UC-NRLF B 4 101 M33 f*L r ■ ■* 31 Pope and the Art of Satire ... 45 Francis 63 Rostand 79 Charles II. 93 Stevenson 107 Thomas Carlyle 120 Tolstoy and the Cult of Simplicity . 139 Savonarola 167 The Position of Sir Walter Scott . 179 CHARLOTTE BRONTE Objection is often raised against realistic biography because it reveals so much that is important and even sacred about a man's life. The real objection to it will rather be found in the fact that it reveals about a man the precise points which are unim- portant. It reveals and asserts and insists on exactly those things in a man's life of which the man himself is wholly uncon- scious ; his exact class in society, the cir- cumstances of his ancestry, the place of his present location. These are things which do not, properly speaking, ever a 1 CHARLOTTE BRONTE arise before the human vision. They do not occur to a man's mind ; it may be said, with almost equal truth, that they do not occur in a man's life. A man no more thinks about himself as the inhabitant of the third house in a row of Brixton villas than he thinks about himself as a strange animal with two legs. What a man's name was, what his income was, whom he married, where he lived, these are not sanctities ; they are irrelevancies. A very strong case of this is the case of the Brontes. The Bronte is in the position of the mad lady in a country village ; her eccentricities form an endless source of innocent conversation to that exceedingly mild and bucolic circle, the literary world. The truly glorious gossips of literature, like Mr Augustine Birrell 2 CHARLOTTE BRONTE and Mr Andrew Lang, never tire of col- lecting all the glimpses and anecdotes and sermons and side-lights and sticks and straws which will go to make a Bronte museum. They are the most personally discussed of all Victorian authors, and the limelight of biography has left few darkened corners in the dark old Yorkshire house. And yet the whole of this biographical investigation, though natural and pictur- esque, is not wholly suitable to the Brontes. For the Bronte genius was above all things deputed to assert the supreme unimport- ance of externals. Up to that point truth had always been conceived as existing more or less in the novel of manners. Charlotte Bronte electrified the world by showing that an infinitely older and more elemental truth could be conveyed by a novel in CHARLOTTE BRONTE which no person, good or bad, had any manners at all. Her work represents the first great assertion that the humdrum life of modern civilisation is a disguise as tawdry and deceptive as the costume of a * bal masque.' She showed that abysses may exist inside a governess and eternities in- side a manufacturer; her heroine is the commonplace spinster, with the dress of merino and the soul of flame. It is signi- ficant to notice that Charlotte Bronte, following consciously or unconsciously the great trend of her genius, was the first to take away from the heroine not only the artificial gold and diamonds of wealth and fashion, but even the natural gold and diamonds of physical beauty and grace. Instinctively she felt that the whole of the exterior must be made ugly that the whole 4 CHARLOTTE BRONTE of the interior might be made sublime. She chose the ugliest of women in the ugliest of centuries, and revealed within them all the hells and heavens of Dante. It may, therefore, I think, be legitimately said that the externals of the Brontes' life, though singularly picturesque in themselves, matter less than the externals of almost any other writers. It is interesting to know whether Jane Austen had any knowledge of the lives of the officers and women of fashion whom she introduced into her masterpieces. It is interesting to know whether Dickens had ever seen a ship- wreck or been inside a workhouse. For in these authors much of the conviction is conveyed, not always by adherence to facts, but always by grasp of them, But the whole aim and purport and meaning CHARLOTTE BRONTE of the work of the Brontes is that the most futile thing in the whole universe is fact. Such a story as 'Jane Eyre' is in itself so monstrous a fable that it ought to be excluded from a book of fairy tales. The characters do not do what they ought to do, nor what they would do, nor, it might be said, such is the insanity of the atmosphere, not even what they intend to do. The conduct of Rochester is so prim- evally and superhumanly caddish that Bret Harte in his admirable travesty scarcely exaggerated it. ' Then, resuming his usual manner, he threw his boots at my head and withdrew,' does perhaps reach to some- thing resembling caricature. The scene in which Rochester dresses up as an old gipsy has something in it which is really not to be found in any other branch of art, except CHARLOTTE BRONTE at the end of the pantomime, where the Emperor turns into a pantaloon. Yet, despite this vast nightmare of illusion and morbidity and ignorance of the world, 'Jane Eyre' is perhaps the truest book that was ever written. Its essential truth to life sometimes makes one catch one's breath. For it is not true to manners, which are constantly false, or to facts, which are almost always false; it is true to the only existing thing which is true, emotion, the irreducible minimum, the in- destructible germ. It would not matter a single straw if a Bronte story were a hundred times more moonstruck and im- probable than 'Jane Eyre,' or a hundred times more moonstruck and improbable than ' Wuthering Heights.' It would not matter if George Read stood on his head, CHARLOTTE BRONTE and Mrs Read rode on a dragon, if Fairfax Rochester had four eyes and St John Rivers three legs, the story would still remain the truest story in the world. The typical Bronte character is, indeed, a kind of monster. Everything in him except the essential is dislocated. His hands are on his legs and his feet on his arms, his nose is above his eyes, but his heart is in the right place. The great and abiding truth for which the Bronte cycle of fiction stands is a certain most important truth about the enduring spirit of youth, the truth of the near kinship between terror and joy. ' The Bronte heroine, dingily dressed, badly edu- cated, hampered by a humiliating inex- perience, a kind of ugly innocence, is yet, by the very fact of her solitude and her 8 v CHARLOTTE BRONTE gaucherie, full of the greatest delight that is possible to a human being, the delight of expectation, the delight of an ardent and flamboyant ignorance. She serves to show how futile it is of humanity to sup- pose that pleasure can be attained chiefly by putting on evening dress every evening and having a box at the theatre every first night. It is not the man of pleasure who has pleasure ; it is not the man of the world who appreciates the world. The man who has learnt to do all conventional things perfectly has at the same time learnt to do them prosaically. It is the awkward man, whose evening dress does not fit him, whose gloves will not go on, whose com- pliments will not come off, who is really full of the ancient ecstasies of youth. He is frightened enough of society actually to 9 CHARLOTTE BRONTE enjoy his triumphs. He has that element of fear which is one of the eternal ingredi- ents of joy. This spirit is the central spirit of the Bronte novel. It is the epic of the exhilaration of the shy man. As such it is of incalculable value in our time, of which the curse is that it does not take joy reverently because it does not take it fearfully. The shabby and inconspicuous governess of Charlotte Bronte, with the small outlook and the small creed, had more commerce with the awful and ele- mental forces which drive the world than a legion of lawless minor poets. She ap- proached the universe with real simplicity, and, consequently, with real fear and delight. She was, so to speak, shy before the multitude of the stars, and in this she had possessed herself of the only force 10 CHARLOTTE BRONTE which can prevent enjoyment being as black and barren as routine. The faculty of being shy is the first and the most delicate of the powers of enjoyment. The fear of the Lord is the beginning of pleasure. _ Upon the whole, therefore, I think it may justifiably be said that the dark wild youth of the Brontes in their dark wild Yorkshire home has been somewhat ex- aggerated as a necessary factor in their work and their conception. The emotions with which they dealt were universal emotions, emotions of the morning of existence, the springtide joy and the spring- tide terror. Every one of us as a boy or girl has had some midnight dream of nameless obstacle and unutterable menace, in which there was, under whatever im- 11 CHARLOTTE BRONTE becile forms, all the deadly stress and panic of ' Wuthering Heights.' Every one of us has had a day-dream of our own potential destiny not one atom more reasonable than 'Jane Eyre/ And the truth which the Brontes came to tell us is the truth that many waters cannot quench love, and that suburban respectability cannot touch or damp a secret enthusiasm. Clapham, like every other earthly city, is built upon a volcano. Thousands of people go to and fro in the wilderness of bricks and mortar, earning mean wages, professing a mean religion, wearing a mean attire, thousands of women who have never found any ex- pression for their exaltation or their tragedy but to go on working harder and yet harder at dull and automatic employments, at scolding children or stitching shirts. But 12 CHARLOTTE BRONTE out of all these silent ones one suddenly became articulate, and spoke a resonant testimony, and her name was Charlotte Bronte. Spreading around us upon every side to-day like a huge and radiating geo- metrical figure are the endless branches of the great city. There are times when we are almost stricken crazy, as well we may be, by the multiplicity of those appalling perspectives, the frantic arithmetic of that unthinkable population. But this thought of ours is in truth nothing but a fancy. There are no chains of houses ; there are no crowds of men. The colossal diagram of streets and houses is an illusion, the opium dream of a speculative builder. Each of these men is supremely solitary and supremely important to himself. Each of these houses stands in the centre of the 13 CHARLOTTE BRONTE world. There is no single house of all those millions which has not seemed to some one at some time the heart of all things and the end of travel. 