UC-NRLF B 3 M37 25 mm D ////n/e^Ui^yt^ (Qa/ifernta/ /L^ ur~^ S A REPLY TO THE MISREPRESENTATIONS AND ASPERSIONS ON THE MILITARY REPUTATION OF THE LATE LIEUT.-GEN. R. B. LONG, CONTAINED IN A WORK ENTITLED " Further Strictures on those Parts of Col. Napier's History of the Peninsular War which relate to the Military Opinions and Conduct of General Lord Viscount Beresford, G.C.B. &c. &c. &c." ACCOMPANIED BY EXTRACTS FROM THE MS. JOURNAL AND PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE OF THAT OFFICER, AND CORROBORATED BY THE FURTHER TESTIMONY OF LIVING WITNESSES. By CHARLES EDWARD LONG, Esq. Pudet hac opprobria nobis Et diet potuisse, et non potuisse refelli. LONDON: JAMES RIDGWAY, 169, PICCADILLY MDCCCXXXII. HENRY Mouse mrxrHEMSB LONDON *. C. ItOWORTH AND SONS, BELT. YARD, TEMPLE BAR. PREFACE Nothing but the duty of vindicating the repu- tation of a deceased relative, would have induced the Compiler of these pages to put forth a printed Reply to the work which has recently appeared, entitled "-Further Strictures on Col. Napier's Third Volume of the Peninsular War, &c. &c." It is an undertaking at once foreign to his habits and painful to his feelings. But, as the Author of the Strictures has thought proper to shelter his Commander-in-chief (Lord Beresford) from the charges brought against him by Colonel Napier, by dragging forth un- necessarily, and in somewhat offensive lan- guage, the deeds, or as he would insinuate, the misdeeds of another, and by heaping counter- vailing charges on the conduct of a brother officer who is not living to refute them; no IV . PREFACE. alternative is left to those by whom the memory of that officer is revered, but to meet such charges plainly and promptly with the nearest evidence at hand — the written and recorded statements of the party accused, whose own unvarnished narrative, corroborated, as it is, in nearly every important particular, by the testi- mony of living witnesses, may afford the best reply to the injurious aspersions of his anony- mous accuser. R E P L Y, &c. ERRATA. Page 26, third line from the bottom, for " of the General,'* read " of General." 35, ninth line from the top, for " squadrons A. that," read " squadrons that." 45, twelfth line from the top, /or " army," read " arm." 55, fifth line from the bottom, for " August," read " March." 61, twelfth line from the top, /or- " columns," read " column.." 63, fourth line from the bottom, for " squadron," read " squadrons." 64, fourth line from the bottom, for " at this distance," reud " at the distance." 80, twelfth line from the bottom, dele " them." 91, for " Than their slight habits," read " Than thin slight habits." 96, seventh line from the bottom, for " to the command," read " the command." 137, thirteenth line from the top, for " near to the source," reud " near the source." 141, ninth line from the bottom, for " every," read " very." racter of the work by a comparative estimate of the different accounts submitted to their pe- rusal. All that the author can pretend to do is, to lay before his readers such statements as shall be deemed sufficient to vindicate the re- putation of his deceased relative from the un- just and unprovoked reproaches attempted to B IV PREFACE. alternative is left to those by whom the memory of that officer is revered, but to meet such charges plainly and promptly with the nearest evidence at hand — the written and recorded statements of the party accused, whose own unvarnished narrative, corroborated, as it is, in R E P L Y, &c. It is not the intention, neither is it within the capacity of the author of this reply, to enter upon a military critique of the work in ques- tion, but simply to point out a few of the various discrepancies that exist in the " Further Stric- tures on Colonel Napier's History of the Pe- ninsular War," as compared with the journal and correspondence of the late Lieutenant- General Long, and the living evidence that has been obtained, so far as it affects the opera- tions with which that officer was immediately connected. It must be left to the public, and to the military reader more particularly, to form their own conclusions as to the general cha- racter of the work by a comparative estimate of the different accounts submitted to their pe- rusal. All that the author can pretend to do is, to lay before his readers such statements as shall be deemed sufficient to vindicate the re- putation of his deceased relative from the un- just and unprovoked reproaches attempted to be cast upon it ; to involve no one in the con- troversy excepting those by whom that rela- tive has been assailed, and to found his defence, not on vague assertions sent forth with all the ostentation of authority, and yet coupled with all the irresponsibility of concealment, but on statements backed by living evidence, which is alike within the reach of all. For the mul- tiplicity of details, and the continued repeti- tion of facts, a desire to strengthen the defence by corroborative testimony is the only apology that can be offered. That differences unfortunately existed be- tween Marshal Beresford and General Long- is well known to many officers now living. The lapse of more than twenty years, and the decease of the latter officer, had nearly buried the remembrance of those differences in oblivion. However unmerited might have been the treatment of General Long, the re- volution of time had nearly obliterated from the minds of his surviving relatives all traces of that treatment, and the recollections had passed away as the events by which they had been occasioned receded from observa- tion, or were overshadowed by others of a deeper and more durable interest. It remained for the author of the Strictures to renew those recollections, and in seeking out a victim to ( 3 ) appease his antagonist, and account for the errors of his chief, he has thus chosen to stab, with all the bitterness of long rankling hostility, the reputation of an officer now, unfortunately, not living to refute his charges, and whose cha- racter is thus left to the chance-medley aid of a few private letters, the evidence of some one or two brother officers, and (but which it is hoped may be confidently relied on) the im- partial judgment of the readers of this publi- cation. Neither the letters of General Long, nor his private journal, were ever intended to meet the public eye ; they were written solely for the gratification of his relatives, and one or two professional friends ; and most certainly, but for the censures of the writer of the Strictures, would never have been sub- mitted to the press. An answer to an anony- mous publication might, under other circum- stances, be deemed an unnecessary, perhaps, an inconsiderate, undertaking. But, carrying with it, as that publication confessedly does (in its tone at least), the mark and impress of a higher hand, it cannot be regarded as the mere effusion of some obscure and casual critic of Colonel Napier's History, but as the delibe- rate narrative of an authorised advocate of Lord Beresford's cause, connected with his proceed- ings, and possibly countenanced by his appro- b 2 ( * ) bation. In the prosecution of this task, it has been the author's chief aim, to abstain from all personal allusions, and, in that respect, *to avoid the example of the writer of the Stric- tures. He, at least, has not confined himself to the barren refutation of distinct charges, nor limited his animadversions to the historian, whose work he has professed to criticise ; but, to quote his own words, he " dashes about his inconsiderate censures, without any regard for those whose honour or character he may- wound ; and, though a soldier himself, appears to have no sympathy in the common sentiments of all military men, that a soldier's honour is dearer than his life." However reluctantly the author may have been forced into this painful controversy, and unexpectedly dragged to the bar of public opinion, he is still aware that that opinion is alone to be governed, as he. would wish it to be governed, by the strength of the evidence adduced. It is by the strict standard of truth that the value of this reply is to be estimated, and by that let it be tried. It might have been thought, perhaps, that there was no one who would come forward to undertake the irksome office of a posthumous defence. The writer may have triumphed in the conscious superioritv, ( 5 ) that the weapons of the living are at hand, and have cherished the delusive expectation that, as those who are in their graves speak not, there is no arm to right them. He has yet to learn, that there is still enough of honest indignation among the surviving relatives of an injured man, to rouse them to a just sense of their duty to defend him, and still enough of evidence within their grasp, to confound, if not to silence, his accusers. Almost immediately on his second arrival in the Peninsula, in March 1811, General Long was appointed to the command of the cavalry in the Alemtejo, under the orders of Marshal Sir William Beresford, whom he joined at Thomar on the 16th of that month, having previously been present, though not in any command, at the affair of the 13th, at Casal Nova, with Lord Wellington. In proceeding to lay before the reader the documentary evidence on which the author is prepared to found his answer to the misrepre- sentations of the writer of the " Further Stric- tures," it is necessary to preface its introduc- tion by a brief notice of the charges which have been adduced against General Long, and which charges, in fact, form the ground work, if not the whole, of the defence of Lord Beresford against the censures of Colonel Napier, by ( 6 ) whom General Long is not, as respects the affair of Campo Mayor, even nominally alluded to as the officer in command. There are other occa- sions in which General Long's conduct is called in question ; indeed, wherever his name appears in the work it is invariably coupled either with censure or insinuation. If failures are to be accounted for, the cause of them is attributed to him; if praise might be bestowed, it is studi- ously and systematically withheld. The writer first states, in opening the case of Campo Mayor, that " General Long, who then commanded the Allied cavalry, was di- rected to proceed to turn the enemy and to threaten his line of retreat," p. 38, which, he adds, was " done with a view of trying whether the French commander intended to abandon the place, or to remain under the protection of its guns and defend it," the enemy having, as he says, been previously observed to be " filing- out of it, and forming on the glacis." " Ge- neral Long," he continues, " was ordered only to make such a circuit as would be just suffi- cient to keep his troops clear of the guns of the works. He had not gone far before the Mar- shal, perceiving that he was taking far too wide a range, sent Lieutenant-Colonel Har- dinge with orders for him to circle nearer the town, in obedience to the instructions that had ( 7 ) been given him. General Long still continued to widen his circuit ; and a second time Lieu- tenant-Colonel Hardinge was sent after him to express the Marshal's displeasure, and with directions for him to approach the enemy. The General alleged some foolish reasons for thus obstinately persisting in his most extraor- dinary detour, and, in the mean time, the enemy perceiving the movement that was made, began to retire to Badajos." — p. 38-9. In Marshal Beresford's dispatch, it will be seen that Brigadier-General Long was ordered " to endeavour to turn the enemy's right, keep- ing out of the reach of the place." The letter of General Long, dated April 22, notices this complaint of the extended circuit as coupled with his orders, by giving a reason for not nar- rowing the detour, and denying that he ex- ceeded his directions; and the answer of Major- General Sir Charles Dalbiac to the second question submitted to him, as far as relates to that portion of the cavalry he was with, corro- borates the fact, that if Brigadier-General Long did disobey his orders it was in not " keep- ing out of reach of the place," and by only occasionally, if at all, moving beyond cannon range in following his directions to " turn the town," and " threaten the line of retreat." With respect to the concluding passage in these ( 3 ) extracts, and the " foolish reason" alleged to have been returned by Brigadier-General Long to the second message from the Marshal, urging an immediate approximation to the enemy, an application was, on reading this passage, almost immediately made to Sir Henry Hardinge, to know what was (for in the flippant generali- zation of his terms the author had omitted to note it down) the answer of General Long to this " second message, expressive of the Mar- shal's displeasure." The reply of Sir Henry Hardinge was as follows : " I was directed by Lord Beresford to ex- press his dissatisfaction at the wide circuit he" viz. General Long, " was taking, and to repeat his Lordship's injunctions that General Long- should take a shorter line, in order to place the cavalry on or near the road leading from Campo Mayor to Badajos. General Long, in making this movement, had his right flank towards the town, and his left towards the undulating but open country by which the place is surrounded. The General, in explana- tion, urged the propriety of securing his left flank against any enemy's cavalry force which he was of opinion might be concealed under cover of the undulating ground on the left. "I expressed to the General at the time the different view I took of the necessity of the ( 9 ) caution he was using, and, as General Long's subsequent explanations to Lord Beresford were to the same effect, the impression re- mained, that the General, on this occasion, had erred in judgment, as to the best and most prompt mode of carrying Lord Beresford's orders into execution." That this reason for the detour differs very materially from that given in General Long's letter, dated Los Santos, April 22, is unques- tionable. But on comparing this passage with the letter to General Le Marchant, it will be seen that General Long, in speaking of " an impassable ravine," apparently alludes to an earlier part of his operations; for he subse- quently mentions the arrival of an aide-de-camp with orders for him to " proceed round the town, so as to turn it, but to keep at two or three gun shots from the works," and then confirms so much of the statement of Sir Henry Hardinge as relates to the " propriety of se- curing his left flank," in consequence of "the enemy's demonstrations on his left." If, how- ever, no other reason was assigned for such detour than that stated from recollection by Sir Henry Hardinge, the evidence of that officer is singularly unavailable in support of the charge of the author of the Strictures, inasmuch as it equally involves him with General Long ( io ) in the same " error in judgment;" for, in page 48, that writer observes that " the heights al- luded to 1 ' viz. in a passage in Napier, "were really only on the enemy's left flank as he re- tired ; but on this plain there are great inequa- lities of ground, behind which any number of troops might be concealed."' If, therefore, General Long- was, in the opinion of Sir Henry Hardinge, using unnecessary caution in " securing his left flank against any enemy s cavalry force that might be concealed under cover of the undulating ground on the left" he was confessedly not so in the opinion of the author of the Strictures ; and if he did allege " some foolish reasons for thus obstinately persisting in his most extra- ordinary detour," those reasons were obviously not the reasons stated by Sir Henry Hardinge, the bearer of the message. This deduction, being abundantly evident to the merest tyro in reasoning, the author may here be permitted to observe, with reference to the difference of opinion that seems to exist re- specting the direction taken by General Long to arrive at the enemy, that a movement which must have had the effect of placing that officer and his cavalry on the road between Campo Mayor and the enemy, and not on the road between Badajos and the enemy, would ap- pear to be an extraordinary way of obeying his ( 11 ) injunctions to " turn the enemy" and " threaten his line of retreat" — p. 38. Even supposing that by such a narrowing of his circuit he could have obeyed the remainder of his orders to " keep his troops" all the while " clear of the guns of the works." To proceed, "That officer," viz. Brigadier- General Long, " had been expressly ordered not to charge the enemy's infantry under any pretence whatever, while they were in co- lumn and prepared, but to exert every means to harass and delay its progress till the in- fantry of the Allies could come up." — p 39. " When the marshal," he continues, " first got sight of the Allied cavalry, they were already in contact with the enemy, and the first thing he could discern was a charge made by the Portuguese cavalry against a column of French infantry. As might be expected, the assailants were beaten off." How far the author can be borne out in the assertion that Brigadier-General Long charged the column of French infantry with the Portu- guese cavalry, the reader will best determine from the letter of General Long, dated March 28, and the private memorandum, as also from the notes of Lieut.-Colonel Doyle, and the answer of Major-General Sir C. Dalbiac to the fourth question submitted to him, both which officers ( 12 ) were present. The Portuguese never charged the infantry at all. The Hussars, who had not stirred from the enemy's column, advanced, whereupon the Portuguese troops fled. " At this time,'' the writer goes on to say, p. 39, viz. after the Marshal had discerned (it being " the first thing he could discern") this "charge made by the Portuguese cavalry against the column of French infantry" (which never took place) and their " expected" discomfiture (which would seem to have taken place without the assistance of any charge whatever,) " the Marshal came up with the heavy brigade of ca- valry, commanded by Colonel De Grey, at a short distance in rear of the others, and directed them to take post on a small height until" (until!) " he could examine what was going on in front." So that having " first" got sight of the allied cavalry when they were effecting their ideal charge on the column of infantry, the Marshal afterwards " came up with the heavy brigade," gave it its directions, (viz. to halt) and then, and not till then, proceeded to " examine what was going on in front," he having been pre- viously in profound ignorance, or, what was worse than ignorance, in positive error as to " what" had been " going on in front." This examination having, it appears, taken place, " Colonel De Grey was then ordered up, the ( 13 ) nearest guns were directed to advance with all possible speed. Two guns from the German infantry brigade arrived, and a few rounds were fired into the enemy's column ; but the horses were exhausted and could not be made to keep pace with the French troops, who steadily pressed on at a very quick step, notwithstand- ing the cavalry of the Allies were threatening to charge them at every instant." — p. 40. The nearest guns were directed to advance with all speed. Two had arrived, and were already, be it observed, between the heavy brigade and the enemy at the time when the former were " ordered up" from the " small height'' across the Badajos road. The natural question that must immediately suggest itself to the general reader is : Why, if two guns could come up, did not all six ? It would appear from the statement of Colonel Doyle, that the bring- ing them up was deemed no very impracticable undertaking by the officer commanding them. But the " horses were exhausted," — exhausted in the pursuit of infantry to a distance of two miles from Campo Mayor ! ! The mere stop- ing to fire might, one would suppose, have en- abled these " exhausted" animals to recover their wind, and to keep pace at least with the march of a column of infantry, having several miles of open country before it, and which " the ( 14 ) cavalry of the Allies were threatening to charge at every instant" ! The next in the series of disasters narrated by this faithful historian, is coupled with an accusation, as respects Brigadier-General Long, at once as astounding as it is ridiculous. " The Marshal," he writes, p. 40, " now heard from General Long, whose report was con- firmed by Baron Trip, that the 13th Light Dragoons* had, in the strangest manner, been taken prisoners bodily. Indeed the account which these officers delivered of the capture of the 13th was even more extraordinary than Co- lonel Napier's description of their engagement. " The Marshal finding it difficult to credit the account, expressed his astonishment that in a plain such as they were upon, no one man should have broken away. Still the assertion that such was the fact could not be contra- dicted." The extreme absurdity of such a charge, viz, that the general officer commanding on the * With respect to Baron Trip, it is stated (p. 38,) that " some light horse were sent down to reconnoitre." With these, who were Portuguese skirmishers, Baron Trip, as the author is confidently informed, was stationed, and consequently could not have seen the charge of the 13th. Whether he was the author, or one of the authors of the report circulated, as is affirmed by the writer of the Strictures, it is not necessary to inquire. 