unparal- * it] Not in MS. h went immediately] imme- ' lie advised] he had ad- diately went vised c think,] believe. OF THE REBELLION. 449 " leled breach of privilege, that had ever happened ; book " that if his majesty might take notice what bills '■ — " were passing in either house, and declare his own '"^*- " opinion, it was to forejudge their counsels, and " they should not be able to supply the common- " wealth with wholesome laws, suitable to the dis- " eases it laboured under ; that this was the great- " est obstruction of justice, that could be imagined ; " that they, and whosoever had taken the late pro- ** testation, were bound to maintain the privileges " of parliament, which were now too grossly^ in- " vaded and violated :" with many^ sharp discourses to that purpose. The next day great multitudes of people came Tumults down to Westminster, and crowded about the house house of of peers, exclaiming with great outcries, " that they ^^"^' " would have justice ;" and publicly reading the names of those who had dissented from that bill in the house of commons, as enemies to their country ; and as any lord passed by, called. Justice^ justice ! and with great rudeness and insolence, pressing upon, and thrusting, those lords whom they sus- pected not to favour that bill ; professing aloud, " that they would be governed and disposed by the " honourable house of commons, and would defend *' their privileges according to their late protesta- " tion." These unheard of acts * of insolence and sedition continued so many days, till many lords grew so really apprehensive of having their brains beaten out, that they absented themselves from the house ; and others, finding what seconds the house of commons was like to have to compass whatever ^ too grossly] so grossly ^ These unheard of acts] This ^ many] many other unheard of act VOL. I. G g 450 THE HISTORY BOOK they desired, changed their minds; and so in an af- ^"' ternoon. when of the fourscore who had been pre- ^^^'- sent at the trial, there were only six and forty lords Attainder" in thc housc, (thc good people still crying at the bous*lfJf" doors for justice,) they put the bill to the question, lords. j^^jj eleven lords only dissenting, it passed that ■ house, and was ready for the king's assent. The king continued as resolved as ever, not to Tumults p.j-yg h j^ig consent. The same oratory then attended about ^^ ^ •' ^ Whitehall, him at ^Vhitehall, which had prevailed at West- minster ; and a rabble of many thousand people be- sieged that place, crying out. Justice, Justice ; that they would have justice ; not without great and in- solent threats and expressions, what they would do, if it were not speedily granted. The privy-council was called together, to advise what course was to be taken to suppress these traitorous riots. Instead of considering how to rescue their master's honour and his conscience from this infamous -^violence and The privy- constraint, they press the kino; to pass the bill of council . . O -I and some of attainder, saying, "there was no other way to pre- aihiseVhe^^ " serve himself and his posterity, than by so doing ; ^SlL " ^"^ therefore that he ought to be more tender of bill. « ^i^g safety of the kingdom, than of any one person " how innocent soever :" not one counsellor inter- posing his opinion, to support his master's magna- nimity and innocence : they who were of that mind, either suppressing their thoughts through fear, upon the new doctrine estabhshed then by the new coun- sellors, " tliat no man ought to presume to advise " any thing in that place contrary to the sense of both houses;" others sadly believing, the force ' resolved as ever, not to give] resolved never to give / <( 1G41. OF THE REBELLION. 451 and violence offered to the king would be, before book ° , , ill- God and man, a just excuse for whatsoever he should do. His majesty told them, " that what had been ^ proposed to him to do, was directly^ contrary to ' his conscience, and that being so, he was sure they ' would not persuade him to it, though themselves ' were never so well satisfied." To that point, they desired him " to confer with his bishops, who, they made no question, would better inform his con- science." The archbishop of York was at hand ; who, to his argument of conscience, told him, " that ' there was a private and a public conscience ; that ' his public conscience as a king might not only * dispense with, but obhge him to do that which ' was against his private conscience as a man : and ' that the question was not, whether he should save ' the earl of Strafford, but, whether he should perish ' with him : that the conscience of a king to pre- ' serve his kingdom, the conscience of a husband to ' preserve his wife, the conscience of a father to ' preserve his children, (all which were now in dan- ' ger,) weighed down abundantly all the considera- ' tions the conscience of a master or a friend could ' suggest to him, for the preservation of a friend, or servant." And by such unprelatical, ignominious arguments, in plain terms advised him, " even for *' conscience sake, to pass that act." Though this bishop acted his part with more pro- digious boldness and impiety, others^ of the same function (for whose °^ learning and sincerity the king and the world had greater reverence) did not what ' had been] was ' others] the other ^ directly] in a diameter "' for whose] of whose G g 2 452 THE HISTORY BOOK might have been expected from their caUing or their 111- trust ; but at least forbore to fortify and confirm a 1641. conscience, upon the courage and piety of which, the security of their persons ^ and their order did absolutely, under God, "" depend. During these perplexities, the earl of Strafford, taking notice of the straits the king was in, the rage of the people still increasing, (from whence he might expect a certain outrage and ruin, how con- stant soever the king continued to him; and, it may be, knowing of an undertaking (for such an undertaking there was) by a great person, who had then a command in the Tower, " that if the king " refused to pass the bill, to free the kingdom from " the hazard it seemed to be in, he would cause his The earl of « head to be stricken off in the Tower,") writ a hlmsdJ'^ most pathetical letter to the king, full of acknow- hi' majesty ledgment of his favours; but Uvely representing? to pass Lt. « tjjg dangers, which threatened himself and his " posterity, by the king's persevering 'i in those fa- " vours ;" and therefore by many arguments conjur- ing him " no longer to defer his assent to the bill, " that so his death might free the kingdom from " the many troubles it apprehended." The delivery of this letter being quickly known, new arguments were applied ; " that this free con- " sent of his own clearly absolved the king from The king *' any scruple that could remain with him ;" and so coTmts- in the end they extorted from him, to sign a com- pas"sinK \i!' mission to some lords to pass the bill : which was as vaUd as if he had passed •■ it himself; though they " the security of their per- M the king's persevering] his sons] themselves obstinacy " under God,] Not in MS. ' passed] signed representing] presenting p OF THE REBELLION. 453 comforted him even with that cu'cumstance, "that book " his own hand was not in it." L_ It may easily be said, that the freedom of the ^^"^^^ parliament, and his own negative voice, being thus barbarously invaded, if ^ his majesty had, instead of passing that act, come to the house and dissolved the parliament ; or if he had withdrawn himself from that seditious city, and put himself in the head of his own army ; much of the mischief, which hath since happened, would have been prevented. '^ But whoever truly considers the state of affairs at that time ; the prevalency of that faction in both houses ; the rage and fury of the people ; the use that was made by the schismatical preachers (by whom the orthodox * were generally " silenced) of the late protestation in their pulpits ; the fears and jealousies they had infused into the minds of many sober men, upon the discourse of the late plot ; the constitution of the council-table, that there was scarce ^ an honest man durst speak his conscience to the king, for fear of his ruin ; and that those, whom he thought most true to him, betrayed him every hour, insomuch as his whispers in his bedchamber were instantly conveyed to those against whom those whispers were ; so that he had very few men to whom he could breathe his conscience and com- plaints, y that were not suborned against him, or averse to his opinions : that on the other side, if some expedient were not speedily found out, to al- lay that frantic rage and combination in the people, there was reason enough to believe, their impious » if] that if " generally] iVof in MS. * the orthodox] all the or- ' scarce] not thodox y complaints,] complaint, Gg3 454 THE HISTORY BOOK hands would be lifted up against his own person, '"' and (which he much more apprehended) against the JG41. person of his royal consort : and lastly, that (besides the difficulty of getting thither ^) he had no gi'ound to be very confident of his own army : I say, who- ever sadly contemplates this, will find cause to con- fess, the part which the king had to act was not only harder than any prince, but than any private gentleman, had been exposed^ to; and that it is much easier, upon the accidents and occurrences which have since happened, to determine what was not to have been done, than at that time to have foreseen, by what means to have freed himself from the labyrintli in which he was involved. The earl All thinffs bciuff thus transacted, to conclude the .-May the fatc of this great person, he was on the twelfth day 'of May brought from the Tower of London (where he had been a prisoner near six months) to the scaf- fold on Tower-hill ; where, with a composed, un- daunted courage, he told the people, " he was come " thither to satisfy them with his head ; but that " he much feared, the reformation which was begun " in blood would not prove so fortunate to the king- " dom, as they expected, and he wished :" and after great expressions " of his devotion to the church of " England, and the protestant religion estabhshed " hy law, and professed in that church ; of his loy- " alty to the king, and affection to the peace and " welfare of the kingdom ;" with marvellous tran- quillity of mind, he delivered his head to the block, where it was severed from his body at a blow: many of the standers by, who had not been over ' getting thither] MS. adds : alone except he would have gone " exposed] incumbent OF THE REBELLION. 455 charitable to him in his life, beinff much affected book III with the courage and Christianity of his death. '. Thus fell the greatest subject in power, and little ^^'^^' inferior to any in fortune, that was at that time in any of the three kingdoms ; who could well remem- ber the time, when he led those people, who then pursued him to his grave. He was a man of great parts, and extraordinary endow ments of nature ; not unadorned with some addition of art and learning, though that again was more improved and illus- trated by the other ; for he had a readiness of con- ception, and sharpness of expression, which made his learning thought more than in truth it was. His first inclinations and addresses to the court were only to establish his greatness in the country ; where he apprehended some acts of power from the lord Savile, ^ who had been his rival always there, and of late had strengthened himself by being made a privy-counsellor, and officer at court : but his first attempts were so prosperous, that he contented not himself with being secure from tliat lord's ^ power in the country, but rested not, till he had bereaved his adversary ^ of ^ all power and place in court ; and so sent him down, a most abject, disconsolate old man, to his country, where he was to have the su- perintendency over him too, by getting himself at that time made lord president of the north. These successes, applied to a nature too elate and haughty*^ of itself, and a quicker progress into the greatest employments and trust, made him more transported with disdain of other men, and more contemning ^ the loi'd Savile,] the old "^ his adversary] him lord Savile, ^ haughty] arrogant *^ that lord's] his G g 4 ^Q THE HISTORY BOOK the forms of business, than happily he would have __Il!l_been, if he had met with some interruptions in the 1641. beginning, and had passed in a more leisurely grada- tion to the office of a statesman. He was, no doubt, of great observation, and a piercing judgment, both in things ^ and persons ; but his too good skill in persons made him judge the worse of things : for it was his misfortune to be in a time ^ wherein very few wise men were equally employed with him ; and scarce any (but the lord Coventry, whose trust was more confined) whose faculties and abilities were equal to his: so that upon the matter he relied wholly ^ upon himself; and discerning many defects in most men, he too much neglected what they said or did. Of all his passions, his pride was most predominant : which a moderate exercise of ill fortune might have cor- rected and reformed ; and which was by the hand of Heaven strangely punished, by bringing his de- struction upon him by two things that he most de- spised, the people and sir Harry Vane. In a word, the epitaph, which Plutarch records that Sylla wrote for himself, may not be unfitly applied to him; *' that no man did ever exceed ^ him, either in do- " ing good to his friends, or in doing mischief to his " enemies ;" for his acts of both kinds were most notorious. ^ At the same Together with that of attainder of the earl of ti.e bill of Strafford, another bill was passed by the king, of al- paslp"] ihe "^^st as fatal a consequence both ^ to the king and art for the continuiiij;; this parlia- ' in things] into things ' exceed] pass incMit. f. in ri time] of a time k notorious.] exemplar and *> relied wholly] wholly re- notorious, lied ' both] Not in MS. OF THE REBELLION. 457 kingdom, as that was to the earl, "the act for the book . III. " perpetual parliament ;" as it is since called. The vast charge ™ of the two armies was no other ^^"^^^ way supplied, (for I have told you before the reason which that why they were so slow in granting of subsidies,) obtained. than by borrowing great sums of money from the city or citizens of London, upon the credit of parti- cular persons. The emissaries in that negociation, about the time the act of° attainder passed the commons, returned, " that there was no more hope " of borrowing in the city ; that men had before " cheerfully lent their estates, upon tlieir confidence " in the honour and justice of the two houses : but " they had now considered, how desperate that se- " curity must prove, if the two houses should be *' dissolved." AVhich consideration begun to have an universal influence upon all those who were per- sonally bound for monies already borrowed ; " for " that their persons and fortunes must answer those " sums which had been paid for the public benefit, " if the parliament should be dissolved before any " act passed for their security. ^ That their fears " and apprehensions that this might happen were " much advanced by the late discovery of the plot " against the parliament ; for though the particu- " lars thereof were not yet published, they dis- " cerned there was not that good meaning to the " parliament, as it deserved." This was no sooner offered, than the reasonableness of the objection was enforced ; and the necessity of finding some ex- pedient " to satisfy the people of the gracious inten- " tion P and resolutions of the king ;" which were " charge] burden " security.] indemnity. " of] for p intention} intentions 458 ' THE HISTORY BOOK most unquestionable; (for in all those articles of ^^^* time, when they were to demand some unreason- J641. ^IjYq thing from him, they spared no dutiful men- tion of the piety and goodness of his own princely nature ; or large promises what demonstrations of duty they would shortly make to him.) No way could be thought of so sure, ^ as an act of parlia- ment, " that this j3arliament should not be ad- "journed, prorogued, or dissolved, but by act of " parliament ; which, upon this occasion, his ma- " jesty would never deny to pass." It is not credible, what an universal reception and concurrence this motion met with, (which was to remove the landmarks, and to destroy the found- ation of the kingdom,) insomuch, as a committee was immediately appointed to withdraw, and to prepare a short bill to that purpose ; which was within a short time (less than an hour) brought into the house, and immediately twice read, and com- mitted ; an expedition scarce ever heard of before ^ in parhament ; and the next day, with as little agi- tation, and the contradiction of very few voices, en- gi-ossed, and carried up to the lords. With them it had some deljate, and amendments, which were de- livered at a conference, the principal whereof was, " that the time should l)e limited, and not left in- " definite, and that it should not be dissolved with- " in two years, except by consent of both houses ;" that time being sufficient to provide against any ac- cidents that were then apprehended. These alterations were highly resented in the house of commons, as argument of jealousy between "i sure,] undeniable, never before heard of ' scarce ever heard of before] OF THE REBELLION. 459 the king and the parliament, "that it should be book " imaginable the members of both houses, who re- ' — *' sided from their houses and conveniences at great ^^*'^^* " charge for the service of the public, would desire " to continue longer together than the necessity of " that service should require ;" without considering, that it was more unlikely that the king (who had condescended so far to them, and had yet in truth received no fruit from their meeting) would dissolve them, as long as they intended that for which they were summoned together, and contained themselves within the bounds of duty and moderation. But the commons stoutly insisted on their own bill ; and the lords, in that hurry of noise and con- fusion, when the meetings of the people were so fre- quent,^ kindly consented likewise to it: and so, by the importunity, and upon tlie undertaking of per- sons he then most trusted, in the agony of the other despatch, the king was induced to include that bill in the commission with the act of attainder, and* they were both passed together. After the passing these two bills, the temper and spirit of the people, both within and without the walls of the two houses, grew marvellous calm and composed ; there being likewise about that time passed by the king, the two bills, for the taking away the star-chamber court, and the liigh commis- sion : so that there was not a grievance or inconve- nience, real or imaginary, to which there was not a through remedy applied ; and therefore all men expected, that both armies would be speedily dis- ^ when the meetings of the the people were abroad, people were so frequent,] when ' and] and so 460 THE HISTORY BOOK banded; and such returns of duty and acknowledg- "'• ment be made to the king, as might be agreeable to ^^"^^- their professions, and to the royal favours he had vouchsafed to his people. But what provisions soever were made for the public, particular persons had received no satisfac- tion. The death of the earl of Bedford, and the high proceedings in all those cases in which the king was most concerned, left all those who ex- pected offices and preferments, desperate in their hopes : and yet an accident happened, that might have been looked upon as an earnest or instance of some encouragement that way. Besides the lord Say's being invested in the master- ship of the wards, in tlie place of the lord Cotting- ton, (who was every day threatened, upon the secre- tary's paper of results, to be accused of high trea- son, till, like a wise man, he retired from the offices which begot " his trouble ; and for a long time after, till he again embarked himself in public employ- ments, enjoyed himself without the least disturb- ance,) at a committee in the house of lords, ^ in the afternoon, in some debate, passion arose between the earl of Pemln-oke, who was then lord chamberlain of the household, and the lord Mowbray, eldest son of y the earl of Arundel ; and from angry and disdainful words, an offer or attempt of blows was made ; for which misdemeanour, they were the next day both uke^lhl ^^"^ ^^ ^^^ Tower by the house of lords. The king, staff of taking advantage of this miscarriage; and having lord cliani- i ■ . Leriaiii from been long mcensed by the passionate, indiscreet, and PcmlVoke, insolent carriage of the earl, sent to him, by a gen- " begot] begat " house of lords,] lords' house, >' son of] son to OF THE REBELLION. 