TOUR TO SHEERAZ. 8^0. S^c. Sfc. A TOUR TO SHEERAZ, BY THE ROUTE OF KAZROON AND FEEROZABAD; WITH VARIOUS REMARKS' ON THE MANNERS, CUSTOMS, LAWS, LANGUAGE, AND LITERATURE OF THE PERSIANS. TO WHICH IS ADDED A HISTORY OF PERSIA, FROM THE DEATH OF KUREEM KHAN TO THE SUBVERSION OF THE ZUND DYNASTY. BY EDWARD SCOTT WARING, ESQ. OF THE BENGAL CIVIL ESTABLISHMENT. BREVIS ESSE LABORO, OBSCURUS, FIO,' LONDON: PRINTED FOR T. CADELL AND W. DAVIES, IN THE STRAND, BY W. BULMER, AND CO. CLEVELAND ROW. 1807. PREFACE. JjooKs of Travels have been received at all times, and in all ages, with avidity ; the Author of the present work will consider him- self well recompensed if he meet with a small portion of public indulgence. It has been expected of, and it has always been customary for, a traveller to assign the motives for his undertaking. Ill health and curiosity were the reasons which induced me to visit Persia ; and if the Public deem the latter to have been well directed, I shall receive an ample compensation for the temporary loss of the most invaluable of all blessings. Few countries have been visited oftener than Persia : relations of this country, however, have often been given by persons who were ignorant of the language of its inhabitants ; by others, who have been too intent upon their own concerns to interest themselves about the manners or usages of a remote kingdom; and by some, whose prejudices have not only directed their enquiries, but also commanded their opinions. How I have executed this work I am not to determine. I may be, however, allowed to mention, that I have spared no pains to TV V3 ^5i0o9 [vi] establish the accuracy of my information ; nor have I ever advanced any statement upon doubtful or suspicious authority. This work was originally published in India. The numerous and absurd errors of the press, which were observable in every page of it, have induced the author to print it afresh, and he trusts he has rendered his work more worthy of public approbation. The sub- ject of the Gaurs, or ancient inhabitants of Persia, appeared to nie to have been exhausted ; and I refrained from noticing a subject which has been so amply discussed by Sir J. Chardin. Since this work was printed, I have seen a knowledge of the ancient language of Persia, ascribed to the late Mehdee Ulee Khan : a knowledge as chimerical as his imputed virtues. His knowledge is said to have admirably qualified him for adjusting the discrepancies which have crept into the accounts of the Byzantine and early Mahometan historians. Admitting his acquaintance with the ancient language of Persia, I deny his ability of rectifying the contradictory accounts of the Greek and Mooslim writers : from what source was he to derive his knowledge ? but the same profound wisdom which created his knowledge, might likewise create for him materials. But I deny his knowledge of the language, for it had ceased to exist in the time of Chardin.* * Sir William Ousely belicvbs that there are many works sliil existing in the ancient language of Persia, and many stupendous monuments of antiquity which have been unnoticed by European travellers. To satisfy himself upon this subject, he has resolved upon visiting Persia. His intention may remind us of the spectators visiting Cairo to measure the pyramids.f + I cannot see that this is an unjust sarcasm upon Mr. Greaves; the accuracy of his mea- surement is now denied. , [vii] I have but few words to add upon ike subject of the translations which appear in this work. In no instance, excepting the quota- tions from the Ukhlaqi Nasiree, have I attended to the literal interpretation of my author. I have attempted rather to express the senliments than the words of the Persian authors; a task infinitely more difficult than giving the bare meaning of a few verses. The one requires thought, the other requires none; and I beheve it is a common observation, that a person may be a most literal translator, Avithout feeling the spirit, or comprehending the design of his author. Many persons have attached vast importance to the orthography of Indian or Persian words : I must confess that I attach none.* I have in general adhered to a system which was formed by Dr. John Gilchrist for his Hindoostanee Dictionary; but where words have received the sanction of universal usage, I have fol- lowed the voice of the public. To avow an obligation is a debt not only of gratitude, but of justice; I may be, therefore, excused declaring, that whatever knowledge I may be supposed to possess of Eastern learning, I must ascribe to the exertions which have been made by the Most Noble Marquis Wellesley in favour of Oriental literature: and although (as it is probable) I may not have done justice to those exertions, * For the sake of geography, it could be wished that a standard was fixed ; it is the business of the geographer, and not of the grammarian, to determine upon a regular system of Oriental orthography. [ viii ] yet this declaration will not prove me ungrateful for the benefits which I might have received. I shall not attempt to anticipate objections or extenuate errors. I have presented myself before a tribunal whose decision admits of no appeal ; and to whose judgment I must bow with deference and submission. Poona, October J3, 1804. [ix] CONTENTS, PART I. CHAPTER I. Voyage to Bushire — Gulf of Persia — Views — Shimals — Sburqees — Town of Bushire — Hindoo Images — Manuscripts, &c. page 1 CHAPTER II. Governor of Bushife — his Father — Trade — Persian Supper — belief in judicial Astrology -..7 CHAPTER III. Method of travelling — Respect of the Persians for Major Mal- colm, &c. &c. - - - - - -11 CHAPTER IV. Departure for Sheeraz — Dih Hushm — bad Swamp — Revenue Birasgoon — Stream impregnated with Naphtha — Pits — bad Road — beautiful Views — two Hill Forts — large Town of Dires in ruins — curious Custom — Ice and Snow — Appearance of the Moun- tains — Fort belonging to the Jews — City of Kazroon - 15 CHAPTER V. Account of one of Nadir Shah's Descendants — Steps cut in the Rock — View of a Hill on Fire — fine Valley of Dusturjan — my Companion robbed — Rahdars — bad Road near Sheeraz — Arrival at Sheeraz -------._ 254 b 1^1 CHAPTER VI. Reception of an honoraryDress— Description of Sheeraz — European Accounts — Climate — great Exaggeration — Bazar — Mosque page 29 CHAPTER VII. Reception of the Prince — Queen — Visit paid to the Governor — Respect shewn to him — Presents — Avarice of the Governor 34 CHAPTER VIII. Persian Gardens — Description of a Sohbut — Hafizeeu — taking out a Fal — perversion of the Verses of Hafiz — Huftun — Portraits of Hafiz and Sadee — ^Tomb of Sadee — Dil Gosha — Juhan Nooma — Kolahi Ferungee — Tukhti Qujureeu - - - - 36 CHAPTER IX. Persian Method of quartering their Troops and Servants — Celebra- tion of the Death of Omar — Reverence paid to Ali - - 42 ■■ CHAPTER X. Of the Buildings, Baths 44 CHAPTER XI. Artisans — Painters — Physicians ----__ 47 CHAPTER XII. Method of passing Time in Persia ------ 50 CHAPTER XIII. Of the Amusements in Persia - _ - - - 53 CHAPTER XIV. Dress of the I'ersians -.__-._. 57 CHAPTER XV. Of the Dress of the Women of Persia ----- gi [ xii ] CHAPTER XVI. Of the Muhuls - - - - - - - - page 64 CHAPTER XVn. Of the Police of Sheeraz 67 CHAPTER XVni. Of the Laws - - - 71 CHAPTER XIX. Of the Trade of Persia. 76 CHAPTER XX. Of the Customs, Taxes, &c. - - 79 CHAPTER XXI. Of the Military Force 81 CHAPTER XXII. On the Revenue - - - - - . ■■ - - - - 85 ~ CHAPTER XXIII. Of the Government .---.-.-90 CHAPTER XXIV. Of the King 96 CHAPTER XXV. Character of the Persians - - - - - -101 CHAPTER XXVI. - - - 105 CHAPTER XXVII. Of the Hunting of the Persians 110 CHAPTER XXVIII, Of the Horses of Arabia and Persia - - - - 112 / [ xii ] CHAPTER XXIX. Of the Date Tree - paire \\5 CHAPTER XXX. OftheDum - - . -II7 CHAPTER XXXI. Of the Wuhabees - - - - - - - -II9 CHAPTER XXXII. Mode of counting Time ----__. jgg CHAPTER XXXIII. Of the Coins in Persia. - - - - - - - 128 CHAPTER XXXIV. Departure for Bassora - - -130 CHAPTER XXXV. City of Bassora - - - -132 PART II. CHAPTER I. Persian Language, &c. - - - - - - - 145 CHAPTER II. On Persian Compositions — Authors - - - - - 148 CHAPTER III. Persian Poetry - - -153 CHAPTER IV. The Odes of Hafiz - 201 [ xiii ] CHAPTER V. Mystic Poetry page 219 CHAPTER VI. On the Ghuzl 230 CHAPTER VH. - - - - 239 CHAPTER Vni. - - - - 243 A HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF PERSIA - 259 APPENDIX. No. I. 309 No. II. 314 No. III. 317 No. IV. 318 No. V. . . , 320 No. VI. - - - - 322 No. VII. 324 No. VIII. - - - 326 No. IX. : - 327 No. X. - - 328 No. XI. 329 PART I. #. A TOUR TO SHEERAZ. CHAPTER I. Voyage to Bushire — Gulf of Persia — Views — Shimals — Shurqees — Town of Bushire — Hindoo Images — Manuscripts, SfC, On Saturday the 10th of April, 1802, I embarked on board the Shrewsbury, a vessel of three hundred tons burden, bound for the Gulf of Persia. The best season for performing this voyage, is from the commencement of October to the middle of March ; we were therefore too late, and were in consequence driven some degrees to the southward before we met with a fair wind. On the 2oth, however, we came within sight of land, and on the 26th entered the Gulf of Persia. Our scene was now entirely changed; the eye, which had been accustomed to behold a vast expanse of water, was now gratified with a prospect of lofty hills and numerous islands. Soon after our entrance into the gulf, we suffered greatly from a severe gale of wind, called a Shimal, from the wind blowing from the north-west. These Shimals come on very suddenly ; they usually last from two to five days, during Avhich time hardly a cloud is to be seen, although the wind rages with uncommon violence. B [2] The generality of gulfs, I believe, have two prevailing winds, the one fair, the other foul. A natural and obvious reason may be given for this circumstance in the Gulf of Persia. The high and stupendous mountains which skirt the shore, both on the Arabian and Persian coast, effectually prevent the wind from extending to the sea; so that, in fact, this gulf may be compared to a large funnel, which will only admit the wind to blow directly up or down. The other prevailing wind is called Shurqee, coming from the south-east; the chances are said to be, by experienced seamen, three to two in favour of the Shimal. The Shurqee is usually pre- ceded by a very heavy dew, which is quite the reverse with the Slnmal. After a most tedious passage, during which we experienced four violent Shimals, and once run on a sunken rock, we arrived, on the 22d of May, at Bushire. This town is situate on a narrow neck of laud, a very little above the level of the sea, and is frequently, from the rise of the tides, an island. The houses are mean, low, and small, being chiefly con- structed with mud, or with a white and soft kind of stone, which adds very little to the respectability of their appearance. Bushire is surrounded by a wall, with a few bastions, which might possibly be a safeguard against the predatory incursions of horse. Tliere are three Suraes, for the accommodation of merchants, out of repair, and old : indeed the only building of any note belongs to Mehdee Ulec Khan, the British resident at this place. The Com- pany have had a factory here for more than fifty years ; but I do not believe their trade to have been particularly advantageous. The broad cloth worn by the Persians is imported from France by the way of Russia; and, notwithstanding the expense of land carriage, they procure it cheaper than that which they purchase from the East India Company.* * Dr. Fryer mentions, that he bought cloth in Persia cheaper than it is sold in England. Travels into Persia, p. 264. French cloth is also brought into Persia by way of Constantinople. [3] Bushire is built oF the materials of Reesliire, a town four miles to the southward, and in the time of the Portuguese a place of con- siderable consequence. Pieces of cannon, and humam images cut in stone, have been occasionally found among the ruins of this place. The Hindoos resident at Bushire purchase these stones at enormous prices, and, I have heard, are particularly careful in pre- venting a stranger from polluting them with his hands. If these images be really those of one of their gods, it would almost authorise the supposition, that the Hindoo religion formerly prevailed in Persia.* But we must recollect that Reeshire was formerly inhabited by a number of Portuguese, and that possibly these images may be the representative of some Christian saint. It is greatly to be regretted, that conjecture must frequently supply the place of fact, and that our scanty and discordant accounts, upon Eastern sub- jects, will only allow of a diffident and sceptical opinion. The different and inconsistent relations we receive of a particular place, compel us to distrust our own observations: and it frequently happens, that the more earnest we are in our enquiries, the farther does the truth appear to be reraoved.-f- The Hindoos live unmolested by the Persians, and are neither • This has been the opinion of some ingenious and enlightened men, particularly Sir William Jones, who fixes Iran as the centre of migration. Vide Origin of Families and Nations, Sir William Jones's Works, vol. i. It might be proved, I think, from the Shalt Namu, that the Bramins once prevailed in Persia. Ky Kaoos, one of their kings, is accused of being a Bruhmun, The Hindoo religion is so pliant, that there is scarcely an opinion it will not countenance. t Bushire is a strong instance of the propriety of this remark. Out of three witnesses, two assert that the town is walled, and the third that it is defenceless. One says that it abounds with fine gardens, which is denied by a second evidence. Mr. Jones confirms the latter assertion, and maintains that the neck of land is never overflowed. Sec Voyage of Nearchus, p. 36'6-7. Much depends on the time tlicse several evidences visited Bushire. Walls built of mud are soon destroyed and soon rebuilt. Bushire is only an island when the tides rise very high ; but in such contradictory accounts as the above, much also depends on the sense attached to words. Thus one person may call a place surrounded with never so little water an island, and another main- taia the reverse, because a ship could not sail round it. [4] insulted nor oppressed by the government. This wonderful and extraordinary race of j^eople are spread nearly over the face of the globe : Mr. Forster makes mention of a colony near the Caspian Sea. The attention of one of the most enlightened characters the last century produced, Avas occupied in an attempt to discover at what period, or from what country, the followers of Brahma came into India.* The vulgar error, of their being the original inha- bitants of India, vanished with those clouds of ignorance and prejudice which so shamefully obscured the writings of former times; but if evidence were still wanting, the Mysore country is said clearly to demonstrate, that at no very considerable distance of time, its inhabitants owned the sway and followed the religion of Bood'h.-f- A respectable author asserts, that the religion of India could not have been derived from Egypt, because " the moon shines forth to the Hindoos a male divinity," which, he says, " is contrary to all other systems of mythology." |. He Avould find, however, upon enquiry, that in the mythology of the Saxons and Northern tribes, the moon was considered a male, and the sun a female, though their descendants have thought proper to adopt the more elegant and interesting fictions of Greece. § The Hindoo mythology and Jiistory appear to be buried in impenetrable darkness; the faint glimmerings they have reflected, but stimulate our desire to be more Intimately acquainted with the laws and sciences of a nation * Sir William Jones. The magnificent cave at Carli (^'village on ihe road from Bombay to Poonah) contains images of Bood'h, and yet this cave is archecJ, which, according to Mr. Maurice, would prove (hat it was excavated after that ot Elt-phanta. It is difficult to conceive that a people who could form statues of exquisite symmetry, should be ignorant of the principles of forming or excavating an arch. ■f A succinct account might be given, upon the authority of the priests of the Bood'h temples in Mysoor, of the introduction of the Bramin religion into th:it country. This information is more desireable than the fanciful hypotheses which have been framed of this people. J Indian Antiquities, vol. ii. p. 120. § This would furnish an argument (of what strength 1 shall not determine), that the religion of the East was diffused over the Western world. [5] who boast of such excessive refinement. But since the sera of Halhed and Sir William Jones, the existence of the precious manu- scripts of Sanscrit learning, has, like the chorus to a popular song, been echoed from author to author, who, though entirely ignorant of Sanscrit, have stamped with credibility a seemingly vague sup- position. For what production have we yet seen to justify these extravagant praises.? That the Hindoos possess many valuable works is extremely probable ; but our being perpetually told so, without one of these works being ever produced, is the most extraordinary of all methods, to convince us of the truth of this assertion. Unfortunately for the character and reputation of the Hindoo religion and mythology, it has been tortured by etymologists, and embellished by the ingenuity of fancy and of fiction; yet whatever it may have suffered in the purity and orthodoxy of its tenets, has been amply compensated by the illustrations of erudition, and by the powerful and persuasive assistance of poetry and of eloquence. We must not, however, forget, that systems founded on etymologies, and supported by solitary facts, are subject to one insurmountable objection. If one etymology, maintained by the most recondite learning, be proved erroneous, the whole system must inevitably be fallacious; for etymologies on Eastern subjects are like the key- stone of an arch, upon whose stability and permanence depends the existence of a vast superstructure. Sir William Jones, who may certainly be considered a sufficient authority, protests strongly against the licentiousness of etymologists; and yet the principles of almost every author 1 have read on Eastern subjects, rest solely on etymological conjecture.* Mr. Maurice, whose name must be * There is hardly a word which, agreeable to the principles of Eastern etymologists, may not be changed into any other Tlius mul may become liil, or nul, or nun, and possibly be the- means of discovering that England was peopled from India. Etymologies are usually brought ia support of systems, and ought not to be admitted upon questionable grounds.f t See Mr. Gilchrist's Improved System of Indian Orthography, where the barbarous errors- of iguorant Europeans are adduced to support the licentiousness of etymologists. [6] always mentioned with respect, and whose talents command admi- ration, soars too high, and continues his flight too long, I fear, in the pleasing but unsubstantial regions of conjecture ; 3^et his labours demand our gratitude, for he may be justly considered the only person who would have had the patience, perseverence, and ability to weave so pleasing a story from such a variety of incongruous and discordant materials. How feeble is the thread, how fine is the texture ! and a thread once broken destroys the beauty of the whole. Etymologies or conjectures, supported with learning, are like the bubbles we have seen school-boys blowing, gaudy and captivating to the sight, but fleeting and unsubstantial. [7] CHAPTER II. Governor ofBiishire — his Father — Trade — Persian Supper — belief in judicial Astrology. Jddt to return, after this digression, (which possibly does not accord with the character of a traveller) to Biishire. The present governor is Sheikh Nasir, the son of the celebrated Sheik Nusir, who sup- ported the dignity and independence of his situation against the power of Kureem Khan.* Bushire owes the little consequence it possesses to the efforts of this remarkable man, who, although perpetually engaged in war, carried on a very extensive trade with India and Muscat, the profits of which enabled him to keep up a large standing force. At the period of his death, he is said to have left his son two millions of money, three thousand camels, and six hundred brood mares. This is doubtless an exaggerated account ; it evinces, however^ the public opinion of his enormous wealth. But the son gave himself little trouble to preserve the acquisitions of his father; and, in consequence, Lootf Ulee Khan deprived him of that wealth and power which he wanted the spirit to defend. On being advised to take into his service a body of Georgians, who had been dismissed by A Moohummud, and who would have ensured the security of his property, he gave, as a reason for his refusal, that they drank rack, and where was he to provide them with intoxi- cating liquors ? A very considerable sum of specie is annually exported from • Vide Niebuhr. [8] Bushiie to Bombay, Masulipatam, and Bengal, whence they bring in exchange Giczerat Kincobs, chintz, long cloths, muslins, &c.* The King of Persia has lately endeavoured to put a stop to this large exportation of gold and silver, by offering a reward to whoever should weave cloth similar to the Madras long cloths; but the merchants cannot be supposed to interest themselves in an under- taking, which would convert a portion of their piofits into another channel. From some cotton bushes near Bushire, they fabricate a kind of cloth nearly equal to the China nankeen. I took notice of some castor-oil shrubs, and found, upon enquiry, that although its medicinal qualities were known, the oil was only used for lamps. As I brought bills of exchange upon two respectable merchants, and was recommended by the Bombay Government to the attention of the British Resident, I experienced every kind of civility and courtesy a stranger could require. Every one was eager to assist me, and, I easily perceived, were ready and impatient to take advantage of my ignorance. I was invited to an entertainment given by Mihdee Ulee Khan to the principal inhabitants of Bushire; and, as it is descriptive of their manners, 1 shall give some account of it. About eight o'clock we began to assemble, and as each person entered the room he was saluted with the usual Moosulman compliment. Every thing was ordered in the highest style of Eastern luxury; the Kuleean prepared with rose-water; sweet coifee in golden cups ; in short, there Avas nothing wanting which could contribute to the shew or ornament of the entertainment. -f* About ten, the supper (the principal meal with the Persians) was * The following statement of the suras exported from Bushire, was given me by the English broker : — Masulipatam, six lacs and a half; Calcutta, one and a half; Bombay, one and a half; Muscat one, in addition to which half a lac of drugs, &c. is sent to India; and at least one lac may be supjioscd to be sent without paying any freight. t The Kuleean is constructed on the same principles as the Indian Hookah. The Persians smoke pure tobacco, and never for more than two minutes at a time. The Kideeani Nypeech is smoked for a continuance. [9] brought in on trays, one of which was placed before ever}'' two persons ; then two pilaus, one of fowl, and the other of mutton. In the trays there were about eight dishes, some consisting of curds and cheese, and others of sour and sweet ingredients mixed together. During the time of eating, I remarked that they frequently drank out of two basons, which I conceived to contain soup ; but which proved to be a kind of sherbet, supposed to promote digestion : And, indeed, they have need of this drink, for they seldom appear satisfied until they liave emptied their trays. The conversation, both before and after supper, was general ; every one took his share in the discourse, and some enlivened it with the iiistory of former kings, and remarks on the present government. This is by no means the ca«e if the entertainment be given to a person of superior rank to the entertainer; rich cloths are spread before the door for him to walk upon, and Avhich become the property of his servants; the master of the house seats himself at a great distance from him ; if he speaks, the rest of the people speak also, if he is silent, a sullen silence is observed. A great man in Persia, instead of being received with welcome, is received with dread and appre- hension, and his departure is anticipated with anxious expectation. ■ The Persians are firmly persuaded of the truth of judicial astro- logy, and seldom undertake any business without consulting their astrologers; the most lucrative profession in all Persia. It is useless to attempt convincing them of the fallacy of their belief, for reason seldom conquers prejudice, and in Persia its sway is omnipotent: neither the arguments nor the eloquence of Cicero would have any effect. The King of Persia, I heard, was told by his astrologers, that the safety of his throne would be endangered, if there was not a new king for a certain time. He immediately invested his eldest son with the insignia of royalty, and sent him on an expedition towards Khorasan. By doing this, he propitiated . c [ 10 ] ' liis malignant stars ; and when the time was passed over, he resumed his imperial splendour. The moscjue at Bushire is excessivcl}'^ mean ; I have before remarked that little can be said in praise of any of its buildings ; and I could not but smile at the observation of a sailor, who, on seeing the town at a distance, swore very bluntly that we were going on shore to a burying ground : at a distance it has this appearance. The water here is excessively brackish, operating on a stranger like a dose of sails, and even this is procured ten miles from the town. The inhabitants of Bushire, and the neighbouring villages, appear to be a quiet inoffensive race of people, but are intolerably stupid. It is surprising to observe the number of blind people, and persons with sore eyes, in the different parts of the Dushtistan. I attribute this chiefly to the excessive heat and dryness of the air, which, by drying up the moisture of the eye, produces a running, which is increased by the fine particles of sand which are blown into the eye. However this may be, I think I may say, without exagge- ration, that at least one third of the inhabitants of the Dushtistan have something the matter with their eyes.* • The Dushtistan is the land below the hills, which form a barrier for the country of Fars. [ " I CHAPTER in. Method of travelling — Respect of the Persians for Major Malcolm, ^c. ^c. 1 FOUND that it would be necessary for me to appear, either in the character of a gentleman, or a beggar: unfortunately I chose the former. As it may be of service to some future traveller, I shall give a short account of the means I followed to accomplish my- journey. My attendants were ten in number ; a Jilodar, or head groom, two Mihturs, or grooms, two Pesh Khidmuts, servants who prepare your Kuleean. and attend your person, a cook, and -four Furash men) who pitch tents, and perform any thing you order. I may remark on the ditference between the servants of Persia and India ; the former never hesitate to obey you, the latter will seldom perform any thing but their immediate duty. In India it is neces- sary to have two men to one horse, in Persia one man will take much better care of seven ! The Pesh Khidmuts and Jilodar are mounted on horses, the rest of your servants on mules. As it is the custom for your Pesh Khidmuts to accompany you on all occasions, it is requisite for them to have good clothes, and a respectable appearance ; indeed more depends on the appearance of your servants and equipage, than on your own character and conduct. Your Pesh Khidmuts, beside your Kuleean, should carry a Mutaru (or leather skin) of water, and another of wine, and this you should be cautious not to forget, as water is seldom to be procured on your march. Some of your servants can in general sing, or rather chaunt, many of the [ 12 ] Odes of Hafiz and Sadee ; at any rale you should endeavour to get one who can, as it serves to beguile the tediousness of a long march b}' niglit. It is expected (and essen^ally requisile, should you want assis- tance) that you should make some kind of present to the head person of the town or village you stop at. The most acceptable presents are shawls, muslins, Kincobs, pistols, watches, satins, velvets, chintz, knives, spying-glasses, &c. and your present should be in proportion to the rank of the receiver, or the extent of your wants. You must be careful in not presenting any thing which is exclusively appropriated to the female dress, being the greatest affront you can possibly offer. A number of persons will b6 making you presents of fruity &c. in the expectation of receiving a handsome reward; and should they be disappointed, you may rely on being regaided in a very contemptible light. It is therefore nfecessary for you to have a few pieces of Qulum-kar (chintz), and coarse broad cloth, to give away to these needy beggars. Since Major jNIalcohn's embassy to the Court of Persia, the people of every village have been led to expect so much from European munificence and generosity, that you cahnot avoid ex- ceeding the bounds of moderation ; tlie English traveller, however much he may lament this evil, cannot but feel gratified at an impression which reflects so much honour and credit on the British nation. The names of Major Malcolm, and the gentlemen who accompanied him, are mentioned in the liveliest terms of Oriental panegyric ; and I do not recollect stopping at a single place, where the inhabitants did not make many eager enquiries after tlie welfare of Major Malcolm and the gentlemen of his suite. It was out of my power to give them much information ; and I suffered not a little in their estimation, when I told them I was unknown to the whole party. It cannot be expected that I should be informed of the motives . [V3] for his embassy ; but if one of them was to conciliate the Persians, and to impress on their minds a just and -accurate notion of tlie power and character of the British nation, no embassy could possibly be attended with more complete success. One embassy had already preceded this, but the principles on which it was con- ducted were so different, as to make the Persians doubt whether both could come from the same nation. The success with which Major Malcolm's embassy is universally supposed to have terminated, may be in a great manner attributed to his transacting every thing himself; to his being capable of con- versing alike with the peasant and the king ; and to his rejecting the intervention of Persian or Indian agency. It requires, perhaps, firmness and resolution to Avithstand importunity, and to dispense with the services of a useful and able man ; yet how satisfactory must be the reflection, that what credit is gained is enjoyed alone, not to be participated with an acknowledged agent. It is a dangerous attempt to employ a native in any other hne than his duty ; it excites hopes we do not mean to gratify ; he is supposed to have an influence he possibly does not possess ; and if he has an opportunity of being long useful, he gradually acquires an ascendancy we do not ourselves observe. At best it is a system full of hazard ; and it must be admitted, that is a system which may blast the fairest character, and ruin the brightest hopics. Where conciliation is necessary, or where we wish to inspire confidence, the intervention of natives must necessarily defeat our views ; it cuts off all kind of intercourse with the inferior classes of people ; it is a constant source of suspicion and distrust to those who are entrusted with the aflfairs of government, and who, of course, will leave no means untried to induce the agent to disclose the secrets of his master. It is to an observance of a contrary system, that I would attribute the wonderful impression which has been made on the Persians in [14] favour of the English character ; an impression which bears honour- able testimony' to the merits of those into whose hands the embassy was committed, and which cannot fail of proving highly satisfactory to the British nation. The Persians were astonished at the infor- mation, courtesy, and generosity of the Europeans who had ap- peared amongst them, so different from what they had observed in their intercourse with the Russians on the borders of the Caspian Sea. But they were more particularly astonished at the knowledge every one appeared to possess of their manners and country : for the Persians are not very inquisitive, and seldom trouble themselves with the history of foreign states. I should not forget ta remark, that another subject of surprise was, the embassy not being com- posed of merchants, who are recorded, in the ShahUbas Namu, to be the only people who visited Persia.* Nothing further can be said of this embassy than that its depar- ture was viewed with regret, and that another is most anxiously wished for by every description of people. I do not think that time is likely to efface the impression it has made in Persia, or that any foreign power will supplant us in the esteem and regard of the Persian nation. The Persians have at length learnt, that although we are not Mooslims, we possess more information than themselves ; and that though we are rich and powerful, we are not a nation of merchants»-f- ,. • See Tavernicr's account of the French embassy. t I beg this may not be misunderstood. The Persians have had little intercourse with Europeans ; the little they have had has been with merchants, and they therefore concluded we were all so. However respectable they might be as men, they could give the Persians no notion of our resources and power; they might give just accounts, but the Persians would doubt unti£ tiieir senses convinced thera of the truth of what they had heard. E 15] CHAPTER IV. Departure for Sheeraz — Dik Hiishm — bad Swamp — Hevemie — Bh-as- goon — Stream impregnated with Naphta — Pits — bad Road — beautiful Viems — two Hill Forts — large Town of Dires in 7-iiiiis— curious Custom — Ice and Snow— Appearance of the Mountains — Fart belonging to the Jews — City of Kazroon, On the 71I1 of June I sefofF for Sheeraz, in company with a Qafilu, or caravan, consisting of twenty rnulcs. We arrived at our Munzil- Gah (halting place) before day break, the distance being four Fursukh. I need hardly observe, that the Fursukh is the ancient Parasanga, and is, according to the Persians, twelve thousand paces, perhaps four miles and three quarters.* Chughaduk, our Munzil-Gah, has obtained the rank of Hushm, from possessing a few sheep and fowls ; as all villages which have neither cows, sheep, nor fowls, are denominated Dihs. I could not help observing the excellence of our mules, being far superior to any I had seen, and carrying a greater weight tlian I could have supposed it possible for the animal to carry; the regulated weight is 40 Muni Tubreez,-f- or 280lbs. and the marches ui Persia are from twenty to fifty miles. * Jlr. Greaves makes it three miles, but almost every author uses his own standard. t In a short paper published at Calcutta, I ventured to suspect the correctness of Colonel Dow's translation of the word Mun (iMaund), which he says is never less than ihirty-seven pounds. I have now no doubt of the justice of this suspicion. Ferishtu, Colonel Dow's authority, derives his information from Arabian and Persian historians, where the Mun never could signify more than from one to seven pounds. Shurfood Dcen Ulee, in his History of Timoor, uses the Arabic Mun, weighing from one to three pounds. The account which Colonel Dow gives of the riches found in India by Mahmood, particularly at Soninat, exceeds all kind of belief; my supposicion on the contrary, brings it within the verge of possibility. [16] Our road was tolerably good for the first four miles, but afterwards we had to cross an arm of the sea, which was aln^ost a quicksand. The slightest deviation from the accustomed track, at particular seasons, is inevitable destruction; we contrived to lose the road, but the mules, being left to themselves, soon found the direct path. The governor of Bushire has often intended to render this road safe and passable ; he has, however, refrained, from a notion that it was an insurmountable barrier against an enemy ; and that, although he were to overcome this difficulty, it would, at any rate, afford him sufficient time to run away. He has more than once proved the justness of his predictions. When Hoosun Qoolce Khan, the brother of the present king, rebelled, and came against Bushire, Sheikh Nasir was determined to signalise himself by a gallant defence of the town ; a few pieces of cannon, dug out of the ruins at Reeshire, were filled nearly full of powder, and crammed up to the mouth with stones ; these Avere fired, as often as safety would admit, far two days before the enemy could hear the report: this was to convince Hoosun Qoolee Khan that he was to expect a vigorous defence ; the Sheikh's courage, however, left him on the approach of about fifty horsemen, and he precipitately fled on board a vessel which he had prepared for the purpose. The method of collecting the revenue in this part of the country, and I believe wherever the land is not watered from wells, is of a very singular nature. A cultivator of land pays a rent for all the horses, asses, or oxen he may keep for ploughing ; for the former twelve Qooroosh, about twenty shillings a year, and for the latter six Qooroosh or Piastres. The land in the Gurmseer is the property of the government, who may call upon the cultivator for any delicacy or rarity he may possess, in addition to this regulated land rent.