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THE PEARL OF THE
ANTILLES
A VIEW OF THE PAST AND A GLANCE
AT THE FUTURE
BY
FREDERIC M. NOA
NEW YORK
1808
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DEDICATED TO THE
HEROES AND HEROINES OF AMERICAN
AND CUBAN LIBERTY
" In the name of humanity, in the name of
civilization, in behalf of endangered American
interests, which give us the right and the duty to
speak and act, the war in Cuba must stop."
CPresidem McKinley's Special
Message to Congress, April
ON DEPARTING FROM CUBA
(1836)
Pearl of the Ocean ! Brightest star of all !
Enchanting Cuba ! Stealthily, in gloom,
Night shrouds thy peerless blue with darkest
pall,
As grief, e'en, doth my pensive soul entomb.
About to start ! The busy crew, aloft,
To tear me from mine own, my native land,
Now hoist the sails, and soon the zephyr soft,
Wafting them on, blows from thy tropic strand.
Farewell, my country bright ! Thou Eden dear,
Where'er I'm wrecked by tempest wild or
gale,
Thy gentle name shall soothe my straining ear.
Alas ! alas ! How fills the swelling sail !
The anchor 's heaved ! The rocking ship aside
Doth cleave the waves, and on in silence glide.
(Rendered from the Spanish son-
net of Gertrudis Gomez de
Avellaneda, Cuba's greatest
poetess and dramatist.)
" Jamais colonie n' a ete aussi impitoyablement
exploited par une mere patrie cupide et impre-
voyante. " — Paul Leroy-Beaui.ieu.
(De La Colonisation chez les
/i?uf>lt-s moderncs. Paris : Guil-
laumin et Compagnie. 1891
Pages 266-268.)
" No colony has ever been as pitilessly ex-
ploited by a greedy and improvident mother-
country." — Paul Leroy-Beaulieu.
PREFACE.
IT is the purpose and endeavor of
the writer to present concisely
the leading events of Cuban history,
and to analyze the causes which
have driven the United States into
war with Spain. Although an Eng-
lishman by birth, he is, by adoption
and in spirit, an American citizen.
In the course of his career as an
educator, he has come in daily
contact with representatives of the
Spanish-speaking races, and thus
gained an insight into their charac-
teristics. He was for some years
prctacc.
intimately acquainted with Sefior
to, the present Secretary
of Cuba, when the latter was Spanish
>ul in Philadelphia. He knew
also, a^ an intimate friend, the late
Horace Mann, widow of the
Massachusetts statesman. Sixty or
seventy years ago, this lady lived on
a Cuban plantation and witnessed
the baneful effects of slavery under
the rule of Spain.
During the stirring events of the
last few months, thoughtful persons
have asked themselves questions
such as the following:
First, what are the causes which,
for the last thirty years, have kept
Cuba, more or less, in a turmoil of
revolt and anarchy ?
•ndly. what are the grievances
<>f the Cubans?
preface. xi
Thirdly, what is the truth about
the wrongs and outrages they have
been forced to bear ?
Lastly, are the United States jus-
tified in resorting to war to remedy
these abuses ?
The author, having spent years in
a close study of the history of Latin
America, and having had access to
sources of information not generally
known, believes that he can satisfac-
torily answer the questions that are
agitating the public mind. He has
drawn not alone from Spanish and
Cuban, but also from American,
British, and French authorities and
records.
The subject of America's relations
with Spain, past and present, is so
extensive that, in this little book,
much must be left unsaid. The
preface.
mdid naval victory of Dewey at
Manila opens a wide field of specu-
lation as to the future status of the
United States, and what part they
arc to take in the settlement of the
complicated problems of the Old
World. The author aims merely at
supplying a need required by the
people, and leaves to larger works
the discussion of the future interna-
tional rights and obligations of the
United States.
F. M. Xoa.
Union Springs, N. Y., July 4, 1898.
THE PEARL
OF THE ANTILLES.
THE PEARL
OF THE ANTILLES.
THE distinctive characteristic of
Spanish colonization is, that
wherever it has been planted, the
curse and blight of tyranny, super-
stition, and cruelty have been felt.
Twenty-five years had not passed
after Columbus discovered Cuba be-
fore the harmless Indians of the Is-
land, unable to endure the exacting
labor of the mines, languished under
their taskmasters, and became virtu-
ally extinct. Their protector, the
benevolent and philanthropic priest,
Las Casas, whom his contemporaries
vilified most shamefully, suggested
2 Cbe pearl
that the remnant might be saved by
importing a few negroes from Africa.
I [is advice was followed, and, in 1 524,
the first cargo was landed in Cuba,
and condemned to hopeless bondage.
Thus began the iniquitous traffic in
African slaves, on which corrupt offi-
cials fattened, and the horrors of
which filled Las Casas with such self-
reproach that he died broken-hearted.
As though symbolic of her future
destiny, Cuba, described by Colum-
bus as " the fairest land eye has ever
seen," was born in the throes of tu-
mult and convulsion. For two cent-
uries and a half her coast cities were
sacked or burned by English, French,
and Dutch pirates, while some of her
early governors proved, according
to the Spanish-American E?uyc/o-
pedia (published in Barcelona, Spain),
"veritable bandits." In 1762. a Brit-
ish fleet captured Havana. During
the eleven months of English occu-
pation, the port was thrown open to
©t tbe Snttlles. 3
the commerce of the world. The
eyes of the Cubans were opened, and
they could never rest content under
the old regime. By a fortunate ac-
cident, Spain herself came to be
governed, in the latter half of the
eighteenth century, by an enlightened
line of French sovereigns, who did
much to promote the welfare and in-
dustries of their transatlantic colony.
For seventy years, a splendid ship
and navy yard had existed in Ha-
vana, but in 1796, the monopolists of
Barcelona, Cadiz, and other Spanish
ports succeeded in having it closed,
and one of the seeds of hatred be-
tween the Spaniards and the native-
born Cubans was sown.
Nevertheless, so strong was the
bond between Cuba and the mother-
country, that she remained loyal to
her during the fifteen years of insur-
rection (18 10-1825) which cost Spain
the loss of her vast Mexican, Cent-
ral and South American possessions,
4 dbe pearl
and resulted in their independence.
A .1 reward for her fidelity, Ferdi-
nand VII. gave Cuba the title of
" The Ever-Faithful Isle." She now
enjoyed two brief periods of consti-
tutional government (1812-1814 and
1818-1823). During the latter, one
of her most eminent sons, Francisco
de Arango, secured several beneficial
commercial reforms. Had the Span-
ish sovereigns continued to pursue a
wise and enlightened policy, the Cu-
ban cataclysms of the last seventy-
five years might have been averted.
Unfortunately, the incompetent and
worthless Ferdinand VII., unmindful
of his promises, issued a decree, dated
March 28, 1825, that henceforth the
Island should be ruled as though it
were in a perpetual state of siege,
and that the Governor-General should
wield the despotic and irresponsible
power of a Russian czar. From that
moment began the blackest night of
Cuba's tyranny. — a night soon to be
©f tbe Bntilles. 5
dispelled by the glorious dawn of
constitutional liberty.
In 1835, tne energetic and iron
Tacon became Captain-General. He
erected many public buildings, but,
under what has been aptly termed
his " brick-and-mortar civilization,"
every liberal movement was sternly
repressed. He enriched himself enor-
mously through the slave traffic,
yet his reactionary sway was not,
like that of Weyler, an unmitigated
curse to the people he ruled. Ar-
riving in a time of chronic anarchy
and political assassination, he summa-
rily suppressed crime, showed favor
to neither rich nor poor, and trans-
ported, exiled, or executed one thou-
sand persons of all ranks. Although
he countenanced corruption, the
American, British, and other foreign
consuls of that period unanimously
testify to the general good public
order he maintained.
Up to this time, the four hundred
6 Cbe pearl
thousand free whites of Cuba, who
had been remitting to Spain an
annual tribute of three million dol-
lars had enjoyed the right of send-
ing two deputies to the Spanish
Cortes at Madrid. Suddenly, on the
ioth of February, 1837, this body
decreed that the colony should be
deprived of representation, and that,
instead, special laws for its benefit
were to be passed. Forty years
elapsed before the mother-country,
taught by the frightful experience
of a sanguinary ten years' revolt,
began to fulfil these promises.