14 WILLIAM MORRIS AND HIS SCHOOL It is proper enough that the unveiling of the bust of William Morris should approxi- mate to a public festival, for while there have been many men of genius in the Vic- torian era more despotic than he, there have been none so representative. He represents not only that rapacious hunger for beauty which has now for the first time become a serious problem in the healthy life of humanity, but he represents also that honourable instinct for finding beauty in common necessities of workmanship which 15 WILLIAM MORRIS gives it a stronger and more bony structure. The time has passed when it was con- ceived to be irrelevant to describe William Morris as a designer of wall-papers. If Morris had been a hatter instead of a decorator, we should have become gradu- ally and painfully conscious of an improve- ment in our hats. If he had been a tailor, we should have suddenly found our frock- coats trailing on the ground with the grandeur of mediaeval raiment. If he had been a shoemaker, we should have found, with no little consternation, our shoes grad- ually approximating to the antique sandal. As a hairdresser, he would have invented some massing of the hair worthy to be the crown of Venus ; as an ironmonger, his nails would have had some noble pattern, fit to be the nails of the Cross. 16 AND HIS SCHOOL The limitations of William Morris, what- ever they were, were not the limitations of common decoration. It is true that all his work, even his literary work, was in some sense decorative, had in some degree the qualities of a splendid wall-paper. His characters, his stories, his religious and political views, had, in the most emphatic sense, length and breadth without thickness. He seemed really to believe that men could enjoy a perfectly flat felicity. He made no account of the unexplored and explosive possibilities of human nature, of the un- nameable terrors, and the yet more unname- able hopes. So long as a man was graceful in every circumstance, so long as he had the inspiring consciousness that the chest- nut colour of his hair was relieved against the blue forest a mile behind, he would b 17 WILLIAM MORRIS be serenely happy. So he would be, no doubt, if he were really fitted for a de- corative existence ; if he were a piece of exquisitely coloured cardboard. But although Morris took little account of the terrible solidity of human nature — took little account, so to speak, of human figures in the round, it is altogether unfair to represent him as a mere aesthete. He perceived a great public necessity and ful- filled it heroically. The difficulty with which he grappled was one so immense that we shall have to be separated from it by many centuries before we can really judge of it. It was the problem of the elaborate and deliberate ugliness of the most self-conscious of centuries. Morris at least saw the absurdity of the thing. He felt that it was monstrous that the 18 AND HIS SCHOOL modern man, who was pre-eminently cap- able of realising the strangest and most contradictory beauties, who could feel at once the fiery aureole of the ascetic, and the colossal calm of the Hellenic god, should himself, by a farcical bathos, be buried in a black coat, and hidden under a chimney-pot hat. He could not see why the harmless man who desired to be an artist in raiment should be condemned to be, at best, a black and white artist. It is indeed difficult to account for the cling- ing curse of ugliness which blights every- thing brought forth by the most prosperous of centuries. In all created nature there is not, perhaps, anything so completely ugly as a pillar-box. Its shape is the most unmeaning of shapes, its height and thick- ness just neutralising each other ; its colour 19 WILLIAM MORRIS is the most repulsive of colours — a fat and soulless red, a red without a touch of blood or fire, like the scarlet of dead men's sins. Yet there is no reason whatever why such hideousness should possess an object full of civic dignity, the treasure-house of a thousand secrets, the fortress of a thousand souls. If the old Greeks had had such an institution, we may be sure that it would have been surmounted by the severe, but graceful, figure of the god of letter- writing. If the mediaeval Christians had possessed it, it would have had a niche filled with the golden aureole of St Rowland of the Postage Stamps. As it is, there it stands at all our street-corners, disguising one of the most beautiful of ideas under one of the most preposterous of forms. It is useless to deny that the miracles of science 20 AND HIS SCHOOL have not been such an incentive to art and imagination as were the miracles of religion. If men in the twelfth century had been told that the lightning had been driven for leagues underground, and had dragged at its destroying tail loads of laughing human beings, and if they had then been told that the people alluded to this pulverising potent chirpily as * The Twopenny Tube,' they would have called down the fire of Heaven on us as a race of half-witted atheists. Probably they would have been quite right. This clear and fine perception of what may be called the aesthetic element in the Victorian era was, undoubtedly, the work of a great reformer; it requires a fine effort of the imagination to see an evil that surrounds us on every side. The 21 WILLIAM MORRIS manner in which Morris carried out his crusade may, considering the circumstances, be called triumphant. Our carpets began to bloom under our feet like the meadows in spring, and our hitherto prosaic stools and sofas seemed growing legs and arms at their own wild will. An element of freedom and rugged dignity came in with plain and strong ornaments of copper and iron. So delicate and universal has been the revolution in domestic art that almost every family in England has had its taste cunningly and treacherously improved, and if we look back at the early Victorian drawing-rooms it is only to realise the strange but essential truth that art, or human decoration, has, nine times out of ten in history, made things uglier than they were before, from the * coiffure ' of a 22 AND HIS SCHOOL Papuan savage to the wall-paper of a British merchant in 1830. But great and beneficent as was the aesthetic revolution of Morris, there was a very definite limit to it. It did not lie only in the fact that his revolution was in truth a reaction, though this was a partial explanation of his partial failure. When he was denouncing the dresses of modern ladies, ' upholstered like arm-chairs instead of being draped like women,' as he forcibly expressed it, he would hold up for practical imitation the costumes and handi- crafts of the Middle Ages. Further than this retrogressive and imitative movement he never seemed to go. Now, the men of the time of Chaucer had many evil quali- ties, but there was at least one exhibition of moral weakness they did not give, 23 WILLIAM MORRIS They would have laughed at the idea of dressing themselves in the manner of the bowmen at the battle of Senlac, or painting themselves an aesthetic blue, after the cus- tom of the ancient Britons. They would not have called that a movement at all. Whatever was beautiful in their dress or manners sprang honestly and naturally out of the life they led and preferred to lead. And it may surely be maintained that any real advance in the beauty of modern dress must spring honestly and naturally out of the life we lead and prefer to lead. We are not altogether without hints and hopes of such a change, in the growing orthodoxy of rough and athletic costumes. But if this cannot be, it will be no sub- stitute or satisfaction to turn life into an interminable historical fancy-dress ball. 24 AND HIS SCHOOL But the limitation of Morris's work lay deeper than this. We may best suggest it by a method after his own heart. Of all the various works he performed, none, perhaps, was so splendidly and solidly valuable as his great protest for the fables and superstitions of mankind. He has the supreme credit of showing that the fairy- tales contain the deepest truth of the earth, the real record of men's feeling for things. Trifling details may be inaccurate, Jack may not have climbed up so tall a beanstalk, or killed so tall a giant ; but it is not such things that make a story false ; it is a far different class of things that makes every modern book of history as false as the father of lies ; ingenuity, self-consciousness, hypocritical impartiality. { It appears to us that of all the fairy-tales none contains so 25 WILLIAM MORRIS vital a moral truth as the old story, exist- ing in many forms, of Beauty and the Beast.) There is written, with all the authority of a human scripture, the eternal and essential truth that until we love a thing in all its ugljness we cannot make it beautiful. This was the weak point in William Morris as a reformer: that he sought to reform modern life, and that he hated modern life, instead of loving it. Modern London is indeed a beast, big enough and black enough to be the beast in Apocalypse, blazing with a million eyes, and roaring with a million voices. But unless the poet can love this fabulous mon- ster as he is, can feel with some generous excitement his massive and mysterious ' joie- de-vivre,' the vast scale of his iron anatomy and the beating of his thunderous heart, 2G AND HIS SCHOOL he cannot and will not change the beast into the fairy prince. Morris's disadvan- tage was that he was not honestly a child of the nineteenth century : he could not understand its fascination, and consequently he could not really develop it. An abiding testimony to his tremendous personal in- fluence in the aesthetic world is the vitality and recurrence of the Arts and Crafts Exhibitions, which are steeped in his per- sonality like a chapel in that of a saint. If we look round at the exhibits