* The Sheikh of Bushire farms these rents from government, * Very diflerent opinions are entertained of the nature of landed property in Indib cLj'U- \J ^ (J jV^ ^. c:^««xi ^^y>■ ^;J^:^ cM^ .*«-« JJ d,.,fix-«j) LT^ "^s-i; "^ cM" (J^ '"^^ OujU- \J-^^ J^^ ^J-il <— ay >^JjJ X»» *> JU \s>- j\ 01 J _j ^^ Jl .-«fl "^ St. J'^ S^. J^J*" cV^ lA^ (*^ y, tr^'^ Oijje- (_j« j^U CjUj C_»K '^_frr* ij^ ^^ ij^ >—^ ui^l c}^' j^ji J^ J J c:.^! ^^^y . j\ *X« /.•«£ fj^^*' <^"..iiii lb {j;,^-^ii)ii O^y^ 'rf^ *-^. '^ J^ "^ JSi *^^ V « When I yielded my heart she began her cruelty, yet she terms ♦' this tyranny faithfulness. Call not your eyes by their name, for " truly they are the source of affliction ; the loftiness of thy stature « betrays thy pride.* I siiall never complain of thee, my love ! " for however great your cruelty, it must be proper. Destroy me *' at once, for the height of my ambition is to die by the hand of ** my mistress. Khaqan has watched near thy dwelling until he has ** fallen into old age, and still you maliciously call him faithless." The governor of Kashan was indebted for his appointment to his being an excellent poet. On his sending the king a present of one of his compositions, he expressed greater satisfaction at the gift, than at the sumptuous offering of Chiragh Ulee Khan, Avhich amounted to some thousand pounds. He would, however, be sorry to have all his governors poets, and all their presentations poems. It is a great thing for him to have patronised one man of genius; it is seldom they are so well rewarded. The sum of the present king's reign may be given in a few words. If he has not achieved any of the great actions which have distin- guished the reign of his more ilhistrious predecessors, he must at least be allowed the negative virtue of havitio- done little harm, a virtue infinitely superior to ihc ferocious conquests of Tamerlane, and the victorious massacres of the inhuman Nadir Shah. * 1 cannot Uo justice to the king's quibbles. [ 101 ] CHAPTER XXV. Character of the Persians, 1 H E people of Sheeraz are supposed to be the most accomplished of the Persians; the name of Sheerazee stamps some degree of credit on the possessor, while that of Isfuhanee is expressive of deceit, cunning, and fraud ; and this seems to be the common and established opinion. The people of Sheeraz appeared to me mean and obsequious to their superiors, and to their equals, if they had a prospect of advantage; but invariably arrogant and brutal in their behaviour towards their inferiors : always boasting of some action they never performed, and delighted Avith flattery, although, they are aware of the imposition. I have repeatedly heard them compliment a person, either in his hearing, or in the presence of some one who would convey this adulation to his ears; and the inslant that he has departed, their praises have turned into abuse, and they have, with malicious pleasure, exposed the character they not a moment before praised with fervent servility. Indeed, so loth are the Persians to admire any thing from which they can derive no advantage, as to confine themselves, in their expressions of ad- miration, to Bud neest, « It is not bad ;" but if the property be their own, no words or description could do justice to its excel- lencies. Their expressions of esteem or compliment are conceived in the most fulsome terms. " Your presence has made all Persia a garden:: «' Persia is unvvortliy of your acceptance." As an instance of this,, [ 102 ] I recollect the Sheikh, at Bushire, remonstrating against the rapacity of Chiragh Ulce Khap, the governor of Siieeraz, when he was informed of the arrival of his principal secretary. He began by enquiring after the governor's health; and when he was told that he had quitted the city, he readily observed, that now Sheeraz was worthless (Pooli seeah nu mee urzud), that it had lost the only ornament it possessed. Many more instances might be given, for they are perpetually occurring, but one is sufficient. The military men in Persia are constantly boasting of the feats of their prowess, although it is probable that they were never in an ■action Jn their lives, or engaged in any expedition of the least danger. They cannot be denied, however, the virtue of courage, or at least of impetuous fury, for the lower orders frequently engage themselves in quarrels, which are often attended with bloodshed, and which they might have avoided with propriety. It is surprising how apt the military men (particularly those who come fi"om the northern parts of Persia), are to quarrel ; and upon the least pro- vocation they resort to the sword. Their friends probably join in the fray ; and it possibly may happen that two or three persons lose their lives before the dispute can be determined. The better order of people, in Persia, are divided into two classes, tlie military and officers of state, and the merchants. The former, who receive a certain annual sum, which they are accustomed to expend, are excessively liberal, and rarely think of amassing any wealth for their posterity. The merchants, however, are always intent upon gain, it is the only subject which occupies their thoughts ; and such is the ascendancy their penurious habits have gained over them, that they cannot forego an opportunity of the slightest ad- vantage, though attended with disgrace and infamy. They have in general made their fortunes on the slightest foundation ; and the consequence is, that their penury has proportioned itself to their prosperity. The military men are rapacious, and will be guilty of 1 excessive meanness in their pursuit after money; but whatever malpractices they may be guilty of, and I believe they are guilty of many, it is never Avith a view of retaining their acquisitions. It must be confessed that the Persians are pleasing and enter- <,taining companions ; but not the least reliance is to be placed on their words or most solemn protestations. You should always, therefore, be on your guard against their insidious offers ; and to be so, it is necessary to distrust all their declarations. The manners of the Persians are formed, in a great degree, on the principles of Lord Chesterfield; they conceive it their duty to please: -and to effect this, lliey forget all sentiments of honour and good faith. They are excellent companions, but detestable characters. An enquir}' into the language of a nation often marks the cha- racter of its inhabitants. This has been adopted by Hume and some other authors, in their enquiries into the manners of the Romans. I shall observe two circumstances regarding the Persians. A people who are given to a life of robbery and rapine, Avill neces- sarily have a number of words which express the various modes of plunder; and, excepting the Marrattas, I do not believe there is a language where the different gradations of robbery, to the perpe- tration of the most atrocious crimes, are more distinctly marked. The word Ditstmal may give some notion of their habits of cleanli- ness. It signifies any thing for wiping the hands ; and is applied to this purpose by the Persians, as well as being used for a pocket handkerchief. As they eat with their hands, a towel is indispensibly necessary; but they have no word to express an handkerchief, nor have they any other piece of linen for this purpose. The Persians have but a faint notion of gratitude, for they cannot conceive that any one should be guilty of an act of generosity without some sinister motive. They reason upon their own feelings; and as they are conscious that they never perform any action but with a view to their own immediate advantage, they naturally infer [ 104 ] that these motives operate with similar effect upon every other in- dividual. Philosophers have held it for a maxim, that the most notorious liar utters a hundred truths for every falsehood. This is not the case in Persia ; they are unacquainted with the beauty of ■truth, and only think of it when it is likely to advance their interests. They involve themselves, like the spider, in a net of the flimsiest materials, but Avhich neither offers commencement nor end to the eye of investigation. The generality of Persians are sunk in the lowest state of pro- fligacy and infamy ; and they seldom hesitate alluding to crimes which are abhorred and detested in every civilized country in the universe. I am not conscious of having given an unfaithful picture of the character of the Persians. I have forborn to illustrate the extent of their vices; their virtues consist in being most excellent com- panions; and in saying this, we say every thing which can be advanced in their favour. Custom has doubtless made many of their vices appear to them in the light of foibles, but the sanction of custom will not soften the darker shades of the Persian character. The same argument cannot be advanced for them which has been urged in favour of the Greeks, for they have laws which stigmatize the crimes they commit.* • See Smith's Moral Sentiments ; also Hume. [105] CHAPTER XXVI. On the 31st of July I left Sheeraz on my return to Bushire. By the advice of the muleteer, and wishing to travel by a new route, I was induced to take the road by Feerozabad. This route is cir- cuitous, and consequently not frequented by the caravans. We reached Doulutabad by one in the morning ; our Munzil-Gah was in a westerly direction from Sheeraz, distant five fursukhs, and near a small village surrounded by a number of excellent gardens. Ther- mometer 86. August 1st. Our route this evening was nearly south, and our encarupment five fursukhs from our last Munzil-Gah. We found shelter in the ruins of a Surae, half a mile from Kuwur. The night was disagreeably cold ; and I could not refrain from reflecting, that I had to prepare myself for the dust and heat of the Gurmseer. Thermometer 94. 2d. As you approach the hills, the road becomes stony, rugged, and dangerous ; this circumstance obliged us to hasten our march, that we might make some progress before night. It was with nmch difficulty, and not before 1 lost two horses, that we arrived at Khajue, five fursukhs. I cannot determine our route ; it was pro- bably south-west. 3d. The road to Dihbur was infamous ; in many places we be- lieved it to be passable, because we found it to be so. Dihbur is a small village, one fursukh from Feerozabad. Feerozabad was formerly a city of considerable repute, and famous for the profli- gacy of its inhabitants. You will hardly find a house that has not [ 106 ] a jar of wine in it; and in the evening the people resort to the terrace, where they drink wine without the smallest degree of scruple, and entertain themselves with the singers and public dancers of the town, who are represented to be excessively beautiful. Here are a number of tombs, gardens, and buildings worth seeing ; the circumference of the city is equal to Sheeraz, but the houses are falling into decay. I cannot determine the site of Feerozabad, but it is certainly placed in D'Anville's map too much to the southward. The country all about is very fertile ; the finest rice in Persia is said to grow in the environs of this city — south-west. Thermometer 100. 4th. "We encamped near a spring, amidst the hills, five fursukhs from Dihbur : the heat to-day was intense ; and though we did not reach our ground till near day-break, I found it impossible to sleep after sun-rise. Thermometer 106", 10 south-west. 5th. Our next stage was Burmih, the distance four fursukhs. Excepting this insignificant village of about twenty hovels, there is not a single habitation on the road for the distance of nineteen fur- sukhs, or ninety miles. Nor does this lamentable depopulation arise from badness of soil; on the contrary, it would, in many places, make abundant returns to the hand of industry. But under a despotic government poverty is a blessing, and misery a source of consolation. Thermometer 105, south. 6th. To-day we encamped near a spring of brackish water, five fursukhs from our former Munzil-Gah. The road nothing better, and the heat almost insupportable. Thermometer 110, south-west. 7lh. We reached Bishgoon by three in the morning. These five fursukhs was ovef a road worse, if possible, than the one of the preceding night. Our Munzil-Gah was unfortunately in a plain of stones, which rendered the heat more intense than ever. This part of the country is infested with a tribe of robbers, called Momin- sinees, who rarely allow a Caravan to pass without plundering it of one or two mules. We saw some strange people at a distance, and [ 107] the feai-s of our muleleer determined them to Be a body of tliis banditti : they however allowed us to pass without interruption. During our night marches (but particularly this night), I have remarked, that about two hours before the dawn of day there has been every appearance of day-break ; the horizon has become quite light, and in the space of a short time has been succeeded by im- penetrable darkness. I shall not attempt to account for this phe- nomenon, wdiether it may be owing to rising exhalations, or any other cause, but it is what I have observed very often, not only in Persia, but akso in India. The Persians have two mornings, the Soobhi Kazirii and the Soobhi Sadiq, the false and the real day-break. They account for this phenomenon in a most whimsical manner. They say, that as the sun rises from behind the Kohi Qaf (Mount Caucasus), it passes a hole perforated through tlie mountain, and that darting its rays through it, it is the cause of the Soobhi Kazitn, or this temporary appearance of day-break.* As it ascends the earth is again veiled in darkness, until the sun rises above the mountain, and brings with it the Soobhi Sadiq, or real morning. This story is similar in absurdity, and almost resembles the hypothesis of Cosmas Indicopleustes. * Milton seems to allude to this fabulous story in the following lines : " Hail, goddess of nocturnal sport, •' Dark-veii'd Cotytto, I' whom the secret flame " Of midnight torches burns; mysterious dame, " That ne'er art call'd, but when the dragon womb " Of Stygian darkness spit her thickest gloom, " And makes one blot of all tho air, '• Stay thy cloudy ebon chair " Wherein thou rid'st with Hecate, and befriend " Us, thy vow'd priests, till utmost end " Of all thy dues be done, and none left out " Ere the babbling Eastern scout, " The 7i!ce morn on th' Indian steep " I'rom her cabin'd loop Jiole peep, . . • " And to the tell tale sun descry " Our conceal'd solemnity. [ 108] To-day we left our Munzil-Gah at three, to pass the hills before we were benighted. I certainly did not expect to meet with worse roads in Persia than those we had passed ; but the roads, like its inhabitants, surpass each other. The men were often obliged to take off the loads from the mules, that they might not be crushed to pieces in case of their falling; notwithstanding this precaution, two of our mules fell from a considerable height, but the water below being very deep, they fortunately escaped injury. Some disaster befel us every hundred yards; and it was not until we had been nine hours amidst the hills, that we extricated ourselves from our difficulties. We at length, and at two in the morning, reached Uhrum, six fursukhs from our former encampment. Thermometer 314. In the evening I went to a stream which I had been recommended to bathe in, and which had brought me out of my way. I found the water to be excessively hot ; so much so, that I could scarcely bear it. By the direction of the person who attends this place, I was to cover myself up in the warmest manner possible on coming out of the water : this brought on a profuse perspiration ; and after some time, I went through this ceremony a second, and then a third time. This water is supposed to be a sovereign remedy against all disorders ; and were I to mention the number of cures it is known to have performed, I should be taxed with childish credulity and absurd weakness. The water raised the thermometer to 140. 9th. Ulee Chungee is distant three fursukhs, and, in comparison with Bushire, is remarkable for its coolness, and for the sweetness of its water. The country all about is a plain of sand, and the eye is but seldom relieved by a cluster of date trees. At this season (August) you see whole families leaving their homes to take pos- session of the date trees they have purchased. Here they remain all the fair season ; the branches of the tree protecting them from the fun, and affording them the conveniences of a house. x/ [ 109 ] Bahmunee is five fursukhs from Ulee Chungee, and about one mile from Reeshire. The Portuguese and Dutch Avho formerly resided at Reeshire, had their houses of pleasure at this place. I remained encamped here a fortnight, preferring it greatly to Bushire, as an infinitely cooler and healthier situation. There are a number of gardens aboiit this place, particularly of vines, which are sunk in wells, and which bear fruit about the end of June. Bahmunee from Bushire is about one fursukh. [110] CHAPTER XXVII. Of the Httniing of the Persians. jVIany of the Persians, and particularly the Arabs on the coast and Gurmseer, pass much of their time in hunting. The country abounds with antelopes, foxes, and hares, and their greyhounds, if not so swift as those in Europe, are more savage.* They have brought their hawks to a great degree of docihty, particularly one class, which they call the Churkh, and which is trained to catch antelopes. The Churkh resembles the Byree on the Coromandel coast, is nearly of the same size, but appears to be stronger. It is hunted with in this manner. When a herd of deer is discovered, one is separated from the rest by the dogs, and the bird being let loose, almost immediately pounces upon it, flapping its Avings over the eyes of the antelope.-j- The animal endeavours to rid itself of the Churkh, by beating its head against the ground ; but as the bird is perched on the upper part of its head, this attempt is of no avail. As the antelope stops the instant the Churkh pounces on it, the dogs soon come up to secure their prey. One of these birds will kill two, seldom three, antelopes in a day. This manner of • None of the dogs in Persia hunt by the scent. Sir William Jones mis-quotes Nizamee in the following couplet: " Sheer Sugi dasht choonki boo grift " Saue Aftab uz a hoo grift.'"' It ought to be Poo, " ■uiheti the dog began to run." I shall leave the last line for those who pride themselves in discovering Istulahec meanings. t Frjer calls them Muscovy Hawks, and says they cost from one hundred to four hundred pounds. Tavemier gives a different account. [ 111 ] catching deer afFortls much amusement ; it is much superior to the Cheela-hunting in India. 'J'he Churkh is reared with infinite pains and trouble ; if it has not been well attended to by the Meer Shikal, and has not taken the usual medicines, it becomes lazy, and often flies away. You may hunt with this bird singly, or with another. There are other kind of hawks for catching partridges, quails, pidgeons, &c. The wild ass is seldom hunted, owing to its very great speed; whenever it is, horses are stationed in places where it is most likely^ to run ; and by continually charging your horses, you sometimes overtake this surprisingly fleet animal. In the mountainous parts of Persia they have the wild sheep and goat, both of them delicious food. The Persians delight in keeping fighting rams; I think I never witnessed a more bloody or more cruel conflict than two of these furious animals engaging with each other. On these occasions the passions of the Persians are worked up to the highest pitch ; and it often happens that a quarrel among the men succeeds a battle between the beasts. .:gr [112] CHAPTER XXVIII. Of the Horses of Arabia and Versia. 1 H E horses of Arabia and Persia are considered to be superior to those of any country ; and we may attribute the great improve- ment of our breed in England, to the introduction of Arabian stalhons. Their spirit, docihty, and vivacity is remarkable, and is only equalled by the gentleness and mildness of their tempers. It is very well known that the Arabs pay the minutest attention to their breed of horses, register their foal's pedigree, and will not pur- chase a horse Avho has not a certificate of his geneology.* Nujd, the largest province in Arabia, and belonging to the Wuhabee, produces the finest and most valuable breed of horses. Their breeds are very numerous ; and as I write in a country which is supplied with horses from Persia and Arabia, I trust that my mentioning the names of the best and most esteemed may be at- tended with some advantage.-j- Those in Nujd are the following, and are named after the appel- lation of their tribes. Uby-yu, Soytee, Unezu, Humdanee, Reeshan, Motyran, Diheem, Huzmee, Shumytee Kohilan. Some of the breeds have been introduced into the neighbouring countries, 5nd are distinguished by the same appellations. The horses of Bine Khalid, and those of Quteef, a town on the main, opposite Bahrein, are called Bm-ee, or horses of the dcsart, * These gencologies are probably invented for them. ■\ Tins work was originally printed in India. [ 113 1 and are reckoned superior to any other breed ;* those of Moonttifij-ji' are Juifan and Fiirtiju, the horses of Chaub, Wuznan, and Nuswan; those of Huwezu, Reeshan, and Nuswan. The Arabs of Bagdad are of little repute or value; these are in general the horses which are exported to India : they cost from seventy to two hundred piastres (six and fifteen pounds). Whenever a colt is foaled, the Arabs iinrnediatel}' bend its tail, which effectually answers the purpose of nicking ; and to make its ears incline a little towards each other, they pass a small string through each of them, and which continues fastened for eight or ten days. The horses of the Dushistan, or the low land beneath the Persian mountains, are reckoned more violent and headstrong than the breeds from which they are descended. Their heads are usually larger ; indeed there is a difference in the whole of their appear- ance. Those which have been introduced, are the Humdanee, lluzmee, Shumytee Mootyran, and Buree Daghee. The generality of horses which are brought out of the gulf of Persia, under the deno- mination of Arabs, are a mixed breed, between the Bagdad horse and the Arab, or between the Arab and some horse of no value. Indeed it is not without much trouble and expence that you are able to procure a genuine Arab of high blood. , The horses in Eeran are strong, active, and tractable ; much larger than the Arab, but inferior in spirit. The Persians have a proverb among them, " that an Arab, if wounded, will still face " danger, but that an Eeranee is always endeavouring to avoid it." The Wukeel Kureem Khan introduced a breed between the Arab and the Toorkuinan, which is much esteemed. They are called * Any thing which inhabits the desart is called Buree; a most excellent class of hawks are called Buree. t The Moontufij Arabs are those we called Moontufeek, seated on the banks of the Euphrates. Chaub is the couiitry below Bussora, the capital Dorack ; Huwezu is to the northward of Bussora, and is under the Persian government. [ 114 ] Khoonuzad, brought up in the house. The breeds of the following persons are considered to be the best. The fVukeeh, Sadiq Khan, Sheikh Uke Khan, Nusur Ulee Khan, Jajir Khan. These horses may be always distinguished from the Arab by their size, their head, which is nmch larger, and their legs, which are not in general so well proportioned. The horses of Khorasan are clumsy, heavy, dull animals, posses- sing great strength, and capable of travelling immense distances. The cavalry of Persia are either mounted upon these horses, or the Toorkumanee; I had formerly occasion to notice the length of their marches. The breeds of the following persons are in most repute : Eesa Khan of Turboodee, Moomish Khan Koordt Ulee Khan Koord, Ubdoola Khan. The Toorkumanee horses have all the faults of the Khorasanee, with a short, thick, and clumsy neck. Their breeds are Kulgoom, Yumoot, Ukhur Julee, Syyud Mihir Choolq. Besides these they have innumerable other breeds ; but I have already trespassed too long on the reader's patience to expect a continuance of it. It is an erroneous opinion that horses are not allowed to be ex- ported from Persia, or that they are of enormous prices.* On the contrary, horses are very cheap, the best seldom selling for more than forty pounds ; and it is very well known that horses are brought from Persia to India in the greatest abundance. The Qujurs have a proverb amongst themselves, that with a sword of three Tomans, and a horse of thirty, they are superior to any troops in the world. "* Vide Encyclopedia Brilanica — Pei-sia. The Sheikh of Bushiie, I learnt, intends to impose a duty of thirty piastres on every horse sent to India. Owing to some disputes, tlie exportation of horses from ISussora has been prohibited. [ 115] CHAPTER XXIX. Of the Bate Tree. 1 H E date tree is one of the greatest curiosities in nature. The sexual difference in this tree is more strongly marked than in any other; indeed, so strong as not to escape the eye of a common observer. About the month of March and April, the Arabs begin to impregnate the female plant with the male, and were they to omit doing this the fruit would be abortive.* It has been supposed that the leaves of the male tree being scattered about the female, is sufficient to answer every purpose; but this is by no means the ease, the female plant must be impregnated, or else will not produce ripe fruit. There are usually about two males in a plantation of fifty date trees, which are reckoned sufficient to fructify this number of trees. The Arabs take great pains in the cultivation of the male palm, and, as it never produces fruit, all their endeavours are di- rected to enable it to impregnate as great a number of tiees as possible. The Arabs and Persians seem to have been long acquainted with the difference of sexes in the vegetable world ; and although I have not been able to trace it farther back than to Nusrood Deen, the author of the Ukklaqi Nasiree; yet I have been credibly informed, that this difference has been noticed by a variety of authors whose •works I have not been able to procure.-j- The date tree is a tender • Vide Appendix, No. II. See Kempfer's Amcenitates Exotica;. + Vide Appendix, No. III. Some of the Persian philosophers insist, that the same difference exists amongst minerals. Nusrood Deen flourished in the fifteenth century. [116] and delicate plant. If it remains for anj' lime immersed in water, it quickly withers and dies ; and, instead of shooting forth a number of sprouts like other trees, if you cut off its head it perishes imme- diately,* Neither will it bear fruit from the graft of its gewMs, it must be impregnated by its own species. There are a number of date trees in various parts of India ; none of them bear fruit; and it is not to be doubted that the only reason for this, is to their not being impregnated by the male tree. The experiment is surely worth the trial. * This is the case with the pine, the cypress, cedar, and one or two other trees. [117] CHAPTER XXX. Of the Dum. Among other things which the Persians arrogate to ihemsehes, is the power of resisting the force of animal poisons. This virtue is not participated in common ; it is the reward of fasting and medi- tation, but which may however be conferred on whomever the person endowed with this gift may think proper. It is called Dum, because whenever they extend this favour, they breatlie on a piece of sugar, or any thing else, and bid the person swallow it. The Persians impose a firm reliance on this gift ; so much so, that it is the usual practice, when the wheat is ripe for cutting, for a number of peasants to flock into Sheeraz, to acquire this antidote against noxious animals from a celebrated man called Sheikh GhufFoor. Without incurring the stigma of credulity, or of using a travel- lers privilege, 1 trust I may be allowed to relate what fell under my own observation. I had a servant, called Ulee Beg, who possessed this gift of the Dum, and the stories they told me of him I invariably treated with the greatest ridicule. Mr. Bruce, who is now at Bushire, told me, that he saw him catch two snakes, one of which bit him so violently, as to leave some of its teeth in the wound. This was easily reconciled, the snake was not poisonous; indeed, I believe none of them are at Bushire. Sometime after I was at Sheeraz, a very large scorpion was found under my bed ; Ulee Beg was called, and he certainly took up the scorpion without the smallest hesitation. 1 saw the animal strike his sling repeatedly in the man's flesh, and ho [ 118] persisted that he fell no pain. I asked the other servants to do the same, but they refused ; and the next morning, when I examined the man's hand, there was not the smallest sign of its having been stung. The sting of a scorpion is said to give exquisite torture; I have seen it swell the part to an enormous size. How the man escaped feeling any inconvenience it is impossible for me to guess, as I am confident he had no time to make any preparation, nor did he make use of any antidote against the effects of the sting of the scorpion. At the same time it would be truly ridiculous to assign the same cause for this escape as is most conscientiously believed by the Persians. This man now lives at Bushire : and should any person, visiting that place, wish to ascertain the veracity of this account, I have no hesitation in supposing, that this man will allow him to procure any kind of scorpion he may think proper, and that he will allow him- self to be stung by it. [119] CHAPTER XXXI. Of the Wuhabees. I HAVE formerly taken notice of the Wuhabee Arabs, and I shall now give as correct an account as I am able of the religion and history of this people. The founder of this religion, Ubdool Wuhab, was a native of Ujunu, a town in the province of Ool Urud; some have been of opinion that Moola Moohummud, the son of Ubdool Wuhab, was the first person who promulgated doctrines subversive of the Moosulman faith ; however this may be, it is certain that one or other of these persons was the founder of the religion of the Wuhabees, and the name inclines me to believe Ubdool Wuhab * Both these persons were great travellers ; they studied under the principal Moohummedan doctors at Bussora and at Bagdad, and afterwards went to Damascus, where Ubdool Wuhab first began to avow his religious principles. The priests were alarmed at the tendency of his doctrines ; he was obliged to fly from this city ; and on his arrival at Mousul, he publicly supported the purity, ex- cellence, and orthodoxy of his tenets. After a short stay at Mousul, he returned to his own country, and had soon the good fortune to convert the governor of his native town, and many of the principal Sheikhs. It is alledged that Moolla Moohummud received the sister of his protector in marriage, and that soon after he had the ingratitude to murder his benefactor, aflfirming, that he was an * I have Niebuhr also to support me. [ 120 ] oppressor and a tyrant, and that his love of justice would not allow him to overlook such detestable crimes, even in a beloved relation. This story does not appear to me to be worthy of credit : I notice it as I have made mention of Moolla Moohummud, but it was pro- bably the invention of some bigoted and rancorous Moosulman, willing to describe the character of this religious innovator in the blackest colours. Ubdool Wuhab was regarded by his new proselytes in the light of an independent lawgiver; and he prudently exerted his authority to compose the differences existing among his converts, and by this means put himself at the head of the most powerful party in Nujd. His religious furor induced him not only to propagate his opinions by argument and persuasion, but also with all that intolerant zeal and holy cruelty which marked the rise and progress of Mahome- tanism. Ubdool Wuhab greatly extended his conquests, and in a short time gained possession of nearly the whole of Ool Urud. On his death, Ubdool Uzeez succeeded him, and continued to follow the same measures for conciliating the Arab Sheikhs as had been pursued by his father.* This new religion, which had sprung up in the midst of Arabia, excited the attention, and roused the indio-nation of the orthodox Sheikhs, who could not bear the notion of the Wuhabees ridiculing with contempt the legends and tales which they so conscientiously believed. The Wuhabees are accused of professing the following belief: — « That there is one just and wise God ; that all those persons called " prophets are only to be considered as just and virtuous men, and " that there never existed an inspired work nor an inspired writer." Ubdool Wuhab, however, thought it necessary to impose some religious observances on his followers, and has interdicted the use of tobacco, opium, and coffee; indeed I have met with many * Some accounts make Saoud the father of Ubdool Uzeea. [121] Moosulmans who have thought it contrary to their religion to smoke.* Among a number of the civil ordinances of the Wuhabees, are the following : — Illegal to levy duties on goods the property of a ** Moosulman ; on specie, the Zukat, or two and a half per cent. ; " land watered naturally to pay ten per cent. ; artificially five pet " cent.; the revenues of conquered countries to belong to the com- " munity ; the revenues to be divided into five parts, one to be " given to the general treasury, the rest to be kept where collected, ** to be allotted for the good of the community, for travellers, and " charitable purposes ; a Moosulman who deviates from the pre- " cepts of the Koran to be treated as an infidel ; the destruction of " magnificent tombs a necessary act of devotion." The extensive depredations of these reforming Arabs at length excited the resentment of the Pasha of Bagdad, who sent a formi- dable force against them, under the command of the Sheikh of Moontufij, who had distinguished himself some years before by the capture of Bussora.