15 spot, who directed the charge of his troops, and witnessed the discomfiture of the enemy should himself have reported to his chief that they had been, subsequently to their success, actually captured en masse, but how or where no man knew, would hardly seem to require the aid of direct evidence in refutation. The reader is however requested to observe in the letter of General Long to E. L., dated May 29, how, in a conversation with Sir William Lum- ley, he had first become acquainted with the fact that such a report had indeed been made direct to Marshal Beresforcl ; and he is further required to notice the authorized communica- tion from Sir W. Lumley, and the answer of Sir C. Dalbiac to the fifth question submitted to him. But it " could not," says the writer, " be contradicted." Whether such a report required a direct contradiction, or whether credulity her- self should not have been shamed into scepti- cism, and have only been startled (if startled at all) by the shapeless incongruity, at the mere instant of its apparition, it is not pretended to inquire. But it ivas contradicted, viz. by Co- lonel Doyle, (who had followed in the charge for some distance,) as he himself states, when he was sent by General Long to order up the heavy dragoons; and this fact sufficiently proves that ( 16 ) Marshal Beresibrd never could have " heard " this strange report " from General Long," (even putting the evidence of that officer's letter aside,) inasmuch as General Long was not aware by whose order the heavy dragoons had been halted, and subsequently removed to the right of the Badajos road, until Colonel Doyle had returned with his report from head quarters, and that the message to which that report was in answer, was preceded by the rumour at head- quarters of the " bodily capture'' of the 13th. But the whole thing is most unaccountably strange and mysterious ; for, from the answer of Major-general Sir C. Dalbiac to the sixth question, it is clear that he, at least, as one of the heavy brigade, had witnessed, if not the charge of the 13th, the evidence of the success of that charge, and this about the time head- quarters passed the heavy brigade, and " pro- ceeded to examine what was going on in front !" In the sequel, p. 40, " the Marshal seeing that it was impossible to bring up his infantry, and that the cavalry had been brought into action in direct opposition to his orders,'' &c. " com- manded the cavalry to desist from all further pursuit." — p. 41. With respect to the impossi- bility of bringing up any infantry, the reader will notice what is stated by Colonel Doyle with reference to General Stewart's division, ( 17 ) and also what is mentioned by General Long, in his letter dated Dec. 3, in regard to Colonel Colborne, an officer in General Stewart's division, and the identical Colonel Colborne (now Sir John Colborne) of whom the writer of the Strictures observes, that "neither Colonel Colborne nor any infantry were near the scene of action." — p. 42. He will also further notice the answers of Colonel Gabriel (General Stewart's aide-de-camp) to the questions sub- mitted to him regarding the proximity of the infantry. With respect to the cavalry being brought into action in direct opposition to his (the Marshal's) " orders," it is sufficient to refer to the Marshal's dispatch, where he states that the "opportunity" was "favourable," and of the effect, that the enemy "were entirely routed." The author of the Strictures, in conclusion, gives a resume of the affair as follows : — " With regard to the 13th," p. 41, he observes, "the fact was this: — General Long coming from his circuit, at less than a league from Campo Mayor, descended from the heights upon the left flank of the enemy." The construction of this passage is somewhat obscure, but it is presumed that the writer means to signify that General Long " descended from the heights upon the left flank of the enemy at less than c ( 18 ) a league from Campo Mayor." The distance given is somewhat indefinite. It was in reality about two miles, consequently, considerably less than a league from Campo Mayor, and although General Long's movement is pro- nounced to have been " erroneous," p. 46, it is satisfactory to ascertain that it brought him precisely upon the left flank of the enemy so as to " threaten his retreat." "The Marshal," p. 41, continues our inform- ant, " some time after the halt, was the first to perceive a column of troops advancing towards them from the direction of Badajos. On look- ing through the glass he discovered it to be the 13th returning." The obvious question that occurs to the unprofessional inquirer is — Why, when the Marshal saw (and indeed was the "first" to see) that they were safe, and that their " bodily " engulphment was a chimerical delu- sion, did he not bring up his guns (the horses having sufficiently recovered from their exhaus- tion by the time that had elapsed between the halt and the first perception of the victorious captives), and try to retrieve the " mischief and folly," p. 47, of the day, by some small effort of hostility against the enemy's column (now con- fessedly surrounded by all the allied cavalry with a couple of guns, and the whole army with the other guns in the rear), or at least se- curing their already captured artillery? ( 19 ) The gradation of events is not very rigidly adhered to by the author of the Strictures, and it is necessary to follow his criticisms in the order they occur. " General Long," pp. 44, 45, he observes, " instead of charging the hussars in front, as he should have done, if he thought fit to make any attack at all, so as to drive them upon their infantry, charged them in flank, and separated them from the latter, which was thus left quite clear on every front of its square." It is not for the author to speak in the tone of a tactician of the military merit or demerit of such a movement. It must be left to the criticism of the military reader. He may, however, be allowed to submit whether a charge of the 1 3th, which should have been sufficiently successful to have carried them through the enemy's cavalry (as appears to have been the case in the attack made by that regi- ment), would not have placed them between two bodies of the enemy in a state of disorgan- ization, and in face of the then unbroken infan- try, and consequently that it would have been indeed an instance of " folly," not unlikely to have been attended with its merited proportion of " mischief." One fact is certain, amply au- thenticated by the writer himself in his reprint of Sir B. D'Urban's brief notice of the affair, c 2 ( 20 ) and fully corroborated by the dispatch of Mar- shal Beresford, viz. the success of the charge, " made," says the Marshal, " with the most determined courage," the enemy being " en- tirely routed, and pursued into the town of Badajos, two leagues distant; in which flight the greater part of them were sabred, as were the conductors and the artillery-men of six- teen pieces of cannon, which were taken on the road, but afterwards abandoned.*" In a no less laudatory style, is the concise and correct statement of Major General Sir B. DTrban. Not a word here about the " erroneous move- ment."" "An occasion,*' says Sir Benjamin, " was found for attacking his cavalry, notwith- standing that it moved very near to, and ap- puied itself upon his infantry."' — p. 8, Appendix. ''The attack was admirably executed, and the success complete. The enemy's cavalry was routed, driven off the field, and pursued to the bridge-head of Badajos. It suffered severely, particularly the 26th Dragoons, who lost their Colonel and eight officers, and were almost entirely destroyed. The allied cavalry in pur- suit of the French overtook the detachment of artillery, which had been employed in the siege of Gampo Mayor, fell upon them and cut them to pieces." And this is what the writer has the temerity to quote in corroboration of ( 21 ) his censures upon the officer who directed this " admirably executed " attack, in which Marshal Beresford states, that that officer " manoeuvred with great ability," and that " the loss of the enemy was very consider- able, not less than five or six hundred men in killed, wounded, and prisoners !" But " their infantry," says the writer, in consequence of this charge in flank, "was thus left quite clear on every front of its square." This assertion, like that in pages 39 and 40, that none of the " enemy's cavalry were to be seen," is equally devoid of foundation. The hussars which headed and closed the column had never stirred from the infantry. " The Marshal," says the writer, reverting to the first scene of his drama, p. 46, " sent General Long to manoeuvre under his own eye, and he remained himself at the head of the infantry, ready to put it in motion as soon as he should discern what were the in- tentions of the enemy." That General Long " manoeuvred with great ability," we have in evidence from Marshal Beresford himself; and when the intentions of the enemy " to abandon the place," and not " to remain under the pro- tection of its guns and defend it," were made manifest, where, it may be asked, was the Com- mander-in-Chief, that he was not at hand to "discern" those "intentions," and " read v to ( 22 ) put" his infantry "in motion" to counteract them ? " When," writes the author, the Marshal " perceived that General Long still continued his erroneous movement," p. 46, (although manoeuvring " with great ability,") " even after the enemy were in motion," (one of the two objects which the Marshal was desirous of ascer- taining and of being " ready" to take advantage of,) " Beresford set off at full gallop after him (who had then been lost sight of,) and though he had not reached the cavalry when the charge was made by the 13th," (going at " full gallop,") " though indeed he did not see it, though he did not arrive early enough to stop the attack made by the Portuguese bri- gade," (which, as we have seen, was an effort of vigour on their part that was rendered su- perfluous by their flight,) " yet he came up immediately after, and in time to prevent the occurrence of still greater mischief and folly." The main and primary question is this — was the allied cavalry to attack that of the enemy, if an opportunity offered of striking a blow ? That such was the understanding of Brigadier General Long, the officer in command of that cavalry, is obvious from his letters ; that such was the impression of M. General Sir C. Dal- biac, then in command of one of the regiments ( 23 ) of that cavalry, is evident from his first answer; that such was the conviction of Colonel Doyle, an officer on the staff of the army, is clear, from his observations; that such was the idea of Major General Sir B. D'Urban is indisputable, from his account of the affair ; that such was the supposition of Marshal Beresford's staff is palpable, from the suggestions of one of his aide-de-camps, as stated in the letter of General Long to General Le Marchant ; and that such was the conception of the Marshal himself is mani- fest from his dispatch— the " opportunity" was " favourable." Was General Long accountable for the indiscreet but gallant pursuit of the 13th to the bridge-head of Badajos ? The Mar- shal himself says that he was not. On the contrary, he affirms, that that officer " made the greatest exertions to moderate the ex- cessive ardour of the cavalry, and regulate their movements." It is submitted to the military reader, whether, if Marshal Beres- ford had intended to interfere with, rather than to support, the operations of his cavalry, he ought not to have been in advance, and on the spot, to have witnessed the charge of the 13th (which it is evident that neither he nor any of his staff did witness), and to have taken measures to have supported the successful efforts of his cavalry, for he could then have ( 24 ) seen that there was no wholesale and " bodily capture" of that regiment. If, on the other hand, he was not in advance, and knew not of their success, " though he had not reached the cavalry when the charge was made by the 13th; though, indeed, he did not see it ; though he did not arrive early enough to stop the attack made by the Portuguese brigade;'' though, it may be added, the " determined courage" of the one had ended in captivity, and the pre- sumptuous gallantry of the other had evapo- rated in flight ; though the " entire routing" of the enemy had but enabled them to absorb within the vortex of their fugitive squadrons the victors whose " success was complete," and by whom they were " pursued to the bridge-head of Badajos;" though all these miracles had been wrought, and the dirge of defeat had so simultaneously (if the Hibernicism may be permitted) succeeded to the shout of victory, ought (it is submitted) the indi- vidual, by whom the energies of an army were to be directed, thus to have paralysed (before the rumour of the capture had reached him), by an immediate interference, and by the withering of his presence, those proceedings which he had delegated to others, prepared to partake in the gale of their triumph, and yet condemn the head that had directed, ( 25 ) and the arm that had executed, " admirably executed," that attack, which was destined to crown with titular distinction one, who, at the same time, indignantly spurned the hand by which the wreath that was proffered had been woven ? But the Marshal '*.. considered " (that is, after the first interference of halting the heavy brigade) " one regiment as lost." It is again submitted, whether, if such had really been the case, it was not an urgent and additional reason for attempting to neu- tralize the triumph of his enemy, by every effort to effect a decisive blow against the re- treating column of infantry, and more espe- cially when he saw them, as he says, " in much confusion," and had artillery at hand to pro- duce much more ? In conclusion : whether Marshal Beresford's arrival on the spot with his heavy cavalry, (which he had previously halted at the moment when its support was most critically required,) and a couple of guns, was, as the author is pleased to observe, "in time to prevent the occurrence of still greater mis- chief and folly;" and whether the Marshal (the 13th having been, "from the report of Baron Trip," " given up as lost,") acted with judicious generalship in "hovering round" the enemy's infantry, " at the distance of a hundred yards," (p. 49,) in ordering a general halt, and finally (after having been " the first to per- ( 2C ) ceive " the safety of the 13th,) in leaving that enemy (now confessedly hemmed in on all sides,) to retire unmolested to Badajos, and their captured battering train to be re-captured and carried off at their earliest convenience, is no part of the province of the author of these pages to determine. The winding up of this most extraordinary detail of facts and reckless advancement of opinions by the writer of the Strictures, where he says, p. 50, " I have reason to believe that the whole of the Marshal's censure on their teme- rity" (viz. the pursuit of the 13th,) "was con- fined to the formal reception and the brief sentence of admonition, which he addressed to Colonel Head," is in harmonious keeping with the general accuracy of his narrative. Mar- shal Beresford, it is well known, wrote to Lord Wellington, and caused that reprimand, which will be found in the order of the papers printed. Of its severity and of its justice the public will judge ; and they will in like manner recon- cile, if it be possible, the " facts " collected by the author of the Strictures, for his case of Campo Mayor, with Marshal Beresford's dispatch, the papers of General Long, the evidence of the officers who were present, and the brief narrative of the General Sir B. D' Urban. They will then determine whether the writer of the Strictures has confined himself to the legiti- ( 27 ) mate line of defence, or whether his is not an endeavour to enhance the military judgment of an officer now living, by a most unjust and ungenerous attack upon the military character of an officer deceased. Dispatch from Marshal Beresford to his Excel- lency Lord Wellington, dated Campo Mayor, March 26, 1811. My Lord, I had communicated to your Excel- lency my arrival at Arronches with all my forces, except the division of Brigadier General Cole, to which, in consequence of the con- tinued marches it had made, it was judged ne- cessary to give a day's rest at Portalegre. On the 24th, I caused the troops to move from Arronches for Quinta de Reguengo, a little more than half-way to this place, and the division of General Cole for Arronches, and having joined yesterday at ten in the morning, I put the whole in motion for this town. I could not know the intention of the enemy with respect to this place; but in case he should endeavour to maintain it, I proposed to post myself between him and Badajos, and thus cut him off from the latter. We discovered the enemy's advanced ca- ( 28 ) valry on the heights of Lopo de Malto, about a league distant; but perceiving that we were manoeuvring on their flank, they retreated, and some skirmishing took place at the foot of the walls of the town with the advanced ca- valry. When I reached the heights of the place, I discovered the enemy's force on the outside of the town. (I did not, however, know whether or not he was master of the place.) There were four regiments of cavalry, the regiment of infantry, No. 100, of three battalions, with some horse artillery. I ordered Brigadier General Long with the cavalry to endeavour to turn the enemy s right, keeping out of the reach of the place. My object was to detain the force of the enemy till some infantry could arrive. The Brigadier made a wider circuit than was intended, so that he more effectually flanked the enemy, and obliged him to retreat hastily, and indeed with extra- ordinary rapidity. The cavalry advanced upon his right flank, and Brigadier General Long, seeing a favorable opportunity, ordered Colonel Head, with two squadrons of the 13th Light Dragoons, to charge the cavalry of the enemy, which obliged the infantry to fall back to sup- port it. This charge, followed by Colonel Otway, with two squadrons of the 7th Portu- guese, and supported by General Long, with ( 29 ) the remainder of that regiment, the 1st Portu- guese, and the brigade of Colonel de Greyj was made with thr most determined courage, and the French wear entirely routed, and pur sued into the town of Badajos, two leagues distant; in which flight the greater part of them were sabred, as were the conductors and artillerymen of lb" pieces of cannon, which were taken on the road, but afterwards abandoned. This success, though it occasioned a great loss to the enemy, was in some manner unfor- tunate; because, not knowing what had been done by the cavalry that had made the charge, and continuing to pursue the infantry with the remaining cavalry and two pieces of artillery, for the space of a League, to support the de- tached body which had advanced, and not having received any notice from it, nor know- ing what new force the enemy might send from Badajos, prudence obliged me to halt with my cavalry till the infantry could come up. The enemy's infantry, amounting to about 1,200 men, though in much confusion, continued to march in column without halting, notwith- standing we were not more than one hundred and sixty yards distant from them; yet not knowing any thing of tin; 13th Regiment of Dragoons and 7th Portuguese, I could not ha- zard the loss which would have necessarily ( 30 ) taken place, even though successful, had I or- dered a charge of the heavy brigade under the command of Colonel de Grey. The attention, firmness, and order of this brigade, composed of the 3d Dragoon Guards and 4th Dragoons, merit my warmest approbation. General Long manoeuvred ivith great ability, and made the neatest exertions to moderate the excessive ardour of the cavalry and regulate their move- ments. The valour of all was exemplary, par- ticularly of Colonels Head and Otway, and their squadrons ; and the only thing to be re- marked is, that which is customary with our troops, on their first encounter with the enemy, too great an impetuosity. The loss of the enemy was very considerable ; not less than 5 or 600 men in killed, wounded, and prisoners. We likewise took a great num- ber of horses and mules ; in fact the enemy abandoned everything ; but we had only means to bring away what is mentioned in the en- closed list. Some carriages, &c. were de- stroyed. We also suffered some loss, a return of which I have the honour to transmit to you. It was not my intention yesterday to have pro- ceeded to this city, and I was only induced to do so from the prospects of capturing or de- stroying the force which the enemy incau- tiously left there, and which would infallibly ( 31 ) have taken place if our cavalry had not com- pelled the enemy to make a retreat so rapid that the infantry could not come up with it. After the long marches and fatigues neces- sarily consequent on them, I have sent the troops into cantonments here and at Elvas for rest and refreshment, and to make the neces- sary preparations for the ulterior operations recommended by your Excellency. Of the corn and provisions in the place at the time of its surrender to the enemy, the latter had not time to carry anything away, and they will prove a very opportune assistance to us. The enemy left behind 8,000 rations of biscuit, not expecting so sudden a visit. I have the honour to be, &c. (Signed) W. C. Beresford, Marshal. Private Memorandum of the Affair of Cavalry between Campo Mayor and Badqjos, on the 25th of March, 1811. Brigadier-General Long having received or- ders from Marshal Beresford to turn the town of Campo Mayor on the 25th instant, and to at- tack the enemy, should circumstances appear to favour it, proceeded with eight squadrons of heavy dragoons (3d Dragoon Guards and 4th ( 32 ) Dragoons) under Colonel de Grey, two and a half squadrons 13th Light Dragoons under Colonel Head, and five small squadrons of Por- tuguese under Colonel Otway. The enemy, observing the movement, evacuated the town, nor could General Long close with them till he had nearly gained their flank and rear, and to which he was obliged to advance at a trot near five miles.