Meantime, the ever- deepening
gloom of black slavery overshadowed
the Island. To prevent its perpetu-
ation, Great Britain induced Spain
to sign, in 18 17, a treaty, by the
terms of which the importation of
slaves was prohibited, severe penal-
ties against violators enacted, and
a mixed international tribunal estab-
lished at Havana. These provisions
©t tbe Entitles. 7
availed nothing ; they were either
secretly evaded or openly defied.
Governor-Generals and all other
executive officials connived at the
iniquitous business, and reaped from
it unheard-of profits. Competent
and impartial observers declare the
condition of the slaves in Cuba as
indescribably frightful. Mrs. Horace
Mann, widow of the Massachusetts
statesman, made, sixty or seventy
years ago, a protracted stay on a
Cuban plantation, and was so horri-
fied by what she saw that she wrote
a novel, Juanita, as thrilling as
Uncle Toms Cabin. Still more con-
vincing, because of its official nature,
is the testimony of Mr. R. R. Mad-
den, British Judge of the Mixed
Tribunal at Havana, who published,
in 1853, an instructive little book
on The Island of Cuba. He tells
how slavers infested the ports of
Cuba, and, if perchance the cargoes
should be confiscated, means would
8 Cbe pearl
be found secretly to convey the
" Bozals," as the newly imported
slaves were called, into the interior,
where they would fetch twelve hund-
red dollars a head. On the planta-
tions, Mr. Madden witnessed slaves
literally scourged to death, and child-
ren torn from their mothers. It
was customary, during the sugar
and tobacco crop season, which
lasted about six months, for slaves
to be worked every day twenty hours
at a stretch, the common impression
being that " four hours' sleep was
sufficient for a slave." No wonder
that, under such a system, not a
female nor an aged negro could be
found on many a plantation.
In spite of such excesses and crimes
against humanity, Cuba bore an
outward appearance of remarkable
prosperity, but, writing in 1869, La-
rousse, author of the great French
Encyclopedic Dictionary, likened her
material progress to that obtained
©f tbe Antilles. 9
in ancient Egypt by forced labor ;
and continued : " The riches of Cuba
offend humanity. Far from glorify-
ing the industry of men, the degrad-
ing spectacle it presents is an insult to
the progress of the century!" He
expressed the fear that, when the
Cuban negroes should rise in arms,
they would spare neither the whites
who were oppressors, nor the whites
who were oppressed. The detract-
ors of the negro race might do well
to remember that they have shown
a generous forgiveness, and have
cheerfully fought, side by side with
their white brothers, in the sacred
cause of Cuban liberty.
In addition to the incubus of negro
slavery, the restrictive policy of the
Spanish government hastened the
revolution which must inevitably
have occurred. Representation, and
liberty of speech, conscience, and the
press were denied, while illiberal
laws retarded commerce and immi-
io Cbe pearl
gration.as no white immigrants were
allowed to enter Cuba who were not
either Catholics or prepared to be-
come such, although Chinese coolies,
virtually slaves, were freely imported
under contract.
Utterly unconscious of the volcano
beneath her feet, Spain knew nothing
of the fearful corruption, robbery,
and peculation of the Captain-Gen-
eral, Lerisundi, and his satellites,
who sought to impose fresh burdens
upon a colony drained and exhausted
by overtaxation. " Such blindness
and ignorance on the part of the
home government," says the Spanisli-
Amcricon Encyclopedia, " could not
be greater ; such a mass of blunders
gave great strength to the separatists,
and the approaching revolution in
Spain made things ripe for revolt in
Cuba."
And now, in 1868, the gathering
storm, intensified by three centuries
and a half of black slavery, burst
©f tbe antilles. n
forth, with incredible fury, in an is-
land equal in area to Pennsylvania.
Under the consummate leadership of
Mdximo Gomez, the insurrection
raged, with varying success, for ten
weary years. The one Spanish gen-
eral, Dulce, who was inclined to con-
duct the war according to civilized
methods, was unceremoniously de-
posed by the powerful Volunteer
troops of Havana, who were com-
posed of Spanish and Cuban loyalists,
and was ignominiously sent back to
Spain. After his departure, the war-
fare degenerated into indiscriminate
butchery and extermination. Far
and wide, plantations were set on fire,
and the wretched inhabitants reduced
to the most dreadful misery. Two
tragedies especially shocked the
whole civilized world ; the first of
them being when, in November, 1871,
eight medical students of the Uni-
versity of Havana, who had been
previously acquitted of the charge of
12 Gbc peart
having desecrated the grave of a Vol-
unteer, were re-arrested, tried by a
court packed by the Volunteers, and
having been condemned, were shot,
in the presence of fifteen thousand
troops, by a detail under Capt. Wey-
ler. The second tragedy, which
almost produced war between Spain
and the United States, and for which
the former paid the latter a very
large indemnity, was the well-known
capture of the American vessel, the
Virginias, as she was hovering, in No-
vember, 1873, near Santiago de Cuba.
The local governor of that place be-
gan, without the formality of a trial, to
execute her crew, composed of Ameri-
can citizens and British subjects, and
had already shot fifty-three of his vic-
tims when the timely arrival of a
British warship stopped the slaughter.
With infinite patience, tact, and for-
bearance, President Grant and his ad-
visers repeatedly offered the friendly
mediation of the United States and
Ot tbe Antilles. 13
exhausted every diplomatic effort to
bring peace to the desolated Island
of Cuba. At length a brighter day
dawned when, in 1877, the illustrious
Marshal Martinez de Campos, who
had successfully brought the civil
war of Spain to a close, was sent
over with large reinforcements, and
received full powers to negotiate with
the Cuban insurgents.
" Convinced that the struggle
would never be terminated by ex-
termination, but rather by a spirit of
conciliation and freedom, he was,"
writes the Spanish-American Encyclo-
pedia, " the most tolerant and hu-
mane of the operating generals in the
bloody Ten Years' War." His broad,
noble mind perceived at once where
the difficulty lay, and, on the 19th of
May, 1878, he wrote to Canovas del
Castillo, then, as he was until his re-
cent assassination, Prime Minister of
Spain :
" Promises which have never been
1 1 vibe pearl
fulfilled, abuses of every kind, fail-
ure to devote anything to the Depart-
ment of the Interior, the exclusion
of the natives from every branch of
the government, and another series
of errors, gave rise to the insurrection.
The belief of the ruling powers that
here there was no other method to
adopt than that of terror, and that it
was a question of honor not to grant
reforms until not a shot should be
heard, have continued it : persisting
in such a course, we should never
end the war, although the Island
should swarm with soldiers : if we
do not wish to ruin Spain, it is ne-
cessary for us frankly to bestow lib-
erty. I believe that, if Cuba is little
fitted for independence, she deserves
to be something more than a mere
Spanish province, and that the horde
of bad officials, all from the Penin-
sula, ought not to come over ; finally,
in order to bring about normal con-
ditions, participation in the govern-
©f tbe Antilles. 15
ment should be given to the natives
of the country."
Immediately after his arrival, Mar-
tinez de Campos began active opera-
tions, at the same time adopting
" mild measures in spite of the desire
of certain elements unmindful of the
duties which civilization and human-
ity impose upon a regular govern-
ment. Thus passions were becoming
soothed, and minds prepared for
peace." '
On the 10th of February, 1878,
General Campos met, at El Zanj6n,
near Havana, some of the insurgent
leaders, and, after a brief conference,
accepted articles of capitulation which
were duly ratified by both sides, and
which provided, among other things,
that a general amnesty and pardon
should be granted to all insurgents,
as well as to deserters from the Span-
ish army, who should lay down their
1 Spanish- American Encyclopedia, article on
Martinez de Campos.
16 Che pearl
arms ; that persons under trial and
political prisoners, both within and
outside the Island, should beset free ;
thai slaves and Asiatic colonists then
in the insurrectionary ranks should
be granted freedom ; and that Cuba
was to enjoy " the same political
privileges, organic and administra-
tive, possessed by the (neighboring)
island of Puerto Rico" — the most
important of these being the right of
representation in the Spanish Cortes,
of which right, for forty years, Cuba
had been unjustly deprived.
The Island now became rapidly
pacified, in spite of a few lingering in-
surrectionary movements, and during
the succeeding sixteen years appeared
to enjoy comparative quiet and pro-
sperity. Sixty-four representatives
from Cuba sat in the Cortes at Mad-
rid, and, thanks to the united efforts
of disinterested Cubans and Span-
iards, laws were passed which gradu-
ally abolished slavery (total abolition
Qt tbe Antilles, n
was only accomplished by 1886), in-
sured a greater freedom of the press,
established the right of petition, and
guarded more carefully the liberty
of the individual.