461 tleman usher, for his staff; and within two or three book days after bestowed it upon the earl of Essex ; who, "^" without any hesitation, took it. \64l. It was thought this extraordinary grace to theto'threari most popular person of the kingdom would have °^ ^*^^''' had a notable influence upon the whole party, which made him believe it depended very much on him : but it was so far from having that effect, as they looked upon that favour, rather as a mark of punish- ment and revenge upon the earl of Pembroke, for his affection to them, and for giving his suffrage against the earl of Strafford, (which he had often professed to the king he could never in conscience do,) than of esteem^ and kindness to the earl of Essex; and so they ^ were in "truth more offended and incensed with the disgrace and disobligation to the one, than they were pleased with the preferment of the other : therefore whatever concerned the king- in right ; or what he might naturally expect from the compliance and affection of the house ; or what was any way recommended by his majesty to them, found little or no respect. His revenue was so far from being advanced, (asThetrathof had been gloriously promised,) that it was, both in 'tonnage"^ dignity and value, much lessened from what it was : ^""^ p°"" age. for shortly after the beginning of the parliament, great complaint had been made, " that tonnage and " poundage" (which is the duty and subsidy paid by the merchant upon trade) " had been taken by " the king without consent of parliament ;" the case whereof in truth is this : this duty had been con- stantly given to the succeeding king,^ ever since the ^ esteem] estimation t' succeeding king,] successive • they] Not in MS. kings, id- 462 THE HISTORY BOOK reign of king Edward the Fourth, for his life, in the' '"' first parhament they held after their coming to the 1641. crown: before that time, it had been granted for years ; and was originally intended for the support of the navy, whereby the merchant might be freed from danger of pirates ; and upon the death of every king since that time, his successor commonly*^ re- ceived it, without the least interruption, till the next parliament ; in the beginning whereof it was always without scruple granted : so that, though it was, and must always be acknowledged as the free gift of the people, (as all other subsidies are,) yet it was looked upon as so essential a part of the revenue of the crown, that it could not be without it : and as the king is not less king before his coronation than he is after, so this duty had been stiU enjoyed as freely before, as it was after an act of parliament to that purpose ; neither had there been ever any exception taken in parliament, (which sometimes was not in a year after the death of the former king,) that the crown had continued the receipt of it ; which it did,*^ tiU the time of a new grant. Thus, after the death of king James, his majesty received it, till the first parliament was summoned ; and, that and two more being unfortunately dis- solved, (as was said before,) in which his ministers were not solicitous enough for the passing that act for tonnage and poundage, continued the receipt of it till this present parliament : then (that is, many weeks after the beginning of it) it was directed, " that a bill should be speedily prepared for the " gi-anting it, as had been usual, lest the crown • commonly] always 'i did,] always did. OF THE REBELLION. • 463 " might, by so long enjoying, in a manner prescribe book " to it of right, without the donation of the peo- L- " jDle ;" which the king always disclaimed to do. ^^^l. Shortly after (no man presuming to intimate, that it should be granted in any other manner than of course it had been) it was alleged, " that the bill " could not be so speedily prepared as were to be " wished, by reason that there were many just ex- " ceptions made by the merchants to the book of " rates, which had been lately made by the farmers " of the customs, in the time and by the direction of " the earl of Portland ;" (circumstances that carried prejudice enough to whatsoever they were^ applied;) and therefore it was proposed, for the present, as the best expedient to continue his majesty's supply, and to preserve the right of giving in the people, " that " a temporary bill should pass, for the granting tlie " same to his majesty for two months only, in which " time a new book of rates should be made, more *' advantageous to his majesty in point of profit," (which was always professed, '^) " and then a com- " plete act might pass." To this purpose a bill was accordingly brought in, the preamble whereof " renounced and declared " against not only any power in the crown of levy- " ing the duty of tonnage and poundage, without " the express consent of parliament, but also any " power of imposition upon any merchandises what- *' soever, and in any case whatsoever ;" which had been constantly practised in the best times by the crown ; had the countenance of a solemn judgment ^ they were] it was ^ professed,] solemnly professed. 464 THE HISTORY BOOK in the exchequer chamber; and, though often agi- "^' tflfpH in parliament, had never been yet declared 1641, against: yet this quietly passed both houses, as a thing not worth considering ^. And so, in expecta- tion and confidence, that they would make glorious additions to the ^ state and revenue of the crown, his majesty suffered himself to be stripped of all that he had left ; and of the sole stock of credit he had to borrow monies upon : for though, in truth, men knew that revenue was not legally vested in the king till an act of parliament, yet all men looked upon it as unquestionably to pass ; and so it was not only a competent proportion for the present support of his house, but was understood a good security for any ordinary sum of money upon advance, as forty or fifty thousand pound, upon any emergent occa- sion. The men- AH good ^ men discerned this gross usage, and the former plot disadvantage imposed upon his majesty by this mu- couTrand '^ tation ; and therefore expected a full reparation, by leviveTfn ^"^^ ^" ^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^" usual *, and such an the house improvement of the book of rates as had been pro- of com- '■ *■ mons. mised, as soon as the business of the earl of Strafford was over: which had been always objected, as ne- cessary to precede all other consultations. But this was no sooner moved, " as seasonable in order to K not worth considering] MS. adds: those who in duty ought to have opposed it in both liouses, in relation to their ser- vice and trust, persuading his majesty, since he was sure to have whatsoever he or his pro- genitors had enjoyed, fully and frankly given and granted to him within two months, not to enter into disputes, (upon how just claims soever,) which would only delay what he so much de- sired. And so, &c. ^ the] his * good] Not in MS. OF THE REBELLION. 465 " their own professions, and in a degree due to the book " king, after so many reiterated expressions of fa-^!L_ " vour and affection to his people, by so many ex- ^^'^^• " cellent laws, and other condescensions," than they objected, " the odiousness of the late plot against the " parhament, which was not yet fully discovered : " that notwithstanding those gracious demonstrations " of favour from the king, in the laws and other acts " mentioned, they had great cause to apprehend, some ill affected persons had still an influence upon his majesty, to the disservice of the parha- ment, and to beget jealousies in him towards them ; " for that they had plainly discovered (which they " should in a short time be able to present fully to " the house) that there had been a design, not only " to poison the affections of the army towards the " parhament, by making them believe that they were " neglected, and the Scots preferred much before " them ; but to bring up that army to London, with " a purpose to awe the parliament : that there w^as a " resolution to seize the Tower, and to make it a " curb upon the city : that there had been an at- " tempt to prevail with the officers of the Scottish ^ " army, at least to sit still as neuters, whilst the " others ^ acted this tragedy : that the confederates " in this design had taken an oath, to oppose any " course that should be advised for the removing the " bishops out of the house of j)eers ; to preserve and " defend the king's prerogative, to the utmost ex- " tent that any of his progenitors had enjoyed ; and " to settle his majesty's revenue : that they had rea- " son to fear his majesty's own concurrence, at least ^ Scottish] Scotch ' others] other VOL. I. H h 466 THE HISTORY BOOK " his approbation, in this design, (which, if not pre- " vented, must have proved so pernicious and fatal 1641. (( ^Q ^jjg kingdom,) for that, besides that the persons " principally engaged in it were of the nearest trust " about the king and queen, they had clear proof, that " a paper had passed his majesty's perusal, in which " were contained many sharp invectives against the *' parliament ; a desire that they might have the ex- " ercise of martial law, (the mention whereof was " the most unpopular and odious thing that could be " imagined,) and an oflfer of service to defend his " majesty's person, which was an implication as if it " had been in danger : and that this paper should " have been signed by all the officers of the army ; " for their better encouragement wherein, the king " himself had written a C. and an R. as a testimony " that he approved of it." This discourse, so methodically and confidently averred, made a strange impression (without reserv- ing themselves till the evidence should be produced) in the minds of most men ; who believed, that such particulars could never have been with that solem- nity informed, if the proofs were not very clear ; and served, not only to blast whatsoever was moved on his majesty's behalf, but to discountenance what, till then, had been the most popular motion that could be made, which was, the disbanding both armies, and vowto'the*^^ ^^^^^ ^'^^"^'" into their own country. For the ^TJ^Jr '' ^^^^^^ accomplishment whereof, and as a testimony besides ' of tlieir brotherly affections,"^ the two houses had monthly frankly and bountifully undertaken " to give them a " gratuity of three hundred thousand pounds, over '" affections,] affection, / OF THE REBELLION. 467 " and above the twenty-five thousand pounds tlie book " month, during the time that their stay here should ' " be necessarv." \^^\. After that act, the king might have been reason- ably awaked from any extraordinary confidence in the loyalty, honour, or justice, of both houses. And without doubt, when posterity shall recover the cou- rage, and conscience, and the old honour of the English nation, it will not with more indignation and blushes contemplate any action of this seditious and rebellious age, than that the nobility and gentry of England, who were not guilty of the treason, should recompense an invasion from a foreign na- tion," with whatever establishments they proposed in their own kingdom, and with a dogative of three hundred thousand pounds, over and above all charges, out of the bowels of England ; which will yet appear the more prodigious, when it shall be considered, that not ° a fifth part of those who were accessaries to that infamous ])rodigality were eitherJ' favourers of their ends, or great*) well-wishers to their nation.'' But^ very many gave themselves^ leave, imfaith- fuUy, to be absent from those debates, when the wealth and honour of their country was to be trans- planted into a strange land ; others looked upon it as a good purcliase, to be freed of the payment of four- score thousand pounds the month, (which was the charge of both armies,) by an entire sum of three hundred thousand pounds ;" and some pleased^ them- " nation,] contemned nfition, ' But] Not in MS. " not] Not in MS. 'gavethemselves]givingtliem- P either] neither selves 1 great] Not in MS. " pounds ;] pound ; ^ to their nation.] of their na- ^ pleased] pleasing tion ; Hh 2 468 THE HISTORY BOOK selves with an assurance, that the scandal and un- "^' reasonableness of the sum would provoke the peo- 1641. pig to a hatred and revenge, and so that the brother- hood would not be supported, but destroyed, by that extravagant bounty : yet these y were only short ejaculations to please themselves for the time ; for many of those, who had no other reason to consent to that vast sum, but that they might be rid of them, were so inflamed and transported with the tale of the plot, that they had then no mind to let them go ; and had so far swallowed and digested an assurance that it was true, that they reserved no distinguishing or judging faculties, for the time when the evidence and proof should be presented to them. After they had played with this plot, and given the house heats and colds, by applying parts of it to them upon emergent occasions, for the space of near three months ; and finding, that though it did them many notable services, in advancing their own repu- tations, and calumniating the king's honour, yet, that it had not a through effect at court for their preferment ; they resolved to shew all their ware, and to produce the whole evidence : for the perfect- ing whereof, they had " a late mark^ of God's great " favour towai'ds them, in his furnishing them with " evidence for the complete discovery of all the mis- " chief, from one that was a principal contriver " of it." We said before, that upon the first motion in the house of commons, by Mr. Pym, " for a committee " of examination,^ and for an address to the king, y yet these] but these " of examination,] to exa- ■' mark] great mark mine, OF THE REBELLION. 469 III. 1641. that he would grant no passes to any of his ser- BO?^ vants to go beyond seas," some persons, ^ of near relation to his trust, immediately absented them- selves ; which were Mr. Peircy, and Mr. Jermyn. Now*^ the latter of these, without interruption, trans- ported himself into France ; but Mr. Peircy, delay- ing his journey upon some occasions of his own, and concealing himself in some obscure places in Sussex, near to his brother's house, was at last discovered ; and when he endeavoured to have escaped, was set upon by the country people, and with great difficulty, and not without some hurt, got from them, and was not in some months again heard of. It was generally believed afterwards, that finding the seaports shut, and watches set for his apprehen- sion in all those places, whereby the transporting himself into foreign parts was very difficult, he found means to return to London, and to put him- self into his brother's protection ; where it is thought he was harboured, till his hurt was cured ; the strictness of the inquiry over; and till he had prepared that letter to his brother, the earl of Northumberland, which served, as far as in him lay, to destroy all his companions, and furnished the committee with that which they called " a doul)le " evidence :" for they had no sooner received that letter from the earl of Northumberland, than they told the house, " they were now ready for a com- " plete discovery ;" and thereupon produced the evi- dence of colonel Goring, and the letter from Mr. Peircy ; both which agreed upon the relation, " of " a meeting at Mr. Peircy's chamber ; and of a dis- ^ some persons,] two persons, <^ Now] Not in MS. H h 3 470 THE HISTORY BOOK " course of the parliament's neglect of the king's, '^'' " and favouring the Scottish'^ army ; the taking an ^^'- " oath of secrecy ; and some other particulars :" aU which had been positively denied, by those of them that were ^ members of the house of commons, Mr. ^Vilmot, Mr. Ashburnham, and Mr. Pollard, upon their examinations upon oath. It will hardly be believed hereafter, (but that the effects of such impostures have left such deep marks,) that the evidence then given could, in so grave and judging an assembly, as a high court of parliament, till then, had always been, have brought tlie least prejudice upon the king; or, indeed, damage to any person accused : there being, in aU the testimonies produced, so little show of* proof, of a real design, or plot, to bring up the army (which was the chiefs matter alleged) to awe the parliament, that in truth it was very evident, there was no plot at all ; only a free communication between persons (the major part whereof were of the house) " of the ill arts that were " generally used to corrupt the affections of the peo- " pie ; and of some expedient, whereby, in that so " pul)lic infection, the army" (in which they had all considerable commands, two of them being general officers) " might be preserved from being wrought •' upon and corrupted:" in which discourse, colonel Goring himself, as appeai'ed by his own examination, only proposed wild and extravagant overtures, " of " bringing up the army, and surprising the Tower ; " wJiich was, by all the rest, with manifest dislike, •'ScoUish] Scotch 'so little show of] so far 'of them that were] Not in from any •^^**>'- g chief] grand OF THE REBELLION. 471 " rejected: that all this had passed at one meeting, book " in which, they who met were so ill satisfied in one " another, that they never would come together ^^^^- " again : that, when the bringing up the army to " London was once talked of before ^ the king, his " majesty would not hear of it, but only desired, " that their affections might be kept entire for his " service, as far as was consistent with the laws of " the land, which were in danger to be invaded." Yet, notwithstanding that all this appeared ; and that this was all that ^ did appear, (besides a discourse of a petition ; ^ for the petition itself they would not ])roduce, signed with C. R. which is before set down in terms,) the specious, positive narration of the whole by Mr. Pym, before the evidence was read ; the denying what^ was now proved, and confessed by themselves, by Mr. Wilmot, Ashburnham, and Pollard, upon the former examination ; the flight of Mr. Jermyn, and Mr. Peircy, and some others ; the mention of some clauses in the petition signed with C. R. ; and some envious, dark glances, both in Mr. Goring's examination, and Mr. Peircy's letter, at the king and queen, as if they knew more than was ex- pressed, so transported the hearers, (who made them- selves judges too,) that, taking all that was said, to be proved, they qviickly voted, " that there was a " design to bring up the army to force the parlia- " ment ;" resolved to accuse Mr. Jermyn and Mr. Peircy of high treason ; committed the three mem- bers of the house of commons to several prisons, and ^vvas once talked of before] ^ a petition;] the petition ; was mentioned to ' denying what] denying of ' that] which what H h 4 472 THE HISTORY BOOK put them from being members, ^ that in their rooms "^' they might bring in three more fit for their service. ^^'^^' as they shortly did; gave colonel Goring public thanks, " for preserving the kingdom, and the liber- " ties of parliament ;" and filled the people with jea- lousy for their security, and with universal acclama- tions of their great wisdom and vigilancy. So that this plot served to produce their first protestation ; to inflame the people against the earl of Strafford, and in a degree to compass their ends upon that great person, as hath been before observed ; to pro- cure the bill for the continuance of this parliament, the foundation, or the fountain, of all the public ca- lamities, to hinder and cross all overtures made for the revenue of the king, and to lessen the general reverence and duty to both their majesties ; to con- tinue the Scottish " army within the kingdom, and consequently to hinder the king's from being dis- banded ; to incense both houses against the bishops, as if the design had been principally for their pro- tection, (there ° being one witness who said, " he had " been told, that the clergy would raise and pay one " thousand horse, to be employed against the parlia- " ment,") to blast the reputation of the earl of New- castle, whose zeal to his majesty's service was most remarkable, as if he had been to have commanded the army ; and lastly, to advance their own credit and estimation with the people, as if they were the only patriots, that intended the preservation of reli- gion, law, and liberty. And having made this use of it, (which is a suffi- "^ members,] members of par- « Scottish] Scots lianient, o there] and there OF THE REBELLION. 