/iDafeers ot Enstorg
Darius the Great
BY
JACOB ABBOTT
WITH ENGRAVINGS
Entered, accord! ig to Act of Congress, in the year one thousand
eight hundred and fifty, bv
HARPER & BROTHERS,
in the Clerk's Ottice of the District Court of the Soutnern District
of New York.
Copyright, 1878, by JACOB ABBOTT.
PREFACE.
IN describing the character and the action
of the personages whose histories form the
subjects of this series, the writer makes no at-
tempt to darken the colors in which he depicts
their deeds of violence and wrong, or to in-
crease, by indignant denunciations, the oblo-
quy which heroes and conquerors have so
often brought upon themselves, in the esti-
mation of mankind, by their ambition, their
tyranny, or their desperate and reckless crimes.
In fact, it seems desirable to diminish, rather
than to increase, the spirit of censoriousness
which often leads men so harshly to condemn
the errors and sins of others, committed in
circumstances of temptation to which they
themselves were never exposed. Besides, to
denounce or vituperate guilt, in a narrative
of the transactions in which it was displayed,
has little influence in awakening a healthy
sensitiveness in the conscience of the reader.
We observe, accordingly, that in the narra-
tives of the sacred Scriptures, such denuncia-
vi PREFACE.
tions are seldom found. The story of Absa-
lom's undutifulness and rebellion, of David's
adultery and murder, of Herod's tyranny, and
all other narratives of crime, are related in a
calm, simple, impartial, and forbearing spirit,
which leads us to condemn the sins, but not to
feel a pharisaical resentment and wrath against
the sinner.
This example, so obviously proper and right,
the writer of this series has made it his en-
deavor in all respects to follow.
CONTENTS.
Chapter Pug*
I. CAMBYSES 13
II. THE END OF CAMBYSES 38
III. SMERDIS THE MAGIAN 59
IV. THE ACCESSION OF DARIUS 82
V. THE PROVINCES 99
VI. THE RECONNOITERING OF GREECE 1 23
VH. THE REVOLT OF BABYLON 144
VIII. THE INVASION OF SCYTHIA 167
IX. THE RETREAT FROM SCYTHIA 189
X. THE STORY OF HISTLEUS 210
XI. THE INVASION OF GREECE 233
Xn. THE DEATH OF DAKIUS . . . 264
ENGRAVINGS.
MAP OF THE PERSIAN EMPIRE.
PARIUS CROSSING THE BOSPORUS Frontispiece.
THE ARMY OF CAMBYSES OVERWHELMED IN THE
DESERT 35
PH^EDYMA FEELING FOR SMERDIS'S EARS 69
THE INDIAN GOLD HUNTERS 121
THE BABYLONIANS DERIDING DARIUS FROM THE
WALL 156
MAP OF GREECE 232
THE INVASION OF GREECE . . 256
DARIUS THE GREAT
CHAPTER L
CAMBYSES.
Cyrus the Great. His extended conquest*
ABOUT five or six hundred years before
Christ, almost the whole of the interior
of Asia was united in one vast empire. The
founder of this empire was Cyrus the Great.
He was originally a Persian ; and the whole
empire is often called the Persian monarchy,
taking its name from its founder's native land.
Cyrus was not contented with having an-
nexed to his dominion all the civilized states
of Asia. In the latter part of his life, he con-
ceived the idea that there might possibly be
some additional glory and power to be acquired
in subduing certain half-savage regions in the
north, beyond the Araxes. He accordingly
raised an army, and set off on an expedition
for this purpose, against a country which was
governed by a barbarian queen named Tomyris.
He met with a variety of adventures on thi*
14 DARIUS THE (TREAT. [B.C. 530
Cambysen and Smerdii. Hyataipes and Darin*
expedition, all of which are fully detailed in our
history of Cyrus. There is, however, only one
occurrence that it is necessary to allude to par-
ticularly here. That one relates to a remark-
able dream which he had one night, just after
he had crossed the river.
To explain properly the nature of this dream,
it is necessary first to state that Cyrus had two
sons. Their names were Cambyses and Smer-
dis. He had left them in Persia when he set
out on his expedition across the Araxes. There
was also a young man, then about twenty years
of age, in one of his capitals, named Darius. He
was the son of one of the nobles of Cyrus's court.
His father's name was Hystaspes. Hystaspes,
Besides being a noble of the court, was also, as
almost all nobles were in those days, an officei
of the army. He accompanied Cyrus in his
march into the territories of the barbarian queen,
and was with him there, in camp, at the time
when this narrative commences.
Cyrus, it seems, felt some misgivings in r^
gpect to the result of his enterprise ; and, in
order to insure the tranquillity of his empire du-
ring his absence, and the secure transmission
of his power to his rightful successor in case he
should never return, he established his son Cam-
B.C. 530.] CAMBYSBB. 15
Dream of Cyrus. Hi anxiety and lean
byses as regent of his realms before he crossed
the Araxes, and delivered the government of
the empire, with great formality, into his hands.
This took place upon the frontier, just before
the army passed the river. The mind of a
father, under such circumstances, would natu-
rally be occupied, in some degree, with thoughts
relating to the arrangements which his son
would make, and to the difficulties he would
be likely to encounter in managing the moment-
ous concerns which had been committed to his
charge. The mind of Cyrus was undoubtedly
so occupied, and this, probably, was the origin
of the remarkable dream.
His dream was, that Darius appeared to hur
in a vision, with vast wings growing from his
shoulders. Darius stood, in the vision, on the
confines of Europe and Asia, and his wings,
expanded either way, overshadowed the whole
known world. When Cyrus awoke and re-
flected on this ominous dream, it seemed to
him to portend s n me great danger to the fu-
ture security of his empire. It appeared to
denote that Darius was one day to bear sway
over all the world. Perhaps he might be even
then forming ambitious and treasonable designs.
Cyrus immediately sent fr* Hystaspes, the
16 DARIUS THE GREAT. [B.C. 530
Accession ofCambysea. War with Egypt
father of Darius ; when he came to his tent,
he commanded him to go Vack to Persia, and
keep a strict watch over the conduct of his son
until he himself should return. Hystaspes re-
ceived this commission, and departed to execute
it; and Cyrus, somewhat relieved, perhaps, of
his anxiety by this measure of precaution, went
on with his army toward his place of destina-
tion.
Cyrus never returned. He was killed in bat-
tie ; and it would seem that, though the import
of his dream was ultimately fulfilled, Darius
was not, at that time, meditating any schemes
of obtaining possession of the throne, for he
made no attempt to interfere with the regular
transmission of the imperial power from Cy-
rus to Cambyses his son. At any rate, it was
so transmitted. The tidings of Cyrus's death
came to thu capital, and Cambyses, his son,
reigned in his stead.
The great event of the reign of Cambyses waa
a war with Egypt, which originated in the fol-
lowing very singular manner :
It has been found, in all ages of the world, that
there is some peculiar quality of the soil, or
climate, or atmosphere of Egypt which tends to
produce an inflammation of the eyes. The in-
BC.530.J CAMBYSES. 17
Origin of tlie war wit L Egypt. Ophthalmia
habitants themselves have at all times been
very subject to this disease, and foreign armiec
marching into the country are always very seri-
ously affected by it. Thousands of soldiers in
uoh armies are sometimes disabled from thia
cause, and many are made incurably blind.
Now a country which produces a disease in its
worst form and degree, will produce also, gen-
erally, the best physicians for that disease. At
any rate, this was supposed to be the case in
ancient times ; and accordingly, when any pow-
erful potentate in those days was afflicted him-
self with ophthalmia, or had such a case in his
family, Egypt was the country to send to for a
physician
Now it happened that Cyrus himself, at one
time in the course of his Me, was attacked with
this disease, and he dispatched an embassador
to Amasis, who was then king of Egypt, asking
him to send him a physician. Amasis, who,
like all the other absolute sovereigns of those
days, regarded his subjects as slaves that were
in all respects entirely at his disposal, selected
a physician of distinction from among the at-
tendants about his court, and ordered him to
repair to Persia. The physician was extremely
reluctant to go He had a wife and family,
292
18 DARIUS THE GREAT. [B.C. 530.
The Egyptian pbyaician. Ilm plan of reeng.
from whom he was very unwilling to be sepa-
rated ; but the orders were imperative, and he
must obey. He set out on the journey, there-
fore, but he secretly resolved to devise some
mode of revenging himself on the king for the
cruelty of sending him.
He was well received by Cyrus, and, either
by his skill as a physician, or from other causes,
he acquired great influence at the Persian court.
At last he contrived a mode of revenging him-
self on the Egyptian king for naving exiled hirr
from his native land. The king had a daugh-
ter, who was a lady of great beauty. Her fa-
ther was very strongly attached to her. The
physician recommended to Cyrus to send to
Amasis and demand this daughter in marriage.
As, however, Cyrus was already married, the
Egyptian princess would, if she came, be his
concubine rather than his wife, or, if considered
a wife, it could only be a secondary and subor-
dinate place that she could occupy. The phy-
sician knew that, under these circuir*>tanceS|
the King of Egypt would be extremely unwill-
ing to send her to Crrus, while he would yet
scarcely dare to refuse ; and the hope of plung-
Jig him into extreme embarrassment and dis.
kess, by means of such a demand from so pow
B.C. 530.] CAM HYPES. 19
Demand of Cyrus. Stratagem of the Klnf of Egypt
erful a sovereign, was the motive which led the
physician to recommend the measure.
Cyrus was pleased with the proposal, and
sent, accordingly, to make the demand. The
king, as the physician had anticipated, could
not endure to part with his daughter in such a
way, nor did he, on the other hand, dare to in-
cur the displeasure of so powerful a monarch by
a direct and open refusal. He finally resolved
upon escaping from the difficulty by a stratagem.
There was a young and beautiful captive
princess in his court named Nitetis. Her fa-
ther, whose name was Apries, had been formerly
the King of Egypt, but he had been dethroned
and killed by Amasis. Since the downfall of
her family, Nitetis had been a captive ; but, as
Bhe was very beautiful and very accomplished,
Amasis conceived the design of sending her to
Cyrus, under the pretense that she was the
daughter whom Cyrus had demanded. He ac-
cordingly brought her forth, provided her with
the most costly and splendid dresses, loaded her
with presents, ordered a large retinue to attend
her, and sent her forth to Persia.
Cyrus was at first very much pleased with
his new bride. Nitetis became, in fact, his prin-
cipal favorite ; though, of course, his other "wife.
20 DARIUS TUB QBE AT. |B.C 530
Resentment of Casiandane. Threat* of CunbyM*
Whose name was Cassandane, and her children^
Cambyses and Smerdis, were jealous of her, and
hated her. One day, a Persian lady was visits
ing at the court, and as she was standing neai
Cassandane, and saw her two sons, who were
then tall and handsome young men, she ex-
pressed her admiration of them, and said to
Cassandane, " How proud and happy you must
be !" " No," said Cassandane ; "on the con-
trary, I am very miserable ; for, though I am
the mother of these children, the king neglects
and despises me. All his kindness is bestowed
on this Egyptian woman." Cambyses, who
heard this conversation, sympathized deeply
with Cassandane in her resentment. " Moth
er," said he, " be patient, and I will avenge you.
As soon as I am king, I will go to Egypt and
turn the whole country upside down."
In fact, the tendency which there was in the
mind of Cambyses to look upon Egypt as the
first field of war and conquest for him, so soon
as lie should succeed to the throne, was encour-
aged by the influence of his father ; for Cyrus,
although he was much captivated by the charms
of the lady whom the King of Egypt had sent
him, was greatly incensed against the king for
having practiced upon him such a deception
B.C. 530.1 CAMBYSKS. 21
P-uture conquests. Temperament and character of Cambyse*
Besides, all the important countries in Asia
were already included within the Persian do-
minions It was plain that if any future prog
ress were tr be made in extending the empire,
the regions of Europe and Africa must be the
theatre of it. Egypt seemed the most accessi-
ble and vulnerable point beyond the confines of
Asia; and thus, though Cyrus himself, bein
advanced somewhat in years, and interested,
moreover, in other projects, was not prepared to
undertake an enterprise into Africa himself, he
was very willing that such plans should be cher-
ished by his son.
Cambyses was an ardent, impetuous, and
self-willed boy, such as the sons of rich and
powerful men are very apt to become. They
imbibe, by a sort of sympathy, the ambitious
and aspiring spirit of their fathers ; and as all
their childish caprices and passions are general-
ly indulged, they never learn to submit to con-
trol They become vain, self-conceited, reck-
less, and cruel. The conqueror who founds an
empire, although even his character generally
deteriorates very seriously toward the close of
nis career, still usually knows something of
moderation and generosity. His son, however,
who inherits his father's power, seldom inherits
22 DARIUS THK GREAT. [B.C. 527
Impetuosity of Cambysea. Preparation* for the Egyptian war
the virtues by which the power was acquired.
These truths, which we see continually exem-
plified all around us, on a small scale, in the
families of the wealthy and the powerful, were
illustrated most conspicuously, in the view of
all mankind, in the case of Cyrus and Camby-
e. The father was prudent, cautious, wise,
and often generous and forbearing. The son
grew up headstrong, impetuous, uncontrolled,
and uncontrollable. He had the most lofty
ideas of his own greatness and power, and he
felt a supreme contempt for the rights, and in-
difference to the happiness of all the world be-
sides. His history gives us an illustration of
the worst which the principle of hereditary sov-
ereignty can do, as the best is exemplified in
the case of Alfred of England.
Cambyses, immediately after his father's
death, began to make arrangements for the
Egyptian invasion. The first thing to be de-
termined was the mode of transporting his ar-
mies thither. Egypt is a long and narrow val-
ley, with the rocks and deserts of Arabia on one
side, and those of Sahara on the other. There
is no convenient mode of access to it except by
sea, and Cambyses had no naval force sufficient
for a maritime expedition.
B.C. 627.] CAMBYSEB. 23
Desertion or I' banes. His narrow cccap*.
While he was revolving the subject in hia
mind, there arrived in his capital of Susa, where
he was then residing, a deserter from the army
yi Amasis in Egypt. The name of this desert-
er was Phanes. He was a Greek, having been
the commander of a body of Greek troops who
were employed by Amasis as auxiliaries in his
army. He had had a quarrel with Amasis, and
had fled to Persia, intending to join Cambyses
in the expedition which he was contemplating,
in order to revenge himself on the Egyptian
king. Phanes said, in telling his story, that he
had had a very narrow escape from Egypt ; for,
as soon as Amasis had heard that he had fled,
he dispatched one of his swiftest vessels, a gal-
jey of three banks of oars, in hot pursuit of the
fugitive. The galley overtook the vessel in
which Phanes had taken passage just as it was
landing in Asia Minor. The Egyptian officers
seized it and made Phanes prisoner. They im-
mediately began to make their preparations for
the return voyage, putting Phanes, in the mean
time, under the charge of guards, who were in-
structed to keep him very safely. Phanes,
however, cultivated a good understanding with
his guards, and presently invited them to drink
wine with him. In the end, he got them iutox-
24 DARIUS THE GREAT. [B.C. 627
Information given by Ptianea. Treaty witb the Arabian king
icated, and while they were in that state he
made his esoape from them, and then, traveling
with great secrecy and caution until he was be-
yond their reach, he succeeded in making liis
way to Cambyses in Susa.
Phanes gave Cambyses a great deal of in-
formation in respect to the geography of Egypt,
the proper points of attack, the character and
resources of the king, and communicated, like-
wise, a great many other particulars which it
was very important that Cambyses should know
He recommended that Cambyses should proceed
to Egypt by land, through Arabia ; and that, in
order to secure a safe passage, he should send first
to the King of >the Arabs, by a formal embassy,
asking permission to cross his territories with an
army, and engaging the Arabians to aid him, it
possible, in the transit. Cambyses did this
The Arabs were very willing to join in any pro-
jected hostilities against the Egyptians; they
offered Cambyses a free passage, and agreed to
aid his army on their march. To the faithful
fulfillment of these stipulations the Arab chief
bound himself by a treaty, executed with the
most solemn forms and ceremonies.
The groat difficulty to be encountered in
traversing the deserts which Cambyses would
B.C.526.J GAMBYSES. 25
Plan for providing water. Account of Herodotu*.
have to cross on his way to Egypt was the
want of water. To provide for this necessity,
the king of the Arabs sent a vast number of
eamels into the desert, laden with great sacks
or bags full of water. These camels were sent
forward just before the army of Cambyses came
on, and they deposited their supplies along the
route at the points where they would be most
needed. Herodotus, the Greek traveler, who
made a journey into Egypt not a great many
years after these transactions, and who wrote
subsequently a full description of what he saw
and heard there, gives an account of another
method by which the Arab king was said to
have conveyed water into the desert, and that
was by a canal or pipe, made of the skins of
oxen, which he laid along the ground, from a
certain river of his dominions, to a distance of
twelve days' journey over the sands! This
story Herodotus says he did not believe, though
elsewhere in the course of his history he gravely
relates, as true history, a thousand tales infi-
nitely more improbable than the idea of a leath-
ern pipe or hose like this to serve for a conduit
}f water.
By some means or other, at all events, the
Arab chief provided supplies of water in th
i6 DA RI US TH K Gr UK AT. [B.C.52C*
A great battle. Defeat of the Egyptian*
desert for Cambyses's nrmy, and the troops made
the passage safely. They arrived, at length, on
the frontiers of Egypt.* Here they found that
Amasis, the king, was dead, and Psammeni-
tus, his son, hadsucceeded him. Psammenitus
came forward to meet the invaders. A great
battle was fought. The Egyptians were rout-
ed Psammenitus fled up the Nile to the city
of Memphis, taking with him such broken rem-
nants of his army as he could get together after
the battle, and feeling extremely incensed and
exasperated against the invader. In fact, Cam-
ayses had now no excuse or pretext whatevei
for waging such a war against Egypt. The
monarch who had deceived his father was dead,
and there had never been any cause of com-
plaint against his son or against the Egyptian
people. Psammenitus, therefore, regarded the
invasion of Egypt by Cambyses as a wanton
and wholly unjustifiable aggression, and he de-
termined, in his own mind, that such invaders
deserved no mercy, and that he would show
them none. Soon after this, a galley on the
river, belonging to C U yse8, containing a
For tli place mentioned in t"^> . r, and the track
of Cambyses on hia expedition, see the map at the com-
mencement of thia relume.
B.C 520.J CAMBYSES. 27
Inhuman conduct of CambyM. Ilia trMtmem of PsammenUns
of two hundred men, fel into his hands. The
Egyptians, in their rage, tore these Persians all
to pieces This exasperated Cambyses in hi*
turn, and the war went on, attended by the
most atrocious cruelties on both sides.
In fact, Cambyses, in this Egyptian cam-
paign, pursued such a career of inhuman and
reckless folly, that people at last considered him
insane. He began with some small semblance
of moderation, but he proceeded, in the end, to
the perpetration of the most terrible excesses of
violence and wrong.