-j- This force penetrated as far as Lahsar, which i& at no great distance from Dury-yu, the capital of the Wuhabees. The fort of Lahsar was taken, and the Sheikh of Moontufij was resolved on destroying the capital of the infidels. Ubdool Uzeez saw no way of averting the impending blow, but by employing the enthusiasm of his followers against his enemy; he accordingly selected a favourite slave, and promised him eternal happiness if he succeeded in destroying the object of his fears. The tent of an Arab is open to every one ; the slave, who was armed, according to the custom of his country, with a sword and a spear, found an easy entrance. He immediately asked for the Sheikh of Moontufij, who happening to be present, called him towards him. The slave had ascertained his object, and he instantly ran the Sheikh through the body with a spear, crying out, " that * See Sale's Preliminary Discourse, p. lC4. t See Franklin's Tour, p. 263. [ 122 ] " the Wuhabee had promised him heaven." It is needless to add, that he fell a victim to his bigotry. Bin Saoud, the son of Ubdool Uzeez, had been posted with some troops near the enemy, and on perceiving the confusion which prevailed amongst them, on the loss of their chief, attacked them, and made an indiscriminate havock among them. Thus ended the first expedition against the Wuhabee, which gave rise to another, infinitely more calamitous and disgraceful to the Turks. The Pasha of Bagdat exerted all his means to wipe off his former disgrace, and sent down to Bussora an army of about twenty thou- sand men, well supplied with every possible necessary. These troops, like the former, penetrated to Lahsar^ and remained en- camped there some months. Abdool Uzeez, who continued at Dury-yu, bribed two of the principal commanders to withdraw with their troops. The next morning Bin Saoud attacked the remaining force, gained an easy victory over them, plundered them of their baggage, and took a number of them prisoners. Since this, I believe, they have not been attacked by the Turks, though the Persians are determining every year to unite themselves with the Pasha of Bagdad, and uproot this dangerous heresy. The Shureef of Mecca, about nine years ago, undertook an ex- pedition against Ubdool Uzeez, and arrived within a short distance of Dury-yu^ Ubdool Uzeez resorted to his usual measures for de- feating an enemy. He sent to the Shureef, begging to know his wishes, and expressing a hope that he might be left in quiet pos- session of his capital. A present for Pooli Quwuh, or expences for coffee, accompanied this message ; and he likewise declared his readiness to send out his son as a proof of his good intentions. This was accordingly done, and a communication established between the Shureef 's camp and Dury-yu. As soon as the projects pf Ubdool Uzeez were ripe for execution^ [ 123 ] lie wrote to his son to prepare himself the next day for attacking the Shureef's camp. This service was to be performed at twelve o'clock, a time of the day when all the Arabs are asleep, or lying down to rest. When Ubdool Uzeez approached, with his people, the Shureef would not credit the report, and ordered the persons who brought him the accounts to be beat and confined. Bin Saoud and his at- tendants, who had never been disarmed, on seeing the approach of Ubdool Uzeez, instantly attacked the unsuspicious Arabs, who were immediately routed and put to flight. The Shureef Hed on the first alarm, and effected his escape with great difficulty, leaving his camp and baggage a prize to Ubdool Uzeez. Ubdool Uzeez has lately gained over the Utoobees to his cause, who are the most powerful of the Arab stales on the Arabian coast, and has acquired, in consequence, a command over the navigation of the gulf of Persia. The Utoobees were lately waging a war with the Persians and people of Bussora : during my stay at Bushire they kept that place in continual alarm. The Imam of Muscat, who had the command of the forces, besieged the Sheikh in his capital, and seized on the island of Bahrein ; but in the end the Utoobees were victorious, and the Imam obliged to conclude a peace. A parly of the Wuha- bees last year (1803) attacked Kurbulu, celebrated among the Persians as being the burial place of the sons of Ali, destroyed the tombs, and plundered the town and pilgrims. I met several of the people who had been there at that period, and they all agreed in complaining most bitterly of the cruelly of the reformers. It must be recollected, that the destruction of the holy sepulchres would alone be considered as an enormous act of impiety and cruelty ; I am led to think this the more probable, as some Arme- nians, who had fallen in with a party of Wuhabees, gave me a very favourable account of their honesty and humanity. Tlie wars, however, between the Utoobees and Persians were barbarously [ 124] savage ; it was a constant practice of both parties to murder every person they took prisoner. The force of the Wuhabees is very considerable, probably eighty or ninety thousand ; and as their expeditions are conducted with great celerity and secrecy, they keep all the neighbouring countries in perpetual apprehension. When I was at Bassora, the people ^yere in expectation of being attacked. The infirmities of Ubdool Uzeez, who is more than eighty years old, have obliged him to relinquish the conunand of his armies to his son, who is represented to be a bold and enterprizing young man. Whenever an expedition is undertaken, the chiefs are directed to be at a certain place by such a time ; and it is so contrived, that a large body shall meet at a particular spot without knowing the designs of their leader. This force is generally mounted on camels, and their arms are chiefly a sword and a spear. They have few guns or matchlocks ; those which they have are very bad. Since finishing this, intelligence has been received of their having attacked and plundered Tyeef, Mecca, and Medina. They have, in consequence, violated the sacred law which forbids armed men approaching within a certain distance of the temple. They have thus destroyed the foundation stone of Mahorae- tanism ; and this mighty fabric, which at one period bade defiance to all Europe, falls, on the first attack, at the feet of an Arab re- former. The event may make a great change in the Muhammedan world ; for it appears to me almost certain, that the pilgrimages to Mecca have had nearly as great an effect in supporting this religion, as the first victories and conquests of Muhammed. Our speculations, on the probable effects of this event, might be carried to a great length; I shall content myself, however, by ob- serving, that the temper of the times is greatly altered since the sera of Muhammed, and that however much Arabia or Persia may be [ 125 ] A convulsed by religious wars, it is almost impossible for the contagion to extend any further. Numberless are the superstitious observances which have been grafted on the religion of Muhammed in India ; and the reliance which the Mooslims place on their conforming to a number of Hindoo customs, totally disqualify them for adopting or understanding a reasonable belief. '^ At my last visit to Bushire (1804), I heard the intelligence of ''^' Ubdool Vzeez having been assassinated, it was supposed, by an inhabilant of Kurbulu, whose family had been murdered, and house destroyed, when that place was taken by the Wuhabees. The Wuhabces are now a considerable people, sufficiently powerful to resist the divided efforts of the Turks, whose power in Arabia must decrease in proportion to the aggrandizement of this roving race of reformers. Indeed the Turks have already found it expedient to court, and even purchase the friendship of their Arab subjects. They have extended their depredations over the greatest part of Arabia ; the fate of Bassora may be said to depend upon the cle- mency of the conqueror, or rather to his being engaged in other pursuits. Many places in the Red Sea have been obliged to pur- chase the good will of the reformer. [126] CHAPTER XXXII. Mode of counting Time, 1 II E y have no method of counting time with any degree of exact- ness in Persia. Their day is divided into three spaces ; from sun- rise to noon, from noon to three o'clock (Usur), and from that time to sun-set. In answer to any enquiries you may make, they will reply, that it is so many hours after sun-rise, or so many to noon : their computation of time is therefore excessively erroneous. The Moouzzen,* who acquaints the people from the top of the mosque that it is noon, generally guesses when the sun has crossed the meridian by the length of the shadows, or by the sun's shining on a certain spot at that particular time, so that his mode of compu- tation must be liable to a number of accidents ; and I have often remarked, that it has been one before they have made it twelve o'clock. The Persians compute their time by lunar months ; and, instead of reckoning their days from noon to noon, or, according to the vulgar method, from midnight to midnight, they count them from sun-set to sun-set : so that our Thursday night is, according to them, Friday night. They delight in our watches, particularly if they get them for nothing ; their curiosity, however, soon spoils them,-j- and • The Moouzzen is the person who calls the^jcople to prayers, by crying out at the appointed hours from the tops of the mosques. t They have a story of an inhabitant of Tung-steer (to the southward of Bushirc), finding a watch which some one had dropped. He held it in his hand till he heard it beating, which he thought to be extraordinary, as it neither walked nor moved. He put it to his ear, and heard it [ 127] if this were not the case, their perverse mode of counting time ren- ders the best watch of Utile service.* I have seen some of their almanacs, or rather ephemeris', full of predictions of lucky and unlucky hours, but otherwise perfectly correct. The common people of Persia are totally ignorant of any space of time beyond a month, and that they are enabled to esti- mate by the various changes of the moon. If you enquire how old they are, they reply, I don't know ; and they could no more tell you whether they were thirty or forty, than they could solve a problem in Euclid. The seasons may possibly give them some slight notion of a longer space of time, but it will be confused and indistinct. more distinctly. After considering some time he cried out, Ae qoorm saq too kodj,aee durbia, " Wretch, where are you ? come out!" and threw it in a passion on the ground. The watch still went; he then very deliberately took up a large stone, and broke it to pieces. The noise ceased, and congratulating himself upon it, he cries out Akhir kooshteed, " Have I killed you 1" * The Persians insist upon the day being always of twelve hours, and therefore will have the gun to set at one time. f The Persians, I have before remarked, impose great faith in judicial astrology. I have known Europeans to have become converts to this system, without possessing the genius of Dryden or (according to Bishop Burnet) Lord Shaftesbury. But people of no talents can only imitate men of genius in their eccentricities and failings. [ 128 ] CHAPTER XXXIII. Of the Coins in Persia. t E\v of the coins which arc current in Persia are coined in that empire ; those of the most general circulation are the Qooroosh, or Peastre of the Turks, and the Mujjur, or Dutch ducat. The con- sequence of this want of standard coins of the empire, and the in- troduction in their stead of foreign coins, is a constant fluctuation in their value : so much so, that it is impossible to form a notion of the value of the gold coins for any length of time.* Indeed monies which are current in one city, will probably not pass at the next ; and, excepting the Qooroosh and the Tooman, I know of no coin which you can receive but to considerable disadvantage. The current coins in Pei'sia are the following ; besides which are a number of others, not however so common or so generally re- ceived. PERSIAN COINS. FOREIGN COINS. 2 Pooli Seeah.t 1 Gaz. Dutch Ducat - - - 6 Piastres. 10 Gaz - - - 1 Shahee (small silvercoin) 2 Shahee - - I Moohuramudee. 5j Moohummudies 1 Qooroosh (Turkish). 10 Qooroosh - - 1 Tooinan (gold coin). 4 Ditlo - - - 1 Kureem Khanee (do.). 1 Qooroosh 5-1 Nadir Shahee. 14 Gaz - - - I Tefleesee. Doo Bootee Venetian 6'|- Ditto. l''undool^^'> j^ ^^y^ 1*^'^ j'^ ^ (i)^'^ "^V. '^^}^ IJ;^ C-JiK j^Kj J^.Ja" &l3.ycT J/X: '^J _j (Us^.j i;T jJ_^j D^wJjJ cJTuJ/ ^^>>i J (•'l';^. i f^-f Lri.J^ ei^Jjl c:^_;^ i^b y^JU- JTjj ,^jj jf j^ Ja=- j^^ V. ^jJ "In my juvenile dajs, I recollect, I went to a certain street, in « the month of July, and gained on my beloved ; the heat parched [150] *' the mouth, and the hot wind dried up the marrow of the bone* *' From the frailty of nature, I could not endure the' heat of the « sun. I embraced the refuge of the shade of a wall. 1 trusted " that some one would mitigate this excessive heat, by giving me " some iced water ; when suddenly, from the darkness of the portal *' of, a door, a light burst forth, namely, a beauty, whose excellen- " cies even the tongue of eloquence could not detail ; she appeared *' as the mom after a dark night, or as the water of life issues from *' obscurity, perspiring a goblet of iced water in her hand mixed *' with sugai". I did not know whether she had perfumed it with " rose water, or had thrown a few drops from her rosy countenance. ** I instantly seized the liquor, and drinking it off, became re-ani- «* mated."* Sadee has acquired the epithet of moral ; but as the author of the fifth chapter of the Goolistan, and the Khubeesat, or book of Impurities, as Sir William Ousely calls it, he appears to be unde- serving of this appellation. His Goolistan is a book which is universally and deservedly read ; but it is likewise a book which would not bear a translation into the English language : his stories are excellent and instructive, and are adapted to almost every situation and exigency of life. It would appear, from the account which he gives of his seeing the idol at Somnat, and of his murdering the unfortunate old man, who imposed on the credulity of the Hindoos, that he had visited India; this supposition, however, is not corroborated by the ac- counts I have read of his life.-j^ Sadee's history is tolerably well known. He was very pious, performed fourteen pilgrimages, and was taken prisoner by the infidels. A friend recognised him working in the ditch of Tripoli, redeemed him from slavery, and gave him • See Johnson's remarks on a verse of Donne's, vol. i. p. 48. As the sweet, &c. t He is yet said to have been engaged against the infidels of Hind ; and he mentions in this story, that he returned into Persia by the way of Hujjaz. [ 151 ] his daughter in marriage. His wife proved to be a scold, and the Sheikh was happy to rid himself of a vexatious burthen. Some of the stories in the Goolistan and Boostan prove him not only to have been -very credulous, but also very willing to impose on others. His account of a man crossing a broad river on a holy carpet, and which tie declares he saw, is a strong instance of the latter. The Unwari Sohelee is a work much read in Persia, and is con- sidered to be one of the best productions in that language. As it is not my intention to enter into a minute examination of the merits or faults of Persian authors, I shall content myself by observing, that the most admired historical works are the Rozut oos Sufa, by Meer Khoond, and the Hubeeb oos Syr, by his nephew ; the Shah Ubas Narau, and the life of Nadir Shah, by Mirza Mihdee. The Tareekhi Tibree, or the Chronicles of Tibree, are infinitely superior, in my opinion, to most of the works of Persian writers; they were written in Arabic, and were unfortunately lost. The style of the translation is simple and unaffected, and by no ifieans adapted to the vitiated and corrupt taste of the present age. The author neither aims at puns, nor aspires at forced images ; he de- livers his accounts in an equal flow of language, and if he never soars, he never falls. He is probably too nnnute ; but if an equal number of words be taken from the Tareekhi Tibree, they will be found to have more meanins; than double that number of almost every other writer. The style of the most admired Persian authors is verbose and turgid ; the mind is filled with words and epithets, and you pro- bably meet with several quibbles and monstrous images before you arrive at one fact. I shall give one instance, from an immense number, of the forced images of Persian historians; it would be disgusting to the reader to produce others. [ 152 ] tX«Li j_^|ii«tfA.i yj«^ She must! the saints must have her yet a virgin; A most unspotted lily shall she pass To th' ground, and all the world shall mourn her, Henry VHI-. It would be useless to dwell upon the panegyrics of Dryden, and of many other poets, poet-laureats, &c. * The lines betweeu the crotchets are supposed to have been added. Malone's Shakspeare, vol. i, p. 358^ [ 156 ] the praises of Sadee or Hafiz be found to be more fervent than the eulogies of Virgil or of Horace. We have become familiar with the deification of the Roman emperors ; but would not the incense which was offered up at the shrine of a mortal deity, appear, even to a Persian, the height of human adulation ? The Persians, I very readily acknowledge, have a string of epithets which they indiscriminately apply as their ne- cessities may require ; but it is in their prose compositions where they indulge themselves in this unlimited license. The literature of any nation is a subject too vast to be executed with any degree of minuteness in a work of this nature ; nor do I feel the smallest hesitation in avowing myself unequal to the task. I refer the learned reader to Sir William Jones's Commentarii, the only work which gives any notion of the language and the literature of the Persians. The works of Sir William Jones have been a precious mine to many authors who have written upon the language or the poetry of the Persians, and who have borrowed largely from him without deign- ing to avow their obli"ations to this wonderful man.* It has been the fashion, of late, to doubt the authority of this writer ; but, certainly, Avithout the smallest foundation. In the comprehensive range which he took of every branch of Eastern literature and science, it was utterly impossible for him to have avoided trivial mistakes; but are the persevering efforts of his genius to be overlooked because they are accompanied with a few trifling errors ? The degree of credit which the Persian language possesses in Europe, may be almost solely ascribed to Sir William Jones ; and it will hardly be denied that the works of this accomplished scholar surpass the collected labours of all his successors. I have been • Mr. Nott, I believe, avows his obligation to Sir William Jones for his translation of the Persian sonnet " Ugur an Turki Shcerazee ;" but says, that as his translation did not express (he measure of the Persian, he had been induced to give a new version of it. It is rather unfor- tunate for this observation of Mr. Nott's, that Sir William Jones's translation exactly expresses the measure of the Persian ghuzl, which was doubtless the reason that induced hira to prefer so uncommon a measure. [ 157 ] induced to say thus much in favour of an authority which I have in one or two instances dissented from, because I would not incur the reproach of having made an impotent effort to obscure the fame of our only Eastern luminary. The review which I shall take of Persian poetry will be as brief as possible ; and I shall carefully avoid noticing such passages as have been presented to the public under a variety of shapes. When I err, it will be from ignorance, not from design. THE SHAH NAMU. The most stupenduous monument of Eastern literature, is the Shah Namu of the poet Ferdousee; a work consisting of sixty thousand couplets, Avhich has probably been praised as much for its length, as for its intrinsic merit. This poem was composed under the patronage of Mahmood, Sultan of Ghizni, who, excepting his conduct towards this poet, appears to have been particularly liberal in his treatment of learned men. Firdousee was happily born at a period when learning and talents were universally encouraged ; nor did he fail to meet with protection and assistance, when he was persecuted by the enmity of his offended sovereign. I shall not repeat Firdousee's well known story ; nor should I have ventured these remarks if Sir William Jones had executed the design which he proposed in his learned Commentarii.* The world may, on two accounts, regret its disappointment ; at being deprived of the work of so distinguished a scholar, and at its having allowed of the fol- lowing observations. I do not profess giving a full account of the Shah Namu ; a poem consisting of sixty thousand couplets would require a separate work, and, perhaps, more time than the gene- rality of my readers are willing to bestow. • Sed de hoc poemate (Shah Namu), separatim atque alio volumine si tempus atque otium supetit, copiose disseram; ac ibrtasse etiain tolum opus in luceni proferam. [158] The celebrated poem of Firdousee has survived, in a country by no means distinguished for its regard for works of genius, a period of not less than eight hundred years. The patron of Firdousee is known for his cruelty,*' and is immortalized for his infamy ;-)- but this splendid monument of human genius and invention, rests upon a more certain basis. Kings have succeeded kings, and dynasties have followed dynasties ;| the works of imperial grandeur have fallen before the ravages of time, but Firdousee lives fresh ia the remembrance of the East, and, instead of suffering by a lapse of time, his fame rests upon a more solid and durable foundation. He rules by a prescriptive right. His work has become a model for imitation ; and although his successors have partly changed his language, they have not dispensed with the assistance of his images and fables. The poets of the East have been unanimous in their opinion of this poem, and have come forward in a n^anner which does h9nour to their candour, and credit to their judgrnent.§ But when we allow it is unequalled in the East, we must pause before we pronounce it to be equal, or to approach very nearly the divinest • Dow's History, vol. i. t Jamee says of him : Mahmood is dead, his splendor beams no more-, Lost in oblivion's solitary shore. Disgrace alone attends upon his name, Blind to Firdousee's merit and his fame. Champion. J It may be curious to trace these changes : — In Persia the Seljuks rose upon the ruins of the Subactigi; then the Turks in Kharizm, and the Atabegs in Persia; the Turks under Hulaku Khan, the Monguls, the Soofees ; the Turks and Afgans ; Nadir Shah, the Zunds, and at present the Qajjars. In India the government has passed from Hindoos to Mooslims, from Mooslims to- Ilindoos, and from Hindoos to Christians. § One of the Persian poets has these lines : No bard ere found in nature's richest mines, Th' inspiring ardour of Firdousee's lines ; If other poets in mellifluent strains, Have sung of heroes, or of verdant plains, Not with such equal beauty have they strung Our orient pearl, or with bis genius sung. Champion. [ 159 ] poem of the west.* So bold a comparison should be offered at [east with caution ; and I must confess that I would sooner be esteemed the Zoilus of Firdousee, than the Zoilus either of Virgil, or Milton. The Shah Namu is called (improperly, I think)-!* an epic poem, and by Sir "VVilliam Jones a series of epic poems. It is of litde consequence, perhaps, what title a poem receives ; those, however, who are only acquainted with it by name, will naturally imagine that it resembles or equals the epic poems of the Western world. The whole of the poem takes up a period of not less than 3,700 years ; and although critics have not determined the time of the epic action, they would not yield their assent to so enormous a number of years. The part which Sir William Jones assumes, and which he says is truly epic, occupies a period of three centui-ies. If Bossu's definition of the epic poem be just,J I have litde hesi- tation in declaring, that the Shah Namu is entirely excluded from ranking with Homer or Virgil, although it resembles Lucan's Phar- salia, by being an historical poem. The Shah Namu may be fairly defined, " an historical poem heightened by fable." I cannot discover that the poet wishes to inculcate any moral maxim, or that he has any other view than of embellishing the facts which have been handed down to him by tradition, and in the legends of the Gubrs. The stories in the Shah Namu are intricate and perplexed, and as they have a relation to each other, they can only be under- stood by a knowledge of the whole. Episodes are interwoven in episodes; peace and war succeed each other, and centuries pass • Nobilissiraum interea, et longissimum (voluminis enim per niagni prope dimidiam partem constituit), est sine ulla dubitatione leri epicum, et profecto nullum est ab Europoeis sciiptum poema, quod ad Homeri dignitatem et qtiasi cakstem ardorem propius acccdat. Sir William Jones, vol. ii. p. 50?. t I am obliged to dissent from an authority which I must always respect, I " The epic poem is a, discourse, invented by art, to form the manners by such instructions as are disguised under allegories of some one important action which is related in verse, after a probable, diverting, and surprising manner." [160] away without making any alteration in the conduct of the poem. The same prince continues to resist the Persian arms, tlie same hero leads them to glory ; and the subterfuge of supposing two Afrasiabs, or two Roostums, betrays, at least, the intricacy and confusion of the whole fable. The character of Nestor answered the most important ends ; his eloquence and experience had a won- derful effect in soothing the contentions of a divided council ; but the age of Zal or of Roostum answers no purpose, for they only share longevity in common with their fellow creatures. It is, perhaps, uncandid to try the merits of the Shah Namu by the standard of Homer or of Virgil ; but do not let it then aspire to a standard Avhich it will not admit. Let the enthusiastic admirers of the Shah Namu determine a standard of their own, but as long as it is called an epic poem, it must be tried by the rules which have been assented to by successive ages. The ground work of this poem is a history of Persia, which occupies a period of 3700 years, and upon which is raised a stu- penduoLis monument of fable and romance. The authority for this history is said to be some legends of the ancient Persians, which, as we learn from Firdousee, were undertaken to be turned into verse by Munsoor Duqeeqee.* How much he executed of this task I am unable to determine ; nor can I discover whether Fir- dousee availed himself of the labours of his predecessor. Upon his death, Firdousee undertook this laborious work, and has per- formed it in a manner which must delight and astonish every lover of Eastern literature. After Firdousee had made a considerable progress in his work, he fell ill, and apprehending that it would be iJjtc icjti- ^ J[S^_ c:-~*-, 3^^ "^^ i'^.j> \"'^y. ij^ji J>i^l-» (_^, J»J (_^Lj1 ^j^ji ''*-^r* (J-i i-Cf J '"^ *;-' *r?-^ ^jf)j .Xijl^ _.^\ ^b ^^j-j i4^i t/^ V J-" J*^ t,^*^ "^ [ 164 ] jly^ t/;*" *'^/ iJ-i.i^j^ J^j'^^ '^j^^j^ ''^V To Tooran, Toor, to Greece, now Soolm goes, Unaw'd ihey triumph in a parent's woes. With fond anxiety the god-hke king, And the whole army chide the tardy wing Of time ; when near approached the hour, (For who could fathom fate's imperious power), A gorgeous throne, with jewels studded o'er, And all the treasures of the orient shore. The king prepares. He quits the chair of state. And hastes, vain hope ! to meet his son elate. The richest wines Irania's vintage yields. And the gay minstrels charm the martial fields; On elephants the drum and tabor play. And splendid arches, such as grace the day Of Persian triumph, all prepar'd to go, When from afar, Avith solemn dirge and slow. Midst clouds of dust, a man of sorrovv rose. His face the picture of corroding woes ! Deep were his sighs; a golden urn he bore (With silk the head of Eritch cover'd o'er !) By sorrow worn his livid face appears, And all liis cheeks were dew'd with purple tears. [ 165 ] To Feridoon he came, the urn of sold He groaning opens, dreadful to behold ! From his pale visage, and his faultering tongue. The monarch feared some awful horror huno-. The silk around the head a servant tears, The head of Eritch pale and wan appears. From his high steed the fainting monarch falls, And the whole sorrowing train on Eritch calls.* Sunk were his eyes, his face of livid hue; Far different scenes his happier fancy drew ! Now they return ; pale anguish led the way, Torn were the colours, and the minstrel's lay Was silent now. The universal grief With ebony had mark'd each warrior's cheek. No more the drum or flutes enlivening sound. Teaches the warrior or his steed to bound. They all dismount, each soldier weeps aloud ; As when all heaven, by some tempestuous cloud. Is darken'd o'er. Their sorrowing breasts they tear, All call on Eritch with a wild despair. The stars, they cry, who mark'd thy fatal end. Will change their course, and to thy murderers bend. One truth attend, let not the meteor blaze On this vain world, delude with dazzling rays; 'Tis vain, 'tis idle, a delusive dream ! Nor fancy fortune is as she may seem. Should foes acknowledged strive to wound 3'our breast, Harbour no vengeance, and relieve distrest ; But if a friend assures of high esteem. Watch all his actions, varying with his theme. * Et multo clamore sequuutur Euryali et Nisi. [ 166] Sore griev'd each warrior, and with anguish tore, " Loudlj^ lamenting on the sounding shore." The king to Entch's garden bends his way, Once the gay scene, resplendent as the day ! Where Eritch's hours in pleas'd amusement flow'd. Where social pleasure innocently glow'd : His father, tott'ring with a weight of grief, Bears the pale head of the love-murder'd chief. To the high throne he casts his swollen eyes. No Eritch there, once favor'd by the skies ! O'er all the garden lucid fountains play'd. And choicest trees spread round their verdant shade» Here gay pavilions, and here cool retreats. Once pleas'd its lord. The mournful father goes To where the edifice of Eritch rose. And in his hand the pallid head he bore ; Grief sunk his soul, and all his bosom tore. His loud laments and agonizing cries Resound to Saturn, to the farthest skies ; He fires the garden, tears his aged hair, Rends his wan cheek, sad picture of despair ; Large drops of blood ran streaming down his eyes. He dips his belt in sanguinary dyes: On the lone earth he sat, and all around The flames arise, and scorch the smoking ground. Hope fled for ever ; oft the head he views. And oft to God his pious prayer renews. Ah God ! divine Director ! Power august ! View this pale head, now mouldering into dust, Murder'd Avithout a cause, while tygers wild* Howl o'er the body of my darling child. • Heu terra incognita canibus dataprsda Latinis^ Alitibusijue jaces ! t 167 ] Oh may these impious feel the woes I know ! May all their days in anguish'd sorrow flow ! Let their whole frame be pierced by venom'd darts ! Let the voracious reptile tear their hearts ! Oh grant my prayer ! Oh let from Eritch spring A vengeful hero — who, with martial wing. Will headlong hurl them to the gates of hell, Revenge his sire, these murd'ring fiends expel ! Him let me view triumphant, wise, and brave, Then sink with pleasure in the lonely grave. 'Twas thus he spoke, still groaning as he lay, No higher sorrows nature could display. Champion's Shah Namu. Feridoon marries the daughter of Eritch to one of Jumshyd's descendants, and Munokchere is the offspring of this marriage. He is educated with infinite pains ; and, upon his arrival at manhood, is placed at the head of the army, for the purpose of revenging his grandfather's murder. He entirely defeats the armies of Tooran and China, and slays, with his own hand, both Soolm and Toor. Eeridoon now becomes sensible of the danger of prosecuting re- venge, abdicates the throne in favour of Munokhchere, and, after a reign of five hundred years, dies. Munokhchere commences his reign with much applause. The poet now introduces the story of the birth of Zal, the father of Roostum. This beautiful episode stands unrivalled among the compositions of the Persian poets, and is certainly one of the most admirable parts of the Shah Namu. Sam, the father of Zal, had been long anxious for the birth of a son ; and his hopes are at length gratified. But his joy is soon con- verted into sorrow and indignation ; for, as his son was born with white hair, he conceives him to be spurious. He resolves on making [ 168] away with his innocent offspring. Tlie child is exposed upon Mount Elboorz, the Olympus or Ida of the Persians, where he is fostered by a Seemoorgh, a fabulous bird of antiquity. Tlie exist- ence of Zal is revealed to his father in a dream, who res-rets his cruelty, and sets out in the hope of discovering him. The Seemorgh delivers over her charge to the rejoiced father, who endeavours to obliterate from the mind of Zal a sense of his former cruelty. Zal is appointed to the government of Cabool and Zabool, where lie continues while his father carries his arms into Gurgsaran. Zal meets the king of Cabool, who invites him to his royal residence ; but which he is obliged to refuse, on account of Mihrab's being related to the house of Zohak. The king returns to Cabool ; and the description he gives of Zal's person captivates the heart of his daughter Roodavu, The description of Zal's person is laboured with infinite pains ; and as the fairest possible manner of drawing a comparison be- tween Asiatic and European writers is by comparing their descrip- tions upon the same subject, I shall adopt this rule in some few instances ; it will mark the difference of Asiatic and European notions, the extent and justness of their imagination.* Mihrab, in reply to the enquiries of Seendokht, gives the follow- ing account of Zal's person : * One or two instances arc not sufficient; they might be greatly enlarged were this the proper place. Compare the descriplion of Orpheus with that of Muj noon; tke Caledonian boar with the Goorgs of f irdousec. <4:j '^f' 'ij. c^~- j)y-> i^^ 0^ t>-WJ Jo w' (_i ll Jbs^ }y^CSi,c^ji.jji_. ■w») j^'^ J^^3'^ Jji jLlol^ JkiU |J.N.^ 'j^^ \^:>- t::Jjjj jIjuj J JL > U^J^ [ 169 ]. c^ t^^ «-rr^ l»'V c;^" 'V. y^ k/j^ '■^^ — '^ >\r*-> (ji^ j^ ^0^ ij*^ "^.y ^'^ ''^ S^/y t5** 'Vj'H Lr:t^ t,^**-*-* Mihrab replies, he like the cypress rears His head on high, and like a god appears; No wan'ior equals his immortal beams. His amber crown, his scientific themes. When his fierce courser furious paws the ground^ No mortal rides him with such active bound ; His lion soul, his elephantine frame. Resistless in the battle, seize on fame : Not with more violence the Nile o'erflows. And levels all that dare its course oppose. His ruddy cheeks hang on the wing of youth,. Great is his wealth, magnanimous his truth. When, like a dragon, in the bloody field, He dares the fray, the boldest warriors yield, White is his hair, which some a fault esteem ; Tlio' long, tho' flowing, beauteous tho' they seem. Champion. Shakspeare or Milton's description may be put in comparison; with that of Firdousee : See what a grace was seated on his brow, Hyperion's curls, the front of Jove himself; An eye like Mars, to threaten or command ;. A station like the herald Mercury, New lighted on a heaven-kissing hill ; A combination and a form indeed. Where every God did seem to set his seal To give the world assurance of a man.. Hamlet.. z [ 170 ] His fair large front, and eye sublime, declared Absolute rule; and hyacinthin locks* Round from his parted forelock hung Clustering, but not beneath his shoulder broad. Milton. • This is a common comparison with the Persians : * Her locks in ringlets like the hyacinth, giving fresh life to the wounded." * Her tresses, like the hyacinth, falling in curls, and concealing her lovely face." KSC.S' Of KCt^^loq OSxccq ^!ti xo^a; iaxivSiw a>5 oji«)iaf. Oddissea, b. 230. The picture of Yoosoof, the Adonis of Persia, is finished, perhaps, with more pains, but with less success, than the description of Zal : jy>~ CL!j\i. liij A^ ^U jy JUj^ iJp^^ C';i^ fji^'ijj J^k ;_^ CS-l i^f U-^^'*^J cT'^j-^.j^ "'■bO j^iij L^^j L::-^t> ticuJ 5^43;^ J^rf'J J?"'~-~i '^^*^j'^ JJ^j^ jj) jki. jP^j\ y>- jUjI jJ tjjij\ Jij^ Jiji jii 4^r° dy^ cW c'?hr' sA J >^Vi;Vj '>*'-'c:'*--t; «' A beauteous youth, who eclipses the charms and graces of the Hoories of Paradise. " His form polished as the box-tree, erect as the cypress; his locks falling in nnglets, sealing " the mouth of wis/lom, ajid arresting the feet of di-.crftion, " His forehead shining with immortal beams, surpassing both the sun and moon. [ 171 ] The description of Zal's person immediately inflames the soft bosom of Roodavu : Fired with the picture, o'er Roodavu's face, The depening blushes heighten every grace ; "With eager passion all her bosom glows, Love chases far her balmy soft repose ; The mad'ning fires urge on the panting maid. And various thoughts her yielding mind invade. Roodavu reveals her love to her attendants in the most impas- sioned language, and vi^ith a fervency which equals Eloisa's letter to the unfortunate Abelard : " His eye-brows arched, and liis eye-lashes shading his sleepy eyes.* " His eyes beaming mildness, the eye-lashes darting arrows. " His lips smiling and shedding sweets, his words " dropping honey." " His pearly teeth, between his ruby lips, like the lightning playing upon a western sky-f •' Laughing he eclipses iho Pleiads, smiles and jests dance upon his lips. " Pearly drops hang upon his double chin ; upon his rosy countenance a mole, as the dark " crow in the midst of a garden. " His arms like silver, and well proportioned {rich) ; but the waist, for want of silver, slender, " (poor.)"t • Lely on animated canvas stole The sleepy eye, that ^poke the melting soul. Pope's Imit. Horace, vol. iv. p. 170. See the note of the annotator. Dr. VVarton. t I have not given a faithful fnmslation of these verses, a fanhful version would be unintel- ligible to an English reader. Tht Moluvvce Room has establisned thai there are three sorts of lightning, dark, yellow, and white; the Litter is alludea to in this veise, and the lips are compared to the sky at sun set. I I have intiM-pn ted these ti- o couplets litcrallv as a specimen of Persian conceits. Solomon's Song, either in a simple or uiybtic sense, is lull ot similar metaphors, some ot which have been esteemed inimitably beautiUi!. Jameo's similies are estr^mely perple.xed, aud, when discovered, by no mean:$ reward the labour you are obliged to bestow upon them. [ 172] To you to whom my guardian care has shone, I speak the secret of my heart alone ; Hear, and be cautious — love inflames my soul, Fierce as the winds my rapid passions roll. Zal reigns triumphant ; if I close my eyes The soft illusions of his image rise; Sleep flies my couch. Say then what blest relief (To j-^ou alone 'tis known) can cure my grief. Her attendants are shocked at this account of her love, and at- tempt to persuade her to stifle her passion. She interrupts them, and indignantly replies : j,JL»- ii^\^ij J ^jj 0«jb'-^jjj r^. u-i Jjj VejhJ6iXijjJ jOu-A \^Jm j\i i_s^ i^^i^ijii:^ *Uj ^JiiJ) jli ^J\y i^f^ «U.*^L-/ o^^^jj CU^^y WjXj ,^j\ jf A*-/^ (JL^\jji- jfj^ i^\ jjji, Jf J^ jJ OjJ jj^J i^ ji>\J C^ cl/i^ J^j^'^^j^ ^ iJ^jyM) ij M>\j^ j,a^ *3 Jb J (_c^ V J ^ i//jV i j^ Jlj U— 1 ,.L_;j{ jy^ »^^lj cl' ^ *V.J^*'*i'^ -^ J'i j^ /f Ir" i^y^j^ lA*^*^ v/j- ^ s^^j *^jj^ "^yVjf* J j^ Are these thy counsels ? Slaves in early bloom, Wretched to breathe, the flames of love consume. [ 173 1 Those who on clay can make their rich repast. Regardless view, torn by the stormy blast, The shattered flower. I grant that blushing shame Should awe the maid, and lead her on to fame ; But love in triumph bears the conquer'd soul. And the whole world's submiss to his controul.