473 ^ cient argument what opinion they had of their own book III. evidence,) they never proceeded against any of the persons who were in their power, though they pa- ^^^'* tiently attended and importuned a trial above a year after their accusation : for they well knew, there must be then a more exact and strict weighing of the proofs ; and that the persons accused would p not only vindicate themselves from the aspersions which were laid upon them, but could recriminate upon the principal^ prosecutors with such charges, as they would not so easily be freed from ; and this was the reason, that, even during the heat and noise of the accusation, they received very civil offices, visits, and addresses, from the chief of those who were trusted with the prosecution. The sending that letter of Mr. Peircy's to the house of commons ; or rather, the procuring that let- ter to be writ, (in which such insinuations were made, to the prejudice of the king and queen,) was the first visible instance of the defection of the earl of Northumberland from his ^ majesty's service ; which wrought several ill effects in the minds of many : for, as the earl then had the most esteemed and unblemished reputation, in court and country, of any person of his rank throughout the kingdom ; so they who knew him well, discerned, that the greatness of that reputation was but an effect of the singular grace and favour shewed to him by his ma- jesty ; who, immediately upon the death of his fa- ther, had taken this earl (being then less than thirty years of age) into his immediate and eminent care ; P would] could grand 1 upon the principal] their ' from his] towards his 474 THE HISTORY * BOOK first made him a privy-counsellor; then knight of '"• the order of the garter ; then (that he might fit him ^ 1641. lyy degrees for the greatest trust and employments) sent him admiral into the narrow seas, of a royal navy ; and, after a summer spent in that exercise, made him lord high admiral of England ; and, to the very minute of which we speak, prosecuted him with all manner and demonstration of respect and kindness ; and (as I heard his majesty himself say) " courted him as his mistress, and conversed with " him as his friend, without the least interrup- " tion or intermission of any ^ possible favour and " kindness." And therefore many, who observed this great earl purchase this opportunity of disserv- ing tlie king, at the price of his brother s honour, and of his own gratitude, concluded, that he had. some notable temptation in conscience, and that the court was much worse than it was believed to be. The truth is, that after his brother's being accused of high treason ; and then, upon his hurt in Sussex, coming directly to Northumberland-house to shelter himself; the earl being in great trouble how to send him away beyond the seas after his wound was cured, " advised with a confident friend then in pow- er, whose affection to him he doubted not, and who, innocently enough, brought Mr. Pym into the coun- cil, who overwitted them both, by frankly consenting, " that Mr. Peircy should escape into France," which was all tlie care the earl had ; but then obliged him, " first to draw such a letter from him, as might by " the paity ^ be applied as an evidence of the reality ' fit him] apt hlni » cured,] recovered, ' of any] of all x by ji,^. ^^^^^-^ ^^f j„ jijg. OF THE REBELLION. 475 " of the plot, after he was escaped;" and in this book III manner the letter was procured : which made a last- ing quarrel between the two brothers; and made ^^^^' the earl more at the disposal of those persons whom he had trusted so far, than he had been before. After the act for the continuance of the parlia- ment, the house of commons took much more upon them, in point of then- privileges, than they had done ; and more undervalued the concurrence of the peers ; though >' that act neither added any thing to,^ nor extended their jurisdiction : which jurisdiction the wisdom of former times kept from being limited or defined, there being then '^ no danger of excess ; and it being much ^ more agreeable to the na- ture of the supreme court to have an unlimited ju- risdiction. But now that they could *" not be dissolv- ed without their own '^ consent, (the apprehension and fear whereof had always Ijefore kept them within some bounds ^ of modesty,) they caUed any power they pleased to assume to themselves, " a " branch of their privilege ;" and any opposing or questioning that power, " a breach of their privi- " leges : which all men were bound to defend by " their late protestation ; and they were the only '' proper judges of their own privileges." Hereupon, they called whom they pleased delin- quents ; received complaints of all kinds, and com- mitted to prison whom they pleased : which had been never done, nor attempted, ^ before this parlia- y though] and ihoiigh «" they could] it could '^ neither added any thing to,] '^ own] Not in MS. added nothing to, « some bounds] the bounds » then] Not in MS. *' nor attempted,] or attempt- ^ much] Not in MS. ed, 476 THE HISTORY BOOK ment; except in some such apparent breach, as the ^^'' arresting a privileged person, or the like : and, as ^^^^- if theirs had swallowed up all other privileges, of peers, and the ? king himself, upon the lords reject- ing a bill sent up to them, " to compel all persons" (without distinction of quality, and without distinc- tion of punishment or proceeding, upon their refusal) " to take the late protestation ;" and two lords of great credit ^' (the earl of Southampton, and the lord Roberts) having refused to take the same ; the house of commons, in great fury, and with many expres- sions of contempt, by a vote declared, " that the pro- " testation made by them was fit to be taken by " every person, that was well affected in religion, " and to the good of the commonwealth ; and there- " fore, that what person soever should not take the " protestation, was unfit to bear office in the church " or commonwealth ;" and directed farther, " that " that vote should be printed, and that the knights " and burgesses should send down copies of it to the " several places for which they served :" which was the most unparalleled breach of privilege, and the highest and most insolent affront to the lords, to the king, and to the justice of the kingdom, and the most destructive to parliaments, that any age had been guilty of. And yet, when some of the peers nobly resented it, on the behalf of the peerage, and the liberty of the subject, and jDressed resolutely for reparation, means was found out to engage the king to interpose his royal mediation with those lords, to the end they might quietly pass by that public B the] Not in MS. »' great credit] great estimation OF THE REBELLION. 477 violation and indignity, without further insisting book ., : III. on it. ' All this time the two armies were continued at a ^^^^* vast^ charge, many men whispering (but so that it might be sjDoken of) " that the Scots would not re- " tire till the bill against episcopacy was ^ passed :" whereupon the king sent them word, about the be- ginning of July, " that he desired all speed might be " used for the disbanding both armies ; for the bet- " ter and more orderly doing whereof, he had con- " stituted the earl of Holland general of his army," (the earl of Northumberland, by reason of his indis- position in health, or some other reason, having laid down his commission,) " and intended forthwith to " send him down thither : that his majesty himself, " according to a'" former resolution, and promise " made to his subjects of Scotland, meant to visit " that his native kingdom, for the better perfecting " the peace there ; and appointed the day (about " fourteen days after) he resolved to begin his pro- " gress ; and therefore wished them, against that " time, to prepare and finish any such acts, as they " desired might receive his majesty's approbation, " for the good of the kingdom, if there yet remained " any thing to be asked of him." Notwithstanding which message, they spent most of their time upon the bill for extirpation of bishops, deans, and chap- ters ; without either finishing" the act of pacification ' insisting on it.] An account found in the Appendix, F. of the progress of the bill a- ^ a vast] that vast gainst episcopacy folloios in MS. ^ was passed :] were passed: C. which differs somewhat from ■" a] Not in MS. the account taken from MS. B. " either finishing] finishing ei- and inserted in this History, p. ther 4 1 6. The rejected part will he 478 THE HISTORY BOOK between the two nations, or giving order for the dis- 111. banding the army. J 641. It was wondered at by many, and sure was a great misfortune to the king, that he chose not rather at that time (though the business was only to disband) to constitute the earl of Essex general of his army, than the earl of Holland ; for (besides that it would have been an act of much more grace and satisfac- ' tion to the people, and to the soldiery °) his majesty having lately given him so great an earnest of his trust, as the making him chamberlain of his house, he? ought in policy to have pursued that work, by any seasonable accumulation of favour, till he had made him his perfect creature ; which had been very easy, if skilfully attempted : for his pride and ambi- tion, which were not accompanied with any habit of ill nature, were very capable of obligations ; and he had a faithfulness and constancy in his nature, which had kept him always religious in matter of trust : then, he was almost a declared enemy to the Scot- tish '1 nation, and would have been very punctual in all formalities and decencies, which had any relation to his master's honour, or the honour of the nation. In a word, he might have been imposed upon in his understanding, but could not have been corrupted by hopes or fears of'" what the two houses could have done to him : and was then more the idol of the people, than in truth the idolater of them. "Whereas, by making the earl of Holland general, his majesty^ much disobliged the other, who ex- pected it, and to whom it had been in a manner " soldiery] soldier '^ of] Not in MS. '' he] Not in MS. * his majestv] he 'I ScoUish] Scoich OF THE REBELLION, 4T9 offered; and made him apprehend some distrust in book the king towards him ; and that his former favour in "'" his office had been confeiTed on him, rather because ^^^^• no man else had been able to bear the envy of dis- placing the earl of Pembroke, than that his own merit and service was valued. Besides, the earl of Holland,* upon whom he conferred that honour, had formerly disappointed him, and often incurred Iiis displeasure, and wore some marks of it ; and was of no other interest or reputation with the party which could do mischief, than as a person obnoxious" to them, in the misexecuting his great and terrible office of chief justice in eyre, by whicli he had vexed and oppressed most counties in England, and the most considerable persons in those counties ; and in other particulars ; that they knew he durst not offend them, and would jjurchase their protection and good opinion at any price : as it fell out ; for within few days after the king was gone through that army, in his way to Scotland, the earl ^ wrote a letter, which was communicated to both houses, in / which he mystically expressed " some new design to ^l "'^ " have been set on foot for corrupting the army ;" « for which there was never after the least colour given ; but served then to heighten the old jea- lousies, and to bespeak a misunderstanding for what- soever should be proposed on his majesty's behalf during his absence. Men now believed, y that they would be very for- ward in dismissing the Scottish ^ army, and disband- * Besides, the earl of Hoi- MS. After their great end was land,] Then the person, obtained in the execution and " obnoxious] so obnoxious death of the earl of Strafford, all ^ the earl] he men believed, &c. >' Men now believed,] Thus in '■ Scottish] Scots 480 THE HISTORY BOOK ing the other, which cost the kingdom so vast a sum ^"' of money every month ; and they had already voted ^^^'- a brotherly assistance to the Scots of three hundred thousand pounds, for the service they had per- formed; and an act was already prepared for the raising the sum : but they had yet no mind to part wdth their beloved brethren. The commissioners who treated with the Scots had agreed, " that the king should be present in his " parliament in Edinburgh,^ by such a day in July, " to pass the act for pacification between the two " kingdoms, and such other acts as his parliament " there should propose to him ;" and his majesty prepared to begin his progress, soon enough to be in Scotland by the time ; and they resolved on all sides, " that the one army should be drawn out of the king- " dom, and the other totally disbanded, before the king should arrive in the northern parts, for many reasons." As they had lost all confidence in the af- fections of the English army, so there were many jealousies arisen among the Scots, both in their army, and amongst their greatest counsellors : notwith- standing all which, instead of making haste to the disbanding, they published much jealousy and dissa- tisfaction to remain with them of the court ; " there " were some evil counsellors still about the king, " who obstructed many gracious acts, which would *' otherwise flow from his goodness and bounty to- " wards his people ; and made ill impressions in him " of the parliament itself, and its proceedings." Their design was to remove the duke of Rich- mond from the king, both because they had a mind " in Edinburgh,] at Edinburgh, OF THE REBELLION. 481 to have his office of warden of the cinque-ports book from him, that it might be conferred on the earl of _ __1_ Warwick; and as he was almost the only man of ^^'^^' great quality and consideration about the king, who did not in the least degree stoop, or make court ^ to them, but crossed them boldly in the house ; and all other ways pursued his master's service with his ut- most vigour and intentness of mind : they could not charge him with any thing like a crime, and there- fore only intended by some vote to brand him, and make him odious; by which they presumed, they should at last make him willing to ransom himself by quitting that office : for which there was some underhand treaty, by persons who were solicitous to prevent farther inconveniences ; and, as they found any thing like to succeed in that, they slackened or advanced their discourse^ of evil counsellors. One day they were very warm upon the argu- ment, and had a purpose to have named him di- rectly, which they had hitherto forborne to do, when Mr. Hyde stood up, and said, " He did reaUy believe " that there yet remained some evil counsellors, who " did much harm, about the king ; and that it would " be much better to name them, than to amuse the " house so often with the general mention of them, " as if we were afraid to name them :" he proposed, " that there might be a day appointed, on which, " upon due reflections upon those who had been " most notorious in doing mischief to the public, we " might most probably find, who they were who trod " still in the same paths, and might name them ac- " cordingly ; and that for his part, if a day were ap- •' make court] make love "^ their discourse] that discourse VOL. I. I i 482 THE HISTORY BOOK « pointed for that discovery, he would be ready to '"' ' name one, who, by all the marks we could judge ^^'^^' " by, and by his former course of life, might very " reasonably be believed to be an evil counsellor." They were exceedingly apprehensive'^ that he meant the marquis of Hamilton, (who, for the rea- sons aforesaid, was very dear to them,) and thence- forward, though they desisted not from prosecuting the duke, till at last they had compelled him to quit the cinque-ports to the earl of Warwick, they no more urged the discovery of evil counsellors. And all the familiar friends of Mr. Hyde were importuned to move him, " not to endeavour to do any prejudice " to the marquis of Hamilton ;" and even the king himself was prevailed with to send to him to that purpose : so industrious was that people to preserve those whom for private ends they desired to pre- serve, as well as to destroy those who they desired should be destroyed. Sir Edward When cvery body expected that nothing should bill for"ex- be mentioned in the house but the despatch of the e'pilcopfcy treaty of the pacification, by the commissioners of thri.mis'e l^oth"' sides; which was the only obstruction to the of com- discharge of the armies, and which could be done in inons, and "^ committed, two days, if they pursued it ; they called in a morn- ing " for the bill" (that had so long before been Ijrought in by sir Edward Deering) " for the extir- " pation of episcopacy," and gave it a second read- ing ; and resolved, " that it should be committed to " a committee of the whole ^ house, and that it " should be proceeded upon the next morning." It ■' apprehensive] MS. adds.- '" of both] on both (ii8 Ihey had cause) f whole] Not in MS. 1641. OF THE REBELLION. 