* He then discovered their force, apparently eight squadrons of cavalry and about two battalions of infantry. The latter were retreating in column at one quarter dis- tance, with two troops of hussars at their head and two also closing their rear, the rest of the cavalry manoeuvring so as to cover the retreat of the infantry, if possible, and, at the same time, to secure themselves the benefit of their co-operation. General Latour Maubourg com- manded them in person. As they were inarching each by a flank, Ge- neral Long by his left, and the enemy by their right, his first determination was to dispose of the covering force of cavalry, which, as he ap- proached, took up a position en potence, and * An officer who was present considers the ground gone over, from the point where the order was given to turn the town, to the point where they came upon the enemy, to have been about four miles. '■zee page 33 . Ttrst Position,. i i 1 ■; ?ute i A 3 Squadrons French/ Dragoons. B 3 D? Of C Column of French. In/kntrv Head. So Rear closed by Troops of Hussars. N?l Z Squadrons Portuguese under Col, Otway to coved GenJ-Lortqs LeJl Flank gcturro theFnemys Right 2 8 Squadrons Portuguese, to dispose or" Corps A. 3 2 Squadrons 13^1 'Dragoons, disengaged from the. Rear, to dispose of Corps B . 4 8 Squadrons Heavy Dragoons, to siepporl. Sea? nd, Pos ilwrv. Fkj.2. 2 Fr-eneP Squadron* - raZh'itta 3 Portuqite.te w Squadrons Jr FreneJv Column. eontinuirig its Retreat C J] IJ] | Heavy Brigade I Halted .1 2 B^e E N\ **: i Portuguese g ■ I 1 B Route ****&£'*-" Last Position. Fia.3. .v- British _ ]? - French, - || || B.oad to B; British arui Portuguese British coloured. Red Portiuruese Green Pro?/ oh Blue ( 33 ) formed their infantry into an oblong square, viz. fig. I. Not knowing what their object might be, General Long was inclined to believe the corps A. destined by a rapid flank move- ment to turn his left, while the corps B. and the hussars attached to the infantry, attacked to the front. He therefore kept two squadrons in line, on the left of his column, under Colonel Otway, and directed Colonel Head to disen- gage from the rear of the column, to march in parallel line with him, and when he should have gained the flank of the corps B. to attack them while he disposed of the corps A. They pro- ceeded accordingly, but as soon as the enemy B. saw the light dragoons advancing in column, left in front, and presenting a flank, or else antici- pating the proposed movement, they changed position to the left, throwing forward their right, and immediately advanced to the charge. The 13th formed to their front, and advanced with equal determination. General Long en- deavoured with the Portuguese to gain the flank of the corps A., but before this could be accomplished, the charge of the 13th Dragoons had broken the corps B., which in its flight car- ried away every thing behind it. General Long formed the Portuguese to the front, and fol- lowed to support the 13th as far as the spot where his route intercepted the road by which ( 34 ) the enemy retired ; but finding it impossible to rally the 13th, he detached Colonel Otway with his two squadrons to follow them in line, and to support them to his utmost. These, however, dispersed in pursuit, so that every thing, except the three squadrons which he kept with him, were en debandade. He then intended to adopt some new arrangement for the disposal of the enemy's force, which was cut off in his rear, and to support his van in front. Upon turning back, however, he dis- covered that the heavy brigade had been with- drawn from the situation he had directed them to keep, and halted two miles off, on a slope of ground across a valley, and on the other side of the route, Fig. 2. Had they closed towards General Long on their left, all would have been well, but going away to the right was abandoning him, and putting a valley and an impassable ditch or rivulet between them ; and General Long's attention being engaged in front, he did not observe this movement until it was over. He sent an order for their advance, which had scarcely been dispatched, when the enemy's column came up from their rear, upon his right flank, and he afterwards observed two squadrons rallying on a rising ground, about 200 yards on the left flank. The line was formed to the right to meet the ( 35 ) column, but when the enemy was observed again in the rear, he was obliged to change his position by the right, to get clear of them, and throw back his left flank. The moment the column saw this movement they began to fire, and the hussar skirmishers to advance, the Portuguese got frightened without any reason, and scampered off. The two squa- drons, A. that had rallied, were French Dra- goons, absolutely passed and left behind by the cavalry in pursuit, and who were thus at liberty to turn again upon them. General Long rallied the Portuguese as soon as he could, and led them back rapidly to the flank of the French column, to threaten and delay its march, and watch the movements until the heavy dragoons arrived. These had at length been put in motion, but were making a long detour upon an outward and concentric circle, and the enemy had gained considerably before they came up on their reverse flank in two lines, apparently manoeuvring for the purpose, and with the intention of attacking. Figure 3 became the last position. E. column of French, continuing its retreat in same order. A. 13th Dragoons and two squadrons Por- tuguese, returning from pursuit of the enemy. d 2 ( 36 ) B. three squadrons Portuguese rallied and brought back on the enemy's flank. C. Heavy brigade in two lines, the leading regiment advancing in direct echellon from the right, under Marshal Beresford. D. two guns brought up, and at liberty to fire into the French column as near as they pleased. At this moment a general halt was ordered, and the enemy permitted to retire through an open country without molestation, retaking, on their march, all the artillery (15 pieces) which the dragoons had captured, and some of which they were actually bringing back, also carrying away with them the greater part of the pri- soners taken from us, who were with the column. Of the enemy's cavalry, nearly 600 were killed, wounded, and taken ; 16 guns (only one brought off) and several ammunition wag- gons taken. All the men attached to the train of artillery were killed. Out of 16 officers of one of their regiments of cavalry, only 6 re- mained for duty. All done by two squadrons of the 13th and two squadrons of Portuguese. General Latour Maubourg escaped, but his friend, Count Chamorin, colonel of the 26th dragoons, fell by the sword of one of the 13th ( 37 ) dragoons, whose comrade he had just before shot through the head. Had the heavy dragoons taken the intended share in the action, the whole French corps must have been destroyed or taken. The loss of the allied cavalry on this occa- sion was — 1 cornet, 23 rank and file, and 20 horses killed ; 2 lieutenants, 1 staff, 1 quarter- master, 1 serjeant, 55 rank and file, 35 horses wounded. 1 serjeant, 76 rank and file, and 108 horses* missing ; some of the missing were made pri- soners on the bridge of Badajos. * The disproportionate loss of horses was occasioned by the Portuguese, who abandoned their own in order to secure those of the French, and made a return of the loss but not of the gain. Such at least is the statement of an officer who was present. ( 38 ) 39, Mount Street, June 11, 1832. My dear Doyle, I believe I told you that it was the intention of the late General Longs relations to publish a reply to the attacks made upon his military reputation (especially in the case of Campo Mayor, where you were present), in the work that has recently appeared, entitled " Further Strictures on Colonel Napier's 3rd vol. &c. &c." I now send you General Long's MS. ac- count of that affair, in which I observe that your name is mentioned. If you can furnish any observations, bearing either upon the ac- curacy or inaccuracy of that account, you will greatly oblige me by making them, and allow- ing me, at the same time, to avail myself of the assistance that they may afford. Yours, very sincerely, C. E. Long. Lieut. Col. Doyle, Sfc. 8fc. ( 39 ) George Street, 1 kh June, 1832. My dear Long, With reference to your note of the 11 th instant, I now return to you the late General Long's MS. account of the cavalry affair at Campo Mayor, with a few remarks bearing upon those parts which came under my personal observation. I think it right to apprize you, that my acquaintance with your late uncle was very slight. He found me at- tached as an officer of the Quartermaster General's Department to the cavalry of Marshal Beresford's corps, on his joining that force, and as I was relieved from that duty very shortly after the above mentioned affair by Captain Heathcote, and ordered to join head- quarters in the north of Portugal, my inter- course with him ceased. I can of course have no objection to your making use of the facts I have stated, if you think they will assist your object. I am, my dear Long, very truly yours, C. J. Doyle, C. E. Long, Esq. ( 40 ) Extract of a Letter from Brig. Gen. Long, to C. B. L. with Journal of Operations, dated St. Vicente, near Elvas, March 28, 1811. My last to you was written, I think, on the 21st or 22nd instant, from Portalegre, and it announced the probability of approaching operations against the force besieging Campo Mayor, and afterwards perhaps against Bada- jos. Our united force assembled at Ar- ronches on the 24th instant, and marched, with the exception of one division, to a bivouac on the left bank of the Caya river, our right close to the ford which is passed in going from St. Olaya to Campo Mayor. The enemy was reconnoitred early the next morning, and the report made them very strong in cavalry, so much so as to induce Marshal Beresforcl, after having planned the march of my division in two separate columns, to unite them again in one. Having left our bivouac about 10 o'clock a. m. on the morning of the 25th, a march of about three miles brought us out of the wooded into the open country, and we came in contact with the enemy's picquets. The arrangements for our further progress were here made, and I was directed to move circling round a considerable height, over ( 41 ) which the infantry marched, but from whom I was separated by a deep ravine. The heavy dragoons were again separated from me, and marched in column on my right flank. I trotted away with the light gentry, and having driven the enemy's picquets from the positions they occupied, I at length passed over a con- siderable plain which brought me to a small ridge, from whence I looked down on the town of Campo Mayor, distant about 1,200 yards. Here I first saw their cavalry (a part of them at least), drawn up in line of battle under the protection of the works. I immediately formed my line and waited further orders, not knowing what were the Marshal's intentions. During this time they began to move and manoeuvre, and I did the same, to counteract any project they might have in contemplation. I had ex- pressly asked the Marshal in the morning, if it was his wish that I should attack them, if practicable, wherever I might meet with them. His answer was, that they were very strong, that I must not commit myself; but, that if a favourable opportunity of striking a blow should occur, to avail myself of it.* I soon * The orders I understood Brigadier General Lon«- to have received were, to circle round the town of Campo Mayor, out of cannon range, and to make a dash at the enemy's cavalry, if a favourable opportunity offered. Briga- ( 42 ) after had orders to lead the column of light cavalry (five troops of the 13th light dragoons, and five weak squadrons of Portuguese) so as to turn and gain the rear of the town. This I did, and the enemy, alarmed at the movement, soon began to retire, and formed in the valley behind the town, on the road to Badajos, their order of march en retraite. As soon as I ob- served this, I determined to gain their flank and rear, and then to act as circumstances might prompt me. The heavy cavalry now joined me, and as the route upon which I was marching intersected, at about one mile and a half, the road upon which the enemy was re- tiring, the further I advanced the more of course we closed. At length I found myself, for the first time, in sight of their whole force, consisting of eight squadrons of cavalry, 10th hussars, some chasseurs, and, I believe, the 26th dragoons, and two battalions of infantry, in close column. The column of infantry had dier General Long did at first make rather a wider detour than perhaps was absolutely requisite ; that is, however, matter of opinion, but I incline to it, as the light cavalry had to bring up their left shoulders frequently, before the enemy was observed formed in the low ground behind the town on the road to Badajos. The French force consisted of about 8 squadrons of cavalry, and 1,200 infantry in one column, viz. cavalry, 26ieme dragons ; 2ieme hussards ; lOieme ditto; about 100 Juramentados or Spaniards, in the service of King Joseph, and lOOieme of the line, 2 battalions. ^3 k : K cr 4 11 c j— t £ • ^ m «5 -j 8 33 qri 'A ( 43 ) a squadron of hussars at its head, and another in its rear, and in this way they were retiring in perfect order. Six squadrons in two divi- sions en potetice covered their retreat. Con- sidering myself quite strong enough to show my adversaries the way to Campo Mayor, I determined at least to attempt it. The heavy brigade had joined me, and the force now under my immediate command consisted of 8 squadrons 3d dragoon guards, and 4th dragoons, 2 J ditto, 13th light dragoons, 5 very small squadrons of Portuguese. in all, perhaps, about 1,200 swords. At this time the enemy's position was thus ( vide en- graving)* To oppose which, I made the disposition as above (vide engraving of sketch), and my orders and instructions were, in the first instance, to get rid of the covering force of the cavalry A and C, and then to dispose of the rest, who, deprived of their support, would no doubt fall an easy con- quest. I marched the light division f by the * The rough sketch gives a tolerable idea of the general disposition. The heavy dragoons were in reserve, a fact, of which it is well to bear in mind, Colonel Head was ap- prized. t The light cavalry were in column of ranks by threes, left in front, and advancing at a brisk trot. Brigadier Ge- neral Long disengaged the 13th dragoons from the rear of the column, and ordered them to bring up their left shoulders. ( 44 ) left in column of ranks by threes, and when I had approached sufficiently near, I directed the 13th dragoons to disengage from their right from the rear of the column, and having gained the flank of the enemy's corps C, to charge them, whilst my movement with the remain- ing five squadrons of Portuguese was directed against the corps A, to cover at the same time the left flank of the 13th dragoons and to en- deavour to cut them off completely from their point of retreat ; the heavy dragoons to sup- port this movement in the situation you see described. Two detached squadrons covered my left flank, and interposed between the enemy and the point of his retreat. It is necessary to observe, that I led the light division over a ridge of heights and broken ground,* which overlooked the valley in which the enemy were formed, and through which ran a nasty boggy and almost impassable kind of ditch. My intention was, that the heavy cavalry should continue to move straight on, their left towards the heights I occupied, their right as low down as the ground permitted. The heavy brigade, in two lines, were advancing in a steady slow trot, over some soft ground, rather to the right and in the rear of the 13th dragoons. * The ground could scarcely be termed broken, it was undulating. ( 45 ) Every thing being thus situated and arranged, I directed the attack to be made. The moment the enemy C* saw the two columns moving on parallel lines to outflank and attack them, they changed their position to the left on their left squadron. The 13th formed immediately to their front, and both proceeded with deter- mined gallantry to the charge, the 13th re- ceiving a partial fire from the infantry as they passed. As the movement of the 13th dra- goons was made with the rapidity character- istic of the army, and as the pace of the Por- tuguese ponies could not be very extended, consistent with the preservation of that order * Part of the enemy's cavalry posted near the point C. of the sketch, but rather more off the road, changed to the left and formed line. Colonel Head observing that instantly after the formation, they advanced to charge the 13th dra- goons, formed the latter rapidly to their front, and receiving, as he passed to the charge, a fire from the enemy's infantry, broke completely through the line of the French cavalry. At that moment, the officer commanding the grenadier troop, or co?)ipagnie d' elite of the 26ieme dragons, finding they covered more ground than their assailants, wheeled inwards, upon the rear of the 13th dragoons. But the impetuosity of Colonel Head's charge had so completely broken and appalled the other squadrons, that the cool steady conduct of that young officer and his elite was of no avail, and they were hurried away, mixed up in the mass of fugitives, the whole flying on the road leading towards Badajos. It is not impossible that this circumstance may have occasioned the silly report of the 13th having been bodily taken. The officer command- ing the compagnie d 'elite was taken prisoner. ( 46 ) which, with ill-formed troops, is with difficulty maintained at any pace, I found, at the mo- ment of the attack of the 13th, that the head of the three squadrons I. led was only just in a line with the attacking corps, which, having completely broken the enemy's ranks, the whole of the corps A. and C. dispersed and fled in confusion towards Badajos. I followed as ra- pidly as I could to support this attack,* still supposing the heavy brigade in my rear, occu- pying the attention of the remaining part of the enemy's force, but, to my utter astonish- ment, when, at the point where I first met the Badajos road, I halted, and looked round to see what was next to be done, I found they had quitted altogether the line of direction I had pointed out, and at the suggestion of one of Marshal Beresford's aides-de-camp,! had marched by their right to the other side of the valley and road, and were halted a mile and half off, on the opposite and elevated ground, quite abandoning me to myself, and completely oversetting all my plans. In * I am not aware where Brigadier General Long was at the moment when the 1 3th dragoons charged, or if the ground admitted of his seeing the full effect of the attack. I believe he was on their left flank, with some Portuguese cavalry. t The movement of the heavy brigade is correctly de- scribed, but at whose suggestion they were so moved I know not. ( 47 ) consequence of this unfortunate occurrence, the enemy's infantry column had kept on re- treating uninterruptedly, and the whole of the 13th Dragoons having dispersed in pursuit of the flying and beaten cavalry,* and every effort of mine to stop them proving useless, I felt myself obliged to detach two squadrons of the Portuguese to support and rally them, under the orders of Colonel Otway,t formerly of the 18th Dragoons. They, however, instead of obeying my orders, broke also away in pursuit and continued unsupported till they reached the bridge of Badajos. The rapidity with which this ill-judged pursuit was made abso- lutely left as many of the enemy behind as they were driving before, so that soon after I had halted, I found two squadrons of them rallying on the road upon a small rise, within 200 yards of my left flank, and just at the same moment came up the infantry columns, headed * The 13th Dragoons did not disperse in pursuit, they followed in mass, closed in upon the French cavalry, but cer- tainly (as I afterwards learnt) arrived with them at the foot of the bridge, and were fired at from the ramparts of Badajoz. •j: I am unacquainted with the orders Colonel Otway re- ceived from Brigadier-General Long. Shortly after the charge of the 13th Dragoons, I remarked Portuguese cavalry at some distance to the left at a gallop, these I afterwards learnt were two squadrons under Colonel Otway. ( 48 ) and closed by two squadrons of hussars on my right flank.