The leading events of the present
Cuban insurrection, which began
three years and a half ago, being
sufficiently fresh in the public mind,
need not be mentioned in detail.
What has astonished the civilized
world is, that Spain, having, through
the wise policy of Campos, secured
an honorable peace, should not have
learned how to deal justly by her
colonists, nor to bind them in ever
increasing bonds of love and affec-
tion, but, on the contrary, discarding
the golden opportunity of sixteen
years' peace, should find herself con-
fronted by an insurrection marked
with such barbarity and so many
tragedies as to engage her at last in
a life-and-death struggle with the
United States.
i8 Cbe pearl
During the breathing space follow-
ing the peace of Zanj6n, the Cuban
element took an active part in the
government. The autonomist or
constitutional party, being in the
majority, secured considerable ame-
lioration in the condition of Cuba.
The spirit of the age compelled re-
forms : negro slavery and its abomin-
ations gradually disappeared ; and
nominally greater individual freedom
prevailed. But the incurable defects
always inseparable from the rule of
Spain quickly re-asserted themselves
and almost nullified the reforms ob-
tained at so great a sacrifice. Cor-
ruption, extortion, and abuses of
every sort flourished as of old. To
realize how fearful these have been,
one needs to examine carefully the
debates of the Spanish Parliament ;
to listen to the addresses delivered in
the Ateneo, the most learned soci-
ety of Madrid ; and to hear the admis-
sions and scathing denunciations of
©f tbe Bntilles. 19
the Queen Regent ; of prime minis-
ters and members of the Cortes
belonging to all parties ; and of
generals and distinguished civil of-
ficers who have spent many years in
Cuba.
The entire civil service of the is-
land has always been, with only a
few honorable exceptions, rotten to
the core. In an eloquent discourse,
delivered, on the 19th of January,
1895, before the Ateneo, the brilliant
Spanish writer, Eduardo Dolz, ex-
plains the utter insecurity of the
tenure of officials, who, knowing that
they are liable to be recalled at any
moment, engage in corrupt practices,
misappropriate public funds, and seek
to accumulate a fortune within the
briefest time possible. No responsi-
bility is exacted of these public serv-
ants, and far from being punished
for their misdeeds, they are fre-
quently promoted to higher and
more lucrative positions. He draws
m XLbc pearl
a dark picture of the hydra-headed
ramifications of official corruption,
which in the matter of customs alone
has defrauded the state of $200,000,-
000 within the space of twenty-four
years, — a sum very nearly sufficient
to have paid off the Cuban debt, to
have met current expenses, and to
have promoted the general welfare
and prosperity of the country.
General Pando, who has seen years
of hard service in Cuba, spoke, on
the 22d of March, 1890, in the Span-
ish House of Deputies, and bitterly
inveighed against the political turpi-
tude of Cuban administration. He
told of General Salamanca, who, hav-
ing long advocated, before the Senate
at Madrid, the cause of the colony,
was sent over to act as Governor-
General. By tremendous exertions,
and incurring the deadly enmity of
powerful cliques, the latter brought
a notorious forger and embezzler,
Oteiza, to justice and had him con-
Qt tbe Entitles. 21
demned to eighteen years' imprison-
ment in chains. The effort cost
Salamanca his life. Unable to cure
the leprosy of political corruption,
he died broken-hearted, after a brief
illness. His successors could not, or
would not, continue his good work.
Instances might be cited of powerful
criminals on whom sentence has been
suspended for a dozen years.
Another terrible evil of the Cuban
people, is the staggering load of
taxation and debt they have been
compelled to bear. If it be urged
that they are justly made to bear
these burdens because of insurrection,
how is it that the northern provinces
of Spain, so frequently rebelling
against the authority of Madrid, are
dealt with far more leniently ? How
is it that, during sixteen years of
uninterrupted peace (1878-1895), the
expenditures of Cuban administra-
tion were $210,000,000 heavier than
in the period of the exhausting Ten
32 Cbe pearl
I* War ; and the taxes were
iter by $150,000,000 ? Examin-
ing further the report, published
April 8, 1892, by M. C. Villa-Amil.
Superintendent of the Treasury of
Cuba, and supplemented by later
data from the royal Gazette of Mad-
rid, how does it happen that, in a
country the size of Pennsylvania,
and having a population of less than
two millions, a sum ($ 1 ,400,000,000)
should have been obtained by taxa-
tion between 1850 and 1895, which
is equal to the entire public debt of
the United States?
The galling nature of Cuban taxa-
tion can best be grasped by examin-
ing the Madrid Gaacta, the official
organ and journal of the Spanish
government. Thus, taking the issue
of April 8, 1892, we find excessive
crown dues, taxes on mines, urban
and rural real estate, and tribute on
commerce, arts, and professions.
In addition, there are import and ex-
©f tbe Antilles. 23
port duties, imposts on transportation
of merchandise, stamp taxes of every
conceivable sort, lotteries, monopo-
lies, charges on property for rent or
sale, and other exactions too numer-
ous to mention. The grand total
thus raised by taxation reached
$21,500,000, of which, in round
numbers, little more than $450,000
was spent on education and internal
improvements, 1 the rest being de-
voted to expenditures to meet the
Cuban debt and for the home gov-
ernment of Spain (which together
consumed over $10,000,000) ; war and
navy departments, $6,400,000 ; civil
administration and police, $3,200,-
000; cost of justice, $715,000; and
the encouragement of agriculture,
$568,000. Such the record in a year
of uninterrupted peace.
This glaring misappropriation of
the taxes wrung out of the Cuban
1 Exactly what General Campos complained of
in 1 878. See his letter to Canovas, already cited.
Che pearl
has been aggravated by
unjust commercial discrimination.
Thus, the duties on imports have
been so arranged that many articles
of textile manufacture are taxed
twenty times higher when imported
from foreign countries than when
brought from Spain.
The public debt of the Island had
grown, b)- the beginning of 1895, be-
fore the outbreak of the present in-
surrection, to the fabulous sum of
- >.ooo,ooo. It originated in 1864
through a simple issue of $3,000,000,
and kept on increasing at an alarm-
ing rate, although, from 1878 to June
30, 1 89 1. $115,336,304 were paid in
interest and redemption. 1 The debt
was incurred very largely on account
of the foolish and extravagant wars
which Spain chose to wage against
her former dependencies of Mexico,
Speed) 0! S< Castafieda, in Span-
i>h Senate. June 24, 1891. See also El Globo, of
Madrid, October 27, 1891.
Qt tbe Bnttllee. 25
Santo Domingo, Peru, and Chili.
The late Prime Minister, Canovas
del Castillo, endeavored to justify
placing these burdens upon Cuba by
referring to the terrible losses the
mother-country had suffered owing
to many disastrous wars, adding that
portions of the debt dated as far back
as the time of Charles V. and Philip
II., and that the Cubans ought to
bear their share of the national obli-
gations. 1
The contentions of Canovas, even
if granted as correct, might have
been accepted, had the Cubans not
been compelled to pay more than
their just proportion. But, in 1891,
the total national debt of Spain and
her dependencies is stated as $1,211,-
453,696. On this, the interest and
sinking fund were thus apportioned
between Spain and Cuba:
1 Reply of Senor D. Antonio Canovas del Cas-
tillo to Senor Jorrin, Spanish Senate, January
22, 1880.
2h Cbc pearl
To Spain S56,752,35S
To Cuba 10,435,183
Total 67,187,538
At the same time, the population
of Spain was 17,545,160, and of Cuba,
1,631,687. In other words, the mo-
ther-country paid only $3.23 per
capita, while the colony gave $6.39,
or about double.'
The apologists of Spain have said
much about the admirable self-gov-
ernment of Cuba, which they main-
tain is superior to the home rule
enjoyed by Canada. The subject
deserves investigation. Immediately
after the close of the Ten Years' War
the Cuban element controlled the
elections, and obtained, as has al-
ready been shown, several important
reforms. But before long matters
were so manipulated that a majority
1 The Island of Cuba, by A. S. Rowan and
If. M. Ramsey, p. 143, and Cuba, Justification
de su Guerra </<• Independenda, por R. M.
Mcrchan.
Qt tbe Bntflles. 27
of the delegates sent to represent
Cuba in the Parliament at Madrid
were peninsular Spaniards, or, if
Cubans, adherents of the dominant
party of Spain.
The peculiar workings of the laws
relating to suffrage have been ex-
haustively exposed by the gifted
Cuban writer, Enrique Jos6 Varona.'
