"' ^ElSEt LIBRARY WAYNE S. VUCINlCfllRiVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO LA JOLLA, CAUFORNIA UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO 3 1822 02375 6794 iL6 ^~/o ~9n THE EXPANSION OF EGYPT BY THE SAME AUTHOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF AFRICA FROM SPHINX TO ORACLE SIR SAMUEL BAKER : A MEMOIR (JOINTLY) mayi THE EXPANSION OF EGYPT UNDER ANGLO-EGYPTIAN CONDOMINIUM ARTHUR SILVA WHITE HONORAKY FELLOW (FORMERLY SECRETARY AND EDITOR) OF THE ROYAL SCOTTISH GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY ; HONORARY CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE SOCIKTE AFRICAINE DE FRANCE WITH FOUR MAPS METHUEN & CO. 36 ESSEX STREET, W.C. LONDON 1899 TO HER M E M O R Y PREFACE IN SPITE of the influence of Islam, which tends to level down national aspirations, Egypt, under the process of Regeneration, has awakened to consciousness as a nation. The creators of Modern Egypt, and the master- builder. Viscount Cromer, have founded their work of reform on Equality and Justice. The development of the Nile lands now enters on a phase of expansion inseparably associated with the fortunes of the British Empire. The title given to this book sufficiently indicates its scope. Formerly, in the rampant days of Internationalism, there was a Question in Egypt as to her future destiny. That has now been answered — irrevocably — in the terms of British hege- mony. But there remains a Problem, as to the means by which Egypt shall achieve her emancipation from Inter- national Control. It is a problem that may be dissociated from the direct issues of the Eastern Question, on which it impinges, because the political future of Egypt is no longer enshrouded in doubt. An inexorable law of History commits her to the protection of the leading maritime Power. The events of the last few years confirm this as the natural solu- tion of the Egyptian Problem. The prospects of the future herald it as the highest destiny for Egypt herself Turkish suzerainty is a myth— a diplomatic fiction. International Control is now an anachronism — a tax upon freedom : black- mail, blood-money. A physician's diagnosis springs from a searching analysis of the history of a case. I, too, have been compelled to traverse the paths by which Egypt has arrived at her present position of dependence on the Mistress of the Seas. Since physical factors influence or determine political issues and results, I have based my enquiry on the principles of Geography. Since the Nile Valley is under the domina- viii PREFACE tion of Great Britain, I have been constrained to examine the genesis and to outline the course of British Imperial Policy, in order to identify its aims with the development and expansion of Egypt. Every factor of importance, every event of significance, and every document of consequence should be presented, and their bearing on the question at issue defined, in order to arrive at a true perception of the International Situation in Egypt. This evidence I have endeavoured to produce, in its entirety. Detailed deductions may, of course, in consequence of the complexity of the case, be open to adverse criticism : but accomplished facts speak for themselves, and confirm in a remarkable degree the verdict of History. Egypt must necessarily fall under the exclusive control of maritime primacy. The heads of my argument are given in the annexed Table (No. i), in a natural sequence of cause and effect. The divisions of my subject and the order of their presenta- tion conform, in principle, to this arrangement of the material. Details are to some extent relegated to foot-notes. From an examination of physical factors (Part I) I derive the organic unity of the Nile Valley. In Parts II to IV, inclusive, I produce the internal and external factors which, in their cumulative effect, point to its political unity under the Power holding the Command of the Sea and already exercising a de facto Protectorate. The Political Situation in Egypt (Part V) demonstrates the instability of Egyptian institutions ; and an elaborate Survey of the Anglo-Egyptian Administration (Part VI), dealing with all the Departments of State, illustrates the extent to which these depend on British Control and initiative. International Interests are shown to predominate and centre in the Suez Canal (Part VII). And in Part VIII, I have sought the most natural solution of the Egyptian Problem. That the solution which I advocate is inevitable, may be gathered from the concluding Parts of my work (IX and X). In or before the year 1905, a British Protectorate, or its equivalent, must, in my opinion, be proclaimed throughout the Valley of the Nile. 03 --^ U S On ® ■' §•1 if M Q, a >. « atlo erna 6 5s < •5^ 0Q-~- O r^ (U :< T3 rj-o C O "ct * 1) M a — 3 jj - o:^ - >> o »— 1 •__ ~ O 03 C ~ ^"S >-B 5 '^ E 5 a> rt m •3'^ y g"^ •S e ■*-• g ^ "o ^ •3 >. t3 s; >> 1^ D-^ S4f ft s ^f C/5 c 'iJ =C^ z- C 1) >,© Mo O fl ^ o ■r; fl O O C.9 . o.-s = s -a .2 ■«; c 'io o o c ■g >. 2 ""* a ® .2 o S z *^ CD o — ^ g: is W j OJ X p T---"^ ^ CO ;3 •^ '-> .ti X PREFACE During the two Winters (1S96-1 898) which I spent in Egypt, much of my time was occupied in examining the poHtical situation, with which I was w^ell acquainted in theory, and in collecting material for my work. The plan of this book was laid down in 1897 ; and from that I have not found it necessary to diverge. Personal reasons pre- cluded an earlier issue : but the delay has had its ad- vantages. I am now in a position to affirm what, two years ago, I ventured merely to predict. The reconquest of the Sudan and the establishment of an Anglo-Egyptian Condominium, being accomplished facts, have made all the difference in political speculations. I am indebted to the courtesy of the Anglo-Egyptian officials, who supplied me with Government Reports and gave me the facilities usually accorded to accredited en- quirers, but not in any degree to their co-operation. That is not expected of British officials, especially in Egypt. My views are not inspired, though they are commonly and avowedly shared, by those who are engaged in the work of reform. I do not, therefore, claim any official imprimatur. My cardinal source of inspiration was the luminous work of Sir Alfred Milner, England in Egypt, w^hich serves as a Shorter Catechism for the Khedivial officials, and suffices as a point de depart for a competent observer. The Annual Reports of Lord Cromer ^ and the Egyptian Government Reports have been my main sources of reference. These and other acknowledgments have been made in the text. The only Egyptian official who took any material interest in my work was the enlightened Under-Secretary for Public Instruction, H. E. Yakub Artin Pasha, to whom I am indebted ^ Lord Cromer's Report for 1S99 was received after niy MS. was completed : but, in the revision, I have given effect to additional statistics, etc. My informa- tion is therefore up to date. These admirable Reports by her Majesty's Agent and Consul-General, on the Finances, Administration, and Condition of Egypt, have been of the greatest service to me : and, in places where the authoritative views of Lord Cromer are specially pregnant, I have quoted them at length. The Reader will observe that, in my references, the date of these Reports is the year of their publication as Parlia/nentary Papers. PREFACE xi for much sympathetic encouragement and co-operation — in particular, for his scholarly collaboration in the sub-section dealing with ' Egypt of the Past.' My object is to educate public opinion, at home and abroad, and, especially, to influence those who may be in a position to promote a pacific solution of the Egyptian Pro- blem. Recognition of general principles and of the true significance of accomplished facts may not be a deterrent to opposition : but, at least, this should help to strengthen the hands of Lord Cromer, in our great work of reform, and to support British policy in Egypt. As to the electorate, which endorses that policy, no doubt many people, after the fall of Omdurman, leapt intuitively to conclusions which I have laboriously built up : but, since a British Protectorate over Egypt should, in view of the opposition and risks it is likely to encounter, be supported by the unanimous voice of the nation, I trust that m}' work may help to convert sceptics and to encourage waverers in the pathway of empire which circumstances have imposed on us. A. SILVA WHITE London : is( May 1899 conte:n^ts Organic Unity of the Nile Valley DIVISIONS I Physical Factors : i The Basin of the Nile ii The River Nile — (rt) The Upper Nile {d) The Middle Nile (t) The Lower Nile Uf) The Delta iii Regime of the River — (a) The Nile in Flood (6) The Nile in Low Supply iv Irrigation and Agriculture — {a) Irrigation System {/>) Agriculture (c) Perennial Irrigation V Unity of the Nile Valley 3 7 7 lO 12 12 13 13 14 i6 17 20 22 28 Influence of Sea-power on the History of Egypt Identification of British Imperial Policy with the Expansion of Egypt Destiny of Egypt II Political Factors : i Historical Retrospect — (a) Egypt of the Past (d) Dynasty of Mohammed Ali ((■) Egypt under the Powers (d) Egypt under the Single Control ii Egypt and Sea-power III Objective Factors : i British Imperial Policy ii Defence of the British Empire IV SuBjivCTivE Factors : i The Eastern Question ii The Balance of Power iii French African Policy 33 33 45 64 68 76 83 107 117 122 CONTENTS Xlll DIVISIONS V The Political Situation in Egypt i International Status — (a) The Sultan's Suzerainty {6) Firmans {c) The Capitulations {d) The Caisse de la Dette . ii The Population of Egypt — . {a) Tables : Census of 1897 {b) Characteristics . iii Factors of Equilibrium — {a) The Tutelary Power (<^) International Fetters (f ) The Opposition of France 131 131 132 134 135 135 139 141 146 148 157 170 Instability of Egrypt VI The Anglo- Egyptian Administration : i The Machinery of Government — {a) Sources of Administrative Authority [b) Representative Institutions {c) The Bureaucracy ii Departmental Organization and Administration- {a) Finance .... (i^) Public Instruction — § Government Institutions § Extra-Government Agencies . (c) Justice .... {d) Interior — § Central Organization § Local Organization . § Centralized Administrations . § Decentralized Organization . [e) Public Works . (/) Foreign Affairs . {g) War . § Army of Occupation {h) Trade and Commerce § Statistical Tables 183 183 185 187 193 193 210 219 238 246 257 260 264 266 279 281 287 287 294 295 307 The British Control XIV CONTENTS International VII The Suez Canal Interests 1 roiuics — • . . . . 315 (a) Historical Retrospect 317 (d) International Negotiations 320 ii Commerce — ..... 345 (a) Statistical Returns 345 (d) The Suez Canal Administration • 348 (c) Addendum .... • 348 A British VIII REGENERATION OK EgyI'T : Guarantee i Need and Success of the Single Control ii A Financial Proposal 353 360 Anglo- Egyptian Condominium IX The Situation in the Sudan : i The Native Races — . (a) Distribution of the Population (1^) Tribal Characteristics ii Historical Retrospect — (a) Occupation of the Sudan (d) The Reign of Terror (c) Re-conquest of the Sudan iii The Title-deeds of the Nile Valley— {a) Historical Synopsis (6) Analysis of Treaty-rights — § The Libyan Desert . § Abyssinia, etc. § Equatorial Regions . § Bahr el-Ghazal and Darfur iv The .Vnglo-Egyptian Condominium 370 371 373 376 376 381 382 386 387 394 395 397 407 417 423 Unity X THE PATHWAY OK EMPIRE : i Domination of the Nile Valley ii P(Lx Britannica 439 444 CONTENTS XV APPENDICES I Dynasty ok Mohammed Ali, and Line of Succession II Firmans, &c. ..... III Decree establishing the Caisse de la Dettf. IV The Organic Law of Egypt . V Anglo-Egyptian Condominium in the Sudan VI Chronology of Events .... INDEX PAGE 449 450 453 457 466 469 475 TABLES 1 "The Expansion of Egypt:" Line of Argument 2 The Political Situation in Egypt 3 Sources of Administrative Authority 4 Distribution of Revenue 5 Educational Institutions 6 Ministry of Justice, and Judicial Institutions 7 Organization and Administrations of the Ministry Interior ...... 8 Ministry of Public Works 9 Ministry of War, and Military Administrations 10 The Pathway of Empire .... 147 184 204 221 250 262 282 288 442 Note. — Orthography of Place-natnes and transliterations frojn the vernacular are in accordance ivith tJu rules of the Royal Geographical Society, The system, briefly stated, is phonetic : 2!0wels as in Italian ; consonants as in English ; a single (acute) accent ; and the pronunciation 0/ every letter. Old establis/ud and recogtused departures from this principle of spelling are, however, inaintained. It is scarcely necessary to add, that a tiiere approxima- tion to the sound is alone attainable, in transcribing Arabic zvords and navies. MAPS OF NORTH-EAST AFRICA {ai end of Volume) 1 Orographical Features 2 Climatological Data 3 Zones of Vegetation 4 Political Boundaries and Data (Physical Factors) ORGANIC UNITY OF THE NILE VALLEY i THE BASIN OF THE NILE ii THE RIVER NILE iii REGIME OF THE RIVER iv IRRIGATION AND AGRICULTURE V UNITY OF THE NILE VALLEY PHYSICAL FACTORS i THE BASIN OF THE NILE EGYPT is — to use the phrase of Herodotus — the ' gift 'Gift of the . . Nile' of the Nile.' This cardinal principle of political dependence on physical conditions should be kept steadily in view. It is only by understanding the interaction between physical and political phenomena, that we can hope to lay the foundation of a rational policy in Egypt and the Sudan. It is therefore necessary for me to define the physical factors which control the political and economical situation in the Valley of the Nile. The mighty river, which the ancients worshipped as a Nile basin God, issuing from its lake-reservoirs, drains nearly the whole of North-East Africa. Its catchment-basin is so vast, that the area of one hundred British Isles might be contained in it. Its length, from the principal source-streams, situated close to the Tanganyika watershed at an altitude of over 7000 feet, is not less than 4000 miles. The watershed confining its basin approaches very near to the source- country, but widens out enormously in the Upper and Middle regions, closing in gradually on the banks of the Lower Nile until it merges in the Deltaic flats. The Red Sea drainage-area, with its short wadis, is of Contiguous 1-1 1 • 1 1 , 1 • 1 • rr^i hydrographical relatively slight hydrographical importance. 