483 was a very long debate the next morning, after the book speaker had left the chair, who should be in the- chair for the committee ; they who wished well to the bill having resolved " to put Mr. Hyde into the " chair, that he might not give them trouble by fre- " quent speaking, and so too much obstruct the ex- " pediting the bill ;" they who were against the bill pressed and called loud to « Mr. Crew to be in the chair : but in conclusion, Mr. Hyde was commanded to the chair ; they who were enemies to the bill be- ing divided in opinion, many believing, tliat he would obstruct the bill more in that place, than if he re- mained at liberty ; and they found it to be true. The first day the committee sat full seven hours, and determined, " that every day, as soon as the " house was resumed, the chairman sliould report " the several votes of that day to the house, which " should determine them before it rose ;" which was without any precedent, and very prejudicial to the grave transaction of the business : for, besides that it was a prejudging ^ the house in its judgment, ^who, upon report of the committee, should have regard to the whole bill in the amendments made by them, which they were precluded from, by hav- ing confirmed the several days' votes ;^ it was so late every day before the house was resumed, (the speaker commonly leaving the chair about nine of the clock, and never resuming it till four in the afternoon,) that it was very thin ; they only, who prosecuted the bill with impatience, remaining in the house, and the ? loud to] loud for votes ;] Thus in MS. : when ^ prejudging] preengaging the bill engrossed should be put ' who, upon report — days' to the question ; I i 2t 484 THE HISTORY BOOK others,^ who abhorred it, growing weary of so tire- __!i_L_some an attendance, left the house at dinner-time, ^^'^^- and afterwards followed their pleasures : so that the lord Falkland was wont to say, " that they who " hated bishops, hated them worse than the devil ; " and that they who loved them, did not love them " so well as their dinner." However, the chairman gave some stop to their haste ;^ for, besides that at the end of his report every day to the house, before the house put the question for the concurrence in the votes, he always enlarged himself against every one of them, and so spent them much time ; when they were in the heat and passion of the debate, they oftentimes were en- tangled in their questions:"^ so that when he re- ported to the house the work of the day, he did fre- quently report two or three votes directly contrary to each other, which, in the heat of their debate, they had unawares run into. And after near twenty days spent in that manner, they found themselves very little advanced towards a conclusion, and that they must review all that they had done ; and the king being resolved to begin his journey for Scot- The bill iajj(j^ they ^gj.g forced to discontinue their beloved laid aside. _ •' bill, and let it rest ; sir Arthur Haslerig declaring in the house, " that he would never hereafter put an " enemy into the chair :" nor had they ever after the courage to resume the consideration of the bill, till after the war was entered into. ^ the others,] the other, m ^i^gy oftentimes were en- ' gave some stop to their tangled in their questions :] he haste ;] perplexed them very often ensnared them in a ques- nnich ; tion : OF THE REBELLION. 485 The time being come, within two or three days, ^9,?^ (according to his former declaration,) for the king's - journey into Scotland, the house of commons thought it time to lay aside their disputes upon the church, which every day grew more involved, and to intend the perfecting the act of pacification, and the order for disbanding ; both which were thought necessary to be despatched, before his majesty should begin his progress ; and might have been long since done. On a sudden, the house of commons grew into a per- plexed debate, concerning the king's journey into Scotland, (which had been long before known, and solemnly promised by his majesty to the commis- sioners of Scotland ; where preparation was made for his reception, and the parliament summoned there accordingly,) and ° expressed many dark and doubt- ful apprehensions of his safety ; not without some glances, " that if his majesty were once with his " army, he might possibly enter upon new counsels, " before he consented to disband it° ;" and in the end concluded, " to desire the lords to join with " them in a request to the king, to defer his journey " into Scotland, till the act of pacification was passed, " the armies disbanded, and till such other acts were " prepared, as should be thought necessary for the " good of the kingdom ;" without mentioning any time, against which those things should be ready : which, though it was an unreasonable request, yet most men having no mind the king p should go into Scotland, it was consented to by both houses ; and thereupon an address was made to his majesty to that purpose : who returned his answer, " that he " and] Not in MS. " it] Not in MS. p the king] he ii3 III. 1641. 486 THE HISTORY BOOK « was sorry, the houses, having had so long notice of ' his intentions i for that journey, (which could not 1641, « i^y^ appear very reasonable'" to them,) had neg- " lected to prepare all such things, as were necessary " to be despatched by him before he went ; that, " though his presence in Scotland was depended " upon by such a day, and the disappointment might " beget some prejudice to him, yet, he was content " to satisfy their desires so far, as to defer his journey " for fourteen days ; within which time they might ** make all things ready that were of importance, " and beyond which time it would not be possible " for him to make any stay." This time being gotten, they proceeded but slowly in the directions ^ for disbanding, (though the earl of Holland was gone down to the army,) or in the act of the pacification ; but continued their mention " of fears and jealousies of the peace of the king- " dom ; of an invasion from foreign parts ; and an in- " surrection of the papists in England : against all* " which, they said, there was not yet sufficient pro- " vision, by the laws and constitution of the king- HLstir " ^^^" ^"d therefore one day, sir Arthur Hasle- bu/foVset ^^^ (^^'h<^> as was said before, was used by that party, tiiiigthe like the dove out of the ark, to try what footinar militia. . there was) preferred a bill " for the settling the mi- " litia of the kingdom, both by sea and land, in such " persons as they should nominate ;" with all those powers and jurisdictions, which have been since granted to the earl of Essex, or sir Thomas Fairfax, by land, or to the earl of Warwick, by sea. There 'i intentions] intention ^ directions] direction ^ reasonable] necessary ' against all] for all OF THE REBELLION. 487 were in the bill no names, but blanks to receive book them, when the matter should be passed; though men were assured, that the earl of Essex was their confident by land, and the earl of Northumberland by sea : and yet the inclination to the earl of War- wick would have begot some disturbance, if the mat- ter had come then to be pressed. When the title of this bill was read, it gave so ge- n.e solid neral an offence to the house, that it seemed inclined joim se- to throw it out, without suffering it to be read ; not ''°" * ' • without some reproach to the person that brought it in, " as a matter of sedition ;" till Mr. Saint-John, the king's solicitor, rose up, and spoke " to it, and (having, in truth, himself drawn the bill) said, " he " thought that passion and dislike very unseason- " able, before the Ijill was read ; that it was the " highest privilege of every member, that he might " propose any law, or make any motion, which, in " his conscience, he thought advantageous for the " kingdom, or the place for which he served. As ^ " for the matter, which by the title that bill seemed " to comprehend, he was of opinion, that somewhat y " was necessary to be done in it ; for he was sure, " that such power, as might be necessary for the se- " curity of the kingdom, over the militia, was not " yet by law vested in any person ; or in the crown " itself: that they had lately by their votes blasted " and condemned the power of lords lieutenants, " and their deputies, which had been long exercised, " and submitted to by the people ; that, since that " was determined, it was necessary to substitute " such in their room, '■ as might be able to suppress " spoke] spake >' somewhat] something " As] Not in MS. ' in their room,] in the room, I i 4 488 THE HISTORY BOOK "any insurrection, or resist any invasion:* and ^"' « tlierefore, that it was fit to hear the bill read ; and more J 641. i( ^£ ^^y fitting expedient was proposed^ in it to that " purpose, to embrace it ; otherwise, to think of a " better. For the nomination of persons, it would " not be seasonable to speak of it, till the power and " jurisdiction were first settled and constituted : and " then, if it seemed too great for any subject, it " might be devolved upon the crown ; which yet was " not sufficiently possessed of a legal power to the " purposes aforesaid." The bill Upon this discourse, by a person of the king's read once * ' j i o ^ and no swom couucil, tlic bill was read ; but with so uni- versal a dislike, that it was never called upon the second time, but slept, till long after the matter of it was digested in ordinances. The peremptory day again drawing very near, for the king's journey into Scotland, and very little done towards the public, since the time they had pre- vailed with his majesty to suspend it, on a Saturday in the afternoon (the progress being to begin on Monday) they again fell into violent passion^ against the king's going into Scotland : the which they thought of so great importance to be hindered, that they resolved (and prevailed with tlie lords to do the like) to sit the next day, being Sunday; which had scarce ever'^ before been known, since the first institu- tion of i)arliaments ; and which they thought fit to excuse by a short declaration, that the people might not be thereby encouraged to profane the sabbath. * any invasion :] an invasion : passion] they fell into unusual ^ was proposed] were pro- passion again posed '^ scarce ever] never ^ they again fell into violent OF THE REBELLION. 489 • When they found the king constant to his former book resolution, and that all they could allege could pre- '■ — vail no farther with him, than, whereas he intended ^"^'* to go on ^ Monday after dinner, to stay till Tuesday morning, they very earnestly proposed, " that he " would leave a commission with some persons, to " pass such acts as should be prepared and pass " both houses in his absence ; and to make a custos ^' regni^ to supply the place of government till his " return :" with many other extravagancies, which themselves understood not. But when they found that no such commission could be legally granted, to consent to any acts that were not consented to by both houses at the date of the commission ; and that both the person and the power of a custos regni would be duly weighed, and would take up much consideration, if the king were willing to sa- tisfy them ; they were contented with a commission to the earl of Essex, of lieutenant-general on ^ that side Trent: which his majesty having granted; and The act of /,,, r> ' r> • 1 iii pacification confirmed the act or pacification between the two being pass- kingdoms, (which in great haste was transacted in^i,',„bg_ both houses, as if it had been only matter of form,)?'"''"*. ' J ' journey to- he took his journey from London towards Scotland ^^ards •^ -^ . Scotland. toward the middle of August, leaving both houses sitting at Westminster. The unexpected passion and importunity to hin- der his majesty's journey into Scotland was not well understood; and the less, for that the governing party was divided upon it : some of them, with trouble equal to what they had at any time ex- pressed, insisting upon his not going ; others alleg- « on] 'Not in MS. ^ on] of ^ 490 THE HISTORY BOOK ing, " that his majesty was so far engaged in it, that ^"' " he could not in honour recede from it :" whilst ^^'^^- the Scottish^ commissioners, who were often ap- pealed and referred to in the debate, answered so mysteriously, as argued rather a conveniency, and expectation of the journey itself, than any necessity in point of time. Neither was the ground of his majesty's so positive and unalterable resolution of going thither, sufficiently clear to standers by ; who thought he might have transacted the business of that kingdom (where he could not reasonably ex- pect any great reverence to his person) better at a distance ; and that his presence might be more ne- cessary in this. But, as his majesty's impatiency to see both ar- mies disbanded, and this kingdom freed from the invasion, (both which he heartily desired,) and his desire to refresh himself, from the vexation which the two houses, or one of them, or some in one of them, daily gave him ; hurried him to that expedi- tion, without well weighing and preparing how to comport himself through it : so, no doubt, that op- position, and instance against it (besides the con- tinued ^ desire they had to remove the king from any fixed resolution) was designed ^ partly, to pro- cure an excuse for the hasty passing the bill of pa- cification ; which they had purposely retarded (fore- seeing there were many particulars in it, that, if weighed, would never have been consented to) till they might be so straitened in time, that whoever o))jccted against what was offered, might seem to hinder the disbanding, and to necessitate the king's ^ Scottish] Scotch ' was designed] proceeded '' continued] natural 1641, OF THE REBELLION. 491 longer stay: but principally they hoped, ^ that his book majesty, rather than defer his journey, on which ^ he was resolved, would consent to any unreasonable qualifying such persons "^ whom they should name, w ith power in his absence ; and moreover probably there was " some real jealousy of the Scots at that time, and between the Scottish ° commissioners themselv^es, (as was conceived by some,) by reason of great addresses made to the king by the earl of Rothes, the principal and governing person of that nation, and some insinuation of favour from his ma- jesty to him ; so that they did in earnest desire to put off that jouraey, for fear of disturbance there. The truth is, the king was well satisfied with the promises made to him by that earl; who desired to live in this court, and was to have? been shortly made gentleman of the bedchamber, and was in hope 1 to marry a great and wealthy lady : and it is certain, the king expected, by his help and interest, to have found such a party in Scotland, as would have been more tender of his honour than they after expressed themselves ; and did always impute the failing thereof to the absence of that earl, who be- ing sick at the king's going from London, within six weeks after died. But others believed, he had been so far guilty of what had been done amiss, that he would neither have been able nor wiUing to ])reserve the foundation of that power, which might'" hardly have forgotten by what means it had been oppressed. ^ they hoped,] hoping, " Scottish] Scotch ' on which] to which '- was to have] should have "^ persons] person i was in hope] had himself " and moreover probably there a hope was] except there were ^ might] could 492 THE HISTORY BOOK I must not omit here, the disbanding another ^"' army, about the same time; the circumstances where- J641. of were very remarkable, and the cause of much TrrnVdii trouble that ensued. The king perceiving that he bout thb ^^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^ have any use of the new army time. in Ireland ; at least not that use for which it was raised, (which was, to have visited Scotland,) and finding often mention, enviously and maliciously, made of that army in the house of commons ; and having from thence (l)y the advice of the committee for Ireland) received some addresses for that purpose ; resolved to disband them ; and, to that end, signified his pleasure to the lords justices of Ireland, and to the earl of Ormond, his lieutenant-general of that army ; directing withal (according to the last advice he had received from the earl of Strafford) "that " any officers of the army should have free leave to " transport what men they ^ could get of that army, " for the service of any prince in amity with this " crown :" and shortly after, upon the earnest desire of don Alonzo de Cardinas, ambassador from the king of Spain, his majesty consented, that four thou- sand soldiers of that army should be transported for the service of that king into Flanders ; at the same time permitting as many as desired the same, to be transported for the service of the French king. This was no sooner known, but the house of commons in- terposed, with their accustomed confidence and dis- temper, " to beseech his majesty to revoke that li- " cence :" and, by impertinent and slight reasons, boldly urged and insisted on, as they did in every thing else, prevailed with the king " to inhibit the ^ they] he OF THE REBELLION. 493 " transporting any of those soldiers out of that king- book " dom, for the service of any prince whatsoever." . Many were of opinion that this activity in a busi- ^^^^• ness of which they had not the least connusance, pro- ceeded from the instigation of the ambassador of the French king; who was very conversant with the principal persons of that faction, and no doubt fo- mented those humours out of which the public cala- mities were bred ; and some said boldly, and one or two * have since affirmed it, as upon their knowledge, " that Mr. Pym received five thousand pound from " that French minister, to hinder that supply to " Spain." Others believed, that it proceeded only from that proud and petulant spirit which possessed them, to lessen the reputation of the king ; and to let the king of Spain and all other princes see the power they had, to oppose and cross his resolutions in the most pure acts of sovereignty. But I believe, though there might be a mixture of both the other reasons, the principal motive that induced them to that interposition, was the advice and desire of the committee from the parliament of Ireland, whose counsel was entirely followed in whatsoever con- cerned that kingdom ; and who, no doubt, might have some prospect of" the rebellion that shortly af- ter broke ^ out, which could hardly have taken effect, if that body of men had been removed out of the kingdom, according to the king's direction. But of that more in its place. As soon as the king begun >' his journey for Scot- land, all orders, and what else was necessary, were * one or two] an obscure per- of] had then designed son or two x broke] brake " might have some prospect > begun] began 494 THE HISTORY BOOK despatched for the disbanding; and a resoUition ' taken, " to send a committee of lords and commons 1641. « ^Q attend his majesty (that is, to be a spy upon him) " in Scotland, and to be present when the act of pa- " cification should be transacted in that parliament, " and to preserve the good intercourse and corre- " spondence which was begun between the two na- " tions :" but in truth, to lay the scene how the next year should be spent ; and to bespeak new laws for this kingdom, by the copies of what should be con- sented to for that. In this errand two lords, and four of the commons, were appointed to go ; but for the two lords, the lord Howard of Escrick served the ^ turn ; who was ready ^ to be governed by Mr. Fiennes, and Mr. Hambden, who, together with sir William Armyn, made up the committee. Which being despatched, they thought it time to breathe a little, and to visit their countries, ^ for whom they had done such no- table service : and so, towards the latter end of Au- gust, (having first constituted a committee to sit dur- ing the recess for the despatch of any important oc- currences, and qualifying them with jjower they could not depute ; such a committee, and such a qua- lification, having never before been '^ heard of in par- liaments,) both houses adjourned themselves till the middle of October following, by which time they pre- sumed the king would be returned from Scotland ; having, from the time that they were first convened, which was about nine months, (longer time than ever parliament had before continued together in one ' the] not in MS. b countries,] counties, '' ready] naturally ^ before been] been before OF THE REBELLION. 495 session,) besides all the*^ extraordinary acts of blood book and power, procured the king's assent to these fol- lowing important laws ; by some of which, ^ the king-.