In order to reduce the number of
voters and increase the preponder-
ance of the peninsular Spaniards, who
constitute only nine per cent, of the
population, a very high property
qualification was exacted which dis-
qualified the Cuban planters, already
impoverished by the exhausting Ten
Years' War. Thus, it happened that
53,000 out of 1,600,000 inhabitants
enjoyed the right of voting. Every
advantage has been accorded to
wealthy capitalists, merchants, plant-
ers, and commercial houses, while
' See his treatise, Cuba contra Espafia (" Cuba
against Spain ").
28 Cbe pearl
landholders of limited means have
been required to pay $25 for the
poor privilege <>f voting. The sim-
ple affirmation of business firms has
been sufficient to include all their
employees as partners, with the right
to vote subject to their masters' dic-
tation. Worse yet, a commission
appointed by the Governor-General
revised the lists of electors. An ap-
peal to the higher court (Audicncia)
of a district would avail little. One
thousand duly qualified liberal elect-
ors of the Province of Santa Clara
found, in 1892, their claims rejected
" for the simple omission to state
their names at the end of the docu-
ment presented by the elector who
headed the claim."
" It will be easily understood now
why on some occasions the Cuban
representation in the Spanish Parlia-
ment has been made up of only three
deputies, and in the most favorable
epochs the number of Cuban re-
Of tbe Bntlllea. 29
presentatives has not exceeded six.
Three deputies in a body of four
hundred and thirty members ! The
genuine representation of Cuba has
not reached sometimes 0.96 per cent,
of the total number of members of
the Spanish Congress. The great
majority of the Cuban deputation
has always consisted of Spanish Pen-
insulars. In this manner, the min-
isters of ' Ultramar ' (ministers of
the Colonies), whenever they have
thought necessary to give an honest
or decent appearance to their legisla-
tive acts by an alleged majority of
Cuban votes, could always command
the latter, that is, the Peninsulars.
" As regards the representation in
the Senate, the operation has been
more simple still. The qualifications
required to be a Senator have proved
to be an almost absolute prohibition
to the Cubans. In fact, to take a
seat in the higher house, it is neces-
sary to have been president of that
3o Gbe pearl
body or of Congress, or a minister of
the crown, or a bishop, or a grandee
of Spain, a lieutenant-general, a vice-
admiral, ambassador, minister pleni-
potentiary, counsellor of state, judge
or attorney-general of the Supreme
Court, of the Court of Accounts, etc.
No Cuban has ever filled any of the
above positions, and scarcely two or
three are grandees. The only nat-
ives of Cuba who can be senators
are those who have been deputies in
three different Congresses, or who
are professors and have held for four
years a university chair, provided
that they have an income of $1500;
or those who have a title of nobility,
or have been deputies, or mayors in
towns of over 20,000 inhabitants, if
they have in addition an income of
$4000 or pay a direct contribution
of $800 to the Treasury. This will
increase in one or two dozen the
number of Cubans qualified to be
senators.
©t tbe Bntilles. 31
" In this manner has legislative
work, as far as Cuba is concerned,
turned out to be a farce. The various
governments have legislated for the
island as they pleased. The repre-
sentatives of the peninsular provinces
did not even take the trouble of at-
tending the sessions of the Cortes
when Cuban affairs were to be dealt
with ; and there was an instance
when the estimates (budget) for the
Great Antille were discussed in the
presence of less than thirty deputies,
and a single one of the ministers, the
minister of 'Ultramar' (Colonies)
(session of April 3, 1880).
"As may be seen, the crafty
policy of Spain has closed every
avenue through which redress might
be obtained. All the powers are
centred in the government at Mad-
rid and its delegates in the Colony ;
and, in order to give her despotism a
slight varnish of a representative re-
gime, she has contrived with her
32 Gbc pearl
laws to secure complaisant majorities
in the pseudo-elective bodies.
"To accomplish this purpose she
has relied upon the European immi-
grants, who have always supported
the government of the Metropolis in
exchange for lasting privileges.
" How far the resident Spaniards
monopolize the electoral franchise is
shown by the single fact that, al-
though in every ioo of the popula-
tion there are only 10 Spaniards as
against 90 Cubans, for every re-
presentative elected by the Cubans
the Spaniards elect at least 7 and
sometimes 10. In other words, the
1,450,000 Cubans are represented,
when most successful, by 7 deputies,
and sometimes by only 3, while the
160.000 Spaniards residing in the
island have been represented by 23
deputies and sometimes by as many
as 27, the total number being 40.
Such facts need no commentary." l
1 The above extracts from Varona's work
Ot tbe Bnttlles. 33
This terrible indictment is con-
firmed by El Pais of Havana, the
official organ of the autonomist party,
often persecuted by the Spanish
authorities, yet always loyal to the
sovereign of Spain. In its issue of
February 4, 1891, El Pais, speaking
of the electoral and representative
system, says :
" So much is certain : the represent-
ative system is here (in Cuba) a
wretched farce, a centre of infection,
an opportunity to use the system
shamelessly and without fear of
punishment as a stepping-stone for
the satisfaction of vulgar ambition.
Wherefore speak of the will of the
electoral body, a body that is prosti-
tuted and a will that is abject?
Parties which do not care to display,
by their actions, genuine respect for
the natural exigencies and the pro-
can be found in Cuba, by Fidel G. Pierra, ex-
Secretary of the Pan-American Congress, pp.
23-25.
3
34 Gbc pearl
per conditions of the representative
system, do not deserve to live.
With insults to public law and con-
science such as have occurred in the
district of Punta y Colon, every
honest breast will feel invincible re-
puguance to electoral gatherings
converted into depositaries of filth,
and into dens of felons ; and thus
the representation of the country
will fall into impure hands, and serve
merely to advance promiscuous and
rapacious adventurers."
Less than a month after the gifted
young Cuban poet, Jos6 Marti, had
raised the standard of revolt, the
Spanish Cortes passed a law which,
in a measure, reformed the methods
of representation and voting, but did
not strike at the root of the abuses
just enumerated. Self-government,
as the term is understood in Canada
and Australia, has never existed in
Cuba, nor can it flourish there so
long as the island is ruled by a na-
Of tbe Bntilles. 35
tion like Spain, which is wedded to
medieval habits of thought and ad-
ministration. The so-called plans of
autonomy, including the decree of
Sagasta, which is by far the most
liberal, strike only at the surface of
the cancer which is eating away the
vitality of Cuba. The insular cham-
bers at Havana are a parliament only
in name. They possess no real legis-
lative power. There are no inde-
pendent and free courts of justice.
The authority of the Captain-Gen-
eral remains paramount. He and his
irresponsible civil and military satel-
lites may still suspend every consti-
tutional guarantee. 1
Irresponsible, despotic rule, stag-
gering debt and taxation, unblushing
corruption of every kind, these are
startling and terrible evils, but they
fail to reveal the darkest portion of
the picture. That which casts such a
1 See Appendix for a summary of Sagasta's
decree of autonomy.
3<> Cbe pearl
deep gloom of tragedy over wretched
Cuba, is the utter miscarriage of jus-
tice, and the failure to protect life
and punish criminals. On this sub-
ject, Seflor Varona says, in his cele-
brated work, Cuba against Spain :
" Personal security is a myth
among us. Outlaws, as well as men
of law, have disposed at will of the
property, the peace, and the life of
the inhabitants of Cuba. The civil
guard (armed police), far from being
the guardians, have been the terror
of the Cuban peasants. Wherever
they pass they cause an alarm by
the brutal ill-treatment to which they
subject the inhabitants, who, in many
cases, fly from their homes at their
approach. Under the most trifling
pretext they beat unmercifully the
defenceless countrymen, and very
frequently they have killed those
they were conveying under arrest.
These outrages became so notorious,
that the commander-in-chief of the
Ot tbe Bntitles. 37
civil guard, Brigadier-General Denis,
had to issue a circular, in which he
declared that his subordinates " un-
der pretext of obtaining confidential
information, resorted to violent meas-
ures," and that " the cases are very-
frequent in which individuals ar-
rested by forces of the corps attempt
to escape, and keepers find them-
selves in the necessity of making use
of their weapons." What the above
declarations signify is evident, not-
withstanding the euphemisms of the
official language. The object of this
circular was to put a stop to these
excesses; it bears the date of 1883.