* I felt the critical situation I was in, and saw but one way of getting out of it, that of making a rapid change of position, throwing back my left flank. As soon as I could get the Portuguese to understand me,f * I am inclined to think Brigadier-General Long was de- ceived by appearances; they certainly did not leave as many of the enemy's caialry behind as they were driving before them. It was the main body of their cavalry that had been defeated, and that consisted principally of the dragoons, whose brazen helmets, with crests of long horse hair, it was impos- sible to mistake. In riding back from the spot where the bat- tering train was captured, to seek Brigadier-General Long, I saw very few French scattered about, and those wounded or unhorsed. It is more than probable the two squadrons which the Brigadier-General states he saw rallying on his left flank, were skirmishers, who had been called in, and a portion of the hussars detached from those at the head of the column of infantry. The turn of the road will account for their position, and the rise of ground which intervened, concealed them from the Brigadier- General until they rose the crest of the hill from out of the low road. The French infantry had also moved from the point D. to about C, and the Brigadier- General himself must at that time have been near A.; at all events I have a distinct recollection that they were all hussars. f I remember coming up at this moment to Brigadier- General Long, who had with him some troops of Portuguese cavalry, and explaining to the commanding officer (a Portu- guese) what the Brigadier-General required. ( 49 ) I put their ranks by threes to the right, and was in the act of conducting them to the point I in- tended,* when some of the enemy's infantry and flankers firing, and a troop of their cavalry advancing and shouting, my Portuguese friends got alarmed, broke away and fled in disorder. The French hussars, encouraged by the spec- tacle, pursued and got among them. After great difficulty I rallied them, with the assist- ance of Captain Doyle, of the Quarter-Master- General's department, and led them back, post- ing myself on the enemy's left flank, within 200 yards, and continuing to march parallel with them, with the view of preventing them from acting against the corps of the 13th and Portuguese, that were at this time still between them and their point of retreat — Badajos. I at that time sent Captain Doyle to order the * Brigadier-General Long never made any attack on the enemy's infantry, as the author of the Strictures asserts ; a few shots were fired, and the French hussars advanced a short distance and began shouting, when the Portuguese certainly were alarmed and went about, which the enemy's hussars observing, they made a demonstration of pursuing them, and some few individuals rode out and fired their carbines or pistols, but they did not venture to leave the infantry. After a little difficulty the Portuguese were rallied and brought back in good order, and the Brigadier-General continued to manoeuvre them on the flank of the French infantry. E ( 50 ) immediate advance of the heavy cavalry,* de- termined, on its arrival, to lose not a moment in accomplishing the defeat and surrender of this column of infantry. For the first time I learned from Captain Doyle that Marshal Beresford himself was with the brigade of heavy cavalry, and had himself halted them in the situation I have described. I had nothing further to say. Soon after I saw them in motion at a very slow pace in two lines, keeping to the right of the road on which the enemy were retreating. At length they ap- proached the right flank of the enemy's column, indicating an apparent intention to attack, bringing up at the same time twof pieces of * Brigadier-General Long did send me to order up the heavy brigade. On my way I passed the French infantry, then in close column, and went on to where I saw Marshal Beresford and his staff. On coming up I was asked (as well as I recol- lect) where the 13th Dragoons were, to which I replied that they had charged and broken the French cavalry, and were pursuing them on the Badajos road. I then learnt it had been reported that the 13th had all been cut to pieces or bodily taken, and that it was by the Marshal's order the heavy dra- goons were in the position in which Brigadier-General Long then saw them. I of course returned and acquainted the Brigadier-General of what I had been told. f These two guns were brought up from Major Hartmann's brigade of the King's German Legion Artillery. It was cur- rently stated at the time, that Hartmann had been anxious to bring up the entire brigade, and it is presumed that as two of ( 51 ) artillery, which no earthly obstacle prevented firing into the French column at such a dis- tance as they chose. I hung upon their left flank with my valiant runaways. The country was beautifully open and favourable for the move- ments of both artillery and cavalry. The enemy had still several miles to go to their point of retreat, and between them were interposed the four squadrons of British and Portuguese, who had pursued their adversaries to the bridge of Badajos, taking all the artillery they had with them and had employed at the siege of Campo Mayor, about twelve or fifteen pieces of cannon. In such a state of things I did not conceive it pos- sible for the enemy to exist ten minutes longer, and I really am convinced that, had they been summoned, an immediate surrender would have taken place. After parading and escorting them in this manner, for some distance, judge my astonishment at seeing all the troops, artillery, &c. halted, and the enemy permitted to retire without molestation before us, taking with them the guns were actually up, the rest might as readily have been brought into action. The fire from these would in all pro- bability have obliged the French infantry either to loosen their formation and thus afford an opening for the heavy dragoons to act against them with effect, or they must have been nearly annihilated by the concentrated fire from six pieces at a dis- tance of from 160 to 200 yards, or thereabout. E 2 ( 52 ) all the prisoners they had made from us, re- taking all their guns,* and absolutely threaten- ing the safety of the dragoons in advance, who were then returning from their pursuit, which, though displaying great gallantry, was a sad proof of want of order and discipline both in officers and men.t The heavy brigade, by some * Brigadier-General Long here mistakes. The battering train was not recaptured at the time by the French infantry, the guns were left on the road, the traces had been cut and the horses were taken away, it was said, by the Portuguese cavalry, or some of the stragglers. f Colonel Head, in making the attack he did, positively only obeyed his orders. Mad he not charged, he must have received the charge of the 26ieme Dragons, who were in motion with that intention. He formed his line with rapidity and precision, and charged with the greatest impetuosit}^, leading his regiment in very brilliant style. He had every right to suppose he was supported by the heavy brigade, for he was told so, and shortly before the charge they were observed in the rear advancing in a beautiful soldier-like and steady man- ner, keeping their horses in wind by gently trotting over some deep ground across which they were moving. How their di- rection was changed matters not; Colonel Head was ignorant of it. The pursuit was certainly carried on beyond the line of prudence; on this point there can be but one opinion. Colonel Head, however, could never seriously apprehend danger for his retreat, when he had, as he imagined, that fine heavy brigade advancing to his support, the whole army in his rear, and an extensive plain (passable in every direction for cavalry) to manoeuvre upon. That the report of the destruction of the 13th Dragoons, (generally attributed, with what justice I know not, to Baron ( 53 ) improper, though perhaps well-meant interfe- rence, had left me to myself, and the subse- quent retreat of my three squadrons, with the loss sustained, obliged me to leave the others almost to their fate; but the defeat of the enemy's column would have ensured safety to the whole, and would have wound up as bril- liant a little field-day as fortune could have delighted my heart with.* It was only neces- sary to charge, and beat, and throw into con- fusion the cavalry at their head and rear, (and which if British dragoons could not do, they have no business here,) and the object was accomplished. But I am convinced, that had a determination to annihilate them been shown, and steps taken accordingly, they would have surrendered at the first summons. Such is my decided opinion, and I believe (with the exception of Marshal Beresford) that of every officer present on the occasion. The Trip,) may have occasioned the change in the disposition of the heavy brigade, is very possible ; but to whatever cause that change was owing, no individual who witnessed the combat can doubt that it disconcerted the entire plan. * The affair, I apprehend, must ever be deemed brilliant, although it did not realize all the results anticipated. The fault was, first, not effectually supporting the attack of the light cavalry; secondly, when the guns were eventually brought up, not bringing into action the whole instead of a part of Major Hartmann's brigade. ( 54 ) motives of his conduct were I dare say excel- lent, but sure I am that Lord W. himself would never have conferred such an honour on the enemy and entailed such a disgrace on his own troops, as to suffer two battalions of infantry and four squadrons of cavalry to bid defiance to and retreat in safety before eight squadrons of British and three of Portuguese cavalry, two pieces of artillery and a large column of infan- try that were following the same route, and were within a couple of miles of the scene of action,* and this in a country so favourable to the operations of cavalry, and after the whole of the enemy's covering force of cavalry had been charged, broken and pursued for nearly nine miles. The thing speaks for itself, there- fore I shall say no more. * I recollect it was matter of conversation at the time, that Major-General the Honourable Sir William Stewart offered to bring up a portion of the infantry, if the men were allowed to take off their packs. The lOOieme French infantry regiment behaved with cool- ness. Hartmann's guns killed a few men, but they kept firm in their formation. It is, however, more than probable, under the circumstances in which they were placed, had any force of infantry shown itself, they would have availed themselves of the fair excuse to surrender. As it was, it must have been evident to them, that there was no serious intention of risking the heavy cavalry in an attack upon their square. ( 55 ) 39, Mount-street, May 27, 1832. My dear Sir, You may possibly have seen a work, recently published, entitled " Further Stric- tures on Colonel Napier's Third Volume of the History of the Peninsular War, &c." in which the military reputation of my late uncle, Ge- neral Long, is, as his relatives have no hesita- tion in declaring, most unjustly and ungene- rously assailed. Of their anxiety to refute the aspersions contained in that work it is hardly necessary for me to speak, still less when I am writing to the personal friend and brother offi- cer of General Long, and in the full knowledge of the friendship that still subsists with other members of his family. I have lately been informed that you were in command of the 4th Dragoons, one of the regiments of the heavy brigade under the im- mediate orders of General Long, during the spring of 1811, commencing with the operations at Campo Mayor on the 25th of August. It is under these circumstances that I venture to hope that you will not object to reply to a few questions touching the different orders and ar- rangements as connected with General Long's ( 56 ) operations, so far as the same came within your own knowledge, or under your own observation at the period in question. Believe me, dear Sir, Yours, very sincerely, C. E. Long. M. Gen. Sir C. Dalbiac, &c. &c. 34, Cavendish-square, May 29, 1832. My dear Sir, I have to acknowledge your note of the 27th instant, and have to state that I was in command of the 4th Dragoons at the cavalry affairs of Campo Mayor and Los Santos in 1811, but not at the battle of Albuera. I do not know that I can object to reply to any questions which you may wish to put to me " touching the different orders and arrange- ments as connected with General Long's opera- tions (at the cavalry affairs above-mentioned), so far as the same came within my own know- ledge, or under my own observation," but of the propriety of my so doing, I shall be better able to judge when those questions shall be submitted. I conclude that they will be limited to matters of fact, for having been un- ( 57 ) acquainted with the general instructions which Brigadier-General Long received from time to time from his superior in command, I can ven- ture no opinion as to the correctness with which those instructions were carried into ex- ecution. Indeed it will naturally occur to you, that the offer of any opinion thereupon, coming from an inferior officer, would be presumptuous and improper. I remain, my dear Sir, Yours, most sincerely, J. C. Dalbiac C. E. Long, Esq. &c. &c. 39, Mount-street, June 1, 1822. My dear Sir, In answer to your letter of the 29th, I can assure you that nothing would be further from my wishes or intentions than to bring you into a collision of opinions with other officers who may have served at the period in question. The duty of vindicating General Long's repu- tation has devolved upon his surviving relatives. It is one which they intend to perform to the best of their ability, but without the slightest desire to implicate others in the dispute. My questions will be limited, as you will see, to ( 58 ) matters of fact, and in no way, I trust, so framed as to appear to elicit an opinion from you either as to the correctness or incorrectness of the military performances of any party. I enclose them to you, and shall hope to be favoured with the answers as soon as you can conveniently reply to them. Believe me, dear Sir, Yours, very sincerely, C. E. Long. M. Gen. Sir C. Dalbiac, &c. &c. 34, Cavendish-square, 16 June, 1832. My dear Sir, I have been prevented by a variety of circumstances from taking earlier notice of your letter of the 1st of June. I now transmit replies to the questions which accompanied that letter; in which replies I have reason to believe that nothing will be found essentially different from the circumstances to which your questions refer. I remain, my dear Sir, Yours, very sincerely, J. C. Dalbiac. C. E. Long, Esq. ( 59 ) Questions submitted to Major-General Sir Charles Dalbiac, together with his A?tswers to the same. I. Q. When the allied cavalry under the com- mand of Brigadier-General Long was ordered to advance on the morning of the 25th March, 1811, was it your impression that no attack was on any account to be made on the enemy's cavalry ? A. My impression was that the allied cavalry were to attack that of the enemy, if a favourable opportunity offered. I judged from the orders issued by Brigadier- General Long, having been present when the General informed the Hon. Colonel de Grey that the cavalry were ordered to advance, with a view to intercept the enemy between Campo Mayor and Badajos; that he (the General) should direct the advance with the light brigade, and that the heavy brigade was to support at a proper distance, and be cautious to maintain its order. The Hon. Colonel de Grey's instructions to the officer commanding the od Dragoon Guards and to myself corresponded with those which he had received from General Long. II. Q. Was Brigadier-General Long ever, accord- ing to the best of your recollection, out of ( 60 ) cannon range whilst making his detour round the town of Campo Mayor ? A. I think the advance of the cavalry in the first instance was made in two columns, the heavy brigade forming the right one, and before passing Campo Mayor was never at a distance beyond cannon range from the fortress, though there might have been moments when it was partially hidden therefrom by inequalities of ground. III. Q. How far was the spot where the British cavalry first encountered the enemy's cavalry from Campo Mayor, and what was the nature of the attack directed by Brigadier-General Long? A. The knoll of a hill which intervened between the heavy brigade and the position where the enemy had formed when attacked, precluded me from witnessing the actual encounter between the allied cavalry and that of the enemy: but from what came under my observation immediately afterwards, I should state the distance to have been about two miles from Campo Mayor on the Badajos road. IV. Q. Did Brigadier-General Long, to your knowledge, charge the enemy's infantry with ( 61 ) the Portuguese cavalry, or did you ever under- stand that he had done so? A. The situation of the heavy brigade (as stated in the preceding answer) precluded me from being an eye- witness of the attack made by the light brigade. I never understood that General Long had ordered any part of the cavalry to attack the enemy's infantry, or that an attack upon the infantry had ever been made ; but the officers of the loth Dragoons stated that in their advance to charge the enemy's cavalry, supported by that of the Portuguese, some of the squadrons had drawn down a partial fire from the columns of French infantry. V. Q. Did you understand that Brigadier- Gene- ral Long had himself informed Marshal Beres- ford of the fact of the bodily capture of the 13th Dragoons (as stated by the author of " Further Strictures," p. 40), or did you understand that any such report had been made by others? If so, at what period did you hear that such report had been made? A. It was circulated through the heavy brigade, very soon after it halted on the right of the Badajos road, (and it was rumoured as the cause of the halt of the troops,) that Baron Trip, upon being questioned by head-quarters as to the fate of the 13th Dragoons, had either made a report, or induced a belief, or admitted ( 62 ) the probability that the 13th Dragoons had all been taken prisoners. Indeed, being myself at one time very near to head-quarters, on the left of the heavy brigade, I heard a conversation from some of the staff to the effect that Baron Trip had so expressed himself. I never understood that any such report or supposition had emanated from General Long. VI. Q. Did you see the charge of the 13th Dra- goons, and at what period, with reference to that charge, did Marshal Beresford direct the heavy brigade " to take post on a small height (as stated in the " Further Strictures," p. 39), " until he could examine what was going on in front?" A. The nature of the ground, as before observed, prevented me from actually witnessing the charge of the 13th Dragoons; but I had seen shortly before the attack the light brigade (at about 500 yards in advance, and from a direction more to the left than the heavy brigade) to carry left shoulders forward over a small ridge of heights, whence it immediately descended into the bottom on the Badajos road, where the charge against the enemy took place. Soon after which I ob- served, at a point of the road more distant, the French dragoons pursued by the 13th in the direction of Ba- dajos. About this time head-quarters passed the heavy brigade, which was then ordered to halt upon some ( 63 ) rising ground, whence were seen soon after some Por- tuguese squadrons to ascend in considerable confusion, and subsequently to rally upon the slope of the same ridge of heights over which the light brigade had pre- viously passed in order to attack the enemy. VII. Q. How soon after the heavy brigade was ordered to take post on the said small height was it " ordered up" (as expressed in p. 40 of " Further Strictures") nearer to the enemy, and how was it then placed, with reference to that part of the light cavalry which remained with General Long? A. I should say the heavy brigade halted for some minutes, (not a quarter of an hour,) after which it de- scended from the rising ground in the direction of Badajos, and then first got sight of the column of French infantry attended by two squadrons of hussars. The heavy brigade crossed the road to Badajos, and formed line at about 250 yards short of the enemy, the left of the brigade bearing upon two of Major Hart- mann's guns, placed on the Badajos road, which had just fired a few rounds, with no very considerable effect. The Portuguese squadron (with which I presume Ge- neral Long then was) were formed on the left of the Badajos road, having descended a little the slope on which they had previously rallied. ( 64 ) VIII. Q. How far from Campo Mayor was it where the heavy brigade came up with the enemy's infantry, and how far did it continue to follow his retreat ? A. The heavy brigade came in sight of the column of French infantry at about two miles from Campo Mayor. It followed the enemy (at this distance and in the position stated in preceding answer) for several hundred yards, or somewhat less than a mile, when it was finally halted. ( 65 ) The two following Questions were submitted to Lieutenant Colonel Gabriel, Aid-de-Camp to the late General Stewart. 1. How far were the infantry column (com- manded by Major General the Hon. W. Stew- art), and Major Hartmann's guns from the spot where the heavy brigade and the two guns in advance were halted, at the close of the affair of Campo Mayor, March 25, 1811 ? 2. Was the enemy's column then in sight ? To these questions Colonel Gabriel returned the following answers. 1. The head of the infantry column was a few hundred yards (about 4 or 500) in rear of the heavy brigade. 