* Should mighty Caesar, or should Fahfoor bring The world's great empire, or Irania's king Bribe with his sceptre as the farthest west. The son of Sam alone can charm my breast i-f- How unavailing do your censures flow, Zal is my soul, for him my wishes glow ; His image fills, his praises charm my mind. The favoured object of all human kind. Speak not of Foor, of Caesar, or the west, Inthron'd is Zal for ever in my breast 1 'Tis not his person, his external form. Can charm the mind and all the senses warm ; Tis excellence, 'tis wisdom, love of fame, That caught my soul, all centered in his namcj: Champion. Her attendants agree to second her wishes; and as Zal was deeply enamoured of Roodavu by a description he had received of • Omnia vincit amor et nos cedamus amori. Nearer the translation than the original. •\ Should at my feet the world's great master fall, Himself, his throne, his world, I'd scorn them all ; Not CcEsar's empress would I deign to prove, No, make me mistress to the man I love. Pope's Eloisa. I My heart's subdued Ev'n to the very quality of my lord; I saw Othello's visage in his mind. And to his honoui and his vaUant parts Did I my soul and fortune consecrate. C 174 ] her person,* they found no difficulty in drawing from him an avowal of his love. They have little need of persuasion to induce him to consent to an interview. The two unknown lovers are brought — ^ — . — — -^ — ■ ■ ■ — I I * The picture of Roodavu is drawn with admirable skill : MJ i^/o i^Xs- )Jj^~ iiJS i^j** iXi<«S (j^Lz^^j j;;y»-,». I.. «_;>ii j J This Mihrab has a daughter, brighter far. And far more radiant than the orieut star; Tall as the Sabbin tree, divinely fair, Spotless as ivory her beauties are. Her jetty locks in graceful ringlets play. Charm every sense, and steal the soul away ; Her jetty locks her blooming beauties shade, Pierce through the heart to instant love betray'd; Even and white her well form'd teeth appear, Not the white rose more delicately clear ; Her oval breast no fancy e're could paint. Weak were all language, all description faint; Nor the narcissus, which the florists prize. Equals the beaming lustre of her eyes ; The lashes of the eye in graceful fall, Still add new radiance as they shade the ball ; Black are the eye-hds, curved with wond'rous skill, Seize the whole soul, and every passion fill : 'Tis all elysium! how by fortune blest Will be that chief who captivates her breast. Champion. Po^d; xoipa»i T«;^»»;{, Tfa(fi Ti)» IfiriV «Taif)!», &C. &C. Best and happiest artisan. Best of painters, if you can, 175 ] together ; and their meeting may, in some degree, be compared to the dehcacy and tenderness of the exquisite scene between Romeo and Juhet: JcJj jAi, u:,.vM(J ijij<^^ e:-vjJij ijaJj Ai ^j\ 'i^\ tJjy With your many-coloured art Paint the mistress of my heart ; Describe the charms you hear from me, (Her charms you could not paint and see), And make the absent nymph appear As if her lovely self were here. First draw her easy flowing hair, As soft and black as she is fair. And if your ait can rise so high. Let breathing odours round her fly ; Beneath the shade of flowing jet, The ivory forehead smoothly set; With care the sable brows extend, And in two arches nicely bend ; That fair space which lies between The meeting shade may scarce be seen. The eye must be uncommon fire, Sparkle, languish, and desire ; The flames unseen, must yet be felt, Like Pallass kill, like Venus melt ; THc rosy cheek must seem to glow Amidst the white of ncw-fall'n snow; Let the lips persuasion wear In silence elegantly fair. As if the blushing rivals strove, Breathing and inviting love. Below her chin be sure to deck. With every >>race, her polisb'd neck ; While all that's pretty, soft, and sweet. In the svfelling bosom meet. The rest Anacreon 28. (Guardian.) The Venus of the Persians is Bilgees (Queen Shoba), whose beauties have been celebrated by Khaqanee and Fyzee, ihe brother of Abool Fuzl, who left his Soliman Nama unfinij.hed. Jamee has given a long and turgid description of the beauties of Zuleekha; Nizamee's descriptK.ns are always full of fire and spirit; Jamee tortures the alphabet to exemplify the beauties of his heroine, and is always full of puns and quibbles. Portia's picture may give a faint, a very faint notion of the imagery of Persian poets. [176] i^y clv. t .'Tij y i^n-wy^ ^j\ ^ft!- ^^ l^l$lil^^ ^ U:-^Rf J Jjiij l^y\ j_;\^ */!/*■ ''i;iJ "^I;^ trr^ *!^Vj *'^'Sy^ iV«T jb C'-'^ Now they descend, and to the palace move,^ Attended by the slave who knew their love. The gay illuminations gild the scene, All was Elysium, splendid, yet serene ! Zal, all amaz'd, all glowing with desire, Gaz'd on the eyes which beara'd celestial fire ; [ 177 ] Her hair, her face, her ev'ry opening bloom, Catch his fond soul, and fix the lover's doom. In tissue drest, the sparkling necklace glows, The bracelet on her hand new beauty throws ;■ In her small ear the splendid jewels blaze. And every jem of variegated rays ; Bright as the various garden of the spring. Melodious as when Nature's songsters sing : Not even roses on Arabian gales Thus scent the air, or fill the passing sails.* On the same couch they sit ; on Zal's high head A crown of rubies and of gems was spread ; With flow'rs diversified his ringlets wave. And his bright form confess'd the warrior brave. Roodavu blush'd, and in her conscious eye Blaz'd the fierce rapture, and the am'rous sigh ; On all his charms, his eminence, she gaz'd, Hung o'er his manly form, and much she prais'd. She bids him rise ; now stung with keen desires. Their fond embraces speak internal fires ; Bliss smil'd enchanting, and with rapture warm Around them Love diffused his brightest charm : Thus the fierce lion, bounding o'er the deer, In playful fondness chases every fear.-f* Zal then exclaims, " Oh thou, whose scented hair. Fair maid, with musk, perfumes the ambient air ! * Neither the Arabians nor Persians attribute this quality to the tepid gales which blow from the barren and rocky coast of Arabia; the translator forgets his original. + Horace uses this image very differently : juvet ut tygres subsidere cervis, Adulteretur et columba miliio. Epod l6. But the Persians never consider of the justness of their similies. A a [ 178] When Munokhchere our nuptial rites shall know^ I fear his anger, and the future woe ! That Sam, indignant, will declare his rage; That death, alas ! must close my early age ! Hear thou, high Heaven ! and ye Powers above. No other object shall enjoy my love." Roodavu thus replied, " Let Heaven attest The same bright purpose of my faithful breast : Though scepter'd monarchs at my feet should fall, Their thrones, their splendour, I would scorn them all ;. My prayers to Heaven shall testify my soul, Zal shall my wishes, all my thoughts controul; My prayers shall soften th' illustrious sire. Calm every thought, and his assent inspire." Lost was each sense, dissolv'd in soft dehght,. And love encreases from the gazing sight- Thus passed the fleeting hours, till the grey dawn Beheld the sun just peeping o'er the lawn, Till from afar the silver tabors play : The lovers part ; the pensive sighs display The pang it gave; while tears o'erflow'd the face, Their love was pictur'd in the fond embrace. " To the bright orb, intruding light," they cry, " Why early spangle all the morning sky ? Why thus our bliss, our happier hours destroy. And close with pain the raptur'd scene of joy ?" Champion. Zal, happy in the possession of his love, resolves upon informing his father of his passion for Roodavu. Sam yields an unwilling consent ; but in the meantime their mutual love is discovered by Seendokht, the mother of Roodavu. She is unable to conceal the [ 179] secret from her husband, who breaks out in a paroxysm of rage, and is with difficulty restrained from destroying his unfortunate daughter. Munokhchere also receives accounts of this affair ; and dreadinG: the result of an union between Zal and a descendant of Zohak, com- mands the attendance of Sam. He receives him with uncommon attention ; and in a few days orders him to march against Mihrab, and to destroy him. Sam receives the command with sorrow and submission, and sets out to execute the tyrant's jealous and unfeeling mandate. Zal, highly incensed at the king's barbarity and his father's weakness, expostulates with Sam, and at length persuades him to write to the king, and to allow him to carry the letter. Sam enumerates, in his letter to Munokhchere, the obligations he had conferred upon the Persian government ; and gives a full account of his killing an enormous serpent, which, like the hydra of anti- -quity, destroyed the surrounding country. jjUaJ^OJ iJS ^jj jUa s% li- cr]y» Jjjj '^jijj^ hcMf- ^li*Mt} Ct' -i***]!!^ /MUimJ lJ^Z ) [ISO] ij^j [) u"^, f^'^^ji iJ^'^ (ch^ d^^j. s/ji/f ""^ ji:^ t>» 'V.J^ */j^ J-^JI^ '>jj^ iJ'j^J (♦'-y "Were I not active, desolating trains Had mark'd with blood Irania's rich domains. The winding serpent once spread wide dismay. Stretching from town to town his horrid way. High as a mountain, at whose hideous sight Hope fled the world, and set in endless night; No bird could safely wing the atrial sky. No beast could move; the Kergush, darting high. Sunk at his breath ; e'en the interior ground Foam'd at his motion, trembling at his sound. The water dragon frightened fell his prey. And the black eagle dropp'd with sad dismay; [181] Mankind with terror saw whole cities fall, And the whole world yielded to the serpent's call; "When this I knew, 1 felt the hero's gloAV, God gave me force to dare the serpent foe ; In his high name my girdle on I bound, Sprung on my horse, nor feared the hostile wound. Now on my saddle blaz'd my cow-grav'd blade. My bow and arrows o'er my arm were laid ; With rapid speed, as water-dragons fierce, I lance my javelin, and my arrows pierce. The crowds beheld me all appall'd and low. And thought fate certain from the dreadful foe. When near I came, and saw the monstrous sight. Rising terrific as a mountain's height, While o'er the ground far hangs his circling mane. As toils to catch ; the sure, the mortal bane ! As the black tree, when issuing from its veins A mortal juice ; thus with malignant stains,. Hoarse sounds his voice, while stagnant on his lips Hang the dark foam which deadliest venom dips. When his blood-darting eye beheld me near. He roar'd indignant, and I launch'd my spear. I thought, O king ! emitting from his frame, Around there issued pestilential flame. As the smooth surface of a summer's stream Nature was hush'd ; I heard no distant theme. Like a black cloud his dreadful foam arose. The wide earth trembled while his nostril blows;. The world all shook, as when the dreadfid roars Of seas contending rush on China's shores. I raised my voice, and with a lion's sound. As suits a warrior, dared him to the ground. [ 182 ] Steel pointed arrows from my bow I drew, Aim'd the unerring shaft, it swiftly flew, Tearing iiis hair, and passing through his throat, Lodg'd in his brain, and life seem'd all afloat ; Another follows, when his venom'd tongue, Foaming with blood and deadliest poison, hung; Another piercing through his throat, once more. Laid him in anguish, weltering in his gore ; He writhed his body, when I raised my steel, Spurr'd my fierce courser — Heav'n applauds my zeal. The cow-grav'd sword impels the mortal blow. Like falling mountains fell the serpent foe ; His elephantine head now shatter'd lies. Rapid the poison flows, the monster dies ; Such streams of venom all the earth defile. Vast as the flowing of the rapid Nile. Crowds came to bless me, and the joyful throng Hail'd me, in grateful triumph, « Sam the Strong."* Champion. • Hoc conditus antro Martius anguis erat, cristis prasignis el auro. Igne micant occuli ; corpus turtiet omne veneno ; Tresque vibrant lingua; : triplici slant online denies. Quern posfquam Tyria lucum de gents profecti Infausto tetigere gradu : demissaque in undas Urna dedit sonitura ; longo caput extulit antro CiErulcus serpens. Horrendaque sibila misit. Effluxere urnce manibus, sanguisque reliquit Corpus, et atlonilos subitus tremor occupat artus. Ille volubilibus squamosos nexibus orbes Torquet, et imraensos saitu sinuatur in arcus : Ac media plus parte leves erectus in auras Dcspicit orane nemus : tantoque est corpore, quanto Si totum species, geminas ((ui separat arctos. Nee mora. Phoenicas (sive illi tela parabant, Sive fugam site ipse timer prohibebal utrumque) Occupat : hos morsu, longis coraplexibus illos ; [ 182 ] The king grants his consent to Sam's petition, and ZaI returns upon the wings of impatient love to his beloved Roodavu. Their nuptials are celebrated with great pomp and splendour. Roodavu becomes pregnant, and is delivered of Roostum, as Semele was of Bacchus. She is relieved, however, by the Seemoorgh, whose assist- ance alleviates the pain of the operation. The whole of this beautiful episode of Zal and Roodavu is related with uncommon animation and tenderness ; and is supported with Has iiecat afflatos funeste tube veneni. Fecerat exiguas jam Sol altissimus umbras: QuEe mora sit sociis miratur Agenore natus ; Vestigatque viros : tegimen direpta leoni Pellis erat ; telum splendenti lancea ferro; Et jaculum, tcloquc animus prsstantior omni. Ut nemus intravit, lethataque corpora vidit, Victoremque supra spatiosi corporis hostem Tristia sanguined lambentem vulnera linguA: Aut ultor vestras fidissiraa corpora mortis, Aut comes, inquit, ero. Dixit ; dextraque molarem' Sustulit ; et magnum magno conamine misit Illius impulsu cum turribus ardua celsis Mcenia mota forent. Serpens sine vulnere mansit. Loricceque modo quamis defeusus, et atrae Duritia pellis, validos cuti reppulit ictus. At non duritia jaculum quoque vincit eadem,- Quod medio lentas fixum curvamine spinas Coiistitit; et toto descendit in ilia ferro. Hie dolore ferox caput in sua terga retorsit: Vulneraque adspexit, fixumqiie hastile momordit. Idque, ubi vi multa partem labefccit in oranem, Vix tergo eripuit. Ferrum tamen ossibus hseret. Turn vero ; postquam solitas accessit ad iras Plaga recens, plenis tumuerunt guttura venis : Spuraaque pestiferos circumfluit albida rictus; Terraque rasa sonat squamis; quique halitus exit Ore nigor Stygio vitiatas inficit auras. Ipse modo imraensum spiris facientibus orbeni Cingitur : interdum longa trabe rcctior exit. Impete nunc vasto, ecu concitus imbribis amnU- Fertur et obstantes proturbat pectore silvas, Cedit Agenorides paulum : spolioque leonis Sustinct incursus ; instanliaciue ora retardat Cuspide pra;tenta. Furit ille, et inania dure [ 184 ] n, degree of spirit which is quite unusual with Persian ports. The loves of Slieereen, of Lylee, or of Zuleekha, fall infinitely below the passion of Roodavu for Zal. Their passion, insU>ad of making them speak in natural and unaffected language, makes thetn reveal their love in a torrent of quibbles, of puns, and of Eastern conceits. This is a fault which cannot be alleged against Firdousce ; but which may be brought against Nizamee, Jamee, or Halif, in almost every line of their Musnuwees. They have borrowed from his invention, but have either neglected or despised his simplicity; and have concealed the delicacy of his sentiments under a mass of absurd metaphors and incongruous similes. The generality of Persians, however, would probably prefer Nizamee or Jamee to Firdousee; and in India I have no doubt to whom the preference would be given. Munokhchere, after a reign of an hundred and twenty years, ab- dicates the throne in favour of his son Nodoorz, and predicts the events of his reign. These are fulfilled. Afrasiab invades Persia, makes a prisoner of Nodoorz, and, in revenge for the defeat which was given his army by Zal, destroys the unfortunate monarch. Afrasiab reigns in Persia ; Zal and Roostum maintain themselves in Cabool : the latter, after a variety of adventures, discovers Ky Kobad near the mountain of Elboorz. Vulnera dat ferro : figitque in acumine denies. Jamque venenifero sanguis manarc palato Coeperat, et virides aspcrgine tinxerat herbas : Sad leve vulnus crat : quia se rctrahcbat ab ictu ; La;saque colla dabat retro ; plagamque sedcre Cedendo arcebat, nee longius ire sinebat, Donee Agenorides conjectum in gutture ferrum Usque scquens pressit : dum retro quercus eunti Obstitit : et fi.*:a est pariter cum robore cervix. Pondere serpentis curvata est arbor, et imae Parte flagellari gemuit sua robora caudpe. Metara. Lib. iii. 1 have made too long a quotation to notice the story of Baliram Gour destroying the hydra. Nizamee falls infinitely below Firdousce, although of all the Persian poets he approaches him the nearest. Longe sed proxinii intervallo. [185] Tliey engage Afrasiab's army ; and Roostum signalizes himself by making a prisoner of Afrasiab, who, however, unfortunately escapes. The Turks are driven across the Oxus with the loss of 160,000 men. Afrasiab gives a recital to his father, Pishung, of the ill success of his arms, and generously acknowledges Roostum's vast superiority. A peace is, in consequence of these victories, concluded between the two states. Ky Kobad reigns an hundred and twenty years, and is succeeded by his son, Ky Kaoos, a weak and foolish prince. He attempts, contrary to the advice of his nobles, the conquest of Mazendaran, and is defeated and made prisoner by the demons of that country. Roostum undertakes to release the king from confinement. His journey is marked by seven adventures, called the seven stages, which fall infinitely below the labours of Hercules. Indeed, his famous horse Rukhsh deserves almost as much credit as his master. Roostum at length defeats all his enemies, relieves Ky Kaoos, and restores his sight in a miraculous manner. The king's misfortunes fail to eflfect a reformation in his conduct : he involves his country once more in the greatest distress,'and is again released by Roostum. Roostum after this visits the Prince of Sumuncan, whose daughter falls in love with the hero, and whom he marries. He returns, after a short stay, into Persia ; and his wife is delivered of Sohrab, who proves himself worthy of so distinguished a parent. When he arrives at manhood, he attacks Ilujeer, a servant of the Persian govern- ment, and seizes upon his person. Goord Afreed, a female aniazon, endeavours to rescue him, engages Sohrab, Avho, after a sharp conflict, makes her his prisoner, and discovers that she is a woman. Like a second Tancred, he falls in love with this new Clorinda, and releases her. Ky Kaoos sends for Roostum (who was ignorant of his having a «on) who makes some delay in obeying the king's order; Avhich so iYicenses Ky Kaoos, that upon his arrival he commands him to be Bb [ 186 ] seized and confined. Roostum enraged at the king's folly and in- gratitude, returns to Cabool ; and Ky Kaoos is now obliged to descend to entreaties and prayers to soften his anger. The army at lengtii marches, and Roostum advances to reconnoitre the enemy. Sohrab, dreading lest he should engage his father, endeavours to discover from his prisoner, Hujeer, the marks which. would denote Roostum. A description of the Persian army is now artfully intro- duced; and Hujeer, to deceive Sohrab, calls Roostum a chief who had accompanied Ky Kaoos from China. An engagement ensues between the two armies, and Sohrab is opposed to Roostum. They fight, without gaining any advantage, until they are both exhausted, and mutually agree to defer their combat till the next morning. Sohrab endeavours to discover whether he is engaging Roostum, but is deceived even by Roostum himself. Sohrab engages Roostum the following morning, and hurls him to the ground. As he was preparing to make away with his antagonist, Roostum informs him that it was unusual for a chieftain in Persia to lake advantage of the first fall.* Sohrab, with un- daunted valour, gives Roostum his life, who retires, bruised and defeated from the field. They part; and Sohrab breaks in upon the Persian line, where he is encountered by Roostum. Tiieir combat is related with much spirit: ^^^S -S (ii;~i J/^i c^ j^ '*^ u--~~i c?-~*" Roostum thus addressed the young warrior : " Reflect well, o champion ! the destroyer of lions ! versed in throwing the net, in the use of the mace and the sword : Our customs difTer : our religion teaches us, that those who wrestle, and hurl their enemy to the ground, should not take advantage of the first, fall, although they are inflamed with mutual hatred," [ 187] iC^^jJ \isij\sj\ I^J^,j u :l; ^A Jo Jo lit^ jt Jw<1 Kr«- C.-Aj>j!>- Jo jL^ 1*^**^ V " ■ '' /«*^ " Sohrab rushes on like a furious elephant, wielding his bright scimitar; or, as a wild boar, or a roaring lion, destroying whole ranks with his fatal noose. When Roostum beheld him, he trem- bled at the remembrance of his former prowess. When Sohrab beheld him returned to the field, his heart beat with the high blood of youth. He cried out, " Just escaped from the paws of the lion ! do you oppose him again ? why did not you seek another quarter ?" They alighted from their horses ; the fatal period approaclied. They began to wrestle, and seized each other by the waist ; but wax, or the hard stone, yields equally in the hand of fate. They contended from morning till mid-day ; fortune seemed to have de- serted Sohrab ; Roostum, raging with vexation, seized him by the two shoulders, and bent him to the ground. Fortune now lowered, and strength deserted Sohrab. Roostum, like a lion, struck him to the ground, but did not expect to secure him ; he instantly drew [188] out his poignard, and buried it in the breast of the lion-hearted warrior/' The unfortunate Roostum discovers too late that he has slain his own son : he bitterly laments an involuntary crime ; but appears to derive some satisfaction that it was his own offspring who con- tended with him with so much hardihood. A peace is immediately concluded between the two states, and Roostum departs for Zabool. He is met by Zal and the nobles of the country, who feelingly regret the fate of his gallant son. Firdousee does not present the character of his hero in the most amiable light. He first denies his name; and, when he was de- feated, takes advantage of his son's unsuspicious valour. The hero was vanquished, and begged his life, and then seized an occasion to destroy an enemy, who was at least entitled to the indulgence he had shewn. There is no apparent reason why Roostum should deny his name;* upon every other occasion he is forward in divulging it. The full grown hero might be indignant at his prowess being foiled by a boy, and unwilling to flatter his rival with the merit, of resisting the champion of Persia. The custom of refraining from taking an advantage of a first victory, might be conformable to the manners of Persia ; but it was by no means incumbent upon Sohrab to admit an observance which exposed his life to a second hazard. If accident decided victory upon one occasion, it might do so upon another; and it seems absurd to forego an advantage which either conduct or fortune had placed in our hands. But Roostum never observed the same clemency towards a vanquished * He answered, I am not Roostum, neither am I related to him; for he b a wanior, fto^ I am unknown. 1 have neither a crown, a throne, uor riches. [189 1 enemy; he only inculcated it when he fell beneath superior poowess. Firdousee exalts the character of Sohrab, but depreciates that of Roostum's: the one appears to have been brave and generous, the other wily and subtle. The story of Seeavush, and his step-mother, Soodavu, fo'lows the episode. She falls in love with Seeavush; and her advances being rejected, accuses him, like another Phaedra, of attempting to violate her chastity. But neither Firdousee, nor Janiee, in his Yoosoof and Zuleekha, have observed much delicacy of their females ; they feel no hesitation in divulging their love, but avow it with an effrontery which would have disgusted persons of less fastidious or colder feelings than either Seeavush or Joseph * Ky Kaoos acquits his. son ; but he is still persecuted by the malice of Soodavu, and is at length obliged to establish his innocence by the fiery ordeal. Afrasiab breaks the peace, and Seeavush seizes the occasion to request permission to join the army. The Persians are successful, and the Turks are obliged to purchase a peace by the cession of Soghd, Samarcand, and Bokara. Afrasiab delivers up hostages ; and Seeavush writes to his father, informing him of the terms of the pacification. Ky Kaoos, old and uxorious, refuses to ratify the treaty. Seeavush, incensed at his father's folly and imprudence, resolves upon retiring to Afrasiab, and acquaints Ky Kaoos with the reasons for this determination. Seeavush is received in the most handsome manner by Afrasiab, who gives him his daughter in marriage ; but, after some time, listens to the insinuations of Kershooz, and at length murders his unfortunate visitor. The Firdousee. Jamee, [ 190] metamorphosis of Sceavush into an herb, or of Furhad into an orange-tree, are much inferior to any of Ovid's Peeran, whose daughter was also married to Seeavush, intercedes for the pardon of Zeringeez, the wife of Seeavush, and the daughter of Afrasiab. Her pardon is granted ; and she is conveyed to the house of Peeran, where she is safely delivered of Ky Khoosroo.' Ky Kaoos repents too late of his folly, and now determines to revenge the death of his son. An army penetrates into Turkestan under the command of Rooslum, who slays in single combat Peel Ism, the champion of the Turks, and wounds Afrasiab. Afrasiab flies, and Roostum rules over Turkestan seven years. At the insti- gation of his brother, Zuwaru, he desolates the whole country, and then returns into Persia. Geo is warned, in a dream, of his being the person destined to discover Ky Khoosroo. He commences his journey, and, after seven years, succeeds in discovering the object of his search. He accompanies him into Persia. Ky Khoosroo is proclaimed king by his grandfather at Persepolis, and all the nobles, excepting Toos, promise him obedience. Ky Khoosroo marches against him, and they are mutually reconciled. Ky Kaoos urges Ky Khoosroo to revenge his father's murder. Toos is appointed to the command of the army, and is opposed by Furood, the brother of Ky Khoosroo, who is slain by Peezhun. The Persians are entirely discomfited, and are obliged to retire with the utmost precipitation. Toos and Godoorz meet with the fate of unfortunate generals ; they are both confined, but are re- leased at the intercession of Roostum. Roostum joins the army, and success always accompanies him. He endeavours to effect an accommodation, but the presumption of Peeran defeats the moderation of his views. The engagement between Roostum and Polawund is related with much spirit ; and [ 191 1 I might give it as an excellent specimen of Firdousee's descriptive powers, had I not already made too man}' quotations. Roostum's adventures with ihe Deo Ukwan succeed this conflict ; he is made prisoner, is thrown into the sea, and providentially escapes. The progress of the war is suspended to relate the adventures of Peezhun and Godoorz. They are sent by the king against some wild boars who destroyed the surrounding country. Goorgeen, filled with envy against Peezhun, proposes that he should visit one of Afrasiab's hunting seats, where his daughter resided, and excites him to it by a beautiful description of the luxuries and delights of the place.* Peezhun follows this advice, and falls in love Avith Afrasiab's daughter ; she returns it, and conceals him in her private apartments, where he is discovered by Kioshooz. It may be worth while to compare this scene of a warrior, sunk into the softest luxury, with the admirable scene in Tasso, between Rinaldo and Armida. It is probable that Firdousee purposely passed it over in haste ; yet we must regret that a poet, who is usually too minute, should have hurried over a scene which admitted of the highest embellishment : ' J:S ^^jl^ ^ ^JCJi (_-i^ JJj J^ "i^i— 15 c)}o ^ « He approached with hasty steps the house where the stranger was concealed. When he beheld Peezhun, his indignant blood flowed quickly through his veins. He saw three hundred female servants playing upon the harp, singing, or drinking the purest wine. Peezhun was seated in the midst of them, and his lips seemed • See Sir William Jones's Works, vol. ii. p. 314. [ 192 1 moist with wine. When Peezhun beheld him at a distance, he trembled at his approaching fate, he felt the utmost vexation at his helpless situation." How greatly superior is the description in Tasso ; There sat Armida on a flowery bed. Pier wanton lap sustain'd the hero's head : Her op'ning veil her ev'ry bosom show'd. Loose to the fanning breeze her tresses flow'd : A languor seem'd difFus'd o'er all her frame. And every feature glow'd Avith am'rous flame. The pearly moisture on her beauteous face Improv'd the blush, and heighten'd ev'ry grace; Her wand'ring eyes confess'd a pleasing fire, And shot the trembling beams of soft desire. Now fondly hanging o'er, with head declin'd, Close to his face her lovely cheek she join'd ; While o'er her charms he taught his looks to rove. And drank, with eager thirst, new draughts of love. Now bending down enraptur'd, as he lies, She kiss'd his vermil lips and swimming eyes; Till from his inmost heart he heav'd a sigh, As if to her's the parting soul would fly. All this, &c. &c. Hoole's Tasso, b. 14, p. 126. Goorgeen, upon his return to court, is suspected of having be- haved treacherously towards Peezhun. Roostum, disguised as a merchant, sets out in search of him ; and meeting with Afrasiab's daughter, learns the place of his confinement. Roostum, after vanquishing the son of Ukwan Deo, releases his captive friend. The thread of the war is again resumed, and an account is given of the defeat, in single combat, of the twelve champions of Tooran. It ends with the defeat and death of Peeran, who dies like a brave [ 193] and honourable warrior. In some parts it resembles the fall of Hector or of Turnus ; but Peeran refuses to purchase his life with disgrace : o/jj}j 'V^ty*" '^^jj^ *ifj o\j^y^ ii^ '^j' ^ J^jij L^'r/^. "V-ij^ J^'^ L5*^ 'rf'ir' ^ c/^J U><>jiiji lij^, j\j»-ii\j j»- ti-Nsr' X^^ j\Jjjy ^Jj j\y>- JoLi *;y Jjt t;j^ J J j|;j <'J^i Jji *jJ JfJJ) ob" jljkJ »!jijl^J Ci-vii'c'via- tlJ;!^ j^ ijU^ Jo C/Ji*- ty-«^ (•btP ^. '^^ '^ C/i^ ''^ C-Vli '■ii-^J'V C C u: — J t/V J^^ *'^V ^W »-5-^»V C^JJ J tAji^'V" *H/ tit ji\^ L^Js^:-^ 7** J' ^" '^""fC JJ'' J lu^r* Uv "* '^.'^ LS** iJT; I '^)1 l<^l (t" "^ , <.Vi«.Sj *>i^' ^" t'V' «^" III"*- tXiui J j<^' ^^ " The commanders of the two armies approached each other in the bloody field. They measure an equal distance from the two armies ; their hearts rage with mutual anger. They attack each other with the sword, the poignard, and the noose. Clouds of dust, raised by innumerable cavalry, obscure the sky. The will of heaven now manifested itself; misfortune attended upon the Tooran army. The battle proves unfavourable to the Turks : Fortune shines pro- pitiously on the arms of Persia. When fate lowers, whence are we to expect assistance ? Peeran beheld the approaching disasters, and recognized the will of heaven ; but he persevered undaunted, and combated against fortune. They both resort to the bow: their arrows fly as thick as leaves, driven by the autumnal blast, fall from the bending tree. Godoorz chooses an arrow which would pierce the hardest iron: he drew it with an unerring aim; the arrow flew, and pierced the breast-plate of the horse ; he staggered, and fell to the ground. Peeran fell under his charger, and his arm was broken by the fall. He rose ; fate now hovered near him ; he saw that he could not escape the will of Providence. He fled, [ 195 ] before Godoorz towards a hill, but with difficulty and with pain. He reaches the liill, and trusts that Godoorz will relinquish the pursuit. GodooriJ beheld him, and laments his fallen state. He saw that Fortune was to all equally faithless ; perj>etually on the watch to do harm. He cried out, O illustrious chief! why do you fly on foot ? Do you tiy from me as the game of the forest ? Where is your army, O commander of nobles ^ No one comes to your assistance, I see not a friend near you. What has become of your strength and bravery ; your weapons, your glory, and great gifts ? You were the support of Afrasiab, but the sun of his glory declines. Fortune has turned from you, do not expect assistance. Beg for quarter, and allow me to carry you before my king. He will re- ceive you graciously ; for, like me, you aie old, and your hair is silver. Peeran broke out. Do not expect it ; ^o not suppose that I will exchange my character for so much infamy. Do you con- ceive I could live, and be esteemed a coward ? I was born to die, and it is given you to destroy me. Every one tells me, that how- ever rich or happy, we still must die. We cannot escape death; hut I shall not be accomited criminal for being mortal. Godoorz makes a circuit of the hill, but he returns faint and disappointed. He dismounts, and grasps his shield. He climbs theliill, pondering on the will of Heaven. He ascends the hill with a quick pace, advancing the shield before him, and shaking his spear. Peeran beholds him at a distance, and springs from his stony seat. As he ajjproached, he throws liis poignard, Mhich wounds the venerable chief. Godoorz, pained by his wound, gives way to his bursting rage. He launches his spear, which penetrates the araiour of Peeran. It preserves its course, and fixes itself in his liver. Peeran utters a groan ; his sight becomes obscure; the blood gushes from his mouth, and his soul issues out at the same time."* Firdousee now commences upon the war between Ky Khoosroo * Una eaderaque via sanguis animusque sequiitur. [196] and Afrasiab. It has been usual to suppose Ky Khoosroo, the Cyrus of the Greeks; not on account of any great similarity be- tween the two characters, but because they are said to have lived about the same time. I reserve my remarks upon this subject for a future opportunity. I shall only now observe, that the first tim e we find Ky Khoosro at the head of his army, his force is composed of levies from Bagdad, Arabia Felix, and Ardbeel;* and that in- stead of waging war in Irak Arabee, he carries his arms across the Arnu, or Oxus, into Turkestan, or independent Tartary. Ky Khoosroo, finding that the enemy was nearly subdued, re- solves upon enjoying the fame of vanquishing a prostrate rival. He advances towards Tooran, and Afrasiab prepares to oppose him on the banks of the Oxus. He crosses this river, penetrates into Turkestan, and obliges Afrasiab to sue for peace. He rejects all terms of accommodation, slays Shydu, the son of Afrasiab, in single combat, and defeats the Turks in a general engagement. Afrasiab flies, and Ky Khoosroo pursues him. Another action is fought, which proves equally fatal to the Turks; and Afrasiab makes another effort to procure peace. He offers to purchase it by the cession of Cheen and Macheen ; but Ky Khoosroo persists in the savage pleasure of prosecuting his revenge. The fort of Gung is taken by assault. Afrasiab makes his escape, and continues to make many gallant efforts to harrass the enemy's army. He, at length, meets with a complete overthrow, and is obliged to conceal himself in a cavern from the pursuit of the enemy. He is dis- covered, and brought before Ky Khoosroo. Ky Khoosroo insults the captive monarch with a mockery of his own justice, and gives a memorable example of it, by murdering the helpless king with his own hand. The king might affect to reconcile the savage [ 197 ] barbarity of his conduct, by the duty which was imposed upon him, of destroying his father's murderer. Afrasiab was his grand-father ; and (although led away by Kurshooz), had behaved to Seeavush in . a hospitable and princely manner. Ky Khoosroo confers the government of Tooran upon Jihoom, the son of Afrasiab ; and, alter a reign of sixty years, retires from the government and dies. Zal and Roostum still maintain the honour of the Persian arms ; Godoorz, Toos, and Pureeboorz and Geo, unfortunately perish in the snow. I might be excused noticing any other part of the Shah Namu, as, if it be considered an epic poem, it must be supposed to end upon the destruction of Afrasiab ; but I cannot persuade myself to leave the reader in ignorance of the fate of Roostum. After the death of Ky Khoosroo, he continues in the greatest favour with Kishtasp, and destroys Isfundeear, the son of this prince, who had rebelled against his father. This story is related at great length, and with great spirit: but I have already exceeded the limits of my design, and must pass it over in silence. Roostum is driven to the greatest extremity, and is obliged to rely upon the assistance of the Seemoorgh. She furnishes him with one of her feathers, which he fixes upon one of his arrows, and discharges it against Isfundeear. The arrow pierces through both his eyes. This is the last memorable action of this celebrated warrior. His brother, Shughad, conspires against him ; and contrives that he shall fall into a pit which he had purposely filled with spears, and other sharp pointed weapons. He falls by the hand of Roostum ; but Roostum also becomes the victim of his treachery. It would require an elaborate work to give a just criticism of the Shah Namu ; my aim is but a faint sketch. The poetry of the Shah Namu is undoubtedly original ; no other Persian poei) as far as I know) has attempted this species of composition. The Shah Namu is more remarkable for its strength than its sweetness; [ 198] although it is in many parts as harmonious as the versification of Janiee. In a work of such great length, there will doubtless be a number of faulty lines, many of them evidently composed for the sake of the verse. In many instances the poet is tedious and unin- teresting, particularly in his account of the discovery of Ky Khoos- ix)o. He is often too minute; and, by making his description particular, makes it ridiculous. An example of this may be given in his description of the son of Ukwan Deo; which, instead of ex- pressing his immense size by some bold figure, gives us his exact measure : « He was one hundred yards high,* and twenty broad." Notwithstanding this enormous height, Roostum contrives (we do not learn how) to cut off his head with a stroke of his scimitar. I am not aware that Firdousee intends to inculcate any peculiar precept of morality ; he seldom, however, omits an opportunity of making many moral reflections on the instability of life, and of human enjoyments : «5o jUiJ jjX) Ai^^ >V.f JTU ^;;U!l»> ij^^j <^}j^ As the bright sun around his orbit moves. And the pale moon within her orbit roves. So life goes on ; then mourn not transient fate. Five hundred years this monarch rul'd in state. * Ursh is the length of the two arms extended from the body : probably five feet. This cir- cumstantial exactness is admirably ridiculed in the history of iMartinus Scriblerus : His eye-balls burn, he wounds the smoking plain, And knots of scarlet riband deck his mane. [ 199 1 Yet death his glory clos'd : tho' high in power, Though fortune smil'd on each propitious hour," He died hke thee.