1 he water- areas parting between the Nile and the Red Sea passes over desert country, for the most part occupied by barren hills, although mountains of over 6000 feet are found and, near Abyssinia, even as high as 8000 feet. An enclosed hydrographical basin between the sea and 4 UNITY OF THE NILE VAEEEY Abyssinia embraces a large portion of Somaliland ; and there is another inland basin, or riverless region, extending along the Continental axis between the Nile watershed and the Indian Ocean drainage-area, which reaches from Abyssinia in the north to the eastern shores of the Victoria Nyanza in the south. This is for the most part an arid steppe, the in- terest and importance of which centres in Lake Rudolf, to the north of which are some fine grass-lands. Organic Unity I mention thcse contiguous hydrographical areas in order to illustrate the organic unity of the Nile Valle}\ Physically speaking, the Nile basin is isolated by the prevalence of desert and steppe-lands which entirely surround its watershed, ex- cept in the remote south-west where it joins that of the Congo. Vegetation The zone of desert, which girdles the Earth and raises inimical barriers to migration, is supreme between the Atlantic and the Red Sea. The Middle and Lower Nile — traversing the Libyan, Nubian, and Arabian deserts — carries only a thin thread of vegetation through the thirsty land of the Pharaohs. With the exception of the Province of Dongola, a pitiless desert reigns between Aswdn and Berber. The arid steppes that prevail between Berber and Fashoda extend to the fertile uplands of Abyssinia. But south of Fashoda and the Sobat confluence, we enter the prairie lands of the Upper Nile and encounter the rich vegetation of the Bahr el-Ghazal and Equatorial Provinces. Oases Oases occur in many regions of comparative depression throughout the desert area, deriving their water by infiltra- tion from the Nile or from other sources of subterranean supply. In Upper Egypt, Nile water is tapped at depths not exceeding 3 5 feet, even in summer. Throughout the Delta and Nile Valley, as far south as Esneh, there exists a deposit of water-bearing sands about 50 feet below the surface of the land. ^ cuniate It is Only necessary to remember that the Nile Valley extends between the Equator and the Mediterranean, and that the Tropic of Cancer approaches close to Aswan, in ' Al Tanta, water is tapped at 75 feet. But in the Fayum, borings to a depth of 485 feet yielded no result. THE BASIN OF THE NILE 5 order to realise the general character of the climate, which in the main is Tropical. Between the Equatorial and Dongola Provinces and on the Red Sea Littoral, the actual mean temperature of the year exceeds 80" Fahr. Elsewhere, it varies between 72° and 80° Fahr., except in Lower Egypt and Abyssinia, where the variation is from 64° to 72° Fahr. The mean annual range of temperature increases as the desert is approached. In the fertile regions of the Upper Nile it is inconsiderable, rarely exceeding 10° Fahr. and in places (near the Equator) falling below 5° Fahr. Between Lado and Khartum there is a difference of from 10° to 20° Fahr. between the coldest and the warmest month of the year. Between Khartum and Cairo the difference is from 20° to 30*^ Fahr. But in the deserts the range is as much as 30° to 40° Fahr. The diurnal range, which is considerable, does not com- pensate for the absence of seasonal changes, if regarded as a factor of health ; nor does altitude above sea-level secure immunity from the stress of climate, which is specially trying to Europeans on account of the high relative humidity (over 70 per cent.) that prevails over a great portion of the continent of Africa. The Nile rises in a region of almost perpetual rains. It Rainfall is re-inforced by sub-soil springs and the heavy rainfall in its western Equatorial basin. The mean discharge of the Victoria Nyanza is probably not less than one thousand cubic metres per second. The rainfall over the Victoria and Albert Nyanzas, at Gondokoro (Ismailia), and over the upper parts of the Sobat, Blue Nile, and Atbara, is about 80 inches in the year ; and in the western source -region of the Nile it approaches 100 inches.^ In the eastern half of the Bahr el-Ghazal, the lower half of the Sobat, and the middle region of the Atbara, the annual rainfall is not more than 40 inches. The western half of ' This heavy rainfall may be contrasted, for the purpose of comparison, with the mean annual rainfall of the British Isles, which varies from 25 to 40 inches on the East Coasts and from 40 to over 80 inches on the West Coasts. 6 UNITY OF THE NILE VALLEY the Bahr el-Ghazal has a rainfall of about 20 inches in the course of the year ; whilst the Bahr el-Arab and the outer zones of the Blue and White Niles and of the Atbara have probably not more than 10 inches. From Berber to the sea, the Nile passes through a rainless zone, in which only occa- sional showers occur.^ The popular fallacy, that the rainfall of Egypt has in- creased on account of more land being brought under cultivation {i.e. irrigation), is without foundation. Rainfall is not produced by such petty local conditions, although these may affect the humidity of the air. Rainy Seasons In the region of the great Lakes the rainy season lasts from March to December. Elsewhere it is as follows : — April to November at Gondokoro ; June to November in the valley of the Sobat ; April to September in the Bahr el-Ghazal ; July to September at Khartum ; July to August in Darfur and Kordofan ; light rains in January and February, and heavy rains from the middle of April to September, in Abyssinia. Over all these regions the maximum rainfall is in the month of August. Water-supply In the dcsert hills east and west of the Nile, occasional showers of rain are immediately absorbed and drain down the wadis conducting to the river. In all the principal valleys of Egypt Proper, and in some of the smaller ones, draining into the Nile, there are small wells from 6 to 10 feet deep. The water-supply of Egypt Proper most free from contamination is obtained from the coarse marine yellow quartz sands underlying a thickness of about 50 feet of Nile sand and mud. The thickness of these marine sands has never been ascertained ; and at Zaga- zig, in the Royal Society's boring, 345 feet were pierced without coming to rock, of which the top 20 feet were of Nile sand and mud." Even when the natives obtain a ' TIic data concerning rainfall are taken from the Egyptian Government Report, Perenitial Ir7-i •ratio7i (1894). On the whole, these figures are below the commonly accepted estimates. ^ Cf. Captain Lyons' Geoloi:^caI Sui-7'ey Report iux 1S97. THE RIVER NILE 7 pure-water supply, as at Tanta, they will not avail them- selves of it, preferring to drink from the Nile. ii THE RIVER NILE In describing the course of the Nile from its source to the sea, I propose to recognise the following natural divisions of its hydrographic system : (a) The Upper Nile, from the Lakes to the confluence of Natural the Blue and White Niles. This is the region of tributaries, all of which are included with the exception of the Atbara, which is not a permanent stream. Khartum stands at the point of this important confluence, about midway in the valley of the Nile and in the very centre of its hydrographic system. {U) The Middle Nile, from Khartum to Aswan. This is the region of Cataracts, the bed of the river being obstructed at six localities, where there are rapids. Aswan stands at the foot of this stretch of interrupted navigation. {c) The Lower Nile, from Aswan to the apex of the Delta (Barrage). Cairo stands near the foot of this open waterway, and is the political and administrative centre. {d) The Delta, or Garden of Egypt, pierced in all direc- tions by irrigating canals and navigable waterways. The Nile reaches the sea through the Rosetta and Damietta mouths. Within this comparatively small area is gathered the wealth, the industry, and the bulk of the population of Egypt. Alexandria is the commercial capital. Bearing these broad distinctions in mind, we may now proceed to a closer examination of the river. Among the geographical memorabilia which I am constrained to intro- duce under this section of my subject, none are more important than the question of natural communications. {a) The Upper Nile The source-country of the Nile is located within an source-country immense irregular triangle, the apex of which is formed by the confluence of its SE. and SW. branches. 8 UNITY OF THE NILE VALLEY The Victoria Nyanza, receiving tributary streams from all sides, is the largest lake in Africa. It is estimated to equal the area of Scotland. The Nile, issuing from this immense reservoir, which is situated 3900 feet above the sea-level, plunges over the Ripon Falls. Here the stream is 400 yards in breadth, and drops 1 3 feet. Breaking through the rocky barrier on the northern borders of the Victoria Nyanza, forming by the way many enlargements of its channel, the Nile passes over the Karuma and Murchison Falls, between which are uninterrupted rapids, and precipitates into the Albert Nyanza. The latter lake — 1600 feet below the level of the Victoria — is the third reservoir of the Nile, since it is connected with a second and higher-lying reservoir, the Albert Edward Nyanza. Lake Albert Edward — 3307 feet above sea-level — and its outlet, the Semliki river, receive innumerable tributary streams from the high mountain-mass, or inasszf, of Ruwenzori. The head-waters of the Nile are therefore united in the Albert Nyanza, the importance of which, as a regulat- ing basin, should be borne in mind. White Nile From the head of Lake Albert, the White Nile issues as a deep and majestic stream, bound on its long journey to the Mediterranean. With scarcely any velocity or slope, the river pursues an even course for 125 miles to Dufli. Passing through a valley flanked on either side by mountains which recede as the river flows north — eventually leaving only a few sentinel groups to mark its banks — the Nile soon leaves the plateau-country finally behind and enters the grass-lands, where its banks are lost in extensive swamps. Below Dufli, at a sharp bend in the river, the Fola Rapids occur and continue as a torrent for 125 miles, to a short distance above Gondokoro. From Gondokoro to Bor (74 miles) there is a rapid fall, and the river is confined to a single channel. From Bor to the mouth of the Bahr el- Ghazal (236 miles) the river has a feeble slope and flows through the numerous channels of the Szidd region. Here THE RIVER NILE 9 the matted and decaying vegetation obstructs navigation very heavily : it has to be cut through and kept moving in order to secure a free channel. The Bahr el-Ghazal, striking the Nile almost at a right-angle Bahr ei-Ghazai to its course, contributes the large supply of water which its tributaries gather from the northern slopes of the Congo- Nile watershed. At the confluence of the Bahr el-Ghazal a large lake is formed, which, in the summer months, when the discharge of the river is feeble, acts as a vast evaporating basin and is therefore a source of loss to the White Nile. The decaying vegetation at this spot colours the river throughout its course to Cairo, during certain times of the year. The basin of the Bahr el-Ghazal, with which is associated that of the Bahr el-Arab, is a region of dense Tropical vegetation. It is one of the most promising exploitation areas in the Egyptian Sudan, being very fertile, well wooded, and well watered. But the Sudd seriously hampers com- munications. The united stream, a little lower down (62 miles), re- Sobat ceives through its right-bank the periodic waters of the Sobat, draining from the southern extension of the Abys- sinian highlands. With this accession to its strength, the W^hite Nile takes up a definite northern course and flows as a bold though sluggish river, for 560 miles, to Khartum. The action of the current, the whole way to the sea, is on the right-bank, owing to the prevailing north-westerly winds. Tributaries drive the water to the opposite banks. At Khartum, the Blue and White Niles mingle their Khartum waters. Situated in the very heart of the hydrographic system of the Nile, 1280 feet above sea-level and 1865 miles from the Mediterranean, Khartum is essentially the metropolis of the Egyptian Sudan. The Blue Nile, originating in the Alpine heights of Blue Nile Abyssinia, is in itself an important river-system. It, too, like the White Nile, has its lake-reservoir, — the Tsana, situated 5840 feet above sea-level and covering an area of 1 1 60 square miles. Out of this high-level lake the Blue 10 UNITY OF THE NILE VALLEY Nile issues from the south, pursuing a very irregular course, for 839 miles, up to its union with the White Nile at Khartum. The river is comparatively clear in the summer, but in Flood (from the beginning of June to the end of October) it is of a reddish brown colour, owing to the alluvia held in suspension. During the Flood season, the Blue and White Niles discharge an equal volume of water ; but in the summer the latter is the chief source of supply. At the confluence, the river is lowest in April and highest in September. Abyssinia Abyssinia represents an important nucleus in the catch- ment-basin of the Nile. Its picturesquely sculptured high- lands rise on two sides from forbidding steppes. In the north the country falls in gentle declivities and in low hills to the desert between the Nile and the Red Sea. In the south it is united by isolated groups of mountains and high- level valleys with the main axis of the continent. In the east the mountains are abrupt and precipitous ; and prac- tically no drainage waters find their way in that direction. But in the west the slopes are more gradual ; and on that side they carry tributary waters to the Nile. The highest peaks of Abyssinia are evenly distributed, several attaining altitudes approaching 15,000 feet. But, owing to the mountainous character of the country, its torrential rivers pursue very tortuous and destructive courses. {b) The Middle Nile The United From Khartum, the Nile, as a sober and respectable River ,,-,. -. stream that has abandoned the frolics of its youth, enters a new phase, and one which is often experienced by man in the middle course of life : serious troubles come. It has to contend against a hostile environment and to struggle for mere existence. It soon receives, it is true, a small increase of power from the tributary waters of the Atbara ; but from thence to the sea its onward course is unaided and a very exhausting one indeed. The Nile has to traverse 1600 miles, for the most part through the most arid desert in the world, which seriously saps its strength, before it relinquishes THE RIVER NILE 11 the burden of its existence on the shore of the Mediter- ranean. The Atbara is fed by the torrents of Abyssinia. The Atbara Although its river-bed is dry in the summer, it is a con- siderable stream in Flood (July to October : maximum in August). Being heavily charged with volcanic detritus, the Atbara provides a large proportion of the fertilising mud which the Nile carries in