in one of these aesthetic shows, we shall be struck by the large mass of modern objects that the decorative school leaves untouched. There is a noble instinct for giving the right touch of beauty to. common and necessary things, but the things that are so touched are the ancient things, the things that always to 27 WILLIAM MORRIS some extent commended themselves to the lover of beauty. There are beautiful gates, beautiful fountains, beautiful cups, beautiful chairs, beautiful reading-desks. But there are no modern things made beautiful. There are no beautiful lamp-posts, beautiful letter - boxes, beautiful engines, beautiful bicycles. The spirit of William Morris has not seized hold of the century and made its humblest necessities beautiful. And this was because, with all his healthi- ness and energy, he had not the supreme courage to face the ugliness of things ; Beauty shrank from the Beast and the fairy-tale had a different ending. But herein, indeed, lay Morris's deepest claim to the name of a great reformer : that he left his work incomplete. There is, perhaps, no better proof that a man is a 28 AND HIS SCHOOL mere meteor, merely barren and brilliant, than that his work is done perfectly. A man like Morris draws attention to needs he cannot supply. In after-years we may have perhaps a newer and more daring Arts and Crafts Exhibition. In it we shall not decorate the armour of the twelfth century but the machinery of the twentieth. A lamp-post shall be wrought nobly in twisted iron, fit to hold the sanctity of fire. A pillar-box shall be carved with figures em- blematical of the secrets of comradeship and the silence and honour of the State. Railway signals, of all earthly things the most poetical, the coloured stars of life and death, shall be lamps of green and crimson worthy of their terrible and faithful service. But if ever this gradual and genuine move- ment of our time towards beauty — not WILLIAM MORRIS backwards, but forwards — does truly come about, Morris will be the first prophet of it. Poet of the childhood of nations, crafts- man in the new honesties of art, prophet of a merrier and wiser life, his full-blooded enthusiasm will be remembered when human life has once more assumed flamboyant colours and proved that this painful green- ish grey of the aesthetic twilight in which we now live is, in spite of all the pessimists, not of the greyness of death, but the grey- ness of dawn. 30 THE OPTIMISM OF BYRON Everything is against our appreciating the spirit and the age of Byron. The age that has just passed from us is always like a dream when we wake in the morning, a thing incredible and centuries away. And the world of Byron seems a sad and faded world, a weird and inhuman world, where men were romantic in whiskers, ladies lived, apparently, in bowers, and the very word has the sound of a piece of stage scenery. Roses and nightingales recur in their poetry with the monotonous elegance of a wall-paper pattern. The 31 THE OPTIMISM OF BYRON whole is like a revel of dead men, a revel with splendid vesture and half-witted faces. But the more shrewdly and earnestly we study the histories of men, the less ready shall w r e be to make use of the word 'artificial.' Nothing in the world has ever been artificial. Many customs, many dresses, many works of art are branded with artificiality because they exhibit vanity and self-consciousness : as if vanity were not a deep and elemental thing, like love and hate and the fear of death. Vanity may be found in darkling deserts, in the hermit and in the wild beasts that crawl around him. It may be good or evil, but assuredly it is not artificial: vanity is a voice out of the abyss. The remarkable fact is, however, and it 32 THE OPTIMISM OF BYRON bears strongly on the present position of Byron, that when a thing is unfamiliar to us, when it is remote and the product of some other age or spirit, we think it not savage or terrible, but merely artificial. There are many instances of this : a fair one is the case of tropical plants and birds. When we see some of the monstrous and flamboyant blossoms that enrich the equa- torial woods, we do not feel that they are conflagrations of nature ; silent explosions of her frightful energy. We simply find it hard to believe that they are not wax flowers grown under a glass case. When we see some of the tropic birds, with their tiny bodies attached to gigantic beaks, we do not feel that they are freaks of the fierce humour of Creation. We almost believe that they are toys out of a child's play-box, c 33 THE OPTIMISM OF BYRON artificially carved and artificially coloured. So it is with the great convulsion of Nature which was known as Byronism. The volcano is not an extinct volcano now ; it is the dead stick of a rocket. It is the remains not of a natural but of an artificial fire. But Byron and Byronism were something immeasurably greater than anything that is represented by such a view as this: their real value and meaning are indeed little understood. The first of the mistakes about Byron lies in the fact that he is treated as a pessimist. True, he treated himself as such, but a critic can hardly have even a slight knowledge of Byron without knowing that he had the smallest amount of knowledge of himself that ever fell to the lot of an intelligent man. The real character of what is known as Byron's 34 THE OPTIMISM OF BYRON pessimism is better worth study than any real pessimism could ever be. It is the standing peculiarity of this curious world of ours that almost every- thing in it has been extolled enthusiastically and invariably extolled to the disadvantage of everything else. One after another almost every one of the phenomena of the universe has been declared to be alone capable of making life worth living. Books, love, business, religion, alcohol, abstract truth, private emotion, money, simplicity, mysticism, hard work, a life close to nature, a life close to Belgrave Square are every one of them passionately maintained by somebody to be so good that they redeem the evil of an otherwise indefensible world. Thus while the world is almost always condemned 35 THE OPTIMISM OF BYRON in summary, it is always justified, and in- deed extolled, in detail after detail. Existence has been praised and absolved by a chorus of pessimists. The work of giving thanks to Heaven is, as it were, divided ingeniously among them. Schopen- hauer is told off as a kind of librarian in the House of God, to sing the praises of the austere pleasures of the mind. Carlyle, as steward, undertakes the working depart- ment and eulogises a life of labour in the fields. Omar Khayyam is established in the cellar and swears that it is the only room in the house. Even the blackest of pessimistic artists enjoys his art. At the precise moment that he has written some shameless and terrible indictment of Crea- tion, his one pang of joy in the achievement joins the universal chorus of gratitude, with 36 THE OPTIMISM OF BYRON the scent of the wild flower and the song of the bird. Now Byron had a sensational popularity, and that popularity was, as far as words and explanations go, founded upon his pessimism. He was adored by an over- whelming majority, almost every individual of which despised the majority of mankind. But when we come to regard the matter a little more deeply we tend in some degree to cease to believe in this popularity of the pessimist. The popularity of pure and unadulterated pessimism is an oddity ; it is almost a contradiction in terms. Men would no more receive the news of the failure of existence or of the harmonious hostility of the stars with ardour or popular rejoicing than they would light bonfires for the arrival of cholera or dance a break- 37 THE OPTIMISM OF BYRON down when they were condemned to be hanged. When the pessimist is popular it must always be not because he shows all things to be bad, but because he shows some things to be good. Men can only join in a chorus of praise even if it is the praise of denunciation. The man who is popular must be optimistic about some- thing even if he is only optimistic about pessimism. And this was emphatically the case with Byron and the Byronists. Their real popularity was founded not upon the fact that they blamed everything, but upon the fact that they praised something. They heaped curses upon man, but they used man merely as a foil. The things they wished to praise by comparison were the energies of Nature. Man was to them, what talk and fashion were to Carlyie 38 THE OPTIMISM OF BYRON what philosophical and religious quarrels were to Omar, what the whole race after practical happiness was to Schopenhauer, the thing which must be censured in order that somebody else may be exalted. It was merely a recognition of the fact that one cannot write in white chalk except on a blackboard. Surely it is ridiculous to maintain seri- ously that Byron's love of the desolate and inhuman in nature was the mark of vital scepticism and depression. When a< young man can elect deliberately to walk alone in winter by the side of the shatter- ing sea, when he takes pleasure in storms and stricken peaks, and the lawless melan- choly of the older earth, we may deduce with the certainty of logic that he is very young and very happy. There is a certain 39 ; THE OPTIMISM OF BYRON darkness which we see in wine when seen in shadow; we see it again in the night that has just buried a gorgeous sunset. The wine seems black, and yet at the same time powerfully and almost impos- sibly red ; the sky seems black, and yet at the same time to be only too dense a blend of purple and green. Such was the darkness which lay around the Byronic school. Darkness with them was only too dense a purple. They would prefer the sullen hostility of the earth because amid all the cold and darkness their own hearts were flaming like their own firesides. Matters are very different with the more modern school of doubt and lamentation. The last movement of pessimism is perhaps expressed in Mr Aubrey Beardsley's alle- gorical designs. Here we have to deal 40 THE OPTIMISM OF BYRON with a pessimism which tends naturally not towards the