* — Let not ambilion fire, Nor the vain trappings of the world desire. Ah ! let not grief, my son, disturb your breast. Short is our period, ne'er completely blessed! Feranuk could not know a future king, A future hero from her loins would spring. Champion. If I behold the mirror of the world. Its wiles, its baubles, playings, are unfurl'd : And does desire of life the soul pervade ? Think that death soon will lead thee to the shade. All the world gives, how soon she takes away ! For one short hour she beams with transient ray. Though coral form'd thy doors, of what avail ? All fall alike in death's surrounding pale. Though poor, though humble, though a mighty king. Death makes you equal in his equal wing.-j- Here joy and sorrow in oblivion sleep. Ambition glows not ! grief forgets to weep ! Champion. * Is not this a mistake ? It is not countenanced by the original, which is wire-drawu by the translator. f Divesiie prisco natus ab Inacho Nil interest, an pauper, et infimi De geiite sub Diu nioreris, Victiuia nil miserautia OicJ. Hor. Carm. Lib. ii. 3. [ 200 ] The poets who have succeeded Firdousee have borrowed largely of him ; but the pure fountain of the Shah Namu has been strangely defiled : nor have his own waters escaped from pollution. Two or three Shah Namus are at least requisite to be able to read his works with any degree of accuracy or satisfaction. The works of Firdousee, if not snatched from their approaching fate, will be rendered useless by the folly and ignorance of his transcribers. Firdousee informs us, that the Shah Namu contains 60,000 couplets ; but I doubt whether there be a copy which does not contain either more or less than this number of verses. Firdousee was praised, and patronised by princes ; but their protection could only secure him from the vengeance of Mahmood ; it remains for the present age to rescue him from the hands of barbarous Katibs, and, by printing an accu- rate copy of his work, to perpetuate the fame of the subliraest Persian poet. [ 201 ] CHAPTER IV. TheOdesofHaJiz. Ill E verses of Hafiz appear to me to differ so much from any other writer, as to deserve a particular notice. The hfe of Hafiz has been given by ahnost every writer upon Persian Poetry ; and, as I can add nothing to it, I shall pass it over in silence.* The odes of Hafiz have been very generally compared to those of Anacreon, or the lyrical odes of Horace : they appear to me to bear a greater resemblance to the Roman than the Greciaa poets. The poetry of Hafiz is quite singular; it bears little affinity to the productions of his predecessors. The Ghuzls of Sadee are forced and constrained, diose of Hafiz simple and unafflscted. There is a wildness, and often a sublimity, in Hafiz, which is not to be met with in any other Persian poet. The suddenness of his transitions from the theme of love and wine, to refleclions upon the instability of all human enjoyments, are extremely beautiful, and in this par- ticular greatly resemble many of the odes of Horace. I despair of doing any kind of justice to the poetry of Hafiz; and I cannot but remind my reader of the opinion which was so often inculcated by Sir William Jones,f that it is impossible to render the spirit of an • They have forgot (I believe) to mention, that he intended to vibit the King of Golconda,- but excused himself after he had commenced his journey. Ferishta. t Comma les auteurs Orientaux ne peuvent ([ue perdre dans la traduction, il se pent qu'on trouvera outres les eloges qui leur sont donnes dans cc traite ; mais, que ceux qui pensent ainsi prennent la peine de traduire litteraleraent les ouvragcs d'Uorace, d'Anacreon, ct de Sapho, et iU nc seront ^ilus cheques de cc qui leur aura paru froid el sec dans quclques strophes de ces Dd [ 202 ] author in a simple translation ; and that it would be equally unjust to judge of the beauties of Hafiz through the medium of a literal translation, as of the works of Horace, Anacreon, or Sappho. «' The singers, the wine, and the roses are at hand ; but pleasure is not to be enjoyed without my smiling love. Where is she? My heart is full of sorrow in the company of the judge and the priest. Where is my lovely infidel ? Which is the road to the tavern ? Do not repine, in this garden of existence, O Hafiz! at the autumnal blast. Reflect, and think where is the rose without the thorn ?" p. J\J\^ ly. L_^Uf A^ JJ.J ^ idU AiC« ^,:L^^J C-^l 4_>liu i^ a^yiS, U " The lawn is pleasant, and the company of our friends is de- lightful : May the season of the rose be propitious, for it is agree- able to the lovers of wine. " My soul is refreshed by the morning breeze; yes ! yes ! for the breath of the virtuous must be pleasant. " The blossoming rose-bud hastens to destruction ; lament, O nightingale ! for the warbling of the birds is now agreeable. odes ou chansons Persanes, On pout dire ii ce propos avec Michel de Cervantes ; Celui qui pretcndroit juger, de quelque poiimc que ce fut, dins une traiiuciioi. httcrale, pcurroii aussi raisonr.abltinent esptrer de trouver, siir les revers d'une tai^isserie les figures qu'elle rcijresente; dans toule leur delicatesse et toute leur splendeur. Sir William Jones, vol, v. p. 'iJS. [ 203 ] " May the warblers of the grove bring joyful tidings ; for the afflicted, in the road of love, delight in their midnight songs. " I learned, from the upright and pointed lily, that gaiety is to be preferred in this cautious and experienced age. " There is no happiness in the world ; if there be, it is enjoyed by those, O my friends ! who follow the pleasures and delights of life. " O Hafiz ! there is some pleasure in abstaining from worldly pursuits: Do not suppose that the condition of the worldly is to be envied." " The ocean of love is boundless ; we have no resource but to resign our lives. " Happy is the moment when you resign yourself to love : there is no occasion to consult fate in the performance of a virtuous action." " Value the night of love ; for after me the heavens will oft re- volve, and will bring many days and nights. " O God ! soften the heart of the unrestrained Lylee, whose beauties maketh a cradle of the moon ; persuade her to visit the iinhappy Mujnoon. " Enjoy the spring of life, O my soul ! for the garden, like the violet, will yearly produce a hundred flowers, and will attract a thousand nightingales." [ 204 ] jyst* (fi- t;;Vi t-^^ ^CjV ^'iji,j'^^ "^V "-r^^J^ "^ i-ja|; ^Jy>^ s^y yL^ jU " Do not vex yourselves, O ye unhappy ! for the times will change; do not be afflicted, for these tumults must be composed. " If you eould enjoy the spring lof life once more in the verdant garden, regret not, O melodious bird ! the pride of the blooming flower. " The heavens have revolved, and my days have ended in disap- pointment; but I do not repine, for fate cannot always be the same. " O my soul ! if the waves of annihilation undermine the foun- dation of thy existence, of wh^t avail is it, since you have Noah for a pilot ?* « Do not be grieved because you are unacquainted with the mysteries of Heaven ;] there -may still be farther changes behind the curtain." Clyitjj Jl> ^Jij bV\^j>. iS fj'^ ^Jf^ d>}j^ U ^ij\s:*^j\ J ^ J\ L} iXiiLj jJT ajlki) jj i^ ^\j J\>.j\ ^jb '^J^ *j j\ Ji^ ,jjkij jVj^ cr* «3jiLj^pJ\ iXtiS^J Oi^ du4;_^<);^ ^\;^ jJU ^liJ J^Lj j^p » k c^. (V^ s^- s^.lr" AilJ jj JS ^jJji \lJc 4;o ^^j-.^ *' The roses have come, nor can any thing afford so much plea- sure as a goblet of wine. « Learn to estimate 'present happiness, for the pearl will not continue for ever in the shell. " Alas ! what an inextricable path is the path of love; for they succeed who take the least thought. « Tear your books, if you wish to study with me ; for the science of love is not to be found in writing. [207 ] « Hear me, and attach yourself to the lovely; for her beauties do not depend upon jewels. " Come, O fatlier ! and drink such a bowl at the tavern, as you will not find in Heaven. " By God ! I have such a lovely idol, as is not to be met with in the house of Azr. " I am the slave of his presence, although he may not tliink of me. " I swear by the radiance of his crown, that the sun shines not with so much splendour, " Be thankful, and drain the bowl in the garden ; for in another week the roses will be no more. " Give me such a bowl, O Heaven ! that I may have no after head-ache. " O Heaven! fill the golden cup with ruby Avine, and give it to the poor and the distressed. « Those only will find fault with the verses of Hafiz, who are devoid of merit." The reader will perceive a strange confusion of gender in this ode; this it would have been impossible to have altered, and to have preserved the spirit of the poet, who breaks off in many allu- sions to the Supreme Creator. I shall notice this more fully in its proper place ; at the same time it must be allowed, that the verses of the Eastern poets are oflen as licentious as the poetry of Greece or Rome.* ti.-v~-j ^i ^ tj"^ si^^ [V^"^ ^j^ "-r^j^ m.>«.J ' ^j-^ c."^' (jljiji u:^y CJ^U- jl J>^ji^ Jj}wjl.L«ullliJ jl Ji J^ ^=>- Ai'to JtSil^ vs- <)^jij Li JfOb (»U- JjJ ^^_1 Jo! " The glad tidings have come, that grief will not stay with us. Joy fled, nor will this continue. " Although I am, in the estimation of my beloved, humble as the dust, my rivals will not continue long so proud. " Rejoice, O taper! in the society of the moth; for this inter- course will not last till the morning. " I heard these glad accents from the invisible world, that no one will continue enslaved by grief. " If the guard destroy those whom he should protect, who will remain in the house ? " Why should we rejoice or complain at good or evil, since neither will remain upon the page of existence. • This was the admirable oJe which he sent to the King of Golconda, when he excused himself from paying his promised visit. [ 212 ] " They say that this was the song at the banquet of Jtimshyd, Bring the goblet of wine, since Jum will not continue.* " O ye rich ! compassionate those whom you afflict ; for your treasures of gold and silver will perish. '* It was written in golden characters, upon a tablet of chryso- lite,-f- Nothing but the deeds of the virtuous will be lasting. « Do not despair, O Hafiz ! of the friendship of the lovely ; for the marks of anger, or the signs of scorn, cannot last for ever." jiu if< U))U 4v*j_j ijicyo tit w. \j> cj/" lPV cr» ^ '^/hfj^ '^V -^ y jk^J^ ^v»/-. '.) J J i^J a^ ji- « Take a bowly hke the opening tulip, and leave off your hypo- crisy ; like the fragrance of the rose, court the morning breeze. " I do not desire you to drink all the year; drink three months, and be austere the remainder. " If, like Jum, you wish to penetrate concealed mysteries, con- tinue for ever in the society of the inspiring glass. " When the teacher of love shall resign you to the bowl, drink, and expect forgiveness from heaven. " If, hke the rose-bud, your worldly hopes have fallen to the ground, be frank and pleasant as the morning breeze of spring. " Do not expect faith from any one ; if you do, deceive yourself in searching for the Sigemorgh.j. and the philosopher's stone. • Tliis couplet has, I believe, been translated by Sir William Jones. I have not, however, been able to find it in his works. + This verse has occupied the attention of the commentators, which it would be useless to. notice. "^ J The Suemorgh is ca'led by Sir William Jones a griffin. [ 213 ] " Do not rely, O Hafiz! upon strangers ; but continue to enjoy the society of the wanton." «* The enjoyment of the Avhole world is not worth a moment's pain. Sell my holy vest for wine, it is fit for nothing else. " But it will not purchase, in the street of the sellers of wine, a single glass: it is strange that the vest of piety should not be worth a bowl of wine. " My enemy desired me to depart from these gates ? what has befallen me that I am thus reduced ? *' It is better that you should conceal your face from your lovers ; for the pleasure of the dominion of the universe, is not worth the anxieties of commanding an army.* " The splendour of the royal crown, on which our life depends, is captivating ; but it is not worth the risk of our lives. " Cleanse your hearts ; for the most remarkable beauties are not worth a glass of wine. " Depart, and search for the riches of contentment; seat your- self in the corner of safety ; for the riches of the sea or the earth are overbalanced by a moment's trouble. * Non enim gazae neqiie consularis Summovet iictor raiseros tumultus Mentis, et curas laqueata ciicuiM. Tecta volaiitts. Lib, ii» 1& [ 214 ] «' The danger of the sea appears trifling at first to those who search for pearls : I am wrong, for a hundred pearls do not equal one of its waves, " Strive, like Hafiz, in the road of contentment, and think lightly of the world; for the necessity of courting the unworthy, for the smallest favour, cannot be recompensed by a hundred maunds of gold." There are surely no traits of a base or abject spirit in these odes ; they are neither obscured by affected witticisms, nor degraded by a want of just or dignified sentiments. I shall now present the reader with a few of the lighter odes of Hafiz ; he will then be enabled to appreciate the character of this excellent poet. " I determined this morning, with an intention of repenting, to consult an omen; but what can I do? It was, The spring the breaker of vows returned. " But, should I tell the truth, I cannot see the necessity of allowing my rivals to drink, while I look on. " Restore me, by circulating the cup, that I may depart from this convivial meeting. [215] *< My hopes opened, like the rose, when I beheld the coun- tenance of my beloved ; I devote the heads of my rivals to perish by the flinty stone. " I will seat my love, like a queen, on a bed of roses ; I will make her a garland of the hyacinth, and her bracelets shall be of jessamine. " I have not been educated in the road, or in the rites of preju- dice ;* why should I abuse the drunkard or the wanton ? " Elated, like the blossoming rose, I call to my mind the banquet of the king ; I seize the bowl, and, from excess of joy, tear open my vest.-f *f I am neither a judge, nor a priest, nor a censor, nor a lawyer: Why should I forbid the use of wine ? « Should I chance to get a kiss from the lips of my love, I should immediately become young, and live another age. " Hafiz is abused for drinking wine in private ; for the future he will drink it to the notes of the harp and the flute." «' Conceal the vernal rose-bud with the dark hyacinth ; yes, veil thy face, and destroy the world. " Open, like the narcissus, thy sleepy eyes,:J: and let the upright narcissus droop from envy of thee. * Lugmvpurkezee, an epithet which expre^es prejudice in much stronger language than I can give it. + This alludes to Hafiz being present at one of the prince's banquets. X The Chushmi poor khawb, beemar, or Khoomar, express the same image. [216] *' Throw off the pearly drops from ihy countenance, and, like my glistening eyes, make the garden weep. " Open thy round eyes, and look towards the bowl; let the bubble put you in mind of the world's continuance. " If you determine to destroy your lover, drink with my rivals and be angry with me. " Ilafiz prays for a meeting; listen, O God! to the prayers of the unhappy." wLi^ j^ J J b tj\jit !ijj j^ <)j i^ ^ ^ij\^js^ ^^ J^iLc j,«^ -jL " The Soofee, by the inspiration of wine, discovers hidden mys- teries. " This ruby liquor discloses the virtue of every one. " The bird of morn alone knows the qualities of every plant. " It is not all who contemplate the page of nature that penetrate its meaning. " I have exhibited every thing of either world to a disinterested heart. " It considered all as nought but a love of thee !" Neither Hafiz nor Sadee have expressed themselves with the pre- cision of Jamee, or a number of other Soofee poets. The religion of the Soofees, as far as I have been able to com- prehend it, appears to be a compound of the philosophy of Plato and Berkley. They conceive, that the light or spirit of God illu- minates all things, and which heing lejlected on tis is the cause of our perceptions. In exemplification of this doctrine, they compare all visible objects to different sorts of grain strewed on the floor of a # dark room ; the light of a candle shining on the grain enables us to discriminate its different kinds, and this they compare to the light of God, which, operating on all things, and reflected from all things, enables us to discriminate them and divide them into classes. Per- suaded of these truths, they behold all things with sympathy, as [ 221 ] sharing, in common with themselves, in the bounties of the essen- tial one.* But although the belief of the Soofee is implicit, and his fervour ardent, he does not hesitate declaring, that the paths of mystery are full of difficulties, requiring a constant exertion of patience, and continued perseverance. liafiz commences his first ode by assuring us, that love of the Almighty appears to be easy, but in the end proves difficult ; and somewhere else says, do not listen to the tale of love, for it is full of difficulties. They appear to dehght in drop- ping loose and imperfect hints of their curious system of religion, without ever satisfying the curiosity they excite ; at the same time they explicitly declare, that they enjoy a freer intercourse with the Almighty than is allowed to less pious or enthusiastic mortals. They Avould perfectly agree with Plato in the following observa- tion : " For a thing of this kind cannot be expressed by words like other disciplines, but by lasting familiarity and conjunction of life with this divine object, a bright light on a sudden, as it were leaping out of a fire, will illuminate the soul, and then preserve and nourish its splendour."* Or with Socrates: " There is but one eternal, immutable, uniform beauty ; in contemplation of which, our sovereign happiness does consist: and therefore a true lover considers beauty and proportion as so many steps and degrees from which he may ascend from the particular to the general, from all that is lovely in feature, or regular in proportion, or charming in sound, to the general fountain of all perfection. And if you are so much transported with the sight of beautiful persons, as to wish neither to drink, but to pass your whole life in their conversation, to what extacy would it raise you to behold the original beauty, not * Be riqqut nu deetlum hech shy ra. I beheld every thing with sympathy. Hafiz. See Proclus, clx. See Appendix, No. 4. + See Taylor's Proclus, Dif. p. 26; also Avicenna, p. 26. Sale's Prelim. Dis, p. 235. Al Ghazali. [ 222 ] filled up with flesh and blood, or varnished with a fading mixture of colours, and the rest of mortal trifles and fooleries, but separate, unmixed, uniform, and divine." (Dry den's Life of Virgil.) Hafiz openly professed to have received divine illuminalion, and com- memorated the event in the following ode : «JJ j1 J *j'Li jLii jlji (^ N..>>^^^ 4>jjj ^ *ij>j j^^^^j jk^ **f^^ jjjlj (»-'^^/*- c'^yTr^J t/^j^j^ <^ J"^ t/1 (J^-^^ {j\^jLi J^JjU iXjjb (JIskt Aiocj *c x^/^ c:^ liUjy <— 4;_^ /»1jj i^ »ii\ ^JJiXe. " Towards the morn I was liberated from all my afflictions : " And amidst the obscurity of the night, I drank of the water of immortality. " I was confounded by the glorious ray of mightiness; " And I partook of the virtues of divine illumination. " How propitious was the morn ! How heavenly was the night ! " The Avell known night which brought me this divine gift. " When I became confounded and intoxicated with love, «' I became acquainted with the histories of Munat and Ullat.* " If I have prospered, and am rejoiced, is it strange? " I was found to be deserving, and thus have I been rewarded. • Two images in the Kaba at Mecca. See Sale's Preliminarj- Discourse, p. 23, Koran, chap. iv. p. 117. [ 223 ] « After this I shall contemplate the mirror-like countenance of my beloved. " For i have received a knowledge of the glory of his attributes. *' The invisible messenger told me, that my good fortune " Was a reward for my patience and resignation under calamity and affliction. " The sweetness which flows from my grateful pen, " Is a recompense for my deserting Shakh Nubat. *' How advantageous is the service of the Peeri Moghan; " I humbled myself, and thus have I been elevated ! ♦« I have been presented Avith immortal life; « I have been redeemed by a virtuous death. '* I became a lover the instant I was entangled amidst thy ringlets. ' " But I was released from affliction and pain. *' It was the fortune of Hafiz, and the merits of the religious, " Which freed him from the calamities of the times." It is necessary to mention, that Hafiz had for a long time been in love with the courtezan Shakh Nubat, and had at length amassed a sufficient sum to purchase a return. It had been his custom on every Thursday night (Skubi Jocma) to burn a certain number of lamps on the Baba Kohee, a hill near Sheeraz, and to remain watching and praying there until the morning. This was the night appointed for their meeting, and the enraptured Plafiz did not recollect the circumstance until he had been some time in the company of his mistress; but the moment he discovered it, he tore himself from her encircling arms, and readily resigned a blessing, which more than a year's excessive parsnuony had pur- chased.* • Sir VViiliam Jones relates the same story very differently, Vol. i. p, 453, I have never heard it in auoiher way than as it is now related. [ 224- ] But however mystical a number of these verses may be, others are certainly applied to worldly matters and worldly enjoyments. The following couplet marks, in the most precise manner, that although Hafiz might please his imagination with the hope of spiritual pleasure, he was by no means insensible to the gratifi- cation of his present state of transitor}^ existence. " I am promised, at the day of resurrection, the water of Kousur and a Hooric ; and now I enjoy a bowl of wine and a lovely mistress." ' Again. " Give me Avine ! wine that shall subdue the strongest; that I may for a time forget the cares and troubles of the world."* I shall confine myself to the notice of a few verses, which I think will admit only of a literal translation ; at the same time we may remark, that the bigotry of an Asiatic commentator would induce him to prefer an allegorical allusion. « Do not calumniate, O pious zealot ! people who delight in mirth; for you will not answer for the sins of others. " Whether I be good or bad, do you attend to yourself; for in the end every one will reap Avhat he has sown :" In the following couplet he forgets that he is a Moosulman : • Johnson called brandy, " drink for heroes." Hafiz distinguishes his liquor by an uncommon epithet, " the leveller of men I" [ 225 ] " If it were not for a few forms, the Kaba and the idolaters house would be the same. " There can be no sanctity in a house free from virtue." Again, e:_wUi *\j^ L-)\j ix^ J^ ^J- jj^ jsT i3jL >_i;lc jU. JW-j (**>J J*-^ '>^^j J^ iiyiJ 'J^^ {^jy'y^J'^^ C?~* J ^^'^ ^-'»-*■ '—{j}** ti C: ■■■■■l> jj-ii ^j^\j ^j) *c^ J -j\^ *0;J L* ^ 1^^ jl jj jAi i^ ^ c:-^_5^ uu«^3«) jL«jOJ1 ^jOjS. '^V^ {^.'^ ^J^ i}^y r," c:,,~jj^ i.::-.v««ac iljS' JU aw^ '-r'-f^ ''f^ *:-<:lj iiiJJ ^^ * A celebrated lover. The Soofees suppose, that it is an anxious desire of the soul for union, that is the cause of love : thus they compare the soul to a bird confined in a cage, panting for liberty, and pining at its separation fron» the divine essence. [ 228 ] " My heart is constantly filled with his love, my eyes retiect his image. " I will not humble myself for either world ; but I bend myself to the load of his favours. " You and the tree of Tooba ! I and the grace of my love ! Let the thoughts of every one be regulated by his ambition. " Mujnoon is gone, and my period is come; Ave have all five days allotted to us. " AVhat can I hope for in a place where the winds guard the sanctuary of his honour ? " The riches of love and the means of pleasure ; Avhatever I enjoy is derived from his favour. " Of what account is it, even should I perish ? I care only for his safety. r " Let the eyes constantly contemplate his image, for they are his immediate instruments. " If my garments be defiled, what is the wonder? the universe is an evidence of his purity. »' The Houries which adorn the world, derive their colour and fragrance from his society. " Do not judge from ostensible poverty? for the breast of Hafi;: is replete with the riches of love 1" The ^Musnuwee of the celebrated Mooluwee i Room, is entirely on mystic love ; but mystical poetry, like poetical metaphysics, is apt to make an author write abstruse nonsense ; and, as the fervour of his iniagination is usually greater than the soundness of his judgment, his compositions arc frequently absurd or unintelli- gible. Neeamut Oollah is a striking example of this observation; [ 229 ] the melody of his verses is no compensation for the absurdity of his thoughts. " I am Mnjnoon, I am Lylee; why do you not demand an ex- planation ? but I have lost myself, and again search for myself." Nor is he singular in holding this strange language; many in- stances might be produced out of the works of Sadee, Hafiz, Jamee, and the principal Soofee writers. Before I conclude this chapter, I shall take notice of two couplets of the philosopher A boo) Ghys, who declares, in the most explicit language, that his verses are spiritual, and that his wine is not of the grape, but of divine love: joi^ jki J^li' i^ysiJ yi ^jLjti i,::^jjX,cj u:-v-;1 J.£ lUJS fj\^ ^yi} J'r^ liJj^^jiJ'A^ jji-ij^ ^^J^ — < J jb /♦!/>- '-r'\r! i^^-^ c:-^ J-a <' This ode is upon love and divine knowledge; " For an explanation repent and meditate. " May a hundred curses fall upon the drink of intoxication; may a hundred evils befal its effects."* I should hope that it has been clearly shewn, that many of the expressions in Persian poetry are merely the images of a curious system of philosophy, whilst others again arc only applicable to earthly enjoyments and human propensities. Some discrimination is requisite in determining on the construction we are to put on many of the Ghuzls of Hafiz, Jamee, &c. ; and until we can do this, our perception of the beauties or defects of Persian poetry will be imperfect and obscure. Perhaps I have dwelt too long on this subject; I have little else to plead in extenuation of this fault than its novelty, and the silence of almost every former writer. * Even this couplet may admit of an allegorical interpretation. The wine may signify evil deeds, and drink repentance may allude to the necessity of reflection, before we admit the exiio- sitions of commentators on the Koran. [ 230 ] CHAPTER VI. On the Ghuzl. jVlucH has been written on the Ghuzls of the Persians; but all the information we have received, is that an ode must consist of so many, and not exceed a certain number of couplets: some maintain eleven, others eighteen ; but I leave this dispute to be determined by persons who attach importance to such entertaining disquisitions The Ghuzl, which sometimes resembles an ode, at others a sonnet, has a variety of defects. It is the custom for every couplet, through an entire ode, to end with the same rhyme ; and it is rarely that we meet with any image, however beautiful, dwelt on for more than one verse. This absurd custom, must necessarily cramp the genius of the poet, and confine his imagination within very narrow limits. It were well if the evil rested here, it however extends much farther ; and it is to an observance of these two customs that I attribute the tinselled and gaudy ornaments which disfigure some of the finest odes in the Persian language. The fancy of a poet, in consequence of this extreme conciseness, must be perpetually on the stretch: and his taste is soon vitiated, by his being compelled to adopt every image which may present itself to his imagination. Hence flows an inundation of puns, quibbles, and Asiatic meta- phors. Nature is soon exhausted, but what can supply her place.* * Sadee is one of the correctest Persian authors; yet the following verses are taken out of his Deewan : [ 231 ] In exemplificalion of these observations, I shall notice the same thoughts expressed by a Western and Persian author. Deedum uz anja ki juhan beenee'st Afuti zumboor zu shureenee'st. " I discover, by a review of the world, that the afflictions of the bee proceed from its honey." Nizamee.* « Know you not, master, to some kind of men, Their graces serve them but as enemies ? No more do your's ; your virtues, gentle master. Are sanctified, and holy traitors to you. Oh, what a world is this, when what is comely Envenoms him that bears it!' As You Like It. Buhar ust dur an kosh ki khoosh dil bashee, Ki buse gool bidumud bazo too dur gil bashee. " Enjoy the spring that you may be happy ; for the roses will blow when you are no more." Hafiz. Dughega ki pyi ma buse rozgar Beroyud gool o bishegoofud nou buhar. t-j J LZJ i:ii^ Ji j* jjmC—

i\?.oi3-» xa^o> J'i£^ai»i 'afoauzot rioTna tv^ an, Tiivmh ^^sifcifo? atitnof' 'il Si xai a, yjfuirix 'E^^>a Jle^aiHT* ttnifUt H xcMra Kvraftraof, i) a^fxaTi QnTraXo( Iviro^, I Fraxinus in silvis cedat tibi, pinus in hortis. \nrg. Eel. 7tli- Quantum lenta solent inter viburna cupressi. Eel. 1st. [ 235 ] This dissimilarity must occur between every language, and I should not have observed upon it, but to reprobate the violent prejudices of many persons, who judge of the merits of a language by the affinity it bears to their own. Hafiz has a thornless rose, as well as Milton, which would have convinced Dr. Hurd, that it was not only an Italian, but also an Asiatic refinement.* It must have struck every Persian scholar, that, in the Ghuzls of the Persians, he meets with the same thoughts and metaphors in almost every ode ; and that after he has perused twenty, he finds nothing new to admire, and little or any thing to learn. If, accord- ing to Dr. Johnson, and there is no reason to dispute his authority, a simile, " to be perfect, must both illustrate and ennoble the sub- ject; must shew it to the understanding in a clearer point of view, and display it to the fancy with greater dignity." The Persian poets, in all their similes or comparisons, fall infinitely below me- diocrity. There is no beauty in a poet's affirming, " that his mistress's form resembles the peacock's or the pheasant's ; that her mouth resembles the pistacho nut; her waist so slender that it appears but a hair, or that at a distance it is invisible; that her perspiration is sweeter than rose-water; or that her dimples are like a well." Yet notwithstanding all these defects, if the end of poetry be to please, the Persian poets are eminently successful ; nor will I believe that any person, who really understood Hafiz, ever put his book aside without having received much satisfaction from a perusal of his odes. The Ghuzls of Hafiz, Moohtushim, and Ruqeeb, are considered to be superior to any other poets ; and that I may not shew an unjust preference to their merits, I extract an ode from each of their works. * Chaucer also — " O rodie rosier without spine." [256 1 <-_jLa a^ yUjjj j e,^^ J^ ^j^ /ii^ i^JLlf ^^l^^ J^ ^^ Jf l_^_^^^ jj, <-^il^- *!aU^ j^. (_iy JU- j1 j1 j^ JJ b I^U ^_jj ^^ji ojj ^y. <_>^_, o'^jji.}} t^ £->■ U,J< BY A FRIEND. " See the morn of prosperity dawn, Bring a glass that is sparkhng and bright; For Phcebus's rays have tinted the lawn, DispeUing the clouds with their light. " The cup-bearer is joyous and kind. My mistress is willing to rove, Coy Venus with joy is combin'd. And this is the season for love. " The songstress hath struck up her lyre. The dancers are wishing to please ; My idol excites their desire. And robs them of comfort and ease. " The place then is safe and retired, My rivals are, thank God ! at rest^ Her glances the Saqee hath fired. And fix'd Cupid's dart in his breast. ' " The spot was protected with care. Adapted to joy and delight ; [ 237 ] Ye Gods ! do but answer ray prayer, Are dreams thus deceiving my sight ? " The maiden with blushes arose. By the sempstress with ornament crown'd ; Her beauty o'erpower'd the rose, It droop'd, and in water was drown'd. *' A bowl that's o'erflowing with joy, Gives additional zest to the bower ; A maiden, though willing, yet coy, Makes existence appear but an hom*. *' Since the pearls of Hafiz you've bought, And with them thy bosom adorn'd. The gods for thy person have sought, And Venus w^ith envy hath mourn'fl." c_,vl^\ j\jj5j *;Uy ^ji_ ^ — i^ j\j ^,/,Jj!> J^ crV ^y» .irr^ »_,JL<1 jb jIjA JU- XA^\ fjt u^^j^j^ 'i/j ^jr^'^^jj^} j»^-=^s:^ tr*-^^ « I have expected thee all night ; you came not ; and I die from expectation ! " Where wast thou ? the hope of seeing thee allowed me not to close my weeping eyes. " I swear by thy hair, thy eyes, and flowing ringlets, that I have neither enjoyed peace nor rest the whole night. [ 238 ] " "Whoever heard my plaints and moans, sympathized in my afflictions. « Fasten thy Ups on mine, and await the coming morn ; for I have been on the verge of death a thousand times this night. « As the taper, Mohtushim died away, and you came not to his pillow to alleviate his misery." " How pleasant is that company where we are continuallyjnter- changing goblets of wine ! " I am never pleased or happy but when I have a goblet in my hand, and in that goblet wine. " Strike up new strains, O harper ! fill the bowl, O cup-bearer ! " How joyous is it to drink wine to the strains of the harp, and the notes of the lute ! " Be not vain of thy beauty, O tender flower ! for the verdant spring is succeeded by December.* « How long shall I mourn thy absence ? " How long will my tears continue to flow ? " When will my frequent sighs reach heaven ; compassionate the anguish of the unfortunate Ruqeeb." * " lanthe ! now, now love the spring away, Ere cold October blasts despoil the bloom of May." [ 239 ] CHAPTER VII. After the full review which has been taken of the mystic odes and sonnets of the Persians, I have only to take notice of the Mus- nuwee, a kind of epic poem, generally on subjects of love, or the pleasures of the spring.* Perhaps this is the most pleasing species of their poetry ; their verses are not confined by the laws of the Ghuzl, and, as the subject is connected, we never meet with those unaccountable transitions which so frequently occur in the Ghuzis of the Persian poets. The Musnuwees of Nizamee, Jamee, and Hatif, are superior to those of any other poet; and it is a subject of much regret, that Jamee, who particularly excelled in this kind of composition, should have employed his genius in writing theological treatises, and in composing ridiculous tales on divine love, 'i'he loves of Yoosoof and Zuleekha, by Jamee,-|- is a most excellent poem ; the Lylee and • Nizamee has written one on Alexander the Great. May not Alexander's search after the water of immortality have some faint allusion to his march to the temple of Jupiter Ammoii ? The poet consoles him for his want of success, by assuring him that his verses will make him immortal. Hew greatly is it to be regretted, that the Musnuwee of Yoosoof and Zuleekha, by Firdousee, is so far lost as not to be procurable ia India. f The history of the loves of Joseph and Potiphar's wife. It is curious that the poet should Lave foigot, that when Zuleekha accuses Yoosoof of attempting to violate her chastity, she adds, that as he was running away, she tore the hinder part of his garment. To establish innocence, a child of six months speaks, and tells her husband, that if Yoosoof's garment is torn before he is guilty, and if if /(wrf innocent; because he must have been running away to escape complying with her wishes. The subject of this poem is taken from the Koran; Paradise Lost from the Bible, The most infatuated admirer of Persian cannot but admit, that the divine sublimity of the latter soars as much above the former, as the wild bombast of Mahomet sinks below the simple eloquence of the Uooks cf .Moses. [ 240 ] Mujnoon of Hatif is equally worthy our attention ; and the history of the loves of Sheereen and Khoosroo is as notorious in the East, as the majesty, prosperity, and apostacy of Khoosroo, the son and ally of the Emperor Maurice, was formerly in the western world.* The poets in Persia, from a vain spirit of emulation, have gene- rally written Musnuwees on the same subject as a preceding poet, without making the smallest alteration in the plan or characters of the former Avriter. I do not recollect, in any of the Musnuwees I have read, having met with the figure prosopopoeia, a want which deprives poetry, particularly this kind, of one of its greatest beauties.-]- The Persian Musnuwee, on the charms and pleasures of the spring, breathes a spirit of enthusiasm and rapture difficult to be conceived by an inhabitant of a more northerp clime. This season, however, is perhaps the most delightful of any in the year. To see nature reviving from the tyrant hand of winter; to see those trees and fields, Avhich we recollect but a short time before, bereft of all their beauties, now bursting forth in all the luxuriance of verdure, must awaken, in every rational mind, sensations of grateful and pleasing delight. We appear to participate with the vegetable world in the advantages of a returning sun; and we contemplate with pleasure the rapid progress all nature makes to maturity and perfection. Each day makes us acquainted with fresh beauties, and nature seems to delight in unfolding her varied charms to the eye of the observer. On the other hand, the approach to winter is sad and dismal ; nature sinks under the weight of its oppression ; it robs her of her choicest charms, and at length it leaves her nothing. Poets have alwaj's, therefore, turned with complacency * Gibbon, vol. vii. t The great llindostanee poet, Souda, uses it in a beautiful poem he has written on Avarice. [ 241 ] lo the beauties of the spring, and have celebrated it more thaa any other season of the year. It is the season of love and poetry.