^^^'^^^^^^^* dom might have received ample benefit and advan- pass*- ii since *^ -^ tlie begin- tage. ning of this parliament. (( A bill for triennial parliaments : ^" which took ^,^ act for up a long debate; there being many clauses, in case *'^'^""'*' the crown should? omit tlie sending out of writs, uients; derogatory to majesty, and letting the reins too loose to the people : yet, since it was evident, that great ^ inconveniences had befallen the kingdom by the long intermission of those conventions ; and that that intermission could not have happened, if there had not been some neglect of what had been settled by former laws ; therefore ^ there was some colour of ^ reason for those clauses, by which the crown could in no case suffer, but by its own de- fault. At last * it found an easy passage through both houses ; and by his majesty (who was satisfied that such a frequency of meeting with his people, as once in three years, might be more convenient than prejudicial to his ser\dce ; and believed, that, by his consenting to this act, the proceedings in the "^ parliament would be more moderate) it had a favourable reception,'^ and was enacted by him the next day after it had ° passed both houses. " An act for the taking*- away the high commis- An act for " sion court :" which comprehended much more than tLTifgh^^^ commission '' the] their ' therefore] and therefore '^°"' ' '^ by some of which,] by '^ colour of] Not in MS. which^ 1 At last] Not in MS. ^ for triennial parliaments :] "^ in the] in this for the triennial parliament : " it had a f ivourable recep- ^ should] Not in MS. tion,] had an equal reception, ^ great] unspeakable ° had] Not in MS. 496 THE HISTORY BOOK was generally intended. That jurisdiction was erect- ed by a statute in the first year of queen Elizabeth, 1641. instead of a larger power which had been exercised under the pope's authority, tlien abolished; and, whilst it was exercised with moderation, was an excellent means to vindicate and preserve the dig- nity and peace of the church : though, from the lie- ginning, it was murmured p against by the non-con- formable party of the kingdom. But of late, it cannot be denied, that, by the great power of some bishops at court, it had much overflowed the banks which should have contained it; not only in meddling with things that in truth were not properly within their connusance ; but ex- tending their sentences and judgments, in matters triable before them, beyond that degi'ee that was justifiable ; and grew to have so great a contempt of the common law, and the professors of it, (which was a fatal unskilfulness in the bishops, who could never have suffered whilst the common law had been preserved,) that prohibitions from the supreme courts of law, which have, and must have, the su- perintendency over all inferior courts, were not only neglected, but the judges reprehended for granting them, (which without perjury they could not deny,) and the lawyers discountenanced for moving for^ them, (which they were obliged in duty to do ;) so that thereby the clergy made almost a whole profes- sion,"^ if not their enemies,® yet very undevoted to them. P murnuired] not unmur- fession,] made a whole nation, mured that is, ahnost a whole profes- 1 tor] Not in MS. sion, ' made almost a whole pro- ' enemies,] enemy. OF THE REBELLION. 497 Then, it was grown from an ecclesiastical court, book for the reformation of manners, to a court of re- __!!!__ venue, and imposed great fines upon those who were ^^'^^' culpable before them ; sometimes above the degree of the offence, had the jurisdiction of fining been unquestionable : which it was not. Which course of fining was much more frequent, and the fines heavier, after the king had granted all that revenue (whatsoever it should prove to be) to be employed for the reparation of St. Paul's church ; which, though it were a glorious work, and worthy the piety of those who advanced it, and the greatness of his mind who principally intended it, made the gi*ievance the heavier.* By these means (besides the conflux and influ- ence" of that part of the clergy then in town,^ which had formerly been obnoxious, and suppressed by the bishops : which I do not mention as any piece of their exorbitancy ; for I do not know that ever any innocent clergyman suffered by any eccle- siastical censure ; though, it may be, the guilty were more severely proceeded against, and with less po- litic circumstances, than the nature of that time re- quired) that court had very few friends ; and having many enemies, the proposition for abolishing it was easily hearkened to ; of which the violent party easily taking notice, they who prepared the bill in- serted clauses, that not only took away the high commission court, which was intended, but, upon the matter, the whole ecclesiastical jurisdiction ; and, under pretence of reforming the great abuses by the oath ex officio, and excommunication, de- t the heavier.] less popular. ^ then in town,] Not in " influence] reputation MS. VOL. I. K k 498 THE HISTORY BOOK stroyed and cancelled all coercive power whatsoever in those courts, which was never intended : yet, in ^^'^'- that hurry, it made a progress through both houses, and attended the royal assent. But, when his ma- jesty understood the extent thereof, and how far the body of the bill exceeded the title ; and that, instead of reformation, it was opening a door to the most scandalous offences, and leaving adultery and incest as unpunishable, as any other acts of good fellow- ship ; he made a pause in the consenting to it, till both houses might review whether the remedy y were proportionable to the disease. Immediately the fire was kindled against the bi- shops, as the only obstacles to any reformation ; with some passionate insinuations, " that, since they " opposed a due regulation of their power, there " would be no way but to cut them off root and " branch." And thereupon some bishops themselves were again made instruments ; and others, who pre- tended to take care of the church, persuaded the king, " for the bishops' sake, to confirm that bill :" whilst the designers were much pleased to find that logic i^revail; little doubting, but when'^ they had taken away their jurisdiction in the church, by that bill, and their dignity in the state, by removing tliem out of the house of peers, they should find it no liard matter to abolish their names and titles out of the kingdom ; and to enjoy the •' goodly lands and revenues, which could only make the reforma- tion perfect and complete. And in this manner that law was enacted. An act for « A bill for takiuff away the star-chamber court." talung away " "^ >■ the remedy] their remedy " enjoy the] enjoy their ' but when] that when OF THE REBELLION. 499 The progress of which bill was this. The exorbi- book . Ill tances of this court had been such (as hath been be- _ fore touched) that there were very few persons of '^'^'' quality who had not suffered, or been perplexed, by chamber the w eight or fear of those censures and judgments. For, having extended their jurisdiction from riots, perjury, and the most notorious misdemeanours, to an asserting all proclamations, and orders of state ; to the \dndicating illegal commissions, and grants of monopolies, (all which were the chief groundworks of their late proceedings,) no man could hope to be longer free from the inquisition of that court, than he resolved to submit to those, and the like extraor- dinary courses. And therefore there was an entire inclination to limit and regulate the proceedings of that court : to which purpose, a bill was brought in, and twice read, and, according to custom, committed. It being returned after by the committee, and the amendments read ; it was suddenly suggested, (by a person not at all inclined to confusion, or to the violent party that intended that confusion,) "that " the remedies provided by tliat bill were not pro- " portionable to the diseases ; that the usurpations " of that court were not less in the forms of their " proceedings,'^ than in the matter upon which they " proceeded ; insomuch that the course of the court " (which is the rule of their judging) was so much " corrupted, that the grievance was as much there- " by<^, in those cases of which they had a proper " connusance, as it was "^ by their excess in holding " pleas of that, in which, in truth, they had no ju- " risdiction : and therefore he conceived, the proper ^ their proceedings,] their ^ thereby] Not in MS. proceeding, '' it was] Not in MS. K k 2 500 THE HISTORY BOOK " and most natural cure for that mischief would be, ^'^* . " utterly to abolish that court, which it ® was very J (541. "difficult, if not impossible, to regulate; and, in " place thereof, to erect and establish such a jurisdic- " tion as might be thought necessary." Hereupon, the same bill was re-committed, with direction, " so " far to alter the frame of it, as might serve utterly " to take away and abolish that court :" which was accordingly done ; and again brought to the house, and engrossed, and sent up to the lords. So that important bill was never read but once in the house of commons, and was never committed; which, I believe, was never before heard of in parliament. It could not meet with any opposition in the house of peers : all who had been judges there hav- ing their several judgments hanging like meteors over their heads ; and the rest, being either grieved or frighted by it : and so, being brought to his ma- jesty, received his royal assent. Thus feU that high court, a great branch of the prerogative ; having rather been ^ extended and con- firmed, than founded, by the statute of the tenth year of king Henry the Seventh : for, no doubt, it had both a being and a jurisdiction before that time, though vulgarly it received date from thence ; and, whilst it was gravely and moderately governed, was an excellent expedient to preserve the dignity of the king, the honour of his council, and the peace and security of the kingdom. But the taking it away was an act very popular ; which, it may be, was not then more politic, than the reviving it may be tliought hereafter, when the present distempers shall be expired. ^ it] iVo^ iw, MS. ^ rather been] been rather OF THE REBELLION. 501 " An act for the certainty of the meets, bounds, book III. " and limits of all the forests in England :" which was a great benefit and ease to the people; who had^^^^^JJ^^^^ been so immoderately vexed by the justice in eyre's ti^^ ^er- . -^ . taiuty of seat, (exercised with great rigour by the earl of meets, HoUand, and revived by Mr. Noy, when he was at- and limits torney general,) that few men could assure them- °*^ ^°'^''*^* ' selves their estates and houses might not be brought within the jurisdiction of ^ some forest ; the which if they were, it cost them great fines : and there- fore, to ease them of their future fears, the king departed with his own unquestionable right (which would, a year before, have been purchased at the price of at least ^ two hundi-ed thousand pounds) without any murmur.^ " An act, that no clerk of the market of his ma- An act, . yr> • limiting " jesty's house should execute his office m any part the office " of the kingdom, but only within the verge of the"i,e'',ya,.ket " court: and the execution of that office granted toj^Jj^^'f^""^ " mayors and bailiffs of towns corporate ; and to the house; " lords of liberties and fi^anchises, and to their de- " puties." By which, the people through England were freed from many petty vexations and extor- tions, which the deputies and agents for that office (who commonly farmed the perquisites of it,'^ with- in several limits) exercised over them. And let no man say, that this was but an act of justice, for the redress of risible misdemeanours which his own of- ficers were guilty of; and that his majesty parted with nothing of profit to himself, by that act : for the misdemeanours of any office may be prevented, and ^ jurisdiction of] Not in MS. verity. i> at least] Not in MS. ^ perquisites of it,] perqui- ' murmur,] murmur for se- sites of that office, K k 3 502 THE HISTORY BOOK punished, and redressed, without the taking away, or suppressing, the office itself; which is an instance J 641. of power, and prerogative. And the other was used as an argument heretofore (which few have since approved) for the passing away most of the old rents of the crown, " that they yielded little profit to the " crown, being always swallowed by the many of- " ficers incumbent upon that ^ service ;" without con- sidering, that even those many officers are of the es- sential honour and greatness of princes. But, as that computation was very erroneous in point of thrift, so it is much more scandalous in point of power ; and he, that thinks the king gives away nothing that is worth the keeping, when he suffers an office, which keeps and maintains many officers, to be abo- lished and taken away, does not consider, that so much of his train is abated, and that he is less spoken of, and consequently less esteemed, in those places where that power formerly extended; nor observes, how ™ private men value themselves upon those lesser franchises and royalties, which espe- cially keep up the power, distinction, and degrees of men. An act for " Au act for thc prcvcntion of vexatious proceed- vexatious" " iogs touchiug the order of knighthood :" by which. touciiing " ^0 expiate the trespasses which had been lately com- proceedings toucliing Irkni-ht ^^^^^^^ 'jy the rigorous circumstances of proceeding hood ; upon that claim, the king parted with, and released to his people, a right and duty, as unquestionably due to him by the law, as any service he can lay claim to ; and such, as the subject received the dis- charge of it, as a singular benefit and advantage." ' upon that] to that " advantage.] advantage to ■" how] how much him. OF THE REBELLION. 503 " An act for the free making saltpetre and gun- book 111. " powder within the kingdom :" which was a part . of the prerogative; and not only considerable, as it^^^^f.j}^j. restrained that precious and dangerous commodity t^e free from vulgar hands ; but, as in truth it brought a saltpetre considerable revenue to the crown ; and more to powle"" those, whom the crown gratified and obliged by that ^'j',^I;|j" ,JJ'f licence. The pretence for this exemption was, " the unjustifiable proceedings ° of those (or of inferior persons qualified by them) who had been trusted in that employment ;" by whom, it cannot be denied, many men suffered : but the true reason was, that thereby they might be sure to have in readiness a good stock in that commodity, against the time theu' occasions should call upon them. "An act against divers encroachments and op-Auact ,, . . , I, I 1 • „ against pressions in the stannery courts : the logic or divers eii- which act extended itself to all inferior courts, and I,',"„t,''.^,„, manner of proceedings throughout the kingdom ; "^j"'!!^^^'^"^"* though the full measure of that benefit seemed to "^'t courts. be poured out upon the two counties of Cornwall and Devonshire ; the people whereof had been so much oppressed by the jurisdiction of that court, (supported and extended with great passion and fury by the earl of Pembroke, the lord warden of those stanneries,) that both prohibitions, and habeas cor- pus's from the king's bench, had been disobeyed and neglected ; not without some personal affront, and reproach to all the judges of that court : and there- fore, it could not but be great ease of heart to those parts, to be freed from the exorbitancy of that op- pression. "An act, whereby all the proceedings in the bu- " proceedings] proceeding K k 4 504 THE HISTORY, &c. BOOK " siness of ship-money were adjudged void, and dis- III . " annulled ; and the judgments, enrolments, and 1641. i( entries thereupon, vacated and cancelled:" which An act against (how just and necessary soever) was a frank depar- uioney. turc froui a right, vindicated by a judgment in the exchequer-chamber, before all the judges in Eng- land ; and therefore deserved a just acknowledg- ment ; besides that, some clauses in that statute as- sert the subject's liberty and property, beyond what was done by the petition of right ; which needed an , additional establishment. These acts of parliament, finished and enacted in the time we speak of; besides the quitting the long used right of laying impositions p upon foreign trade, in the preamble of the bill for tonnage and pound- age ; and besides that fatal bill for the continuance of this parliament; will be acknowledged,^ by an incorrupted posterity, to be everlasting monuments of the king's princely ^ and fatherly affection to his people ; and such an obligation of repose and trust from his majesty ^ in the hearts of his subjects, that no expressions of piety, duty, and confidence, from them, could have been more than a sufficient return on their parts : which how they performed, is to fol- low in the next place. P laying impositions] impos- ' of the king's princely] of a i"g princely 1 acknowledged,] hereafter » his majesty] the king acknowledged. *^ THE END OF THE THIRD BOOK. APPENDIX. APPENDIX, A. REFERRED TO IN PP. 137. 248. A. HAT which in the consequence was woi*se than all this, that is, which made the consequence of all the rest the worse, was, that by all those vast receipts and disburse- ments by the people, the king''s coffers were not at all, or not considerably replenished. Whether by the excess of the court, (which had not been enough contracted ;) the vmapt- ness of ministers ; or the intentness of ministers upon their own, more than the public profit; the maintaining great fleets at sea, more for the glory than benefit of the king, in a time of entire peace, and when his jurisdiction in the deep was not questioned, at least not contested ; or, which was a greater, and at that time thought a more unnecessary charge, the building of many great ships; or whether the popular axiom of queen Elizabeth, that as her greatest treasure was in the hearts of her people, so she had rather her money should be in their purses than in her own exchequer, (which she never said but at the closing of some parliament, when she had gotten all she could from them,) was grown current policy ; or whether all these together contributed thereunto, I know not ; but I am sure, the oversight or the misfortune proved very fatal. For as the crown never advanced itself by any remarkable attempt, that depended wholly upon the bounty of the people ; so it never suffered from abroad or at home, when the exchequer was plentifully supplied, what circumstances soever had accompanied or attended that plenty. And without doubt, if such provision had been made, the disjointed affections and dispositions of that time had not been too apt to lay hold and countenance the first 508 APPENDIX, A. interruption : and the first possible opportunity of interrup- tion they did lay hold of. About the year 1634 (there being as great a serenity in England as had been ever known) the king visited his na- tive kingdom of Scotland, where he had not been (other- wise than in his princely favours, which he had every day showered upon them) since he was two years old, and with much magnificence and splendour was crowned there ; and amongst other ceremonies was assured, (which, it is true, they had reason to believe would be very acceptable to his ma- jesty,) that they would, for their decency and union in God's service, receive a set form and liturgy, if his majesty would be pleased to enjoin it to them: and about the year 1637 such a liturgy was sent to them, with canons and orders for their church government. Whether that liturgy was com- piled with care and circumspection, whether it were recom- mended to the people with discretion and prudence, or whe- ther the people were prepared by due circumstances to re- ceive it ; whether the bishops of that kingdom or this were more passionate and unskilful in the prosecution, than for the time they ought to have been ; or whether the supreme minister of state employed and trusted by the king there were friend to the church, and so concerned enough in the disorders in the bud, I determine not ; but leave all men to their own judgments, upon the books of that time, written by both parties, and still extant. Sure it is, it was so far from a general reception, that occasion was from thence taken to unite the whole nation in a covenant against it ; and when so much way was given to their fury, as that both liturgy and canons were laid