Flood. Between Khartum and Aswan — a distance of 1 1 24 The Cataracts miles — there are 3 5 i miles of broken water and rapids (commonly called the Cataracts) with an aggregate fall of 656 feet, and yy^ miles of free channel with a total drop of 3 I 2 feet. The details in regard to these barriers to naviga- tion are of sufficient importance to warrant the description that follows. The Sixth Cataract begins 5 2 miles below Khartum and ends 147 miles from the Atbara junction. Its length is not much over one mile, and the drop in the river is about 20 feet. Berber is 1 5 miles downstream of the Atbara confluence. The Fifth Cataract begins 28 miles north of Berber. It is 100 miles in length and has three principal rapids. The fall in the river-bed is over 200 feet. Abu Hamed is situated at the foot of this cataract. The Fourth Cataract is between Abu Hamed and Dongola. It has a drop of 160 feet over a course of 6% miles. Between the Fourth and the Third Cataracts is the town of Dongola. The Thi7'd Cataract is 45 miles long, and falls 36 feet. It has two rapids. The Secottd Cataract is 73 miles further downstream, and at its foot lies the town of Wady Haifa. This, the famous Batn el-Haggar, or 'belly of rocks,' is 124 miles in length and falls 216 feet. It has four rapids. The First Cataract is 214 miles from the Second. It lias a drop of 16 feet in 3 miles. The mean width of the river is over 500 yards ; and the mean depths are 30 feet in flood and 6i feet in summer. Aswan lies at its foot. 12 UNITY OF THE NIT.E VALLEY Professor George Forbes has reported to the Egyptian Government on the question of utilizing the Cataracts as a means for generating electricity. (c) The Lower Nile (Asivdn to the Barrage) A navigable This IS the playground of tourists, and needs no detailed waterway . . /- t • • i- i • ciescnption. Ihe slope of the river is slight in places where tlie Nile Valley is narrow ; its width is contracted and its depth considerable. In places where the Valley is broad, converse conditions prevail. The distance from Aswan to the Barrage is 605 miles, in the summer. With the Nile in Flood this distance is decreased by 3 1 miles. The mean velocity of the stream in Flood ranges between 6\ feet and 3I feet per second, whilst in summer it is, on a rough average, under 2 feet per second. Cairo stands at the foot of this navigable waterway. The Fayuni Shut in on all sidcs by the desert, except towards the Nile Valley, with which it is united by a narrow passage, the depression of the Fayum slopes away to the west and terminates in a wide, shallow lake, 78 square miles in area. The surface of the lake is 138 feet below sea-level and 223 feet below the Nile in Flood. Although the water is brackish, fish of the fresh-water type abound. Zoology A complete Survey of the fish of the Nile is about to be instituted. The Egyptian Government has engaged the ser- vices of a specialist to make a complete collection of Nile fish ; and the authorities of the British Museum will assist in working out scientific details. Protective measures will then be taken to prevent wanton destruction. {d) The Delia The .swift-running stream of the Nile in Flood has a tendency to heap up on the river-banks deposits of loam and sand, which gradually increase in height until these form a deltaic ridge. This ridge, being artificially strengthened, confines the river within a definite course. The Nile empties itself into the sea through the Rosetta REGIME OF THE NILE 13 and Damietta mouths. Behind the sandy foreshore, upon a spit of which the town of Alexandria is built, there is a chain of salt lakes, into which the numerous interlacing canals of the Delta drain c^ff their sur[)lus waters. iii REGIME OF THE RIVER Some conception of the regime of the Nile is necessary, in order to understand the system of irrigation, upon which the prosperit}- of Egypt depends. Since Egypt is the ancient ' gift of the Nile,' its irrigation works are the most precious product of modern progress. Irrigation in Egypt takes the place of rainfall in other countries.^ (c?) 77/t' iViVc ill Flood The green harbingers of flood from the swampy region white Nile of the Upper Nile are driven down the river by the heavy rains which, near Gondokoro, begin in April. The river at this spot - begins to rise in the middle of April, and reaches its maximum during the last days of August. This rise is felt at Khartum about the 20th of May, and at Aswan about the loth of June. At Cairo the green water announcing the coming flood is seen about the 20th June. In an average year, the discharge of the White Nile at Khartum begins to increase on the 20th May. This increase is maintained to the 15th or 20th September, when the maximum Flood of the White Nile and Sobat reach Khar- tum and attain a discharge of 4500 cubic metres per second. The Blue Nile begins to rise fairly rapidly about the Blue Nile 5th June, and reaches its ordinar)- maximum of 5500 cubic metres per second by about the 25th August. The maximum Flood of the Blue and White Niles (8000 cubic metres per second) is rarely attained before the 5th September. The alluvial deposits brought down by the Blue Nile reach Aswan about the 15th of Jul\' and Cairo ten days later. ' My infoimalion in this section is derived from tiic Egyptian Government Report, Perennial Iiri^atio)! (1894). Appenciix III. - The regulating eftect of the great Lakes is well felt at Gondokoro, which is one of the keys for understanding the flow of the Nile. 14 UNITY OF THE NILE VALLEY Atbara After this, the rise of the river is rapid : for the Atbara is in Flood shortly after the Blue Nile, and its swollen waters increase with great rapidity. The discharge of the Atbara in Flood is from 3400 to, occasionally, 4900 cubic metres per second. Aswdn The ordinary maximum discharge of the Nile at Aswan ( 1 0,000 cubic metres per second) is generally attained on the 5 th September. An early maximum at Aswan is usually followed by a low summer supply ; whilst a late maximum is nearly always followed by a high summer supply. At Aswan, where the Nile enters Egypt Proper, a low Nile Flood is about 2 1 feet, a mean Nile Flood is about 24^ feet, a higJi Nile Flood is about 27 feet. Ruling factors The Sobat, the Blue Nile, and the Atbara are the ruling factors in Flood ; and the White Nile is the ruling factor during the remainder of the year. Egrypt Proper The Nile, in its passage through Egypt, rises slowly till about the 28th July, and then rapidly through August. It reaches its maximum about 5th September, and then falls very slowly through October and November. Cairo At Cairo, the river rises slowly through July and fairly quickly in August, reaching its ordinary maximum on ist October, remaining all but stationary during the rest of that month, and falling rapidly in November. The breadth of the stream at Cairo during the Winter is about one quarter of a mile. {b) The Nile in Low Supply. Fall of the The Atbara, being a torrential stream, falls more rapidly wa ers ^^^.^ .^^ Other afflucnts of the Nile. By the end of October, its waters have practically disappeared. The Blue Nile falls rapidly after the middle of September ; but the White Nile (with its large basin, gentle flow, and numerous reservoirs) falls very slowly. In an ordinary year, the mean discharge of the Nile in low supply is, at Gondokoro, no more than 550 cubic metres per second. From thence to Khartum the river loses heavily by evaporation : so that the discharge of the REGIME OF THE NILE 15 united Blue and White Niles in low supply is not increased. The Atbara contributes nothing. Between Khartum and Aswan there is a further loss from evaporation and absorption. In a very bad summer, when the Nile-sources supply 660 cubic metres per second, the discharge of the river at Khartum is reduced to 340 cubic metres per second and at Aswan to 210 cubic metres per second. So soon as the daily fall of the river becomes less than the daily loss by evaporation, all the pools and ponds cease to aid the stream ; and, if these are extensive- — as they are to the south of Fashoda — they diminish the discharge considerably by their large evaporating areas. In the two months of low discharge, the great reservoirs of the Nile are the sole sources of supply. It will thus be seen how essential it is for the people of control of Summer Egypt to control the source-region of the Nile or to ensure supply its being in the hands of a friendly Power. The drop in the surface of the river is very considerable Barrag-e at the bifurcation of the Nile. The difference between the mean high and low supply is nearly 20 feet at the Barrage and 23 feet at Cairo. It is estimated that, in an average year, the amount of The dissipated 1 • 1 ^ 1 • Nile water that reaches the sea is about 65,000,000,000 cubic metres — or less than one-fortieth of the rainfall. Between Khartum and Cairo the daily loss of the river by evapora- tion and absorption is about one-sixth of the supply. The total amount of solids carried to the sea in one year is about 36,600,000 tons. The usual discharge (or excess of rainfall over evapora- tion) of Tropical and sub-Tropical rivers is about one-fifth of the rainfall ; while European rivers discharge between one- third and one-fourth. The Congo alone discharges as great a volume of water as probably all the rivers of Africa taken together, the Nile in this respect ranking fourth. In conclusion, it may be interesting to note the time Speed of taken by the waters to travel from their source of origin to their effluence. 16 UNITY OF THE NILE VALLEY From Lake Victoria to the sea, the water in low supply- takes 90 days, and in Flood 50 days. From the source of the Blue Nile to Khartum, the water in low supply takes 17 days, and in Flood 7 days. The waters of the Atbara and Sobat in Flood take about 5 da}'s to run their course. iv IRRIGATION AND AGRICULTURE Periods of Mena, the traditional first king of Egypt and the founder of Memphis (4400 B.C.), is reputed to have introduced the Basin system of irrigation. Whence he acquired his know- ledge and experience it would be interesting to learn. The system he conceived was maintained, and well main- tained, down to the year 1830, when Mohammed Ali deter- mined to introduce into the Delta the principle of Perennial Irrigation, and summoned some French engineers to his aid. Had the French engineers been given a free hand, their efforts would doubtless have been rewarded by the success that has since been achiev-ed by their English successors. But their advice and control were not backed by the neces- sary authority. The great Barrage below Cairo, constructed by Mougel Bey, remains, it is true, a monument for all time ; but it was not of any practical use until it was repaired by Sir Colin Scott-Moncriefif and Mr Willcocks. The Anglo-Indian engineers, who came to Egypt in 1883 and 1884, have since remodelled the irrigation system of Egypt and placed it upon a permanent and scientific basis. The names of Sir Colin Scott-Moncrieff, Sir William Garstin, and Mr Willcocks — not to mention others among so many who have distinguished themselves — will long be remem- bered among those of the country's principal benefactors. Their crowning achievement has been the introduction of a storage system by which Egypt can develop the maximum of her natural resources in proportion to her population. In 1898, the great Reservoir scheme was adopted, an English syndicate ])roviding the funds for its realization. In five years' time, the irrigation system of Egypt Proper will be complete and practically uniform. Though Basin IRRIGATION AND AGRICULTURE 17 irrigation may still linger in certain districts of Upper Egypt, Perennial or semi-Perennial irrigation will be the boon of the peasant and the wealth of the nation. (a) Irrigation System Between the deltaic, and therefore raised, banks of the Basin system Nile and the hills forming its watershed there is a series of natural depressions, across which, at right-angles to the course of the river, dykes are built. The Nile Flood, being diverted into this chain of basins, inundates the land for a period of six or seven weeks. The water, having deposited its fertilising mud, is then drained off, either into a lower basin or back into the river. The slope of the country is about ~^. After the harvest is gathered, the land is allowed to lie fallow until the next Flood — a period of loss in production which falls little short of half the year. Basin irrigation is still the rule in Upper Egypt, and Upper Egypt Perennial or semi-Perennial irrigation are the exception. There are 120 of these basins, the areas of which vary be- tween 500 and 35,000 acres. From Aswan to Assiut, the country is divided naturally into depressions bounded by gravel or rocky spurs, where the Sharaki ^ works constructed by Colonel Ross have ensured a better supply of water. Between Assiut and Cairo, summer irrigation is given to the higher lying lands, while the lower lying lands remain under Basin irrigation. Below Assiut, for instance, the Ibrahimia Canal irrigates a large tract of riverain country (240,000 acres) under sugar-cane ; and one of its branches, the Bahr Jusuf, carries water into the Fayum. From the irrigation point of view. Upper Egypt falls under two natural divisions at Assiut, the lower half of which is regarded by engineers as Middle Egypt — a dis- tinction which I mention but need not confuse the reader by adopting. ^ Sharaki are those lands which have to be relieved from taxation, owing to their receiving no water within a given year. The low Nile of 1877 thus cost the Government ;!