As to his moderation, his treatment of Psam-
menitus personally is almost the only instance
that we can record. In the course of the war,
Psammenitus and all his family fell into Cam-
byses's hands as captives. A few days after-
ward, Cambyses conducted the unhappy king
without the gates of the city to exhibit a spec-
tacle to him. The spectacle was that of his
beloved daughter, clothed in the garments of a
slave, and attended by a company of other
maidens, the daughters of the nobles and other
persons of distinction belonging to his court, aH
going down to the river, with heavy jugs, to
draw water. The fathers of all these hapless
maidens had been brought out with Psamme-
28 DARIUS THE GREAT. [B.C. 52b
The train of captive maiden*. The young me*.
nitus to witness the degradation and misery of
their children. The maidens cried and sobbed
aloud as they went along, overwhelmed witib
shame and terror. Their fathers manifested
the utmost agitation and distress. Cambyaes
stood smiling by, highly enjoying the spectacle.
Psammenitus alone appeared unmoved. He
gazed on the scene silent, motionless, and with
a countenance which indicated no active suffer-
ing ; he seemed to be in a state of stupefaction
and despair. Cambyses was disappointed, and
his pleasure was marred at finding that his vio
tarn did not feel more acutely the sting of the
torment with which he was endeavoring to
goad him.
When this train had gone by, another came.
It was a company of young men, with halters
about their necks, going to execution. Cam-
byses had ordered that for every one of the crew
of his galley that the Egyptians had killed, ten
Egyptians should be executed. This propor-
tion would require two thousand victims, aa
there had been two hundred in the crew. These
Tictims were to be selected from among the
sons of the leading families ; and their parents,
after having seen their delicate and gentle
daughters go to their servile toil, were now
BC. 524.J CAMBYSES. 29
Scenes of distress and suffering. Composure of Ps&mmenittu
next to behold their sons march in a long and
terrible array to execution. The son of Psam-
menitus was at the head of the column. The
Egyptian parents who stood around Psamme-
nitus wept and lamented aloud, as one after
another saw his own child in the train. Psam-
menitus himself, however, remained as silent
and motionless, and with a countenance as va-
cant as before. Cambyses was again disap-
pointed. The pleasure which the exhibition
afforded him was incomplete without visible
manifestations of suffering in the victim for
whose torture it was principally designed.
After this train of captives had passed, there
came a mixed collection of wretched and mis-
erable men, such as the siege and sacking of
a city always produces in countless numbers
Among these was a venerable man whom Psam-
menitus recognized as one of his friends. He
had been a man of wealth and high station ; he
had often been at the court ol the king, and had
been entertained at his table. He was no-w 5
however, reduced to the last extremity of dis-
tress, and was begging of the people something
to keep him from starving. The sight of thi
man in such a condition seemed to awaken tht
king from his blank and death-like despair. He
30 DARIUS THE GRK AT. [B.C. 524
Feelings of tbe father. His x lanatlon of lh ta
called his old friend by name in a tone of aston-
ishment and pity, and burst into tears.
Cambyses, observing this, sent a messenger to
Psammenitus to inquire what it meant. " He
wishes to know," said the messenger, " how it
happens that you could see your own daughter
set at work as a slave, and your son led away
to execution unmoved, and yet feel so much
commiseration for the misfortunes of a stran-
ger." We might suppose that any one possess-
ing the ordinary susceptibilities of the human
soul would have understood without an explan-
ation the meaning of this, though it is not sur-
prising that such a heartless monster as Cam-
byses did not comprehend it. Psammenitus
sent him word that he could not help weeping
for his friend, but that his distress and anguish
Mi account of his children were too great for
tears.
The Persians who were around Cambyses
began now to feel a strong sentiment of com-
passion for the unhappy king, and to intercede
with Cambyses in his favor. They begged him,
too, to spare Psammenitus's son. It will in-
terest those of our readers who have perused
our history of Cyrus to know that Croesus, the
captive kine of Lvdia, whom they will recollect
B.C.524.] CAMBYSES. 31
Cftinbysea relents. His treatment of tht body of AruuU
to have been committed to Cambyses's charge
by his father, just before the close of his life,
when he was setting forth on his last fatal ex-
pedition, and who accompanied Cambyses on
this invasion of Egypt, was present on this oc-
casion, and was one of the most earnest inter-
oeders in Psarr.menitus's favor. Cambyses al-
lowed himself to be persuaded. They sent off
a messenger to order the execution of the king's
son to be stayed ; but he arrived too late. The
unhappy prince had already fallen. Cambyses
was so far appeased by the influence of these
facts, that he abstained from doing Psammeni-
tus or his family any further injury
He, however, advanced up the Nil 3, ravaging
and plundering the country as he went on, and
at length, in the course of his conquests, he
gained possession of the tomb in which the em-
balmed body of Amasis was deposited. He or-
dered this body to be taken out of its sarcopha-
gus, and treated with every mark of ignominy.
His soldiers, by his orders, beat it with rods, a
if it could still feel, and goaded it, and cut it
with swords. They pulled the hair out of the
head by the roots, and loaded the lifeless form
with every conceivable mark of insult and ig-
nominy. Finally, Cambyses ordered the mu-
32 DARIUS THE GREAT. [B.C. 024.
Cambyses'* desecration*. The sacred bull ApU
tilated remains that were left to be burned,
which was a procedure as abhorrent to the idea*
and feelings of the Egyptians as could possibly
be devised.
Cambyses took every opportunity to insult
the religious, or as, perhaps, we ought to call
them, the superstitious feelings of the Egyp-
tians. He broke into their temples, desecrated
their altars, and subjected every thing which
they held most sacred to insult and ignominy
Among their objects of religious veneration was
the sacred bull called Apis. This animal was
selected from time to time, from the country at
large, by the priests, by means of certain mark*
which they pretended to discover upon its body,
and which indicated a divine and sacred char-
acter. The sacred bull thus found was kept in
a magnificent temple, and attended and fed in a
most sumptuous manner. In serving him, the
attendants used vessels of gold.
Cambyses arrived at the city where Apis was
kept at a time when the priests were celebra-
ting some sacred occasion with festivities and re
joicings. He was himself then returning from
an unsuccessful expedition which he had made,
and, as he entered the town, stung with vexa-
tion and anger at his defeat, the gladness and
B.C.524.] CAMBYSBS. 33
Cambyses stabs the sacred boll Hla inaJ expeditions
joy which the Egyptians manifested hi their
ceremonies served only to irritate him, and to
make him more angry than ever. He killed
the priests who were officiating. He then de-
manded to be taken into the edifice to see the
sacred animal, and there, after insulting the
feelings of the worshipers in every possible way
y ridicule and scornful words, he stabbed the
jnnocent bull with his dagger. The animal
died of the wound, and the whole country was
filled with horror and indignation. The people
believed that this deed would most assuredly
bring down upon the impious perpetrator of it
the judgments of heaven.
Cambyses organized, while he was hi Egypt,
ieveral mad expeditions into the surrounding
countries. In a fit of passion, produced by an
unsatisfactory answer to an embassage, he set
off suddenly, and without any proper prepara-
tion, to march into Ethiopia. The provisions
of his army were exhausted before he had per-
formed a fifth part of the march. Still, hi his
infatuation, he determined to go on. The sol-
diers subsisted for a tune on such vegetables aa
they could find by the way ; when these failed,
they slaughtered and ate their beasts of burden ;
and finally, in the extremity of their famine,
293
34 DARIUS THE GREAT. [B.C. 52-1
The sand storm. Cambyses a wine-oiot>er.
they began to kill and devour one another ; then,
at length, Cambyses concluded to return. He
sent off, too, at one time, a large army across
the desert toward tae Temple of Jupiter Am-
mon, without any of the necessary precautions
for such a march. This army never reached
their destination, and they never returned.
The people of the Oasis said that they were
overtaken by a sand storm in the desert, and
were all overwhelmed.
There was a certain officer in attendance on
Cambyses named Prexaspes. He was a sort
of confidential friend and companion of the
king ; and his son, who was a fair, and grace-
ful, and accomplished youth, was the king's
cup-bearer, which was an office of great consid-
eration and honor. One day Cambyses asked
Prexaspes what the Persians generally thought
of him. Prexaspes replied that they thought
and spoke well of him in all respects but one.
The king wished to know what the exception
was. Prexaspes rejoined, that it was the gen-
eral opinion that he was too much addicted to
wine. Cambyses was offended at this reply;
and, under the influence of the feeling, so wholly
unreasonable and absurd, which so often leads
men tc be angry with the innoofnt oedium
B.C.524.] CAMBYSES. 37
Brutal act of Cainbyae* He i deemed ln*an*
through which there comes to them any com-
munication which they do not like, he determ-
ined to punish Prexaspes for his freedom. He
ordered his son, therefore, the cup-bearer, to
take his place against the wall on the other
side of the room. " Now," said he, " I will put
what the Persians say to the test." As he said
this, he took up a bow and arrow which were
at his side, and began to fit the arrow to the
string. " If," said he, " I do not shoot him ex-
actly through the heart, it shall prove that the
Persians are right If I do, then they are wrong,
as it will show that I do not drink so much as
to make my hand unsteady." So saying, he
drew the bow, the arrow flew through tne air,
and pierced the poor boy's breast. He fell, and
Cambyses coolly ordered the attendants to open
the body, and let Prexaspes see whether the ar-
row had not gone through the heart.
These, and a constant succession of similar
acts of atrocious and reckless cruelty and folly,
led the world to say that Cambyses was insane
38 DARIUS THE (TREAT. [B.C. 523
Cambyses's profligate conduct. He marries his own Bisters
CHAPTER II.
THE END OF CAMBYSES.
AMONG the other acts of profligate wicked
ness which have blackened indelibly and
forever Cambyses's name, he married two of
his own sisters, and brought one of them with
him to Egypt as his wife. The natural in-
stincts of all men, except those whose early life
has been given up to the most shameless and
dissolute habits of vice, are sufficient to preserve
them from such crimes as these. Cambyses
himself felt, it seems, some misgivings when
contemplating the first of these marriages ; and
he sent to a certain council of judges, whose
province it was to interpret the laws, asking
them their opinion of the rightfulness of such
a marriage Kings ask the opinion of their le-
gal advisers in such cases, not because they
really wish to know whether the act in question
is right or wrong, but because, having them-
selves determined upon the performance of it,
they wish their counselors to give it a sort of
legal sanction, in order to justify the deed, and
B. C. 523.] THB E IT D OF CAMBYSES. 39
Consultation of the FF CAMBYSES. 4]
CambyMn suspicious. He plans an in rasion of Ethiopia
Smerdis evinced, on various occasions, so much
strength and skill, that Cambyses feared his in-
fluence among the officers and soldiers, and waa
tendered continually watchful, suspicious, and
afraid. A circumstance at last occurred which
excited his jealousy more than ever, and he de
termined to send Smerdis home again to Persia.
The circumstance was this :
After Cambyses had succeeded in obtaining
full possession of Egypt, he formed, among his
other wild and desperate schemes, the design of
invading the territories of a nation of Ethiopi-
ans who li ved in the interior of Africa, around
and beyond the sources of the Nile. The Ethi-
opians were celebrated for their savage strength
and bravery. Cambyses wished to obtain in-
formation respecting them and their country
before setting out on his expedition against
them, and he determined to send spies into their
country to obtain it. But, as Ethiopia was a
territory so remote, and as its institutions and
customs, and the language, the dress, and the
manners of its inhabitants were totally different
from those of all the other nations of the earth,
and were almost wholly unknown to the Per-
sian army, it Mas impossible to send Persian*
in disguise, with any hope that they could "*
42 DARIUS THE GREAT. [B.C. 523
land of Elephantine. The Ictbyophagl
ter and explore the country without being dis-
covered. It was very doubtful, in fact, wheth-
er, if such spies were to be sent, they could
ucceed in reaching Ethiopia at all.
Now there was, far up the Nile, near the cat-
aracts, at a place where the river widens and
forms a sort of bay, a large and fertile island
called Elephantine, which was inhabited by a
half-savage tribe called the Icthyophagi. They
lived mainly by fishing on the river, and, conse-
quently, they had many boats, and were accus-
tomed to make long excursions up and down
the stream. Their name was, in fact, derived
from their occupation. It was a Greek word,
and might be translated " Fishermen."* The
manners and customs of half-civilized or savage
nations depend entirely, of course, upon the
modes in which they procure their subsistence.
Some depend on hunting wild beasts, some on
rearing flocks and herds of tame animal, some
on cultivating the ground, and some on fishing
in rivers or in the sea. These four different
nodes of procuring food result in as many to-
tally diverse modes of life : it is a curious fact,
however, that while a nation of hunters differs
very essentially from a nation of herdsmen of
* Literally, fish-eater*.
B.C.523.JTHE END OF CAMBYSBS. 43
Classes of savage nations. Embassadors sent to Ethiopia.
of fishermen, though they may live, perhaps, in
the same neighborhood with them, still, all na-
tions of hunters, however widely they may be
separated in geographical position, very strong-
ly resemble one another in character, in cus-
toms, in institutions, and in all the usages of
life. It is so, moreover, with all the other types
of national constitution mentioned above. The
Greeks observed these characteristics of the va-
rious savage tribes with which they became ac-
quainted, and whenever they met with a tribe
that lived by fishing, they called them Icthy-
ophagi.
Cambyses sent to the Icthyophagi of the isl-
and of Elephantine, requiring them to furnish
him with a number of persons acquainted with
the route to Ethiopia and with the Ethiopian
language, that he might send them as an em-
bassy. He also provided some presents to be
sent as a token of friendship to the Ethiopian
king. The presents were, however, only a pre-
text, to ' enable the embassadors, who were, in
fact, spies, to go to the capital and court of the
Ethiopian monarch in safety, and bring back to
Cambyses all the information which they should
be able to obtain.
The presents consisted of such toys and oraa
44 DARIUS THE GREAT. [B.C. 5ii3
Th presents. The Ethiopian king detect! the Impraturo.
ments as they thought would most please the
fancy of a savage king. There were some pur-
ple vestments of a very rich and splendid dye,
and a golden chain for the neck, golden brace-
lets for the wrists, an alabaster box of very pre-
cious perfumes, and other similar trinkets and
toys. There was also a large vessel filled with
wine.
The Icthyophagi took these presents, and set
out on their expedition. After a long and toil-
some voyage and journey, they came to the
country of the Ethiopians, and delivered their
presents, together with the message which Cam-
byses had intrusted to them. The presents/
they said, had been sent by Cambyses as a
token of his desire to become the friend and ally
of the Ethiopian king.
The king, instead of being deceived by this
hypocrisy, detected the imposture at once. He
knew very well, he said, what was the motive
of Cambyses in sending such an embassage to
him, and he should advise Cambyses to be con-
tent with his own dominions, instead of planning
aggressions of violence, and schemes and strata-
gems of deceit against his neighbors, in order to
get possession of theirs. He then began to look
at the presents which the embassadors had
B.C. 523.] THEENDOKCAMBYSES. 45
The Ethiopian king's opinion of Cambysen's presents.
brought, which, however, he appeared very soon
to despise. The purple vest first attracted his
attention. He asked whether that was the true,
natural color of the stuff, or a false one. Tho
messengers told him that the linen was dyed,
and began to explain the process to him. The
mind of the savage potentate, however, instead
of being impressed, as the messengers supposed
he would have been through their description,
with a high idea of the excellence and superi-
ority of Persian art, only despised the false show
of what he considered an artificial and fictitious
t-eauty. " The beauty of Cambyses's dresses,"
laid he, " is as deceitful, it seems, as the fair
*^w of his professions of friendship." As to
tsm golden bracelets and necklaces, the king
looked upon them with contempt. He thought
that they were intended for fetters and chains,
and said that, however well they might answer
among the effeminate P ^rsians, they were wholly
insufficient to confine sach sinews as he had to
Jea with. The wine, however, he liked. He
drank it with great pleasure, and told the lothy-
ophagi that it was the only article among all
their presents that was worth receiving.
In return for the presents which Cambyses
Aad sent him, the King of the Ethiopians, who
46 DARIUS THE GREAT. [B.C. 523
Return of the Icihyophagl. The Ethiopian bow
was a man of prodigious size and strength, took
down his bow and gave it to the lothyophagi,
telling them to carry it to Cambyses as a token
of his defiance, and to ask him to see i f he con Id
find a man in all his army who could bend it.
" Tell Cambyses," he added, " that when his sol-
diers are able to bend such bows as that, it will
be time for him to think of invading the terri-
tories of the Ethiopians ; and that, in the mean
time, he ought to consider himself very fortu-
nate that the Ethiopians were not grasping and
ambitious enough to attempt the invasion of
his."
When the Icthyophagi returned to Camby-
ses with this message, the strongest men in the
Persian camp were of course greatly interested
in examining and trying the bow. Smerdis
was the only one that could be found who was
strong enough to bend it ; and he, by the supe-
riority to the others which he thus evinced,
gained great renown. Ce mbyses was filled with
jealousy and anger. He determined to send
Smerdis back again to Persia. " It will be bet-
ter," thought he to himself, " to incur whatever
danger there may be of his exciting revolt at
home, than to have him present in my court,
subjecting me to continual mortification and
B.C. 523.] THE END OF CAMBYSEB. 47
Jealousy of Cambyses. lie orders Smerdis to be murdered
chagrin by the perpetual parade of his superior-
ity."
His mind was, however, not at ease after hi*
brother had gone. Jealousy and suspicion in re-
spect to Smerdis perplexed his waking thoughts
and troubled his dreams. At length, one night,
he thought he saw Smerdis seated on a royal
throne in Persia, his form expanded supernatu-
rally to such a prodigious si2e that he touched
the heavens with his head. The next day, Cam-
byses, supposing that the dream portended dan-
ger that Smerdis would be one day in posses-
sion of the throne, determined to put a final and
perpetual end to all these troubles and fears,
and he sent for an officer of his court, Prexaspes
the same whose son he shot through the heart
with an arrow, as described in the last chapter
and commanded him to proceed immediately
to Persia, and there to find Smerdis, and kill
him. The murder of Prexaspes's son, though
related in the last chapter as an illustration of
Cambyses's character, did not actually take
olace till after Prexaspes returned from this ex-
pedition.
Prexaspes went to Persia, and executed the
orders of the king by the assassination of Smer-
di* There are different accounts of the mode
48 DARIUS THI. GREAT. [B.C.523
Oamtryae* jniws more cruel. Twelve noblemen buried ali
which he adopted for accomplishing his purpose
One is, that he contrived some way to drown
him hi the sea ; another, that he poisoned him ;
and a third, that he killed him in the forests,
when he was out on a hunting excursion. At
all events, the deed was done, and Prexaspes
went back to Cambyses, and reported to him
that he had nothing further to fear from his
brother's ambition.
la the mean time, Cambyses went on from
bad to worse hi his government, growing every
day more despotic and tyrannical, and abandon-
ing hinself to fits of cruelty and passion which
became more and more excessive and insane
At one time, on some slight provocation, he or-
dered twelve distinguished noblemen of his
court to be buried alive. It is astonishing that
there can be institutions and arrangements in
the social state which will give one man such
an ascendency over others that such commands
can be obeyed. On another occasion, Camby-
ee's sister and wife, who had mourned the
death of her brother Smerdis, ventured a re-
proach to Cambyses for having destroyed him.