by, and assurance given that neither should be pressed upon them, the animosity continued, and grew so great against the church, that no- thing would satisfy them but a total abolition of bishops throughout that kingdom : for the better compassing where- of, all things were prepared there for a war ; colonel Lesley, a man of good command formerly under the king of Swe- den, and distasted here, (that is, denied somewhat he had a mnid to have, which was always to that people the high- APPENDIX, A. 509 est injury,) chosen to be their general ; and all provisions of arms and ammunition from foreign parts, and horses from the north of England, were procured with all possible care and diligence. To chastise these insolencies, and to preserve his interest in that kingdom, visibly then in issue, his ma- jesty raised an army, fit for the quarrel, and about May, in the year 1639, advanced in person towards the north ; hav- ing sent before the earl of Essex, lieutenant general of his army, to secure Berwick : which he did with very great dili- gence and dexterity. The pomp of this journey of his majesty (for it was ra- ther a progress than a march) was the first error committed, and was in truth the ground of all the errors and misfor- tunes that ensued. His majesty had summoned all the nobi- lity of England to attend upon him in this expedition; which increased his train, but added nothing to his strength. Whe- ther the ground of that counsel was an apprehension that the indisposition of the people might attempt in his absence, and so that it were safest to have the great men with him ; or whether there were an opinion and intention of raising money upon those who would buy their ease, and so be ex- cused from that trouble and expense ; or whether it was thought the drawing all the nobility together in that man- ner would look more like a union of this nation in the quar- rel, and so make the greater impression upon that, I could yet never learn : but affairs do only succeed well, when will- ing instruments are engaged in the prosecution; and he that is used against his inclination is not to be trusted in a capacity of doing hurt. At the first rendezvous at York, it was thought fit to unite the court and army by a counter- covenant, to be taken by every person, for the defence of the king, and to renounce any intelligence with the enemy. This being taken by all the rest of the nobility, was absolutely refused by the lord Say and the lord Brooke ; who were thereupon committed to prison, and so freed from farther attendance. By this time it was very visible, that the fac- tious and discontented party in England had close corre- spondence with these covenanters; to whicli purpose Mr. 510 APPENDIX, A. Nathaniel Fiennes, son to the lord Say, was then in Scotland, making it his way home from the Low Countries : and the defection of that nation was so entire, that, saving some few persons of honour, (whose friends, children, and allies, were likewise in rebellion,) there were no Scotchmen in the court or army. The king advanced beyond Berwick three miles upon the river of Tweed, where he pitched his camp, being above sixteen thousand horse and foot, which (if a number of lords and gentlemen, unwillingly brought thither, had been away) had been a very good army. Whether the Scots were at that time ready to have received such a strength, or whether they were in truth ever after strong enough to have encountered it, I cannot say, having heard several persons, who might be presumed to know much, se- verally discourse it ; and therefore I shall neither now or hereafter mention the actions or affairs of that kingdom more than is absolutely necessary to continue the thread of this relation, and then in such particulars as I have had a clear knowledge or a clear information in, the main being fit for a work by itself, and a workman more conversant in the mysteries of that people. Certain it is, from the time that the Scotch army (such as it was) drew near the borders, the purpose and desire of fighting every day lessened in ours ; the nobihty and gentry working so much upon the soldiers, that his majesty found it necessary to entertain the first overture of a treaty, which was almost as soon concluded as begun, and thereupon both armies disbanded ; his majesty intending, and having so declared, to be himself shortly with his parliament in Scotland to put an end and determination to all particvilars : sending in the mean time the marquis of Hamilton (who had been the only person trusted by his majesty in that grand affair) thither. The resolution for his majesty's personal repair into Scotland, which should have been within twenty days after the pacification, was quickly altered ; and the earl of Traquaire, then lord trea- surer of that kingdom, sent thither to hold the parliament as his majesty's commissioner, the king himself returning by ordinary journeys in progress to London. This altera- APPENDIX, A. 511 tlon, which they presently called a receding from the agree- ment, gave them a very great advantage, and was very prejudicial to the king ; and if he had gone thither in per- son, he would very probably have disposed them to a rea- sonable conformity, (for they had both the terror of tlie army they had seen so near them, and the trouble and charge of their own, before them,) or have broken upon some accident or new occasion, which might have been no reproach to the former counsels at the pacification : whereas, as it fell out, the rupture seemed to proceed from a review of the same considerations and conclusions; and so was thought a tax upon the former counsellors, who, the more they had reason to be ashamed of what they had advised, had the more reason to be angry at contrary resolutions. That which in truth was and reasonably might be the ground of that alteration from the king's going thither, Avas an ap- prehension of danger to his person, or rather, that his resi- dence there might be compelled to be longer than either was necessary, or he had a mind to make it : and infusions of this nature can only be broken through by the magna- nimity of the prince himself; for where there is the least hint of his safety, the most bold seemed the least careful ; and so all men confcrm their counsels, let the reason be what it will, and the necessity what it will, (for where great enterprises are to be undertaken, great hazards are to be run,) to what is most secure, rather than to what is most fit. Experience tells us, worse could not have befallen, than hath happened : and therefore (if for no other reason) we may soberly believe, his presence there, at that time that was designed, would have produced better effects, both in that kingdom and in this; which upon the commerce of that treaty, began to continue the traffick of intelligence. Next to his majesty's not going, the sending the earl of Traquaire as his commissioner was thought by many of the worst consequence ; for though he was a wise man, (the wisest to my understanding that I have known of that na- tion,) he was not a man of interest and power with the people, but of some prejudice ; and though he might be 512 APPENDIX, A. solicitous enough for that which he thought his master's sovereignty against that anarchy the people's fury seemed to set up, yet he was not thought at all a friend to the church, but rather to connive at many extravagances and exorbi- tances, (even after the time of his commission,) to the end that an alteration in the ecclesiastical might seem the more reasonable price for a reformation in the temporal state; though I know he dissembled that inclination so well, that he procured and received that trust under the notion espe- cially of being a stickler for, if not a patron of the bishops : whereas the fault or misfortune was, nothing succeeded in that parliament according to expectation ; and the earl, with- out dissolving it, returned into England, leaving them sit- ting, choosing immediately a commissioner themselves in the king's right, and shortly after summoning the castle of Edin- burgh (which was honestly and stoutly defended and kept by general Ruther for the king) to be delivered into their hands. The fire brake not out faster in Scotland, than the reso- lution was taken in England by some more prosperous at- tempt to repair the faults of the last summer, and either to reform or reduce that people, upon a full representation of the state of those affairs at the council-board, shortly after the king's return to London, by marquis Hamilton, who came since the raising a new army was intended with all vigour and expedition; and men being now at a greater distance from danger, the advice was not less unanimous for a new war, than it had three months before been for the pacification ; (a proclamation issuing out by the full advice of the lords of the council for the public burning the articles of the pacification ;) though they were willing shortly after to lay tlie guilt of this counsel upon three or four men, who bore the burden, and paid the price of the misfortune. The lord Wentworth, then deputy of Ireland, was about that time here, and to him the advice was acknowledged of calling a parliament, whereby his majesty might be enabled to wage that war. Whoever gave the counsel, the resolution was taken in December, 1639, for the calling a parliament in April fol- APPENDIX, A. 513 lowing ; to which purpose writs immediately issued out, to the singular and universal joy of the people. The deputy of Ireland, having with marvellous dexterity, between De- cember and April, passed into Ireland, called a parliament in that kingdom, procured four subsidies to be given, and a declaration very frankly made against the Scots, formed an army of eight thousand foot and one thousand horse, to be ready within three months, to march into Scotland ; and returned hither again before the day of the meeting, which was on the 13th of April, 1640 ; when, with the usual full solemnity, his majesty came to Westminster, and acquainted the lords and commons, that he had principally called them thither, to assist him against the rebellion of his subjects of Scotland; and informed them of many particulars in that business ; very earnestly pressing despatch, in respect of the season of the year, the forwardness of the preparation in Scotland, and their activity with foreign princes ; there being then a letter produced, signed by many noblemen of Scot- land, amongst whom the lord Lowden (then a prisoner in the Tower of London for that offence) was one, to the king of France, in plain and express words desiring relief and protection from him against their native king. That par- liament, assembled on the 13th of April, (as I said before,) was, to the extreme grief and amazement of all good men, dissolved the fifth of IVIay following, being in truth as com- posed and as well disposed a house, as, I believe, had met together in any time ; and therefore having never passed the least action or word of irreverence or disrespect toward his majesty during the time they contmued together. A better instance cannot be given of the modesty and temper, than that a member of the house of commons (Mr. Peard, who brought himself afterwards to a bold dialect) was forced to explain, that is no less than to recant, for saying, in a frank debate of our grievances, that ship-money was an abomina- tion ; which was within seven months voted little less than treason. It Avill be very little time spent to look over the particular passages in that short parliament ; which when we have done, we shall conclude the evil genius of the king- VOL. I. L 1 514 APPENDIX, A. dom wrought that dissolution, which was the most imme- diate cause (that is, the contrary had been the most im- mediate cure) of all that hath since gone amiss. Within few days after the beginning, at a conference between both houses in the painted chamber, the lords (as the whole sub- ject-matter of that conference) desired the commons, with all possible speed, to enter upon the consideration of supply, by way of subsidy ; which was no sooner reported in the house, but resented, as a great breach of privilege, that bu- siness of supply and subsidy being, by the fundamental rules of parliament, always to begin in the house of commons. More time was not spent, nor more warmth expressed, in this debate, than might have been reasonably expected. The king afterwards, by a message delivered in the house of com- mons by sir H. Vane, (then secretary of state, and treasurer of the household,) again pressed a supply ; and offered, for twelve subsidies, to quit any claim he had to ship-money for the time to come ; (that tax of ship-money being at that time levying throughout the kingdom ;) a great instance of the prosperity the court at that time took itself to be in. This message was delivered on Saturday the 2d of May, about ten of the clock in the morning, and the debate thereof was continued till four of the clock that afternoon ; which was then thought an extraordinary matter, the house usually in those times, and by the course of parliament, rising at twelve. The subject of the debate was upon three particulars. First, for the house to be pressed in matter of money in the begin- ning, before any redress was given, or so much as a consul- tation entered upon of those pressures and grievances, which had been sustained for at least a dozen years, seemed very unusual : and though the time of the year, and the activity of the Scots, were urged as motives to expedition, it was as obvious, that the season of the year was an argiunent rather made tlian found, and that it had been as easy to have liad the parliament the 13th of March as the 13th of April ; and therefore that consideration rather administered matter of jealousy than satisfaction to equal and indifferent persons. Secondly, men were somewhat startled to hear a composi- APPENDIX, A. 515 tion proposed (setting aside the proposition, which was then diought prodigious) for ship-money, whicli they expected should have been disclaimed in the point of right, and were sure would be declaimed against in the first debate: and they who out of several considerations had been always content to pay it, were nevertheless as unwilling, by making a pur- chase of it, to confess what they never believed, especially since they who had declai-ed it to be a right, (the judges,) had likewise declared it to be a right so inherent in the crown, that even an act of parliament could not dissolve it. I mention not the discourses upon the proportion of twelve subsidies, proposed as a recompense, and required to be paid in three years ; five the first, four the second, and three the third year ; which was then sadly alleged by grave men to be more than the stock of the kingdom could bear in so short a time; and without doubt was so believed : but we are reformed in that learning, and find, that, besides all vio- lence by the soldiers, and extraordinaries by fines and delin- quency, the very contribution, settled and cheerfully sub- mitted to in most countries, amount to above forty subsidies in a year, Avhich is only an argument that the wealth of the kingdom was much greater than it was understood to be. Thirdly, though there was not then any declared faction for the Scots, nor in truth any visible inclination to them ; yet the demanding a supply in that manner, and always upon that ground to raise an army against the Scots, looked like an engagement in or for the war ; which reasonably could not be expected from men, to whom no particulars of those affairs had been communicated. And as the same was crafti- ly insinuated by men who, it may be, were favourers of their proceedings ; so the consideration of it took place, or at least made pauses, in the most sober men, and made them wish, that the supply had been only desired, without giving other reason than the general occasions. But that had not so well complied with the ends of the king, who, it may be, looked upon the united declaration of both houses against the Scots as more in order towards the preventing a war, than all the supply they were like to give him would be to support it; L 1 2 516 APPENDIX, A. but this was the fitter to be wished, than attempted : yet in all this debate there was not the least objection made against the war, nor excuse made for the Scots ; only one member cast out an envious word, that he heard it was helium episcopale. This debate (the gravest, and most void of passion, and the fullest of reason and ingenuity that ever I have known) upon those three weighty points took up Saturday and Monday, and about six of the clock at night was adjourned till Tuesday morning, the temper and inclination of the house (for I speak of the house of com- mons, the work was upon them) being most apparent pre- sently to consent to give subsidies, though the number pro- posed was not like to be agreed unto. But on Tuesday morning, his majesty, having sent for the speaker before the sitting of the house, and carried him with him to West- minster, sent for both houses, and dissolved them, to the most astonishing grief of all good men that I ever beheld. Though it was as observable, that those who had been the greatest promoters of the troubles and rviin we have since suffered, were the most visibly satisfied and delighted with that morning"'s work that can be imagined : and one of them, of principal reckoning, observing a cloudiness in me, bade me be of good comfort ; all would go well ? for things must be worse, before they could be better. The ground and reason of that counsel, for dissolving the parliament, (for the resolution was taken in full and so- lemn council,) was upon a misrepresentation of the temper and disposition of the house by sir Harry Vane, who con- fidently averred, that they would not give a subsidy; but instead thereof would pass some such vote against ship- money, and other acts of power, as would render those courses, and so the benefits accruing from thence, for the future more difficult : which was a strange averment from a person who had been the only cause that a supply was not voted the day before, by his hindering such a question to be put, and affirming with much passion, that to his knowledge fewer subsidies than were proposed by his ma- jesty, and ])aid in any other manner than was proposed, APPENDIX, A. 517 would be absolutely rejected by him ; which was most con- trary to the instructions he had receivefd. Whether this un- heard of boldness in one place and the other proceeded from any intelligence or combination with that faction, whose ends were advanced by it, (his son lying then in the bosom of those people;) or whether in truth he thought himself less secure, having trod those high ways as furi- ously as any ; or whether his contracted venom and malice against the earl of Strafford obliged him to endeavour to dissolve it, and thereby to reproach the council of conven- ing it ; or whether a mixture of all these, as this last might naturally beget a greater compliance -with the first, and a greater solicitation upon the second consideration, I deter- mine not : but observed it was, and very worthy to be ob- served it is, that though the dissolution of that parliament was the ground or cause of all the mischief that followed, and therefore always inserted as the most odious aggrava- tion in the highest charge against any man they meant to destroy, as against the earl of Strafford and the archbishop of Canterbury, yet they never proceeded in the examina- tion and proof of that part, which they could have done as well as they did in more secret discoveries, if they had not known it would most have concerned some to whom they meant not to be severe : and though this connivance might have been in the archbishop''s trial, upon the merit of his late services and sufferings, yet at the time of the earl of Strafford's arraignment (which was before notice was taken of the robbing of the cabinet) it could not have been for- borne, especially