{^E 1,100,000, and was followed by a famine. But the low Nile of 1888, after Sharaki works had been introduced, resulted in a loss of only ;^E30o,ooo, followed by scarcity in some districts. B 18 UNITY OF THE NILE VALLEY The perennially and semi-perennially irrigated tracts are intersected by numerous canals. Land under cotton is watered every twenty days (from 15th March to 15th August), and land under sugar-cane every fifteen days. The Gate of Asvvau is the Gate of Egypt Proper. Here, on Elephantine ^^ Island, a Nilometer has registered the rise and fall of the Nile from time immemorial. The new gauge, erected in I 869, is divided into cubits ^ and twenty-fourths of a cubit. Its register is known and understood by every cultivator throughout the land, who, at the most critical periods, awaits its dread verdict with the deepest concern. Good and bad In Order to irrigate by flow the greater part of the islands '^^and higher lying lands of the Nile Valley, i6\ cubits are required. With 17I cubits everything is flooded. But if, after filling the basins, there are from 17 to 18 cubits con- tinuously, for any length of time, this high head of water produces great pressure in the Delta and brings out the whole population on its banks and embankments. On the other hand, if the Nile is between 14 and 15 cubits, there is no direct and free flow in the high lands ; and should it not rise above 14 cubits, there is a most disastrous failure of supply in the canals that feed the basins. Seasons Egypt being the ' gift of the Nile,' the )'ear is properly divisible into three well marked seasons corresponding with the phases of the river — Summer, Flood, and Winter. The Summer season extends from the ist April to the end of July. Water is then a most valuable commodity, the river being at its lowest. During this season, the most critical period, when the supply is inadequate, is the sixty days between the middle of May and the middle of July. The ensuing Flood season begins on the ist July and lasts till the end of November, when the river overflows its banks. The third or Winter season embraces the months of December, January, February, and March. During this period ^ A cubit or ' pic ' of water equals 54 centimetres (i*628 feet). A Nile gauge is also erected at the head of the Victoria Nyanza (Uganda). Gauges at Lake Albert and elsewhere are contemplated, the readings of which will be most useful to the Irrigation engineers. IRRIGATION AND AGRICULTURE 19 the Nile is confined within its banks, and carries a supply of water in excess of the actual requirements of agriculture. About fourteen miles below Cairo stands the great Lower Egypt Barrage, at the apex of the Delta or bifurcation of the Nile. The object of these two regulating dams is to raise the level of the river for the better irrigation of the Delta. From this centre, the entire irrigation of Lower Egypt is directed and controlled. The Regulators are built across both branches of the Nile, and are separated by a revetment wall, in the centre of which is the head of the Rayah Menufia. The latter is the chief of the- three main canals which are fed by the high-level water above the Barrage and irrigate the three areas into which the Delta is thus naturally divided. The Barrage itself rests on sand and fine mud, which provide very insecure foundations. The cavities under the piers of both branches have recently been filled up with cement grout. In the Summer, the two branches of the Nile are nearly dry and the land is parched, except in places where there is a scanty supply of water. But in the Flood months the Delta is a land of swift-flowing streams and green fields. The perennially and semi-perennially irrigated tracts are intersected by numerous canals, provided with regulating sluices to drain off the water ; and the land is irrigated about every twenty days. The main canals of supply, the distributing canals, and the numerous drains eventually discharge into the great lakes under the foreshore of the Delta. This is the region of the Birriya — a vast tract (1,200,000 acres) of waste and salted lands, about half of which might be brought under cultivation by an increased water-supply.^ The canals of the Delta are of four classes. Those of canaisand the first class are provided with swing or lift bridges, regu- tions lators, locks, etc. ; and along these canals large boats can be navigated all the year round. In canals of the second class, large boats can be passed down during part of the year. ^ The work of washing and draining the Birriya, and thus bringing more land under cultivation, is proceeding slowly. 20 UNITY OF THE NILE VALLEY And in canals of the third and fourth classes, small boats can pass throughout the whole and through a portion of the year, respectively. There are, therefore, at least two main lines of navigation by which boats can reach Alexandria in the west and Damietta in the east at all seasons of the year. In addition to these, railways and over one thousand miles of agricultural roads form a network of communications in the Delta.i (/') Agriculture Staple Cultures Broadly speaking, the staple cultures of Egypt are cotton in the Delta and sugar in Upper Egypt. The richest crops are raised in the Delta and in the Seji canal areas of Upper Egypt. Every year more and more land is put under cotton, while areas under sugar-cane have been extended. Cultivated Nearly five million feddans, or acres, are under cultiva- "^^^^ tion. In Upper Egypt there are 2,215,000 acres, of which 460,000 are under Perennial or semi-Perennial irrigation, and 1,755,000 acres are irrigated only in Flood. In Lower Egypt, the entire area (2,740,000 acres) is under Perennial or semi-Perennial irrigation. Uncultivated The swamps or dry salted plains in the north of the Delta cover an area of 1,200,000 acres, all or most of which is capable of being reclaimed by introducing Perennial irriga- tion for the cultivation of rice and cotton. The cultivation of rice, except in districts favoured by a large water-supply, steadily diminishes. It is barely profitable to raise ; but its efficacy in the reclamation of salted lands cannot be doubted. Crops In the fertile lands of the Delta, the Winter and Flood crops provide food for men and animals, whilst the Summer crop represents the capital of the country. Land under ' Over 200 miles of agricultural railways have already been opened for traffic. Of the light railways in the Provinces of Behera and Gharbia, 92 miles were opened for traffic in 1898. In three other Provinces, the 'Chemins de Fer Economiques' opened 61 miles for traffic in November, 1898; and will shortly complete another 40 miles. Native capitalists are now constructing light rail- ways in the Fayum. 'It is unlikely,' says Lord Cromer, in his Report for 1899, * that the Government will be called upon to pay anything in the shape of guarantee money to any of the Companies.' All these are in addition to the Government railways in the Delta, etc. IRRIGATION AND AGRICULTURE 21 Perennial irrigation yields two or three crops in the year. Land under Flood yields a winter crop. The Summer crops are cotton,^ sugar-cane, millet, rice, vege- tables, and fruit. The Flood crop is maize or millet. The Winter crops are wheat, beans, barley, vegetables, and clover. The annual aggregate yield of the cultivated area of Yields Upper Egypt has an estimated value of i^Ei 2,2 1 5,000, or ^£5.50 per acre, divided as follows : — Summer crops, 280,000 acres yielding i!^E2, 800,000 ; Flood crop, 530,000 acres yielding iJ^E 1,600,000 ; Winter crops, 2,010,000 acres yielding ;^E7,03 5,000. There are also 2,600.000 date trees yielding i^Ej 80,000 per annum. The annual aggregate yield for Lower Egypt is valued at ;^E20,ooo,ooo, or ;^E7.30 per acre, the greater part of the land being double-cropped. This yield is divided as follows: — Summer crops, 1,000,000 acres yielding i^E 1 0,000,000 ; Flood crop, 1,200,000 acres yielding ;!^E 3, 600,000 ; Winter crops, 2,100,000 acres yielding ;^E6,300,ooo. There are also 1,000,000 date trees valued at ;^E200,ooo. The land tax is so high that it does not pay proprietors 'Robber to raise wheat and beans, etc., alone. They therefore culti- ^'^°"'"°y vate sugar and cotton, which, in the absence of scientific culture, are apt to exhaust the fertility of the soil. This is what the Germans call ' robber-economy.' Artificial manure is, in the absence of flooding, necessary for double-cropped lands ; whilst, before any large reclamations of land in the Delta can be attempted, an increase of the Summer water- supply is necessary. The climate of Egypt is specially suitable for the cultiva- Water-supply - . , , -n 1 -1 1 *•*'' drainage tion 01 its staple products. But whilst sugar can be grown all the year round, cotton is raised at seasons when land in Upper Egypt under Basin irrigation is either parched or flooded. In order to give a constant and well regulated supply of water to these regions, it is necessary to introduce Perennial irrigation : that is to say, to dig Sefi or summer ^ The cotton crop of 1897 was the largest on record, but realised the lowest average price since 1888. 22 UNITY OF THE NILE VALLEY canals deeper than the old Nili or flood canals, so that the land can be watered at all seasons of the year. But Per- ennial irrigation involves a very perfect and costly system of drainage, without which the land would soon become water- logged and unproductive.^ {c) Perennial Ifrigation Cause and Among reproductive public works none are more profit- ^^^'^* able than those of the hydraulic engineer, the returns of which may be calculated in advance with a marvellous degree of certainty. The economic conditions of Egypt are so simple, that in no other civilised country can cause and effect be traced with greater confidence and be more rapidly realised. The physical and political factors of the situation are so intimately related, that it is no exaggeration to say, in Lord Rosebery's words, that ' Egypt is the Nile.' 'Doctors There is of course a difference of opinion, on technical ' ^^ points, as to the effect likely to be produced by the total suppression of the Basin system in Upper Egypt. It is feared that, without basins, it may be difficult to drain the land, except by instituting costly works, such as the con- version of the Bahr Jusuf as a drainage-outlet into the Fayum and continuing it along the foot of the hills down to the Barrage. But all are agreed that the maximum ' Lord Cromer's Report for 1899 contains the following remarks on drainage : — ' The Commissioners of the Public Debt, continuing their liberal policy of 1897, granted a special credit of ;i{^E25S,ooo in 1898, for drainage works in Lower Egypt. A further sum of ;,^E26,ooo was expended on such works by the Irrigation Department from its ordinary resources. The total drainage expenditure for the year, exclusive of maintenance, was, therefore, ;£'E28i,ooo. For this sum, 308 kilom. of new drains were dug, and 267 kilom. of old drains widened and remodelled. ' A further credit of ^^£200,000 from the General Reserve Fund has been granted for expenditure on drainage in 1899. ' The benefits to be derived from expenditure of this nature are evident. Every landowner in the country understands the advantage of a drain, and every one appreciates the work which is now being done. In a few years' time the country will possess a complete system of drains ; the projects for the future are all well in hand and fairly mapped out. Five years of annually decreasing ex- penditure should see them all finished, so that by the time that the increased water-supply resulting from the Nile reservoir is available, the country will be able to make use of it without risk of water-logging and deterioration of the soil.' IRRIGATION AND AGRICULTURE 23 Flood at Cairo will be reached earlier, and that the fall of the river will begin earlier, than under the present system of intermittent irrigation. One drawback to Summer irriga- tion in Upper Egypt is, that it will impoverish the soil un- less manure is used.^ But the fear that the deposits of ' red ' water will be intercepted by the great dam or barrage at Aswan is, I believe, illusory, because the sluices will not be closed until the clear Winter water begins to flow, and then only gradually. The deposits in Upper Egypt are deep enough for wheat, corn, and beans ; but the cotton and sugar-cane roots strike deep and require much soil. Under the present system, the deep Perennial irrigation Distribution canals take water all the year round ; but the Flood irriga- tion canals are closed with earthen banks till the middle of August, when they are all opened, producing an immediate effect on the discharge of the river. In the Delta, the experiment of permanent rotations has been remarkably successful since its introduction in 1896. The surplus supply of water has been reduced, the infiltration and water- logging of land has been diminished, and the drainage canals have performed their prime function. During the summer months, temporary rotations have been enforced : and the equitable distribution of water is, in consequence, one of the most popular benefits enjoyed by petty land-owners. But, in spite of every economy and the most impartial The need of administration, more water is required. In the Delta more water is necessary during the summer months for the cultivation of rice, for flushing the main branches of the Nile, and for reclaiming desert and salted lands. In Upper Egypt more water is required for Summer cultiva- tion, especially in the Fayum. The total supply of water really needed for the whole of Egypt is estimated at 3,610,000,000 cubic metres per annum, with a maximum discharge in July of 630 cubic metres per second. ^ 'Our rule,' however, says Sir William Garstin, in a recent Report [Egypt, No. I — 1898] 'in all irrigation projects is, that, of the total area of land com- manded by a canal or pumping-station, only one-third can be advantageously cultivated in any one season. This limit permits of the rotation of crops, and prevents the land from becoming exhausted by over-cropping.' 