She was sitting at table, with some plant or
flower in her hand, which she slowly picked to
places, putting the fragments on the table. She
B.C. 52^.] THE END OF CAMBYSE8. 49
Cambyses's cruelty to hi* sister. Her deatk
asked Cambyses whether he thought the flower
looked fairest and best in fragments, or hi its
original and natural integrity. " It looked
best, certainly," Cambyses said, " when it wat
whole." " And yet," said she, " you have be-
gun to take to pieces and destroy our family, aa
[ have destroyed this flower." Cambyses sprang
upon his unhappy sister, on hearing this re-
proof, with the ferocity of a tiger. He threw
her down and leaped upon her. The attend-
ants succeeded hi rescuing her and bearing he*
away ; but she had received a fatal injury.
She fell immediately into a premature and un-
natural sickness, and died.
Thes fits of sudden and terrible passion it
which 'Jambyses was subject, were often fol-
lowed, when they had passed by, as is usual in
such cases, with remorse and misery ; and some-
times the officers of Cambyses, anticipating a
change in their master's feelings, did net exe-
cute his cruel orders, but concealed the object
of his blind and insensate vengeance until the
paroxysm was over. They did this once in the
case of Croesus. Croesus, who was now a ven-
erable man, advanced hi years, had been for a
long time the friend and faithful counselor of
Cambvses's fathe. He had known Cambyset
294
50 DARIUS THE GREAT. [B.C. 523
The venerable Crcesiu. Ilia advice to CarnbvM*.
himself from his boyhood, and had been charged
by his father to watch over him and counsel
him, and aid him, on all occasions which might
require it, with his experience and wisdom
Cambyses, too, had been solemnly charged by
his i'ather Cyrus, at the last interview that he
had with him before his death, to guard and
protect Croesus, as his father's ancient and
faithful friend, and to treat him, as long as he
lived, with the highest consideration and honor.
Under these circumstances, Croesus consid
ered himself justified in remonstrating one day
with Cambyses against his excesses and his
cruelty. He told him that he ought not to give
nimself up to the control of such violent and
impetuous passions ; that, though his Persian
soldiers and subjects had borne with him thus
far, he might, by excessive oppression and cru-
elty, exhaust their forbearance and provoke
them to revolt against him, and that thus he
might suddenly lose his power, through his in-
temperate and inconsiderate use of it. Croesus
apologized for offering these counsels, saying
that he felt bound to warn Cambyses of his
danger, in obedience to the iniunctions of Cv-
rus, his latner.
Cambvses fell into a ^iolent passion at hear
B.C.523.] THE END OF CAMBYSES. 51
Cambyses's rage at Crcesua. lie altcuipU to kLl him.
ing these words. He 'told Croesus that he was
amazed at his presumption in daring to offer
him advice, and then began to load liis vener-
able counselor with the bitterest invectives and
reproaches. He taunted him with his own mis-
fortunes, in losing, as he had done, years before,
his own kingdom of Lydia, and then accused
him of having been the means, through hi? fool-
ish counsels, of leading his father, Cyrus, into
the worst of the difficulties which befell him to-
ward the close of his life. At last, becoming
more and more enraged by the reaction upon
himself of his own angry utterance, he told
Crresus that he had hated him for a long time,
and for a long time had wished to punish him ;
" and now," said he, " you have given me an
opportunity." So saying, he seized his bow,
and began to fit an arrow to the string. Cro?sus
fled. Cambyses ordered his attendants to pir-
eue him, and when they had taken him, to 1 ill
him. The officers knew that Cambyses would
regret his rash and reckless command as soon BM
hi* anger should have subsided, and so, instead
of slaying Croesus, they concealed him. A (evt
days after, when the tyrant began to express his
remorse and sorrow at having destroyed his ven-
erable friend in the heat of passion, and to mouro
52 DARIUS THK (TREAT. [B.0.523
The declaration of the oracle. Ecbatane, Sunn, and Babylon
his death, they told him 'that Croesus was stiL
alive. They had ventured, they said, to save
aim, till they could ascertain whether it was
the king's real and deliberate determination that
he must die. The king was overjoyed to find
Croesus still alive, but he would not forgive
those who had been instrumental in saving him.
He ordered every one of them to be executed.
Cambyses was the more reckless and des-
perate in these tyrannical cruelties because ha
believed that he possessed a sort of charmed life.
He had consulted an oracle, it seems, in Media,
in respect to his prospects of life, and the oracle
had informed him that he would die at Ecbat-
ane. Now Ecbatane was one of the three
great capitals of his empire, Susa and Babylon
J>eing the others. Ecbatane was the most north-
erly of these cities, and the most remote from
danger. Babylon and Susa were the points
where the great transactions of government
chiefly centered, while Ecbatane was more par-
ticularly the private residence of the kings. It
was their refuge in danger, their retreat in sick-
ness and age. In a word, Susa was their seat
of government, Babylon then* great commercial
emporium, but Ecbatane was their home
And thus as the oracle, when Cambyses in
B.C.522.] THE END OF CAMBYSES. 52
Cambyses returns northward. lie enters Syrlm
quired in respect to the circumstances of his
death, had said that it was decreed by the fates
that he should die at Ecbatane, it meant, as he
supposed, that he should die hi peace, in his
bed, at the close of the usual period allotted to
the life of man. Considering thus that the
fates had removed all danger of a sudden and
violent death from his path, he abandoned him-
self to his career of vice and folly, remembering
only the substance of the oracle, while the par-
ticular torm of words in which it was expressed
passed from his mind.
At length Cambyses, after completing hit
conquests hi Egypt, returned to the northward
along the shores of the Mediterranean Sea, unti.
he came into Syria. The province of Galilee,
so often mentioned hi the sacred Scripture*
was a part of Syria. In traversing Galilee at
the head of the detachment of troops that was
accompanying him, Cambyses came, one day,
to a small town, and encamped there. The
town itself was of so little importance that
Cambyses did not, at the time of his arriving
a*; it, even know its name. His encampment
at the place, however, was marked by a very
memorable event, namely, he met with a herald
here, who was traveling through Syria, saying
64 DARIUS THE GREAT. [B.C. 522
A herald proclaims Smenlis. The herald seized
that he had been sent from Susa to proclaim
to the people of Syria that Smerdis, the son of
Cyrus, had assumed the throne, and to enjoin
upon them all to obey no orders except such
as should come from him !
Cambyses had supposed that Smerdis was
dead. Prexaspes, when he had returned from
Susa, had reported that he had killed him. Ha
now, however, sent for Prexaspes, and demand-
ed of him what this proclamation could mean.
Prexaspes renewed, and insisted upon, his dec-
laration that Smerdis was dead. He had de-
stroyed him with his own hands, and had seen
him buried. " If the dead can rise from the
grave," added Prexaspes, "then Smerdis may
perhaps, raise a revolt and appear against you ;
but not otherwise."
Prexaspes then recommended that the king
should send and seize the herald, and inquire
particularly of him in respect to the govern-
ment in whose name he was acting. Cambyses
did so. The herald was taken and brought be-
"ore the king. On being questioned whether it
vas true that Smerdis had really assumed the
government and commissioned him to make
proclamation of the fact, he replied that it wsu
He had not seen Smerdis himself, he said,
R.C.522.J THE END OF CAMUYSES. 55
Probable explanation. Rage of Cambyses
for he kept himself shut up very closely in his
palace ; but he was informed of his accession by
one of the magians whom Cambyses had left in
command It was by him, he said, that he had
oeen commissioned to proclaim Smerdis as king.
Frexaspes then said that he had no doubt
that the two magians whom Cambyses had left
in charge of the government had contrived to
selze N the throne. He reminded Cambyses that
the name of one of them was Smerdis, and that
probably that was the Smerdis who was usurp-
ing the supreme command. C amby ses said that
he was convinced that this supposition was
true. His dream, in which he had seen a vision
of Smerdis, with his head reaching to the heav-
ens, referred, he had no doubt, to the magian
Smerdis, and not to his brother. He began bit-
terly to reproach himself for having caused his
innocent brother to be put to death ; but the
remorse which he thus felt for his crime, in as-
sassinating an imaginary rival, soon gave way
to rage and resentment against the real usurp,
er He called for his horse, and began to mount
him in hot haste, to give immediate orders, and
make immediate preparations for marching to
Susa.
As he bounded into the saddle, with his mind
56 D A R I U S T H K G R R A T. [B.C 522
Cambysefl mortally wounded. HI* remorse and dep*lr
in this state of reckless desperation, the sheathj
by some accident or by some carelessness caus-
ed by his headlong haste, fell from his sword,
and the naked point of the weapon pierced hia
thigh. The attendants took him from his horse,
and conve^ eu him again to his tent. The wound,
on examination, proved to be a very dangerous
one, and the strong passions, the vexation, the
disappointment, the impotent rage, which were
agitating the mind of the patient, exerted an
influence extremely unfavorable to recovery.
Cambyses, terrified at the prospect of death,
asked what was the name of the town where
he was lying. They told him it was Ecbatane.
He had never thought before of the possibil-
ity that there might be some other Ecbatane
besides his splendid royal retreat in Media ; but
now, when he learned that was the name of the
place where he was then encamped, he felt sure
that his hour was come, and he was overwhelm-
ed with remorse and despair.
He suffered, too, inconceivable pain and an-
guish from his wound. The sword had pierced
to the bone, and the inflammation which had
supervened was of the worst character. Aftei
gome days, the acuteness of the agony which he
at first endured passed gradually away, though
B.C. 522.] THE END OF CAMBVSES. 57
Cambyses calls bis nobles about him. His dying declaration
the extent of the injury resulting from the
wound was growing every day greater and more
hopeless. The sufferer lay, pale, emaciated,
and wretched, on his couch, his mind, in every
interval of bodily agony, filling up the void with
the more dreadful sufferings of horror and de-
spair.
At length, on the twentieth day after his
wound had been received, he called the leading
nobles of his court and officers of his army about
his bedside, and said to them that he was about
to die, and that he was compelled, by the calam-
ity which had befallen him, to declare to them
what he would otherwise have continued to keep
concealed. The person who had usurped the
throne under the name of Smerdis, he now said,
was not, and could not be, his brother Smerdis,
the son of Cyrus. He then proceeded to give
them an account of the manner hi which his
fears in respect to his brother had been excited
by his dream, and of the desperate remedy that
he had resorted to in ordering him to be killed,
He believed, he said, that the usurper was Smer-
dis the magian, whom he had left as one of the
regents when he set out on his Egyptian cam-
paign. He urged them, therefore, not to sub-
mit to his sway, but to go back to Media, and
58 DARIUS THK(JREAT. [li.C 522
Death of ( 'ambyses. HIM dying declaration disc/edited.
if they could not conquer him and put him down
by open war, to destroy him by deceit and strata-
gem, or in any way whatever by which the end
could be accomplished. Cambyses urged thia
with so much of the spirit of hatred and revenge
beaming in his hollow and glassy eye as to show
that sickness, pain, and the approach of death,
which had made so total a change in the wretch-
ed sufferer's outward condition, had altered noth-
ing within.
Very soon after making this communication
o his nobles, Cambyses expired.
It will well illustrate the estimate which
those who knew him best, formed of this great
hero's character, to state, that those who heard
this solemn declaration did not believe one word
of it from beginning to end. They supposed
that the whole story which the dying tyrant
had told them, although he had scarcely breath
enough left to tell it, was a fabrication, dictated
by his fraternal jealousy and hate. They be-
lieved that it was really the true Smerdis who
had been proclaimed king, and that Cambysee
*wd invented, in his dying moments, the story
of his having killed him, in order to prevent
the Persians from submitting peaceably to his
reign.
B.C. 520.] SMERDIS THE MAGIAN. 5ij
Usurpation of the ruagian*. CiraunMances flooring it
CHAPTER III.
SMERDIS THE MAGIAN.
CAMBYSES and his friends had been right
in their conjectures that it was Smerdis
the magian who had usurped the Persian throne
This Smerdis resembled, it was said, the son of
Cyrus hi his personal appearance as well as hi
name. The other magian who had been asso-
ciated with him in the regency when Cambyses
set out from Persia on his Egyptian campaign
was his brother. His name was Patizithes.
When Cyrus had been some time absent, these
magians, having hi the mean time, perhaps,
heard unfavorable accounts of his conduct and
character, and knowing the effect which such
wanton tyranny must have in alienating from
him the allegiance of his subjects, conceived
the design of taking possession of the empire in
thoir own name. The great distance of Cam,'
byses and his army from home, and his long-
continued absence, favored this plan. Their
own position, too, as they were already hi pos-
session of the capitals and the fortresses of the
dO DARIUS THIJ (TREAT. [B.C. 520
Murder of Smerdis not known. He Is supposed > be alire
country, aided them; and then the name of
fcmerdis, being the same with that of the brothei
of Cambyses, was a circumstance that greatly
promoted the success of the undertaking. In
addition to all these general advantages, the
cruelty of Cambyses was the means of furnish-
ing them with a most opportune occasion for
putting their plans into execution.
The reader will recollect that, as was related
in the last chapter, Cambyses first sent his
brother Smerdis home, and afterward, when
alarmed by his dream, he sent Prexaspes to
murder him. Now the return of Smerdis was
publicly and generally known, while his as-
sassination by Prexaspes was kept a profr and
secret. Even the Persians connected with
Cambyses's court in Egypt had not heard of
the perpetration of this crime, until Cambyses
confessed it on his dying bed, and even then,
as was stated in the last chapter, they did not
believe it. It is not probable that it was known
in Media and Persia; so that, after Prexaspe?
accomplished his work, and returned to Cam'
byses with the report of it, it was probably gen-
erally supposed that his brother was still aliva,
and was residing somewhere in one or anotb"
f the royal nalaces
V C. 620.] SMERDIS THE MAGI AN. 61
PrMMtiOM taken by Smerdis. Effect of Cambyses'g measure*
Such royal personages were often accustom-
ed to live thus, in a state of great seclusion,
spending their time in effeminate pleasurot
within the walls of their palaces, parks, and
gardens. When the royal Smerdis, therefore,
secretly and suddenly disappeared, it would bo
Tory easy for the magian Smerdis, with the col-
lusion of a moderate number of courtiers and
attendants, to take his place, especially if he
continued to live in retirement, and exhibited
himself as little as possible to public view.
Thus it was that Cambyses himself, by the
rery crimes which he committed to shield him-
self from all danger of a revolt, opened the way
which specially invited it, and almost insured
its success. Every particular step that he took,
oo, helped to promote the end. His sending
Smerdis home ; his waiting an interval, and
then sending Prexaspes to destroy him ; his or-
dering his assassination to be secret these, and
all the other attendant circumstances, were
only so many preliminary steps, preparing the
way for the success of the revolution which wa
to accomplish his ruin. He was, in a word, hia
<>wn destroyer. Like other wicked men, he
found, in the end, that the schemes of wicked-
awes which he had malignantly aimed at the
i)2 D A R I U fe T H E (jr R K A T. [B C. 520
Opinion In regard to Smerdm Acquiescence of the people
destruction of others, had been all the time slow-
ly and surely working out his own.
The people of Persia, therefore, wero prepa r-
ed by Carnbyses's own acts to believe that the
usurper Smerdis was really Cyrus's son, and,
next to Cambyses, the heir to the throne. The
army of Cambyses, too, in Egypt, believed the
same. It was natural that they should do so
for they placed no confidence whatever in Cam-
byses's dying declarations ; and since intelli
gence, which seemed to be official, came from
Susa declaring that Smerdis was still alive, and
that he had actually taken possession of the
throne, there was no apparent reason for doubt-
ing the fact. Besides, Prexaspes, as soon aa
Cambyses was dead, considered it safer for him
to deny than to confess having murdered the
prince. He therefore declared that Carnbyses's
story was false, and that he had no doubt that
Smerdis, the monarch in whose name the gov-
ernment was administered at Susa, was the son
of Cyrus, the true and rightful heir to the
throne. Thus all parties throughout the em-
pire acquiesced peaceably in what they suppos-
ed to be the legitimate succession.
In the mean time, the usurper had placed
himself in an exceedingly dizzy and orecariou*
B.C. 520.] SMERDIS THE MAOIAN. 6t
Dangerous situation or Smerdig. Arrangement with Patizitaes.
situation, and one which it would require a
great deal of address and skillful management
to sustain. The plan arranged between him-
self and his brother for a division of the advant-
ages which they had secured by their joint and
common cunning was, that Smerdis was to en-
joy the ease and pleasure, and Patizithes the
substantial power of the royalty which they had
so stealthily seized. This was the safest plan.
Smerdis, by living secluded, and devoting him-
self to retired and private pleasures, was the
more likely to escape public observation ; while
Patizithes, acting as his prune minister of state,
could attend councils, issue orders, review troops,
dispatch embassies, and perform all the other
outward functions of supreme command, with
safety as well as pleasure. Patizithes seems to
have been, in fact, the soul of the whole plan
He was ambitious and aspiring hi character,
and if he could only himself enjoy the, actual
exercise of royal power, he was willing that his
brother should enjoy the honor of possessing it.
Patizithos, therefore, governed the realm, act-
ing, however, in all that he did, in Smerdis's
name.
Smerdis, on his nart. was content to take
possession of the palaces, the parlf. and the
64 DARIUS THE GREAT. [B.C. 520.
8men.ll* lives in retirement. Special grounds of apprehension.
gardens of Media and Persia, and to live in them
in retired and quiet luxury and splendor. He
appeared seldom in public, and then only under
such circumstances as should not expose him
to any close observation on the part of the spec,
tators. His figure, air, and manner, and the
general cast of his countenance, were very much
like those of the prince whom he was attempt-
ing to personate. There was one mark, how-
ever, by which he thought that there was dan-
ger that he might be betrayed, and that was,
his ears had been cut off. This had been done
many years before, by command of Cyrus, on
account of some offense of which he had been
guilty. The marks of the mutilation could, in-
deed, on public occasions, be concealed by the
turban, or helmet, or other head-dress which he
wore ; but in private there was great danger ei-
ther that the loss of the ears, or the studied ef-
fort to conceal it, should be observed. Smerdis
was, therefore, very careful to avoid being seen
in private, by keeping himself closely secluded
He shut himself up in the apartments of hit
palace at Susa, within the citadel, and ne^ei
invited the Persian nobles to visit him there.