when it might possibly have added some- what to his guilt, which might have been thought necessary to be improved by such an unpopular addition, if it had not been for some extraordinary service, which was not then acknowledged. However, it seemed strange to many standers by, that this untrue information given by sir Harry Vane could produce so fatal a resolution, when there were two other counsellors then of the house, besides many other persons of interest, whose testimony might have been equally considered : which no doubt it would have been, if Lis 518 APPENDIX, A. it had been as confidently alleged, and if the other''s con- firmation had not received much confirmation and credit by the concurrence of sir Edward Herbert, then solicitor ge- neral, a man that gives as much reason to other men, and as little to himself, as most I know. The hopes and expectations of money and assistance from that parliament being determined, the lords of the council (according to their declaration at that meeting, when the summoning a parliament was agreed upon in De- cember before, that if by any refractoriness in that conven- tion, the king should not receive the fruit and aid he pur- posed, they would assist him any extraordinary way) gave direction for the more vigorous execution of the writ, and instructions for ship-money ; committed four members of the late parliament for somewhat said or done there ; and searched the chambers and closets of others, (which always gave credit to the persons, never contributed to the work in hand, whatever it was,) and for a foundation for raising an army, which the preparations in Scotland, and the pro- ceedings there, (for they had taken in or besieged all the castles which were in the hands of men trusted by the king,) made very necessary. The lords themselves under- took presently to lend great sums of money to his majesty, many, twenty thousand pounds apiece, and by their ex- amples to invite (and the invitation of such examples was well understood) other men to do the like : and to that pur- pose all great officers, and all men notoriously known to have money, or to be able to procure any, were sent for and treated with at the council-table ; by which means in very few days near three hundred thousand pounds were not only provided, (which gave present reputation to the action,) but really paid into the exchequer. A general was 9^ppointcd, &c. as in page 248. APPENDIX, B. REFERRED TO IN PAGE 295. x\T the opening of the parliament, (which was on the third day of November, 1640,) the king very frankly de- livered himself to the lords and commons, that he put his whole affairs into their hands, and was resolved to follow their advice, both in order to an agreement with the Scots, and in repairing the grievances at home, which he con- fessed the necessities of the times had brought upon his people. All those, whether in church or state, he was willing should be removed, and desired that all things might be reduced to the good order and practice of queen Elizabeth; which to the people of England were sure looked upon with the greatest reverence : and so left them, the house of commons being in the first place to choose a speaker. And in this first entrance there was an ill accident, (though then by many not valued, by wise men considered as of great moment, and an ill presage.) As soon as his majesty had resolved upon the calling of a parliament, he considered of a fit speaker, (the election of whom in all times had been by the designation of the king,) and resolved upon sir Thomas Gardiner, then recorder of London, a man very affectionate to his service, and very fit to have moderated in such an assembly. This was no sooner known, (which according to custom was as soon published as resolved, that he might make his provisions accordingly,) than the leaders of that people expressed much trouble at it ; presuming he would never be induced to comply with their purposes; and used their utmost endeavovu's to keep him from being re- turned a member of the house, without which it was not possible to be chosen speaker. So, in the election of the l14 520 APPENDIX, B. o four members for the city of London, they carried it, that he was rejected ; which affront had been seldom offered to their recorder. Then they so wrought upon the earl of Pembroke, whose interest in many places was so great, that many burgesses were chosen by his recommendation, that notwithstanding he was a person of near ti'ust Avith that earl, and promised a place by him, he was likewise there disappointed : so that the morning before the appearance of the lords and commons, (which was to be in the after- noon,) sir Thomas Gardiner, being not returned a member, the king was put to a new consideration for a speaker ; and was in that sudden distress persuaded to design Mr. Len- thall, (a lawyer of good practice, and no ill affections, but a very weak man, and unequal to sucli a task,) who was chosen speaker, and afterwards in the usual form presented to his majesty, and by him accepted. These ceremonies were no sooner over, than the house of commons (which meant to govern) fell briskly to their business, and spent the two first days in very sharply discussing the general state of the kingdom, mentioned the miscarriages in church and state with great bitterness ; and the third day, after a debate of seven or eight hours, resolved to accuse the earl of Strafford of high treason. Thouo-h the earl was as un- loved a person in that house as can be imagined, yet there wanted not some, who desired, for the dignity of the house, that a charge of so high a nature, against a person not like to be easily oppressed, should be very warily weighed and considered. On the other side, it was confidently under- taken, that an impeachment should within few days be brought in, by which his guilt would be very manifest. In the mean time the ground and necessity of their proceed- ing they declared to be these : that the earl had an inten- tion, and endeavoured to overthrow the fundamental go- vernment of the kingdom by the law, and to introduce an arbitrary power ; and to that purpose, that he had an army ready in Ireland, which should have been brought over into this kingdom, whicli some persons undertook upon Ihoir reputations to prove, though (they said) the particu- APPENDIX, B. 521 lars at that time were not fit for many reasons to be disco- vered. Then many exorbitant speeches and actions in Eng- land and Ireland, said and done by him, were remembered. But two particulars, one as a ground, the other as a reason, were especially given, for the speedy accusing him of high treason, which prevailed over many. ^To those who were known to have no kindness for him, and seemed to doubt whether all the particulars alleged, being proved, would amount to high treason, it was alleged, that the house of commons were not judges, but only accusers ; and that the lords were the proper judges, whether such a complication of enormous crimes in one person did not amount to the highest offence the law took notice of; and therefore that it was fit to present it to them. In the next place, that it was most necessary immediately to accuse him of high treason, by which probably the lords would think fit to remove him from the king''s presence : whereas, if that were not, his in- terest and activity was such, as he would be able to render all their good endeavours for the commonwealth fruitless. With these reasons, and the warmth of six or seven hours'* debate, in which many instances were given of most ex- travagant power exercised by him, (which being so unlike any thing they had before heard of, men the more easily called treason,) it was concluded, that an accusation of high treason should be immediately sent up against him ; which was by Mr. Pym (accompanied by very many of the house of commons) carried up to the lords'" bar about four of the clock in the afternoon, that house sitting then by instinct, though the doors of the house of commons had been shut, and no member suffered to go out during the whole agita- tion. The accusation was no sooner delivered, and the mes- sengers retired to expect an answer, than the earl (who came in that article into the house) was commanded to withdraw, and presently brought to the bar on his knees, and from thence committed to prison to the gentleman » At this part of the manuscript C. this part is taken, and directing that is a mark apparently by lord Claren- this paragraph should be, as it is, in- don, answering to a similar mark in serted in that particular part of the MS. B. from whence the history in history. See Hist. p. 304. line 24. 522 APPENDIX, B. usher of the black rod, without so much as a pause, whe- ther a bare accusation of treason, without any particular charge, were ground enough to commit a member of their own body ; which was not then thought fit to be doubted. [The subsequent proceecUngs of the house of commons, with respect to the lord keeper Finch and archbishop Laud, in the printed history, are taken from the same manuscript as the above extract. The follo-icing relation of the same transactions is copied from 3IS. B. p. 105.] It began now to be observed, that all the public profes- sions of a general reformation, and redress of all tlie griev- ances the kingdom suffered under, were contracted into a sharp and extraordinary prosecution of one person they had accused of high treason, and within some bitter men- tion of the archbishop ; that there was no thought of dis- missing the two armies, which were the capital grievance and insupportable burden to the whole nation; and that instead of questioning others, who were looked upon as the causes of greater mischief than either of those they pro- fessed so much displeasure against, they privately laboured, by all their offices, to remove all prejudice towards, at least all thoughts of prosecution for, their transgressions; and so that they had blanched all sharp and odious men- tion of ship-money, because it could hardly be touched without some reflection upon the lord Finch, who had acted so odious a part in it, and who, since the meeting in the great council at York, had rendered himself very gra- cious to them, as a man who would facilitate many things to them, and therefore fit to be preserved and protected. Whereupon the lord Falkland took notice of the business of ship-money, and very sharply mentioned the lord Finch as the principal promoter of it; and that being then a sworn judge of the law, he had not only given his own judgment against law, but been the solicitor to corrupt all the other judges to concur with him in their opinion : and concluded, that no man ought to be more severely prose- APPENDIX, B. 523 cuted than he. It was very visible that the leading men were much troubled at this discourse, and desired to divert it; some of them proposing, in regard we had very much great business upon our hands, and in necessary preparation, we should not embrace too much together, but suspend the debate of ship-money for some time, till we could be more vacant to pursue it ; and so Avere ready to pass to some other matter. Upon which Mr. Hyde insisted, upon what the lord Falkland had said, there was a particular of a very extraordinary nature, which ought to be examined without delay, because the delay would probably make the future examination to no purpose. And therefore proposed, that immediately, whilst the house was sitting, a small com- mittee might be appointed, who, dividing themselves into the number of two and two, might visit all the judges, and ask them apart, in the name of the house, what messages the lord Finch, when he was chief justice of the court of common pleas, had brought to them from the king in the bu- siness of ship-money, and whether he had not solicited them to give judgment for the king in that case. Which motion was so generally approved by the house, that a committee of eight, whereof himself was one, was presently sent out of the house, to visit the several judges, most whereof were at their chambers. And justice Crook, and some other of the judges, being surprised with the questions, and pressed ear- nestly to make clear and categorical answers, ingenuously acknowledged, that the lord chief justice Finch had fre- quently, whilst that matter was depending, earnestly soli- cited them to give their judgments for the king, and often used his majesty's name to them, as if he expected that compliance from them. The committee, which had divided themselves to attend the several judges, agreed to meet at a place appointed, to communicate the substance of what they had been informed, and agree upon the method of their report to the house, which they could not make till the next morning, it being about ten of the clock when they were sent out of the house. That committee was no sooner withdrawn, which con- 524 APPENDIX, B. sisted of all men of more temperate spirits than the princi- pal leaders were possessed with, but, without any occasion given by any debate, or coherence with any thing proposed or mentioned, an obscure person inveighed bitterly against the archbishop of Canterbury ; and there having been a very angry vote passed the house two days before, upon a sudden debate of the canons which had been made by the convocation, after the dissolution of the last parliament, (a season in which the church could not reasonably hope to do any thing that would find acceptation,) upon which debate they had declared by a vote that those canons were against the king''s prerogative, the fundamental laws of the realm, the liberty and property of the subject ; and that they con- tained divers other things, tending to sedition, and of dan- gerous consequence; Mr. Grimston took occasion, from what was said of the archbishop, to put them in mind of their vote upon the canons; and said, that their presumption in sitting after the dissolution of the parliament, contrary to custom, if not contrary to law, and the framing and con- triving all those canons, which contained so much sedition, was all to be imputed to the archbishop; that the Scots had required justice against him for his being a chief incen- diary and cause of the war between the two nations ; that this kingdom looked upon him as the author of all those innovations in the church which were introductive to popery, and as a joint contriver with the earl of Strafford to involve the nation in slavery: and therefore proposed that he might be presently accused of high treason, to the end that he might be sequestered from council, and no more repair to the presence of the king, with whom he had so great credit, that the earl of Strafford himself could not do more mis- chief by his counsels or infusions. This motion was no sooner made, but seconded and thirded, and found such a general acceptation, that without considering that, of all the envious particulars whereof he stood reproached, there was no one action which amounted to treason, they forthwith voted that it should be so, and immediately promoted Mr. Grimston to the message : who presently went up to the APPENDIX, B. 625 house of peers ; and being called in, in the name of all the commons of England accused the archbishop of Canter- bury of high treason, and other misdemeanours : and con- cluded in the same style they had used in the case of the lord lieutenant of Ireland. Upon which the poor archbi- shop (who stoutly professed his innocence) was brought to the bar upon his knees, and thence committed to the cus- tody of Maxwell, the gentleman usher of the black rod, (from whence the earl of Strafford had been sent few days before to the Tower;) where he remained many months before they brought in a particular charge against him. Notwithstanding which brisk proceeding against the arch- bishop, when the committee the next morning made their report of what the several judges had said concerning the lord Finch, they were wonderfully indisposed to hear any thing against him: and though many spake with great sharpness of him, and how fit it was to prosecute him in the same method and by the same logic they had pro- ceeded with the other two ; yet they required more particu- lars to be formally set down of his miscarriage, and made another committee to take further examinations, in which committee Mr. Hyde likewise was. And when the report was made, within few days, of several very high and im- perious miscarriages, besides what related to ship-money, upon a motion made by a young gentleman of the same family, who pretended to have received a letter from the lord keeper, in which he desired to have leave to speak in the house, before they would determine any thing against him, the debate was suspended for the present, and liberty ^ven him to be there, if he pleased, the next day. At which time, having likewise obtained the permission of the peers to do what he thought good for himself, he appeared at the bar; said all he could for his own excuse, more in magnifying the sincerity of his religion, and how kind he had been to many preachers, whom he named, and whom he knew were of precious memory with the unconformitable party; and con- cluded with a lamentable supplication for their mercy. It was about nine of the clock in the morning when he went 526 APPENDIX, B. out of the house : and when the debate could no longer be deferred what was to be done upon him, and when the sense of the house appeared very evidently, notwithstanding all that was said to the contrary, by those eminent persons who promoted all other accusations with the utmost fury, that he should be accused of high treason in the same form the other two had been, they persisted still so long in the de- bate, and delayed the putting the question, by frequent in- terruptions, (a common artifice,) till it was twelve of the clock, and till they knew that the house of peers was risen, (which they were likewise easily disposed to, to gratify the keeper ;) and then the question was put, and carried in the affirmative, with very few negatives; and the lord Falk- land appointed to carry up the accusation to the house of peers ; which they knew he could not do till the next morn- ing : and when he did it the next morning, it appeared that the lord Finch had sent the great seal the night before, and wisely withdrawn himself; and was soon after known to be in Holland. There was another accident about the same time, very memorable, and fit to be inserted in this place : the raising as much jealousy as was possible against the papists, and making them as odious as formidable, was a principal part of the design, and was to serve for several purposes, and so was a part of every day''s exercise. The voluntary collec- tion and contribution made by them, upon the queen's re- commendation, upon the king's fa-st expedition against the Scots, was urged, with all the bold reflections which could be made upon that argument ; the public resort to Somerset- house, to hear mass ; the late perversion of some persons of honour to the Romish religion ; the reception of Con, and after him of Rosetti, (who was then about the court, or newly gone,) under a formal commission from the pope to the queen; and the liberty given Wall, Jesuit and priest, to resort into the kingdom, and to exercise their functions here, was a part of every set discourse that was made. And as much of this was intentionally to reflect upon secretary Windebank, (who lay imder the reproach of favouring APPENDIX, B. 527 and protecting the Roman catholics, and for that and many other reasons was very unpopular ;) so an unlucky occasion brought him quickly upon the stage, which administered somewhat of mirth. There was one Stockdale, a messenger of the chamber, whose office is to wait upon the secretaries of state, and to be sent and employed by them, who was notorious for his zeal against the Romish priests, and for a great dexterity in the discovery and apprehension of them. This man had come to the secretary for his warrant to carry one to some