* But particularly in a country like Persia, which experiences an equal severity of heat and cold. Their poetry on this subject, though sometimes stift' and affected, is by far the most pleasing of any of their compositions. Amongst the many poems which have celebrated the charms and delights of the spring, the Musnuwee of Mirza Mihr Nusur holds the highest place; Sadee, Hafiz, and Jamee have also consecrated raajiy of their odes to the praises of this delightful season.-^" The verses of Khy-yoom are written in so free, not to say so impious, a style, as to have excited against him the vengeance of the priests of the Moosulman religion. Notwithstanding these ob- jections to his poems, his verses are much admired, particularly those in favour of the delights of love and wine, which are con- ceived in such animated strains, as to convince every one that he was most excellently quahfied to judge of the merits of his subject. He drank wine, I have heard, openly ; and, excepting by a few Soofees, was held in no consideration by any of his cotemporaries. CONCLUSION. I have now completed the review which I proposed of the Persian Janguage; it might have been greatly enlarged by my noticing the * Thompson (William), in his beautiful hymn to May, makes Veaus born in this month: " In this soft season, when creation smil'd, A quivering splendour on the ocean hung. And from the fruitful froth his fairest child, The queen of bliss and beauty, sprung. The dolphins gambol o'er the watery way, Carrol the Naiads, while the Tritons play, And all the sea-green sisters bless the iioliday. In honour of her natal month, the queen Of bliss and beauty consecrates her hours, &c. &c. &c." t Mirza Mihr Nuscer was physician to Kureera Khan. Vide Appendix, No. 5. I i [ 242 ] works of Khaqanee, Sacb,* Oorfee, and a variety of other poets, whose productions are seldom if ever read. It was my aim, liow- ever, to give some notion of the works which are esteemed at pre- sent in Persia, and I trust I have not entirely failed in my attempt. In whatever light we may view the Persian language, we cannot but allow that it possesses a sweetness and faciUty of expression- which few modern languages equal ; and that notwithstanding their ignorance of the rules of European criticism, the poems of many Persian authors are perused with pleasure and delight; I see no reason, therefore, why we should quarrel with an author about the means he uses to affard us pleasure ; it is sufficient for us, that his intention should be answered. If we admit this argument, our opinion of the Persian language will be tolerably favourable : but if, on the contrary, we are directed solely in our judgment by the rules of criticism, we cannot but form a harsh and violent opinion of the Persian language and Persian authors.. • Saeb, says himself, " Shairan gur sheii khood bur cheenund, Saebao qulumdanush b.& Biaaund." Yet his similes are bettet than most of the poets. [243] CHAPTER VIII. IN EITHER the Arabians nor Persians are distinguished among the nations of the East for the profundity of their researches, or the depth of their erudition. Whatever knowledge they possessed was acquired either from India or Greece ; and their works upon lite- rature and philosophy manifest a servile but feeble imitation of their great originals. A vagrant and roving tribe would naturally make some observations upon the situation of the stars, their only guides over an extensive and inhospitable desert. But they had made a very imperfect and confined progress in the science of as- tronomy subsequent to the period of the Calif Almamon. As it is not the intention of this work to trace the rise and pro- gress of science either amongst the Arabians-^ or Persians, I shall make a rapid sketch of a subject which would require volumes to illustrate, and then proceed to describe the present state of litera- ture amongst the Persians. The Arabs, in the time of their ignorance, that is before the sera of Moohummud, were Sabians ; the Persians, Magians; who, whether they sought the mediation of the planets and stars, or en- deavoured to reconcile moral good and physical evil, by the exist- ence of two opposite principles, appear to have agreed in the immutable and eternal truth of a great first cause.*' The Sabians are commonly called by travelleis Christians of St. John the • See Hyde de Relig. Pers. — Gibbon, whose work is invaluable even for its Oriental learning, vol. i. p. 318, 25. vol. ix. p. 2-14. Maurice, Sale, 18. [ U4. ] Baplist.* The Magians, Gubrs, Gaurs, and on the western side of India, Parsees. In the most early times, the Arabs prided themselves on the purity and copiousness of their language, the poignancy of their wit, and the unrestrained eloquence of their compositions. Their generosity was unlimited ; and the " same hospitality (observes an elegant historian) which was practised by Abraham, and celebrated by Homer, is still renewed in the camp of the Arabs. Their man- ners have been neither softened nor refined by the civilization of the neighbouring nations; and, excepling the Arabs situated on the sea coast, we may suppose them to be as rude and as hospitable, as savage and as generous, as they were in the most distant ages. To rob a person of any thing, is to gain it ]f but amqngst themselves their honesty is inviolable ; and a stranger, who throws himself upon their clemency, is sure to be treated with kindness, and to be dismissed with thankfulness and regret. Such was the condition of the Arabs in their days of ignorance, and such is the present condition of the Bedoweens in their days of illumination and knowledge. The propagation of the Mahometan religion effected a wonderful change, not only in Asia, but in Europe ; it contributed, however, nothing to the advancement of science. Mahomet, indeed, ap- pears to have been conscious, that the Koran would rather suffer by the arguments and learning of his followers, and he therefore calls those who disputed the divine origin of his book, philosophers and fools. The method which he took to deliver the inspired work, sufficiendy shews how much he must have suffered by the imperti- nent and forcible cavils of his opponents, for his usual way of refuting an argument is by a divine revelation. The prophet seems to have inspired his immediate successors with the necessity of • Sale, p 20 ; Gibbon, vol. rx. p. 250. D'.Anville. t Sale's Prel. Disc. p. 40. [ U5 ] keeping his disciplps in the profoundest state of ignorance; and to this political motive we may attribute the memorable destruction of the Alexandrian library, a loss wliich the literary world have unanimously agreed in deploring, but which has been most ably combated by a philosophic writer.* The views, however, of the Arabian caliphs extended with their conquests ; and we find them, in the second century of the Hijree, patronizing learned men of every nation, and of every religion, and their vessels carrying on a commerce from the Persian and Arabian •Gulfs, to the ports and islands in the Indian and China Seas.-j- Philosophy and science met a protector in Haroun al Rashid, the hero of the Arabian Nights, and the correspondent of Charlemagne ; and under the reign of his youngest son, Al Mamon, it burst forth with encreased splendour; but his memory will not escape the charge of extreme barbarism, for having destroyed the original ■books he procured to be translated. What Mahomet had so sagaciously foreseen at length came to pass; the simple beauties or unintelligible mysteries of the Koran, were not suited to the comprehension of the learned doctors of the peripatetic school ; the manly diction of the Koran gave way to abstruse allegories and forced interpretations, and the imagination •was tortured to pervert or improve the ordinances of the prophet. Sects subdivided themselves into sects ; and they now reckon seventy-three, one more than the Christians, and two above the Jews.* Persia fell under the dominion of the Mahometans in the fir^t century of the Hijree ; and, with the religion, received the philo- sophy, and, in part, the language of the Arabians, I have neither • Mr. Gibbon doubts the fact, I think, with justice. See Appendix, No. VI. t Robertson's India, p. 92, 9i. The Calif Omar founded Bussora, and with such discernment, that it supplies Arabia, Turkey, and Persia with the produce of India. From Bussora to Isphahan is a march of twenty days. J Sale's Prelim. Dis. p. SO, [ 246 ] • the inclination, nor the ability to detail the history and revolutions of the Persians. It will be here sufBcient to say, that in the fourth century of the Hijree, the kingdom of Persia Avas usurped by the Bow-idees ; it then passed into the hands of the Turks, the Moguls, and was afterwards included amongst the conquests of Tamerlane.* Under the princes of the SufFuweian dynasty, the empire of Persia enjoyed its greatest share of tranquillity and prosperity ; at this memorable sera philosophy flourished, and men of learning were respected ; to this period, therefore, we must look to ascertain the extent of their knowledge in the arts, in literature, philosophy, and in science. As far as I know, travellers have been entirely silent on the pro- ficiency which the Persians may have made in the fine arts. I know not whether they ever had any statuaries amongst them ; their painting I have before observed to be exceedingl}' imperfect; and neither the private houses nor public buildings shew their skill in architecture. I shall adopt their own division of philosophy, practical and speculative; the first, notwithstanding all their divisions, resolving into ethics, and the latter into metaphysics. Sadee may be considered as the great moral preceptor of the Persians; for, although most of the poets have composed senten- tious maxims of morality, none of them (as far as I know) have written exclusively upon the subject. The Goolistan, Boostan, and Pund Namu, may, generally speaking, be considered as works upon morality, although the two former are diversified with various • I forbear to mention the conquest of Meer Vais and his son, the success of Nadir Shah, the xlecline of ihe Zand dynasty, and the usurpation of the Qujurs. A most interesting account is givw) of the conduct of the Afghans, by Jonas Hanway, in his Travels into l^ersia. [247 ] stories upon lighter subjects. The precepts of morality are incul- cated by Sadee with energy and with truth , and he has not failed to recommend and illustrate his doctrines with the beauties and graces of poetry. But, owing to the flexible disposition of a Persian, the morality of Sadee will either support the spirit of suffering virtue, or justify the crimes of successful vice. It either inculcates the ferocious rudeness of sullen independence, or glosses over the accommoda- ting disposition of servile subjection. Unfortunately the present race of Mooslims is much more inclined to benefit by the laxity of their opinions, than to observe the more rigid and austere precepts of their morality. There are a number of verses which every man has by heart ; and when his conduct is represented as infamous or criminal, a verse of Sadee or Hafiz is recited as an immediate ex- culpation. One of the most common is, " a lie, purporting good, is better than a truth, exciting disturbance ;" which is not, however, confined to this purpose, but is adopted as a justification of every possible falsehood. But to give a strong instance of this fact : — When Tippoo's ambassadors were at Madras, in the year 1792, and endeavouring, under the cloak of their character, to excite the ill will of the inhabitants against the British government, one of them> in a letter to his master, advises him to agree to a proposal, " upon the principle recommended by liafiz, of Sheeraz, the mercy of God be upon him ! with friends cordiality, with enemies dissimulation!' Another story is told of Sufdur Jung, the Nabob of Lucknow, which has probably been related of a number of other persons. A petition was delivered to him, which ended Avith the following couplet from Sadee : " O tyrant ! the oppressor of the helpless ! how long will your streets continue populous." The Nabob, not in the least incensed at the insolence of the man, wrote the following couplet, from Hafiz, on the back of the petition : " I have been de- [ 248 ] nied access to the street of the virtuous ; if you dislike this, change mj destiny.* These verses are used upon every occasion ; and it requires httle argument to shew, that the verses which justify vice, will be oftner quoted than those which acknowledge the beauty of virtue. Sir William Jones, who was sure to cull the choicest flowers from every work, notices the doctrine which was inculcated both by Sadee and Hafiz, of returning good for evil, a lesson not unknown to the Greeks. A number of works in prose have been written upon the subject of ethics; the most admired among the Persians, is that of Nu- surood Deen Toosee, called the Ukhlaqi Nasiree. The ground- work of this production is taken from Plato and Aristotle. Nusu- rood Deen is said to have been an accomplished scholar in the Greek language.^ But there is such an everlasting desire to dogmatize, and to demonstrate what does not need demonstration, as to render his work, as a moral book, of little or no value. The following quotation (if I have been able to do it justice) may be taken as a specimen of his style : "Justice is founded upon equality; and, until we become ac- quainted Avith imity, it is impossible for us to comprehend plu- rality. " Unity is, therefore, of the most superior and excellent kind, whence numbers generate, even as all things generate, from the Supreme Creator; therefore as all things bear affinity to unity, so is their pre-eminence,J and therefore nothing can surpass equality ; • This story may remind us of Lord Carteret's answer to Swift: " Res duras et regtvi novitas me talia cogunt " Moliri— " ■\ Fryer's Travels. X " Justice implies equality, and this equality lies in the middle between two extremes, the greater and lesser : for whatever admits of division into two unequal parts, may also be equally divided,'' Gilles's Aristotle, vol. i. p. 26*. [ 249 ] nor is there any quality superior to justice, as we may observe in all oqr worldly concerns; for a middle and consistent course is equity ; and however little we may depart from that line, so much do we depart from justice, and, to be right, we must revert to it again. And as unity is the sole cause of strength and confirmation, so is plurality the cause of weakness and irabecillity,* nay of cor- ruption and depravity. " Equity is a shadow of unity ; for, by taking equal or consistent proportions of opposites, we raise and elevate them from the lowli- ness of depravity, and approximation to corruption, to a lofty height ; and if there was not equality, there could be no harmony and union ; because the existence of the vegetable and mineral creation depends upon the harmonious and consistent proportion of the four elements. In short, this is a prolix subject, we had, therefore, better revert to our original proposition. Justice and equity, therefore, depends upon assimilating opposites," &c. However philosophical such definitions may be, and however consonant to the philosophy of the ancients, it must be confessed, that they are not likely to be understood by the vulgar and illite- rate ; peo[»le who stand most in need of instruction in the moral duties of life. The plain, the simple and unaffected style of Sadee, is therefore infinitely superior to the recondite and elaborate disquisitions of the author of the Ukhlaqi Nasiree ; for we now live in an age which will prefer the simple garb of truth, to the cumbrous trap- pings of unprofitable erudition. The metaphysics of the Persians is derived from the Greek ; ancf* the lively imagination of their philosophers has induced them to Will it not, therefore, be proper to enquire, with the gre.at Plotinus, whether inultitudp i^ not a wlio gives a very different account. I have only to oppose jvritten against oral evidence. It would be singular if a Zand was treated better than he deserved [ 269 ] against Ulee Moorad Khan, or return to Sheeraz. The governor of Isphahan, and several other nobleman, declared themselves in favour of the former, observing, that he would not only destroy an enemy, but would also secure a rich and populous country ; others again urged, that it would be better to return to Sheeraz, which, being the seat of government, and a strong fortress, the possession of it would naturally secure him the submission of the surrounding country. His own wishes seconded this advice ; and having secured the person of Ukbur Khan, he gave himself up to the indulgence of the most degrading amuse- ments. Ulee Moorad Khan took advantage of the imbecility of his rival, confirming his authority in the districts of Kashan, Kirmanshah, Berogird, Humudan, Tahran, and Quzvveen.* Sadiq Khan, who still continued at Bum, -f- hearing of the Sadiq Khan late revolutions, determined on returning to Sheeraz. The day sireeiaZ ^^ after his arrival, he had an interview with the king, and pre- '^•^' ^^''^' sented him with the customary tokens of obedience. In private he informed him, that although he was his uncle, and greatly his senior, still it was his intention to shew him the same defe- rence and respect as he had paid his brother. The suspicions which Sadiq Khan's conduct had excited, failed to effect a change in Abool I'ulih Khan ; he still continued the same course; and the folly and weakness of his reign reduced the people to the severest distress. The clamours of the people were not even appeased with a promise of redress, nor were they allowed the satisfaction of pouring forth their complaints. Sadiq Khan endeavoured to effect a reformation in the king's character, but his advice was treated with levity and neglect. A few days subsequent to his deposition, he had sigaifie 1 a wish to deprive Ukbur Khan of his sight, which had been ol)posed by Sadiq Khan, who sent a party to release li'm. This was * The principal cities and districts of Irak. f MSS. [ 270 ] source of further disgust to Abool Futih Khan, and greatly in- creased the misunderstanding which prevailed between the uncle and the nephew. Deposes While every thing remained in this uncertainty, Sadiq Khan Khan. repaired, with his three sons, to one of the doors leading to the king's private apartments, and sent in a message, requesting his attendance. When Abool Futih Khan joined them, he repre- sented, *' that sovereigns were the natural protectors of their armies and subjects ; that they were compared to the shepherd of a flock, who, if he neglected his charge, exposed it to the , ravages of the wolf; that if he was ambitious of reigning, he, should support his army and protect his subjects, or, at any rate, commit the , management of his government into other hands." Highly incensed at this expostulation, he broke out in violent terms, and said, that if this language was ever repeated, his temerity should meet with the punishment it deserved. Upon this Sadiq Khan ordered his sons to seize the king, which was done, and his eyes put out. His brother underwent a similar fate. Thus one king makes way for another, who be- comes the victim of a moie successful rival. Humanity may shudder at this account ; an account confirmed by the smoking ashes of desolated villages, and by the misery and bloodshed of thousands. Sadiq Khan Sadiq Khan now seized the reins of government ; and, to en- government, ^ure the aifections of the troops, he reviewed them, and paid them their arrears. The first act of Ms government was to detach a body of thirty thousand horse, and twenty thousand foot, under the command of his son, against Ulee Moorad Khan. At Qumshu* they were opposed by the enemy, and gained an easy victory. \Jiec Moorad Khan determined to hazard another engagement, but he discovered that his troops • A fortress one hundred miles fiom Isphahan. [271] were disaffected, and some of his officers even inclined to de- liver him into the hands of Ulee Nuqee Khan. He was compelled to secure himself by flight ; and departing secretly from Isphahan, he retired to Humudan. Ulee Nuqee Khan had not the sense to repress the elation of victory, his imperious and haughty manners gave extreme disgust to his officers, and en- tirely estranged the affections from those who had espoused his cause. After halting a month at Isphahan, he prosecuted his march against Ulee Moorad Khan, who, with a small force, determined to oppose him. The two armies soon met, and as A. D. irso. the nobles, who had taken umbrage at his behaviour, remained inactive, he experienced a severe defeat, and was obliged to fly towards Isphahan. He staid here two days; but finding that Ulee Morad Khan was advancing against him, he continued his flight to Sheeraz. Ulee Moorad Khan did not fail to make the most advantage of this victory; he contrasted the haughty self-sufficiency of his rival, with the courtesy and mildness of his behaviour ; and by adding to the comforts of his subjects, he took the most effectual means of securing his own power. The successful usurpation of Sadiq Khan, instructed him in Profligate the melancholy lesson, that the happiness of man is not entirely h°s"sons.'' dependent upon himself; and that the misfortunes of life receive some augmentation from dignity of situation. His three sons gaVe themselves up to a course of the most abandoned profligacy, throwing off all kind of obedience to paternal authority, and reducing the inhabitants, by the enormity of their conduct, to the severest distress. Ukbur Khan, the son of Zukee Khan, resented the indignities they had offered him, and effected his escape from Sheeraz. He was overtaken by a party sent out to pursue him, which he defeated, and pursued his journey to Isphahan. [ 272 ] Ukbur Khan Ulce Mooi'ad Khan was fully sensible of the services which uiee Moorad Ukbur Khan might render him, and received him with much attention and distinction. His own wishes were seconded by Ukbur Khan's suggestions, who received orders to levy a body of troops, for the purpose of advancing against Sheeraz. The hope of revenge stimulated his exertions; and in the course of twenty days he had collected a force of ten thousand cavalry. A. D. 1780. ^^Jtb this body he commenced his march; and two days after Ulee Moorad Khan followed him with a well appointed army. Defeats Sadiq Khan received information of this confederacy against army.^'''*"'' ^^™» ^"^ ^^^^ ^ ^^''g^ ^^^y ^^ H'oops, uudcr Ulce Nuqcc Khan, to oppose the advance under Ukbur Khan. The two armies met, and an engagement commenced, which lasted, with the greatest obstinacy, for four hours, when fortune declared itself in favour of Ukbur Khan, the opposite army breaking and flying towards Sheeraz. Ukbur Khan pursued the fugitives, and pitched his camp within five nules of the city. The loss, in this action, amounted to about three hundred killed and Avounded on either side, inconsider- ^ ^^^Y ^^ cxcuscd noticing the very small number of men able loss, ^jjQ ^j.g gj^j(j iQ have been lost in an action which lasted four hours, and which was contested with bravery. I am apt to imagine that the general actions of the Persians are little more than skirmishes with detached parties of horse, and that the slightest advantage decides the fortune of the day. It is in- conceivable that two armies, amounting to forty thousand men, should be engaged for four hours, and only suffer a loss of six hundred men. The ingenuity of the moderns has not increased the means of destruction; for the sword, in the hands of a Roman, even a Carthaginian, was as destructive an instrument as those which have been adopted by modern refinement ; and [ 273 ] the plain of Cannae may rival, in horrid carnage, the fields of Kolin or of CunnersdorfF. But though we may wield the sword, we may want the arm of Scanderberg ; and the Persians, I fear, possess the weapon without the resolution to use it. Ulee Moorad Khan joined Ukbur Khan the following day, uiecMoorad' when they immediately commenced the siege of Sheeraz. The es Sheeraz.'* garrison made daily sallies upon the besiegers ; and a Persian poet (if there had been a Firdousee) might have immortalized chieftains who vanquished the foe in single combat. The im- petuous valour of Zuman Khan would not allow him to relin- quish the pursuit of a flying enemy, and he fell, mortallj-^ wounded, close to the lines of the hostile army. "With him sunk the spirits of the garrison, who desisted from making fuilher sallies. Three months after this affair, Ukbur Khan received a message from Moohummud Khan, who had charge of one of the gates, assuring him, that if he would make an attack that night, the gate should be opened. He accordingly made the attack ; but the vigilance of Ulee Nuqee Khan defeated the intended treachery, and he was forced to retire. The charge of the gate was now confided to Kazim Khan, Taken by who two nights after gave admission to a party under Ukbar Khan. Sadiq Khan endeavoured to repel the assailants ; but another gate had now been opened by the treachery of his troops, and the enemy, after a nine months siege, got entire possession of the fortress. Sadiq Khan and his sons were taken A. d. 17S1. prisoners ; the former underwent the fate which he had inflicted upon his predecessor. Ulee Moorad Khan made a triumphal entry into Sheeraz, uiee Moorad 1 1-11 1 /. IT -rr. ^^^n enters and was proclaimed ruler over the government of lars. His theciiy, success was, however, embittered by the distinguished qualities of Ukhbur Khan ; and his vanity received a severe check from a N n [274] consciousness of his important services. During tlie conduct of the siege he had frequent opportunities of witnessing his abihty and conspicuous bravery ; and the man who should have com- manded his gratitude, by the perverted poUcy of the East, excited his jealousy, and incurred his hatred. Unable to con- ceal his apjirehensions, he sent for Ukbur Khan, and desired him to swear upon the Koran, that he would serve him with fidelity, Avhich he readily agreed to, and added a number of protestations to convince him of the sincerity of his intentions. Still distrusting Ukbur Khan, for he had rendered too many essential services not to be feared, he sent for him again, made him repeat his oath, and then told him, that to ensure his fidelity, he would give him his daughter in marriage. Assassinates The ncxt uisht after this interview, he concealed Jafir Khan, Ukbur * Khan. with forty guards, in an adjoining room, and then sent for ■ Ukbur Khan. He had instructed his attendants to inform him, that the king still distrusted him, and that it would be advise- aV)le for him to leave his arms at the door. Unsuspicious, he did as he was desired, and entered the private apartments. Ulee Aloorad Khan, seeing the situation he was in, called out to Jafir Khan, who appeared at the head of his guards. He told him, that his father had been put to death without his orders, and there was the murderer.* Upon a signal from the king, he secured Ukbur Khan, and put out his eyes ; he was afterwards murdered, and his brothers and family sent in confinement to Isphahan. The page of history has never been polluted by a recital of a more infamous transaction. -f- The son of a murdered • Jafir Khan is said to have attached himself to Sadiq Khan whilst he was besieging Sheeraz ; he could not have been much enraged against the supposed murderer of his father. + The treachery of Ukbur Khan is said to have occasioned his death. Francklin. No mention is made of this in the Persian history or manuscript. [ 275 ] father, the brother of three murdered brothers, thinks himself fully satisfied by being allowed to revenge himself upon the enemy of the assassin of his family. Ulee Moorad Khan returned, after a short residence in Returns to Sheeraz to Isphahan, and appointed his son to the government ^^p'^'''^''"' of Fars. His nephew was sent, with a small force of cavalry and infantry, to Tuhran.* A Moohummud Khan had not been an inattentive observer A Moohum- of the war which prevailed between Sadiq Khan and Ulee takes Rusht Moorad Khan ; nor did he fail to take advantage of the oppor- tunity which was offered of aggrandizing his power. He pre* pared to invest the city of Rusht,-]- the government of which place had been for years in the family of Hidaet Oolah Khan. As this city was situate on the shores of the Caspian sea, a communication had always been kept up with the Russians, and at this time there were two ships of war and a merchant- man anchored off the town. Hidaet Oolah Khan embarked his property on board these vessels, and made every effort to resist the enemy. His army, however, was entirely defeated, and he was not more successful in another engagement, which was fought under the walls of the city. He fled, with his principal officers, on board the Russian ships, leaving the town in the hands of the enemy. Ulee Moorad Khan had been applied to for assistance, uiee Moorad which did not arrive in time to prevent the important city of {Ij^e agah^ist Quzween :|. from falUng into the hands of A Moohummud Khan. ^""' A reinforcement was sent, with orders to advance against these * Tuhran, a town of considerable size, and now the capital of Persia. It is situate in a plain, and experiences equal severity of heat and cold; it is about twelve marches to the Caspian, and little more to Isphahan. ■f- Rusht is a town of consequence, and of much trade, particularly in silk, J Quzween is situate near the famous mountains of Ulwund. Khu un. [ 276 ] places. A Moohummud detached a small force to garrison Quzween, which was entirely defeated. He then retired to Rusht ; and leaving a strong garrison, under the command of his brother, he retreated to Bar-Furosh, the capital of Mazen- A Moohiiin- (leran. Here he was seized, and confined by his brother, Ruza nuid seized and released Qoolec Khan, who had entered into a confederacy with Ubdal Qooiee Khan, for the purpose or seizmg the government. Ir, in a country like Persia, any excuse be necessary to extenuate in- vasion, Moortuza Qooiee Khan might urge the right of avenging a brother's wrongs. With a small force, and a body of Turko- mans, he advanced rapidly ag-ainst Mazenderan. The confe- derates marched to oppose him, and a sharp action commenced, which was maintained with much obstinacy; at length a body of Turkomans, charging one of the wings, whilst Moortuza Qooiee Khan charged the other, victory declared itself in their favour, the enemy being thrown into irreparable disorder. Ubdal Khan fled towards the fortress of Saree;* but having, at some former period, disgusted the officer who commanded at that place, he thought the present a fit opportunity to be re- venocd ; and instead of opening the gates, commenced firing ujion him from the works. He was soon surrounded by the enemy, and made prisoner. The consequence of this victory was the immediate release of A Moohummud : for the persons into whose trust he had been committed, and who had been concerned in his deposition, saw no other means of securing his pardon than by again betraying their charge. They accom- panied him to Bar-Furosh, and he soon found himself at the head of a respectable force. Moortuza Qooiee Khan might conceal his disappointment, or avow his satisfaction at his brother's liberty ; he was fully • Saree, one of the capitdk of Mazenderan. [ 277 ] aware that the result of this victory had only opposed a more serious obstacle to the completion of his designs. He therefore acquainted A Moohummud with his success, and requested his commands respecting the the disposal of Ubdal Khan. A Moo- hummud sent him his sword, which was a sufficient indication of his wishes. The designs of his brother had not escaped the penetration a Mooimm- of A Moohummud, who collected his forces together. Finding hh biotiur. himself sufficiently strong to compel his submission, he sent a messenger to demand his attendance. Astonishment for a time suspended the rage with which he was inflamed ; at length, finding utterance for his passion, he exclaimed, *' he was his own king, that he had a sword and discretion." He dismissed the messenger, with injunctions to advise A Moohummud to abandon all notions of royalty. A Moohummud immediately commenced the siege of Saree. a. p, 17S2; besieges !Moortuza Qoolee Khan fortified some of the gates, and har- Saiee. rassed the besiegers by constant sallies ; but as the enemy had cut off the canals which supplied the fort with water, the garrison, at length, were reduced to the greatest distress, and, owing to the number of the people, the supply in the fort was soon exhausted. Further resistance was useless; and he was. obliged to abandon the fortress into the hands of the enemy. The adherents of the family of Zund had beheld the success Nobles fly to of A Moohummud with envy, perhaps regret ; and many of }f^^.^n\ " them had retired from this scene of mortification to Isphahan. The minister listened with attention to their remonstrances, and, through him, they represented to the king wliat the servility of his courtiers had never ventured to whisper; that his authority was unacknowledged on the borders of the Caspian sea, and that A Moohummed Khan, a Qajar/* presumed to contend wilb • Qiijar is the way it is spelt, Qujur the way it is pronounced. [ 278 ] him far [}\e Persian throne. Tliey continued, that he was by no means formidable ; and that if they were assisted with a small body of troops, and an experienced commander, they would reduce him to subjection. Sends a force Ulec Moorad Khau dismissed the nobles, with a bodv of six into Mazcii- -ix* ii'i derail. tliousand men ; and on their arrival at JLar,* on the borders of Mazenderan, their army was reinforced to twenty thousand. A Moohummud Khan advanced to oppose the enemy; and having strengthened Uml with a reinforcement of three thou- sand men, he arrived, a few days after, with an army of eighteen thousand. The armies were now within a short distance of each other; and their picquets,-)- which were much in advance, came to an action. The success of the enemy urged them to pursue the troops of A Moohummud into the narrow pass of Door Muklu, where they were completely routed by a body which had been stationed there by Ulee Qoolee Khan. He brought his prisoners to A Moohummud, who put some of them to death, and granted others the indulgence of losing either a hand or an eye.^ Defeated. Umccr Goonu Khan advanced the next day against A Moo- hummud, who drew out his army to oppose him. He gave the command of the right Aving to his brother, the left to Mustuffa Khan, and reserved the center where he had stationed his best troops for himself. Ruza Qoolee Khan commanded a body of reserve. Umeer Goonu Khan made a similar disposition of his troops, and advanced to engage the enemy. For some time fortune declared itself in his favour; but Ubas Qoolee Khan bing unfortunately killed by a musket ball, the wing which he • Lar is not iu the map of D'Anville, and I know no where else to expect it. t Quravulee. J This dreadful puiiishraeut is called Chuporast ; the prisoner loses a right eye or left hand. ics ann- llirr force. [ 279 ] commanded fled, and threw the rest of the army into irreparable disorder. Many prisoners were taken, and a few officers put to death. A Moohummud Khan after this victory determined on making a Mooiium, the fortress of Saree his capital, and commenced upon building proves s'aree. a citadel, a palace, and baths. 'J'he designs of despotism are soon executed, and the next year his palace Avas completed, a. d. 17S3. Whilst his attention Avas thus occupied, his brother was em- ployed in reducing the adjacent country to his authority. Ulee Moorad Khan determined to make another effort to uieeJiooiad reduce his rival to submission. A large body of troops was sent, , Jf" under the command of his son, into Mazenderan, which de- feated the enemy, and captured the important fortress of Saree. He then sent a party to Astrabad,* to which place A Moohum- mud had retired. This force had to prosecute their march through impervious and almost impenetrable ways, so much- so, that a handful of men, stationed in these defiles, would de- feat the largest armies. Flushed, however, with success, and holding the enemy in the greatest contempt, the commander, Moohummud Zahir Khan, neglected to secure the passes in his rear, and which Avere immediately occupied by the enemy. Arriving before Astrabad, he found that his supplies were entirely cut off; and, after making an attempt to subsist himself by plunder, he was obliged to disperse the whole of his army. This intelligence no sooner reached Sheikh Wys, than he was abandoned by the whole of liis force, and obliged to retire from Mazenderan. Ulee Moorad Khan still persisted, and another body of troops was detached from Tuhran. Several officers who had behaved ill in the late affair were beaten toi death.