But the state of things continued
the same. In 1886 the watering
place of Madruga, one of the most
frequented summer resorts in the
island, witnessed the outrageous at-
tacks of Lieutenant Sainz. In 1887
occurred the stirring trial of the " com-
ponte," occasioned by the applica-
tion of torture to the brothers Aruca,
Cbc peart
and within a few clays in the neigh-
borhood of Havana were recorded
the cases of Seflor Riveron, who was
stabbed in Govea by individuals of
the public force; of Don Manuel
Martinez Moran and Don Francisco
Gelanena, who were beaten, the
former in Calabazar, and the latter
in Yaguajay ; of Don Jos£ Felipe
Canosa, who narrowly escaped being
murdered in San Nicholas, and of a
resident of Ceiba Mocha, whom the
civil guards drove from his home.
"This was far from the worst. In
the very centre of Havana, in the
Camp de Marte, a prisoner was killed
by his guards, and the shooting at
Amarillas and murders at Puentes
Grandes and Alquizar are deeds of
woful fame in the country. The
administration of General Prender-
gast has left a sorrowful recollection
for the frequency with which prison-
ers who attempted to escape were
shot down.
Qt tbe Bntilles. 39
" The deportations for political
offences have not been discontinued
in Cuba, and although it is stated
that no executions for political of-
fences have taken place since 1878, it
is because the government has re-
sorted to the more simple expedient
of assassination. General Polavieja
has declared with the utmost cool-
ness that in December, 1880, he had
265 persons seized in Cuba, Palma,
San Luis, Songo, Guantanamo, and
Sagua de Tanamo, and transported
the same day and the same hour to the
African island of Fernando Poo. At
the close of the insurrection of 1879
-1880, it was a frequent occurrence
for the government to send to the
penal colonies of Africa the Cubans
who had capitulated. The treachery
of which General Jose Maceo was a
victim carries us to the darkest times
of the war of Flanders and the con-
quest of America.
" Cuba recalls with horror the
40 Cbe pearl
dreadful assassination of Brigadier-
General Arcadio Leytc Vidal, perpe-
trated in the bay of Nipe in Septem-
ber of 1879. War had just broken
out anew in the Eastern Department.
Brigadier-General Leyte Vidal re-
sided in Mayari, assured by the
solemn promise of the Spanish com-
mander-in-chief of that zone that he
would not be molested. One month
had elapsed since the uprising, how-
ever, when having gone to Nipe, he
was invited by the commander of
the gunboat Alarma to take dinner
on board. Leyte Vidal went on
board the gunboat, but never re-
turned. He was strangled in a boat
by three sailors, and his corpse cast
into the sea. This villainous deed
was committed in compliance with
an order from the Spanish General
Polavieja. Francisco Leyte Vidal, a
cousin to Arcadio, miraculously es-
caped the same tragic fate.
"The mysterious death of Cubans
©f tbe Bnttlleg. 41
who had capitulated long before have
been frequent in Cuba. To one of
these deaths was due the uprising of
Tunas de Bayamo in 1879." '
How much, during sixteen years
of peace, personal security has been
a myth among the Cubans is illus-
trated by one of the most atrocious
political assassinations which has ever
disgraced the regime of Spain. The
crime occurred twenty-one miles
south of Havana, on the night of the
6th of August, 1888. The newspaper,
El Pais, edited and controlled by the
autonomists who are now prominent
members of Blanco's cabinet, pub-
lished very full details of this crimi-
nal conspiracy.
Santiago de las Vegas and Bejucal
are two towns of considerable size,
situated some six to ten miles apart.
In the former, the Cuban population
1 The translations of these extracts from Va-
rona's Cuba contra Espaita, are taken from
Fidel G. Pierra's Cuba.
42 tfbe pearl
predominates. A number of the
highest society of this place had
been invited to attend a ball in
Bejucal. Mysterious rumors and
threats against the lives of several
distinguished persons were circulated
some days before. On the evening
of the ball, the carriage containing
the ladies invited had gone half the
journey, when they were suddenly
confronted, at a spot admirably
adapted for an ambuscade, by ninety
armed ruffians, conveniently ar-
ranged in groups of ten or fifteen.
The lucky accident that a lady of
the party was a friend of one of the
conspirators deterred them from at-
tacking the defenceless women, who
were allowed to go on, though
grossly insulted and termed prosti-
tutes. Following the ladies, came a
carriage having twenty-four occu-
pants, most of them youths of seven-
teen to twenty years. The prey so
impatiently waited for was entrapped.
©f tbe Antilles. 43
The assassins hidden in the brush
fired a number of rapid volleys at
the carriage, which fortunately had
iron sides, otherwise the slaughter
would have been awful. As it was,
one young Cuban was killed and two
wounded, one of them mortally.
Satisfied with their work, the assail-
lants went off exultant. Although
the authorities of Santiago de las
Vegas had been fully cognizant
of what was going to happen,
not the slightest precautions were
adopted, the police were absent, the
military commander could not be
found, the mayor and municipal
judge had disappeared, and troops
were not to be seen.
After the crime had been com-
mitted, all this lack of vigilance was
changed, because the authorities were
apprehensive that the enraged citi-
zens would rise in revolt. Santiago
de las Vegas resembled a besieged
city. Large bodies of soldiers and
u Che pearl
police patrolled the streets. Every
step was taken to forestall an insur-
rection, but the perpetrators of a
crime which, in the burning language
of the autonomist organ, El Pais,
" makes one's blood boil," were
never brought to justice. As this
journal truly wrote, addressing the
Governor of Havana : " May the
Civil Governor hearken to our sup-
plication ; we do not to-day request
either autonomy, or liberty, or self-
government, or houses of congress ;
but simply individual security, the
protection of our lives and property.
This is the least that could be
petitioned of the commander of
an invading army in a conquered
country."
Enough has been said to illustrate
the grinding tyranny that has con-
verted Cuba's beautiful land into a
desolate wilderness. " But after all,"
certain journals object, " to get rid
of Spanish domination will only
©f tbe Bntllles. 45
result in substituting the arbitrary
sway of some native dictator for the
despotism of the Queen Regent."
On what is this assumption based ?
Can it be fortified by reference to the
worst misruled republics of South
America, such as Venezuela? In
all the years the writer has spent as
a close student of South American
history, he has failed to find a con-
dition of affairs as intolerable as that
of Cuba. The two most monstrous
native tyrants of Latin America
were Lopez, of Paraguay, and Rosas,
of Argentina. To them cold-blooded
slaughter was as child's play. They
hounded down their political oppon-
ents and inaugurated, during twenty-
five years, a reign of terror. Yet
even they were humane compared
to Weyler, whose " brutal and stupid
policy" the better class of Spaniards
themselves denounce. They did
not gather the rural non-combatants,
tender children, helpless women,
Cbe pearl
feeble old men into crowded, un-
wholesome quarters in towns, there
sl<»\vly to die of disease and starva-
tion.
That, since their independence,
Mexico, Central and South America
have been convulsed with revolution
and anarchy, cannot be denied ;
nevertheless, the trend of their
destiny and aspirations has ever
been upward. In enlightenment
and progress, Mexico has advanced
by leaps and bounds. In Chili and
Columbia, orderly self-government
is becoming firmly rooted. In the
Argentine Republic millions of dol-
lars have been spent on immigration
and education, and, for thirty years,
the public school and kindergarten
systems of the United States have
been extensively introduced, even
to the most remote districts.
There is no reason why, under the
guidance of America, the Cubans,
once given a fair chance, should not
©f tbe Hntilles. 47
establish a decent and stable govern-
ment. The negroes, a possible source
of danger, are decreasing year by
year, and now constitute not more
than one fourth of the population.
One of the most difficult obstacles to
progress in South America, namely,
millions of wild Indians, does not
exist in Cuba. Under extreme pro-
vocation, the Cubans have proved
their law-abiding spirit, and in the
sixteen years following the peace of
El Zanj6n, exhausted every consti-
tutional expedient to correct abuses.
As regards intelligence and virtues,
it is the opinion of the Spanish
Deputy, Castaneda, that the lowest
peasants of Cuba are as fully capa-
ble of using their political rights
properly as are their Spanish breth-
ren.
It seems to be forgotten that the
afflictions of Cuba have compelled
her most illustrious children to wan-
der, during seventy-five years, over
r (Tbe pearl
the civilized world, where, in the lands
<>f their adoption, they have rendered
important political services, and
adorned literature, history, econom-
ics, sociology, music, art, and science.