prison, who he said was a priest, who did pervert very many, and of a very turbulent nature, and did much mischief: that he knew where he lay, and to what place he most resorted ; and so with great pains and diligence apprehended him, and would carry him to the gaol as soon as he had his honour's warrant : the man pre- suming that he should have been very welcome to the se- cretary for the discovery. But he quickly found the con- trary ; for the secretary in much passion called him blood- sucker, and told him he was a fellow taken notice of to be of great cruelty, and to lie in wait for the blood of honest men, who lived quietly, and gave no offence, and forbade him to trouble him more in such occasions : upon which the terri- fied messenger was well content his prisoner should go whi- ther he would. Some months after, the priest was arrested, and taken in execution for a greater debt than he was able, or his friends willing to pay for him, and so put into prison, there being no suspicion that he was a priest. But his friends apprehended that discovery would be quickly made, and that he would be then prosecuted with the utmost severity, (he being a very active man, and obnoxious above others;) and so resorted to the secretary, to lament the poor man's condition, and so bespeak his favour, if the worst should happen. The secretary sent for Stockdale, and asked him what was become of such a priest, who was his prisoner : he answered him, that his honour had been so angry with him for the apprehension of him, that he durst no longer detain him, and had so suffered him to dispose of himself. The secretary replied, that answer would not serve his turn ; 59S APPENDIX, B. that he had not been angry with him for his apprehension ; but he remembered that he had spoken with him about it at a time that he was very busy upon some despatch the king had enjoined him, and so was unwilling to be inter- rupted, and might possibly from thence speak angrily to him. That he had received new information that that priest was a dangerous man, and therefore that he should be very solicitous to find him, and take him into his custody ; which if he should fail to do, he would commit him to gaol for him, for suffering him to escape ; for, having been his pri- soner, he was to answer for liim ; and he knew what a priest was by the law, and consequently what would become of him for discharging him. The poor messenger, thus terri- fied, said, he would use all the means he could to find him out: and within a short time had intelligence (as there never want false brothers to make these discoveries) that the man was in such a prison ; where he found him, and seized upon him as his prisoner. And the keeper of the prison, when he knew he was a priest, and sent for by a se- cretary of state, suffered him to take him away ; who went with great joy to the secretary with his prisoner ; who com- mended his diligence, and told him, he would take care to lay the man fast enough from running away : and the mes- senger being so discharged, the prisoner was likewise left to look better to himself. It was not long before the cre- ditor, at whose suit the priest had been taken in execution, missed his debtor ; and thereupon brought his action against the gaoler for an escape ; and he for his own indemnity sued the messenger for rescuing his prisoner ; and the mes- senger complained by petition to the house of commons, and set out the whole proceedings. The petition was very ac cep table, and read with great delight : and the secretary himself, being then in the house, and hearing it read, gave so ill an account of himself, (as he was a bashful speaker,) that he was called upon to withdraw ; and so, according to custom, retired into the committee-chamber : and the house was scai'ce entered upon the consideration how they should proceed against him, when a message came from the house APPENDIX, B. 529 of peers for a present conference ; which being consented to, the house was adjourned : and the conference taking up some time, the house being resumed, the managers desired time till the morning to make their report : and thereupon the house resolved to rise, and adjourned accordingly; friends and enemies being well contented to suspend for the present any further proceeding against the secretary ; who took the opportunity, as soon as the house was up, to go to his own house. And knowing well, that the house meant not to give him over, and that the committee, who had made inquiry into his actions, were furnished with many grievous particulars, which he knew not how to answer, and amongst the rest, that they had in their hands, which the keeper of Newgate had delivered to them, some warrants under his hand for the discharge and release of one or more priests, after they were attainted, and after judgment had been given against them, which must have been very penal to him, it being neither of his office nor in his power to gi-ant such warrants, nor in the gaoler's to have obeyed them; which he had done, and so the men escaped : and so he lost no time in withdrawing himself: so that when the house sent for him, he was not [to] be found ; and within few days it was known that he was landed at Calais. And so, witliin less than two months from their first day of the sitting, the parliament had accused and imprisoned the two gi'eatest ministers of state, the archbishop of Canterbury, and the lord lieutenant of Ireland, under a charge of high treason ; forced the lord keeper of the great seal and the principal secretary of state, to avoid the penalty of the like charge, to leave their offices and the kingdom, and to fly into foreign parts ; terrified all the privy-council, and very many of the nobility and of the most considerable gentlemen of the kingdom, with their votes upon commitment, and decrees of the star-chamber, and upon lord lieutenants and deputies lieutenants ; and frighted the bishops and all the cathedral clergy with their arraignment of the canons. So that it was no wonder that nobody appeared with courage enough to provoke them by any contradiction. VOL. I. Mm APPENDIX, C REFERRED TO IN PAGE 349. JL HERE cannot be a better instance of the unruly and mutinous spirit of the city of London, which was the sink of all the ill humour of the kingdom, than the triumphant entry which some persons at that time made into London, who had been before seen upon pillories, and stigmatized as libellous and infamous offenders: of which classis of men scarce any age can afford three such as Pryn, a lawyer, Bastwick, a physician, and Burton, a preacher in a parish of London, names very well known to that time ; who had been all severely sentenced in the star-chamber, at several times, for publishing seditious books against the court, and the government of church and state : and having undergone the penalties inflicted upon them by those sentences, con- tinued the same practice still, in the prisons where the)"^ were kept, and still sent out the most bitter and virulent libels against the church, and the persons of the most emi- nent bishops, that their malice could invent. For which, being again brought into the star-chamber, ore tenus, they with great impudence acknowledged what they were charged with, and said they would justify the truth of all they had said or \\Tit, and demanded that none of the bishops, who, they said, were parties, and their declared enemies, might sit in the court as their judges ; and committed many inso- lencies, which enough provoked the court to be severe to them ; which, upon a day set apart only for that debate, with great solemnity most of the lords declared their parti- cular judgments against them in set and formed discourses; so that there was never a greater unanimity in any sen- tence ; and they were judged to undergo corporal punish- ment, and to remain prisoners during their lives; which sentence was executed upon them with the utmost rigour. And afterwards, upon the resort of persons to them in pri- son, and by that means they finding still opportunity to APPENDIX, C. 531 spread their poison, they were all removed to several pri- sons, Pryn to the Isle of Jersey, Bastwick to a castle in North Wales, and Burton to the Isle of Scilly ; where they remained unthought of for some years. This parliament was no sooner met, but a petition was delivered by Bast- wick's wife on the behalf of hor husband, which brought on the mention of the other two, and easily procured an order for the bringing them to the town, to the end they might have liberty to prosecute their complaints ; and orders were signed by the speaker of the house of commons to the seve- ral governors of the castles where they were in custody, for their safe sending up. Whether it were by accident or combination, Pryn and Bastwick met together in the same town and the same inn, two days short of London, and were received and visited by many of the town and places adjacent, as persons of merit, and to whom much kindness and respect was due. The next night they came to Cole- brook, where they were met by many of their friends from London, and were treated with great joy and feasting ; and being to come to London the next day, they were met by multitudes of people, on horseback and on foot, who with great clamour and noise of joy congratulated their reco- very. And in this manner, about two of the clock in the afternoon, they made their entry into London by Charing- cross; the two branded persons riding first, side by side, with branches of rosemary in their hands, and two or three hundred horse closely following them, and multitudes of foot on either side of them, walking by them, every man on horseback or on foot having bays or rosemary in their hats or hands, and the people on either side of the street strew- ing the way as they passed with herbs, and such other greens as the season afforded, and expressing great joy for their return. Nor had any minister of justice, or magistrate, or the state itself, courage enough to examine or prosecute in justice any persons who were part of that riotous assem- bly, whereof there were many citizens of good estates ; so low the reputation of the government was fallen, and so heartless all who should have supported it. M m 2 APPENDIX, D. REFERRED TO IN PAGE 361. tllTHERTO the vast burden of fourscore thousand pounds a month for the two armies was supported by par- ticular loans and engagements of particular persons, no bill of subsidies being yet preferred; and in those loans and engagements, no men so forward as the great reformers be- fore mentioned : and their policy in this was very notable. If subsidies had been granted at first, proportionable to the charge, (as naturally was expected,) a stock of credit would have been raised, whereby monies might have been had for the disbanding both armies, which they had not mind to, as Mr. Stroud once said, when that point was pressed, and that the Scots might return ; that they could not yet spare them, for the sons of Zeruiah were too strong for them. Then, they made their own merit and necessary use appear, that the great occasions of the kingdom, and the preserving it from two great armies, depended upon their interest and reputation ; and therefore they suffered the Scots"' commis- sioners sometimes in great disorder to press for money, when none was ready, and to declare, that if it were not re- turned by such a day, their army must necessarily advance to change their quarters ; that so their dexterity might ap- pear in suppressing or supplying that importunity. In the last place, the task of borrowing of money gave them op- portunity of pressing their own designs to facilitate their work ; as, if any thing they proposed in the house was crossed, presently the city would lend no more money, be- cause of this or that obstruction : tlie particulars whereof, and the advantages they had by it, will be mentioned sea- sonably. At last, rather for the support of their own ere- APPENDIX, D. 533 dit, than the supply of the kingdom, a bill was prepared for six subsidies, to be received by persons appointed by themselves, without ever passing through the king's exche- quer ; for which there was a natural excuse, that it would hardly discharge the present engagements, and so was pro- perly to be received by them who had before advanced the money ; yet, according to the formality of parliament, and as if 8ec. as in Hist, page 367, line 10. APPENDIX, E. REFERRED TO IN PAGE 446. Within two or three days after this time, the earl of Bedford, who was the only man of that authority with the leaders, that he could to some degree temper and allay their passions, as being most privy to their ambitions, fell sick of the small-pox, and in few days died ; which put an end, at least for the present, to all treaties at court. For though the lord Say, (who was already master of the wards, in the place of the lord Cottington, who wisely withdrew from that office to accommodate him, as he had done before from the chancellorship of the exchequer for the accommo- dation of Mr. Pym,) that he might succeed him in his pretence to the treasurer''s staff, was very wiling to succeed him in the moderate pretences, and would have been con- tented to have preserved the life of the earl of Strafford ; yet neither his credit with the king, nor his authority with his confederates, was equal to the other's : and so they pro- ceeded with all imaginable fury against that unfortunate great man, till they had taken away his hfe. The manner of that trial, and the proceeding afterwards against him by bill of attainder, and the drawing down the tumult to Westminster, for the facilitating the passage of that bill in the house of peers ; the fixing up the names of those who dissented from it in the house of commons, as enemies to their country; the application to the king by the bishop of Lincoln, (then made archbishop of York,) to satisfy him in point of conscience; the drawing down the tumvilts again to Whitehall, to cry out for justice; the king's unwilling consent to that bill ; and the behaviour and courage of the car] at his death ; the advantage the governing party had APPENDIX, E. 535 from the discovery of a senseless combination, or rather a foolish communication between some officers of the army, who betrayed each other, upon which Wilmot, Ashburn- ham, and Pollard, three members of the house, were com- mitted to prison, Perry, Jermin, and some others, fled the kingdom ; the protestation that thereupon was entered into by the house of commons for the defence of the privi- leges of parhament, which was taken throughout the king- dom, though it was rejected by the house of peers ; the mis- chievous use that was made of that protestation; are all particulars worthy to be mentioned at large, in the history of that time, though they do not properly belong to the discourse ^ we are now engaged in. » Tliis extract, it will be perceived, is taken from the original manuscript of the Life. APPENDIX, F. REFERRED TO IN PAGE 47T. About the same time, another bill sent to the lords from the commons had the same fate with that for the pro- testation, and were the two only acts the lords to that time had refused to concur in. The government of the church by bishops was of that general reverence, that notwith- standing the envy and malice that the persons of many of them had contracted, and notwithstanding the malignity the Scotch nation had expressed even to the function, ■there appeared not in many persons of consideration any intention to extirpate that order; but very many who seemed to be friends to that, (and some that really were so,) both of the house of peers and commons, were importunate (and had entered into a combination to that purpose) to remove the bishops from sitting in the house of peers : and to that end a bill was prepared and brought into the house of commons ; where, though it received some opposition, by many who well foresaw that the taking away that essential part of their dignity would be a means, in a short time, to confound what was left, and that they who were in truth enemies to them would never compound for less than an abolition, but would hereafter urge this as an argument for the other, whatever pretences they made, as some of the most violentest of them then, and who have since pursued them to the death, did publicly profess, and the principal of them protested to the king, that they would never at- tempt or wish any other alteration, than the removing them out of the house of peers; and although it was informed by those who well enough understood what they said, that the passing such a law would make a great alteration in the APPENDIX, F. 53T frame and constitution of parliaments, by reason that the bishops were the representative body of the clergy, and so made up the third estate ; yet that last substantial and un- answerable argument being understood by few, and having been formerly too peremptorily and unskilfully rejected by the clergy themselves, who would have found out and fan- cied another title of sitting there ; and many really believing that this degradation would abate the edge of that po- pular envy which otherwise threatened to cut off the order by the roots: others in truth thinking that twenty-four voices declared upon the matter for the crown, did or might too much prejudice the commonwealth in the house of peers, some being so angry with particular bishops upon matter of interest and title, that they sacrificed their reason and their conscience to their revenge : whilst they who had vowed their utter destruction and extirpation, well knew that this progress was most necessary for their end; and that the only way to rid them out of the church was first to rid them out of the house, that so there might be twenty- four voices less to oppose the other. The bill passed the house of commons, and was transmitted to the lords, where it received several solemn debates ; and at last, after very grave agitation, about the time that the bill for the pro- testation was cast out, by the consent of above three parts of four, it was likewise rejected : the which was no sooner known, than the house of commons let themselves loose into as great passion as they had formerly done upon the protestation, expressing great indignation that the lords should refuse to concur with them in any thing they pro- posed. And thereupon they caused a short bill to be pre- pared for the utter abolition of archbishops, bishops, deans and chapters out of the church of England, which was brought into the house of commons A^ithin three days after the other was refused above, he that preferred it using these verses of Ovid, after some sharp mention of the lords' non-concurrence ; Cuncta prills tentanda, sed immedicabile vtdmis Ense rec'idendnvi est, &c. VOL. I. N n 538 APPENDIX, F. which bill was shortly after committed, and took up the whole time of the house for near eight weeks together, till they found it was easier to resolve to destroy the govern- ment that was, than to agree upon any other in the place of it ; and till their own clergy, who most passionately and seditiously laboured to overthrow bishops, deans, and chap- ters, declared publicly at the bar, (where they were licensed to speak in answer to what some cathedral men alleged for their corporation,) that though it was very fit and just to take away the lands of the church from the bishops, deans, and chapters, which now enjoyed them, yet that it was not lawful to alien those lands to any profane or lay use : which being so contrary to their ends who principally pursued the extirpation, caused them for a time to give over that violent prosecution, and to suffer the bill to sleep. END OF VOL. I. „N.VERS.TV OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY Los Angeles This booUs DUE on the last date stan.pea below. vT)-^^^ a JUL 27 ^^ CO ittBi tt^i^^e |\U6 a /I SEP ^.91" "'^' St? i^^^^ DEC 51986 ?;r,'0 ID-URL 4WKAUG31 1996 . .M7T996; Form L9-Series 444 3 1158 0031 3 8046