24 UNITY OF THE NILE VALLEY Periods of Throuijhout Effypt, the demand for water decreases from demand ° t>/ i ' the 1st November to the ist December. During March the demand increases steadily, when the Summer crop is being sown, and continues through April and May. There is a maximum demand in June for all Summer crops, while no Winter crops are in the ground ; and this demand increases from the ist July, when the early maize is sown, to the i 5th July. Throughout August, September and October there is a maximum demand for the whole of Upper and Lower Egypt. Methods of This demand can be met only in one of two ways : either suppy j^^ ^j^^ creation of a storage basin — i.e. filling up a contiguous depression in the desert from the Nile in Flood — or by throw- ing a dam across the Nile at a suitable spot, and thereby impounding the waters, after the Flood, in a storage-reservoir within the valley of the river itself A third plan would be to dam the great Equatorial Lakes and to send their surplus water down in time to reach Egypt through May, June, and July. Lake Albert, as well as Lake Tsana in Abyssinia, are suitable as regulating basins ; whilst the Victoria Nyanza could be utilized as a vast reservoir : but they are so distant, that the loss of water by evaporation and absorption would be a serious drawback. A storage-reservoir in the river valley, as near as possible to the areas of demand, is ob- viously the most practical and feasible plan : and this scheme has been adopted by the Egyptian Government. A reservoir of The great rescrvoir at Aswan will be filled in November pure wa r ^^^ ^ December after a low Flood, and in December and January after a high Flood, subsequent to the passage of the waters most heavily charged with deposits. The Nubian de.sert is free from impure or harmful salts ; and the reser- voir waters, being kept constantly in motion, will not stag- nate. Between November and January the Nile water is quite clear, and will therefore have a purifying effect on the green water of the river in June and July. Effect on The questiou of water storage for Lower Egypt is in- '^*^*™^°Niie tlepcndent of that concerning Flood protection. Imjjroved Perennial irrigation in the Delta will not affect the Nile in Flood. The canals will continue to serve as at present. In IRRIGATION AND AGRICULTURE 25 Upper Egypt, the absorption during Flood will be diminished by one-half, and south of Sohag there will be no great changes of level. But between Sohag and Kushesha, where there is an escape, there will be a rise of 1.28 feet, as com- pared with the maximum gauges under Basin irrigation ; and on this reach of the Nile considerable changes will be experienced. At the head of the First Cataract (Aswan), there is an The great 1 1 • • 1 • Reservoir extensive outcrop of syenite and quartz diorite extending scheme across the valley of the Nile. The river itself is broken up into numerous shallow channels ; but sound rock is obtain- able everywhere, at convenient levels, on which to construct a dam. This is the best site for a reservoir, its only dis- advantage being that Philae Island, lying to the south, will be partially submerged (leaving, however, the Temple of I sis free) between the ist February and the i 5th June. Though the antiquities of the island are more interesting to the tourist than to the archaeologist — being recent Ptolemaic and Roman — the high-level dam will be reduced so as to inflict as little damage as possible. Its length will exceed that of the great Barrage, and its height can eventually be added to, should the need of Egypt be found greater than the susceptibilities of the sight-seer. This scheme,^ the contract for which was signed in Feb- ruary, 1898, may be outlined as follows, overpage. ' The detailed scheme is as follows : ' (i) The area now irrigated in summer from the Ibrahimia canal, north of Beirut, to be increased, so as to bring it up to one- third of the total area commanded. (2) The basins to the west of the Nile and to the east of the Bahr Yusuf from Beirut to Kosheshah are to get perennial irrigation from the Ibrahimia canal, one-third of this area being irrigated in sum- mer. (3) The balance of the water available will be utilized by pumping-engines on the west bank of the Nile north of Assiut and on the east bank of the Nile. (4) The basins to the west of the Yusufi and the western part of Kosheshah basin will remain as at present, or they will be required for discharging the southern basins.' Of the 1065 million cubic metres of water which the Aswan reservoir will hold, according to the official estimate, ' 680 millions are to be given to Upper and Middle Egypt south of Kosheshah, of which 510 millions will be required to en- sure the proper irrigation of the land that is to get perennial irrigation. The remaining 170 millions will be used for supplying pumping-stations, and this volume should irrigate 70,000 feddans of summer crops.' — Report on the Ad- ministration of the Irrigation Department for 1S97 (Cairo : 1898). 26 UNITY OF THE NILE VALLEY Aswin The dam at Aswan will create a reservoir in the valley of the Nile, and hold up water to R.L. (river-level) 347.78 feet, or 65.62 feet above the present low Summer supply. Its capacity is estimated at 1065 million cubic metres. Assiut An open barrage is to be constructed at Assiut, which, by raising the level of the river in Summer, will deliver water at a higher level than at present, increasing the discharge into the Ibrahimi'a canal. Summer irrigation will thus be given to the Basin lands extending northwards to Minia and Beni Suef, and will be further extended in the Fayum, which is included in the ' Middle Egypt ' area. South of Assiut the country will benefit by the increased water-supply, and new pumping-stations will be erected. Delta The Delta and Giza Province will have an assured Sum- mer supply (the latter through large pumps on the river) and sufficient surplus water for the reclamation of salted and desert lands. Weirs, or supplementary dams, will be thrown across both branches of the Nile below the great Barrage, in order to permanently reduce the maximum head of water pressing on the latter (during regulation) from i 3.1 2 feet to 8.20 feet. Anticipated The gain to the country by extended Perennial irrigation benefits ^^^^ ^^ increased water-supply, which the above scheme will ensure, will be of two kinds. There will be a direct gain to the State through the sale of reclaimed lands and the con- sequent increase of annual revenue derived from them ; and there will be an indirect gain to the State, as well as a direct gain to the country, resulting from the increased value of agricultural produce, the rise in the price of land,^ and land Three locks will be built, and a navigation channel made on the west of the river at Aswan to enable boats to pass up and down. ' Land in the Domains and Daira Sanieh (Government properties) which is now worth £i:i or £14 per acre, will, it is estimated, be worth probably ;^20 after the completion of the above works. ' When " .Sefi " or summer crops are substituted,' says Sir William Garstin, in a recent Report [Egypt. No i. — 1898I 'for those grown in the flood basins, the value of the increased yield of the land averages from ;,f E2 to jCEzh per acre. . . . Again, we know from experience that the difference in rental value between land under perennial irrigation and that under basin cultivation is^/^Ki per acre higher in the first cxse than in the second. This being so, the former category IRRIGATION AND AGRICULTURE 27 rents. There will also be, no doubt, a commensurate increase of Customs' revenue, owing to the augmented wealth of the country, and railway traffic ; while new industries (such as pisiculture) will probably be created. Sir William Garstin's estimate in the above respect, attached to Lord Cromer's Report for 1898, works out as follows : — {(i) Annual increase in the wealth of the country 420,000 1,1 76,000 Upper Egypt , Middle Egypt . Lower Egypt . Giza Province . Insurance of Cotton Crop ^ 600,000 212,000 200,000 2,608,000 ib) Direct annual benefit to the State derived from the above Upper Egypt ....... 63,000 Middle Egypt . ...... 198,400 Lower Egypt ....... 85,200 Giza Province. ...... 31,800 (c) An additional sum to be obtained from the sales of the reclaimed la?id 378.400 ;^E 1,020,000 could undoubtedly stand without difficulty a higher rate of land-tax than the latter. As the rate of fair taxation is generally admitted to be just under 30 per cent, of the rental value, it follows that land to which summer irrigation is given should be taxed by one-third of a pound [i.e. by 30 piastres) higher per acre than that in the adjoining basins in which the flood crops are alone grown.' The average yield of ' Sefi ' land over all Egypt is rather more than £^'j per acre. ^ ' One of the most important results which will accrue from the reservoir, although difficult to set down in figures, will be the insurance of the existing cotton crop against failure, even in years of sufficient summer supply. . . . The mean annual value of the cotton crop may be estimated at the sum of ^^ 10,000,000, even at the present prices. . . . The average of bad years is one in every five. We may then fairly assume that the value of the insurance of this crop is repre- sented by a sum of ;i^E20o,ooo per annum.' 28 UNITY OF THE NILE VALLEY These calculations ' presuppose the existence of the most unfavourable conditions of season and supply which can be imagined.' The Giza Province, which is treated separately, being under special conditions, forms the connecting link between the irrigation systems of Upper and Lower Egypt. Sources of In Concluding this section of my subject, I have to ac- information -iii it-» /-it-- knowledge my mdebtedness to the Reports oi the Irrigation Department, and in particular to those of Mr Willcocks, who designed the new dam and barrage. Not being an hydraulic engineer, I have borrowed liberally from these authoritative sources of information. V UNITY OF THE NILE VALLEY Physical The orranic unity of the Nile basin is a physical fact of insularity ° •' . , . ., . great political significance. The river and its tributaries flow from the heart of Africa to the far-distant Mediterranean Littoral, being surrounded on all sides, save one, by desert and steppe lands. The watershed passes over barren and uninhabited tracts except in the extreme south-west, where it abuts on the Congo basin. The Nile Valley may therefore be said to be physically isolated. Political Politically, no less than physically, Egypt turns it back on isolation ^^. /' ^ , A • •, , r Africa and faces Europe and Asia, with the fortunes oi which continents its past development has been closely as- sociated. European political settlement in Africa, by following the lines of least resistance, has, in modern times, coincided very closely with the oceanic drainage-areas. The inland drainage- areas have been practically deserted by man, as they have been paralysed by Nature. Thus, commercial intercourse in Africa, under whatever guise, has been rigidly controlled by the means of transport afforded by the great river-systems, and flows naturally from the sources of supply in the interior to the bases of demand on the coasts — a fact which should rather discourage the ' Cape to Cairo ' enthusiasts. But this aspect of the question will be dealt with later. At present UNITY OF THE NILE VALLEY 29 we are concerned only with physical phenomena and the resulting economical conditions. It is clear, that any European Power holding territory on Control of the the Upper Nile might, by the institution of irrigation works, deflect or tamper with the water-supply which is the life- blood of Egypt. Although it would be impossible to hold up the White Nile in Flood, it would be quite easy to dam any part of its course in the Summer, and so prevent water from reaching Egypt for the Sefi cultivation, hi the two months of low discharge, the great reservoirs of the Nile are the sole sources of supply. Moreover, a barrage at the head of the Victoria Nyanza or of the Albert Nyanza would convert these into storage- basins. Egypt would then be at the mercy of flood and drought, which a hostile Power might dispense at its will. The cost of erecting effective dams would, of course, be enormous. Though, therefore, a somewhat visionary danger, it is better to be on the safe side and to exclude all European Powers from the entire basin of the Nile save the Protectoral Power, whose interests are identical for the very reason of her responsible position in Egypt. The Lake reservoirs are to Egypt what the snows of the Alps are to the Po, and what the Italian Lakes are to the plains of Lombardy. From the fact that Egypt receives her fertilizing waters Abyssinia from Abyssinia, which consequently lies within the Nile Basin, it follows that any European Power seeking to obtain a controlling influence over that country must be carefully watched, and, if necessary, effectually restrained from accept- ing concessions or exercising privileges that might conceiv- ably interfere with the regime and functions of the Blue Nile and Atbara. Egypt must always, as a matter of self- defence, be in a position to dominate Abyssinia, either directly or indirectly. These considerations point to the recognition of the Destiny complete unity of the Nile Basin as the basis of a national policy imposed by nature and dictated by the teaching of history. In the latter respect it will presently be my purpose to demonstrate, that Egypt has always been domi- 30 UNITY OF THE NILE VALLEY nated or controlled by the Power holding the Command of the Sea. Egypt's physical and political insularity is, therefore, an incontestable fact which sufficiently accounts for her depend- ence at the present day on the Mistress of the Seas. II (Political Factors) INFLUENCE OF SEA-POWER ON THE HISTORY OF EGYPT i HISTORICAL RETROSPECT ii EGYPT AND SEA-POWER II POLITICAL FACTORS i HISTORICAL RETROSPECT THERE are four phases in the history of Egypt, each of Landmarks in which inculcates a principle of national development. These I propose to deal with successively. In the first phase, I shall trace the influence of sea-power on her history. The favourable geographical position of Egypt and her natural resources as a granary necessarily challenged the ambition and the cupidity of nations seeking to establish political and commercial supremacy in the Mediterranean and to command the trade-routes to the Far East. Egypt of the Past, from the time of Alexander the Great to the present day, has, in fact, always been dominated or ruled by the Power capable of exercising the Command of the Sea. Under the dynasty of Mohammed Ali, Egypt was drawn into the vortex of European politics. But in this, the second, phase I shall limit my view to the deposition of the Khedive Ismail, who practically mortgaged his country to the European bondholders. In the third phase, it will be seen that Egypt under the Powers resulted in the failure of Internationalism. Finally, under the Single Control, Egypt has made such strides in national development and expansion, that her progress now entitles her to ampler recognition in the comity of nations. (a) Egypt of the Past ^ At the period when Alexander, by the death of his father, The Persian Til -I- -11 Empire Philip, became heir to the throne of Macedonia and to the ^ For the facts and their presentation under this sub-section of my subject, I am indebted for the most part to an elaborate Memorandum specially prepared for me C ^^ 34 INFLUENCE OF SEA-POWER hegemony of Greece, the empire of the Persians extended over the whole of Western Asia, including Syria. For over two centuries Egypt herself formed one of the satrapies of this vast empire. The Persian navy, composed of the united fleets of the satrapies of Egypt, Syria, Asia Minor, and the Islands, had been seriously crippled through the defeats inflicted by the Greeks : namely, off Artemisium and off Salamis (480 B.C.), at Mycale (479 B.C.), off Cyprus and at the mouth of the Eurymedon (470 B.C.). It was owing to the support given by the Phoenicians and Egyptians, no less than to the dis- sensions among the Greek Republics, that the Persian navy was not entirely destroyed and was able to survive these disasters. Carthage was not then the formidable naval Power which, a century or so later, contested with the Romans for the empire of the world. Alexander the In conscquence of its crippled state, the Persian navy ^'^^^^ was not in a position to dispute the Command of the Sea when Alexander undertook his expedition