oldest elements of the cosmos, but towards the last and most fantastic fripperies of artificial life. Byronism tended towards the desert; the new pessimism towards the restaurant. Byronism was a revolt against artificiality; the new pes- simism is a revolt in its favour. The Byronic young man had an affectation of sincerity ; the decadent, going a step deeper into the avenues of the unreal, has posi- tively an affectation of affectation. And it is by their fopperies and their frivolities that we know that their sinister philosophy is sincere ; in their lights and garlands and ribbons we read their indwelling despair. It was so, indeed, with Byron himself; his really bitter moments were his frivolous moments. He went on year after year 41 THE OPTIMISM OF BYRON calling down fire upon mankind, summon- ing the deluge and the destructive sea and all the ultimate energies of nature to sweep away the cities of the spawn of man. But through all this his sub-conscious mind was not that of a despairer ; on the contrary, there is something of a kind of lawless faith in thus parleying with such immense and immemorial brutalities. It was not until the time in which he wrote 'Don Juan ' that he really lost this inward warmth and geniality, and a sudden shout of hilari- ous laughter announced to the world that Lord Byron had really become a pessimist. One of the best tests in the world of what a poet really means is his metre. He may be a hypocrite in his metaphysics, but he cannot be a hypocrite in his prosody. And all the time that Byron's language 42 THE OPTIMISM OF BYRON is of horror and emptiness, his metre is a bounding ' pas de quatre.' He may arraign existence on the most deadly charges, he may condemn it with the most desolating verdict, but he cannot alter the fact that on some walk in a spring morning when all the limbs are swinging and all the blood alive in the body, the lips may be caught repeating : * Oh, there's not a joy the world can give like that it takes away, When the glow of early youth declines in beauty's dull decay ; 'Tis not upon the cheek of youth the blush that fades so fast, But the tender bloom of heart is gone ere youth itself be past.' That automatic recitation is the answer to the whole pessimism of Byron. 43 THE OPTIMISM OF BYRON The truth is that Byron was one of a class who may be called the unconscious optimists, who are very often, indeed, the most uncompromising conscious pessimists, because the exuberance of their nature demands for an adversary a dragon as big as the world. But the whole of his essential and unconscious being was spirited and confident, and that unconscious being, long disguised and buried under emotional arti- fices, suddenly sprang into prominence in the face of a cold, hard, political necessity. In Greece he heard the cry of reality, and at the time that he was dying, he began to live. He heard suddenly the call of that buried and sub-conscious happiness which is in all of us, and which may emerge suddenly at the sight of the grass of a meadow or the spears of the enemy. 44 POPE AND THE ART OF SATIRE The general critical theory common in this and the last century is that it was very easy for the imitators of Pope to write English poetry. The classical couplet was a thing that anyone could do. So far as that goes, one may justifiably answer by asking anyone to try. It may be easier really to have wit, than really, in the bold- est and most enduring sense, to have im- agination. But it is immeasurably easier to pretend to have imagination than to pretend to have wit. A man may indulge in a sham rhapsody, because it may be 45 POPE AND THE ART OF SATIRE the triumph of a rhapsody to be unintel- ligible. But a man cannot indulge in a sham joke, because it is the ruin of a joke to be unintelligible. A man may pretend to be a poet : he can no more pretend to be a wit than he can pretend to bring rabbits out of a hat without having learnt to be a conjurer. Therefore, it may be submitted, there was a certain discipline in the old antithetical couplet of Pope and his followers. If it did not permit of the great liberty of wisdom used by the minority of great geniuses, neither did it permit of the great liberty of folly which is used by the majority of small writers. A prophet could not be a poet in those days, perhaps, but at least a fool could not be a poet. If we take, for the sake of example, such a line as Pope's 46 POPE AND THE ART OF SATIRE * Damn with faint praise, assent with civil leer/ the test is comparatively simple. A great poet would not have written such a line, perhaps. But a minor poet could not. Supposing that a lyric poet of the new school really had to deal with such an idea as that expressed in Pope's line about Man? 1 A being darkly wise and rudely great.' Is it really so certain that he would go deeper into the matter than that old anti- thetical jingle goes ? I venture to doubt whether he would really be any wiser or weirder or more imaginative or more pro- found. The one thing that he would really be, would be longer. Instead of writing 6 A being darkly wise and rudely great,' the contemporary poet, in his elaborately 47 POPE AND THE ART OF SATIRE ornamented book of verses, would produce something like the following : — * A creature Of feature .More dark, more dark, more dark than skies, Yea, darkly wise, yea, darkly wise : Darkly wise as a formless fate And if he be great If he be great, then rudely great, Rudely great as a plough that plies, And darkly wise, and darkly wise.' Have we really learnt to think more broadly ? Or have we only learnt to spread our thoughts thinner? I have a dark suspicion that a modern poet might manu- facture an admirable lyric out of almost every line of Pope. There is, of course, an idea in our time 48 POPE AND THE ART OF SATIRE that the very antithesis of the typical line of Pope is a mark of artificiality. I shall have occasion more than once to point out that nothing in the world has ever been artificial. But certainly antithesis is not artificial. An element of paradox runs through the whole of existence itself. It begins in the realm of ultimate physics and metaphysics, in the two facts that we cannot imagine a space that is infinite, and that we cannot imagine a space that is finite. It runs through the inmost complications of divin- ity, in that we cannot conceive that Christ in the wilderness was truly pure, unless we also conceive that he desired to sin. It runs, in the same manner, through all the minor matters of morals, so that we cannot imagine courage existing except in con- junction with fear, or magnanimity existing d 49 POPE AND THE ART OF SATIRE except in conjunction with some temptation to meanness. If Pope and his followers caught this echo of natural irrationality, they were not any the more artificial. Their antitheses were fully in harmony with ex- istence, which is itself a contradiction in terms. Pope was really a great poet ; he was the last great poet of civilisation. Immediately after the fall of him and his school come Burns and Byron, and the reaction towards the savage and the elemental. But to Pope civilisation was still an exciting ex- periment. Its perruques and ruffles were to him what feathers and bangles are to a South Sea Islander — the real romance of civilisation. And in all the forms of art which peculiarly belong to civilisation, he was supreme. In one especially he was 50 POPE AND THE ART OF SATIRE supreme — the great and civilised art of satire. And in this we have fallen away utterly. We have had a great revival in our time of the cult of violence and hostility. Mr Henley and his young men have an infinite number of furious epithets with which to overwhelm any one who differs from them. It is not a placid or untroubled position to be Mr Henley's enemy, though we know that it is certainly safer than to be his friend. And yet, despite all this, these people pro- duce no satire. Political and social satire is a lost art, like pottery and stained glass. It may be worth while to make some attempt to point out a reason for this. It may seem a singular observation to say that we are not generous enough to write great satire. This, however, is ap- 51 POPE AND THE ART OF SATIRE proximately a very accurate way of de- scribing the case. To write great satire, to attack a man so that he feels the attack and half acknowledges its justice, it is necessary to have a certain intellectual magnanimity which realises the merits of the opponent as well as his defects. This is, indeed, only another way of putting the simple truth that in order to attack an army we must know not only its weak points, but also its strong points. England in the present season and spirit fails in satire for the same simple reason that it fails in war: it despises the enemy. In matters of battle and conquest we have got firmly rooted in our minds the idea (an idea fit for the philosophers of Bedlam) that we can best trample on a people by ignoring all the particular merits which 52 POPE AND THE ART OF SATIRE give them a chance of trampling upon us. It has become a breach of etiquette to praise the enemy ; whereas when the enemy is strong every honest scout ought to praise the enemy. It is impossible to vanquish an army without having a full account of its strength. It is impossible to satirise a man without having a full account of his virtues. It is too much the custom in politics to describe a political opponent as utterly inhumane, as utterly careless of his country, as utterly cynical, which no man ever was since the beginning of the world. This kind of invective may often have a great superficial success : it may hit the mood of the moment ; it may raise excitement and applause ; it may impress millions. But there is one man among all those millions whom it does not impress, 53 POPE AND THE ART OF SATIKE whom it hardly even touches ; that is the man against whom it is directed. The one person for whom the whole satire has been written in vain is the man whom it is the whole object of the institution of satire to reach. He knows that such a description of him is not true. He knows that he is not utterly