-f- * Astrabad is beautifully situated on the southern part of the Caspian. f Tohhmaq, beating a person with a mallet or tent pin. A common punishment. [ 280 ] Jafir Khan JIis altciuion, liowcver, was soon diverted from the prosecu- tion of his efforts against Mazenderan, by the open or secret perfidy of Jafir Khan. He had been appointed governor of Khums,* and having heard of the king's late disasters, and the violence of the dropsy ,-1- with which he had been some time afflicted, began to entertain designs of falling upon Isphahan. Ulee Moorad Khan, notwithstanding the height of his disease, and the severity of the season, the roads being covered with snoAv, determined on returning to Isphahan. He commenced his march in a Tukhti Ruwan,a conveyance slung between two A. D. 1784. camels, and died at Moorcha Khoort, thirty miles from Ispha- han. The minister, Mirza Rubee, did not divulge his master's death until he reached Isphahan, saving by this means the royal treasures from being plundered. The troop snow dispersed themselves to plunder; so justly (remarks the Persian) says the poet, when the sun descends, insects take to wing. Character of Ulcc Moorad Khan reigned over Persia five years, and was Ulee Moorad independent of the government two years prior to this period. Persia, during this time, enjoyed a certain degree of peace ; and although the treachery of his servants often rendered his mea- sures abortive, he still contrived to confine his rival to the province of Mazenderan. He enjoyed an undisputed authority over Irak, Pars, and the Gurmseer; and the vigour of his government made that authority respected. We have had occasion to notice his treachery ; and if we suppose him to have possessed any good qualities, we must allow him the merit of having concea/led them. But in a government which is worse than despotic, for a despot will not treat his subjects as enemies, it is difficult to determine what is strictly moral or just. The Persian despot, in the pride of victory, may imagine that the • Khums is a lart^e city, about one hundred miles from Tuhraii, t According to the Persian this was from an immoderate use of wine. [ 281 ] * law which commanded the murder of those who resisted the word of God, extends to those who resist his shadow ;* or should this fail, he may justify his actions by the undisputed right of retahation.-j- He may claim the same indulgence as his subjects to violate the laws ; and may urge that the emotions of private ' feeling, and the ties of private friendship or gratitude, must give way to public good. Such excuses have been discovered by the ingenuity of man ; but a Persian scorns any plea to palliate murder, or extenuate treachery. The victories of Timoor,:]: or Nadir, are generally known, whilst their cruelties are seldom noticed ; and if their pyramids of heads can be for- gotten, the murder of Ukbur Khan may be forgiven. Baqir Khan, the governor of Isphahan, enjoyed for a few Jafir Khan days either the pleasures or fatigues of royalty ; but on hearing govprnment. of the approach of Jafir Khan, he fled, and was taken prisoner. *'^' ^' ^^'*' The fortunate death of Ulee Moorad Khan had removed the only obstacle that opposed Jafir Khan's ambition. He was recognised by the principal noblemen in Fars, and the people vfe,re forward in acknowledging his authority. He appointed Nujuf Khan to Qoom, Uhmud Khan to Kashan,§ and dis- missed the other governors to their respective governments. A Moohummud Khan ventured now to embrace a more exten- sive field for the exertion of his talents, and commenced his march against Isphahan. Nujuf Khan, on hearing of his march, abandoned Qoom, nor did he think himself safe until he reached Isphahan. Nothing could check the precipitate flight of the troops, who dispersed themselves in small bodies, and spread themselves over the whole country. • The Eastern kings are called the Shadow of God. f See Koran, chap. viii,. Gibbon, vol. ix. p. 304. I Timoor even has been called humane. § Kasiian is near the mountains, about on.' hundied and fifty miles from Isphahaa. O O [ 282 ] Flici. Arrives at Sheeraz, Jafir Khan returns to Ispbahan. Jafir Khan was unable to resist the enemy, and made prepa- rations for a hasty retreat. During the disturbances which prevailed at this time, Baqir Khan, with some other adherents of the late king, effected their escape ; and assembling a rabble from the outcasts of the army, and the inhabitants of the city, than whom none are more mutinous, they attacked the king as he was deserting the city, firing at his party, and overwhelming them with stones. After much difi^iculty he effected his escape, leaving, however, his treasure, and even some of his family behind him. The loyalty of the people of Sheeraz, or rather their aversion to Syyud Moorad Khan, defeated the views of that chieftain. His army disbanded ; antl not thinking it prudent to oppose Jafir Khan, he admitted him into the city. Hajee Ibrahim was appointed Kuloontur of all Fars, in the room of Mirza Moo- hummud, who had not been able to effect his escape from Isphahan. Jafir Khan now applied himself to the affairs of his new acquired government, and took great pains in assembling a new army. A Moohummud subdued the principal places on his march to Isphahan, when his presence was demanded to quell a mutiny which had broke out amongst the tribe of the Bukhteearees. Jafir Khan, having completed his arrangements, left the government of Sheeraz in the hands of Lootf Ulee Khan, his eldest son. On his march towards Isphahan, he received in- formation that the army of his rival had dispersed, and that he had been obliged to return to Tuhran. Success enlarged his views, and he now determined to advance against Kashan and Humudan." The fears or the courage of Baqir Khan, who had two sons with A Moohummud, compelled him to adopt a dif- ferent plan of operations. He detached a force under Ismaeel [ 283 ] Khan against Birojird, Nuhawund, and Humudan;* and another under Ulee Qoolee Khan against Kashan, whilst he prosecuted the siege of the citadel of Tuberg in person. The governor of Kashan was attached to the family of Zand, and readily de- livered up that city to the officers of Jafir Khan. Ismaeel Khan had no sooner executed the service which he ismaeei had been sent upon, than he bfegan to entertain designs against ^'**" ^^^^^^' the government. He levied fresh forces; and to allure troops to his standard, he plundered the caravans, and divided the spoils amongst the army.-f- Jafir Khan still pushed forward the siege with much vigour, jafirKhan keeping a constant fire upon the citadel both day and night; cUa^dei.^ but the effect of Persian artillery would be very inconsiderable, and he might have despaired of success, if the treachery of the garrison had not seconded his operations. At the end of four months the garrison, finding that they had no hope of relief, and their lives and property being assured them, delivered up the place to Syyud Moorad Khan. The courage of the governor made him, in the eyes of a Persian, more worthy of death ; a fate which, it is almost needless to say, he suffered. His desire of punishing Ismaeel Khan was probably encreased by delay ; and, in defiance of the season, he was determined no longer to forego the gratification of revenge. He advanced with the utmost expedition ; and the army of Ismaeel Khan, who had only assembled with a view to plunder, fled upon his approach; custom, not lenity, might induce him to pardon the troops who returned to his camp, and whom he might justly suspect of de- serting on the first opportunity of plunder. Ismaeel Khan fled ; and was soon joined by Moohummud Umeen Khan with a • numudan (the ancient Fcbatana) is north-west of Ulwunt; Nuhawund is witliin a short distance ol it. Cities give their names to districts, f See Appendix, No. VI II. [ 284 ] body of troops. They assembled a number of tribes who were disaffected to the government; and, finding that they were at the head of a considerable army, they prepared to attack Jafir Khan. Defeated. The armies were soon opposed to each otiier, and an action commenced, which lasted from mid-day to two hours after sun- set, when Jafir Khan was entirely defeated, and obliged to fly to Isphahan. His guns and baggage were taken by the enemy, Jafir Khan was not dispirited by his late defeat ; he commenced levying fresh troops with an intention of attempting to retrieve his character, but was prevented by a series of events which now demand our attention. Moohumud Hosein Khan, a man noted for the violence of his temper, and the weakness of his understanding, commanded the fortress of Junduk, a place which receives additional strength from being situate in a desart, and destitute of water. The present appeared to him a favourable time for aggrandizing his power ; when A Moohummud had full possession of Tuhran ; Ismaeel Khan in rebellion ; Jafir Khan detained at Isphahan ; and the whole country a prey to rapine and plunder. He opened a correspondence with Meer Moohummud KhanTubsee, who sent five hundred Khorasan infantry to his assistance. "With this body, and his own troops, he plundered the district of Kashan and Isphahan, and extended his ravages wherever there was little danger. Jafir Khan Jafir Khan received these accounts soon after his retreat to to"4dur*^^ Isphahan, and sent out a force, under Hajee Qoolee Khan ^"°' Kazroonee against him. He was entirely defeated, and fled to Junduk; the Khorasan infantry threw themselves into one of the neighbouring forts, and which they consented to deliver up if their lives and property wete granted to them. This Avas agreed to ; and they accompanied Hajee Qoolee Khan to [ 285 ] Isphahan. He did not fail to acquaint the king with the stipu- lation he had agreed to, who, however, insisted that they should be disarmed and confined. Hajee Qoolee Khan still insisted upon the necessity of observing a sacred engagement, but the king was not swayed by such scrupulous opinions, and refused to attend to his earnest remonstrances. Vexed and disgusted at the king's want of faith, he resolved on returning to Kazroon ; and his troops, being inhabitants of that part of the country, joyfully acceded to his wish. Jafir Khan endeavoured, when it was too late, to pacify this jafirKhan nobleman; and, dreading the effects of his discontent, he de- sl'eeTi^r termincd upon returning to Sheeraz. He then invited Hajee Qoolee Khan to return to Sheeraz ; but as he suspected the sincerity of the king's invitations, he received them with coldness and distrust. Jafir Khan was resolved either to soothe or to compel him into compliance ; and sent a force, under the com- mand of his son, to confirm the oath which he had sworn upon the Koran, of inviolable and unalterable regard. An oath so enforced was of necessity believed ; and, as it had been accepted from compulsion, it was treacherously observed. Soon after this affair he marched into the Gurmseer, and Marches, returned at the commencement of the spring to Sheeraz. He • • ' ' had long suspected Syyud Moorad Khan, who was, upon his return, seized and confined with the rest of his family. He now thought himself free from open or secret enemies, and he deter- mined to avail himself of this favourable circumstance to advance against the city of Yezd.* At Ubrqoovu he was met by a deputation, who betrayed the weakness and suspicions of their master, by the presents which they brought, and the reasons they urged to excuse his absence. Nothing would satisfy Jafir Khan but his personal submission ; and, leaving his baggage * Yezd, a large and populous city, the capital of Kirman. [ 286 ] and stores at Ubrqoovu, he advanced against Yezd. Tuqee Khan had applied to Meer Mooliummud Khan Tubsee, a nobleman of high reputation, and who came to his assistance with a small body of infantry. The next morning they advanced to attack Jafir Khan ; and, after a sharp contest, they attempted A. D. 17-88. to force his lines. They at length succeeded ; and, driving the enen)y from all their posts, gained a most complete victory. Jafir Khan fled to Ubrqoovu ; and halting there a few days, retired to Sheeraz. Moohum- Mooliummud Khan had greatly incensed the king, who at- the ci^^se of tributed his late defeat to the conduct of this nobleman. Con- his defeat, scious of the justicc, or dreading the effects of the king's anger, he fled, and refused to return to Sheeraz. Jafir Khan marched to chastise him ; he however detached his son, Lootf Ulee Khan, against Lar,* and returned himself into Fars. Moohummud Khan relied upon the strength of the fort; and not thinking his presence necessarj^, retired to the sea coast to procure assist- ance from the Arabs. He put Tarom in a state of defence ; and, having collected a sufficient force, advanced to engage the enemy. The superior conduct and courage of Lootf Ulee Khan prevailed ; and the immediate consequence of his victory was the surrender of Lar. Lar destroy- Jafir Khan sent orders for the fort to be destroyed, and the families of Moohummud Khan and Abdoolah Khan to be sent in confinement to Sheeraz. He also recalled his son, as A Moohummud Khan threatened an attack upon Sheeraz. A Moohummud did not make the attack, but contented himself with plundering the neighbouring country. His authority, how- ever, was so far established, that on his return to Tuhran, he left his brother in charge of Irak and Fars, and Nusr Ooiluh Khari in command of Qumshu. • The capital of the province of that name, an inconsiderable place. ed. f [ 287 ] The hopes of JafirKhan did not decrease with the accession A. D. 1788. of his rival's power. He marched from Sheeraz, and arrived with much pomp at Isturjar, a place near -Qumshu. He de- tached his brother in advance, to prevent the enemy from quitting the fort, who sent on a small body in front, expecting that the enemy, seeing the smallness of the party, would be induced to make a salJy. His plan succeeded to his wish ; and at day-brca}c he tell with his whole force upon them, making a dreadful havoc. Nusr Oollah Khan, who advanced to the support of his routed troops, was unable to withstand the im- petuosity of their charge ; his whole force gave way and fled towards the fort. They were closely pursued ; and the garrison were afraid to open the gate, lest they should admit both friend and foe. Nusr Oollah Khan and his two uncles were made prisoners. Jafir Khan was the more rejoiced at the success of this affair. Arrives at as it put into his power the former governor of this place, who had insulted his authority by firing upon him as he passed the fort on his flight to Sheeraz. He was put to death ; and Jafir Khan, on his march to Qumshu, listened to the exploits of his troops, and rewarded them according to the extent of their services. He halted a short time at Qumshu ; but receiving in- telligence of the flight of the enemy, prosecuted his march to Isphahan. A Moohummud did not allow him to riot long in imaginary Flies on tKc success. He advanced with the utmost expedition, and Jafir a 'ai'oohmu- Khan fled with equal precipitation. He might excuse his flight '""''• l)y the necessity he was under of punishing some refractory chiefs in theGurmseer; but flattery could not conceal from him the truth, that, in subduing the greater, he would also sub- due the lesser danger. Lootf Ulee Khan was sent against them. [ 288 ] they retired to the port of Usloo, and assembled a number of boats at Lunkur, to elude the resentment of Lootf Ulee Khan, should he persist in his march against them. He continued his march ; nor did he stop until the sea presented an unsurmount- able barrier to his resentment. He was perplexed to know how he should represent this affair to his father; but was cruelly relieved by the accounts he received of his assassination. Assassinated, Hajee Qoolec Khan, and Syyud Moorad Khan, whose fate we have related, had relieved the languor of confinement in devising schemes for their escape. Tiiey succeeded in seducing some of the guards, and a female attendant of the seraglio, who had formerly belonged to Syyud Moorad Khan. Their plans promised certain success ; but they delayed putting them into execution until thedepartureof Lootf Ulee Khan from Sheeraz. This took place ; and finding that the poison they had admini- stered had taken effect, and that the king was greatly reduced, they effected their release, and fell suddenly upon Jafir Khan. The violence of his disorder did not prevent him from making a formidable resistance ; he wounded one of the conspirators ; but at length fell before superior numbers. His head was severed from his body, and cast before the citadel, the sport of children and the outcasts of the city. Syyud Moorad Khan was proclaimed king, and letters were written in his name to the different chiel tains under the government of Sheeraz. His charac- ^ Persian moralist might imagine that he could trace the hand of the Almighty, in permitting persons, who had endured the severest injuries, to avenge themselves upon their oppressor. But I know not if this would be just. Jafir Khan executed what Syyud Moorad Khan intended; and where there is competition there necessarily must be defeat. Jafir Khan is said to have been mild and just; and where he was acknowledged to have ter. [ 289 ] been beloved and respected. He was of a middle age, very corpulent, and squinted.* ► • Lootf Ulee Khan was deserted, upon this intelligence, by the Lootf uiee whole of his army; he was happy, with five attendants, to ac- Bushire. complish his escape to Bushire. The hospitality of an Arab need hardly be demanded. Sheikh Nasir extended to him the protection he sought, and promised to assist him with the forces he might levy in the adjacent country. To confirm the sincerity of his intentions, he resigned his eldest son into the hands of Lootf Ulee Khan ; and, in the course of three months, assem- bled a force with the view of besieging Sheeraz. Sy3'ud Moorad Khan determined to anticipate his intentions, a force scm and detached an army against him, which penetrated to Dalikee. "^"^'"^ "™' Lootf Ulee Khan was encamped at no great distance, when a conspiracy broke out in the camp of the enemy, at the head of which was Ulee Himmut Khan, who had concerted measures with Hajee Ibrahim, and some other adherents of Jafir Khan. The conspiratoi-s seized Syyud Moorad Khan's brother, and sent him to Lootf Ul6e Khan, who put him to death. The brothers of Hajee Ibrahim were not so successful in their attempt to secure the person of Syyud Moorad Khan ; he escaped their treachery, and sheltered himself from immediate danger in the citadel. Lootf Ulee Khan noAV advanced without danger or inter- Arrives at ruption; his success entitled him to the clamours of the multi- **'^"^* tude; and he enjoyed, in a few days, the satisfaction of possessing the persons of his enemies. Great interest was made to procure a pardon for the assassins of his father ; their lives were spared, but they underwent the more cruel punishment of losing their eyes. He now attempted to settle the adjacent country ; but was soon diverted from this laudable pursuit by • Franklin. Pp [ 290 ] Marches from ShcC' raz, the approach of A Moohummud. He put Sheeraz into an ex- cellent posture of ^defence : and, having collected a large army, he ventured to attack the enemy, who had encamped at some distance from the city. A Moohummud gained a complete victory, and immediately commenced the siege of Sheeraz. After a perseverance of three months, he returned to Tuhran, and marched soon after into Azrbyajan.* Lootf Ulee Khan did not fail to benefit from the absence of the enemy. He recruited his army, and disciphned his troops; A. D. 1750. g^i^ J finding that A Moohummud was engaged, he determined upon attacking Kirman. He left the nominal government of Fars in the hands of his younger brother, a youth of tender age and no experience ; but committed the civil administration of affairs to Hajee Ibrahim, and the defence of the fort and the adjacent country to Burkhodar Khan. Lootf Ulee Khan dismissed the ambassador of the governor of Kirman wilh much kindness ; and commanded him to inform his master, that as it was his intention to visit that city, he would be able to judge of the sincerity of his professions and the extent of his friendship. As he advanced, he was met by different messengers, who brought different excuses to account for his absence; and he soon discovered that the governor would not make his submissions in person. The passions of the king accelerated the rapidity of the march ; and, at the com- mencement of winter, he set down with his army before the fortress of Kirman. He pushed on the siege with vigour ; but the garrison must have derided the imperfect science of his engineers. Submission entitled the inhabitants of the adjacent villages to mercy, perhaps lenity ; but the slightest resistance incurred the extremity of his revenge. The winter had now set in with uncommon violence ; the ♦ Media. Dismisses the ambassador from Kir- man. Retires to Sheeraz. [ 291 ] whole face of the country was covered with snow ; and numbers perished from the inclemency of the season. The army was not only much disheartened, but was also greatly diminished. Finding that he could effect nothing against the fort, and that an obstinate perseverance would only add to his distress, he re- . turned to Sheeraz. He arrived, with the broken remains of his army, towards the close of the year ; having lost a number of men from deaths, and a still greater number from desertion. Lootf Ulee Khan collected a fresh army with the intention Marches. of opposing Baba Khan, who had been left in command of the perTe army during the absence of his uncle, A Moohummud Khan. He was encamped with his forces at Qumshu, where he deter- mined to oppose the enemy, should he advance towards Ispha- han. Lootf Ulee Khan halted within a short distance of the enemy, for the purpose of ascertaining whether it would be most adviseable to attack Baba Khan, or to avoid him, and prosecute his march to Isphahan. He was unhappily relieved from this difficulty, by the treachery of Hajee Ibrahim and his two brothers. It may be necessary to trace the motives which could induce Cause of this Hajee Ibrahim, a man who was indebted to the family of the "^^'^'^ *'^^* Zunds for the distinction and credit he possessed, to so shame- fully betray the trust which was reposed in him, and to hazard his family and life in the expectation of uncertain advantages. The springs of action are seldom discoverable ; a traitor is cautious in divulging the real motives for his treachery. In the present case it must be extremely uncertain ; I am fortunately relieved by the Persian historian, whose conjectures have the merit of being at least specious. Burkhodar Khan, a Zund, a relation of Lootf Ulee Khan, Burkhoda and much esteemed by him, expected that Hajee Ibrahim ^^^"' should pay him the attention which was due to a superior. liar [ 292 ] The dignity of his situation, or the pride of Hajee Ibrahim, would not allow him to make this unmeaning sacritice. Mutual neglect excited mutual ill-will ; the transition from ill-will to open and avowed enmity was easy and unobservable ; and tlie . absurd folly of two men effected the ruin and almost uUer ex- tinction of a family which had swayed the sceptre of Persia for more than half a century. Burkhodar Klian contrived to in- sinuate into the king's mind some suspicion of Hajee Ibrahim's fidelity. At first he discredited his information ; but perpetual repetition, and some acts of Hajee Ibrahim which had displeased him, excited his distrust, and which Burkhodar Khan and his brother did not allow to subside. Disappointed expectation might aggravate the acrimony of their insinuations : nor will it be unjust to suspect that there might be some foundation for his suspicion. His conduct, on his return from Kirman, be- trayed his want of confidence ; and the treatment which Hajee Ibrahim and his friends received, gave them little hopes of its ever being regained. His uncommon acerbity and the favour which he manifested towards Burkhodar Khan, gave them much uneasinesss ; nor did the people hesitate to lament his sudden change, as he had been before remarkable for the mild- ness and lenity of his disposition. The people of Sheeraz de- sired his removal, and his friends kept aloof lest they should participate in the fate which he seemed to deserve, Hajee ibra- Although Lootf Ulcc Khan distrusted Hajee Ibrahim, yet, as ihe comm"ii- tlic chargc of the fort was in the hands of Burkhodar Khan, and ^^"'°^^'*^^" as his two brothers were with the army, he did not entertain the least apprehension of danger, or of his minister being able to perpetrate whatever treachery he might meditate. This pre- sumption induced him to entrust Hajee Ibrahim with the civil government of Pars during his absence ; he however took the further precaution of taking along with him tlie eldest son of raz [ 293 ] the minister. This measure excited unusual alarm in the mind of Hajee Ibrahim ; he was now fully satisfied that he had become an object of suspicion, and determined to anticipate the machinations of his enemies. A few days after the king's march, he contrived so secure, without the least opposition, the gates and bastions of the fort, and the persons of the two com- mandants. The mask was now withdrawn, and he omitted no measure to strengthen his power, or justify his perfidy. Mes- sengers were instantly disp^ched to inform his brother of this success; they assembled their troops and followers, and at night commenced a fire upon the king's quarters. Darkness increased the confusion and alarm of this attack; numbers dispersed themselves to gain information, whilst others commenced a promiscuous plunder. Day-break relieved their apprehensions of danger, and the army almost immediately dispersed. Lootf Ulee Khan fled with a few attendants towards Sheeraz, Flies te in the expectation that the fortress was in the hands of Burkho- dar Khan, and that the garrison were not concerned in the present commotion. As he advanced, he was joined by some parlies of his broken army; and it was not until he had arrived within a short distance of the city, that he became acquainted with the treachery of Hajee Ibrahim, or the success of his measures. He immediately invested the fort, fortified his camp, and began to erect batteries, Hajee Ibrahim was greatly confounded at his intrepidity ; he Deserted. wrote to the principal oflScers in his camp, inviting them to return to Sheeraz, and threatening them with the severity of his displeasure in case of their refusal. As they had all houses and families in Sheeraz, they were greatly distressed ; after a hesitation of three days, during which time their sentiments of gratitude, of fidelity, and honour, combated their affections either as a father, a son, or a husband, they deserted Lootf [ m ] Ulee Khan, leaving not more than twelve menial servants to participate in the sudden misfortune of their master. Com- plaint was useless ; delay dangerous ; he fled, therefore, with precipitation towards the sea coast. Flies to Bun- Ruza Qoolc Khan sent out a party to intercept him. Their numbers were greatly superior; and they pursued him with so much vigour, that several of his horses fell into their hands; but the intricacy of the roads and paths among the mountains favoured his escape. On his arrival at Bushire, he met with another mortification; he discovered that Sheikh Nasir was inimical to his interests, and was obliged to seek safety and protection from the governor of Bundureek. Here he was not disappointed ; the governor received him with attention, and exerted himself in assembling a force for his assistance. Hajce ibra- Trcachcry and suspicion are inseparable associates ; Hajee him disarms * ^ • • n c the adhe- Ibrahim was not exempted from the deleterious mnuence of ijieeKhan! such an union. He disarmed all the troops whom he thought to be attached to Lootf Ulee Khan, and then dismissed them out of the fort. The chiefs whom he distrusted were watched with suspicious vigilance and apprehensive solicitude. The moderation of his views, or his want of assistance, might induce him to make an offer of his services to A Moohummud. His offer was not likely to be rejected ; but their professions of rcr gard and attachment were not hkely to obliterate the recollec- tion of open and avowed acts of hostility. Their friendship was produced by necessity, and cemented by danger. He was im mediately appointed to the government of Fars, Kohgeeloo, the sea coast, and Lar, with strong injunctions to secure the person of Lootf Ulee Khan. The dignity of royalty could descend to ent^uire after the property of Lootf Ulee Khan, and an officer was sent to receive charge of it. Orders were also issued to Moostufa Khan Qajjar to garrison Abadu, a [ 295 ] fortress situated on the frontier of Fars and Irak ; he was also commanded to obey the requisitions of liajee Ibrahim. Lootf Ulee Khan had received an accession to his strenoth Lootf uiee by the arrival of a number of persons who had been driven marches from Sheeraz. Ilaiee Ibrahim was sensible of the necessity of »s-i'"st s lee- reducing a power which encreased by delay ; and a force was therefore detached, with orders to form a junction with Sheikh Nasir, and then to proceed against Bundureek. Lootf Ulee Khan advanced upon the enemy before they had received the whole of their reinforcements ; and, being joined by a body of horse, who deserted their commanders, he gained an easy and almost uncontested victor}\ He marched against the fugitives, who had assembled at Kazroon, gained a complete victory over them, and took several persons of consequence prisoners. Lootf Ulee Khan halted some days at Kazroon, where he en- joyed ihesafisfaction of revenging himself upon the governor for ■ the indignity he had offered him on a former occasion. He then ventured to Joom; but as he found the place too con- fined, he marched fo Zurqoon, near Sheeraz. Soon after his arrival, he discovered that the enemy intended to make a night attack upon his camp ; he prepared to receive them, and routed the whole party. The city began to be in want of grain, as. the punishments which Lootl Ulee Khan inflicted on those who ventured to relieve the distresses of the city, deterred others from making a similar attempt. Hajee Ibraiiim was therefore obliged to detach Moostufa Khan to collect grain, and to con- vey it into the city. Lootf Ulee Khan received intelligence of this plan, and determined on intercepting the supply. He fell upon the convoy before it had been reinforced by Moostufa Khan, and secured a considerable booty. Moostufa Khan, on hearing of this misfortune, pursued Lootf Ulee Khan, in hopes, of retaking the plunder. He came up with him before he had [ 296 ] ^ reached Zurqoon, and an action immediately ensued, which was disputed with much obstinacy for several hours. The for- tune of Lootf Ulee Khan prevailed ; and he succeeded in securing the plunder he had taken. Commences After this success he marched against Sheeraz, and encamped at Qusrooldusht, a fort about four miles from the city. He fortified the fort, and rendered it, in the opinion of the Persians, almost impregnable. Hajee Ibrahim recalled the force which was encamped without the fort, and in a short time received succours from A Moohummud Khan. After allowing the troops a short interval to refresh themselves from the fatigues of their march, the army, with artillery,* under Ruza Qoolee Khan, marched out of the fort to engage Lootf Ulee Khan. He drew up his force near some gardens, where the ground was very strong, and waited the attack of the enemy. Owing to the violence of the cold and the rain, which blew in the faces-f- of his troops, they gave way, and were pursued with great im- petuosity by the enemy, who drove them from their encamp- ment at Qusrooldusht. They now dispersed, and began to plunder the camp. Lootf Ulee Khan, who had remained firm and collected with a small body of troops, took advantage of their disorder, charged them, and put them to flight. His broken troops soon rallied to pursue a flying enemy, they killed and wounded a considerable number, and took some noblemen of consequence prisoners. Hajee ibra- Hajee Ibrahim now determined to adopt a different mode of im en ea- operations ; for he discovered that Lootf Ulee Khan was daily pies. vours to cut "des*^"^" increasing his strength ; and that, although his numbers were small, the spirit and animation of the leader was irresistible. He therefore detached Moostufa Khan to Kirbal, to cut off" all the supplies which might be going to Lootf Ulee Khan, in the • Persian History, MSS. t I tt^ve ventured to add, " in their faces." [ 297 ] hope that if he should be incapable of subsisting his army, it would immediately disperse.* This movement compelled Lootf Ulee Khan to retire to Zurqoon. He contrived to enter into a correspondence with some of his partisans, who agreed to de- liver up the fort; but their designs were always discovered, and the contents of their letters known as soon as they were received.* Hajee Ibrahim had been very importunate with A Moohura- Applies to mud to march to the relief of Sheeraz, who contented himself mud for with sending reinforcements. At the commencement of the ''^^'^^''"*^''' season, however, he marched from Tuhran, and practised his troops by making them fortify every day the ground of their encampment. As he advanced, he detached a force to occupy the passes between Maeen and Eeruj, and encamped at the latter place.J His attendants and sycophants flattered him with the hope, that Lootf Ulee Khan would fly the instant he heard of his approach. But they mistook the character of Lootf Ulee Khan, whose ardent spirit courted either dominion or death. His perseverance was unconquerable ; and his resolution might be called desperate. He became familiar with hardship, and sought danger that he might find glory .§ His friends were the companions of his misfortunes ; for their riches had been accu- mulated under the family of Kureem Khan, and they now become the partners of their evil destiny. Others, from affection to his family, and supposing that they would participate in the fall of the Zund dynasty, abandoned their houses, wives, and * See Appendix, No. IX. f Mirza Futh Oollah, the secretary of Lootf Ulee Khan, divulged the whole of his master's correspondence to Hajee Ibrahim, who could form no design without its being immediately discovered. X Places near Persepolis, on the route to Isphahan. I This is the language of an enemy. Q q [ 298 ] children, to share, in common with their prince, the dangers of the field, and the hardships of constant actiorh Lootfuiee Lootf Ulec Khan, hearing the approach of the enemy, fn^rpproTch moved to the fortress of Rushmaeejan, where he left his heavy of the enemy, baggage Under charge of his uncle, Nusr OoUah Khan. The next day he marched with, an intention of making a night attack upon A Moohummud's camp; and about midnight he arrived at the pass which had been occupied by the enemy. This he determined to force ; but the resolution of the enemy resisted the impetuosity of his attacks. Enraged at disappoint- ment, " he rushed upon the enemy as the hungry wolf rushes into the midst of the helpless flock, carrying destruction wher- ever he went." The commander, Ibrahim Khan, was taken- prisoner, and put to death, and numbers were killed and wounded. He pursued the flying enemy ; and, leaving a party at a short distance from the camp, stormed their entrenchments. His men now suffered greatly, and he was obliged to rely once more upon the powerful effects of his own example. The enemy fled, opposition had ceased, and there were but small parties who still remained firm and collected. Fate seemed to have determined the event; but the fortune of A Moohummud was destined to prevail over the superior conduct and courage of his rival. Mirza Futih Oollah, thinking that A Moohummud was amongst the number of the fugitives, entreated Lootf UJee Khan to suspend the slaughter, and to wait the approach of day, when he would be joined by the enemy's troops. He fol- lowed this advice ; but the dawn presented him with a scene of the most mortifying disappointment. The summons to prayers* was a sufficient confirmation of A Moohummud's being still in camp ; his troops saw their danger, and fled with the utmost * This is never done but when the king is in cawp. [ 299 ] precipitation. Loolf Ulee Khan, abandoned b}' his troops^, and persecuted by the -treachery of his friends,* retired, in the greatest confusion, towards Kinnan. But his misfor- tunes were already known ; the governor refused to admit him into the fort, and he was obliged to continue his flight to Khorasan. A Moohummud, after the successful issue of this affair, A Moohum- marched to Sheeraz, where he employed his royal time in col- lo shccraz. lecting the wretched remains of the wealth and grandeur of the Zund dynasty, and in transporting them to Tuhran ; he ordered | a few confined noblemen to be blinded ; and with savage, though not unequalled barbarity, removed all the families of the Zunds into the province of Mazenderan. At the close of the year he returned to Tuhran, but returned again to Sheeraz at the commencement of the spring. Hajee Ibrahim had been appointed viceroy of Fars ; but if he felt uneasy at the suspicions which Lootf Ulee Khan manifested of his fidelity, his feelings must have suffered a more severe mortification at tlie precautions which A Moohummud adopted to ensure his obedience and command his services.