against the King of Kings. As commander-in-chief of the Greek forces, Alexander therefore had the support of the Greek Fleet, on his right wing, during his victorious march through Asia Minor and Syria to Egypt. For two years after the battle of Issus (333 B.C.) Alex- ander had left Darius severely alone, owing to the presence of the Persian Fleet in the yEgean, which interrupted his communications with Greece. But, after the conquest of Egypt, Alexander, on his way to Tyre, learnt of the destruc- tion of this fleet by one of his admirals. He was therefore free to pursue his conquest of the East, with the assurance that, his sea-power being undisputed, the Greek base of supplies and reinforcements was inviolate. Having reached India, he despatched a fleet under Near- chus, who sailed up the Persian Gulf and the Tigris and explored the shores of Arabia, with the object of discovering by II. E. Vakuh Artin Pasha, Egyptian Under-Secretary of State in the Ministry of Public Instruction, whose leisure and scholarship were at all times generously placed at my disposal. HISTORICAL RETROSPECT 35 a trade-route between Greece and the Far East. Retiring to Babylon, with the spoils of war, Alexander died there, suddenly, in 323 B.C. His empire being partitioned among his generals, Egypt fell to the share of Ptolemy, whose genius, being equal to his opportunity, founded the strongest and most durable dynasty as well as the most prosperous and puissant Empire. With the aid of the powerful navy under his command, The Ptolemies Ptolemy I. Soter made himself master of Cyprus and of the *" ea-power coasts of Palestine and Phcenicia. His empire, in the year 300 B.C., extended over Egypt, Libya, Cyrenaica, Arabia Petrsa, Judea, Phoenicia, Coelesyria, and Cyprus. His immediate successors, being capable and far-seeing statesmen, appear to have foreseen the domination of Rome. Thirteen years before the first Roman fleet was built, and gained a victory under the command of Duillius, Ptolemy H. Philadelphus sent an embassy to Rome (273 B.C.) to offer his good wishes to the Senate and to seek its friendship. Puteoli then became the favoured harbour of Alexandrian ships. Thereafter, until Egypt became a Roman Province (30 B.C.), the Ptolemies cultivated and enjoyed the friendship of Rome as the basis of their foreign policy, which chiefly engrossed their attention. Rome, on her side, regarding Egypt as a political dependency,^ did not incorporate the country in her Empire until forced by circumstances to do so. Meanwhile, during the third century, B.C., the powerful navy of the Ptolemies dominated the Eastern Mediterranean and the Greek States. Their maritime supremacy gave them the dominion of the entire littoral of Asia Minor, from Cilicia to the Hellespont, and enabled them at the same time to extend their influence, not only over Thrace and Macedonia, but even over the coasts of the Black Sea.^ ^ The Roman Senate was appointed, by the will of Ptolemy XIII., guardian to Ptolemy XIV. Dionysos II. and Cleopatra VII. — who were to marry each other. This gave rise to the landing of Ccesar in Egypt, to support Cleopatra (48 B.C.), who was banished by Ptolemy XIV. " 'The Empire of Egypt, founded by the first King, still [under Ptolemy II.] included Palestine and. Ccele-Syria, as well as the outlying and not very secure 36 INFLUENCE OF SEA POWER Enjoying the Command of the Sea, and a favourable geographical position, the European commerce with the Far East, by the Mediterranean and the Red Sea as well as by Syria and Arabia, became the monopoly of the Kings of Egypt. Alexandria being the entrepot of this traffic, its founder thus left to his successor a noble inheritance, which was carefully fostered by prudent statesmanship under the influence of sea-power. Rise of the In the western portion of the Mediterranean, the struggle Roman Empire i /-' i i i-. i for supremacy between Carthage and Rome was waged during the period of Egypt's highest power in the eastern portion (252 B.C.) In 241 B.C. a great naval victory^ off the iEgates islands, gained by the Roman Consul Lutatius Catulus, put an end to the first Punic War. This victory gave to Rome undisputed possession of Sicily (237 B.C.), the islands of Corsica and Sardinia having been an- nexed in the previous year. The Roman Empire thus impinged more and more on the Greek world, and thereafter tended to displace the Ptolemies from their Command of the Sea in the Eastern Mediterranean. ^ During the third Punic War (149-146 B.C.), Rome finally subjugated the Cartha- ginians : and by the destruction of Carthage ( 1 46 B.C.) she became absolute mistress of the W'estern Mediterranean. Corinth also was destroyed in the same year. In 193 B.C. the Romans had defeated the fleet of Antio- chus the Great at Cyssus (Tchemd) and established their supremacy in the Eastern Mediterranean, where, from this. l^rovince of Cyrene. There is even evidence that in Syria, at one time in this reign, there were Egyptian garrisons as far as the Euphrates. As soon as Demetrius disappeared, and the great empires of Thrace and .Syria lost their estab- lished sovereigns, Ptolemy resumed control of the /Egean Sea, with its coast cities and islands. How far this naval supremacy reached, and what cities it did not include, we cannot as yet tell with certainty. At all events, the confederacy of the Cyclades, some cities on the Thracian coast, perhaps even on the Euxine, re- cognised the sway of Egypt, administered apparently by the King's high admiral, Fhilokles, himself King of Sidon. . . . The stations from which all this naval empire was controlled were Thera, and probably Cyprus.' — (' A History of Egypt under the Ptolemaic Dynasty,' by J. P. Mahafty, p. 68.) ^ The Romans sent a friendly message to announce their victory in 201 B.C. over Carthage and to convey their thanks for the neutrality of Egypt. HISTORICAL RETROSPECT 37 time onwards, their sea-power was not menaced by a rival. Egypt, it is true, possessed an independent navy ; but the later Ptolemies enjoyed merely the semblance and guerdon of royalty, whilst Rome exercised a dominant influence throughout the adjacent countries. A period of civil w^ars and internecine feuds, which lasted for more than one hundred years, bathed the Roman Empire in blood. The power of Rome was, however, so firmly established, that none of the formerly independent pro- vinces which she had reduced to her sway had either the strength or the courage to make any serious attempt to rise against their oppressors. This period of internal strife was brought to a close by the battle of Actium (31 B.C.). By the destruction of Antony's Egyptian fleet, Augustus incorporation put an end to the civil wars and gained the supreme sove- reign power. Had Antony conquered, he would probably have been left in undisturbed possession of Egypt for some years longer ; but it was inevitable that, sooner or later, Egypt should fall to the Power that exercised the Com- mand of the Sea. As the only autonomous State in the Mediterranean, Egypt's comparative independence, even in the hands of a Cleopatra, was, in effect, a danger to the Roman Empire : and therefore Egypt had to be incorpor- ated. Besides, the commercial value of Egypt had long been an attraction. Other Roman Provinces were under the immediate autho- rity of the Senate : but so well did Augustus understand the power which the possession of Egypt conferred, that he trans- formed the kingdom into an Imperial Province, directly dependent on the sovereign. ^ Moreover, he entrusted the government of the country to Patricians, and not to Plebeians ; and he banished all who held to the Ptolemies, providing liberally for their wants. At the beginning of the Christian era, Roman rule was pax Romana supreme over the three ancient continents, and Roman sea- ' The Province was treated as an Imperial estate. Egypt, in a sense, com- mamled Rome, which was dependent on the tribute of corn. The Red .Sea trade with India and the Far East became an Egyptian monopoly. 38 INFLUENCE OF SEA POWER power dominated the then known world. This mighty Empire was held together by a standing army of only 400,000 men and a naval force of 50,000 marines. It is to be noted, however, that the proportion of the naval force to the land force — one-eighth — was much higher than that commonly adopted in olden times. It may therefore be argued, from this fact, that the Romans attached high importance to sea-power and intended to afford adequate protection to their very extensive and active sea-borne com- merce. In particular, their commanding naval strength was designed and calculated to crush any attempt at revolt in the countries subject to their rule or influence. Fall of This universal peace — or Pax Roniana — prevailed practi- Empire cally till the third century of our era. It had resulted from the three hundred years of warfare on land and sea which was terminated by the decisive fleet-action off Actium. It was interrupted by the rising of the northern nations, and ultimately by the invasion of the Goths in the year 250. The Goths were signally routed, and with great loss, nine- teen years later by Claudius II.; and the seat of empire was removed to Byzantium in 321 ; but the Western Empire eventually succumbed to the repeated assaults of the Bar- barians on its northern borders : Rome, its capital, being taken and pillaged by Alaric in 410. Decline of The Eastern Empire, on the other hand, (comprising the Eastern ■,-,,, -i^ • , ^ a • -rt- o • i- 1 Empire the Balkan Peninsula, Greece, Asia Minor, Syria, Egypt, Africa, and the islands of the Mediterranean), maintained its integrity and preserved its unity by virtue of its sea- power and more favourable strategic position. The Empire defended itself against its enemies — Persians, Slavs, Bar- barians, and all nations that attacked it on land and by sea — until the seventh century, when it sank to its lowest ebb. Arab Conquest Bctwecu the ycars 620 and 640, the Arabs, or Saracens, and Empire . -, . ^ - . ii- i j became masters in Syria, Mesopotamia, and Egypt ^ ; and ' The Persians drove the Romans out of Egypt in 6l6, and governed the country for ten years, until the revolt of the Arabs, under the teaching of Mohammed, deprived the king of Persia of his best soldiers, thereby enabling HISTORICAL RETROSPECT 39 soon afterwards the whole of North Africa fell under their dominion. It is true that, at this period, the Byzantines possessed a war-fleet ; but it was maintained for the protection of com- merce rather than for offensive operations. As a matter of fact, during the seventh and eighth centuries, the Arabs were in a position on no less than nine occasions to undertake, without opposition, expeditions by sea to contest the posses- sion of Constantinople, which they besieged several times. Instead of strengthening their navy, however, the Byzantines relied exclusively on their * Greek fire ' for the destruc- tion of the Saracens' ships, when these made their ap- pearance under the walls of the Imperial city. They also attempted to rid themselves of the Arabs, as they did of their other adversaries, by offering subventions to secure peace. But the impetus of the Arab conquest was irresistible. In addition to their acquisitions in Syria, Egypt, and in North Africa generally, Cyprus, Crete, Sicily, and Sardinia fell into their hands ; and, in the eighth century, they in- vaded Europe, conquering Spain, Southern France, and Southern Italy. Having secured the Command of the Sea, these cumulative conquests were made within a compara- tively short space of time. In a word, the Eastern Empire fell, primarily, in conse- quence of its neglect of the navy which had built it up and protected it ; and it became a prey to its enemy so soon as it relinquished the Command of the Sea. The Arabs sup- planted the Byzantines as Masters of the Mediterranean ; and, meeting no hostile fleet to dispute their supremacy, they inherited the Command of the Sea. The possession of Egypt secured, at the same time, to its Mohammedan masters the monopoly of commerce with the East during a period extending over two centuries. the Romans to re-establish themselves in Egypt. The Arabs soon began to press on the frontiers of the Roman Empire and to threaten Egypt, which they eventually entered in 639. Theodoras and his troops withdrew from Alexandria in 642 ; and the Roman Empire in Egypt then came to an end. 40 INFLUENCE OF SEA-POWER The rival Dissensioiis 111 the Arab Empire divided the Khalifate Khahfates j^^^ ^^^^ mutually hostile camps. The Abbassides, de- scendants of Mohammed's uncle, settled at Bagdad and dominated the East, ruling Egypt between the years 750 and 870 ; the Ommyades founded the Khalifate of Cordova, and established their rule in Spain (756 to 103 i). Neither section of the Arab Empire attempted to preserve its sea-power. The Abbassides were menaced by the in- vasion of the Turks, from the eighth century onwards ; the Ommyades were incessantly harassed by the Christians of the West. But, not being threatened at sea, both Empires neglected their naval forces, and suffered in consequence. The Fatimites From the ninth century, Yemen, Egypt, and the north of Africa became virtually independent of the two Khalifates. A formidable power, the Fatimites, became masters of the northern littoral of Africa in the tenth century ; and, not being opposed at sea, they took possession of the islands of the Mediterranean as well as of the sovereignty over these waters, and founded Cairo (969), which became the centre of their dominion. Here the Fatimite Khalifs reigned for two centuries. They crushed the rival Khalifate of the Abbassides, subjugated Syria, Arabia, Mesopotamia, and for a time exercised supremacy over all the East. But during the period of their growing ascendancy in those lands, the Fatimites lost their possessions in the West. The N(^rmans of Sicily on the one side, and the Berbers on the other, established themselves in the islands of the Medi- terranean and in North Africa, westwards of Egypt. Not possessing a navy, the Fatimites were unable to offer effective resistance against the Crusaders, who, in the eleventh century, possessed themselves of the coasts of Syria and Palestine. TheAyubites Arabia, in its turn, seceded from the Fatimites ; and in Egypt itself they were supplanted in the twelfth century by the dynasty of the Ayubites, founded by Saladin (Salaheddin YusuQ. Saladin organised an army and created a formidable navy. He reconquered Jerusalem from the Christians, and transmitted the sovereignty of Egypt, Syria, and Arabia HISTORICAL RETROSPECT 41 to his own family, which preserved it for a hundred years. In the thirteenth century, the Europeans, recognising the dependence of Syria on Egypt, undertook the conquest of