The most enlightened Spaniards
freely concede the genius and en-
dowment of the Cuban people. In
Madrid and the principal cities of
Spain, the dramas of a woman,
Cuba's greatest poetess, Gertrudis
Gomez de Avellaneda, have been re-
peatedly performed before crowded
and enthusiastic houses. 1
Thus disciplined, thus instructed
by adversity and exile, while the
' In Spanish Rule- in Cuba (authorized trans-
lation), and Xnv Constitutional La-cs for the
Island of Cuba, iSgj, both documents being
published by authority of the Spanish govern-
ment, tribute is paid to the great and brilliant
array of Cubans who have distinguished them-
selves in every branch of art, literature, music,
history, science, and medicine. The truth con-
cerning the remarkable development of this
people, under the most adverse circumstances,
remains yet to be revealed.
©f tbe Bnttlles. 49
Cubans may, through inexperience,
at first make mistakes, they will not
prove themselves unworthy of their
dearly bought liberty.
No careful observer of the events
of the last thirty years can have
failed to see, without increasing mis-
givings, into what dangers and com-
plications the Cuban problem must
lead the United States. The fires
lighted by two formidable and inter-
minable insurrections in Cuba have
endangered American lives, liberty,
and property (amounting to millions
of dollars).
Worse than the extensive loss to
commerce has been the fact, as
pointed out by President McKinley
in his special message, dated April
11, 1898, that " the temper and for-
bearance of our people have been so
severely tried as to beget a perilous
unrest among our own citizens,"
thus causing them to pay attention
to the affairs of a foreign nation to
Cbe penrl
the detriment of their own. Our
government might expend millions
to enforce neutrality, place our navy
OB .1 semi-war footing, and vigilantly
cause our coast lines, thousands of
miles in extent, to be patrolled ; yet,
the spirit of seventy million freemen
could not be suppressed : they would
have been false to their own tradi-
tions if they had not shown sympa-
thy and given moral support to a
brave, patriotic, and heroic people
who were defending life, liberty, and
honor against overwhelming odds.
Hence the success of the many
filibustering expeditions which, in
defiance of international law, have
furnished the Cuban insurgents
with the means of continuing their
struggle.
The wonder is, not that war should
exist between the United States and
Spain, but that the inevitable con-
flict should have been delayed so
long. Twenty-five years ago, the
©f tbe Entitles. 51
tragedy of the Virginius almost pre-
cipitated an armed clash. More re-
cently, the brutal murder of Dr.
Ricardo Ruiz, an American citizen,
who, towards the close of February,
1897, was arrested on a false charge,
and, at the end of three hundred and
fifteen hours of solitary confinement
in a Cuban jail, was found dead and
frightfully mangled, would assuredly
have led to hostilities, had not Mr.
Cleveland's firmness, and his desire
not to embarrass Mr. McKinley,
about to become President, re-
strained the just indignation of the
American people. The case of Dr.
Ruiz was peculiarly atrocious, as the
arbitrary military officials who caused
his arrest and death violated not
only the treaty obligations of Spain,
but even the following guarantees of
her municipal law :
" Under the constitution no in-
habitant of Cuba may be arrested
except in the cases and in the man-
52 Zbe pearl
ner prescribed by law. Within 24
hours of the arrest the prisoner must
be discharged or surrendered to the
judicial authorities ; thereupon a
judge having jurisdiction must,
within 72 hours, either order the dis-
charge of the prisoner or order his
commitment to jail. Within the
same limit of time the prisoner must
be informed of the decision in his
case. (Art. IV. of the Constitution.)
" No Spaniard, and consequently
no Cuban, may be committed ex-
cept upon the warrant of a judge
having jurisdiction. Within 72 hours
of the commitment the prisoner must
be granted a hearing, and the war-
rant of commitment either sustained
or quashed." (Art. V.) — Spanish
Rult in Cuba: "Laws Governing
the Island." Authorized transla-
tion, p. 18.
The carnival of blood inaugurated
by Weyler, and sanctioned by his
superior, the late Canovas, was so aw-
©t tbe Hntilles. 53
ful and unparalleled, the slow starv-
ing of hundreds of thousands of
wretched reconcentrados so appall-
ing, the massacre of wounded Cu-
bans in hospitals so incredible, that
the American nation refused to be-
lieve the reports, which they regarded
as the gross exaggerations of rabid
and sensational newspapers. The
country was deeply stirred when
President McKinley requested Con-
gress to appropriate $50,000 in order
to rescue several thousand inoffen-
sive Americans who were starving in
Cuba. Nevertheless, so great was
our forbearance, that, the reactionary
Canovas having been killed by an
anarchist, and the Liberal party
having gained the ascendency, we
desired Spain to have ample oppor-
tunity to prove the efficacy of recall-
ing Weyler, adopting a policy of
conciliation, and offering Cuba more
extensive reforms. Although Blanco
proved to be a far better ruler than
54 Cbe pearl
Weyier, the insurrection continued
with all its desolation. At Christ-
mas, President McKinley, having won
the co-operation of Sagasta and the
Spanish Cabinet, issued an appeal to
the American people, calling upon
them to contribute money, food,
clothing, and medicine for the relief
of the perishing non-combatants of
the island. How nobly America re-
sponded need not be told. The
splendid efforts of Clara Barton, the
Red Cross Society, and Consul-Gen-
eral Lee produced some ameliora-
tion, but so wide-spread was the
destitution, that what they accom-
plished was like using a bucket
of water for extinguishing a large
conflagration. In the midst of this
work of peaceful philanthropy came,
on the night of February 15th, the
terrific explosion of the United States
battleship Maine, in the harbor of
Havana, whither, by invitation of the
Madrid government, she had repaired
©f tbe Hnttlles. 55
on a friendly visit. Two hundred
and fifty-eight men and two officers
were killed, and many other marines
wounded. The Americans displayed,
in their hour of mourning, calmness,
dignity, and self-restraint. They
firmly refused to pass judgment, but
patiently waited until a board of
naval experts, after a painstaking
examination which extended over a
month, rendered the verdict that the
vessel had been blown up by exter-
nal agency, though who were the per-
petrators could not be discovered.
Regarding this catastrophe, Presi-
dent McKinley says :
" In any event the destruction of
the Maine, by whatever exterior
cause, is a patent and impressive
proof of a state of things in Cuba
that is intolerable. That condition
is thus shown to be such that the
Spanish government cannot assure
safety and security to a vessel of the
American navy in the harbor of Ha-
56 rjbe peacl
vana on amission of peace and right-
fully there." — Special Message, April
ii, 1898.
The appalling explosion of the
Maine naturally aroused a feeling of
deep resentment ; nevertheless, there
was a strong undercurrent in favor of
submitting the question of responsi-
bility and indemnity to an interna-
tional tribunal of arbitration. But
what about the revolting stories of
Cuban outrages? Were they true,
or had the press indulged in wild
exaggeration for the sake of money-
making sensationalism ? No sophis-
try that it did not concern the United
States whether such outrages had
been committed, would satisfy the
American people. Senator Proctor,
of Vermont, who had been a member
of Ex-President Harrison's Cabinet,
and is a trusted friend of President
McKinley, felt that the people were
right, and determined to go to Cuba
and investigate for himself. The re-
Ot tbe Antilles. 57
suit of careful inquiries and personal
observation proved to him that the
indescribably frightful state of affairs
could not be exaggerated. After he
had returned to Washington he de-
livered, on the 17th of March, in the
Senate, a speech on Cuba which at-
tracted the attention of the entire
country. A man of ripe judgment,
and devoid of the fervid eloquence of
his colleague, Senator Thurston, of
Nebraska, who spoke, a week later,
on the same subject, his calm, dispas-
sionate address carried conviction.
Among other things he said :
" Of the hospitals I need not
speak. Others have described their
condition far better than I can. It
is not within the narrow limits of my
vocabulary to portray it. I went to
Cuba with a strong conviction that
the picture had been overdrawn ;
that a few cases of starvation and
suffering had inspired and stimulated
the press correspondents, and they
58 ftbc pearl
had given free play to a strong,
natural, and highly cultivated imag-
ination.
" Before starting I received through
the mail a leaflet published by the
Christian Herald, with cuts of some
of the sick and starving reconcen-
trados, and took it with me, think-
ing these rare specimens, got up to
make the worst possible showing. I
saw plenty as bad, and worse ; many
that should not be photographed and
shown. I could not believe that, out
of a population of 1,600,000, 200,000
had died within the Spanish forts —
practically prison walls — within a few
months past, from actual starvation
and diseases caused by insufficient
and improper food.