2. The enemy's column was in sight. Extract of a Letter from General Long to E. H. dated Los Santos, April 22, 1811. " Our debut at Campo Mayor, but for the untimely interference of others, would have been attended with perfect success and little ( CG ) loss. The official representation I have seen of it in the Lisbon Gazette is very unfair. The Marshal says, the movement I made to get round the town was more circuitous than he wished ; he should have added the reason, namely, that ignorant of the ground, he was not aware that a deep and impassable ravine separated me from the enemy, and prevented my getting over at any other spot but where I did ; but even with this fact, I maintain that my column was never more distant from the town than he directed. Secondly, he says that his object was to get between Badajos and the enemy, and thus to cut them off com- pletely : if this was really his intention, the operations to accomplish it were most defec- tive ; because the corps he sent to pass the Caya river, between Elvas and Campo Mayor, never arrived till the afternoon, whereas they ought to have been at their post early in the morning. Thirdly, he says, that he wished to bring up his infantry, but that my movements obliging the enemy to retreat precipitately, he could not accomplish his object. To this, I answer, that if such was his intention, he should have let me remain halted before the town till the infantry came up, instead of which, I received his positive orders to move rapidly round to the rear of the town, which move- ( 67 ) ment it was evident must, and would, dislodge the enemy, and of course throw his infantry further in the rear. Lastly, he says he wanted to cut off the retreat of the enemy to Badajos. To this, I answer, the business was done to his hands by the cavalry, and they were completely cut off ; their covering force was driven into Badajos, all their artillery taken, and the rest completely surrounded in such a manner as to make their destruction inevitable. One of the French officers who was with their column on the above occasion, but since made prisoner, told me, that not a r man of them thought it possible to escape, and they were utterly as- tonished at our forbearance. But mark the result! To cover the deeds of the General, the cavalry, though acting strictly up to his orders, have been represented rather as causing the escape of the very enemy they had gal- lantly beaten, and absolutely cut off from their point of retreat, and have been severely repri- manded for doing too much!" f 2 ( 68 ) Extract of a Letter from General Long to E. L, dated Villa Franca, May 29, 1811. " I think I have deserved (from good-will at least) more support, and, I should dare to say, approbation, from Marshal Beresford than it has been my good fortune to receive. His own public letter convicts him of inconsistency, par- ticularly where he attributes, to the impetuosity of the cavalry, the defeat of his intentions to surround and capture the enemy's force with his infantry at Campo Mayor. In the first place, Latour Maubourg himself reconnoitred early in the morning, a league from the town of Campo Mayor, our whole force advancing upon him, upon which he immediately ordered his corps to evacuate the town and retreat ; and I see no reason for supposing, after this precaution, that three battalions of infantry and cavalry cannot march away as fast as a heavy column of infantry can follow, the former having the start of several miles. But, sup- posing the contrary, why did the Marshal order me to turn the town and flank the enemy with the cavalry, if he wished them not to be hurried away ? Such a movement, on my part, could not fail to make them retreat, even had they been disinclined so to do, and it certainly had ( 69 ) the effect of accelerating it, even supposing no attack to have subsequently ensued. Things come out by degrees, General Lumley has just told me a fact I was never before ac- quainted with, and which accounts for the Mar- shal's feelings and conduct at the time. After the charge of the 13th dragoons, an officer rode up to the Marshal and assured him that the whole of that regiment had been surrounded by the enemy and carried off f * * * * * The Marshal is wrong in describing the at- tack. Colonel Otway never charged the enemy, and was never directed so to do. He was on my left flank, with two squadrons to sup- port ; and after the charge of the 13th dragoons and dispersion of the enemy, I detached him, not to charge, but to support the pursuit of the 13th dragoons, and as a point for them to rally upon, and I supported him with the rest of the troops. Such being the facts, the Marshal's account is neither fair nor correct. But, how- ever, when such credit is assumed for driving the enemy into Badajos with such loss, I leave the world to determine who are entitled to the f Sir William Lumley, on being applied to for a confirma- tion of this statement, corroborates it to the extent that, " on riding up to Marshal Beresford and a group of officers on the field, he was informed that a staff officer had just reported the 13th dragoons to have been all taken prisoners." ( 70 ) credit, those who accomplished the business, or those who looked on, without supporting them, and afterwards abused them for it." Extract of a Letter from Gen. Long to C. B. L., dated Cabeca de Vide, December 3, 1811. " I have likewise since learned, that at Campo Mayor, Marshal B. himself was the cause that the infantry did not accomplish what it was within their power to have done. Colonel Col- borne told me that he was detached round the town, and observing the enemy with the bag- gage &c. quitting it, he sent back word to beg he might be supported, and that he was in a situation to cut them all off. The answer he received, was a positive order to halt ; in con- sequence of which, the opportunity was lost, and could not be again recovered. Compare this account and fact with the Marshal's dis- patch." ( 71 ) General Order. " Brigadier-General Long has it in command from his Excellency Marshal Beresford, to sig- nify to the officers of the light cavalry portion of the division under his command, that his Excellency the Commander of the Forces, Lord Wellington, has expressed very great displeasure at the report he has received of their conduct in the affair of the 25th ultimo. His Excellency never doubted the spirit and gallantry of any part of his army, consequently required no proof to fortify his opinion in these particulars; but it is of the utmost importance, to the credit and safety of corps in particular, as well as of the army in general, that that discipline and controul over troops, which can alone give effect to their gallantry, should, under no cir- cumstances, be ever lost sight of or abandoned; and unless this command over the men can be relied upon and maintained by officers in all situations, whether of victory or defeat, the distinguishing feature of regular troops is lost and disappears, and the body so acting or con- ducted resembles more an armed rabble than an organised part of a regular army. In communicating these painful remarks to the regiments particularly engaged on the 25th ultimo, Brigadier-General Long trusts that they ( 72 ) will nevertheless remain deeply impressed on the mind of every officer to whom they are addressed, that they be explained by them in such a manner to the troops under their respec- tive commands, as may secure him hereafter from the painful duty he fulfils, in being the channel of conveying to them an admonition so unpleasant to their feelings, but, at the same time, so necessary, perhaps, to their future cre- dit and the safety of their regiments. " Letter from Gen. Long to Gen. Le Marchant.* Los Santos, near Zafra, Confines of Estremadura, April 25, 1811. " Your letter, my dear Le Marchant, of the 10th ultimo, is now before me, and this is the first scrawl I have been able to write to you since I arrived in Portugal ; not perhaps for want of time to commit to paper a dozen lines to say how do you do, but from my perfect ina- bility to undertake such a letter to you as could alone be acceptable. My mind and body indeed * The author is indebted to the kindness of Mr. Le Mar- chant for this letter to his father (the late Gen. Le Marchant), and he has only to regret that a subsequent letter to the same distinguished officer, giving a detailed account of the opera- tions at Albuera, has, by some unfortunate accident, been mislaid. ( 73 ) have been so occupied by the duties of my situation, that the sight of pen, ink and paper, could not be endured. An interval of rest re- stores me to myself, and I dedicate a leisure hour to acknowledge the receipt of your last, and to give you a short summary of our pro- ceedings. I landed at Lisbon on the 5th March, and pro- ceeded early the next morning to Cartaxo to see Lord W. His Lordship had that day advanced to Santarem, in consequence of the enemy's retreat. I proceeded thither and had an interview with him the same evening. Not having a single horse with me, or other article but what I had upon my back, it was proposed that I should return to Lisbon, borrow two horses from the Prince Regent's stable, and join his Lordship again as soon as possible. I did so, and overtook his column again near Redinha, and remained with him till they passed Miranda de Corvo. In the mean time, however, letters had been written to me which I never received, desiring me to proceed to the Alemtejo, and take the command of the cavalry south of the Tagus, and it was at the same time intimated, that operations upon an extensive scale were about to be undertaken in that quarter, and Lord W. told me himself that he proposed conducting them in person. Finding, therefore, on the 15th ( ™ ) March, that the enemy declined all engagement, and were decidedly retreating upon Celerico, and that Marshal Beresford was to leave Lord W. immediately for the Tagus, and that one division of infantry (General Cole's), and two regiments of cavalry (the 3d Dragoon Guards and 4th Dragoons), were likewise ordered to the Alemtejo, I also turned my horse's head and proceeded back to Chamusca. General Beres- ford overtook me at Thomar, and I continued with him till we reached Portalegre, on the 20th ultimo. The whole force at his disposal (about 20,000) was to have been assembled there on the 22d March, and so they were, but the fatigue sustained by General Cole's division, and their want of shoes, obliged the Marshal to leave them behind. The French were at this moment on the point of taking Campo Mayor, and the object was to surprise them at this work, and our whole force was considered necessary for the purpose. The consequence was, that the Governor, unable to hold out longer, surrendered the town on the very day the troops marched from Portalegre. Well ! on the 24th March, three divisions of infantry, and all the cavalry, were assembled in a bivouac upon the Caya river, about two leagues from Campo Mayor. Whilst reconnoitring the position, Colonel D'Urban had been discovered and pursued by ( 75 ) the enemy's patrole. The next morning an- other reconnoissance was made with a squadron of dragoons, and the enemy's picquets were found placed upon a height that runs all the way from Campo Mayor, and forms the boundary, as it were, of the open country into which we were about to debouche. On Colonel D'Urban's return, an order of march was given out, and we proceeded towards Campo Mayor. This order of march was completely changed before we had proceeded half a league. However, I had a conversation on the morning with the Marshal. He told me the enemy was exceedingly strong in cavalry, and that I must hug the infantry for support if necessary. I asked him peremptorily if I should attack them wherever I met them; his answer was, do not commit yourself against a very superior force, but if the opportunity to strike a blow occurs, avail yourself of it. With these instructions, I proceeded to move, and was soon ordered to the front (as usual) with all the cavalry. On reaching the open country I saw nothing but a cavalry picquet observing our motions. The cavalry was here divided. A deep and impassable ravine running down a bottom, sepa- rated the two heights upon which I moved with the light portion of my division, and that over which the infantry marched, supported by the ( 76 ) heavy brigade. I followed implicitly the instruc- tions I received as far as the ground permitted, and when I could find a passage across the ra- vine, I filed my column over, drove the enemy's picquets from the opposite heights back upon Cainpo Mayor, towards which I proceeded across a considerable plain, and halted about a mile from the town. I here observed a part of their cavalry formed under the works, but the undu- lation of the ground prevented my getting a complete view of their whole force. They be- gan, however, to manoeuvre behind the heights, &c. as if intending an attack, and I employed myself in making what I thought the best dis- position to counteract their intentions, waiting the Marshal's further orders. At length an aide- de-camp brought me an order to proceed round, and to the rear of the town, so as to turn it, but to keep at two or three gun-shots from the works. Though the Marshal and I differ upon this point, I do not believe I was ever more than the prescribed distance from the town, although the enemy's demonstrations on my left obliged me to extend to cover that flank. At length I got a full sight of my opponents, and the heavy brigade having joined me, I pro- ceeded in a direction that intersected their line of march, or rather retreat, and as every step I took brought me more and more upon their ( 77 ) flank, and towards their rear, it was not long before we closed so much that I was enabled to distinguish their whole force and position. I should here mention that one of the Marshal's aides-de-camp having joined me about this time, whilst I was reconnoitring the position and strength of my opponents, and rather urged my attempting something against them, as likely to give the Marshal, his master, considerable satis- faction. Having fourteen squadrons under my command, and the enemy having but eight, with two battalions of infantry, I thought myself jus- tified in considering the opportunity of attacking them as one which might enable me to strike a blow without committing myself, for the infantry columns were following though at some distance, and unless the attempt was made by the cavalry upon this retreating force, there was nothing to prevent their reaching Badajos without moles- tation. I therefore determined to try my luck, and began by directing, in the first instance, my efforts against their covering force of cavalry, aware that if they were properly disposed of, the remainder would be at my mercy. The enemy had placed two squadrons in co- lumn of half squadrons at the head of their column of infantry, and another in a similar manner in the rear, and in this order they per- severed in their retreat throughout the day. ( 78 ) The remainder of their cavalry were formed en potence waiting, apparently, my attack. I was on their left flank, marching by my left ; they on my right, marching by their right. I directed Colonel Head, with two squadrons and a half of the 13th Dragoons, to attack three of their squadrons, whist I proceeded with three Portuguese against the remainder. I kept two other squadrons of Portuguese on my left flank parallel with the head of my column, to coun- teract any manoeuvre of the enemy in that direction. The moment they saw Colonel Head disen- gage from the rear to execute my orders, three of their squadrons that had been en potence made a change of position to the left to front him, and immediately moved on to the attack. This brought the French upon two parallel lines of three squadrons each. Colonel Head formed to his front and proceeded to the charge. I was still in column of threes, left in front, and on his left, and when I observed what was passing on my right, I pushed on as quickly as I could to gain the flank and rear of the enemy's line. The rapid advance, however, of the 13th, the deroute of the enemy, which threw both their lines into disorder, and the wretched kind of horse mounted by the Portuguese, frustrated my intention of cutting off completely the ene- ( 79 ) my's retreat. The whole of the 13th pursued, and became so broken and intermixed with the enemy, that to cover them I was obliged to de- tach the two squadrons on my left to their im- mediate support, intending to move on likewise with the remaining three squadrons of Portu- guese. I also sent positive orders to them to rally and form. Colonel Otway, with the two supporting squadrons, disbanded also in pursuit and away they all raced, without further support, to the bridge of Badajos. On looking round to make fresh arrangements and dispositions, I discovered to my astonishment that the whole of the heavy brigade, which I had stationed in my rear in two lines, but outflanking to the right, to support me and observe the column of infantry, had been drawn across to the other side of the valley, and were halted on the opposite height about two miles from me. At this mo- ment, too, I perceived two squadrons of the enemy rallying upon my left flank, and the co- lumn of infantry with two squadrons approach- ing my right. I immediately attempted a change of position with the Portuguese, but on the first fire of the enemy's skirmishers, they broke and ran off. I rallied them however, returned to keep the enemy's column in check, and sent off for the heavy dragoons, but the Marshal was himself with them, and it took ( so ) some time before he could be persuaded to put them in motion. He at length advanced on the other flank of the enemy's column in two lines, and brought up two guns. The country perfectly open, and every where favourable to the operations of cavalry. The artillery began firing, and with some, but not the desired, effect into the column, and all we had to do, was to continue thus to pepper them till their order was broken, and then to let loose a portion of the cavalry, which surrounded them on every side. At this critical moment for the enemy, and when I momentarily looked for their surrender, judge my surprize on seeing a general halt and cessa- tion of attack ordered, and the enemy permitted to walk off unmolested, thus absolutely inter- posing themselves between us and that portion of our cavalry that had pursued them to Badajos, and were then on their return. To this fatal determination, and to the previous occurrence of the heavy brigade having sepa- rated from me, all our loss is to be attributed, and it is lucky that it was no worse. The enemy, however, was completely routed (that part of them at least that were attacked) and we took sixteen pieces of artillery, two of which only were brought away. Their loss, by their own acknowledgment, amounted, in killed, wounded, and prisoners, to 600 men and several ( si ) officers, among whom was the Colonel of the 26th Dragoons. Well ! instead of thanks we got nothing hut abuse ; and by the Marshal's official account it should appear that we had marred a well- digested plan of his to cut them all off himself from Badajos. If such a plan ever was pro- jected, the measures adopted to accomplish it were the very reverse of what they ought to have been; and had not the cavalry made the attack they did, not a single Frenchman on that day would have fallen into our hands; whereas their loss was six times that of ours, and the impression made upon them, such as to this hour they have not forgotten, or are likely soon to do." [continued page 100.] In proceeding with the narrative of events, and following the course of the work before us, the next occasion on which General Long's name occurs is at p. 77, respecting the capture of a squadron of the 13th, near Villa Real. " The Marshal," it is observed, " before sunset, communicated to the principal officers the in- tended attack of the enemy ; and having fixed General Stewart's division in its position, he marked out that which General Cole's was to take up as it arrived. The squadron of the 13th he had ordered to be withdrawn before dark, and to be placed in the rear of General Stew- g ( 82 ) art's division. From some mistake or other, which occurred in giving or carrying M. Gene- ral Long's orders, this movement was not exe- cuted." There is an ambiguity about this latter passage, as respects the position of the words "giving" and " carrying," which might lead to an inference that some blame was to be attached to General Long. To prevent the possibility of misconception upon this point, it is sufficient to mention, that Lieutenant-Colonel Gabriel, in a short interview with the author, which led to the questions submitted to him, fully confirmed the accuracy of General Long's account of the transaction, as detailed to General Le Marchant. It clearly appears that General Long had no connection with the disaster in question, further than in doing every thing that was possible to remedy it, and that the construction of the pas- sage should, if General Long's name is intended to appear at all, be this, that " from some mis- take or other, which occurred in giving or car- rying the orders to General Long, this movement was not executed," and the consequences were, as the author has stated, the capture of this squadron. The occurrence is treated more in detail in General Long's journal, but it has been deemed unnecessarily tautological to enter fur- ther into it. Not long after this misfortune, an opportunity ( 83 ) of, in some measure, counteracting its effects by retaliation occurred. " The Marshal," p. 82, says the narrator, " drove Latour Maubourg into the Morena, and defeated and cut to pieces two regiments of French cavalry, not at Usagre, as