unpatriotic, or utterly self-seeking, or utterly barbarous and re- vengeful. He knows that he is an ordinary man, and that he can count as many kindly memories, as many humane instincts, as many hours of decent work and responsi- bility as any other ordinary man. But behind all this he has his real weaknesses, the real ironies of his soul : behind all these ordinary merits lie the mean compromises, the craven silences, the sullen vanities, the secret brutalities, the unmanly visions of 54 POPE AND THE ART OF SATIRE revenge. It is to these that satire should reach if it is to touch the man at whom it is aimed. And to reach these it must pass and salute a whole army of virtues. If we turn to the great English satirists of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, for example, we find that they had this rough but firm grasp of the size and strength, the value and the best points of their adversary. Dryden, before hewing Ahitophel in pieces, gives a splendid and spirited account of the insane valour and inspired cunning of the 6 daring pilot in extremity,' who was more untrustworthy in calm than in storm, and ' Steered too near the rocks to boast his wit.' The whole is, so far as it goes, a sound and 55 POPE AND THE ART OF SATIRE picturesque version of the great Shaftesbury. It would, in many ways, serve as a very sound and picturesque account of Lord Randolph Churchill. But here comes in very pointedly the difference between our modern attempts at satire and the ancient achievement of it. The opponents of Lord Randolph Churchill, both Liberal and Con- servative, did not satirise him nobly and honestly, as one of those great wits to madness near allied. They represented him as a mere puppy, a silly and irreverent upstart whose impudence supplied the lack of policy and character. Churchill had grave and even gross faults, a certain coarse- ness, a certain hard boyish assertiveness, a certain lack of magnanimity, a certain peculiar patrician vulgarity. But he was a much larger man than satire depicted 56 POPE AND THE ART OF SATIRE him, and therefore the satire could not and did not overwhelm him. And here we have the cause of the failure of contem- porary satire, that it has no magnanimity, that is to say, no patience. It cannot endure to be told that its opponent has his strong points, just as Mr Chamberlain could not endure to be told that the Boers had a regular army. It can be con- tent with nothing except persuading itself that its opponent is utterly bad or utterly stupid — that is, that he is what he is not and what nobody else is. If we take any prominent politician of the day — such, for example, as Sir William Harcourt — we shall find that this is the point in which all party invective fails. The Tory satire at the expense of Sir William Harcourt is always desperately endeavouring to represent 57 POPE AND THE ART OF SATIRE that he is inept, that he makes a fool of himself, that he is disagreeable and disgrace- ful and untrustworthy. The defect of all this is that we all know that it is untrue. Everyone knows that Sir William Harcourt is not inept, but is almost the ablest Par- liamentarian now alive. Everyone knows that he is not disagreeable or disgraceful, but a gentleman of the old school who is on excellent social terms with his antagon- ists. Everyone knows that he is not un- trustworthy, but a man of unimpeachable honour who is much trusted. Above all, he knows it himself, and is therefore affected by the satire exactly as any one of us would be if we were accused of being black or of keeping a shop for the receiving of stolen goods. We might be angry at the libel, but not at the satire ; for a man is angry 58 POPE AND THE ART OF SATIRE at a libel because it is false, but at a satire because it is true. Mr Henley and his young men are very fond of invective and satire : if they wish to know the reason of their failure in these things, they need only turn to the opening of Pope's superb attack upon Addison. The Henleyite's idea of satirising a man is to express a violent contempt for him, and by the heat of this to persuade others and himself that the man is contemptible. I remember reading a satiric attack on Mr Gladstone by one of the young anarchic Tories, which began by asserting that Mr Gladstone was a bad public speaker. If these people would, as I have said, go quietly and read Pope's 'Atticus,' they would see how a great satirist approaches a great enemy : 59 POPE AND THE ART OF SATIRE ' Peace to all such ! But were there one whose fires True genius kindles, and fair fame in- spires, Blest with each talent, and each art to please, And born to write, converse, and live with ease. Should such a man ' And then follows the torrent of that terrible criticism. Pope was not such a fool as to try to make out that Addison was a fool. He knew that Addison was not a fool, and he knew that Addison knew it. But hatred, in Pope's case, had become so great and, I was almost going to say, so pure, that it illuminated all things, as love illuminates all things. He said what was really wrong with Addison ; and in calm and clear and 60 POPE AND THE ART OF SATIRE everlasting colours he painted the picture of the evil of the literary temperament : 1 Bear like the Turk, no brother near the throne, View him with scornful, yet with jealous eyes, And hate for arts that caused himself to rise. Like Cato give his little Senate laws, And sit attentive to his own applause. While wits and templars every sentence raise, And wonder with a foolish face of praise.' This is the kind of thing which really goes to the mark at which it aims. It is pene- trated with sorrow and a kind of reverence, and it is addressed directly to a man. This is no mock-tournament to gain the applause 61 POPE AND THE ART OF SATIRE of the crowd. It is a deadly duel by the lonely seashore. In current political materialism there is everywhere the assumption that, without understanding anything of his case or his merits, we can benefit a man practically. Without understanding his case and his merits, we cannot even hurt him. FRANCIS Asceticism is a thing which in its very- nature, we tend in these days to misunder- stand. Asceticism, in the religious sense, is the repudiation of the great mass of human joys because of the supreme joyful- ness of the one joy, the religious joy. But asceticism is not in the least confined to religious asceticism: there is scientific as- ceticism which asserts that truth is alone satisfying : there is aesthetic asceticism which asserts that art is alone satisfying: there is amatory asceticism which asserts that love is alone satisfying. There is even 63 FRANCIS epicurean asceticism, which asserts that beer and skittles are alone satisfying. Wherever the manner of praising anything involves the statement that the speaker could live with that thing alone, there lies the germ and essence of asceticism. When William Morris, for example, says that 'love is enough,' it is obvious that he asserts in those words that art, science, politics, ambition, money, houses, carriages, concerts, gloves, walking - sticks, door- knockers, railway-stations, cathedrals and any other things one may choose to tabulate are unnecessary. When Omar Khayyam says: ' A book of verses underneath the bough, A jug of wine, a loaf of bread and thou Beside me singing in the wilderness Oh, wilderness were Paradise enow. 64 FRANCIS It is clear that he speaks fully as much ascetically as he does aesthetically. He makes a list of things and says that he wants no more. The same thing was done by a mediaeval monk. Examples might, of course, be multiplied a hundred - fold. One of the most genuinely poetical of our younger poets says, as the one thing certain, that ' From quiet home and first beginning Out to the undiscovered ends — There's nothing worth the wear of winning But laughter and the love of friends.' Here we have a perfect example of the main important fact, that all true joy ex- presses itself in terms of asceticism. But if in any case it should happen that a class or a generation lose the sense of the peculiar kind of joy which is being e 65 FRANCIS celebrated, they immediately begin to call the enjoyers of that joy gloomy and self- destroying. The most formidable liberal philosophers have called the monks melan- choly because they denied themselves the pleasures of liberty and marriage. They might as well call the trippers on a Bank Holiday melancholy because they deny themselves, as a rule, the pleasures of silence and meditation. A simpler and stronger example is, however, to hand. If ever it should happen that the system of English athletics should vanish from the public schools and the universities, if science should supply some new and non-competi- tive manner of perfecting the physique, if public ethics swung round to an attitude of absolute contempt and indifference to- wards the feeling called sport, then it is 66 FRANCIS easy to see what would happen. Future historians would simply state that in the dark days of Queen Victoria young men at Oxford and Cambridge were subjected to a horrible sort of religious torture. They were forbidden, by fantastic monastic rules, to indulge in wine or tobacco during certain arbitrarily fixed periods of time, before certain brutal fights and festivals. Bigots insisted on their rising at unearthly hours and running violently around fields for no object. Many men ruined their health in these dens of superstition, many died there. All this is perfectly true and irrefutable. Athleticism in England is an asceticism, as much as the monastic rules. Men have over-strained themselves and killed them- selves through English athleticism. There is one difference and one only : we do feel 67 FRANCIS the love of sport ; we do not feel the love of religious offices. We see only the price in the one case and only the purchase in the other. The only question that remains is what was the joy of the old Christian ascetics of which their asceticism was merely the purchasing price. The mere possibility of the query is an extraordinary example of the way in which we miss the main points of human history. We