" My inquiries were entirely out-
side of sensation sources. They were
made of our medical officers, of our
consuls, of city alcaldes (mayors), of
relief committees, of leading mer-
chants and bankers, physicians and
©t tbe Snttlles, 59
lawyers. Several of my informants
were Spanish born, but every time
the answer was that the case had not
been overstated. What I saw I can-
not tell so others can see it. It must
be seen with one's own eyes to be
realized. The Los Pasos Hospital,
in Havana, I saw, when four hundred
women and children were lying on
the stone floors in an indescribable
state of emaciation and disease, many
with the scantiest covering of rags —
and such rags ! Sick children, naked
as they came into the world. And
the conditions in the other cities are
even worse."
Speaking of the relief extended
through Miss Clara Barton and
American consular officers, Senator
Proctor adds :
" When will the need for this help
end ? Not until peace comes and
the reconcentrados can go back to
their country, rebuild their homes,
reclaim their tillage plots, which
6o Gbc pearl
quickly run up to brush in that won-
derful soil and clime, and until they
can be free from danger of molesta-
tion in so doing. Until then, the
American people must, in the main,
care for them. It is true that the
alcaldes, other local authorities and
relief committees are now trying to
do something, and desire, I believe,
to do the best they can, but the pro-
blem is beyond their means and ca-
pacity and the work is one to which
they are not accustomed.
" Gen. Blanco's order of Nov. 13th
last somewhat modifies the Weyler
order, but is of little or no practical
benefit. Its execution is completely
in the discretion of the local military
authorities, and though the order
was issued four months ago, I saw no
beneficent results from it worth men-
tioning. I do not impugn Gen. Blan-
co's motives, and believe him to be
an amiable gentleman, and that he
would be glad to relieve the situa-
©f tbe Snttlles. 61
tion of the reconcentrados if he could
do so without loss of any military
advantage, but he knows that all
Cubans are insurgents at heart, and
none now under military control
will be allowed to go from under
it."
Summing up, the Senator con-
cludes as follows :
" The dividing lines between par-
ties are the most straight and clear-
cut that have ever come to my
knowledge. It is Cuban against
Spaniard. It is practically the entire
Cuban population on one side and
the Spanish army and Spanish citi-
zens on the other. I do not count
the autonomists in this division, as
they are so far too inconsiderable in
numbers to be worth counting. Gen.
Blanco filled the civil offices with men
who had been autonomists and were
still classed as such. But the march
of events had satisfied most of them
that the chance for autonomy came
Gbc pearl
too late. It falls as talk of compro-
mise would have fallen in the last
year or two of our war. If it stands,
it can only be by armed force ; but
triumph of the Spanish army and the
success of the Spanish arms would be
easier by Weyler's policy and method,
for in that the Spanish army and peo-
ple believe. The army and the Span-
ish citizens do not want genuine
autonomy, for that means govern-
ment by the Cuban people. And it
is not strange that the Cubans say it
comes too late. I inquired in regard
to autonomy, of men of wealth and
men as prominent in business as any
in the cities of Havana, Matanzas,
and Sagua, bankers, merchants, law-
yers, and autonomist officials, some
of them Spanish born but Cuban
bred, one prominent Englishman,
several of them known as autonom-
ists, and several of them telling me
they were still believers in autonomy
if practicable, but, without exception,
01 tbe Antilles. 63
they all replied that it was ' too
late ' for that.
" Some favored a United States
protectorate, some annexation, some
free Cuba. Not one has been
counted favoring the insurrection at
first. They were business men, and
wanted peace, but said it was too late
for peace under Spanish sovereignty.
They characterized Weyler's order
in far stronger terms than I can. I
could not but conclude that you do
not have to scratch an autonomist
very deep to find a Spaniard.
" I have endeavored to state in no
intemperate mood what I saw and
heard, and to make no argument
thereon, but leave every one to draw
his own conclusions. To me the
strongest appeal is not the barbarity
practised by Weyler, nor the loss of
the Maine, if our worst fears should
prove true, terrible as are both of
these incidents, but the spectacle of
a million and a half of people, the
64 Cbe pearl
entire native population of Cuba,
struggling for freedom and deliver-
ance from the worst misgovernment
of which I ever had knowledge.
" But whether our action ought to
be influenced by any one or all these
things, and if so, how far, is another
question. I am not in favor of an-
nexation, not because I would ap-
prehend any particular trouble from
it, but because it is not wise policy
to take in any entire people of for-
eign tongue and training and with-
out any strong guiding American
element.
" The fear that, if free, the people
of Cuba would be revolutionary is
not so well founded as has been
supposed, and the conditions for
good self-government are far more
favorable. The large number of ed-
ucated and patriotic men, the great
sacrifices they have endured, the
peaceable temperament of the peo-
ple, whites and blacks, the wonderful
©f tbe antWes. 65
prosperity that would surely come
with peace and good home rule, the
large influx of Americans and Eng-
lish, immigration and money, would
all be strong factors for stable insti-
tutions.
" But it is not my purpose at this
time, nor do I consider it my pro-
vince, to suggest any plan. I merely
speak of the symptoms as I saw them,
but do not undertake to prescribe.
Such remedial steps as may be re-
quired may safely be left to an
American President and the Ameri-
can people."
What Senator Proctor stated in re-
gard to the failure of autonomy had
long become the conviction of those
who had most closely studied the
Cuban problem. The welfare of
Spain, as well as of Cuba, demanded
that the island should be free and in-
dependent. It thus became the duty
of the President of the United States
to bend all diplomatic efforts to this
66 Zbe pearl
end, and remove the great source of
the chronic insurrections whose dis-
astrous effects endangered the peace
and security of our country. But
those who were most intimate with
the intricacies of Spanish politics
knew that Spain would never sur-
render her control over Cuba except
through force of arms. If Cuba were
ever to be contented, happy, and
free, it must be through the armed
intervention of some foreign power,
and that power could be none other
than the United States, who, by for-
bidding European interference in the
Western Hemisphere, had pledged
herself to vindicate there the rights
of humanity. The time had come
which President Grant foresaw in
1875, and of which Mr. Cleveland,
in his masterly annual message to
Congress (December, 1896), declared :
" When the inability of Spain to
deal successfully with the insurrec-
tion has become manifest and it is
©r tbe BntUles. 67
demonstrated that her sovereignty
is extinct in Cuba for all purposes of
its rightful existence, and when a
hopeless struggle for its re-establish-
ment has degenerated into a strife
which means nothing more than the
useless sacrifice of human life and
the utter destruction of that very
subject matter of the conflict, a situ-
ation will be presented in which our
obligations to the sovereignty of
Spain will be superseded by higher
obligations which we can hardly hesi-
tate to recognize and discharge."
On the nth of April, President
McKinley sent to Congress a special
message, in which he carefully re-
viewed the Cuban situation, reported
the failure of negotiations to produce
an adjustment honorable to Cuba
and conducive to the best interests
of the United States, and recom-
mended that he be empowered to
employ, if necessary, the military and
naval forces to establish a proper
68 Che pearl
and stable government in Cuba. The
reasons for intervention are thus co-
gently stated :
" First, in the cause of humanity
and to put an end to the barbarities,
bloodshed, starvation and horrible
miseries now existing there, and
which the parties to the conflict are
either unable or unwilling to stop or
mitigate. It is no answer to say this
is all in another country belonging
to another nation, and is therefore
none of our business. It is specially
our duty, for it is right at our door.
" Second, we owe it to our citizens
in Cuba to afford them that protec-
tion and indemnity for life and pro-
perty which no government there
can, or will, afford, and to that end
to terminate the conditions that de-
prive them of legal protection.
" Third, the right to intervene may
be justified by the very serious in-
jury to the commerce, trade, and
business of our people, and by the
Ot tbe Bntllles. 69
wanton destruction of property and
devastation of the island.
" Fourth, and which is of the ut-
most importance. The present con-
dition of affairs of Cuba is a constant
menace to our peace, and entails
upon this government an enormous
expense. With such a conflict waged
for years in an island so near us and
with which our people have such
trade and business relations ; where
the lives and liberty of our citizens
are in constant danger and their
property destroyed and themselves
ruined ; where our trading vessels are
liable to seizure and are seized at
our very door, by warships of the
foreign nation, the expeditions of
filibustering that we are powerless
altogether to prevent, and the irri-
tating questions and entanglements
thus arising ; all these and others that
I need not mention, with the result-
ing strained relations, are a constant
menace to our peace and compel us
70 Zbc pearl
to keep on a semi-war footing with
a war nation with which we are at
peace."