Among the other means of luxury and pleas-
ure which Smerdis found in the royal palaces,
B.C. 520.] SMERDISTHEMAOIAN. 65
Cambyses's wives. Smerdis appropriates tttem
and which he appropriated to his own enjoy-
ment, were Cambyses's wives. In those times,
Oriental princes and potentates as is, in fact,
the case at the present day, in many Oriental
juntries possessed a great number of wives,
who were bound to them by different sorts of
matrimonial ties, more or less permanent, and
bringing them into relations more or less inti-
mate with their husband and sovereign. These
wives were hi many respects in the condition
of slaves : in one particular they were especial-
ly so, namely, that on the death of a sovereign
they descended, like any other property, to the
heir, who added as many of them as he pleased
to his own seraglio. Until this was done, the
unfortunate women were shut up in close se-
clusion on the death of their lord, like mourn-
ers who retire from the world when suffering
any great and severe bereavement
The wives of Cambyses were appropriated by
Smerdis to himself on his taking possession of
the throne and hearing of Cambyses's death.
Among them was Atossa, who has already been
mentioned as the daughter of Cyrus, and, of
course, the sister of Oambyses as well as his
wife. In order to prevent these court ladies
from being the means, in any way, of discover-
295
66 j0ARius THE GREAT. [B.C.520
Ph*d/m* Measure* of OUtnea
ing the imposture which he was practicing, the
magian continued to keep them all closely shut
up in their several separate apartments, only
allowing a favored few to visit him, one by one,
in turn, while he prevented their having any
communication with one another.
The name of one of these ladies was Pheedy-
ma. She was the daughter of a Persian noble
of the highest rank and influence, named Ota-
nes. Otanes, as well as some other nobles of
the court, had observed and reflected upon the
extraordinary circumstances connected with the
accession of Smerdis to the throne, and the sin-
gular mode of life that he led in secluding him-
self, in a manner so extraordinary for a Persian
monarch, from all intercourse with his nobles
and his people. The suspicions of Otanes and
his associates were excited, but no one dared to
communicate his thoughts to the others. At
length, however, Otanes, who was a man of
great energy as well as sagacity and discretion,
resolved that he would take some measures te
ascertain the truth.
He first sent a messenger to Phsedyma, his
daughter, asking of her whether it was really
Smerdis, the son of Cyrus, who received her
when she went to visit the king. Phaedvma.
B.C. 520.] SMERDIS THE MAGI AN. fi7
Otanes'a communications with bis daughter. Her replies
in return, sent her father word that she did not
know, for she had never seen Smerdis, the son
of Cyrus, before the death of Cambyses. She
therefore could not say, of her own personal
knowledge, whether the king was the genuine
Smerdis or not. Otanes then sent to Phaedyma
a second time, requesting her to ask the queen
Atossa. Atossa was the sister of Smerdis the
prince, and had known him from his childhood.
Phaedyma sent back word to her father that
she could not speak to Atossa, for she was kept
closely shut up in her own apartments, without
the opportunity to communicate with any one
Otanes then sent a third time to his daughter,
telling her that there was one remaining mode
by which she might ascertain the truth, and
that was, the next time that she visited the
king, to feel for his ears when he was asleep.
If it was Smerdis the magian, she would find
that he had none. He urged his daughter to
do this by saying that, if the pretended king
was really an impostor, the imposture ought to
be made known, and that she, being of noble
birth, ought to have the courage and energy to
assist in discovering it. To this Phaedyma re-
plied that she would do as her father desired,
though she knew that she hazarded her life ID
68 DARIUS TIIK GREAT. [B.C. 520
Pbeedyma discovers (he deception. otane and the MIX noble*
the attempt. " If he has no ears," said sho,
" and if I awaken him in attempting to feel for
them, he will kill me ; I am sure that he will
kill me on the spot."
The next time that it came to Pheedyma's
turn to visit the king, she did as her father had
requested. She passed her hand very cautious-
ly beneath the king's turban, and found that his
ears had been cut off close to his head. Early
in the morning she communicated the knowl-
edge of the fact to her father.
Otanes immediately made the case known
to two of his friends, Persian nobles, who had,
with him, suspected the imposture, and had
consulted together before hi respect to the means
of detecting it. The question was, what was
now to be done. After some deliberation, it was
agreed that each of them should communicate
the discovery which they had made to one other
person, such as each should select from among
the circle of his friends as the one on whose res-
rlution, prudence, and fidelity he could most im-
o.icitly rely. This was done, and the numbei
admitted to the secret was thus increased to
*ix. At this juncture it happened that Darius,
the son of Hystaspes, the young man who has
already been mentioned as the subject of Cy-
B.C.520.] SMERDIS THE MAOIAN. 71
ArrlTaJ of Darius. Secret consultation*
rus's dream, came to Susa. Darius was a man
of great prominence and popularity. His father,
Hystaspes, was at that time the governor of the
province of Persia, and Darius had been r-'
riding with him in that country. As soon as
che six conspirators heard of his arrival, they
admitted him to their councils, and thus their
number was. increased to seven.
They immediately began to hold secret con-
sultations for the purpose of deterniining how
it was best to proceed, first binding themselves
by the most solemn oaths never to betray one
another, however their undertaking might end.
Darius told them that he had himself discovered
the imposture and usurpation of Smerdis, and
that he had come from Persia for the purpose
of slaying him ; and that now, since it appeared
that the secret was known to so many, he was
of opinion that they ought to act at once with
the utmost decision. He thought there would
be great danger in delay.
Otanes, on the other hand, thought that they
were not yet ready for action. They must first
'norease their numbers. Seven persons were
JOG few to attempt to revolutionize an empire.
He commended the courage and resolution
which Darius displayed, but he thought that a
72 DARIUS THE G-REAT. [B.C. 520
VarlouH opinions. Views of Darin*
more cautious and deliberate policy would be
far more likely to conduct them to a safe result
Darius replied that the course which Otanes
recommended would certainly ruin them. "If
we make many other persons acquainted with
our plans," said he, " there will be some, not-
withstanding all our precautions, who will be-
tray us, for the sake of the immense rewards
which they well know they would receive in
that case from the king. No," he added, " we
must act ourselves, and alone. We must do
nothing to excite suspicion, but must go at once
into the palace, penetrate boldly into Smerdis's
presence, and slay him before he has time to
suspect our designs."
" But we can not get into his presence," re-
plied Otanes. " There are guards stationed
at every gate and door, who will not allow us
to pass. If we attempt to kill them, a tumult
will be immediately raised, and the alarm given,
and all our designs will thus be baffled."
" There will be little difficulty about the
guards," said Darius. " They know us all, and,
from deference to our rank and station, they
will let us pass without suspicion, especially if
we act boldly and promptly, and do not t^ive
them time to stop and consider what to do
B.C. 520.] SAIERDISTHKMAGIAN. 73
Apology Tor a falsehood. Opinion of Gobryaa.
Besides, I can say that I have just arrived from
Persia with important dispatches for the king,
and that I must he admitted immediately into
di? presence. If a falsehood must be told, so
jet it be. The urgency of the crisis demands
and sanctions it."
It may seem strange to the reader, consider-
ing the ideas and habits of the times, that Da-
rius should have even thought it necessary to
apologize to his confederates for his proposal of
employing falsehood in the accomplishment of
their plans ; and it is, hi fact, altogether prob-
able that the apology which he is made to utter
is his historian's, and not his own.
The other conspirators had remained silenk
during this discussion between Darius and Ota-
nes ; but now a third, whose name was Gobry-
as, expressed his opinion in favor of the course
which Darius recommended. He was aware,
he said, that, in attempting to force their way
into the king's p'resence and kill him by a sud-
den assault, they exposed themselves to the
most imminent danger ; but it was better for
them to die in the manly attempt to bring back
the imperial power again into Persian hands,
where it properly belonged, than to acquiesce
any further in its continuance in the possession
/4 D A R I U 8 T H E G R K A T. [B.C. 520
Uneulne*8 of the magi Situation of Prexanpes
of the ignoble Median priests who had so treach-
erously usurped it.
To this counsel they all finally agreed, and
began to make arrangements for carrying their
desperate enterprise into execution.
In the mean time, very extraordinary events
were transpiring in another part of the city
The two magi, Smerdis the king and Patizithes
his brother, had some cause, it seems, to fear
that the nobles about the court, and the officers
of the Persian army, were not without suspi-
cions that the reigning monarch was not the
real son of Cyrus. Rumors that Smerdis had
been killed by Prexaspes, at the command of
Cambyses, were in circulation. These rumors
were contradicted, it - is true, in private, by
Prexaspes, whenever he was forced to speak of
the subject; but he generally avoided it; and
he spoke, when he spoke at all, in that timid
and undecided tone which men usually assume
when they are persisting in a lie. In the mean
time, the gloomy recollections of his past life,
he memory of his murdered son, remorse fcf
his own crime in the assassination of Smerdis,
and anxiety on account of the extremely dan-
gerous position in which he had placed himself
by his false denial of it, all conspired to harasa
B.C. 520.] SMERDIS THE MAGI AN. 75
Measures of the magi. An assembly of the people
his mind with perpetual restlessness and mis-
ery, and to make life a burden.
In order to do something to quiet the suspi-
cions which the magi feared were prevailing,
they did not know how extensively, they con-
ceived the plan of inducing Prexaspes to declare
in a more public and formal manner what he
had been asserting timidly in private, namely,
that Smerdis had not been killed. They ac-
cordingly convened an assembly of the people in
a court-yard of the palace, or perhaps took ad-
vantage of some gathering casually convened,
and proposed that Prexaspes should address
them from a neighboring tower. Prexaspes was
a man of high rank and of great influence, and
the magi thought that his public espousal of
their cause, and his open and decided contra-
diction of the rumor that he had killed Camby-
ses's brother, would fully convince the Persians
that it was really the rightful monarch that had
taken possession of the throne.
But the strength even of a strong man, when
he has a lie to carry, soon becomes very small
That of Prexaspes was already almost exhaust-
ed and gone. He had been wavering and hes-
Hating before, and this proposal, that he should
oommit himself so formally and solemnly, and
76 DARIUS THE GREAT. [B C 520
Ttoelrion of Prexaipe*. His spoeeb from ttie u>w
in so public a manner, to statements wholly
and absolutely untrue, brought him to a *tand
He decided, desperately, iu his own mind, that
he would go on in his course of falsehood, re-
morse, and wretchedness no longer. He, how.
ever, pretended to accede to the propositions of
the magi. He ascended the tower, and began
to address the people. Instead, however, of de-
nying that he had murdered Smerdis, he fully
confessed to the astonished audience that he had
really committed that crime; he openly de-
nounced the reigning Hrnerdis as an impostor,
and called upon all who heard him to rise at
once, destroy the treacherous usurper, and vin-
dicate the rights of the true Persian line. As
he went on, with vehement voice and gestures,
in this speech, the utterance of which he knew
sealed his own destruction, he became more and
more excited and reckless. He denounced his
hearers in the severest language if they failed
to obey his injunctions, and imprecated upon
them, in that event, all the curses of Heaven.
The people listened to this strange and sudden
phrensy cf eloquence in utter amazement, mo-
tionless and silent ; and before they or the offi-
cers of the king's household who were present
had time even to consider what to do, Prex*.
B.C. 520.] SMERDIS THE MAO IAN. 77
Death of Prexaspea. The conspirator*
pes, coming abruptly to the conclusion of hia
harangue, threw himself headlong from the
parapet of the tower, and came down among
them, lifeless and mangled, on the pavement
below
Of course, all was now tumult and commo-
tion in the court-yard, and it happened to he
just at this juncture that the seven conspira-
tors came from the place of then- consultation
to the palace, with a view of executing their
plans. They were soon informed of what had
taken place. Otanes was now again disposed
to postpone their attempt upon the life of the
king. The event which had occurred changed,
he said, the aspect of the subject, and they must
wait until the tumult and excitement should
have somewhat subsided. But Darius was
more eager than ever in favor of instantaneous
action. He said that there was not a moment
to be lost ; for the magi, so soon as they should
be informed of the declarations and of the death
of Prexaspes, would bo alarmed, and would take
at once the most effectual precautions to guard
against any sudden assault or surprise.
These arguments, at the very time in which
Darius was offering them with so much vehe-
mence and earnestness, were strengthened by a
78 DARIUS THE GB BAT. [B.C. 520
fhe omen. The conspirators enter the palace.
very singular sort of confirmation ; for while the
conspirators stood undetermined, they saw a
flock of birds moving across the sky, which, :>D
their more attentively regarding them, proved k
be seven hawks pursuing two vultures. Thu
they regarded an omen, intended to signify tc
them, by a divine intimation, that they ought to
proceed. They hesitated, therefore, no longer.
They went together to the outer gates of the
palace. The action of the guards who were
stationed there was just what Darius had pre-
dicted that it would be. Awed by the imposing
spectacle of the approach of seven nobles of the
highest distinction, who were advancing, too,
with an earnest and confident air, as if expect-
ing no obstacle to their admission, they gave
way at once, and allowed them to enter. The
conspirators went on until they came to the
inner apartments, where they found eunuchs
in attendance at the doors. The eunuchs re-
sisted, and demanded angrily why the guards
had let the strangers in. "Kill them," said
the conspirators, and immediately began to cut
them down. The magi were within, already
in consternation at the disclosures of Prexaspes,
of which they had just been inform^ They
beard the tumult and the outcries of the eu
B.C. 520.] SMERDIS THE MAGIAN. 79
Combat with the magi. Flight ofSmerdi*
nuohs at the doors, and seized their arms, the
one a bow and the other a spear. The conspir-
ators rushed in. The bow was useless in the
close combat which ensued, and the magian
who had taken it turned and fled. The other
defended himself with his spear for a moment,
and wounded severely two of his assailants.
The wounded conspirators fell. Three others
of the number continued the unequal combat
with the armed magian, while Darius and Gro-
bryas rushed in pursuit of the other.
The flying magian ran from one apartment
to another until he reached a dark room, into
which the blind instinct of fear prompted him
to rush, in the vain hope of concealment. Go-
bryas was foremost; he seized the wretched
fugitive by the waist, and struggled to hold him,
while the magian struggled to get free. Go-
bryas called upon Darius, who was close behind
him, to strike. Darius, brandishing his sword,
looked earnestly into the obscure retreat, that
he might see where to strike.
" Strike !" exclaimed Gobryas. " Why do
jyo. not strike ?"
"I can not see," said Darius, "and I am
afraid of wounding you."
" No matter," said Gobryas, struggling do-
80 DARIUS THE GREAT. [B.C.520
Smordis is killed. Exultation or the connpiralora
perately all the time with his frantic victim
" Strike quick, if you kill us both."
Darius struck. Gobryas loosened his hold,
and the magian fell upon the floor, and there,
stabbed again through the heart by Darius's
sword, almost immediately ceased to breathe.
They dragged the body to the light, and cut
off the head. They did the same with the other
magian, whom they found that then: confeder-
ates had killed when they returned to the apart-
ments where they had left them contending.
The whole body of the conspirators then, except
the two who were wounded, exulting in their
success, and wild with the excitement which
such deeds always awaken, went forth into the
streets of the city, bearing the heads upon pikes
as the trophies of their victory. They sum-
moned the Persian soldiers to arms, and an-
nounced every where that they had ascertained
that the king was a priest and an impostor, and
not their legitimate sovereign, and that they
had consequently killed him. They called upon
the people to kill the magians wherever they
oould find them, as if the whole class were im-
plicated in the guilt of the usurping brothers.
The populace in all countries are easily ex-
cited by such denunciations and appeals as
B.C. 520.] SMERDIS THE MAGIAN. 81
General massacre of the magians.
these. The Persians armed themselves, and
ran to and fro every where in pursuit of the
unhappy magians, and before night fast num-
bers of them wer slain.
296
32 DARIUS THE GREAT. [B.C. 520
B at Sou. No heir to the throe*
CHAPTXR IV.
THE ACCESSION OF DARIUS.
FOR several days after the assassination of
the magi the city was filled with excite-
ment, tumults, and confusion. There was no
heir, of the family of Cyrus, entitled to succeed
to the vacant throne, for neither Cambyses, nor
Smerdis his brother, had left any sons. Thero
was, indeed, a daughter of Smerdis, named Par-
mys, and there were also still living two daugh-
ters of Cyrus. One was Atossa, whom we have
already mentioned as having been married to
Cambyses, her brother, and as having been aft-
erward taken by Smerdis the magian as one of
his wives. These princesses, though of royal
lineage, seem neither of them to have been dis-
posed to assert any claims to the throne at such
a crisis. The mass of the community were
ftupefied with astonishment at the sudden rev-
olution which had occurred. Nc movement was
made toward determining the succession. For
five days nothing was done.
During this period, all the subordinate fnno-
B.C. 520.J ACCESSION OK DARIUS. 83
Five days' interregnum Provisional government.
tions of government in the provinces, cities, and
towns, and among the various garrisons and
encampments of the army, went on, of coarse,
as usual, but the general administration of the
government had no head. The seven confeder-
ates had been regarded, for the time being, as
a sort of provisional government, the army and
the country in general, so far as appears, look-
ing to them for the means of extrication from
the political difficulties in which this sudden
revolution had involved them, and submitting,
in the mean time, to their direction ai* 1 control.
Such a state of things, it was obvvas, could
not long last ; and after five days, when the
commotion had somewhat subsided, they began
to consider it necessary to make some arrange-
ments of a more permanent character, the pow-
er to make such arrangements as they thougnt
best resting with them alone. They accord-
ingly met for consultation.
Herodotus the historian,* on whose narrative
of these events we have mainly to rely for all
* AD account of Herodotus, and of the circumstance "ndr
which he wrote his history, which will aid the reader very
much in forming an opinion in respect to the kind anddegr*
of confidence which it is proper to place in hm statement*,
will he found in the first chapter of our history * Cyru Uui
Gnat
84 DARIUS THE GREAT. [B.C. 520
Convolution of the confederate*. Ot&ne* tn faror of t republic
the information respecting them which is now
to be attained, gives a very minute and drama-
tic account of the deliberations of the conspira
tors on this occasion. The account is, in fact,
too dramatic to be probably true.
Otanes, in this discussion, was in favor of
establishing a republic. He did not think it
safe or wise to intrust the supreme power again
to any single individual. It was proved, he
said, by universal experience, that when any
one person was raised to such an elevation above
his fellow-men, he became suspicious, jealous,
insolent, and cruel. He lost all regard for the
welfare and happiness of others, and became su-
premely devoted to the preservation of his own
greatness and power by any means, however
tyrannical, and to the accomplishment of the
purposes of his own despotic will. The best
and most valuable citizens were as likely to be-
come the victims of his oppression as the worst
In fact, tyrants generally chose their favorites,
he said, from among the most abandoned men
and women in their realms, such characters be^
ing the readiest instruments of their guilty
pleasures and their crimes. Otanes referred
very particularly to the case of Cambyses as an
example of the extreme lengths to which tb*
B.C.520.J ACCESSION OP DARIUS. 85
OtxucB** republic. Principles of representation.
despotic insolence and cruelty of a tyrant could
go He reminded his colleagues of the suffer-
ings and terrors which they had endured while
under his sway, and urged them very strongly
not to expose themselves to such terrible evils
and dangers again. He proposed, therefore,
that they should establish a republic, under
which the officers of government should be elect-
ed, and questions of public policy be determin-
ed, in assemblies of the people.