are looking at humanity too close, and see only the details and not the vast and dominant features. We look at the rise of Christianity, and conceive it as a rise of self-abnegation and almost of pessimism. It does not occur to us that the mere assertion that this raging and confounding universe is governed by justice and mercy is a piece of staggering 68 FRANCIS optimism fit to set all men capering. The detail over which these monks went mad with joy was the universe itself; the only- thing really worthy of enj oy ment. The white daylight shone over all the world, the end- less forests stood up in their order. The lightning awoke and the tree fell and the sea gathered into mountains and the ship went down, and all these disconnected and meaningless and terrible objects were all part of one dark and fearful conspiracy of goodness, one merciless scheme of mercy. That this scheme of Nature was not accurate or well founded is perfectly tenable, but surely it is not tenable that it was not optimistic. We insist, however, upon treating this matter tail foremost. We insist that the ascetics were pessimists be- cause they gave up threescore years and FRANCIS ten for an eternity of happiness. We for- get that the bare proposition of an eternity of happiness is by its very nature ten thou- sand times more optimistic than ten thou- sand pagan saturnalias. Mr Adderley's life of Francis of Assisi does not, of course, bring this out ; nor does it fully bring out the character of Francis. It has rather the tone of a devotional book. A devotional book is an excellent thing, but we do not look in it for the portrait of a man, for the same reason that we do not look in a love-sonnet for the portrait of a woman, because men in such conditions of mind not only apply all virtues to their idol, but all virtues in equal quan- tities. There is no outline, because the artist cannot bear to put in a black line. This blaze of benediction, this conflict 70 FRANCIS between lights, has its place in poetry, not in biography. The successful examples of it may be found, for instance, in the more idealistic odes of Spenser. The design is sometimes almost indecipherable, for the poet draws in silver upon white. It is natural, of course, that Mr Adderley should see Francis primarily as the founder of the Franciscan Order. We suspect this was only one, perhaps a minor one, of the things that he was ; we suspect that one of the minor things that Christ did was to found Christianity. But the vast practi- cal work of Francis is assuredly not to be ignored, for this amazingly unworldly and almost maddening simple-minded infant was one of the most consistently successful men that ever fought with this bitter world. It is the custom to say that the secret of 71 FRANCIS such men is their profound belief in them- selves, and this is true, but not all the truth. Workhouses and lunatic asylums are thronged with men who believe in themselves. Of Francis it is far truer to say that the secret of his success was his profound belief in other people, and it is the lack of this that has commonly been the curse of these obscure Napoleons. Francis always assumed that everyone must be just as anxious about their common relative, the water-rat, as he was. He planned a visit to the Emperor to draw his attention to the needs of * his little sisters the larks.' He used to talk to any thieves and robbers he met about their misfortune in being unable to give rein to their desire for holiness. It was an innocent habit, and doubtless the robbers often ' got 72 FRANCIS round him,' as the phrase goes. Quite as often, however, they discovered that he had 'got round' them, and discovered the other side, the side of secret nobility. Conceiving of St Francis as primarily the founder of the Franciscan Order, Mr Adderley opens his narrative with an admir- able sketch of the history of Monasticism in Europe, which is certainly the best thing in the book. He distinguishes clearly and fairly between the Manichaean ideal that underlies so much of Eastern Monasticism and the ideal of self-discipline which never wholly vanished from the Christian form. But he does not throw any light on what must be for the outsider the absorbing problem of this Catholic asceticism, for the excellent reason that not being an outsider he does not find it a problem at all. 73 FRANCIS To most people, however, there is a fascinating inconsistency in the position of St Francis. He expressed in loftier and bolder language than any earthly thinker the conception that laughter is as divine as tears. He called his monks the mounte- banks of God. He never forgot to take pleasure in a bird as it flashed past him, or a drop of water as it fell from his finger : he was, perhaps, the happiest of the sons of men. Yet this man undoubtedly founded his whole polity on the negation of what we think the most imperious necessities; in his three vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience, he denied to himself and those he loved most, property, love, and liberty. Why was it that the most large-hearted and poetic spirits in that age found their most congenial atmosphere in these awful 74 FRANCIS renunciations? Why did he who loved where all men were blind, seek to blind himself where all men loved? Why was he a monk, and not a troubadour ? These questions are far too large to be answered fully here, but in any life of Francis they ought at least to have been asked ; we have a suspicion that if they were answered we should suddenly find that much of the enigma of this sullen time of ours was answered also. So it was with the monks. The two great parties in human affairs are only the party which sees life black against white, and the party which sees it white against black, the party which macerates and blackens itself with sacrifice because the background is full of the blaze of an universal mercy, and the party which crowns itself with flowers and lights itself with 75 FRANCIS bridal torches because it stands against a black curtain of incalculable night. The revellers are old, and the monks are young. It was the monks who were the spend- thrifts of happiness, and we who are its misers. Doubtless, as is apparent from Mr Ad- derley's book, the clear and tranquil life of the Three Vows had a fine and delicate effect on the genius of Francis. He was primarily a poet. The perfection of his literary instinct is shown in his naming the fire * brother,' and the water * sister,' in the quaint demagogic dexterity of the appeal in the sermon to the fishes * that they alone were saved in the Flood.' In the amazingly minute and graphic dramatisa- tion of the life, disappointments and ex- cuses of any shrub or beast that he 76 FRANCIS happened to be addressing, his genius has a curious resemblance to that of Burns. But if he avoided the weakness of Burns' verses to animals, the occasional morbidity, bombast and moralisation on himself, the credit is surely due to a cleaner and more transparent life. The general attitude of St Francis, like that of his Master, embodied a kind of terrible common-sense. The famous re- mark of the Caterpillar in ' Alice in Won- derland ' — ' Why not ? ' impresses us as his general motto. He could not see why he should not be on good terms with all things. The pomp of war and ambition, the great empire of the Middle Ages and all its fellows begin to look tawdry and top-heavy, under the rationality of that innocent stare. His questions were blasting 77 FRANCIS and devastating, like the questions of a child. He would not have been afraid even of the nightmares of cosmogony, for he had no fear in him. To him the world was small, not because he had any views as to its size, but for the reason that gossiping ladies find it small, because so many relatives were to be found in it. If you had taken him to the loneliest star that the madness of an astronomer can conceive, he would have only beheld in it the features of a new friend. 78 ROSTAND When ' Cyrano de Bergerac ' was published, it bore the subordinate title of a heroic comedy. We have no tradition in English literature which would justify us in calling a comedy heroic, though there was once a poet who called a comedy divine. By the current modern conception, the hero has his place in a tragedy, and the one kind of strength which is systematically denied to him is the strength to succeed. That the power of a man's spirit might pos- sibly go to the length of turning a tragedy into a comedy is not admitted ; neverthe- 79 ROSTAND less, almost all the primitive legends of the world are comedies, not only in the sense that they have a happy ending, but in the sense that they are based upon a certain optimistic assumption that the hero is destined to be the destroyer of the mon- ster. Singularly enough, this modern idea of the essential disastrous character of life, when seriously considered, connects itself with a hyper-aesthetic view of tragedy and comedy which is largely due to the in- fluence of modern France, from which the great heroic comedies of Monsieur Rostand have come. The French genius has an instinct for remedying its own evil work, and France gives always the best cure for ' Frenchiness.' The idea of comedy which is held in England by the school which pays most attention to the technical nice- 80 ROSTAND ties of art is a view which renders such an idea as that of heroic comedy quite impossible. The fundamental conception in the minds of the majority of our younger writers is that comedy is, ' par excellence,' a fragile thing. It is conceived to be a conventional world of the most absolutely delicate and gimcrack description. Such stories as Mr Max Beerbohm's * Happy Hypocrite' are conceptions which would vanish or fall into utter nonsense if viewed by one single degree too seriously. But great comedy, the comedy of Shakespeare or Sterne, not only can be, but must be, taken seriously. There is nothing to which a man must give himself up with more faith and self-abandonment than to genuine laughter. In such comedies one laughs with the heroes and not at them. The f 81 ROSTAND humour which steeps the stories of Fal- stafF and