the latter. In 1240, Louis IX. of France laid siege to Damietta and captured the town ; but the King and his entire army were made prisoners at Mansura. Neither the ships nor the armies of the Europeans were sufficiently powerful and disciplined to conquer the Arabs and Berbers by sea and the Turks by land. After their expulsion from the East, they disappeared for a long time as a maritime power in the waters of the Levant. The dominion of Egypt passed from the hands of the The Mamiuks Ayubites into those of the Mamiuks, who established their government in 1250 and ruled until the sixteenth century. This military caste remained, however, in Egypt and con- tinued to prosper until the French invasion of 1798, being finally exterminated in the massacre ordered by Mohammed Ali in 181 I. The Venetians (or Venicians), having secured the The Venetians commerce of the Far East which passed through Egypt and Syria, endeavoured to preserve their monopoly by assuming a protectorate over Egypt and defending her against the other naval Powers of the Mediterranean. But their commerce, which was seriously injured by the discovery of America (1492), was ruined through the opening up of the maritime route to the Indies by the Cape of Good Hope (1497). Egypt also suffered severely by this diversion of traffic, because the Mamluk princes and nobles received about one-fourth of the value of the merchandise that passed through their country. In effect, she experienced a com- mercial eclipse during the next three centuries. Lacking the protection of Venice, which was based on The ottomans commercial interests alone, and being herself too im- poverished to raise and maintain a navy of her own, Egypt fell under the sway of the Ottomans, In 15 17 Egypt became a Turkish Pashalik. Nevertheless, before Tuman Bey was deposed by the 42 INFLUENCE OF SEA-POWER Sultan, Egypt made a strenuous attempt to recover the Indian traffic. Assisted by Venice, and with the connivance of the King of Calicut, Egypt built and launched a fleet which, sailing for India, fell in with and vanquished a Portuguese squadron off the Bombay coast. The Portuguese, being thereby spurred to fresh exertion, despatched a fresh fleet against the Egyptians, and routed them, off Diu, in 1509. Thereafter, the Atlantic route was secured for the commerce of the Indies, which ceased to enrich the Mediterranean, although a portion of it was diverted to Constantinople. The Sultans of Turkey, on their side, instead of forming an alliance with Venice, in order to contest the Atlantic monopoly of the English, Dutch, and Portuguese by invading Bombay, attacked Venice as a short cut to commercial supremacy, at the same time neglecting the development of the caravan-route between the Medi- terranean and the Persian Gulf (Aleppo to Basra). By pursuing the shadow they thus lost the substance of their commercial greed. Two events of capital importance had marked the latter half of the fifteenth century : the capture of Constantinople by the Turks, and the complete and final expulsion of the Moors from Spain. The victory of Mohammed II. put an end to the Byzantine Empire, by the fall of the capital (1453) ; and the capture of Granada, after two years' siege, by Ferdinand, the Catholic, terminated (1492) eight centuries of struggle between Christians and Mussulmans for the possession of Spain. Expulsion of The history of this long strife for domination in the the Moors^from jbej-ian Pcniusula presents many striking examples of the immense advantages, whether for offensive or defensive pur- poses, which the Command of the Sea bestows. It was owing to their sea-power that the Arabs were in a position to invade Spain. In consequence of their Command of the Sea, they were also enabled to depend on a steady flow of reinforcements, and thus to reap the full benefits of their victories and to consolidate their rule. Charlemagne, on the contrary, when he crossed the Pyrenees to wrest Spain from HISTORICAL RETROSPECT 43 the Saracens, penetrated no further than the Ebro, because, although powerful by land, he possessed no naval force either in the Northern Seas ^ or in the Mediterranean. Ferdinand and Isabella were well aware that their dominion required to be strongly supported by sea as well as advanced on land. They therefore built up a navy, and thereby secured immunity against any hostile return of the Arabs driven out of the Peninsula. Moreover, this navy also enabled Ferdinand to conquer the kingdom of Naples and to make himself master of the Western Mediterranean. In the Eastern Mediterranean, the inheritors of the Sea-power of Byzantine Empire, the Ottoman Turks, had also turned their attention to sea-power, and endeavoured to revive their ancient supremacy. The control of the Mediterranean was therefore disputed from this period between the Ottomans and the Spaniards until, in 151 7, the former seized Egypt and, a little later, the dependent States of Tripoli, Tunis, and Algiers. After these important acquisitions, the Ottoman Empire regarded herself as Mistress of the Seas from the Straits of Gibraltar to the Sea of Azov, and as far south as Aden. This vaunted supremacy was overthrown, and Ottoman Battle of expansion was completely checked, by the crushing victory gained over their entire naval force by the Allied fleets of Spain, Venice, Genoa, Malta, and of the Pope, under the com- mand of Don John of Austria, at the great battle of Lepanto (1571). Never, since the battle of Actium, had such a decisive naval engagement been fought for the sovereignty of the seas, involving, as it necessarily did, the question also of world-empire. If its results were not so immediate, nevertheless it is from this disaster that the decadence of the Ottoman Empire may be said to date. Although the Allied fleets neglected to follow up their victory, the fact was none the less established, that the Turks could be vanquished at sea, and that this defect was the vulnerable point of their ^ In his old age, Charlemagne had the mortification to witness Norman pirates, against whom he had no fleet to oppose, ravaging with impunity the coasts of Northern Europe, on which they were able later to estabhsh themselves. 44 INFLUENCE OF SEA-POWER Empire. The Turkish navy having been all but annihilated, the European fleets found leisure to develop their strength and resources without having to encounter any naval Power capable of hampering their movements. Battle of For a long time after the battle of Lepanto, the dis- organised Turkish fleet was not in a state to risk an engage- ment. In spite of repeated efforts, it took nearly two centuries for the Sultans to again raise an efficient navy. But the maritime power of Turkey recovered only to be finally shattered. In 1770, it received a crushing blow through the defeat inflicted by the Russian fleet under Admiral Elphinston ^ and Prince Alexis Orloff in the bay of Tcheme, off the Skio channel, west of Smyrna. The ensuing contest for naval supremacy carried on between the Holy Roman Empire, Spain, and the maritime republics of Italy, was indecisive, and resulted only in crip- pling all of them. Great Britain But in and from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, ranee ^^^^^ European States sprang into the first rank as maritime Powers. England, first under Elizabeth but particularly under Cromwell, entered into rivalry for the Command of the Sea against the Dutch, the Spaniards, and the Portuguese. The flag of Great Britain was displayed in the Mediterranean. On the capture of Gibraltar (1704), it was raised as a symbol of her naval supremacy, and has never since been lowered. Nelson nailed it to the mast at Trafalgar (1805). France, in her turn, under the impulse given by Louis XIV., and directed by Colbert, became also a first-class naval Power. ^ The Russian fleet was in a deplorable condition, after its long voyage from the Daltic ; and, l:)ut for the aid given by British seamen at the ports of call, and par- ticularly in the action at Tcheme, it could not have met and overcome the Turks. The four fireships prepared by Elphinston were taken into the bay by Lieutenants Dugdale and Mackenzie. To these officers, and Commodore Greig, the \ictory was primarily due. It is interesting to note this early association of British officers with the Russian navy. Indeed, it is no exaggeration to say that the Russian navy was created and trained by English and, especially, Scottish sea-captains. But, in our brief alliances with Russia, we did not find her naval aid very efiective. Nelson openly scoffed at it. HISTORICAL RETROSPECT 45 During the eighteenth century, the rivalry of the European nations for supremacy at sea was reduced to a duel between Great Britain and France, culminating in the French Re- volution. In 1798 Napoleon Bonaparte invaded Egypt, and sub- sequently Syria, principally with the object of dealing a vital blow to British Colonial expansion. But, in the same year, Nelson gained a decisive victory over the French squadron in the Bay of Abukir, which, in addition to Sir Ralph Abercrombie's victory on land, forced the French to evacuate Egypt in 1801. It will be noted that Great Britain, herself, did not Great Britain attempt to occupy Egypt, after driving out the French. She seL*^^^^ ** restored the authority of the Sultan. Four years later, Mohammed Ali was proclaimed^ as Pasha of Egypt ; and Great Britain, by her crushing victory over the allied French and Spanish fleets at Trafalgar, became Mistress of the Seas. Ever since, an inexorable law of world-empire has com- pelled Great Britain, under penalty of the forfeiture of her maritime supremacy, upon which it is based, to approach nearer and nearer to Egypt. {b) The dynasty of MoJiainDied Ali The year 1769 was notable for the birth of three great First British military leaders — Napoleon, Wellington, and Mohammed igypt-iToi^** Ali.- Over Mohammed Ali, who prided himself on being a Macedonian, the conquests of Alexander, no less than the careers of Wellington and Napoleon, exercised a dominating influence. An Albanian of humble parentage, the first three decades of his life were passed in obscurity. At the age of thirty, he was still in his native village of Kavala, engaged in a tobacco business. His three sons — Ibrahim, Tussun, Ismail ^ By the Sheikhs : but the Porte acknowledged his position in the following year. ' Mohammed Ali's career is so admirably and fully described by Mr Cameron in Egypt in the Nineteenth Century, that I have drawn my facts almost exclusively from this source. 46 INFLUENCE OF SEA-POWER — lived to achieve military distinction, the first becoming one of the leading generals of his time. When Napoleon invaded Egypt, Mohammed Ali joined the Sultan's army as second in command of a local levy. In the rout of the Turkish force which landed at Abukir, he himself narrowly escaped the fate of so many of his comrades, who were driven by the French into the sea, by being drawn into the gig of Sir Sidney Smith. Two years later, the latter's successor. Sir Ralph Abercrombie, landed the Albanian contingent at the same spot ; and Mohammed Ali fought side by side with the British troops under Hutchinson in their victorious march (1801) on Cairo. Mohammed Ali's dynasty may therefore be said to have been saved and founded under British auspices, as against the French, who sought to conquer Egypt and Syria for themselves in i 798-1 801. Four or five years later, British sea-power and arms having placed him in a position to achieve his destiny, Mohammed Ali became Pasha of Egypt. The decadent domination of the Mamluks had been easily destroyed by Napoleon's veterans. They, in their turn, were escorted out of Cairo, with all the honours of war but with none of its fruits, to the inspiriting tune of ' Hieland Laddie.' In a brilliant campaign of six months, the British Expeditionary Force compelled 30,000 French troops to evacuate Egypt. A British garrison having remained in the Delta till 1802, the Treaty of Amiens provided for its withdrawal in the following year. The strategical relations between Egypt and India were here first demonstrated by the despatch of British reinforce- ments from the latter and from the Cape of 6000 men. Since that day, this connection has been upheld : in 1878, in con- sequence of the San Stefano treaty; in 1882, when the Arabi revolt was crushed ; in 1885 and 1886, for operations against the Dervishes at Suakin ; and in 1896, for the same object. The French evacuation left two rival parties struggling for supremacy in Egypt. The owners of the soil — and therefore of the resources of Egypt — the Mamluks, with a superior HISTOmCAL RETROSPECT 47 and better disciplined force, were pitted against the Turkish brigands whose object was to restore the Pashahk. Moham- med Ali bided his time until other adventurers had, by their downfall, prepared the way for him. Having succeeded to the command of 5000 insubordinate Albanians, he then took possession of Cairo in the Sultan's name and sought the suffrages of the sheikhs and populace by posing as a dema- gogue. He was thus brought into direct conflict with Khurshid, the Sultan's nominee as Pasha of Egypt, whom he besieged in the citadel, having previously permitted Khusrev, his predecessor, to escape to Constantinople, thereby leading to the historic enmity between them. The Sultan, being powerless to resist, acknowledged Mohammed Ali in 1806 as Pasha of Egypt, though subsequently he made several un- successful attempts to remove him. The Mamluks had been driven up the Nile by Mohammed second Ali ; but their numbers did not exceed 10,000. With the tion'to Egypt- object of supporting them against the Turkish domination ' °^ in Egypt, Great Britain, reversing her previous policy, de- spatched a second expedition to the Nile. Having restored the authority of the Sultan, she now attempted to destroy it, apparently out of chivalrous regard for a moribund cause whose ablest leaders were dead. It is painful to have to record the disastrous issues of this ill-conceived campaign, which lasted through nine months. Alexandria and Rosetta were occupied without encountering resistance. Later, at Rosetta, where the garrison was sur- prised and overcome by 500 Bashi Bazuks, a British force had to besiege the town for twelve days, whilst another de- tachment was sent up the river to El-Hamad. Meanwhile, Mohammed Ali, having defeated the Mamluks at Mangabat, and, with the aid of the French Consul Drovetti, having roused the population against the infidel invaders, despatched an Albanian army of 4000 infantry with i 500 cavalry for the relief of Rosetta. The British force, being divided, was overcome in detail ; a great many of our men were killed and wounded, or sent as slaves, with every mark of ignominy, to Cairo. Of