Together with his message, Mr.
McKinlcy submitted the reports of
General Lee and other United States
consuls stationed in various parts of
Cuba. Their exact and carefully
prepared statements removed the
last lingering doubts as to the real-
ity of the suffering, wretchedness,
and torture endured by the reeon-
centrados, of whom fully 200,000
had perished. That the American
nation could no longer tolerate such
barbarities was a foregone conclusion.
To be sure, Captain-General Blanco
had just revoked completely Wey-
ler's reconcentration decree, and had
even promised to assist the feeble
survivors to return to their farms,
but, with guerrillas liable to attack
them at any moment, of what avail
was this concession ? The Spanish
government empowered General
®f tbe Antilles. 71
Blanco to suspend hostilities, enter
into an armistice with the insurgents,
and offer still broader terms of au-
tonomy or home rule. The insur-
rectionists rejected the proposals, for
the good reason that they dared not
trust a nation like Spain, which had
so often failed to keep its promises.
They were no more to be blamed for
their decision than were the Ameri-
can colonists, when, in 1778, they re-
jected the proposals of Lord North,
who, in the name of George III.,
offered them everything except in-
dependence.
That war between Spain and the
United States was inevitable grew
daily more evident, in spite of the
friendly offers of the European Pow-
ers and of the Pope to mediate.
On the 19th of April, the anni-
versary of Concord and Lexington,
where, one hundred and twenty-three
years ago, the first battle for Ameri-
can independence had been fought,
72 Cbe pearl
Congress passed its celebrated Cuban
resolutions, which were duly signed
by the President. They read as
follows:
" Resolved, By the Senate and
the House of Representatives of the
United States of America, in Con-
gress assembled —
''First — That the people of the
Island of Cuba are, and of right
ought to be, free and independent.
" Second — That it is the duty of
the United States to demand, and
the Government of the United States
does hereby demand, that the Gov-
ernment of Spain at once relinquish
its authority and government in the
Island of Cuba and withdraw its land
and naval forces from Cuba and
Cuban waters.
" Third — That the President of
the United States be, and he hereby
is, directed and empowered to use
the entire land and naval forces of
the United States, and to call into
($>t tbe Bntillee. 73
the actual service of the United
States the militia of the several States
to such extent as may be necessary
to carry these resolutions into effect.
" Fourth — That the United States
hereby disclaims any disposition or
intention to exercise sovereignty,
jurisdiction or control over said is-
land, except for the pacification there-
of, and asserts its determination,
when that is accomplished, to leave
the government and control of the
island to its people."
Immediately after the resolutions
became a law, the President sent
them to Madrid, with an ultimatum
that, if, by noon, April 23d, a satis-
factory reply were not received from
the Spanish government, he would
proceed to carry them into effect.
Prime Minister Sagasta, knowing al-
ready their nature, did not allow
our Ambassador, Mr. Woodford, an
opportunity to present them, but de-
livered to him his passports. Diplo-
7i Gbc pearl
matlC relations were thus completely
broken off, and war was declared
(April 21 i. The United States pre-
pared to fulfil its mission for the
liberation of Cuba.
The consequences of the war will
indeed be far-reaching. The United
States have already abundantly
proved their military and naval prow-
ess, but the crucial test will be, what
use they will make of their victories.
If they are misled, and join the Pow-
ers of Europe in the lust of ter-
ritorial, colonial, and commercial
extension, their decadence will surely
set in. If, however, they remain true
to the traditions of Washington, Jef-
ferson, Madison, and Monroe, they
will loosen the fetters of millions of
the oppressed in the Old and New-
Worlds, and carry to the darkest
corners the torch of order, liberty,
enlightenment, and prosperity. Ani-
mated by such a spirit, their moral
influence will be felt in establishing
©f tbe Bnttlles. 75
an international court, before which
all nations shall arbitrate their dis-
putes, and the horrors and tragedy
of war shall become an impossibility.
Teaching a strict adherence to the
instincts of justice, righteousness,
and mercy, they will so broaden the
scope of international law and obli-
gations, that barbarities such as have
stained and blackened the closing
years of the nineteenth century will
never again be permitted to occur.
APPENDIX.
SAGASTA'S decree of autonomy
was published in the official
Gazette of Madrid, November 25,
1897. An English translation is
given in the supplement of No. 3, of
Cuba, a newspaper published in the
interests of the Cuban autonomists
and the Spanish government, the
office of publication being, before
the declaration of war, in New York
City. The decree has its meritori-
ous points, but, by Article 15 of Title
V., the Governor-General shall, in
the King's name, convene, suspend,
and adjourn the sessions of either or
both houses of the Cuban parliament,
though he must call them together
77
78 Gbe pearl
again, or renew them, within three
months. By article 27 of the same
title, a member of the parliament is
subject to arrest and punishment if he
admits that " he is the author of any
article, book, pamphlet or printed
matter wherein military sedition is
incited or invoked, or the Governor-
General is insulted and maligned, or
national sovereignty is assailed." If
there were such a constitutional re-
striction upon freedom of speech in
our country, Senator Wellington, of
Maryland, who recently severely ar-
raigned the United States govern-
ment for forcing war upon Spain,
would be very hardly dealt with.
Article 30 gives to the Captain-
General authority to refer to the
home government of Spain any bill
or measure " whenever said bill may
affect national interests." If such
bill originate in the insular parlia-
ment, " the Government of the is-
land shall ask for a postponement of
6f tbe Snttllea. 79
the debate until the home govern-
ment shall have given its opinion."
By article 35, the Cuban congress
must vote that part of the budget
necessary " to defray the expenses
of sovereignty," and no local appro-
priations can be considered before
the part for the maintenance of Span-
ish sovereignty has been voted. In
this matter of her quota of the na-
tional expenses, Cuba has no voice,
for, by article 36, " the Cortes of the
Kingdom shall determine what ex-
penditures are to be considered by
reason of their nature as obligatory
expenses inherent to sovereignty,
and shall fix the amount every three
years and the revenue needed to de-
fray the same, the Cortes reserving
the right to alter this rule."
Considering how illiberal Spanish
legislation relating to commerce has
often been, Sagasta gives the Cuban
government and parliament much
latitude to enact commercial laws
80 dbe pearl
and secure favorable commercial
treaties.
Unfortunately, these and all the
other good provisions of the decree
are nullified by still investing the su-
preme authority in the Governor-
General, and providing that " all
other authorities in the island shall
be subordinate to his, and he shall
be responsible for the preservation of
order and the safety of the colony "
(Article 41).
Paragraph 4 of article 42 enables
him to suspend several provisions of
the constitution, and empowers him
" to enforce legislation in regard to
public order and to take all measures
which he may deem necessary to pre-
serve the peace within and the safety
without for the territory entrusted to
him, after hearing the counsel of his
Cabinet."
In regard to the debt weighing so
heavily upon her, Cuba has no power
to make an equitable readjustment,
©f tbe Bnttllea. 81
nor to change the method of payment
of interest or principal : all such mat-
ters depending upon the decision of
the Spanish Cortes (Article 2 of the
Transitory Provisions).
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Diccionario-Encyclopedi, Hispano- Americano.
Barcelona, 1892.
A. Larousse : Dictionnaire encyelopJdie.
Paris, 1869.
R. R. Madden: The Island of Cuba. Lon-
don, 1853.
R. M. Merchan: Cuba: Justification de su
Guerra de Independcncia. Bogota (Colombia),
1896.
Messages of Presidents Grant, Cleveland, and
McKinley.
New Constitution for the Islands of Cuba and
Porto Rico. Sagasta's decree, published in
official Gazette, Madrid, November 25, 1897.
English translation in the supplement to Cuba,
No. 3, New York.
New Constitutional Laws for the Island of
Cuba. New York, 1897.
Parliamentary Papers, 1861. Report of Mr.
Joseph Crawford, British Consul at Havana, on
the Cuba Slave Traffic. London, 1861.
83
8 4
Stblioarapbg.
Fidel G. Pierra: Cuba: Physical Features
of Cuba; Her Past, Present, and Possible Fu-
ture. New York, 1896.
A. S. Rowan and M. M. Ramsay : The
Island of Cuba. Henry Hoyt and Co., New
York, 1897.
Spanish Rule in Cuba. Authorized transla-
tion. New York, 1896.
Speech of Senator Proctor, of Vermont, deliv-
ered in U. S. Senate, March 17, 1898.
U. S. Consular Reports on Cuba, 1898.
UNIV. vr w\ur. lid^im