-f- A Avife and two sons were kept as hostages for his good faith, which was the more likely to be violated as their dangers diminished. Sheeraz had often defied his attacks, and he was determined it should do so no more. The walls were destroyed, the works razed level with the ground, and the ditch filled up. It was probably at this time that the mutilated tyrant vented his infantine malice upon the monument of Kureem Khan. His tomb was burst open ; and his remains, which were scattered about in all the wantonness of useless ran- cour, should have awakened in the minds of the people of Sheeraz • It is generally supposed that Mirza Futh OoUali gave his advice from treachery. + This vindication of treachery is altogether ridiculous ; Lootf Ulee Khan never mani- fested, by any act, his suspicions agaiust Hajee Ibrahim, whose perfidy neither admits of extenuation or excuse. [ 300 ] some sense of the obligations he had conferred upon them, and a just indignation at the idle and senseless malignity of an in- famous usurper. But if the perishable remains of their beloved sovereign were unconscious of the outrages which were offered them, the people of Sheeraz were equally dead to every senti- ment of gratitude, of humanity, or of courage. Lootf uiee Lootf Ulcc Khan found an asylum with Meer Husun Khan; ceivedTn ^"^» having received accounts of the late transactions, he re- TChorasan. solvcd on making another effort to re-establish his authority. With little more than two hundred men he commenced his ex- pedition against a mighty province. The governor of Yezd endeavoured to check his progress, but his resistance was vain, and the plunder which fell into his hands enabled him to levy fresh forces. He succeeded in taking Ubrqoovu by surprize; and the ncAvs of his success spreading in the district of Fars, he was joined by several of the adherents of his family, and by a number of Eeleeats,* who had been obliged to conceal their sentiments under the mask of submission and fidelity to A Moo- hummud Khan. He left his uncle in charge of Ubrqoovu, and advanced against Tubrez and Jstihbanat with a force of fifteen hundred men. He carried the fort of Tubrez by assault ; but at Darab he met with more serious resistance. He Avas soon obhged to abandon the siege by the approach of the enemy, who, having succeeded in his design, encamped at Rooneez, Lootf Ulee Khan still continued within four miles of their en- campment; but finding that he could effect nothing against their superior numbers, he determined on making an attempt to surprize their camp. 'Jlie superiority of the enemy had not lulled him into security ; the designs of Lootf Ulee Khan were discovered, and he was obliged to make a precipitate retreat. The next day the enemy advanced against him in full force, and • See Appendix, No. X. [ 301 ] he found himself under the necessity of coming to an engage- ment. The intrepidity or despair of his uncle, Ubdal Khan, had nearly decided the victory in his favour, when a body of > Koords charged his small force, and put it entirely to the route. The fortune of Lootf Ulee Khan was again desperate, nor could he prevail upon a small party of infantry to accompany him in his 'flight. He was once more received by the governor of Tubus, who either soon give way to the malicious aspersions of his enemies, or who dreaded the resentment of his more powerful and successful rival. Shame prevented him from avowing his real sentiments ; he therefore advised him to seek succour and assistance from the king of Candahar and Cabul, as the only means of regaining his lost empire. He penetrated his designs ; but as it was useless, perhaps dangerous, to have complained, he consented to his proposal. With this intention he reached Buqa-een, where he received Commences accounts of Timoor Shah's death. He desisted prosecuting his jnto'canda- journey, and continued at this place, where he was treated with ^^'"' kindness, Avith sympathy, and attention. Here he received letters from two of his adherents, who informed him that they had collected a force, and invited him to join them. Hope never ceased to animate Lootf Ulee Khan ; he deliberated not a moment on their proposal, but advanced with the utmost rapidity to join the friends whose affection predominated over the malice of his fortune. He was joined on the road by a bodyof Afgans,and proceeded with Moohummud Khan to Bum> where he was received by Juhan Geer Khan. AVith their joint forces he marched against Kirman, and, when within a short distance, detached his uncle to make an attack upon the fort. Finding that the attention of the garrison was taken up in re- pelling the assailants, he advanced, under cover of the night, to [ 302 ] an opposite quarter, and, after a considerable resistance, carried the place by assault. The governor, with the principal officers, retired into the citadel, and on the following night effected their escape. Lootf Ulee Khan commanded coins to be struck, and prayers to be read in his name : " his fortunes smiled ;" but it was the smile which is often the fore-runner of death. A Moohum- A Moohummud received accounts of his success, and ordered to oppose Hajee Ibrahim, and the principal officers of Fars, to repair to a""d. ro4 Tuhran. He met them within a short distance of that city, as he was advancing against the enemy. His progress was impeded by the river which runs by Qoom, and by the usual interruption which attends a march, or rather a procession of an Asiatic despot. He detached a force in advance, which was defeated under the walls of Kirman by Lootf Ulee Khan. A Moohum- mud soon after encamped before the place, erected batteries, and threw several bombs into the town. Kirman After the fort had been beseiged four months, some of the Lootf' uiet garrison admitted about three thousand of the enemy into the Khan made fort, but who wcre driven back with considerable slaughter by prisoner and murdered. Lootf Ulee Khan. The inhabitants of the city began to despair of ever being relieved from their present distress ; they entered into a secret conspiracy with Nujuf Khan, the commandant of the citadel, and who gave admission to twelve thousand of the enemy. Notwithstanding the efforts of Lootf Ulee Khan, he was unable to repel the enemy ; and, finding that he was de- serted by most of his troops, he retired to one of the gateways, where he continued to defend himself. Ihe wary precautions of A Moohummud to secure the person of his enemy, gave way to the impetuous and desperate valour of Lootf Ulee Khan, who, like the lion, released himself by a vigorous and unexpected effort from the toils by which he was encompassed. He fled [ 303 ] towards Bum with three attendants, with a celerity which is hardly to be credited. He was received by Mihr Ulee Khanj who made many enquiries after the fate of his brother, Juhan Geer Klian, and who appeared to be satisfied when he was told that he was behind. A fruitless expectation of three days convinced him that his brother was taken ; and he determined to seize Lootf Ulee Khan, in the hope that this act of treachery would procure his brother his pardon and his liberty. His attendants informed him of the suspicious approach of Mihr Ulee Khan, who was accompanied by a body of armed men. But the natural presumption of Lootf Ulee Khan's temper per- suaded him to treat their suspicions with contempt. He was now surrounded; he forced his way to his horse, which he mounted, and endeavoured to escape. His horse received a wound, and fell : still, not disheartened, he attacked his enemies, but was at length overpowered, after having received two wounds on the head and arm. He was sent immediately to A Moohummud, who manifested his respect for his character in the instant order he gave for his being blinded. The tyrant still dreaded hin) ; and soon afterwards sent orders to Moohum- mud Khan Qajjar for his murder. His remains were deposited in the mausoleum of one of the Iman's sons at Tuhran. The actions of Lootf Ulee Khan sufficiently declare his Hischarac- character. His bravery could only be equalled by the inflexible fortitude which he manifested at the most disastrous events, and at the most sudden and unexpected reverses of fortune. If victory made him presumptuous, defeat never made him de- • spond ; and, whether deserted by his troops, or betrayed by his friends, he still evinced the same unconquerable spirit ; he might not command success, but he was able to repel despair. Few men have contended with more ardour for glory ; and were [ 304. ] I to compare his character with any European monarch, I should prefer our Enghsh Richard's to Charles the Twelfth's. His military talents appear to have been very great, at least much superior to those of his antagonists. He may be accused of a v/ant of prudence, but his history betrays no instance of it ; and his measures appear to have been well calculated to remedy unavoidable misfortunes. He may be supposed to have been deficient in the talent of conciliation ; but in a country where the dagger of the assassin is concealed under the garb of friend- ship, we must hesitate before we pronounce undisguised trea- chery to be the result of supposed acts of violence.* The prosperity of Lootf Ulee Khan procured him many friends, who deserted him when his fortunes declined ; and in Persia even they want the hardihood to avow ingratitude. Lootf Ulee Khan was, at the time of his murder, about twenty-five years of age, tall, and handsome. He was a most accomplished horseman, and was esteemed unrivalled in the military exercises of Persia. Kirman de- The trcachcry of the inhabitants of Kirman did not exempt them from experiencing the eft'ecls of the tyrant's insatiable fury. The place was given up to promiscuous plunder and carnage; and we must suppose that the passion of avarice moderated, in some degree, the lust and cruelty of savages. The most distinguished persons were thrown into confinement ; and the friends of Lootf Ulee Khan were either butcheted or blinded. The fort was razed level with the ground, and most of the principal houses were destroyed in attempts to discover secret treasures. A Moohummud was now relieved from further apprehension ; Baba Khan was appointed to the • This is all that I ever heard urged against Lootf Ulee Khan ; a plea, if unsupported by proofs, altogether ridiculousi stroyed. [305 ] government of Fars, and Hajec Ibraliim Avas branded witli the title of Klian.* With Lootf Ulee Khan were extinguished the hopes of the Conclusion. Zunds.; the jealous policy of the tyrant has dispersed them over Mazenderan ; and they have only now to regret that they made no greater efforts to maintain a dynasty which, secured them in the enjoyment of their homes^ their families^ and for- tunes. The memory of Lootf Ulee Khan may live in their songs, and may be cherished by their sufferings ; but the torrent which is not stopt at its source defies resistance ; and the power of Qajjars is now too firmly established to dread the enmity of a discontented and disappointed family. • The memory of Hajee Ibrahim is in general detested, allhough, from his elevateils .situation, he might possess some few dependent friends. R APPENDIX. [ a09 ] APPENDIX. No. I. It has been the custom for some authors, who have argued against the personahty of land in the East, to question the accuracy of a translation which in the least militated against their own hypothesis; and, although ignorant of the Persian language, to amend the trans- lation by some ingenious alteration. To prevent the trouble which these gentlemen are obliged to take, in searching for arguments in support of their alterations, I give the Persian of the Tareekhi Tibree. j^ljiiji - ^^J ^5jU J^_! j^ ,_s;j i^j>>y <^ 4^ *i^^< i-^jjj J '^^j^ [310] «XjJo t^j-> jl <_5>.a1j ^;;^ \j ^j^ii j\ \j\j:^^j u:^! AiliO'j \j^ ju-J j^ OjJ JW^ '■^^^ OjJ u^ss-U- (J^^* J '^^ ^^^j^ AtA^ J /Jj^ (_s^"!/^ C-*j c^*f" A-^ J 1*:'.'^ c::-^;>-L<»< (_^bJi jy 4_ j;jLT Jhbi^ bf iX;i^ c^Jr?-' *;V^. *^ jWv* J '^b;-^ JL \j^ tr-^j ul"-!-* J^ '^■' J '-^^'^^ J^^y* (jW J^ '^J^ t/'ir* u~iJ y '-^^'^ ^' (*W' b*^ ^ bkA . ijSy^-j Jvi Ui j»Ly« _} »ioUj iij'b oU- _5 <.y jjib t^jsi- .^^ i.l^< b e:^^ j ci^b-ij _^ J j*jbw t_jl/- c^^ ■2:1^ cb^ J <-^ -^J- ^"^ c^jj^ j'^V cir' 4^j^- c/^ J I^SjJSj b" JOiT, ^-tii y i^j*- '-^.J'J '■^^^^.'-^J c:-^ j^ lii-ib J^ jViJ"^ (j:-^ uj\ye J t^J jL<_j Lj-Ji^ ujX« ^ i::..^\joSj J Atj\j'j i_Si a^ S' cr* "--^^ V. '^^^ ^-*^ JOlw «*-, j^,1 _j AJw>bi-i;i u?) JWl i.:-^ 'V J '^''l/ "^J ^y^ bf jb.-;*J jI^j^ ^j^ jJhj j^i'j iibiij jlyr t;v«5 y*s. ^Jy>' i-JinA] ^jAjAA ^-^y '^ (*~-^ J^ "-^^ '^ Cl-Jyl bi jjj^\ bi u-v-1 *J^b« J^_/=- j'^^ j*^ c^} } O^ljjb j»«^ When Nonshirwan ascended the throne, he ordered, agreeably to the will of Kobad, that the lands shoidd be measured, and the taxes be fixed ; that the tax of a tenth should be abolished, and the people freed from it. He measured out the whole country, and made a register according to the lands which were peopled in Irak and Fars. He measured it into Rusks, to see how many pair of cattle would be required for the cultivation, and upon the quantity of land which required a pair of cattle, he fixed the tax,* and an additional one of sixty-four pounds of grain. As Rukbus Bin Ulee Lulma says, " I acquaint you with those things you know not ; know your own benefits, the measure of things, and the value of Direms, have been fixed in Irak/'-l- And whenever a tree produced fruit, upon each tree he fixed a certain rate upon its produce. He established a capitation tax, both on the rich and the poor, the lowest from six to eight, to twelve, twenty-four and forty-eight Direms. He did not take any thing from the women. He inserted this in a register, village by village, and yoke by yoke, and, in regard to the capitation tax, name byname. He sent messengers to all the principal people of Irak and Fars, whether the lords of high character, the comman- ders of the array, the aged, philosophers, the learned, and the astrologers, commanding their attendance : he fixed a day for their coming to the council, for the purpose of explaining their boun- daries, and the taxes which were to be established. Thev all assembled, and they all seated themselves in their proper places ; and those who were in the habits of standinsr, stood. Noushirwan delivered an oration, and gave praises to God, and applauded the former kings, and said, " As the Almighty haS been more beneficent to me than to my ancestors, and has enlarged my country, it is * I translate Khiraj a tax, which possibly may be objected to. That it bears this meaning, however, no one will deny ; it is used in this sense in compound words, Khiraj-sur, a poll-tax ; Khiraj-mal, &c. / f This passage is, if possible, more obscure in the original. m [ 312 ] necessary that I should exceed them in justice. I have looked into the affairs of men, and I see a king must be helpless without a treasury. He must not expect to preserve his subjects from an enemy, for an enemy will come from some quarter and seize the kingdom, and oppress the people with his army. I cannot protect my country without an army ; nor can an army be maintained without means, and those means must be derived from the people. But if at a period of great emergency you tax your subjects, the stroke will fall heavy upon them, and distress them ; it is therefore necessary to take it yearly, and to lodge it in the treasury, that, when it maybe wanted, it may be forthcoming ; and that whatever annual tax should be paid into the treasury, should not be levied oppressively. My ancestors were anxious to establish it justly, but they had not the fortune, being occupied in regulating the state, nor did they arrive at this degree of justice. The Almighty has regulated my kingdom, and I have reached this degree of per- fection ; and have measured all the lands of my empire, and upon every yoke* I have fixed an equitable tax; for every yoke, one Direm and sixty-four pounds of grain ; and from every tree, the prescribed quantity ; and from every person Avho may belong to the country of my enemies, and who live in my kingdom, and whose families are protected by me, I levy a capitation tax. I have fixed a capitation tax, which I shall explain, and levy upon you. I shall establish a virtuous officer in every village, and shall order him to execute this, and to divide the taxes of the village into three payments, Avhich he is to realize in the year, every four months, that they may fall light upon the people. What do you say to this ?" The people continued silent, no one gave an answer. Then Nou- shirwan demanded an answer, saying, that he wished to establish • I translate Jofti Zumeen, yoke. It signifies the quantity of land which requires a yoke-of oxen to plough it. [ 313 ] these i7istitutes with their consent, that it might he just. A man then got up from the multitude, not one of the great, and unknown to every one. He cried out, " O king ! there will always be some taxes to be paid, and it will always be so; but the man will die, and you cannot take any thing from a dead man. You fixed a tax upon an inhabited spot, the owner dies, and the tax is to be levied upon a barren soil, and is to be taken from his son."* Noushirvan exclaimed, " O ignorant fool ! do you know what j^ou are saying-? I shall estimate the land annually, and wherever it is depopulated, I sk..ll remit the taxes, and wherever it is inhabited, I shall levy the taxes : the taxes will always be levied upon the man who has his land well cultivated." He inquired of him what tribe he belonged to. The man answered, To that of the writers. The king replied. They must be fools ; and ordered that he should receive two hundred blows with his ink-stand, that he might be killed.* Every one signified their displeasure to the king of the man's speech, and acknowledged, that what he had established was proper, and just, and right. Noushirwan immediately produced the regulations, and read them to the people, and they all agreed in approving of them. He sent an officer to every city to levy the taxes, which they sent to his treasury. And these regulations continued in force till the end of the Persian government, in the time of Omer. When Omer conquered Irak, and the people became Mooslims, he did not find any regulations more equitable or superior to these for levying the taxes, and estimating the lands.-^- He presei'ved these regulations, which continue in force to this time." (A. H. 302.) * It is the author's intention to make the man tell nonsense, for which he is most rigidly punished by the merciful Noushirwan. t These regulations are unjustly ascribed to Omer. See Tlieophanes (Chronograph.), apud Cubbon, vol. ix. p, S75. [314] No. 11. 1 MAKE the following extract from a most interesting paper de^^ livered to the Royal Academy at Berlin by M. Gledetscli.* The proof of the fecundation of the female palm, by the male, is positive. Le palmier femelleque nous coiiservons dansle Jardin Botanique Royal, est fort vieux et de belle apparence, sans avoir jamais porte de dattes, jusqu'aux annees 1749 et 1750, oiji je le fecondai pour la premiere et la seconde fois avec de la poussiere des fleurs du palmier male que j'avois fait venir de Leipsig par' la poste : j'ai fais rapport dans le terns m^me a I'Academie de ces deux experi- ences, et j'ai produit, au moyen des dattes parfaitement mfires, de jeunes palmiers qui existent encore dans le jardin ; cette feconda- tion si complette dans une contree aussi septentrionale que Test la Marche, fut alors pour tons les connoisseurs, et les amateurs des singularites de la nature, un cas aussi inattendu, et agreable, qu'il est devenu de puis un fait important pour ceux qui s'apphquent plus particuli^rement a letude des choses natu relies et pour tous les philosophes. L'effet en 6toit de decider des doutes les plus embar- rassans, et une des controverses les plus vives, puisqu'il mit sous les yeux avec une pleine evidence la diversile reelle des sexes dans les plantes, leur fecondation, et la maniere de les fecondtr ) le tout de la maniere la plus abregee et la plus distincte, car la simplicite des deuX experiences laites sur ce palmier est si luniineuse et si con- • Tom. xxiii. [ 315 ] vaincante, et les suites ont pousse cette force a un si haut point, qu'il ne savoit plus naitre a cet egard la moindre contestation. En attendant, on pent regarder ici comme luie circonslance bien digne d'attention, que la matiere fecondante du palmier m^le s'est venue de vingt milles de distance, et que la troisieme fois je I'ai regue de Carlsruhe, par consequent de 80 milles, dans une mince enveloppe de papier, sans qu'elle ait perdu quoique ce soit de sa propri^te essentielle. Cette particularite conjirme les relations que nous avons de la culture et de la fecondation des palmiers en Orient^ oh. Ton nous dit que, dans le tems de la fleurs de ces arbres, les habitans vont chercher partout jusqu'aux fonds des deserts les fleurs mdles, qu'ils cueillent de dessus les palmiers sauvages, apres quoi ils en font de gros bouquets, qu'ils mettent k cote des fleurs femelles, dans leur etui (spata), afin que la poussiere des premieres serve a feconder les autres. On assure que, pendant de semblables voyages, les fleurs mAles restent quelquefois quinze jours, ou trois semaines, en chemin, avant qu'on les emploie a la fecondation." " Ce fut I'annee passee entre le 9 et le 26 de Mai, que notre palmier poussa successivement onze bouquets de fleurs; j'en fecondai trois ala fois de la raaniere dontje vais rendre compte. Le Sr. Mulles, jardinier du Jardin Botanique Royal, avoit tres-bien prepare ce palmier a I'experience projette, en le nettoyant de la poussiere des vieilles feuilles des autres debris et des bouquets de fleurs seches ; et la force avec laquelle il evaporoit et attiroit depuis ce tems-la rendoit tout a fait sensible le bon effet de ces precautions. II avoit aussi a cause de la grand hauteur de cet arbre et de son emplace- ment, dresse au-dessous de la couronne un echafaudage, qui mettoit en etat de feconder regulierement les fleurs, et dans les commence- mens de les considerer avec attention, aussi long-tems que cela etoit necessaire. Les onze bouquets de fleurs etant sortis de leurs etuis pousserent tout a la fois une multitude de fleurs autour du palmier, qui repandoient une odeur extreme et penetrante, mais en meme [ 316 ] terns tres-agreable, restaurante ct vineuse, qui parfumoit toule la serre, et engageoit ceux qui y entroient a la respirer long-lems. Cette odeur dura autant que ces fleurs continuerent a souvrir les unes apres les autres ; mais, quand cela vint mix derniers, elk saffoiblit assez sensihlement. On avoit dans I'odeur dont je viens de parler I'indice le plus certain que les parties des fleurs destinees a la fecondation etoient parfaitment ouvertes ; et le point precis de cette fecondation etoit reconnoissable par la forte affluence des sues. Les antheres etoient non-seulement emoussees et vuides de la matiere requise pour la fecondation, mais elles n'exhaloient point la bonne odeur restaurante, qu'on a coutume de sentir dans plusieurs autres fleurs. After some further remarks he says, " Voici les consequences, qu'on est en droit de tirer des essais entrepris avec succes sur notre palmier. Que, dans certaines families des plantes, il y a des tiges separ6es les unes des autres qui dependent absolument Tune de I'autre par rapport a leur fecondation naturelle puisqu'elles sont produites Tune et I'autre de leurs semences par la m^me plante mere ; comme les animaux males et femelles proviennent sans distinction des ceufs fecondis d'une seule et m6me femelle," &c. » [317] No. III. An'd amongst others who are superior, we can discriminate mas- culine existence, which is a capabiHty of propagation, and feminine existence, or a capabiUty of conception ; and so on till we come to the date tree, which partakes of a number of the qualities of animals ; in the construction of Avhich it appears to possess an inherent warmth above all other trees, resembling the lieart of other animals, from whence the branches shoot out, as the veins from the heart. And it resembles other animals in these several points ; that it accepts the seed or effluvia of the male blossom, is impregnated, and conceives, and that the matter which occasions this conception sends forth an odour similar to that of animals. If its head be cut oft*, or it receives a hurt, or is overwhelmed, or dies like other animals. Many respectable people have mentioned other particulars which I shall notice. That this tree appears to long after a particular tree, and that it will not bear fruit but from the impregnation of that particular tree. Now this passion greatly resembles that of de- sire which is perceptible in other animals. This is carrying the subject farther than it will admit; we shall excuse this enthusiasm, however, when we lecollect that the date tree is every thing to an Arab, and that without it he must perish. Besides which, it is spoken of by the Prophet, who calls it the uncle of mankind, and says that it was made with the dust which re- mained after the formation of Adam. Nusurood Deen speaks of it as a phenomena he had never witnessed. [S18] No. IV. X-iORD Shaftesbury appears to have entertained opinions respect- ing beauty something similar to those professed by the Soofee writers. The same may be observed of Dr. Reid. See Intellectual Powers of Man, vol. ii. p. 464. " No wonder," replied he, " if we are at a loss, when we pursue the shadow for the substance ; for if we may trust to what our reasoning has taught us, whatever in nature is beautiful or charming, is onJtf the faint shadow of ihatjirst beauty. So that every real love depending on the mind, and being only the contemplation of beauty, either as it is really in itself, or as it appears imperfectly in the objects which strike the sense, how can the rational mind rest here, or be satisfied with the absurd enjoyment which reaches the sense alone? « If you are already," replied he, " such a proficient in this new love, that you are sure never to admire representative beauty except for the sake of the original, nor aim at other enjoyment than of the rational kind, you may then be confident."* « So that beauty," said I, « and good with you, Theocles, I per- ceive, are still one and the same." " 'Tis so," said he, « and thus are we returned again to the subject of our yesterday's morning conversation. Whether I have made good my promise to you in shewing the true good I know not. * " Mind, mind alone, bear witness earth and heaven, The living fountain in itself contains, Of beauteous and sublime," &c. Akenside. [ 319 ] But doubtless I should have done with good success, had I been able, in my poetic extasies, or by any other effort, to have led you into some deep view of nature, and the sovereign genius. We then had proved the force of divine beauty, and formed in ourselves an object capable and worthy of real enjoyment." Shaftesbury's Characteristics, vol. ii. p. 494'. -< [ 320 ] No. V. 1 PRESENT this as a beautiful episode from the Musnuwee. ./ ijdf jUiJ ^J^ jLu c:„— j^-it j^U- ^^ju> JL-jj^o i^.\L jUl ^^ Jut j;)Ui ^J^\J) j[^ \jj\ i^ CJJ^^ J'> n<^ r-^ L.J [ 321 ] l^'lj-il jl^j' ^'^J.j'^j^ ^■^*- cJCi. jj^U. JjXsI Ocijl hjijit, J 'f ^J,\i^ ■r t [322 ] No. VI. vxiBBON does not, I think, place sufficient reliance upon the silence of " Abulfcda, Mutaodi, and a crowd of Mooslim writers." A number of Mooslim writers, and among others the author of the Chronicles of Tibree, have given a full and ample account of the capture of Alexandria, and have omitted to notice the most re- markable circumstance which followed the capture of that place. The author of the Tareekhi Tibree finished his admirable work in 302 year of the Hijree, (A. D. 914,) at a period when learning was lost to Europe, and cherished and rewarded by the Mooslim Califs. It is surely not unreasonable to suppose that an author of such repute, and who composed his work at a time wljich allowed of his venting his indignation at the barbarism of the first calif, would have noticed so important and extraordinary a fact. Or would not other writers, glorying in the destruction of so vast a library, com- memorated the event in the most glowing colours of Eastern pane- gyric ? But neither he, nor any of the Mooslim writers, nor Entychius, nor Elmacin,* have mentioned this wonderful circum- stance : it was reserved for Abulfaragius. The credibility of this monstrous fact rests entirely upon his assertion, and in defiance of the silence of every subsequent writer. I am not at all surprised at • They composed their histories in the tenth and twelfth centuries. Mr. Enfield has at- tempted (vol. ii, p. 229.) to invalidate the silence of both these writers, by the positive evidence of Abulfaragius It would be satisfactory for us to learn upon what authority a stranger, writing in the fourteenth century, relates this event, and what better means he l»ad of information on the' confines of Media than the other writers, both of them natives of Egypt. The positive assertion of an histcrian cannot invalidnte the silence of preceding writeis; we should recollect that we are but just recovered from the belief of Mahomet's iron coffin. [ 323 ] the tale having been frequently transcribed ; it affords an excellent scope for declamation, and may be used as a strong argument against the Mooslim conquerors. Abulfaragius might well tell his reader to ^'read and wonder;' but if he had told him to read and reflect, his story would have, probably, been discarded as monstrous and absurd. We possibly believe it because it is absurd; for it seems to have little else to command our belief. A library which would afford fuel to four thousand baths for six months, must have contained a larger number of books than there is probably even now, after the inven- tion of printing, in the kingdom of Great Britain. Allowing that each bath consumed a thousand folio volumes a day, and this is a very moderate proportion, the four thousand baths, at the end of the six months, would have consumed seven hundred and twenty thousand million of folio volumes. We may read and wonder at this impro- bable tale ; but there appears to me little reason why we should read ancl believe. I give the following account of the capture of Alexandria from the Tareekhi Tibree, which is, I believe, a more early account than any which has been presented to the public. " Amru first arrived on the frontier of Alexandria, where there is a small village called Sulb, which he destroyed. Kishtun, the prince of Alexandria, retired into the fort, which Amru attacked. When he found that there was likely to be some delay in the cap- ture af the fort, he divided the spoils which he had already taken amongst his troops, and sent the fifth to Omer. He continued the 'siege five months. The prince of Alexandria was reduced to great extremity, and sent a person to Amru, begging for peace. Amru desired them either to profess Islamism, or pay the tribute. They replied, that they had already paid tribute both to Greece* and to Persia, and they would consent to pay it to him upon his agreeing * The Emperois of Constantinople, to release the prisoners who were subjects of Alexandria. Amru replied that he was a subordinate officer, and that he must ask his superior. He wrote to Omer, who replied to him that the prisoners who had been. already sent to Medina had been divided, and had been sold ; and that some had been sent to Mecca, and into Persia, and that they could not be recovered ; and that those who pro- fessed Islamism could not be restored ; but those who still professed Christianity should be restored, and that those who had become Mooslims should be withheld. " Amru acquainted the Prince of Alexandria with this reply, Avho consented to it, and peace was established. The gates were opened ; and Amru wrote to Omer, who ordered him to return into Egypt, which he did." [325 3 No. VII. It has been before noticed, that one of the principal causes of rebelhon, is the right which every one imagines he possesses to the crown, and the want of regard amongst the common people for any particular family. Other causes may be discovered, which operate powerfully to foment this fatal spirit of ambition. 1st. Necessity and self-preservation have become a proverbial motive for rebelhon ; and it could be wished, for the sake of man- kind, that it could be followed with as little mischief amongst despots, as it is amongst authors. 2d. As the despot rises from equality, perhaps from great in- feriority, to sudden superiority, it is not to be wondered if his elevation excites envy ; and if envy be leagued with power, it manifests itself in rebellion. Fear will not allow a despot to remove his intended successor sufficiently from his nobles to command their respect, or reward their attachment. His death involves every thing in confusion, and opens a prospect of equal success to many pretenders. As the prince is not admitted to any share in the go- vernment, and is usually too vigilantly watched to have created many friends, his succession to the throne rests upon the will and pleasure of the minister, or some powerful military commander. If they oppose him, his prospect of success is but faint; and we cannot be surprised if they would rather confer the government upon one who would receive it as an obligation, than upon another who would consider it as his right. They might expect gratitude from the one, from the other they might be certain of haired and revenge. [ 326 ] No. VIII. 4 It is inconceivable with what ease an army in Persia is collected. In times of anarchy and confusion, every man who can purchase arms is a soldier. They flock to the nearest standard of rebellion, and retire upon the approach of an enemy to their homes. They assemble to plunder, not to fight ; and feel no compunction in de- serting a chieftain who can no longer countenance their depreda- tions. Many persons are reduced to the necessity of becoming soldiers; they have been plundered of their all, and therefore join the army in the hope of retrieving their losses. An army in Persia is nothing more than an immense band of robbers, who are only held together by the expectation of plunder: success commands their services; they support no particular cause, but join the chief whose affairs appear the most prosperous. The only tie upon their fidelity is the possession of their wives and families, or the influence which their commanders may possess amongst them. The first is probably very inconsiderable, and the latter is even more so, for the interest of the commander and his troops will be the same, and they are both influenced by the same principles. The danger of a military life in Persia does not deserve mention ; and, as the advan- tages are greater than in any other country, we ought not to be astonished at its being infested with hordes of licensed robbers, oe that a chief should plunder his way to the throne. [327] No. IX. X HE armies in Persia are subsisted by the commander, who is obHged to provide means for maintaining his troops and feeding their horses. This provision, I have before remarked, is called Soorosat, and is given to the troops as part of their pay. They are not therefore preyed upon, as is the case in Indian armies, by arti- ficial famines; they receive a prescribed quantity of grain for themselves and horses, and would of course desert the moment the supply ceased. In a native Indian army, the commander and the sellers of grain are leagued together to prey upon the troops and followers of the camp. An artificial scarcity always prevails ; and, although hundreds should perish from absolute want, the tender heart, even of a Bramin, can contemplate this scene of misery with composure, and without the smallest desire to alleviate the misery his cupidity occasions. The more calamitous the evil, the greater is their profit; and, as far as I am enabled to judge, money is the only god of their adoration ; avarice their only passion., [ 328 ] No. X. 1 HE ancient manners of the Tartars, or Scythians, are still observed by tne Eeleeats in Persia. They are distinguished by their pastoral manners j and, whether in the superintendance of their flocks, or in the management of their, families, they either follow or imitate the customs of their Scythian ancestors. A pastoral life must neces- sarily be a life of war and rapine ; for, as they must often be obliged to change their encampments, they must seize by force what their necessities require. It must always be a life of hardship and indo- lence; of exposure to the inclemency of the seasons, and of freedom from personal labour. The Eeleeats and Guludars are spread over Persia, and lead a pastoral -life when they are restrained from one of rapine and of plunder. [329 ] No. XL iH E cities in Persia suffer the same calamities as those which were situated on the frontier of Persia and Turkey. The inhabitants are ahvays treated as enemies, although they may have endeavoured to resist the attacks of a hostile army, and may have suffered the severest distress from the arms of the conqueror. Tliey experience the same oppression from either foe or friend ; and only know the distinction that he is an enemy who has lately been defeated. The people of Kirman defended the fort against Lootf Ulee Khan ; and when A Moohummud took it, they were treated as enemies. This is not a solitary instance : all the cities in Persia were exposed to similar calamities ; and many of them were destroyed by the chief whom they hailed as their friend and deliverer ! THE END. Printed by W. Bulmer and Co. Cleveland-row, St. James's. 4t * * tk. RETURN TO the circulation desl< of any University of California Library RET °^ *° *^® TO NORTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY IQA BIdg. 400, Richmond Field Station University of California I Richmond, CA 94804-4698 4 ^ UdBQ i Mi ALL BOOKS MAY BE RECALLED AFTER 7 DAYS 2-month loans may be renewed by calling (415) 642-6753 6-mo 1-year loans may be recharged by bringing books B; to NRLF Renewals and recharges may be made 4 days .. prior to due date Desk DUE AS STAMPED BELOW OCT oi9ji \- ^%T^' a ri*- ;}l. ll 2 4 2005 BERKELEY, CA 94720 — ® 1 u.c.«BKat^^!:i« cSobl.3Ml7. UNIVERSITY OF CAUFORNIA LIBRARY :^\:'' i.v ;. <•