It must be understood, however, by the
reader, that a republic, as contemplated and
intended by Otanes in this speech, was en-
irely different from the mode of government
which that word denotes at the present day.
They had little idea, in those times, of the prin-
ciple of representation, by which the thousand
separate and detached communities of a great
empire can choose delegates, who are to delib-
erate, speak, and act for them in the assemblies
where the great governmental decisions are ul-
timately made. By this principle of represent-
ation, the people can really all share in the
exercise of power. Without it they can not,
for it is impossible that the people of a great
srtate can ever be brought together in one as-
; nor. even if it were practicable to bring
86 DARIUS THE GREAT. [B.C. 520
Large amembllM. Nature of undent republic*
them thus together, would it be possible foi
such a concourse to deliberate or act. The ac-
tion of any assembly which goes beyond a very
few hundred in numbers, is always, in fact, the
action exclusively of the small knot of leaders
who call and manage it. Otanes, therefore, as
well as all other advocates of republican gov-
ernment Ln ancient times, meant that the su-
preme power should be exercised, not by the
great mass of the people included within thb
jurisdiction in question, but by such a portion
of certain privileged classes as could bo brought
together in the capital. It was such a sort of
republic as would be formed in this country if
the affairs of the country at large, and the muni-
cipal and domestic institutions of all the states,
were regulated and controlled by laws enacted,
and by governors appointed, at great municipaJ
meetings held in the city of New York.
This was, in fact, the nature of all the re-
publics of ancient times. They were generally
small, and the city in whose free citizens the
supreme power resided, constituted by far the
most important portion of the body politic. The
Roman republic, however, became at one pe-
riod very large. It overspread almost the whole
of Europe; but, wideJv extended as it was in
B.C. 520.] ACCESSION OP DARIUS. 87
Nature of a re present at Ire republic.
territory, and comprising innumerable states
and kingdoms within its jurisdiction, the vast
concentration of power by which the whole was
governed, vested entirely and exclusively in
noisy and tumultuous assemblies convened in
the Roman forum.
Even if the idea of a representative system
of government, such as is adopted hi modern
times, and by means of which the people of a
great and extended empire can exercise, con-
veniently and efficiently, a general sovereignty
held hi common by them all, had been under-
stood in ancient times, it is very doubtful wheth-
er it could, hi those times, have been carried into
effect, for want of certain facilities which are
enjoyed in the present age, and which seem es-
sential for the safe and easy action of so vast
and complicated a system as a great represent-
ative government must necessarily be. The
regular transaction of business at public meet-
ings, and the orderly and successful manage-
ment of any extended system of elections, re-
quires a great deal of writing ; and the general
circulation of newspapers, or something exer-
cising the great function which it is the object
of newspapers to fulfill, that of keeping the peo-
ple at large in sonte degree informed hi respeot
88 DARIUS THE GREAT. [B.C 520
He oppoww the pUn of Olmoc*
to the progress of public affairs, seems essential
to the successful working of a system of repre-
sentative government comprising any oonsid
arable extent of territory.
However this may be, whether a great rep-
resentative system would or would not have,
been practicable in ancient times if it had been
tried, it is certain that it was never tried. In
all ancient republics, the sovereignty resided, es-
sentially, in a privileged class of the people of
the capital. The territories governed were
provinces, held in subjection as dependencies,
and compelled to pay tribute ; and this was the
plan which Otanes meant to advocate when rec-
ommending a republic, in the Persian council.
The name of the second speaker in this cei-
ebrated consultation was Megabyzus. He op-
posed the plan of Otanes. He concurred fully,
he said, in all that Otanes had advanced in re-
spect to the evils of a monarchy, and to the op-
pression and tyranny to which a people were
exposed whose liberties and lives were subject
to ft-.e despotic control of a single human will
But in order to avoid one extreme, it was not
necessary to run into the evils of the other.
The disadvantages and dangers of popular con-
trol in the management of the affairs of
BC. 520.J ACCESSION OP DARIUS. 89
Speech of Megabyzus. He proposes an oligarchy
were scarcely less than those of a despotism
Popular assemblies were always, he said, tar
bulent, passionate, capricious Their decisions
were controlled by artful and designing dema-
gogues. It was not possible that masses of the
common people could have either the sagacity
to form wise counsels, or the energy and stead-
iness to execute them. There could be no de-
liberation, no calmness, no secrecy in their con-
sultations. A populace was always governed
by excitements, which spread among them by
a common sympathy ; and they would give wav
impetuously to the most senseless impulses, as
they were urged by their fear, their resentment,
their exultation, their hate, or by any other
passing emotion of the hour.
Megabyzus therefore disapproved of both a
monarchy and a republic. He recommended
an oligarchy. " We are now," said he, " al-
ready seven. Let us select from the leading
nobles in the court and officers of the army a
email number of men, eminent for talents and
virtue, and thus form a select and competent
body of men, which shall be the depository of
the supreme power. Such a plan avoids the
evil* and inconveniences of both the other sys-
tems. There can be no tyranny or oppression
90 DARIUS THE GREAT. [B.0.52O
Speech of Darios. He advocmtea a monarchy
under such a system ; for, if any one of so large
a number should be inclined to abuse his pow-
er, he will be restrained by the rest. On the
other hand, the number will not be so large as
to preclude prudence and deliberation in coun-
sel, and the highest efficiency and energy in
carrying counsels into effect."
When Megabyzus had completed his speech,
Darius expressed his opinion. He said that the
arguments of those who had already spoken ap-
peared plausible, but that the speakers had not
dealt quite fairly by the different systems whos*
merits they had discussed, since they had com-
pared a good administration of one form of gov-
ernment with a bad administration of another
Every thing human was, he admitted, subject
to imperfection and liable to abuse ; but on the
supposition that each of the three forms which
had been proposed were equally well adminis-
tered, the advantage, he thought, would be
strongly on the side of monarchy. Control ex
ercised by a single mind and will was far mon
concentrated and efficient than that proceeding
from any conceivable combination. The form
ing of plans could be, in that case, more secret
and wary, and the execution of them more im-
mediate and prompt. Where power was
B.C. 520.J ACCESSION OF DARIUS. 91
Poor of the seven confederates concur with Darius.
ed in many hands, all energetic exercise of it
was paralyzed by the dissensions, the animosi-
ties and the contending struggles of envious
and jealous rivals. These struggles, in fact,
usually resulted in the predominance of some
one, more energetic or more successful than the
rest, the aristocracy or the democracy running
thus, of its own accord, to a despotism in the
end, showing that there were natural causes
always tending to the subjection of nations of
men to the control of one single will.
Besides all this, Darius added, in conclusion,
that the Persians had always been accustomed
to a monarchy, and it would be a very danger-
ous experiment to attempt to introduce a new
system, which would require so great a change
in all the habits and usages of the people.
Thus the consultation went on. At the end
of it, it appeared that four out of the seven
agreed with Darius in preferring a monarchy
This was a majority, and thus the question
seemed to -be settled. Otanes said that ha
would make no opposition to any measures
which they might adopt to carry their decision
into effect, but that he would not himself be
subject to the monarchy which they might es-
tablish. " I do not wish," he added, " either tc
92 DARIUS THE GRBAT. [B.C. 520
Ounea withdrawn. Agreement made by the rei
govern others or to have others govern me.
You may establish a kingdom, therefore, if you
choose, and designate the monarch in any mode
that you see fit to adopt, but he must not con-
sider me as one of his subjects. I myself, and
all my family and dependents, must be wholly
free from his controL"
This was a very unreasonable proposition,
unless, indeed, Otanes was willing to withdraw
altogether from the community to which he
thus refused to be subject ; for, by residing
within it, he necessarily enjoyed its protection,
and ought, therefore, to bear his portion of its
burdens, and to be amenable to its laws. Not-
withstanding this, however, the conspirators ac-
ceded to the proposal, and Otanes withdrew.
The remaining six of the confederates then
proceeded with their arrangements for the es-
tablishment of a monarchy. They first agreed
that one of their own number should be the
sing, and that on whomsoever the choice should
fall, the other five, while they submitted to his
lomiiion, should always enjoy peculiar privi-
eges and honors at his court. They were at
all times to have free access to the palaces and
to the presence of the king, and it was from
among their daughters alone that the king waa
B.C. 520.] ACCESSION OF DARIUS. 9tf
Singular mode of deciding which should be the king.
to choose his wives. These and some other
similar points having been arranged, the man-
ner of deciding which of the six should be the
king remained to be determined. The plan
which they adopted, and the circumstances con-
nected with the execution of it, constitute, cer-
tainly, one of the most extraordinary of all the
strange transactions recorded in ancient times
It is gravely related by Herodotus as sober
truth. How far it is to be considered as by any
possibility credible, the reader must judge, aft-
er knowing what the story is.
They agreed, then, that on the following
morning they would all meet on horseback at a
place agreed upon beyond the walls of the city,
and that the one whose horse should neigh first
should be the king ! The time when this ridia
ulous ceremony was to be performed was sun-
rise.
As soon as this arrangement was made th
parties separated, and each went to his own
home. Darius called his groom, whose name
was (E bases, and ordered him to have bis horse
ready at sunrise on the next morning, explain
ing to him, at the same time, the plan which
had been formed for electing the king. " If
that is the mode which is to be adopted," said
M DJ.RIUS THE (TREAT. [B.(
ttie groom (E bases. His method of making Darius'* horse neigh
QB bases, " you need have no concern, for I can
arrange it very easily so as to have the lot fal 1
upon you." Darius expressed a strong desire
to have this accomplished, if it were possible,
and (E bases went away.
The method which (E bases adopted was to
lead Darius's horse out to the ground that even-
ing, Ln company with another, the favorite com-
panion, it seems, of the animal. Now the at-
tachment of the horse to his companion is very
strong, and his recollection of localities very
vivid, and 05 bases expected that when the
horse should approach the ground on the follow-
ing morning, he would be reminded of the com-
pany which he enjoyed there the night before,
and neigh. The result was as he anticipated.
As the horsemen rode up to the appointed place,
the horse of Darius neighed the first, and Da-
rius was unanimously acknowledged king.
In respect to the credibility of this famous
story, the first thought which arises in the mind
is, that it is utterly impossible that sane men,
acting in so momentous a crisis, and where in-
terests so vast and extended were at stake^
could have resorted to a plan so childish and ri-
diculous as this ISuch a mode of designating a
leader, seriously adopted, would have done dis-
B.C. 520.] ACCESSION OF DARIUB. 95
Probable truth or falsehood or this account.
credit to a troop of boys making arrangements
for a holiday ; and yet here was an empire ex-
tending for thousands of miles through the
heart of a vast continent, comprising, probably,
fifty nations and many millions of people, with
capitals, palaces, armies, fleets, and all the oth-
er appointments and machinery of an immense
dominion, to be appropriated and disposed of ab-
solutely, and, so far as they could see, forever.
It seems incredible that men possessing such in-
telligence, and information, and extent of view
as we should suppose that officers of their rank
and station would necessarily acquire, could
have attempted to decide such a momentous
question hi so ridiculous and trivial a manner.
And yet the account is seriously recorded by
Herodotus as sober history, and the story has
been related again and again, from that day to
this, by every successive generation of histo-
rians, without any particular question of its
truth.
And it may possibly be that it is true. It if
a case in which the apparent improbability i*
far greater than the real. In the first p.ace, it
would seem that, in all ages of the world, the acts
and decisions of men occupying positions of the
'most absolute and exalted power have been con-
96 DARIUS THE GREAT. I B.C. 520
Ancient UtMmen. Their character and position
trolled, to a much greater degree, by caprice and
by momentary impulse, than mankind have gen
erally supposed. Looking up as we do to these
vast elevations from below, they seem invested
with a certain sublimity and grandeur which
we imagine must continually impress the minds
of those who occupy them, and expand and
strengthen their powers, and lead them to act,
in all respects, with the circumspection, the de-
liberation, and the far-reaching sagacity which
the emergencies continually arising seem to
require. And this is, in fact, in some degree
the case with the statesmen and political lead-
ers raised to power under the constitutional gov-
ernments of modern times. Such statesmen
are clothed with their high authority, in one
way or another, by the combined and deliberate
action of vast masses of men, and every step
which they take is watched, in reference to its
influence on the condition and welfare of these
masses, by many millions; so that such men
li\e and act under a continual sense cf respon
sibility, and they appreciate, in some degree,
the momentous importance of their doings.
Bat the absolute and independent sovereigns of
the Old World, who held their power by con-
quest or by inheritance, though raised some-
B.C. 320. J ACCESSION OF DARIUS. 97
The conspirator! governed, in their decision, by npentitlou feeling*
times to very vast and giddy elevations, seem
to have been unconscious, in many instances,
of the dignity and grandeur of their standing,
and to have considered their acts only as they
affected their own personal and temporary in-
terests. Thus, though placed on a great eleva-
tion, they took only very narrow and circum-
scribed views; they saw nothing but the ob-
jects immediately around them ; and they often
acted, accordingly, in the most frivolous and
capricious manner.
It was so, undoubtedly, with these six con-
spirators. In deciding which of their number
should be king, they thought nothing of the in.
terests of the vast realms, and of the countless
millions of people whose government was to be
provided for. The question, as they considered
it, was doubtless merely which of them should
have possession of the royal palaces, and be the
center and the object of royal pomp and parade
in the festivities and celebrations of the capital.
And in the mode of decision which they adopt-
ed, it may be that some degree of superstitious
feeling mingled. The action and the voices of
animals were considered, in those days, as su-
pernatural omens, indicating the will of heaven.
These conspirators may have expected, accord
297
y8 DARIUS THE GREAT. 113.C. 520
The conspirators do homage to Dariua. The equestrian siatuo
ingly, in the neighing of the horse, a sort of di-
vine intimation in respect to the disposition of
the crown. This idea is confirmed by the state-
ment which the account of this transaction con-
tains, that immediately after the neighing of
Darius's horse, it thundered, although there
were no clouds in the sky from which the thun-
der could be supposed naturally to come. The
conspirators, at all events, considered it solemnly
decided that Darius was to be king. They all
dismounted from their horses and knelt around
hirn, in acknowledgment of their allegiance and
subjection.
It seems that Darius, after he became es-
tablished on his throne, considered the contri-
vance by which, through the assistance of his
groom, he had obtained the prize, not as an act
of fraud which it was incumbent on him to
conceal, but as one of brilliant sagacity which
he was to avow and glory in. He caused a
magnificent equestrian statue to be sculptured,
representing himself mounted on his neighing
horse. This statue he set up in a public plac*
\Fith this inscription :
DARIUS, SON OF HYSTASPES, OBTAINED THE so^
EREIGNTY OF PERSIA BY THE SAGACITY OF HIS HOR8B
AND THE INGENIOUS CONTRIVANCK OF CE BASES HI
GROOM .
B.C. 520.] THE 1 J K .. v i * c K *
He Is denied admittance to Dwrtc <
CH APTE a V.
THE PROVINCES.
SEVERAL of the events and incidents which
occurred immediately after the accession
of Darius to the throne, illustrate in a striking
manner the degree in which the princes and po-
tentates of ancient days were governed by ca-
price and passionate impulse even in their pub-
jo acts. One of the most remarkable of these
was the case of Intaphernes.
Intaphernes was one of the seven conspira-
tors who combined to depose the magian and
place Darius on the throne. By the agree-
ment which they made with each other before
it was decided which should be the king, each
of them was to have free access to the king's
presence at ah 1 times. One evening, soon aftei
Darius became established on his throne, Inta-
phornes went to the palace, and was proceed-
ing to enter the apartment of the king withoul
ceremony, when he was stopped by two officers,
who told him that the king had retired. Inta-
phernes wa< incensed at the officers' insolence
100 DARIUS THE GREAT. [B.C. 520
Intapherne*'* cruelty to the two guard*. Darin*'* >pprehen*io*w
as he called it He drew his sword, and cut off
their noses and their ears. Then he took the
bridle off from his horse at the palace gate, an/1
tied the officers together ; and then, leaving
them in this helpless and miserable condition,
he went away.
The officers immediately repaired to the king,
and presented themselves to him, a frightful
spectacle, wounded and bleeding, and complain-
ing bitterly of Intaphernes as the author of the
injuries which they had received. The king
was at first alarmed for his own safety. He
feared that the conspirators had all combined
together to rebel against his authority, and that
this daring insult offered to his personal attend-
ants, in his very palace, was the first outbreak
of it. He accordingly sent for the conspirators
one by one, to ask of them whether they ap-
proved of what Intaphernes had done. They
promptly disavowed all connection with Inta-
phernes in the act, and all approval of it, and
declared their determination to adhere to the
decision that they had made, by which Darius
had been placed on the throne.
Darius then, after taking proper precautions
to guard against any possible attempts at re-
sistance, sent soldiers to seize Intaphernes, and
B.C.520.] THE PROVINCES. 101
lauphernM and family arrested. They are condemned to die
also his son, and all of his family, relatives, and
friends who were capable of bearing arras ; for
he suspected that Intaphernes hat meditated a
rebellion, and he thought that, if so, thes men
would most probably be his accomplices. The
prisoners were brought before him. There was,
indeed, no proof that they were engaged i i any
plan of rebellion, nor even that any plan of re-
bellion whatever had been formed ; but this cir-
cumstance afforded them no protection. The
liberties and the lives of all subjects were at the
supreme and absolute disposal of these ancient
kings. Darius thought it possible that the pris-
oners had entertained, or might entertain, some
treasonable designs, and he conceived that he
should, accordingly, feel safer if they were re-
moved out of the way. He decreed, therefore,
that they must all die.
While the preparations were making for the
execution, the wife of Intaphernes came con-
tinually to the palace of Darius, begging for an
audience, that she might intercede for the lives
of her friends. Darius was informed of this,
and at last, pretending to be moved with com-
passion for her distress, he sent her word that
he would pardon one of the criminals for her
sake, and that she might decide which one it
DAKIUS THK (JKKAT. f B.C. 520
Alternative offered to lutapbernes't wife. Her traiifo decmioD
should be. His real motive in making this pro-
posal seems to have been to enjoy the perplex-
ity and anguish which the heart of a woman
must sutler in being compelled thus to decide,
in a question of life and death, between a hus-
band and a son.