misstated by the author," viz. Colonel Napier, u but at Los Santos." Without desiring to de- tract from the claims of Marshal Beresford to his equitable share, as commander-in-chief, of the merit in defeating and cutting to pieces these two regiments of cavalry ; by the most ordinary rules of justice, some slight notice, one should think, ought to have been taken of the officer in command of that cavalry, inasmuch, as though the order to attempt the defeat emanated from his superior officer, and the practical part of the proceeding was carried into execution by the regiments themselves, the mode of accomplish- ing the object, and the movements regulating it, were indisputably arranged by him. But this is onlv in unison with the whole tenor of the work. Where the Marshal was present, as at Campo Mayor, and where not only his ineffective co-operation, but his active interference, palpa- bly neutralized the successes of his cavalry, the fault is fixed upon the commander of that cavalry. Where, as at Los Santos, that arm alone effected its object, and the Marshal was present, the g2 ( 84 ) whole of the credit is assumed for him only, by the impartial recorder of his exploits. We now approach the ever-memorable day of Albuera, (for not even on the prouder day of Waterloo, were the glorious deeds of a gallant army more nobly conspicuous,) and the final criminatory charges against General Long, which have been pleaded in bar of judgment on the part of Lord Beresford, by the unknown counsel chosen for conducting his defence. " Lord Beresford," says the writer, p. 116, " having left staff officers to put the troops in the positions he had assigned them, went to reconnoitre the country in the direction of Ta- lavera, and refresh his memory with its features, though his former visit had already made him pretty well acquainted with it. He proceeded on this object for about two leagues, till he came within sight of the town, and was slowly returning towards Albuera, when one of his aides-de-camp came galloping towards him, with the account that General Long had arrived there in great confusion from Santa Martha, and that the enemy's light cavalry were close upon him." Whether General Long did so arrive from Santa Martha, " in great confusion," as stated by the writer, will best appear from the journal of that officer, and the corroborating testimony of his ( 35 ) aide-de-camp, Lieutenant-Colonel Pitt, contained in his answer to the first question submitted to him. " The Marshal's astonishment was ex- treme," so at least writes the author of the " Further Strictures," p. 117. Not so, however, M. General Sir B. D'Urban, whose work that author has (apparently with a view to the more effectual confirmation of his own state- ments) taken the trouble to re-print and publish jointly with his own narrative. This " great confusion" of the cavalry, and " extreme asto- nishment" of the Marshal, are by that officer frittered away in the lukewarm phraseology, and summed up with the sententious brevity and simplicity of the eight meagre words " rather more briskly than had been looked for." Ap.p. 24. " He," viz. the Marshal, continues our author, (p. 117) " had very recently received dispatches from General Long at Santa Martha, in which not the slightest mention was made of an im- mediate retreat." This may be very possible, the necessity of an immediate retreat might not have been stated, but General Long, in the journal of his proceedings, distinctly declares that he was " hourly reporting to head quarters the advance and movements of the enemy," and adds, that he had not received " a single instruc- tion," although repeatedly applied for; and the first of these facts is fully corroborated, as will ( 86 ) be seen, by the answer of Lieutenant-Colonel Pitt to the second question submitted to him. " He/' the Marshal, " then hastened back," viz. to Albuera, (having been told, p. 116, that " Gen. Long had arrived there") " and found the cavalry still in considerable confusion." p. 117. Still! That is, between the period of the aide-de- camp's departure from Albuera, where General Long and the cavalry then were, and Marshal Beresford's arrival there, they had remained in a state of confusion. " After," says our author, " forming them, and placing them in their posi- tion, he," the Marshal, " discovered that the enemy's horse had already occupied the wood, on the slope of the opposite heights beyond Albuera, and through which the road from Santa Martha slopes slantingly towards the bridge." So that after Marshal Beresford had returned to Albuera, and " formed" his cavalry, and " placed them in their position," though in what position, (whether on the right or left bank of the stream,) does not distinctly appear, he then discovered that the opposite heights were aban- doned to the enemy. There must, indeed, have been very " considerable confusion," " confusion heaped upon confusion," to have endured thus long, and the confusion could not have been confined to the cavalry alone. The Marshal must, according to the conductor of his cause, ( 87 ) have participated rather largely in this general disorganization : thus, on a sudden, to have seen that the heights, where the cavalry he had just been forming ought, as is afterwards declared, p. 119, to have kept the enemy " at bay," were " already occupied" by that enemy, and not by the cavalry he had so recently formed in their position. So that the author would exhibit the Marshal to us in such a state of absolute bewilderment, as to have made the disastrous discovery, that the cavalry he had been engaged in "forming," were in point of fact not elsewhere. To rescue the Marshal from so palpable an ab- surdity, the more charitable, as indeed the more rational supposition is, that the Marshal dis- covered that no infantry were on the heights to keep the enemy " at bay," as he had intended ; for he had heard through his aide-de-camp, as we have seen, that General Long had arrived at Al- buera before he got there, and therefore he could not have expected to find him contending for the possession of the heights. We shall presently see whether this surmise is the correct one. "The only error," says our author, p. 119, " that appears in Lord Beresford's plans, was his omitting to place some infantry in occupa- tion of the wood on the great height beyond the Faria stream, through which the road from Santa Martha passed. This I understand," he ( 88 ) observes, " had been intended." Had been in- tended ! If " intended," why was it not done ? and if not done, why is this " only error " (ac- knowledged as such by the writer of the Stric- tures, and by him applied solely to Marshal Beresford) attributed in its effects to General Long, the scape-goat of every blunder, when, in fact, if " intended," it could only be so " in- tended" by the Commander-in-Chief, the ne- cessary originator of all intentions. " It could not, indeed," continues the writer, " have been maintained against the French infantry for any length of time ; but had their cavalry been here kept at bay, the Marshal might have compelled them to show their force on the elevated plain beyond the wood, and, as their infantry only came up during the night, he might thus have prevented their gaining possession of it for the whole of that day." The reader is particularly requested to attend to this profound pleading in mitigation, and the dexterous attempt to shift the error to other shoulders. Marshal Beresford having neglected, or some other officer to whom his intentions had been made known having neglected, to " place some in- fantry in occupation of the wood," as " had been intended." General Long, having no con- nection with the infantry, arriving there in obedience to his orders to " fall back upon ( 89 ) Albuera," followed by an overwhelming force of the enemy's cavalry/* against which he had been peremptorily ordered not to commit his own; and seeing (as is evident from the testi- mony of Colonel Pitt, that he did see,) this omission, this non-execution of intentions, should have notwithstanding kept, or endeavoured to keep, the enemy " at bay," as the expression is, with his inferior cavalry, and thus, by dis- obeying his positive injunctions, have enabled the Marshal to escape from the consequences caused by this " only error in his plans." "But," continues the author, p. 119, "the unaccountable manner in which General Long abandoned this post, before Lord Beresford ever knew of his having left Santa Martha, has already been related; his fault ought to have been repaired. It was not ; and whoever was to blame for it, this was certainly an omission." So then it would appear that there were two omissions and one fault. 1st. The " only error in Lord Beresford's plans," viz. " his omitting to place some infantry in occupation of the * " The French cavalry, so infinitely superior in numbers, discipline, and composition to our own." — p. 172. Confirmed by Sir B. D'Urban, in p. 22, App. — " The advantage which the enemy possessed aided by a superior cavalry, over an army of three different nations, inferior in the latter arm/' ( 90 ) wood on the great height." 2clly. The " fault" of General Long in having unaccountably " aban- doned this post," which the Marshal had omitted to occupy : and 3dly, the " omission" of some officer, name unknown, in not having repaired the "fault" of General Long, in not having repaired the " only error" of Marshal Beresford. In other words, the concentrated essence of error was in General Long, by reason of his having abandoned a post which the Marshal " intended" to have defended, but which he, or those to whom he had delegated that defence, had already abandoned ! Whose, then, was the fault ? and what was the proposed reparation of that fault ? Was it ever even whispered that General Long ought to have defended this height against the enemy's superior cavalry, in defiance of his orders and in contempt of the consequences ? What steps did Marshal Beres- ford take towards the reparation of this fault ? Where did he find the cavalry, as stated in p. 117 ? Where did he " form them ?" Where did he " place them ?" literally, nowhere. The written evidence of General Long, the living testimony of Colonel Pitt, prove, beyond the shadow of a shade of a doubt, that the orders to General Long, to move his cavalry to the left bank of, in fact across, the Albuera stream, originated in the Commander-in-Chief, and were ( 91 ) communicated through the Adjutant-General to General Long; nay, more, that the Commander- in-Chief never " found" the cavalry until they had crossed the river, never " formed" them at all, and that they were in no confusion what- ever!! The author does not insist upon these as mere random unsupported assertions, " Without more certain and more overt test Than their slight habits, and poor likelihoods," such as have been put forth by the anonymous writer of the Strictures; but as facts, authenti- cated by living evidence, and boldly challenging the equally open contradiction of living wit- nesses. But the testimony of Sir Benjamin D'Urban has been hurried across the Atlantic to assist in this vindication of Lord Beresford's wrongs. The defendant has declined the dis- tinct avowal of his defence ; the counsel in the cause has cautiously shrunk from the notoriety of an open court, and assumed the dark obscurity of an inquisitorial disguise ; while the only living witness subpoenaed on this trial is — Major Ge- neral Sir Benjamin D'Urban. Let us see then what assistance can be rendered, as regards the points at issue, by the testimony of that officer. It has already been seen of what avail it was, in the instance of Campo Mayor. " The assembly of the army then," writes Sir ( 92 ) Benjamin, " having been determined at Albuera, on or before the noon of the 15th, the cavalry, which had concentrated at Zafra and Los Santos, had been directed to fall back gradually before the enemy, by Santa Martha, upon Albuera, taking care to observe the roads of Solana and Torre de Almendral." — App. p. 24. " About three o'clock, the cavalry, which had been pushed back from Santa Martha rather more briskly than had been looked for, by that of the enemy, arrived, and upon the return of Sir William Beresford to the right, from placing the left of the line, and examining the country immediately beyond it, he found that it had already crossed the rivulet, and that the whole of the opposite bank was in possession of the enemy. Under the actual circumstances, this mistake once made, it was too late to repair it." Marshal Beresford, from this account, appears to have done exactly what it is presumed that he did do, though not exactly what the writer of the " Strictures" would make him do. He returned to Albuera on hearing that the cavalry had " arrived," and found that they " had al- ready crossed the rivulet,' 1 and that " the whole of the opposite bank was in possession of the enemy." It will be observed that no notice is taken by General D'Urban of the " only error in LordBeresford's plans," respecting the placing ( 93 ) of the infantry as "had been intended;" while the " mistake" is enveloped in a sort of mys- terious ambiguity that might attach to any- body. We are indebted to the author of the " Strictures" for explicitly assigning, in his summing up, the whole blame to General Long. " His fault," says the author, " ought to have been repaired.''' " This mistake," says General D'Urban, on the other hand, " once made, it was too late to repair it!' 9 So far " the slight dis- crepancies which exist between" the writer of the " Strictures" and General D'Urban. But does that writer derive any assistance in his facts from the dispatch of Marshal Beresford himself? The reader will judge. " The cavalry, which had, ac- cording to orders, fallen back as the enemy advanced, was joined at Santa Martha by Gen. Blake." "I determined to take up a po- sition at this place," viz. Albuera. " The army was therefore assembled here on the 15th inst." " Our cavalry had been forced on the morning of the 15th to retire from Santa Martha, and joined here. In the afternoon of that day the enemy appeared in front of us." But Sir B. D'Urban, in another passage, describes the concentration of the army at Albuera, with even more measured solemnity of statement. " The allied army," he observes, p. 27, Appendix, " was thus united upon the Albuera, having regulated ( 94 ) all its successive movements by the progressive advance of the enemy, equally avoiding a late or a premature assembly, and having combined the removal of all the ordnance and siege stores with a timely arrival at the proposed position ! !" The author has now concluded the defence of General Long from the direct charges advanced against him by his anonymous accuser, and he earnestly desires the attention of the reader to the evidence by which it is supported. There are, however, one or two points immediately connected with the conflict at Albuera, which, far from being irrelevant, it is incumbent on the author, in justice to General Long's memory, to notice, and more especially as, in one in- stance, the high authority of Sir B. D'Urban is apparently at variance with General Long's version of the proceedings. In the first place, the repulse of the Polish Lancers at the fords near the bridge of Albuera, at the commence- ment of the attack, was entirely effected by the orders of General Long, and of this no notice is taken either in the " Strictures" — in Sir B. D'Urban's narrative —or in Marshal Beresford's dispatch. It would also appear that General Long had suggested the propriety of placing a force near the spot where the Polish lancers so fatally broke in upon the right flank of the infantry, but which suggestion was not attended ( 95 ) to. But there is one very material point in the day's proceedings which requires a more par- ticular notice. At the conclusion of his Preface General D'Urban writes as follows: — " The masterly disposition of the 4th division and of the cavalry, to which General Dumourier ad- verts in his letter,* of which the results were so beneficial, and which is praised even in the His- tory of the War in the Peninsula (see p. 556), emanated entirely from the Marshal, nor has any one a claim to participate in it; and this I securely affirm, because I placed those troops upon their ground, by his direction, and received from his own mouth the orders for their gui- dance, which I then gave to their respective generals." Without at all questioning the applicability of the splendid panegyric which the French general, Dumourier, in a moment of patriotic enthusiasm at the recital of a narrative which detailed the fact that 5000 of his countrymen had fallen by the hands of the enemy he was eulogizing — without entering upon any classi- cal critique as to whether the cavalry of Caesar at Pharsalia, or of Marshal Beresford at Al- buera, was the better disposed — the author * A complimentary effusion of that officer, subjoined to the Preface, in which he writes to Marshal Beresford, " Vous avez fait plus que Cesar," &c. &c. ( 9G ) may be permitted to doubt first (not of course the accuracy of General D'Urban's statement, as far as it goes), but, whether General Long- did not previously point out the position where the cavalry was placed ; ultimately, of course, in consequence of orders given by Marshal Beresford to General D'Urban, and by him, as he says, to the respective generals. And se- condly, whether if such was not the case, and, allowing with General Dumourier that as the disposition of the cohorts of Caesar was the cause of the one triumph, so that of the squa- drons of Marshal Beresford was the cause of the other, some small portion of merit was not due to the officer who, in the beginning of the day, had alone directed the movements of all the cavalry and horse artillery, and whose dis- position of the cavalry on the ground (admitting that Marshal Beresford is to claim all the merit of the disposition as respects the field of battle) was adopted, and whose suggestions were acted upon by the officer who had so suddenly as- sumed to the command. There is no question, it is believed among military men, respect- ing the ability with which General Lumley performed his part; but it is a question whether the whole of the riches of the harvest should be gathered by the labourer who had come late to the reaping, and had not borne the heat or ( 97 ) burthen of the day. The least that could have been done would have been to have mentioned General Long's name, and had General Lum- ley himself been, as he was at Usagre, the recounter of the exploits of his cavalry, the de- tails would, the author dares to assert, have been far different. Let the reader peruse the whole of Marshal Beresford's dispatch. Not even the name of General Long once occurs, although that officer was in command, in the early portion of the day, of all the cavalry, and for the remainder in command of all the British and Portuguese. What were the consequences of this reward of silence as affecting him when it became the duty of his Majesty's Ministers to submit to parliament whom they would de- sire to honour with their distinguishing ap- plause as the chief actors by whom this victory had been achieved ? Did the House of Com- mons preserve an expressive and ominous silence? Were its praises parsimoniously con- fined to Generals Cole, Stewart, Hamilton, Lumley, and Alten (all most fully and amply meriting them), as had been the case in Mar- shal Beresford's dispatch? On the contrary. The members of the parliament of Great Britain did, as became them : they made no exceptions, but unanimously resolved, — " That the Thanks of this House be given to Major-General the ii ( 9"B ) Honourable Galbraith Lowry Cole, the Ho- nourable William Stewart, John Hamilton, the Honourable William Lumley, Charles Baron Alten, Brigadier-General Robert Ballard Long, and the several other officers, for their distin- guished exertions on the 3 6th of May last, in the glorious battle of Albnera, and that Lieut.