Uncle Toby is a cosmic and philosophic humour, a geniality which goes down to the depths. It is not superficial reading, it is not even, strictly speaking, light reading. Our sympathies are as much committed to the characters as if they were the predestined victims in a Greek tragedy. The modern writer of comedies may be said to boast of the brittleness of his characters. He seems always on the eve of knocking his puppets to pieces. When John Oliver Hobbes wrote for the first time a comedy of serious emotions, she named it, with a thinly-disguised con- tempt for her own work, *A Sentimental Comedy.' The ground of this conception of the artificiality of comedy is a pro- found pessimism. Life in the eyes of these 82 ROSTAND mournful buffoons is itself an utterly tragic thing ; comedy must be as hollow as a grinning mask. It is a refuge from the world, and not even, properly speaking, a part of it. Their wit is a thin sheet of shining ice over the eternal waters of bitterness. ' Cyrano de Bergerac ' came to us as the new decoration of an old truth, that merri- ment was one of the world's natural flowers, and not one of its exotics. The gigantesque levity, the flamboyant elo- quence, the Rabelaisian puns and digres- sions were seen to be once more what they had been in Rabelais, the mere out- bursts of a human sympathy and bravado as old and solid as the stars. The human spirit demanded wit as headlong and haughty as its will. All was expressed in 83 ROSTAND the words of Cyrano at his highest moment of happiness. * II me faut des geants.' An essential aspect of this question of heroic comedy is the question of drama in rhyme. There is nothing that affords so easy a point of attack for the dramatic realist as the conduct of a play in verse. According to his canons, it is indeed absurd to represent a number of characters facing some terrible crisis in their lives by capping rhymes like a party playing 'bouts rimes.' In his eyes it must appear somewhat ridiculous that two enemies taunting each other with insupportable insults should obligingly provide each other with metrical spacing and neat and con- venient rhymes. But the whole of this view rests finally upon the fact that few persons, if any, to-day understand what is 84 ROSTAND meant by a poetical play. It is a singular thing that those poetical plays which are now written in England by the most advanced students of the drama follow exclusively the lines of Maeterlinck, and use verse and rhyme for the adornment of a profoundly tragic theme. But rhyme has a supreme appropriateness for the treatment of the higher comedy. The land of heroic comedy is, as it were, a paradise of lovers, in which it is not difficult to imagine that men could talk poetry all day long. It is far more con- ceivable that men's speech should flower naturally into these harmonious forms, when they are filled with the essential spirit of youth, than when they are sitting gloomily in the presence of immemorial destiny. The great error consists in sup- 85 ROSTAND posing that poetry is an unnatural form of language. We should all like to speak poetry at the moment when we truly live, and if we do not speak it, it is because we have an impediment in our speech. It is not song that is the narrow or artificial thing, it is conversation that is a broken and stammering attempt at song. When we see men in a spiritual extravaganza, like Cyrano de Bergerac, speaking in rhyme, it is not our language disguised or distorted, but our language rounded and made whole. Rhymes answer each other as the sexes in flowers and in humanity answer each other. Men do not speak so, it is true. Even when they are inspired or in love they talk inanities. But the poetic comedy does not misrepre- sent the speech one half so much, as the 86 ROSTAND speech misrepresents the soul. Monsieur Rostand showed even more than his usual insight when he called ' Cyrano de Ber- gerac' a comedy, despite the fact that, strictly speaking, it ends with disappoint- ment and death. The essence of tragedy is a spiritual breakdown or decline, and in the great French play the spiritual sentiment mounts unceasingly until the last line. It is not the facts themselves, but our feeling about them, that makes tragedy and comedy, and death is more joyful in Rostand than life in Maeter- linck. The same apparent contradiction holds good in the case of the drama of 'L'Aiglon.' Although the hero is a weakling, the subject a fiasco, the end a premature death and a personal disillusion- ment, yet, in spite of this theme, which 87 ROSTAND might have been chosen for its depressing qualities, the unconquerable paean of the praise of things, the ungovernable gaiety of the poet's song swells so high that at the end it seems to drown all the weak voices of the characters in one crashing chorus of great things and great men. A multitude of mottoes might be taken from the play to indicate and illustrate, not only its own spirit, but much of the spirit of modern life. When in the vision of the field of Wagram the horrible voices of the wounded cry out, ■ Les corbeaux, les corbeaux,' the Duke, overwhelmed with a nightmare of hideous trivialities, cries out, ■ Ou, ou sont les aigles ? ' That antithesis might stand alone as an in- vocation at the beginning of the twentieth century to the spirit of heroic comedy. 88 ROSTAND When an ex- General of Napoleon is asked his reason for having betrayed the Emperor he replies, * La fatigue,' and at that a veteran private of the Great Army rushes forward, and crying passionately, ' Et nous ? ' pours out a terrible descrip- tion of the life lived by the common soldier. To-day when pessimism is almost as much a symbol of wealth and fashion as jewels or cigars, when the pampered heirs of the ages can sum up life in few other words but 'la fatigue/ there might surely come a cry from the vast mass of common humanity from the beginning 'et nous?' It is this potentiality for enthu- siasm among the mass of men that makes the function of comedy at once common and sublime. Shakespeare's 'Much Ado about Nothing ' is a great comedy, because 89 ROSTAND behind it is the whole pressure of that love of love which is the youth of the world, which is common to all the young, especially to those who swear they will die bachelors and old maids. ' Love's Labour's Lost' is filled with the same energy, and there it falls even more definitely into the scope of our subject since it is a comedy in rhyme in which all men speak lyrically as naturally as the birds sing in pairing time. What the love of love is to the Shakespearian comedies, that other and more mysterious human passion, the love of death, is to 'L'Aiglon.' Whether we shall ever have in England a new tradition of poetic comedy it is difficult at present to say, but we shall assuredly never have it until we realise that comedy is built upon everlasting foundations in the nature of 90 ROSTAND things, that it is not a thing too light to capture, but too deep to plumb. Monsieur Rostand, in his description of the Battle of Wagram, does not shrink from bringing about the Duke's ears the frightful voices of actual battle, of men torn by crows, and suffocated with blood, but when the Duke, terrified at these dreadful appeals, asks them for their final word, they all cry to- gether, 'Vive l'Empereur ! ' Monsieur Ros- tand, perhaps, did not know that he was writing an allegory. To me that field of Wagram is the field of the modern war of literature. We hear nothing but the voices of pain ; the whole is one phono- graph of horror. It is right that we should hear these things, it is right that not one of them should be silenced ; but these cries of distress are not in life as they are 91 ROSTAND in modern art the only voices, they are the voices of men, but not the voice of man. When questioned finally and seri- ously as to their conception of their destiny, men have from the beginning of time answered in a thousand philosophies and religions with a single voice and in a sense most sacred and tremendous, 'Vive rEmpereur.' CHARLES II There are a great many bonds which still connect us with Charles II., one of the idlest men of one of the idlest epochs. Among other things Charles II. represented one thing which is very rare and very satisfying ; he was a real and consistent sceptic. Scep- ticism both in its advantages and disad- vantages is greatly misunderstood in our time. There is a curious idea abroad that scepticism has some connection with such theories as materialism and atheism and secularism. This is of course a mistake ; the true sceptic has nothing to do with 93 CHARLES II these theories simply because they are theories. The true sceptic is as much a spiritualist as he is a materialist. He thinks that the savage dancing round an African idol stands quite as good a chance of being right as Darwin. He thinks that mysticism is every bit as rational as rationalism. He has indeed the most profound doubts as to whether St Matthew wrote his own gospel. But he has quite equally profound doubts as to whether the tree he is looking at is a tree and not a rhinoceros. This is the real meaning of that mystery which appears so prominently in the lives of great sceptics, which appears with special prominence in the life of Charles II. I mean their constant oscillation between atheism and Roman Catholicism. Roman Catholicism is indeed a great and fixed 9-4 CHARLES II and formidable system, but so is atheism. Atheism is indeed the most daring of all dogmas, more daring than the vision of a palpable day of judgment. For it is the assertion of a universal negative; for a man to say that there is no God in the universe is like saying that there are no insects in any of the stars. Thus it was with that wholesome and systematic sceptic, Charles II. When he took the Sacrament according to the forms of the Roman Church in his last hour he was acting consistently as a philosopher. The wafer might not be God ; similarly it might not be a wafer. To the genuine and poetical sceptic the whole world is incredible, with its bulbous mountains and its fantastic trees. The whole order of things is as outrageous as 95 