The wife of Intaphernes did not decide in fa-
vor of either of these. She gave the preference,
on the other hand, to a brother. Darius was
very much surprised at this result, and sent *
messenger to her to inquire how it happened
that she could pass over and abandon to their
fate her husband and her son, in order to save
the life of her brother, who was certainly to be
presumed less near and dear to her. To which
she gave this extraordinary reply, that the loss
of her husband and her son might perhaps be
repaired, since it was not impossible that she
might be married again, and that she might
have another son ; but that, inasmuch as both
her father and mother were dead, she could
never have another brother. The death of hei
present brother would, therefore, be an irrepar-
able loss.
The king was so much pleased with the nov
elty and unexpectedness of this turn of thought,
that he gav^ her the life of her son in additjo/
B.C. 52U.J THK PROVINCES. 103
DtMb of 1 utaphernen. The p-OTlnoe*
to that of her brother. All the rest of the fam
Uy circle of relatives and friends, together with
tntaphernes himself, he ordered to be slain.
Darius had occasion to be so much displeased,
boo, shortly after his accession to the throne,
with the governor of one of his provinces, that
he was induced to order him to be put to death.
The circumstances connected with this gov-
ernor's crime, and the manner of his execution,
illustrate very forcibly the kind of government
which was administered by these military des-
pots in ancient times. It must be premised
that great empires, like that over which Darius
had been called to rule, were generally divided
into provinces. The inhabitants of these prov-
inces, each community within its own borders,
went on, from year to year, in their various
pursuits of peaceful industry, governed mainly,
in their relations to each other, by the natural
sense of justice instinctive in man, and by those
thousand local institutions and usages which
are always springing up in all human commu-
nities under the influence of this principle.
There were governors stationed over these prov-
inces, whose main duty it was to collect and
remit to the king the tribute which the prov-
ince was required to furnish him. These gov.
104 DAR USTHEGREAT. [B.C. 52C
Th foTernorm. Tbelr tndependaoe
ernors were, of course, also to suppress any do
mestio outbreak of violence, and to repel anj
foreign invasion which might occur. A suffi
oient military force was placed at their disposal
to enable them to fulfill these functions. They
paid these troops, of course, from sums which
they collected in their provinces under the same
system by which they collected the tribute
This made them, in a great measure, independ-
ent of the king in the maintenance of their
armies. They thus intrenched themselves in
their various capitals at the head of these troops,
and reigned over their respective dominions al-
most as if they were kings themselves. They
had, in fact, very little connection with the su-
preme monarch, except to send him the annual
tribute which they had collected from their
people, and to furnish, also, their quota of troops
in case of a national war. In the time of our
Savior, Pilate was such a governor, intrusted
by the Romans with the charge of Judea, and
Matthew was one of the tax gatherers employed
to collect the tribute.
Of course, the governors of such provinces,
as we have already said, were, in a great meas-
ure, independent of the king. He had, ordina-
rily, no officers of justice whose jurisdiction
B.C.520.J THE PROVINCES 105
Power of the governors. Oretes, governor of Sardi
could contijjl, peacefully, such powerful vassals.
The only remedy in most cases, when they
were disobedient and rebellious, was to raise an
rmy and go forth to make war upon them, as
in the case of any foreign state. This was at-
tended with great expense, and trouble, and
hazard. The governors, when ambitious and
aspiring, sometimes managed their resources
with so much energy and military skill as to
get the victory over their sovereign hi the con-
tests in which they engaged with them, and
then they would gain vast accessions to the
privileges and powers which they exercised in
their own departments ; and they would some-
times overthrow their discomfited sovereign en-
tirely, and take possession of his throne them-
selves in his stead.
Oretes was the name of one of these govern-
ors in the time of Darius. He had been placed
by Cyrus, some years before, in charge of one
of the provinces into which the kingdom of Lyd-
ia had been divided. The seat of government
was Sardis.* He was a capricious and cruel
tyrant, as, in fact, almost all such governors
* For the position of Sardis, and of other places mentioned
in this chapter, see the map at the commencement of the vol
tune, and also that at the commencement of chapter xi
106 DARIUS THE ITHBAT. [B.C. 520
Conversation between Gretas and Mitrobales. Polycrai
were. We will relate an account of one of the
deeds which he performed some time before
Darius ascended the throne, and which suffi-
ciently illustrates his character.
He was one day sitting at the gates of hia
palace in Sardis, in conversation with the gov-
ernor of a neighboring territory who had come
to visit him. The name of this guest was Mit-
robates. As the two friends were boasting tc
one another, as such warriors are accustomed
to do, of the deeds of valor and prowess which
they had respectively performed. Mitrobates
said that Oretes could not make any great
pretensions to enterprise and bravery so long
as he allowed the Greek island of Sarnos, which
was situate at a short distance from the Lyd-
ian coast, to remain independent, when it would
be so easy to annex it to the Persian em-
pire. " You are afraid of Polycrates, I sup-
pose," said he. Polycrates was the king of
Samos.
Oretes was stung by this taunt, but, instead
of revenging himself on Mitrobates, the author
of it, he resolved on destroying Polycrates,
though he had no reason other than this foi
any feeling of enmity toward him.
Polycrates, although the seat of his dominior
H.C.520.J THE PROVINCES. 107
Dominion of Polycnues. Letter of Amasis
was a small island in the JEgean Sea, was a
very wealthy, and powerful, and prosperous
prince. All his plans and enterprises had been
remarkably successful. He had built and
equipped a powerful fleet, and had conquered
many islands in the neighborhood of his own.
He was projecting still wider schemes of con-
quests, and hoped, in fact, to make himself the
master of all the seas.
A very curious incident i:* related of Polyo-
rates, which illustrates very strikingly the child-
ish superstition which governed the minds of
men in those ancient days. It seems that in
the midst of his prosperity, his friend and ally,
the King of Egypt for these events, though
narrated here, occurred before the invasion of
Egypt by Carnbyses sent to him a letter, of
which the following is the purport.
" Amasis, king- of Egypt, to Polycratcs.
" It always gives me great satisfaction and
pleasure to hear of the prosperity of a friend
and ally, unless it is too absolutely continuous
and uninterrupted. Something like an alterna
tion of good and ill fortune is best for man ; I
have never known an instance of a very long-
continued course of unrnitujlfid and uninter-
1U8 DARIUS THE GREAT. [B.0.520
Adopted by Polycrmte*
rupted BUCOOSS that did not end, at last, in
overwhelming and terrible calamity. I am
anxious, therefore, for you, and my anxiety will
greatly increase if this extraordinary and un-
broken prosperity should continue much longer
I counsel you, therefore, to break the current
yourself, if fortune will not break it Bring
upon yourself some calamity, or loss, or suffer-
ing, as a means of averting the heavier evils
which will otherwise inevitably befall you. It
is a general and substantial welfare only that
can be permanent and final."
Polycrates seemed to think there was good
sense in this suggestion. He began to look
around him to see in what way he could bring
upon himself some moderate calamity or loss,
and at length decided on the destruction of a
very valuable signet ring which he kept among
his treasures. The ring was made with very
costly jewels set in gold, and was much cele-
brated both for its exquisite workmanship and
also for its intrinsic value. The loss of thi*
ring would be, he thought, a sufficient calam-
ity to break the evil charm of an excessive and
unvaried current of good fortune. Polycrates,
therefore, ordered one of the largest vessels in
B.C.520.] THE PROVINCES. 109
Polycraie* throw* away hit ring. IU singular raoor7
his navy, a fifty-oared galley, to be equipped
and manned, and, embarking in it with a large
company of attendants, he put to sea. When
he was at some distance from the island, he
took the ring, and in the presence of all his at-
tendants, he threw it forth into the water, and
saw it sink, to rise, as he supposed, no more.
But Fortune, it seems, was not to be thus
outgeneraled. A few days after Polycrates
had returned, a certain fisherman on the coast
took, in his nets, a fish of very extraordinary
size and beauty ; so extraordinary, in fact, that
he felt it incumbent on him to make a present
of it to the king. The servants of Polycrates,
on opening the fish for the purpose of preparing
it for the table, to their great astonishment and
gratification, found the ring within. The king
was overjoyed at thus recovering his lost treas-
cre ; he had, in fact, repented of his rashness
in throwing it away, and had been bitterly la-
menting its loss. His satisfaction and pleasure
were, therefore, very great in regaining it ; and
he immediately sent to Amasis an account of
the whole transaction, expecting that Amasia
would share in his joy.
Amasis, however, sent word back to him in
teply, that he considered the return of the ring
ill) DAKIDM THE VT K E A T. [B.C. /"i^
in that almost miraculous manner as an ex-
tremely unfavorable omen. " I fear," said he,
" that it is decreed by the Fates that you must
be overwhelmed, at, last, by some dreadful ca-
lamity, and that no measures of precaution
which you can adopt will avail to avert it. It
seems to me, too," he added, " that, it is incum-
bent on rne to withdraw from all alliance and
connection with you, lest I should also, at last,
be involvt/d in your destined destruction."
Whether this extraordinary story was true,
or whether it was all fabricated after the fall
of Polycrates, as a dramatic embellishment of
his history, we can not now know. The result,
however, corresponded with these predictions of
Amasis, if they were really made ; for it was
soon after these events that the conversation
took place at Sardis between Oretes and Mitro-
bates, at the gates of the palace, which led Ore-
tes to determine on effecting Polycrates's de-
struction.
In executing the plans which he thus formedj
Oretes had not the courage and energy neces-
sary for an open attack on Polycrates, and he
consequently resolved on attempting to accom-
plish his end by treachery and stratagem.
The plan which he devised was this : He sent
B.C.520.J THE PROVINCES. 11J
Letter of Oretea. His hypotiri*?
a messenger to Polycrates with a letter of the
following purport
" Oretes, governor of Sardis, to Polycrates of
Samos.
" I am aware, sire, of the plans which yon
have long been entertaining for extending your
power among the islands and over the waters
of the Mediterranean, until you shall have ac-
quired the supreme and absolute dominion ot
the seas. I should like to join you in this en-
terprise. You have ships and men, and I have
money. Let us enter into an alliance with
each other. I have accumulated in my treas-
uries a large supply of gold and silver, which I
will furnish for the expenses of the undertak-
ing. If you have any doubt of my sincerity hi
making these offers, and of my ability to fulfill
them, send some messenger hi whom you have
confidence, and I will lay the evidence before
him."
Polycrates was much pleased at the prospect
of a large accession to his funds, and he sent
the messenger, as Oretes had proposed. Oretes
prepared to receive him by filling a large num-
ber of boxes nearly full with heavy stones, and
112 DARIUS THB GREAT. IB.C.520
The pretended treasure. Fear* of I'olyemei'i daughter
then placing a shallow layer of gold or silvei
coin at the top. These boxes were then suit-
ably covered and secured, with the fastening!
usually adopted in those days, and placed awaj
in the royal treasuries. When the messengei
arrived, the boxes were brought out and open-
ed, and were seen by the messenger to be full,
as he supposed, of gold and silver treasure. The
messenger went back to Polycrates, and report^
ed that all which Oretes had said was true;
and Polycrates then determined to go to the
main land himself to pay Oretes L visit, that
they might mature together their plans for the
intended campaigns. He ordered a fifty-oared
galley to be prepared to convey him.
His daughter felt a presentiment, it seems,
that some calamity was impending. She earn-
estly entreated her father not to go. She had
had a dream, she said, about him, which had
frightened her excessively, and which she was
convinced portended some terrible danger. Po-
lycrates paid no attention to his daughter's warn-
ings. She urged them more and more earnest-
ly, until, at last, she made her father angry, and
then she desisted. Polycrates then embarked
on board his splendid galley, and sailed away
AJS soon as he landed in the dominions of Ore-
8.C.520.] THE PROVINCES. 118
OretM murders Polycrate*. He commiu other murder*
tes, the monster seized him and put him to
death, and then ordered his body to be nailed to
a cross, for exhibition to all passers by, as a
, public spectacle. The train of attendants and
.servants that accompanied Polycrates on this
expedition were all made slaves, except a few
persons of distinction, who were sent home in a
shameful and disgraceful niannei Among the
attendants who were detained in captivity by
Oretes was a celebrated family physician, nam-
ed Democedes, whose remarkable and romantic
adventures will be the subject of the next
chapter.
Oretes committed several other murders and
assassinations in this treacherous manner, with-
out any just ground for provocation. In these
deeds of violence and cruelty, he seems to have
acted purely under the influence of that wan
ton and capricious malignity which the posses-
sion of absolute and irresponsible power so often
engenders in the minds of bad men. It is
doubtful, however, whether these cruelties and
arimes would have particularly attracted the
attention of Darius, so long as he was not him-
self directly affected by them. The central gov-
ernment, in these ancient empires, generally in-
terested itself v orv little in the contentions and
114 DARIUS THE GREAT. [B.C. 520
l/retm destroy! Dartas's messenger. Darius Is Incensed
quarrels of the governors of the provinces, pro
vided that the tribute was efficiently collected
nd regularly paid.
A case, however, soon occurred, in OretesV
treacherous and bloody career, which arrester
the attention of Darius and aroused his ire
Darius had sent a messenger to Oretes, with
certain orders, which, it seems, Oretes did nol
like to obey. After delivering his dispatches
the bearer set out on his return, and was nevei
afterward heard of. Darius ascertained, to his
own satisfaction at least, that Oretes had caus-
ed his messenger to be waylaid and killed, and
that, the bodies both of horse and rider had been
buried, secretly, in the solitudes of the mount-
ains, in order to conceal the evidences of the
deed.
Darius determined on punishing this crime.
Some consideration was, however, required, in
order to determine in what way his object could
best be effected. The province of Oretes waa
at a great distance from Susa, and Oretes waa
strongly established there, at the head of a great
force. His guards were bound, it is true, to
obey the orders of Darius, but it was question-
able whether they would do so. To raise an
Army and march against the rebellious govern-
B.C.520.] THE PROVINCES. 115
Plan of Darius for punishing Ore tea. His proposal
or would be an expensive and hazardous under-
taking, and perhaps, too, it would prove that
such a measure was not necessary. All things
considered, Darius determined to try the exper-
iment of acting, by his own direct orders, upon
the troops and guards in Oretes's capital, with
the intention of resorting subsequently to an
armed force of his own, if that should be at last
required.
He accordingly called together a number of
his officers and nobles, selecting those on whose
resolution and fidelity he could most confidently
rely, and made the following address to them :
" 1 have an enterprise which I wish to com-
mit to the charge of some one of your number
who is willing to undertake it, which requires
no military force, and no violent measures of
any kind, but only wisdom, sagacity, and cour-
age. I wish to have Oretes, the governor of
Sardis, brought to me, dead or alive. He has
perpetrated innumerable crimes, and now, in
addition to all his other deeds of treacherous vi-
olence, he has had the intolerable insolence to
put to death one of my messengers. Which of
you will volunteer to bring him, dead or alive,
to me ?"
This proposal awakened a great enthusiasm
116 DARIUS THE (TREAT. [B.C.52U
Commission of Bageus. HI* plan
among the nobles to whom it was addressed
Nearly thirty of them volunteered their service*
to execute the order. Darius concluded to de-
cide between these competitors by lot The lot
fell upon a certain man named Bagseus, and he
immediately began to form his plans and make
his arrangements for the expedition.
He caused a number of different orders to bo
prepared, beginning with directions of little mo-
ment, and proceeding to commands of more and
more weighty importance, all addressed to the
officers of Oretes's army and to his guards.
These orders were all drawn up in writing with
great formality, and were signed by the name
of Darius, and sealed with his seal ; they, more-
over, named Bagseus as the officer selected by
the king to superintend the execution of them.
Provided with these documents, Bagseus pro-
ceeded to Sardis, and presented himself at the
court of Oretes. He presented his own person-
al credentials, and with them some of his most
insignificant orders. Neither Oretes nor hi*
guards felt any disposition to disobey them.
Bagseus, being thus received and recognized as
the envoy of the king, continued to present new
decrees and edicts, from time to time, as occa-
sions occurred in which he thought the guard*
B.C.520.] THE PROVINCES. 117
OratM beheaded. Division s of Darius'* empire.
would be ready to obey them, until he found
the habit, on their part, of looking to him as
the representative of the supreme power suffi-
ciently established ; for their disposition to obey
him was not merely tested, it was strengthened
by every new act of obedience. When he found,
at length, that his hold upon the guards was
sufficiently strong, he produced his two final
decrees, one ordering the guards to depose Ore-
tes from his power, and the other to behead him.
Both the commands were obeyed.
The events and incidents which have been
described in this chapter were of no great im-
portance in themselves, but they illustrate, more
forcibly than any general description would do
the nature and the operation of the government
exercised by Darius throughout the vast em-
pire over which he found himself presiding.
Such personal and individual contests and
transactions were not all that occupied his at-
tention. Ho devoted a great deal of thought and
of time to the work of arranging, in a distinct
and systematic manner, the division of his do-
minions into provinces, and to regulating pre-
cisely the amount of tribute to be required of
each, and the modes of collecting it. He di-
rided his empire into twenty great districts.
118 DARIUS THB URBAT. [B.C. 520
Tribal* of the Mtraple* The white hone*
each of which was governed by a ruler called
satrap. He fixed the amount of tribute which
each of these districts was to pay, making it
greater or less as the soil and the productions
of the country varied in fertility and abundance.
In some cases this tribute was to be paid is
gold, in others in silver, and in others in pecu-
liar commodities, natural to the country of
which they were required. For example, one
satrapy, which comprised a country famous for
its horses, was obliged to furnish one white
horse for every day in the year. This made
three hundred and sixty annually, that being
the number of days in the Persian year. Such
a supply, furnished yearly, enabled the king
soon to have a very large troop of white horses ;
and as the horses were beautifully caparisoned,
and the riders magnificently armed, the body
of cavalry thus formed was one of the most
splendid in the world.
The satrapies were numbered from the west
toward the east. The western portion of Asia
Minor constituted the first, and the East Indian
nations the twelfth and last. The East In-
dians had to pay their tribute hi ingots of gold
Their country produced gold.
AM it is now forever too late to separate the
B.C. 520.] THE PROVINCES. 119
The gold of India. Mode of gathering it.
facts from the fiction of ancient history, and de-
termine what is to be rejected as false and what
received as true, our only resource is to tell the
whole story just as it comes down to us, leav-
ing it to each reader to decide for himself what
he will believe. In this view of the subject, we
will conclude this chapter by relating the man-
ner in which it was said hi ancient times that
these Indian nations obtained their gold.
The gold country was situated in remote and
dreary deserts, inhabited only by wild beasts
and vermin, among which last there was, it
seems, a species of ants, which were of enor-
mous size, and wonderful fierceness and voraci-
ty, and which could run faster than the fleetest
horse or camel. These ants, in making their
excavations, would bring up from beneath the
surface of the ground all the particles of gold
which came in then* way, and throw them out
around their hills. The Indians then would pen-
etrate into these deserts, mounted on the fleetest
camels that they could procure, and leading oth-
er camels, not so fleet, by their sides. They
were provided, also, with bags for containing
the golden sands. "When they arrived at the
ant hills, they would dismount, and, gathering
up the gold which the ants had discarded, would
120 DARIUS THE (TREAT. [B.C. 520.
The wonderful ants. Their prodigious size.
fill their bags with the utmost possible dispatch,
and then mount their camels and ride away.