- General Sir William Carr Beresford do signify the same to the Hon. William Stewart, &c. &c. ,? The Lieutenant-General did accordingly transmit, as he was desired to do, this vote of thanks to the several officers so named, and Gen. Long, passed over in the roll of praises by which the record of this victory had been wound up, was destined to receive at the hands of the person to whom his " distinguished services" must have been, if they were distinguished, more immediately known, that approbation which he, in his justice, had withheld from all notice in his dispatch, and which (from minis- terial ignorance it must be presumed) had thus crept into the councils of the Sovereign, to be subsequently echoed by the consentient voices of the Commons of England. If there are any of his readers disposed to cast censure upon the author of this Reply as wanting in propriety, though not in right, to retaliate while he defends,— to these be it an- swered that he was not the first to come for- ( 99 ) ward in the character of a masked assailant, and at the same time in all the apparent im- portance of a confidential ally. Had any one of General Long's friends put forward a work of such a complexion; had " foolish answers," " further mischief and folly," and posts " un- accountably abandoned," as applied to a third and a deceased party, been the basis of any dissertation on their part, while attempting a vindication of their relative against the censures of an antagonist, well might they expect to draw down the merited indignation of the friends of that party thus exposed to this col- lateral assault. But the writer has not only travelled out of the record in raking up the ashes of another, he has literally out-Heroded Herod, and has, in some instances, gone beyond, in others contradicted, Marshal Beresford's and Sir B. D'Urban's recorded statements. If the author is wrong in his impression, that the writer of the Further Strictures has been authorized to undertake Lord Beresford's defence, and been partially, for it is as impos- sible to believe as it would be insulting to the veracity of that officer to assert, that he has been wholly furnished with the implements of his warfare, it rests with Lord Beresford to denounce the obtrusive officiousness of the writer, and to shake off the incubus that has h 2 ( ioo ) thus fastened itself upon his military reputation. If, on the contrary, the literary labours of the writer are the overstrained efforts of friend- ship, and the result of a partially confidential communion, it remains only to wonder at the hardihood that could hazard such assertions, or the reckless indiscretion that could risk a vessel so freighted with the renown of his com- mander, on the shoals and reefs which common care might have detected, and a cautious in- quiry have enabled him to shun. Conclusion of Letter to Gen. Le Mar chant. " After a considerable lapse of time in making a bridge over the Guadiana, for which no pre- parations appear to have been made, the army began crossing that river on the 5th of April, and on the following day and night the greater part of the infantry, with the 13th dragoons, were posted on the other side opposite to Jeru- menha. About two o'clock on the morning of the 6th of April the enemy advanced from Olivenza with a battalion of infantry, three guns, and 400 hussars. Their object, believing us not to be in force, was to try to reach the bridge and destroy it. On their march they fell in with an ( loi )' advanced picquet consisting of a squadron of the 13th dragoons, commanded by Capt. Morris, whom you must recollect at Wycombe. His being posted there appears to have arisen from some mistake between him and Major-General Lumley. Having passed the river myself that night only, and superintending the passage of the cavalry, I was not aware of what was going on in front. About three o'clock a. m. I retired to the village of Villa Real, having conducted the 13th Dragoons to their ground, to get my horse fed and refreshed before day-break. — Scarcely had fifteen minutes elapsed before I was alarmed by the enemy's approach. I ran out and found them pursuing some of the 13th Dragoons up to the very place where I stood. I alarmed a battalion of infantry that were sleep- ing near the village, and hastened to the 13th Dragoons to bring them up to the support of the infantry, among whom I really expected to see the enemy's cavalry enter before they could form and get under arms. Alarmed, however, at the fire of the infantry picquet, the pursuers returned, and the rest of the enemy halted, and then retired before there was sufficient light to discover their force or movements. In the mean time, however, they had completely surprised Morris, and carried off about 50 men and 60 horses of the squadron under his command. I ( 102 ) shall offer no comment upon this unfortunate event, because it would be unfair so to do, with- out hearing what he may have to say in his jus- tification. I had so far a narrow escape, that General Stewart wished and proposed to me to take up my quarters for the night in an isolated house near Villa Real. I reconnoitred it, and from the surrounding ground and the light of the picquets which I observed in front, I thought it too exposed, and went to the village. The enemy surrounded the house, took some of the infantry picquets stationed there, and carried off two fine horses belonging to Captain Gabriel, General Stewart's aide-de-camp. The army remained in its position here, living only from hand to mouth, the cavalry posted in a plain, without a shrub or tree of any kind, where they remained for three days and nights exposed to very bad weather. On the 9th of March the whole moved in two columns, and in due form, upon Olivenza. The enemy had retired a day or two before, leaving only 100 old fellows to shut the gates, and fire off a few three-pounders. The town was sum- moned and refused to surrender. What was to be done ? It could not be stormed, and we had presumed on taking it without artillery ! Guns were therefore sent for to Elvas, General Cole's ( 103 ) division of 6000 men left to besiege it, and the remainder of the troops marched next day to Albnera on the high road from Badajos to Seville. Here and subsequently the army appears to have been moved upon no premeditated plan, but according to the suggestions arising out of the intelligence hourly received. At length on the 15th of March we moved to Santa Martha, and on the following morning proceeded to this place with the declared intention of taking up a position at Zafra. We halted about two miles off, in a valley, whilst the ground in front was reconnoitring, and I received orders to feed the cavalry, and even cook. The first I acceded to, and we filled ourselves with green forage and water previously, as we concluded, to our taking up our ground. In about a couple of hours information was brought that 600 of the enemy's cavalry were advancing rapidly upon Los San- tos. I was ordered forward. The fire of our skirmishers soon announced their proximity, and I trotted the column round the village till I got upon the Seville road. The rising of the ground prevented my seeing them, till I reached the top of the rise, where there was a narrow debouche into a triangular and open space, be- yond which I observed the enemy posted in column of squadrons. ( 104 ) The moment the head of the 13th dragoons appeared they detached one squadron, of what had constituted their advanced guard, to attack us, and being only distant about 300 yards they were almost upon the 13th before they could form, the retreat of the troupe doree on the enemy's advance having distracted the men's attention, and created some little confusion. However they closed, and the enemy was re- pulsed and fled. The 13th rallied, recollecting the jobation they had received for their zeal at Campo Mayor. I immediately formed the Por- tuguese (next in column) in a second line be- hind them, to support a renewed attack by the 13th Dragoons, and detached the heavy brigade to the right to gain the enemy's flank. They made off immediately. We pursued, but in the strictest order. The consequence was, that to preserve the regularity we could not gain ground upon them sufficiently to make a charge or cut them off. We however followed at a gallop for nearly ten miles, and our flankers cut down or secured all they came up with, which, by the time we pulled up, amounted to nearly three officers (one captain killed) and 150 men and horses. General Beresford desired me not to let them escape. I observed that this could not be prevented, unless the whole of the 13th Dra- ( 105 ) goons were let loose upon them. This could not be permitted, consequently we could not overtake them, having already a start of a quarter of a mile, and going as hard as they could lay their heels to the ground. We did not lose a man, but twelve horses, chiefly old blacks, died that night of fatigue. The enemy re- treated the next day from the villages four leagues in our front, and fell back upon Guadal Canal, evacuating Llerena, which a small corps of Spaniards took possession of. Lord Wellington having reached Elvas, a communication, I sup- pose, took place between him and Marshal Beresford, in consequence of which the infantry retired on the 18th to Santa Martha and Al- mendralejo, the cavalry remaining distributed in Villa Franca, this place, and Zafra. Ballasteros with a small corps advanced towards Monasterio, Count de Penne, with 1,500 Spaniards, occupies Llerena, and General Blake, with 8000 men from Cadiz, is expected to land at Ayamonte, and then proceed to this frontier. Lord W. is about to undertake the reduction of Badajos, and this accomplished, it remains to be seen what will next be done." ( 10^ ) Private Memorandum of the Affair of Los Santos, 16th April " The army moved from Santa Martha at 3 o'clock, on the morning of the 16th of April, to take up a position near Zafra. The actual situation of the enemy was not at that time precisely known, but they were supposed to have parties in front and on both flanks. The cavalry led the column, and just as they reached Los Santos, received orders to halt and water their horses, whilst the Quarter-Master-General was reconnoitring a position for the army to occupy. Two hours elapsed in this situation, when some Spaniards brought intelligence that 600 of the enemy's cavalry were in sight, advancing upon Los Santos, into which their advanced guard pushed. Our cavalry was directed to advance, which they did in column, viz. 13th Light Dragoons — British. Two guns. Portuguese Brigade. Heavy Brigade — British. After passing the skirts of the village of Los Santos, they moved along the high road to Seville about 400 yards, when they debouched through a narrow space into an open, rocky ground, of a triangular shape, bounded on the ( 107 ) left and right by a wall, and towards the end of which, was another debouche, just wide enough to admit a squadron in front, and be- yond which the enemy was formed, facing to it, in column. The moment the head of the British column appeared, the enemy detached one squadron, together with the advanced guard, to attack it; and they were on their march about 300 yards distant, when Brigadier General Long first saw them; he directed the 13th dragoons to form, and repel the attack, which they scarcely could do before the enemy was upon them. The latter were nevertheless repulsed, and the 13th dragoons rejoined their squadron in order of battle. The enemy's squadron fled, and rallied behind their column. Brigadier General Long directed the Portu- guese to form up quickly in rear of the 13th dragoons, and the heavy brigade to move, between a wall, and a high mountain to the right, to endeavour to gain the enemy's flank, and favour the advance of the 13th dragoons through a narrow opening, in front of which the enemy was posted. The moment the enemy perceived this movement, they retired rapidly. The 13th dragoons were put in motion, detach- ing one squadron as pursuers; the Portuguese followed in support. The heavy brigade hung on their flank, and the object then was to follow ( 108 ) them at such a pace as, preserving our own order, should oblige them to halt, and form to receive our attack, or else, by the rapidity of their movement in avoiding it, to break into disorder, and give greater scope to the effects of our pursuers : the latter occurred — we press- ed them so hard, that they broke completely, and went off as hard as they could go. Another squadron of the 13th dragoons and detach- ments from the heavy went next in pursuit, and as the enemy's troops were blown, or come up with, they were sabred, or taken prisoners. In this manner the pursuit continued on our part for nearly 10 miles at a gallop; when the exhausted state of our horses, many of which dropped down, unable to move further, obliged us to pull up, and call in the pursuers. The result of this day's business has been, a loss on the part of the enemy of 150 men and horses, and 4 officers, one of the latter (a Captain) killed ; the rest prisoners. The enemy's regi- ments engaged were, the 2nd dragoons, and 10th hussars, the same that were beaten at Campo Mayor, and by these two conflicts are more than half destroyed. Just as we had halted, a fresh regiment came out of Usagre to cover the retreat of their routed comrades, but they did not attempt to advance, or molest us in our retreat back to Los Santos." ( 109 ) Extract of a Letter to C. B. L. dated Villa Franca, May 30th, containing part of the Journal of Operations. " Here we remained in peace and quietness till the enemy having collected all his forces, about the 10th of May, put them in motion on the side of Llerena and Monasterio, to move forward, and attempt the relief of Badajos. The Spaniards on the outposts at these places fell back before them, and a part joined me at Villa Franca, on the 11th of May, the rest retiring upon Los Santos, where a part of my division (the 13th dragoons and the Portuguese) were stationed. Never in my life did I experience greater anxiety of mind than during this period. My force was left in dispersed situations, whilst the enemy, whose advance and movements I was hourly reporting to head quarters, were concentrated in my front, and on my flanks. Not a single instruction had I received, nor could I obtain, though repeatedly applied for: my route or point of retreat were not even pointed out. I was only desired not to commit the troops under my command against a supe- rior force, but, at the same time, not to lose ground without necessity; an undertaking not very easy of accomplishment in such a country ( no ) as this, when their first indication must naturally be so near to me, as to leave the result to chance and the enemy's intentions, rather than to my inclination. On the 11th of May, Marshal Soult collected his force at Fuente de Cantos, (on the Monas- terio road), and the corps at Llerena, marched upon Bienvenida and Calzadilla, occupying at the same time Usagre. He pushed patroles to Zafra and Los Santos, and also towards Ribera. On the 12th of May, he made a feint attack upon Los Santos, but was repulsed ; at the same time it was evident, that that post could not long be maintained. On the 13th of May he advanced with greater force upon Los Santos, and the officer com- manding there retired. This circumstance, by opening the road of Fuente del Maestre upon my right flank, compelled me also to fall back, which I did accordingly, four hours afterwards, upon Almendralejo, where I halted 1^ hour, and then proceeded by Azeuchal, to Santa Martha. The enemy at the same time appear- ed at Ribera, and carried off some bread des- tined for my troops. My whole force being now collected, my apprehensions and my anxiety ceased. My chief danger lay on the side of Solana, where B. General Madden was stationed, and I ur- ( 111 ) gently requested him to give me the earliest intimation of the enemy's approach in that direction, and more particularly when he should be obliged to abandon it, which he promised to do. On the 14th, the enemy advanced to Almen- dralejo, and occupied likewise Azeuchal. I remained at Santa Martha. On the 15th May, they advanced to my ad- vanced posts in front of Santa Martha, and exchanged shots, and it was reported that a considerable body had been seen to advance in the direction of Solana. Not having received any report from General Madden, I dispatched a letter to him at 3 a. m. on the morning of the 15th, but the orderlies fell in with a patrole of the enemy, retired re infectd, and left me still in doubt about General Madden's position. Relying on his communi- cating his movements to me, I remained under arms at Santa Martha; and about 11 o'clock dispatched another messenger to ascertain whether or not Solana was really occupied by the enemy, and to open the communication with General Madden. Scarcely had this messenger been sent off half an hour, when we perceived a very strong column of the enemy's cavalry (apparently about 3,000), followed by infantry and artillery, coming over the hills ( H2 ) directly down upon Santa Martha. I made every necessary disposition for retreat, and called in the advanced posts. Their nearer approach having fully established their strength, I fell back at a walk to Albuera, detaching the Portuguese brigade in advance, to cover the passage of the bridge at that place. The enemy's advance soon came up with our rear, and they skirmished with us all the way to Albuera. On the road, I received a dispatch ordering me to retire upon Albuera, and near that vil- lage I met the xldjutant-general, who desired me to cross the river and take up a position on the other side. This was done accordingly, and the enemy occupied the ground on this side in our front. At this time, I heard that our infantry were also advancing upon Albuera, the position selected for the inevitable conflict that was approaching. None of these, how- ever, made their appearance for several hours, a circumstance that would have put the enemy in possession of the field of battle without much difficulty, had he been aware of it, and advanced the same evening to the attack. His neglect to do so was our salvation. Having taken up the position, I proceeded to reconnoitre the ground, and, to my utter astonishment, found that the heights which formed the key of the position w 7 ere not in- ( 113 ) tended to be occupied, but that the lines were drawn up parallel to the Badajos road, con- ceiving the enemy's attack would be directed on our left, and not upon our right. A tyro in military matters ought to have seen other- wise ; and, trembling for the consequences, I could not help pointing out to the Adjutant- general the result of my observations, with the probable consequences that would attend upon the error we were falling into. Soon after, I saw Marshal Beresford reconnoitring the ground himself, and I hoped for better arrangements. In the mean time, I distributed the cavalry along this strong line of defence, and we re- mained quiet during the night, my orders being to maintain that ground till relieved by the Spaniards. The morning of the 16th May arrived, but no Spaniards appeared. I again reconnoitred the ground, became confirmed in all my preceding- opinions, and, on my return, I met Colonel D'Urban, who desired me to move off directly the whole of the cavalry to the rear of the British line, on the left of the position ; and he himself marched off with the 4th dragoons, thus aban- doning the defence of the bridge and fords which I had placed them to protect. In the mean time, I had assembled the rest of the cavalry in order to fulfil my instructions, but so convinced was i ( 114 ) I of the danger attendant on the movement, that I delayed their departure as long as I could. In half an hour afterwards we saw the enemy in motion, pushing a strong corps of cavalry towards the bridge, and crossing the greater part of their force over the rivulet on the right of our position, which evidently was to become the point of attack. I placed the 3rd dragoon guards on the ground from whence the 4th dragoons had been removed, to oppose the passage of the river, and distributed the rest on the right. The moment the enemy's movements were reported to Head-quarters, the 4th dragoons were ordered back, and fresh dispositions appeared to be making with the infantry. In the mean time, the enemy's column on our left, or rather centre, formed opposite the bridge and ford, opened a cannonade which we answered, and pushed a corps of lancers across the rivulet. I directed the 3rd dragoon guards to charge and beat them back, which was done. The advance of the enemy upon the heights on our right obliged me to make a fresh disposition of the troops. Having placed the artillery, therefore, on the most commanding points, supported by detachments of cavalry, and having left the 4th dragoons (a part of them at least) to keep the enemy in check in ( 115 ) our front, I moved down with the rest to the position which I had selected for covering the infantry, and for meeting the enemy defini- tively. Whilst in the act of making these arrange- ments, M. General Lumley rode up and as- sumed the command. Having explained to him the nature of the ground, and my ideas and intentions, he adopted them, and the line was formed behind a rugged ditch and rivulet which strengthened our position, and there we awaited the enemy's further operations. I felt convinced they would not dare to cross that ditch and attack us, but at the same time the ground near the source of the ditch offered great advantages for an attack upon the flank of our infantry. I pointed it out as the spot where their exertions would probably be made, and suggested the propriety of placing a Bri- tish regiment in column opposite the opening, to counteract any such attempt on the part of the enemy. This being declined, I obtained permission to place a Spanish corps there, which was done ; but they formed in two lines instead of column, and at too great a distance from the spot I pointed out to be of use. Being now called to the right by the enemy's attempts to turn our flank in that direction, I remained there during the rest of the day. i 2 ( no ) The enemy having formed his infantry in columns of attack, proceeded to gain the heights in succession, covered by their immense force of cavalry in the plain before us. The fault we had committed now became too evident. Our infantry were hurried on at a trot to anticipate this movement, but arrived too late, and instead of being the defenders of the strongest ground, they had to become the assailants of the enemy, to dispossess him of it. Their gallantry overcame all difficulties. They advanced to the charge under a heavy fire of artillery and musquetry, but the more they advanced, the more their flank became exposed and unprotected; and as the infantry omitted to secure their own flank by throwing back a battalion, or forming a square en potence, the enemy's cavalry took advantage of the omission, charged and routed them on the spot I had predicted, and they were pursued at the same time by their infantry. The day appeared