CHARLES II any miracle which could presume to violate it. Transubstantiation might be a dream, but if it was, it was assuredly a dream within a dream. Charles II. sought to guard himself against hell fire because he could not think hell itself more fantastic than the world as it was revealed by science. The priest crept up the staircase, the doors were closed, the few of the faithful who were present hushed themselves respectfully, and so, with every circumstance of secrecy and sanctity, with the cross uplifted and the prayers poured out, was consummated the last great act of logical unbelief. The problem of Charles II. consists in this, that he has scarcely a moral virtue to his name, and yet he attracts us morally. We feel that some of the virtues have been dropped out in the lists made by all 96 CHARLES II the saints and sages, and that Charles II. was pre-eminently successful in these wild and unmentionable virtues. The real truth of this matter and the real relation of Charles II. to the moral ideal is worth somewhat more exhaustive study. It is a commonplace that the Restoration movement can only be understood when considered as a reaction against Puritanism. But it is insufficiently realised that the tyranny which half frustrated all the good work of Puritanism was of a very peculiar kind. It was not the fire of Puritanism, the exultation in sobriety, the frenzy of a restraint, which passed away ; that still burns in the heart of England, only to be quenched by the final overwhelming sea. But it is seldom remembered that the Puritans were in their day emphatically a 97 CHARLES II intellectual bullies, that they relied swagger- ingly on the logical necessity of Calvinism, that they bound omnipotence itself in the chains of syllogism. The Puritans fell, through the damning fact that they had a complete theory of life, through the eternal paradox that a satisfactory explanation can never satisfy. Like Brutus and the logical Romans, like the logical French Jacobins, like the logical English utilitarians, they taught the lesson that men's wants have always been right and their arguments always wrong. Reason is always a kind of brute force ; those who appeal to the head rather than the heart, however pallid and polite, are necessarily men of violence. We speak of ' touching ' a man's heart, but we can do nothing to his head but hit it. The tyranny of the Puritans over the bodies 98 CHARLES II of men was comparatively a trifle ; pikes, bullets, and conflagrations are comparatively a trifle. Their real tyranny was the tyranny of aggressive reason over the cowed and demoralised human spirit. Their brooding and raving can be forgiven, can in truth be loved and reverenced, for it is humanity on fire ; hatred can be genial, madness can be homely. The Puritans fell, not because they were fanatics, but because they were rationalists. When we consider these things, when we remember that Puritanism, which means in our day a moral and almost tempera- mental attitude, meant in that day a singularly arrogant logical attitude, we shall comprehend a little more the grain of good that lay in the vulgarity and triviality of the Restoration. The Restoration, of which 99 CHARLES II Charles II. was a pre-eminent type, was in part a revolt of all the chaotic and unclassed parts of human nature, the parts that are left over, and will always be left over, by every rationalistic system of life. This does not merely account for the revolt of the vices and of that empty recklessness and horseplay which is sometimes more irritating than any vice. It accounts also for the return of the virtue of politeness, for that also is a nameless thing ignored by logical codes. Politeness has indeed about it something mystical ; like religion, it is everywhere understood and nowhere de- fined. Charles is not entirely to be despised because, as the type of this movement, he let himself float upon this new tide of politeness. There was some moral and social value in his perfection in little things. He could 100 CHARLES II not keep the Ten Commandments, but he kept the ten thousand commandments. His name is unconnected with any great acts of duty or sacrifice, but it is con- nected with a great many of those acts of magnanimous politeness, of a kind of dramatic delicacy, which lie on the dim borderland between morality and art. 'Charles II.,' said Thackeray, with un- erring brevity, 'was a rascal but not a snob.' Unlike George IV. he was a gentleman, and a gentleman is a man who obeys strange statutes, not to be found in any moral text-book, and practises strange virtues nameless from the beginning of the world. So much may be said and should be said for the Restoration, that it was the revolt of something human, if only the 101 CHARLES II ddbris of human nature. But more cannot be said. It was emphatically a fall and not an ascent, a recoil and not an advance, a sudden weakness and not a sudden strength. That the bow of human nature was by Puritanism bent immeasurably too far, that it overstrained the soul by stretch- ing it to the height of an almost horrible idealism, makes the collapse of the Re- storation infinitely more excusable, but it does not make it any the less a collapse. Nothing can efface the essential distinction that Puritanism was one of the world's great efforts after the discovery of the true order, whereas it was the essence of the Restoration that it involved no effort at all. It is true that the Restoration was not, as has been widely assumed, the most immoral epoch of our history. Its vices 102 CHARLES II cannot compare for a moment in this re- spect with the monstrous tragedies and almost suffocating secrecies and villainies of the Court of James I. But the dram- drinking and nose-slitting of the saturnalia of Charles II. seem at once more human and more detestable than the passions and poisons of the Renaissance, much in the same way that a monkey appears inevitably more human and more detestable than a tiger. Compared with the Renaissance, there is something Cockney about the Restoration. Not only was it too indolent for great morality, it was too indolent even for great art. It lacked that seriousness which is needed even for the pursuit of pleasure, that discipline which is essential even to a game of lawn tennis. It would have appeared to Charles II.'s poets quite 103 CHARLES II as arduous to write ' Paradise Lost ' as to regain Paradise. All old and vigorous languages abound in images and metaphors, which, though lightly and casually used, are in truth poems in themselves, and poems of a high and striking order. Perhaps no phrase is so terribly significant as the phrase * killing time.' It is a tremendous and poetical image, the image of a kind of cosmic parricide. There is on the earth a race of revellers who do, under all their exuber- ance, fundamentally regard time as an enemy. Of these were Charles II. and the men of the Restoration. Whatever may have been their merits, and as we have said we think that they had merits, they can never have a place among the great representatives of the joy of life, for 101 CHARLES II they belonged to those lower epicureans who kill time, as opposed to those higher epicureans who make time live. Of a people in this temper Charles II. was the natural and rightful head. He may have been a pantomime King, but he was a King, and with all his geniality he let nobody forget it. He was not, indeed, the aimless flaneur that he has been repre- sented. He was a patient and cunning politician, who disguised his wisdom under so perfect a mask of folly that he not only deceived his allies and opponents, but has deceived almost all the historians that have come after him. But if Charles was, as he emphatically was, the only Stuart who really achieved despotism, it was greatly due to the temper of the nation and the age. Despotism is the easiest of 105 CHARLES II all governments, at any rate for the governed. It is indeed a form of slavery, and it is the despot who is the slave. Men in a state of decadence employ professionals to fight for them, professionals to dance for them, and a professional to rule them. Almost all the faces in the portraits of that time look, as it were, like masks put on artificially with the perruque. A strange unreality broods over the period. Dis- tracted as we are with civic mysteries and problems, we can afford to rejoice. Our tears are less desolate than their laughter, our restraints are larger than their liberty. 100 STEVENSON * A recent incident has finally convinced us that Stevenson was, as we suspected, a great man. We knew from recent books that we have noticed, from the scorn of ' Ephemera Critica ' and Mr George Moore, that Stevenson had the first essential quali- fication of a great man : that of being mis- understood by his opponents. But from the book which Messrs Chatto & Windus have issued, in the same binding as Steven- son's works, ' Robert Louis Stevenson,' by Mr H. Bellyse Baildon, we learn that he * ■ Robert Louis Stevenson : A Life Study in Criticism.' By H. Bellyse Baildon. Chatto & Windus. 107 STEVENSON has the other essential qualification, that of being misunderstood by his admirers. Mr Baildon has many interesting things to tell us about Stevenson himself, whom he knew at college. Nor are his criticisms by any means valueless. That upon the plays, especially * Beau Austin,' is remark- ably thoughtful and true. But it is a very singular fact, and goes far, as we say, to prove that Stevenson had that unfathomable quality which belongs to the great, that this admiring student of Stevenson can number and marshal all the master's work and distribute praise and blame with de- cision and even severity, without ever thinking for a moment of the principles of art and ethics which would have struck us as the very thing that Stevenson nearly killed himself to express. 108 STEVENSON Mr Baildon, for example, is perpetually lecturing Stevenson for his * pessimism ' ; surely a strange charge against the man who has done more than any modern artist to make men ashamed of their shame of life. But he complains that, in ' The Master of Ballantrae' and