The ants, in the mean time, would take the
alarm, and begin to assemble to attack them ;
but as their instinct prompted them to wait
until considerable numbers were collected be-
fore they commenced their attack, the Indians
had time to fill their bags and begin their flight
before their enemies were ready. Then com-
menced the chase, the camels running at their
full speed, and the swarms of ants following,
and gradually drawing nearer and nearer. At
length, when nearly overtaken, the Indians
would abandon the camels that they were lead-
ing, and fly on, more swiftly, upon those which
they rode. While the ants were busy in devour-
ing the victims thus given up to them, the au-
thors of all the mischief would make good their
escape, and thus carry off their gold to a place
of safety. These famous ants were bigger than
foxes!
'i.C. 519.] GREECE RECONNOITBRED 123
T\t reconnoitortrm party. The phytlcian Demooedo*
CHAPTER VI
THE RECONNOITERING OP GREECE.
THE great event in the history of Darius
the one, in fact, on account of which it was,
mainly, that his name and his career have beeu
eo widely celebrated among mankind, was an
attempt which he made, on a very magnificent
scale, for the invasion and conquest of Greece.
Before commencing active operations in this
grand undertaking, he sent a reconnoitering
party to examine and explore the ground. This
reconnoitering party met with a variety of ex.
traordinary adventures hi the course of its prog-
ress, and the history of it will accordingly form
the subject of this chapter.
The guide to this celebrated raconnoitering
party was a certain Greek physician named
Democedes. Though Democedes was called a
Greek, he was, really, an Italian by birth. Hi
native town was Crotona, which may be found
exactly at the ball of the foot on the map of
Italy. It was by a very singular series of ad-
ventures tlia/ he passed from this remote vil-
124 DARIUS THE GREAT. [B.C.519
Siory of Democedn. 1IU boyhood
lage in the west, over thousands of miles by
land and sea, to Susa, Darius's capital. He
began by running away from his father while
he was still a boy. He said that he was driven
to this step by the intolerable strictness and
cruelty of his father's government This, how-
ever, is always the pretext of turbulent and
ungovernable young men, who abandon their
parents and their homes when the favors and the
protection necessary during their long and help-
less infancy have been all received, and the
time is beginning to arrive for making some
return.
Democedes was ingenious and cunning, and
fond of roving adventure. In running away
from home, he embarked on board a ship, as
euch characters generally do at the present day,
and went to sea. After meeting with various
adventures, he established himself in the island
of Egina, in the ^Egean sea, where he began
to practice as a physician, though he had had
no regular education in that art. In his prac-
tice he evinced so much medical skill, or, at
least, exercised so much adroitness in leading
people to believe that he possessed it, as to give
him very soon a wide and exalted reputation
The people of Egina appointed him their phy
B.C. 519.] G-REECE RECONNOITERED. 125
Democedes at Egina. At Athens. At the court of Polyermte*
gioian, and assigned him a large salary for his
services in attending upon the sick throughout
the island. This was the usual practice in
those days. A town, or an island, or any cir-
cumscribed district of country, would appoint
a physician as a public officer, who was to de
vote his attention, at a fixed annual salary, to
any cases of sickness which might arise in the
community, wherever his services were needed,
precisely as physicians serve in hospitals and
public institutions in modern times.
Democedes remained at ^Egina two years,
during which time his celebrity increased and
extended more and more, until, at length, he
received an appointment from the city of Ath-
ens, with the offer of a greatly increased salary.
He accepted the appointment, and remained in
Athens one year, when he received still more
advantageous offers from Poly crates, the king
of Samos, whose history was given so fully in
the last chapter.
Democedes remained for some time in the
court of Polycrates, where he was raised to the
highest distinction, and loaded with many hon-
ors. He was a member of the household of the
king, enjoyed his confidence in a high degree,
and attended him, personally, on all his expe-
126 DARIUS THE GREAT. [B.C. 519.
Dcmocedes a captive. He ie sent to Darius.
ditions. At last, when Polycrates went to Sar-
dis, as is related in the last chapter, to receive
the treasures of Oretes, and concert with him
the plans for their proposed campaigns, Demo-
cedes accompanied him as usual ; and when
Polycrates was slain, and his attendants and
followers were made captive by Oretes, the un-
fortunate physician was among the number.
By this reverse, he found that he had suddenly
fallen from affluence, ease, and honor, to the
condition of a neglected and wretched captive
in the hands of a malignant and merciless ty-
rant.
Democedes pined in this confinement for a
long time ; when, at length, Oretes himself was
killed by the order of Darius, it might have
been expected that the hour of his deliverance
had arrived. But it was not so ; his condition
was, in fact, made worse, and not better by it ;
for Bagseus, the commissioner of Darius, instead
of inquiring into the circumstances relating to
the various members of Oretes' s family, and
redressing the wrongs which any of them might
be suffering, simply seized the whole company,
and brought them all to Darius in Susa, as
trophies of his triumph, and tokens of the faith-
fulness and efficiency with which he had exe-
B.C. 519.] GREECE RECONNOITERED. 127
Democedes is cast into prison. His wretched condition.
cuted the work that Darius had committed to
his charge. Thus Democedes was borne away,
in hopeless bondage, thousands of miles farther
from his native land than before, and with
very little prospect of being ever able to re-
turn. He arrived at Susa, destitute, squalid,
and miserable. His language was foreign, his
rank and his professional skill unknown, and
all the marks which might indicate the refine-
ment and delicacy of the modes of life to which
he had been accustomed were wholly disguised
by his present destitution and wretchedness.
He was sent with the other captives to the
prisons, where he was secured, like them, with
fetters and chains, and was soon almost entirely
forgotten.
He might have taken some measures for
making his character, and his past celebrity
and fame as a physician known ; but he did
not dare to do this, for fear that Darius might
learn to value his medical skill, and so detain
him as a slave for the sake of his services. He
thought that the chance was greater that some
turn of fortune, or some accidental change in
the arrangements of government might take
place, by which he might be set at liberty, as
an insignificant and worthless captive, whom
128 DARIUS THE GREAT. [B.C. 519.
Darius sprains his ankle. The Egyptian physicians baffled
there was no particular motive for detaining,
than if he were transferred to the king's house-
hold as a slave, and his value as an artisan
for medical practice was, in those days, simply
an art^-were once known. He made no effort,
therefore, to bring his true character to light,
but pined silently hi his dungeon, in rags and
wretchedness, and in a mental despondency
which was gradually sinking into despair.
About this time, it happened that Darius was
one day riding furiously in a chase, and coming
upon some sudden danger, he attempted to leap
from his horse. He fell and sprained his ankle.
He was taken up by the attendants, and carried
home. His physicians were immediately called
to attend to the case They were Egyptians.
Egypt was, in fact, considered the great seat
and centre of learning and of the arts in those
days, and no royal household was complete
without Egyptian physicians.
The learning and skill, however, of the Egyp-
tians in Darius's court were entirely baffled by
the sprain. They thought that the joint was
dislocated, and they turned and twisted the foot
with so much violence, in their attempts to re-
store the bones to their proper position, as great-
ly to increase the pain and the inflammation.
iJ.C.019.] (TREECE RECONNOITERED. 129
Suffering* of Daring. He sends for Demcoede*
Darius spent a week in extreme and excruci-
ating suffering. He could not sleep day not
night, but tossed in continual restlessness ano
anguish on his couch, made constantly worse
instead of better by every effort of his physi-
cians to relieve him.
At length somebody informed him that there
was a Greek physician among the captives that
came from Sardis, and recommended that Da-
rius should send for him. The king, in his im-
patience and pain, was ready for any experi-
ment which promised the least hope of relief,
and he ordered that Democedes should be im-
mediately summoned. The officers accordingly
went to the prison and brought out the aston-
ished captive, without any notice or prepara-
tion, and conducted him, just as he was, rag-
ged and wretched, and shackled with iron fet-
ters upon his feet, into the presence of the king.
The fetters which such captives wore were in-
tended to allow them to walk, slowly and with
difficulty, while they impeded the movements
of the >et so as effectually to prevent any long
or rapid flight, or any escape at all from free
pursuers.
Democedes, when questioned by Darius, de-
nied at first that he possessed any medical
130 DARIUS THE GREAT. [B.C. 523.
Democedes'a denial. He treats the sprain successfully.
knowledge or skill. Darius was, however, not
deceived by these protestations. It was very
customary, in those days of royal tyranny, for
those who possessed any thing valuable to con-
ceal the possession of it : concealment was often
their only protection. Darius, who was well
aware of this tendency, did not believe the as-
surances of Democedes, and in the irritation
and impatience caused by his pain, he ordered
the captive to be taken out and put to the tor-
ture, in order to make him confess that he was
really a physician.
Democedes yielded without waiting to be act-
ually put to the test. He acknowledged at once,
for fear of the torture, that he had had some
experience in medical practice, and the sprained
ankle was immediately committed to his charge.
On examining the case, he thought that the
harsh and violent operations which the Egyp-
tian physicians had attempted were not re-
quired. He treated the inflamed and swollen
joint in the gentlest manner. He made fo-
menting and emollient applications, which sooth-
ed the pain, subdued the inflammation, and al-
layed the restlessness and the fever. The royal
sufferer became quiet and calm, and in a short
time fell asleep.
B.C. 519.] GREECE RECONNOITERED. 131
Darln'i recorery. The golden fetter*
In a word, the king rapidly recovered ; and,
overwhelmed with gratitude toward the bene-
factor whose skill had saved him from such suf-
fering, he ordered that, in place of his single
:>air of iron fetters, he should have two pairs of
fetters of gold !
It might at first be imagined that such a
strange token of regard as this could be intend
ed only as a jest and an insult ; but there is no
doubt that Darius meant it seriously as a com-
pliment and an honor. He supposed that Dem-
ocedes, of course, considered his condition of
captivity as a fixed and permanent one; and
that his fetters were not, in themselves, an in-
justice or disgrace, but the necessary and una-
voidable concomitant of his lot, so that the
sending of golden fetters to a slave was very
naturally, in his view, like presenting a golden
crutch to a cripple. Democedes received the
equivocal donation with great good nature. He
even ventured upon a joke on the subject to the
convalescent king. " It seems, sire," said he
" that in return for my saving your limb and
your life, you double my servitude. You have
given me two chains instead of one."
The king, who was now in a much bettei
humor to be pleased than when, writhing in an-
132 DARIUS THE GREAT. [B.C. 519.
Democedes released. Honors conferred on him.
guish, he had ordered Democedes to be put to
the torture, laughed at this reply, and released
the captive from the bonds entirely. He or-
dered him to be conducted by the attendants to
the apartments of the palace, where the wives
of Darius and the other ladies of the court re-
sided, that they might see him and express their
gratitude. " This is the physician," said the
eunuchs, who introduced him, " that cured the
king." The ladies welcomed him with the ut-
most cordiality, and loaded him with presents
of gold and silver as he passed through their
apartments. The king made arrangements,
too, immediately, for providing him with a mag-
nificent house in Susa, and established him
there in great luxury and splendor, with costly
furniture and many attendants, and all other
marks of distinction and honor. In a word,
Democedes found himself, by means of another
unexpected change of fortune, suddenly elevated
to a height as lofty as his misery and degrada-
tion had been low. He was, however, a captive
still.
The Queen Atossa, the daughter of Cyrus,
who has already been mentioned as the wife of
Cambyses and of Smerdis the magian, was one
of the wives of Darius. Her sister Antystone
B.C.519.J GREECE RECONNOITERED. 133
4UMU cured by Democedea. His condition*.
was another. A third was Phaedyma, the
daughter of Otanes, the lady who had been so
instrumental, in connection with Atossa, in the
discovery of the magian imposture. It hap-
pened that, some time after the curing of Da-
rius's sprain, Atossa herself was sick. Her
malady was of such a nature, that for some
time she kept it concealed, from a feeling of del-
icacy.* At length, terrified by the danger
which threatened her, she sent for Democedes,
and made her case known to him. He said
that he could cure her, but she must first prom-
ise to grant him, if he did so, a certain favor
which he should ask. She must promise be-
forehand to grant it, whatever it might be. It
was nothing, he said, that should in any way
compromise her honor.
Atossa agreed to these conditions, and Demo-
cedes undertook her case. Her malady was
soon cured ; and when she asked him what was
the favor which he wished to demand, he replied,
" Persuade Darius to form a plan for the in-
vasion of Greece, and to send me, with a small
company of attendants, to explore the country,
* It was a tumor of the breast, which became, at length,
an open nicer, and began to spread and enlarge in a Trr
formidable manner.
134 DARIUS THE GREAT. [B.C. 519
AUMia with Darta. She uggeu the InTMlon of Oreee*
and obtain for him all the necessary preliminary
information. In this way I shall see my native
iand once more."
Atossa was faithful in her promise. She
a mailed herself of the first favorable opportunity,
when it became her turn to visit the king, to
direct his mind, by a dexterous conversation, to-
ward the subject of the enlargement of his em-
pire. He had vast forces and resources, she
said, at his command, and might easily enter
upon a career of conquest which would attract
the admiration of the world. Darius replied
that he had been entertaining some views of
that nature. He had thought, he said, of at-
tacking the Scythians : these Scythians were
a group of semi-savage nations on the north of
his dominions. Atossa represented to him that
subduing the Scythians would be too easy a
conquest, and that it would be a far nobler en-
terprise, and more worthy of his talents and
his vast resources, to undertake an expedition
into Europe, and attempt the conquest of
Greece. You have all the means at your com-
mand essential for the success of such an under-
taking, and you have in your court a man who
can give you, or can obtain for you, all the
necessary information in respect to the country,
B.C. 519.] GREECE RECONNOITERED. 135
The exploring party. Democedes appointed guide
to enable you to form the plan of your cam-
paigns.
The ambition of Darius was fired by these
suggestions. He began immediately to form
projects and schemes. Tn a day or two he or-
ganized a small party of Persian officers of dis-
tinction, in whom he had great confidence, to
go on an exploring tour into Greece. < They
were provided with a suitable company of at-
tendants, and with every thing necessary for
their journey, and Democedes was directed to
prepare to go with them as their guide. They
were to travel simply as a party of Persian no-
blemen, on an excursion of curiosity and pleas-
ure, concealing their true design ; and as Dem-
ocedes their guide, though born in Italy, was
in all important points a Greek, and was well
acquainted with the countries through which
they were to pass, they supposed that they could
travel every where without suspicion. Darius
charged the Persians to keep a diligent watch
over Democedes, and not to allow him, on any
account to leave them, but to bring him back
to Susa safely with them on their return.
As for Democedes, he had no intention what-
ever of returning to Persia, though he kept his
designs of making his escape entirely concealed.
136 DARIUS THE (TREAT. [B.C. 519.
Designs of Democcdes. Darius baffled.
Darius, with seeming generosity, said to him,
while he was making his preparations, " I rec-
ommend to you to take with you all your pri-
vate wealth and treasures, to distribute, for
presents, among your friends in Greece and
Italy. I will bestow more upon you here on
your return." Democedes regarded this coun-
sel with great suspicion. He imagined that
the king, in giving him this permission, wished
to ascertain, by observing whether he would
really take with him all his possessions, the ex-
istence of any secret determination in his mind
not to come back to Susa. If this were Da-
rius's plan, it was defeated by the sagacious
vigilance and cunning of the physician. He
told the king, in reply, that he preferred to leave
his effects in Persia, that they might be ready
for his use on his return. The king then or-
dered a variety of costly articles to be provided
and given to Democedes, to be taken with him
and presented to his friends in Greece and Italy.
They consisted of vessels of gold and silver,
pieces of Persian armor of beautiful workman-
ship, and articles of dress, expensive and splen-
did. These were all carefully packed, and the
various other necessary preparations were made
for the long journey.
B.C. 519.] GREECE RECONNOITERED. 137
The expedition sets out. City of Sidon-
At length the expedition set out. They
traveled by land westward, across the conti-
nent, till they reached the eastern shores of the
Mediterranean Sea. The port at which they
arrived was Sidon, the city so often mentioned
in the Scriptures as a great pagan emporium
of commerce. The city of Sidon was in the
height of its glory at this time, being one of the
most important ports of the Mediterranean for
all the western part of Asia. Caravans of trav-
elers came to it by land, bringing on the backs
of camels the productions of Arabia, Persia, and
all the East ; and fleets of ships by sea, loaded
with the corn, and wine, and oil of the Western
nations.
At Sidon the land journey of the expedition
was ended. Here they bought two large and
splendid ships, galleys of three banks of oars,
to convey them to Greece. These galleys were
for their own personal accommodation. There
was a third vessel, called a transport, for the
conveyance of their baggage, which consisted
mainly of the packages of rich and costly pres-
ents which Darius had prepared. Some of thesa
presents were for the friends of Democedes, as
has been already explained, and others had been
provided as gifts and offerings from the king
138 DARIUS THE GREAT. [B.C.519.
The sea voyage. The Grecian coasts examined.
himself to such distinguished personages as the
travelers might visit on their route. When
the vessels were ready, and the costly cargo
was on board, the company of travelers em-
barked, and the little fleet put to sea.
The Grecian territories are endlessly divided
and indented by the seas, whose irregular and
winding shores form promontories, peninsulas,
and islands without number, which are access-
ible in every part by water. The Persian ex-
plorers cruised about among these coasts under
Democedes's guidance, examining every thing,
and noting carefully all the information which
they could obtain, either by personal observa-
tion or by inquiring of others, which might be
of service to Darius in his intended invasion.
Democedes allowed them to take their own
time, directing their course, however, steadily,
though slowly, toward his own native town of
Crotona. The expedition landed in various
places, and were every where well received.
It was not for the interest of Democedes that
they should yet be intercepted. In fact, the
name and power of Darius were very much
feared, or, at least, very highly respected in all
the Grecian territory, and the people were little
inclined to molest a peaceful party of Persians
B.C. 518.] GREECE RECONNOITERED. 139
Arrival at Tarentum. Suspicions of the authorities.
traveling like ordinary tourists, and under the
guidance, too, of a distinguished countryman of
their own, whose name was, in some degree, a
guarantee for the honesty and innocence of their
intentions. At length, however, after spending
some time in the Grecian seas, the little squad-
ron moved still farther west, toward the coast
of Italy, and arrived finally at Tarentum. Ta-
rentum was the great port on the Grecian side
of Italy. It was at the head of the spacious bay
which sets up between the heel and the ball of
the foot of the boot-shaped peninsula. Crotona,
Democedes's native town, to which he was now
desirous to return, was southwest of Tarentum,
about two hundred miles along the shore.*
It was a very curious and extraordinary cir-
cumstance that, though the expedition had been
thus far allowed to go and come as its leaders
pleased, without any hinderance or suspicion,
yet now, the moment that they touched a point
from which Democedes could easily reach his
home, the authorities on shore, in some way or
other, obtained some intimation of the true
character of their enterprise. The Prince of
Tarentum seized the ships. He made the Per-
* For the situation of these places, see the map
much incensed at finding one of his subordinate
officers so derelict in duty. He sent his guard*
in pursuit of him ; and when Syclax was brought
to his ship, Megabates ordered his head to bs
thrust out through one of the small port-hole?
intended for the oars, in the side of the ship,
and then bound him in that position his heart
appearing thus to view, in the sight of all the
fleet, while his body remained within the ves-
sel. " I am going to keep him at his post,'
said Megabates, " and in such a way that ev
ery one can see that he is there."