to be lost, but a fresh division of infantry coming up, renewed the attack, and recovered the ground. They, too, having advanced with simi- lar incaution, a fresh attempt was made by the enemy's cavalry to serve them in the same way. Two squadrons of the 4th dragoons were de- tached to their assistance, and a charge made ( 117 ) by them with some loss, partially defeated the enemy's intentions. The greater part of the infantry being by this time brought into action, the contest was con- tinued with unequalled gallantry, till the ene- my's infantry gave way in all directions, which circumstance compelled their cavalry also to retire. We followed them to support our in- fantry, and thus the battle (as bloody a one as ever was fought) terminated by their flight to the woods whence they had advanced in the morning. Be it observed, that not a shot was fired on the ground selected and originally taken up by us for the field of battle, and that the whole contest was carried on upon the strong ground and heights which form the key to the position of Albuera, and which we had neglected to occupy. Had the French cavalry advanced and beat ours, the day was infallibly lost, and our army would have been annihilated, for never would retreat have been more difficult and arduous, or have offered greater advantages to a trium- phant, pursuing and active enemy. Thank God ! it turned out otherwise, and bravery triumphed. The enemy, however, bore off some trophies of colours and guns, and from ( 118 ) this accident will claim the honour of the vic- tory. A violent rain fell during the action, and a still severer one during the evening and fol- lowing day. This made the situation of the wounded most pitiable; not a house presented itself for shelter, not a carriage or beast of burden was to be found to transport them to the rear. On the ground, therefore, they re- mained some for 24, many for 48 hours, with bleeding wounds, where they fell, exposed to cold and drenching rain, and many of them stripped to the skin. We remained during the night on the field of battle, our very bivouacs in the midst of heaps of the slain and wounded. Fresh dispo- sitions were made of the troops, and they were placed for a second contest, in the event of the enemy re-advancing, as they ought to have been for the first onset. We appeared to expect a second attack on the following day, and the position of the troops was strengthened and improved. On the 17th, therefore, we remained tranquilly on our ground, but evident symptoms appeared of the enemy's intention to retire, by the gradual drawing off of the troops formed in line before us. On the morning of the 18th May, the fact of their retiring being ascertained, the cavalry ( 119 ) moved forward to the position they had occu- pied, where numbers of wounded, English and French, were left on the ground, and in the wood. We pushed back their rear guard of cavalry, followed them into the plain, and there discovered their whole force of cavalry drawn up to protect the retreat of the infantry. On the night of that day we bivouacked on the open plain, about a league on the Albuera side of the village of Corte de Peleas. The next morning (19th May) we pushed our advance about a league beyond Corte de Peleas, and found the enemy, infantry and cavalry, posted at Solana. We continued to watch them. On the morning of the 20th, they retired to Azeuchal. We pushed on to Solana, where we found several of their dead, and pushed our advance within half a league of Azeuchal, which it endeavoured to enter, but was repulsed. On the 21st, we skirmished severely in front of Azeuchal, to press their retreat, but they were obstinate, and both parties maintained their ground. On the 22d May, Marshal Beresford directed a division of infantry to advance from Albuera and support the cavalry. The enemy, how- ever, retired in the morning upon Villa Franca, our advance followed them through Azeuchal ( 120 ) to a league beyond Almendralejo, the rest of the cavalry marching upon Almendralejo, where it was joined by the infantry, and the whole bi- vouacked there for the night. On the 23d May, we resumed our march upon Villa Franca; the advance proceeding to Ribera, which the enemy had that morning evacuated, and, as reported, had fallen back upon Llerena. The cavalry bivouacked in front of Villa Franca, the advance at Ribera. The infantry halted at Almendralejo. On the 24th May, the whole of the cavalry moved on to Usagre. Within half a league we fell in with their advanced posts, and observed about 400 formed in column on the heights, in rear of the village. I immediately detached the 13th dragoons to turn their right, whilst the Spanish advance, supported by the heavy dra- goons, inarched through the town. An almost impassable ravine, which obliged the dragoons to break off by ranks, defeated my intention, and gave the enemy sufficient time to retire upon Villa Garcia. We took up the ground they had relinquished, and made a disposition to meet any attack on the side of Bienvenida, in front of which village, about a league distant, we observed a strong regiment (lancers) drawn up in line. They soon after withdrew and fell back upon Villa Garcia and ( 121 ) Llerena. At night the Spaniards remained in front of Usagre, towards Villa Garcia, and the British, Portuguese, and guns, retired behind the defile and bivouacked. Early in the morning of the 25th May, reports were brought that strong columns of the enemy's cavalry were advancing from Villa Garcia. General Lumley ordered the whole force to recross the village and defile, and occupy the ground in front of them. I earnestly re- monstrated against this disposition, which in case of a reverse exposed us to annihilation, and I obtained his consent to push over the light cavalry only, and to leave the heavy bri- gade and guns in reserve where they were posted. Scarcely had the light division passed the village, when the enemy's columns disen- gaged, bearing down in all directions, and they opened their guns upon us. A retreat was ordered across the rivulet at various points, and was fortunately accomplished without loss or confusion, the enemy not pressing us hard. A disposition was hastily taken up to defend the passages on the river, and that through the village. The enemy brought their guns toge- ther in battery, which was answered with effect. They now formed their plan of attack, which was to threaten our left, and at the same time push three regiments through the village ( 122 ) to make the first attack against the British ; this attack to be supported by a second line, as the troops could be brought in succession through the village. The three regiments were permitted to pass through accordingly. Two of them formed in column opposite the 3d Dragoon Guards, the third deployed in line upon their right. At this moment, General Lumley, not aware I be- lieve of their operations, wished to carry the 3d Dragoon Guards more to their right, and they were wheeled in column of half squadrons for the purpose, moving behind the rise of ground up which the enemy's columns were advancing, and over a ditch and broken ground which threw several of the horses down, and deranged their regularity. I saw their situa- tion with apprehension, and considered it so critical, as to determine instantly to proceed to the attack of the enemy with the 4th Dra- goons, supported on the left by the 13th Dra- goons. They advanced accordingly, but had not marched 100 yards before I observed the 3d Dragoon Guards wheel into line, and Gene- ral Lumley, being made acquainted with the enemy's situation in his front, directed that regiment also to attack . The charge of both was therefore combined and simultaneous, though without any previous concert or agreement upon ( 123 ) this head, and both were successful in the highest degree. The enemy was completely routed, and having the defile in his rear, which was choked up with fresh troops, their escape was impeded and their loss proportionate. This amounted to 29 killed on the ground of attack, not counting those killed by the artillery and in the village ; to 78 prisoners exclusive of one Colonel, one Major, two Lieutenants, and one other officer killed, and upwards of 60 horses sent to head quarters, many others having been seized by the Spaniards and converted to their own use. The enemy thus discomfited retired to their former position. In the evening, however, they brought up a reinforcement of heavier guns and cannonaded us. This obliged us to retire further from the village, out of range of their shot. They only killed however one of our men. The troops took up a retired position during the night leaving only the picquets in advance. The men had been mounted nearly all day, and neither man nor horse had had any thing to eat or drink. The same during the night. The environs presented no resources, and the strength and proximity of the enemy kept us in a state of incessant fatigue and vigilance, exposed all day long to the most distressing effects of a torrid sun, and parched up ground. ( 124 ) This state of things could not be continued without destruction to the troops. General Lumley therefore in the morning determined to retreat, and before daybreak drew off the heavy cavalry and guns to a position about a league from Usagre, whence, in the afternoon they fell back to Ribera. He requested me to remain with the rest and bring them off during the night. This I did at eleven o'clock, occupying in the first place a bivouac about a league from the town, and the next morning at day break, marched off leisurely, and without molestation to Ribera. I strongly believe the enemy was not aware of this movement till the day dawned on the morning of the 27th May. In the course of this day the troops were sent to their different cantonments, and occupied Ribera, Villa Franca and Los Santos. General Ballasteros with a few thousand men being stationed at Zafra. This little affair has been brilliant, and from being bloodless on our part, gratifying; but what to me is also most gratifying are the ac- knowledgments made by General Lumley both in his letter to Marshal Beresford, and in his orders, as a tribute of approbation for the part I lent in seconding him upon the above occasion. This is all the reward I seek for and desire, and when it is deserved and bestowed, I am perfectly and amply remunerated. ( 125 ) May 28th. Every thing remained in statu quo. 29th. ditto ditto. The enemy reconnoitred our advanced posts, but made no demonstrations of attack. Major General Sir William Erskine arrived to assume the command of the united cavalry. During the whole of the preceding fortnight, nothing could exceed the fatigue supported by the troops, exposed to a scorching sun by day, and heavy dews by night, without any covering save the canopy of Heaven, often without food, and as far as I am concerned, without a change even of linen; our supplies also uncertain and irregular, a necessary consequence of our posi- tion in large plains close to the enemy's force." Extract of a Letter to C. B. L., dated Bivouac, near Vicente, June, 26, 1811. " I hope you will ere this have been put in possession of a very long detail I sent from Villa Franca, containing the journal of our pro- ceedings during the most interesting period of our operations in Estremadura. I do not pre- tend to perfect accuracy in my description of what relates to others, but when I narrate what I personally witnessed, you may rely, I hope, ( 126 ) not only on my veracity but impartiality. I am of opinion that Marshal Beresford never deserved at my hands, the zeal with which I served him, and endeavoured to merit his good opinion ; but unfortunately the business at Campo Mayor, added to the collision which arose out of the circumstance of a Portuguese Brigade of despicable cavalry having been placed under my command, produced, perhaps, an alienation that he could not easily get over. With regard to Lumley's appointment, it certainly arose out of an act of my own. I had written from Santa Martha to state the awk- ward circumstances arising out of the union of the Spanish brigadiers with the force under my command, and I there received a notification that General Lumley would be appointed to do away the difficulty. He did not arrive however, nor did he assume the command, till after I had manoeuvred the cavalry for a considerable time against the enemy on the 16th of May, and was in the act of placing them in that position in which they afterwards defied, under General Lumley, the efforts of a superior enemy. You have seen the reward I have received. This is all 1 have to complain of, for certainly I had no pretensions to a command of that magnitude, still less to assume or exercise any control over officers (Spanish) senior to myself. ( 127 ) I have just read the Marshal's account, and he has written it with more prudence than was shown in preparing for the contest. The whole sum and substance is confined in the words — " As the heights which the enemy had gained'' (by our having neglected to occupy them, he might have added,) " raked and entirely com- manded our whole position, it became necessary to make every effort to retake and maintain them." Here is a just description of the po- sition as it was taken up, and the cause of that blood that was so profusely spilled in the at- tempt to retrieve the error. The Marshal has here stated the fact, and by his own confession my observations, as to accuracy of narrative, may be appreciated. I have never said half&s much against him as I hear from others very high in authority indeed, and therefore I am convinced that the battle of Albuera will for ever be to General Beresford the most unfortu- nate day for his military reputation that he ever encountered. You will doubtless have seen, read, or heard of various other private accounts of this memorable day, and I only beg that you will abide in your opinion by that which appears the most favourable, and at the same time the most impartial." ( 128 ) Extract of a Letter to H. H. dated Bivouac, near Vicente, Jane 26, 1811. " I feel deeply the kind interest you take in my behalf, and I am sorry that any circum- stance should deprive me of the full enjoyment I could not but derive from a fair acknowledg- ment of services performed to the best of my ability. But, I must confess, the Marshal, had he had been studiously inclined to throw me in the back ground, could not have adopted a better course than the one he has pursued. His last public dispatch, on the action of Albuera, in which so much is said in favour of his friend, and my successor in command, and not a soli- tary word for me, winds up of the measure of his injustice.* That very column which he describes as menacing so formidably his front, before he was prepared to resist it, was solely repulsed, and kept afterwards in check by the movements of the cavalry and artillery under my immediate orders, and, without at all ques- tioning the superiority of General Lumley's abilities; still, arriving, as he did, in the hour of action, ignorant of the ground, position, or * It will be seen in the conclusion whether the full mea- sure was yet meted out. ( 129 ) movements of the enemy or of his friends, I may be permitted to say that the greater part of what he did was at my suggestion, and car- ried into effect with my most zealous co- opera- tion. I completely rode down four horses during the action, and the result of all this labour, anxiety, and effort has been to receive the reward of — silence. You will see the details which I sent from Villa Franca. With military men the action of Albuera will be a severe blow to the Marshal's reputation, and difficult will it be to wipe away the fact of having exposed his army in a position which he himself in his dispatch describes as being " raked and commanded by heights," which the enemy was permitted to gain without resistance, but from which he could alone be dislodged by torrents of blood, and the exercise of more than human courage. Such an army deserved a better fate than to be placed in such a position. According to every rational calcu- lation their defeat was certain, and had it taken place you would have heard no more of the " Army of the South." I refer you to the facts which history will record, and which indepen- dence and impartiality will dictate for my excuse when thus speaking of others. Had I been his enemy I should not have taken the trouble I did to get him convinced, by personal K ( 130 ) observation, of his error. I am too much a friend to truth to suffer it to be perverted for the greatness of any one. Let us each have our due, and that is all we are entitled to. We require much time to place our army again on the same effective footing it was at the opening of the campaign. The sword and sick- ness have made dreadful havoc in our ranks, and reduced us at least to one-third our num- bers. At Albuera the respective and opposing armies were not unequally matched. From every account I have received from prisoners, &c. they (the enemy) amounted to 24 or 25,000 men in all. Ours I estimate at 27,000. The dispersion of our cavalry scarcely left us more than 4 or 500 British at any point, and these, with two regiments of Spaniards that could not be depended upon, were all we had to offer by way of resistance to their numerous and overwhelming columns. The ground, how- ever, favoured us, and the horse artillery did its duty with brilliant effect. They lost a great number of men and from 4 to 500 horses by the operation of this arm alone. Two regi- ments more of British cavalry would have gone near to exterminate the French army, retreat- ing, or rather flying away, in the manner it did/' ( 131 ) 39, Mount Street, June 29, 1 882. My dear Sir, I wrote to you at Warrington, about a week ago, respecting a reply which is in pre- paration to the work entitled " Further Stric- tures on Colonel Napier's 3d vol. &c. &c." in which the reputation of my relative, the late General Long, is assailed in no very measured terms of reproach. I then expressed my intention of sending you some questions relative to the operations just previous to and immediately connected with the battle of Albuera, when you held the situation of aide-de-camp to General Long. As my questions relate to distinct matters of fact, there can, I think, be no impropriety on my part in putting them, nor on your part in answering them. My object is to obtain evidence as to facts, and then to make the best use of it that I can, and for whatever opinions I may advance, or conclusions I may draw from those facts, I am, as I should desire to be, wholly responsible. T enclose you the questions, and am, very sincerely yours, C. E. Long. Lt. Col Pitt, $c. $c. K 2 ( 132 ) Royal Barracks, Dublin, 3d July, 1832. My dear Sir, I am favoured with your note of the 29th ultimo, requesting me to answer some queries relative to the operations immediately previous to and during the battle of Albuera, when I was holding the situation of Aide-de- Camp to the late Lieutenant-General Long, and in reply beg to assure you, that I feel no hesi- tation in giving answers to such direct questions of fact as yours appear to be, at the same time, adhering most strictly to what I sincerely be- lieve to be truth, to the best of my recollection, without offering any opinion of my own in oppo- sition to those of my superiors in command. In complying thus far, I conceive that I am only performing a duty I owe to the memory of a distinguished officer, whose reputation com- manded the esteem of all who knew him. Believe me, very sincerely yours, Geo. D. Pitt, Lt. Col. 80th Regt. ( 133 ) Questions submitted to Colonel Pitt, and his Answers. I. Q. Did the cavalry, under the orders of B. General Long, on the 15th May, 1811, arrive at Albuera from Santa Martha in great con- fusion, when pushed back from the latter place by the advance of the enemy ? A. When the force of the enemy was distinctly ob- served descending from the heights towards the town of Santa Martha, on the loth May, 1811, B. General Long commenced his retreat upon Albuera, where we arrived that afternoon without the least confusion, our rear guard skirmishing and retreating gradually before the advance of the enemy. II. Q. Was B. General Long, to your know- ledge, continually reporting to Head-quarters the advance and movements of the enemy, previous to their approach upon Santa Martha? A. Brigadier-Gen. Long did, to my knowledge, con- tinually report to Head-quarters the advance and move- ments of the enemy previous to and after their approach upon Santa Martha. III. Q. Did the enemy's force appear to be more numerous than that under B. General Long ? A. The enemy's force, in cavalry alone, was greatly ( '134 ) superior to that under the command of General Long, besides which, infantry and artillery were distinctly seen moving upon Santa Martha before we commenced our retreat. IV. Q. Did B. General Long, in your hearing, express any surprise that infantry were not posted at the height beyond the Faria stream, through which the road from Santa Martha passed ? A. B. General Long did more than once express his surprise at not finding the wooded height, above the Faria stream, occupied by infantry at the time we passed it, this he did in my hearing then and often after. V. Q. Did you understand that B. General Long's orders were to attempt the defence of that height with the cavalry, unsupported by infantry ? and did you hear any Staff-officer at any time remark that B. General Long ought there to have kept the enemy at bay ? A. The onlv orders I knew B. Gen. Lon