Aristagoras was much distressed at seeing
his friend suffering so severe and disgraceful a
punishment. He went to Megabates and re-
quested the release of the prisoner, giving, at
the same time, what he considered satisfactory
reasons for his having been absent from his ves-
sel. Megabates, however, was not satisfied,
and refused to set Syclax at liberty. Aristag-
oras then told Megabates that, he mistook his
B.C. 504.] THE STORY OF HISTI^US. 225
Dissension between the commanders. The expedition fails.
position in supposing that he was master of the
expedition, and could tyrannize over the men in
that manner, as he pleased. " I will have you
understand," said he, " that I am the command-
er in this campaign, and that Artaphernes, in
making you the sailing-master of the fleet, had
no intention that you should set up your au-
thority over mine." So saying, he went away
in a rage, and released Syclax from his durance
with his own hands.
It was now the turn of Megabates to he en-
raged. He determined to defeat the expedition.
He sent immediately a secret messenger to
warn the Naxians of their enemies' approach.
The Naxians immediately made effectual prep-
arations to defend themselves. The end of it
was, that when the fleet arrived, the island was
prepared to receive it, and nothing could be
done. Aristagoras continued the siege four
months ; but inasmuch as, during all this time,
Megabates did every thing in his power to cir-
cumvent and thwart every plan that Aristago-
ras formed, nothing was accomplished. Final-
ly, the expedition was broken up, and Aristago-
ras returned home, disappointed and chagrined,
all his hopes blasted, and his own private finan-
ces thrown into confusion by the great pecuniary
2915
DARIUS THE GREAT. [B.C. 504
Chagrin of Aristagoras. He resolves to revoll
losses which he himself had sustained. He had
contributed very largely, from his own private
funds, in fitting out the expedition, fully confi-
dent of success, and of ample reimbursement
for his expenses as the consequence of it.
He was angry with himself, and angry with
Megabates, and angry with Artaphernes. He
presumed, too, that Megabates would denounce
him to Artaphernes, and, through him, to Dari-
us, as the cause of the failure of the expedition.
A sudden order might come at any moment,
directing that he should be beheaded. He be-
gan to consider the expediency of revolting from
the Persian power, and making common cause
with the Greeks against Darius. The danger
of such a step was scarcely less than that of re-
maining as he was. While he was pondering
these momentous questions in his mind, he was
led suddenly to a decision by a very singular
circumstance, the proper explaining of which
requires the story to return, for a time, to His-
tiffius at Susa.
Histiseus was very ill at ease in the posses-
sion of his forced elevation and grandeur at
Susa. He enjoyed great distinction there, it is
true, and a life of ease and luxury, but he wish-
ed for independence and authority. He was,
B.C.504.] THE STORY OF HISTI^US. 227
Position of Histieeus. His uneasiness.
accordingly, very desirous to get back to his
former sphere of activity and power in Asia
Minor. After revolving in his mind the various
plans which occurred to him for accomplishing
this purpose, he at last decided on inducing Ar-
istagoras to revolt in Ionia, and then attempt-
ing to persuade Darius to send him on to quell
the revolt. When once in Asia Minor, he would
join the rebellion, and bid Darius defiance.
The first thing to be done was to contrive
some safe and secret way to communicate with
Aristagoras. This he effected in the following
manner: There was a man in his court who
was afflicted with some malady of the eyes.
Histiseus told him that if he would put himself
under his charge he could effect a cure. It
would be necessary, he said, that the man should
have his head shaved and scarified; that is,
punctured with a sharp instrument, previously
dipped in some medicinal compound. Then,
after some further applications should have been
made, it would be necessary for the patient to
go to Ionia, in Asia Minor, where there was a
physician who would complete the cure.
The patient consented to this proposal. The
head was shaved, and Histiseus, while pretend-
ing to scarify it, pricked into the skin as sail-
228 DARIUS THE GREAT. [B.C. 504
Singular mode of communication. Its success.
ors tattoo anchors on their arms by means of a
needle and a species of ink which had proba-
bly no great medicinal virtue, the words of a
letter to Aristagoras, in which he communica-
ted to him fully, though very concisely, the
particulars of his plan. He urged Aristagoras
to revolt, and promised that, if he would do so,
he would come on, himself, as soon as possible,
and, under pretense of marching to suppress the
rebellion, he would really join and aid it.
As soon as he had finished pricking this trea-
sonable communication into the patient's skin,
he carefully enveloped the head in bandages,
which, he said, must on no account be disturb-
ed. He kept the man shut up, besides, in the
palace, until the hair had grown, so as effect-
ually to conceal the writing, and then sent him
to Ionia to have the cure perfected. On his ar-
rival at Ionia he was to find Aristagoras, who
would do what further was necessary. Histi-
seus contrived, in the mean time, to send word
to Aristagoras by another messenger, that, as
soon as such a patient should present himself,
Aristagoras was to shave his head. He did so,
and the communication appeared. We must
suppose that the operations on the part of Aris-
tagoras for the purpose of completing the cure
B.C. 504.] THE STORY OF Hi STILUS. 229
Revolt of Aristagoras. Feigned indignation of Histisus.
consisted, probably, in pricking in more ink, so
as to confuse and obliterate the writing.
Aristagoras was on the eve of throwing off
the Persian authority when he received this
communication. It at once decided him to pro-
ceed. He organized his forces and commenced
his revolt. As soon as the news of this rebellion
reached Susa, Histiseus feigned great indigna-
tion, and earnestly entreated Darius to commis-
sion him to go and suppress it. He was confi-
dent, he said, that he could do it in a very prompt
and effectual manner. Darius was at first in-
clined to suspect that Histiseus was in some
way or other implicated in the movement ; but
these suspicions were removed by the protesta-
tions which Histiaeus made, and at length he
gave him leave to proceed to Miletus, command-
ing him, however, to return to Susa again as
soon as he .should have suppressed the revolt.
When Histiaeus arrived in Ionia he joined
Aristagoras, and the two generals, leaguing
with them various princes and states of Greece,
organized a very extended and dangerous rebel-
lion, which it gave the troops of Darius infinite
trouble to subdue. "We can not here give an
account of the incidents and particulars of this
war. For a time the rebels prospered, and
230 DARIUS THE GREAT. [B.C.504.
The Ionian rebellion. Its failure. Death of Histiteus.
their cause seemed likely to succeed ; but at
length the tide turned against them. Their
towns were captured, their ships were taken
and destroyed, their armies cut to pieces. His-
tiaeus retreated from place to place, a wretched
fugitive, growing more and more distressed and
destitute every day. At length, as he was fly-
ing from a battle field, he arrested the arm of
a Persian, who was pursuing him with his
weapon upraised, by crying out that he was
Histiseus the Milesian. The Persian, hearing
this, spared his life, but took him prisoner, and
delivered him to Artaphernes. Histiseus beg-
ged very earnestly that Artaphernes would send
him to Darius alive, in hopes that Darius would
pardon him in consideration of his former serv-
ices at the bridge of the Danube. This was,
however, exactly what Artaphernes wished to
prevent ; so he crucified the wretched Histiaeus
at Sardis, and then packed his head in salt and
sent it to Darius.
B.C. 512.] INVASION OF GREECE. 233
Great battles. Progress of the Persian empire.
CHAPTER XL
THE INVASION OF GREECE AND THE
BATTLE OF MARATHON.
IN the history of a great military conquer-
or, there seems to be often some one great
battle which in importance and renown eclips-
es all the rest. In the case of Hannibal it was
the battle of Cannae, in that of Alexander the
battle of Arbela. Caesar's great conflict was at
Pharsalia, Napoleon's at "Waterloo. Marathon
was, in some respects, Darius's Waterloo. The
place is a beautiful plain, about twelve miles
north of the great city of Athens. The battle
was the great final contest between Darius and
the Greeks, which, both on account of the aw-
ful magnitude of the conflict, and the very ex-
traordinary circumstances which attended it,
has always been greatly celebrated among man-
kind.
The whole progress of the Persian empire,
from the time of the first accession of Cyrus to
the throne, was toward the westward, till it
reached the confines of Asia on the shores of
the Mgean. Sea. All the shores and islands of
234 DARIUS THE GREAT. [B.C. 512.
Condition of the Persian empire. Plans of Darius,
this sea were occupied by the states and the
cities of Greece. The population of the whole
region, both on the European and Asiatic shores,
spoke the same language, and possessed the
same vigorous, intellectual, and elevated char-
acter. Those on the Asiatic side had been con-
quered by Cyrus, and their countries had been
annexed to the Persian empire. Darius had
wished very strongly, at the commencement of
his reign, to go on in this work of annexation,
and had sent his party of commissioners to ex-
plore the ground, as is related in a preceding
chapter. He had, however, postponed the ex-
ecution of his plans, in order first to conquer
the Scythian countries north of Greece, think-
ing, probably, that this would make the sub-
sequent conquest of Greece itself more easy.
By getting a firm foothold in Scythia, he would,
as it were, turn the flank of the Grecian terri-
tories, which would tend to make his final de-
scent upon them more effectual and sure.
This plan, however, failed ; and yet, on his
retreat from Scythia, Darius did not withdraw
his armies wholly from the European side of
the water. He kept a large force in Thrace,
and his generals there were gradually extend-
ing and strengthening their power, and prepar-
B.C.512.] INVASION OF GREECE. 235
Persian power in Thrace. Attempted negotiation with Macedon.
ing for still greater conquests. They attempt-
ed to extend their dominion, sometimes by ne-
gotiations, and sometimes by force, and they
\yere successful and unsuccessful by turns,
whichever mode they employed.
One very extraordinary story is told of an at-
tempted negotiation with Macedon, made with
a view of bringing that kingdom, if possible,
under the Persian dominion, without the neces-
sity of a resort to force. The commanding gen-
eral of Darius's armies in Thrace, whose name,
as was stated in the last chapter, was Megaby-
zus, sent seven Persian, officers into Macedon,
not exactly to summon the Macedonians, in a
peremptory manner, to surrender to the Per-
sians, nor, on the other hand, to propose a vol-
untary alliance, but for something between the
two. The communication was to be in the
form of a proposal, and yet it was to be made
in the domineering and overbearing manner
with which the tyrannical and the strong often
make proposals to the weak and defenseless.
The seven Persians went to Macedon, which,
as will be seen from the map, was west of
Thrace, and to the northward of the other Gre-
cian countries. Amyntas, the king of Mace-
don, gave them a very honorable reception. At
236 DARIUS THE GREAT. [B.C.512.
The seven commissioners. Their rudeness at the feast
length, one day, at a feast to which they were
invited in the palace of Amyntas, they became
somewhat excited with wine, and asked to have
the ladies of the court brought into the apart-
ment. They wished " to see them," they said.
Amyntas replied that such a procedure was
entirely contrary to the usages and customs of
their court ; but still, as he stood somewhat in
awe of his visitors, or, rather, of the terrible pow-
er which the delegation represented, and wish-
ed by every possible means to avoid provoking
a quarrel with them, he consented to comply
with their request. The ladies were sent for.
They came in, reluctant and blushing, their
minds excited by mingled feelings of indigna-
tion and shame.
The Persians, becoming more and more ex-
cited and imperious under the increasing influ-
ence of the wine, soon began to praise the beau-
ty of these new guests in a coarse and free
manner, which overwhelmed the ladies with
confusion, and then to accost them familiarly
and rudely, and to behave toward them, in oth-
er respects, with so much impropriety as to
produce great alarm and indignation among all
the king's household. The king himself was
much distressed, but he was afraid to act de-
B.C. 512.] INVASION OF GREECE. 237
Stratagem of Amyntas's son. The commissioners killed.
cidedly. His son, a young man of great energy
and spirit, approached his father with a counte-
nance and manner expressive of high excite-
ment, and begged him to retire from the feast,
and leave him, the son, to manage the affair.
Amyntas reluctantly allowed himself to be per-
suaded to go, giving his son many charges, as
he went away, to do nothing rashly or violent-
ly. As soon as the king was gone, the prince
made an excuse for having the ladies retire for
a short time, saying that they should soon re-
turn. The prince conducted them to their
apartment, and then selecting an equal number
of tall and smooth-faced boys, he disguised them
to represent the ladies, and gave each one a
dagger, directing him to conceal it beneath his
robe. These counterfeit females were then in-
troduced to the assembly in the place of those
who had retired. The Persians did not detect
the deception. It was evening, and, besides,
their faculties were confused with the effects of
the wine. They approached the supposed la-
dies as they had done before, with rude famili-
arity ; and the boys, at a signal made by the
prince when the Persians were wholly off their
guard, stabbed and killed every one of them on
the spot.
238 DARIUS THE GREAT. [B.C. 512
Artifice of the prince. Uarius's anger against the Athenians-
Megabyzus sent an embassador to inquire
what became of his seven messengers; but
the Macedonian prince contrived to buy this
messenger off by large rewards, and to induce
him to send back some false but plausible sto-
ry to satisfy Megabyzus. Perhaps Megabyzus
would not have been so easily satisfied had it
not been that the great Ionian rebellion, un-
der Aristagoras and Histiaeus, as described in
the last chapter, broke out soon after, and de-
manded his attention in another quarter of the
realm.
The Ionian rebellion postponed, for a time,
Darius' s designs on Greece, but the effect of it
was to make the invasion more certain and
more terrible in the end ; for Athens, which was
at that time one of the most important and pow-
erful of the Grecian cities, took a part in that
rebellion against the Persians. The Athenians
sent forces to aid those of Aristagoras and His-
tiseus, and, in the course of the war, the com-
bined army took and burned the city of Sardis.
When this news reached Darius, he was ex-
cited to a perfect phrensy of resentment and
indignation against the Athenians for coming
thus into his own dominions to assist rebels,
and there destroying one of his most important
B.C. 512.] INVASION OF GREECE. 239
Civil dissensions in Greece. The tyrants.
capitals. He uttered the most violent and ter-
rible threats against them, and, to prevent his
anger from getting cool before the preparations
should be completed for vindicating it, he made
an arrangement, it was said, for having a slave
call out to him every day at table, " Remem-
ber the Athenians !"
It was a circumstance favorable to Darius's
designs against the states of Greece that they
were not united among themselves. There was
no general government under which the whole
naval and military force of that country could
be efficiently combined, so as to be directed, in
a concentrated and energetic form, against a
common enemy. On the other hand, the sev-
eral cities formed, with the territories adjoining
them, so many separate states, more or less
connected, it is true, by confederations and al-
liances, but still virtually independent, and oft-
en hostile to each other. Then, besides these
external and international quarrels, there was
a great deal of internal dissension. The mo-
narchical and the democratic principle were all
the time struggling for the mastery. Military
despots were continually rising to power in the
various cities, and after they had ruled, for a
time, over their subjects with a rod of iron, the
DARIUS THE GREAT. [B.C. 512.
Periander. His message to a neighboring potentate.
people would rise in rebellion and expel them
from their thrones. These revolutions were
continually taking place, attended, often, by the
strangest and most romantic incidents, which
evinced, on the part of the actors in them,
that extraordinary combination of mental sa-
gacity and acumen with childish and senseless
superstition so characteristic of the times.
It is not surprising that the populace often
rebelled against the power of these royal des-
pots, for they seem to have exercised their pow-
er, when their interests or their passions excited
them to do it, in the most tyrannical and cruel
manner. One of them, it was said, a king of
Corinth, whose name was Periander, sent a
messenger, on one occasion, to a neighboring
potentate with whom he had gradually come
to entertain very friendly relations to inquire
by what means he could most certainly and
permanently secure the continuance of his pow-
er. The king thus applied to gave no direct
reply, but took the messenger out into his gar-
den, talking with him by the way about the
incidents of his journey, and other indifferent
topics. He came, at length, to a field where
grain was growing, and as he walked along, he
occupied himself in cutting off, with his sword,
B.C. 512.] INVASION OF GREECE. 241
Periander's intolerable tyranny. His wife Melissa.
every head of the grain which raised itself above
the level of the rest. After a short time he
returned to the house, and finally dismissed the
messenger without giving him any answer
whatever to the application that he had made.
The messenger returned to Periander, and re-
lated what had occurred. " I understand his
meaning," said Periander. " I must contrive
some way to remove all those who, by their tal-
ents, their influence, or their power, rise above
the general level of the citizens." Periander
began immediately to act on this recommenda-
tion. Whoever, among the people of Corinth,
distinguished himself above the rest, was mark-
ed for destruction. Some were banished, some
were slain, and some were deprived of their in-
fluence, and so reduced to the ordinary level, by
the confiscation of their property, the lives and
fortunes of all the citizens of the state beinr
D
wholly in the despot's hands.
This same Periander had a wife whose name
was Melissa. A very extraordinary tale is re-
lated respecting her, which, though mainly fic-
titious, had a foundation, doubtless, in fact, and
illustrates very remarkably the despotic tyran-
ny and the dark superstition of the times. Me-
lissa died and was buried ; but her garments,
2916
242 DARIUS THE (TREAT. [B.C. 512.
Tlif xiiii.st of Melissa. A great sacrifice.
for some reason or other, were not burned, as
was usual in such cases. Now, among the oth-
er oracles of Greece, there was one where de-
parted spirits could be consulted. It was called
the oracle of the dead. Periander, having oc-
casion to consult an oracle in order to find the
means of recovering a certain article of value
which ~,
solute sovereign of nearly half the world, and,
as such, was held up very conspicuously to the
attention of mankind, who gaze with a strong
feeling of admiration and awe upon these vast
elevations of power, as they do upon the sum-
mits of mountains, simply because they are
high. Darius performed no great exploit, and
he accomplished no great object while he lived ;
and he did not even leave behind him any strong
impressions of personal character. There is in
his history, and in the position which he occu-
pies in the minds of men, greatness without
dignity, success without merit, vast and long-
continued power without effects accomplished
or objects gained, and universal and perpetual
renown without honor or applause. The world
admire Csesar, Hannibal, Alexander, Alfred, and
Napoleon for the deeds which they performed.
They admire Darius only on account of the el-
evation on which he stood. In the same lofty
position, they would have admired, probably,
just as much, the very horse whose neighing
nlaced him there.
THE END.
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