the four thousand who had landed 48 INFLUENCE OF SEA-POWER only one month previously at Alexandria, only about one- half now remained. In celebration of these victories, the triumphant Pasha and the ribald populace of Cairo strolled in the Ezbeki'a gardens between a double line of English heads set up on poles. The degradation to our prestige could no further go. After ransoming the prisoners who wished to return home, we humbly withdrew from Egypt. The Mamluks were now thoroughly discredited for having invoked the aid of infidels ; whilst Mohammed Ali was able to pose as the Defender of the Faith and the Liberator of Egypt. His power having been enormously increased by his military successes, the foundations of his throne, cemented by English blood, may be said to have been laid thereby. Nevertheless, as he did not trust his Albanians, who were getting out of hand, and Cairo being in a state of anarchy, he took refuge in the citadel. Extermination The Sultan, cvcr anxious, like his predecessors, to reduce e am u s ^j_^^ military pride of his most successful and popular generals, now called upon Mohammed Ali to prove his devotion by undertaking an expedition against the Wahabis, of Arabia, who had taken possession of the holy cities and interrupted the pilgrimage to Mecca. Not daring to dis- obey, Mohammed Ali temporized until, on the one hand, he was able to secure his position in Egypt against the Mam- luks, and, on the other hand, to raise funds for the expenses of the campaign. His first act was to seize and alienate the administration of the Wakfs, without actually destroying the principle of their religious foundation ; his second, to abolish the private tenure of land. By the destruction of all title-deeds, the land became Crown property, or, rather, the private estate of Mohammed Ali, who appointed mudirs and omdehs to administer it. These rapacious ofiicials gradually dispos- sessed the original proprietors, and squeezed and maltreated the Fellahin serfs, in order to make up the total assessment of taxes. So long as this was paid, Mohammed Ali did not trouble himself as to the manner in which it was imposed. HISTORICAL RETROSPECT 49 Thus, government by kurbash was introduced into the pro- vinces, and flourished until the emancipation of the peasantry under the British Occupation. Having provided the necessary funds, the Pasha of Egypt built at Bulak and launched in sections at Suez a fleet of 30 brigs for the transport of his artillery and impedimenta. When, later, more money was required, he squeezed the Copts and Fellahin on his own account, and raised another ^300,000. He now felt compelled to deal with the Mamluks before sending his army out of Egypt. In spite of their mistrust, he induced the Beys to attend a great public function at the citadel, and confided to his son, Tussun, the order for their massacre. After the accomplishment of this treacherous act, from which none escaped, the Mamluks in the provinces were hunted down and killed. Altogether, about 5000 of this worthless and profligate sect were put to the sword in 1 8 1 1 . Their encouragement of art was their sole legacy to Egypt. The Wahabis were a puritan sect whose founder, Abdul The Wahibi Wahab, had preached the doctrine of the Koran in its original purity and upheld the Orthodox traditions. For sixty years they had maintained their military domination over Central Arabia, routing the Turkish armies sent against them and preying on the pilgrims to the holy city. Under their great leader, Saud H., they reached the height of their power as a Bedwin confederacy.^ Against these redoubtable bandits, Mohammed Ali now despatched his son, Tussun, a mere boy, with the Albanians he hoped to dispose of by the fortunes of war. His fleet gave him the control of the Red Sea ; and the coastal trade of the Arabian ports subsequently paid the expenses of the expedition. After some successes and a few reverses, the Egyptian army at the seat of war was joined by Mohammed Ali, him- self, who, having achieved some victories, returned hurriedly ' Great Britain, herself, had to send expeditions against the Wahabi pirates in the Persian Gulf. D 50 INFLUENCE OF SEA-POWER to Egypt in order to counteract a conspiracy fomented by the Porte. Hostilities were not brought to a close until Ibrahim, the Pasha's eldest son, was sent to replace Tussun in his command. Saud being dead, Ibrahim finally subdued the Wahabis and captured their last stronghold of Deraya. Conquest of the Mohammcd Ali now turned his attention to the Sudan, u an-i8|c^ where he hoped to find gold for his Treasury and recruits for his army. Ismail, his third son, was given the command of the first expedition, which set out in 1820. To protect his flank against menace from the Libyan Desert, Mohammed Ali despatched an expedition against the warlike and fanat- ical Siwans, whose oasis, after a hard-won victory, was annexed to Egypt. Ismail was entirely successful. He occupied Berber and Shendi, and penetrated to Sennar. In the following year, Ismail being joined by his brother Ibrahim, the former went up the Blue Nile, the latter up the White Nile. Ismail reached Tomat, on the Upper Atbara ; but, on returning to Shendi, he fell a victim to his depreda- tions,— he and his staff being burnt alive in the palace by an incensed populace. His brother Ibrahim, falling ill, had to return to Egypt ; but his followers penetrated far into the Dinka country. Meanwhile, a third expedition, sent out by Mohammed Ali, annexed Kordofan in 1822. Khartum was founded, and the surrounding country thoroughly subjugated, in 1823. Devastation of During the ensuing fifteen years, the Sudan was a shambles, under the brutal rule of the Egyptian slave- traders and taskmasters. The search for gold had been profitless ; the caravan-trade had been ruined : but the country abounded in ' black ivory ' and recruits for a Sudanese army. In 1838, Mohammed Ali himself paid a surprise-visit to the Sudan, penetrating as far south as Fazokl, and returning to Alexandria after an absence of only six months. The state of the Sudan became even worse as time passed. It was a land of exile for the Fellahin, and a happy hunting-ground for unprincipled Pashas, until Baker HISTORICAL RETROSPECT 51 and Gordon put a stop, at least temporarily, to the most glaring iniquities of Egyptian rule. The conquest of the Sudan not proving a profitable The Pasha's enterprise, Mohammed Ali was impelled to raise money ^^p°"^™® nearer home. His ruling ambition being to make himself independent of the Porte, he required v^ast sources of wealth. A despot in government, he now became a monopolist in trade, dealing direct with European buyers. He fostered native industries, in the hope of becoming independent of European manufactures : but failed in the attempt. He welcomed foreigners, whom he tried to interest in his ' reforms,' because he had need of their financial co-operation. His monopolies were, of course, illegal, under the Capitulations : but he succeeded in gag- ging or outwitting the European Consular body, until, in 1838, Henry Bulwer's Commercial Treaty with Turkey abolished monopolies, and thereby led to his economic downfall. The Egyptian army, under the care of the Frenchman known as Suliman Pasha, who introduced the Continental system, had made great strides both in discipline and training. It numbered 150,000 Regular troops, with 100 field-pieces. Vast sums were spent on the acquisition of a second-hand navy, through the purchase of warships, partly with a view to impress the Porte and partly to protect Egyptian commerce against the Greek pirates. The first navy, raised in this manner, was destroyed at Navarino. But the second was built at the arsenal of Alexandria, and proved its metal under Ibrahim. In 1832, Mohammed Ali possessed no less than 8 battle- ships and 15 frigates, carrying 1300 guns, and manned by 12,000 men. The lesson of British naval supremacy was ever before his eyes : but he neglected to profit by it. For this he suffered. It was British sea-power that drove him out of Europe and of Asia, and British clemency that secured him the peaceful possession of Egypt. In 1824, the Sultan again called on the Pasha of Egypt Battle of to show his devotion to the Padishah. He appointed him 52 INFLUENCE OF SEA-POWER Pasha of the Morea, and ordered him to subdue the Greek insurgents. A squadron of 60 ships of war and 1 00 hired transports left Alexandria, with 17,000 troops, under the command of Ibrahim Pasha. It was in this campaign that Egypt, through the cruelties perpetrated by Ibrahim's army and the wholesale enslavement and deportation of Greeks to Alexandria, finally alienated the sympathies and tolerance of Europe. Great Britain, France, and Russia sent squadrons to the Morea, which, combined under the general command of Sir Edward Codrington, boldly entered Navarino harbour and, being fired on, at once engaged the enemy. Few of the 65 Turco-Egyptian ships escaped destruction.^ A French garrison occupied Greece ; and Codrington sailed to Alexandria, where he compelled Mohammed Ali to con- clude a convention for the evacuation of the Morea. The treaty of Adrianople (1829) secured the independence of Greece. After Navarino The destruction of the Turco-Egyptian fleet at Navarino fell more heavily on the Sultan than on the Pasha. The disaster at Tcheme had compelled Turkey to make a supreme effort to revive her navy. After Navarino, Turkey practically ceased to exist as a maritime power. It was from about this period that Russia began to enter into rivalry with Great Britain for naval supremacy in the Black Sea and Mediterranean. In consequence of the increasing maritime strength of Russia — who, in 1853, burnt a Turkish squadron in the roadstead of Sinope — Great Britain, sup- ported by France and Austria, three years later, guaranteed the integrity of the Ottoman Empire, involving the sealing up of the Bosporus and Dardanelles. Campaign in Twice had Mohammcd Ali exhausted the resources of Syria and Asia _^ . , Minor— 1831- Egypt, without succumbin";, in his wars for the Padishah. 1833 o./ i ; e>) Nevertheless, in 1829, the Sultan again taxed his fealty by commanding him to send his fleet and 20,000 men to ^ Thirty Turkish warships and transports, and seventeen Egyptian vessels, carrying 5000 Greek slaves, are said to have reached Alexandria. Ibrahim had lost the half of his army. HISTORICAL RETROSPECT 53 Stambul. As the Pasha had reason to believe that, before Navarino, the Turkish admiral was under secret orders to seize an opportunity of kidnapping the Egyptian army, he was on his guard against such a palpable ruse. The baited Pasha therefore temporized until, by the force of circum- stances, he was placed in the position of a rebel : and, as such, he invaded Syria with 9000 infantry and 2000 cavalry. This fine army, under Ibrahim Pasha, with the invaluable Suliman as chief of his staff, had the support of the Egyptian fleet at Jaffa. The Syrians, groaning under the Turkish yoke, hailed Ibrahim as a deliverer, and eventually flocked to his standard. Acre fell (1832) after a siege of six months, and became the Egyptian base. With his 9000 Fellahin and mercenaries, together with as many more volunteers recruited from the Druse and Bedwin populations, Ibrahim marched to Damascus, which opened its gates to him. Holding a safe line of communications, Ibrahim then set out for Homs, where the vanguard of the Turkish army was en- camped, the main body being fifty miles behind. Here the Ottoman commander, being unable or unwilling to deny Ibrahim, decided to give battle. The result was, that the Turks were utterly routed ; and the main body, hearing of the disaster, mutinied, and fled to the north. The victorious Egyptian commander, after a brief visit to Aleppo, set out in hot pursuit, and completed their discomfiture. In consequence of these reverses, and in the panic that followed them, the Turkish fleet abandoned Alexandretta. Ibrahim, seizing his advantage, sent forward a detachment under Abbas to occupy Adana. Receiving reinforcements from his fleet, he advanced on Konia, near which the Turks had concentrated 50,000 men. Here he defeated the Grand Vizier Reshid, routing his entire army, with insignificant losses to himself Konia was the third pitched battle won by the Egyptians, fighting against heavy odds, in an eleven months' campaign that had resulted in the conquest of Syria and the violation of Asia Minor. Ibrahim, with an army of 30,000 men, now penetrated, 54 INFLUENCE OF SEA-POWEK in the depth of winter, to within one hundred miles of the Bosporus, to Kutaya, from whence he threatened the capital and demanded compliance with his father's orders. Nothing but the proximity of a Russian squadron, with 13,000 troops, prevented him from occupying Constantinople, and there dictating his own terms. The Sultan was compelled to agree to the Convention of Kutaya (1833). The Firman of 1832, outlawing and deposing Mohammed Ali, was revoked : and a new Firman (6th May 1833) confirmed the Pasha in the possession of Egypt and Syria. The Egyptians retired to Syria ; and the Russians evacuated the Bosporus : but the Treaty of Unkiar-Skelessi (where the latter had concentrated) placed the Sultan under a Russian Protectorate and closed the Dardanelles to the warships of other nations. Thus, by astute diplomacy and prompt action, Russia, who a few years previously had obtained the chief credit of liberating Greece, temporarily usurped the role of Great Britain. She was, however, deposed from this position by the Treaty of London (1840), to which she, but not France, was a Signatory Power — the latter adhering to its stipulations only in the following year, after the evacuation of Syria. Fall of In 1 84 1, Mohammed Ali lost Syria; but, through the Ali influence of Lord Palmerston, he secured the hereditary possession of Egypt. The history of this disastrous cam- paign may be briefly told. The conqueror of Syria, coquetting with the fickle diplo- macy of France, who was playing a double game, openly defied the Powers, and prated of his ' rights ' — the legitimate fruits of his son's victories — or, in other words, the recogni- tion of his complete independence. The Powers, dealing leniently with him, though a rebel to his suzerain, decided ^ to maintain his state of vassalage to Turkey, giving him Egypt for his family and Syria for his lifetime. ^ In the Treaty of London (1840), signed by the Plenipotentiaries of Great Britain, Austria, Prussia, Russia, and of the Sultan. Under Article II. the Powers undertook to ' cut off the communication by sea between Egypt and Syria.' HISTORICAL RETROSPECT 55 Ibrahim was at Damascus, with an army of 250,000 men of all arms, when a British squadron arrived at Beirut, ac- companied by a few Austrian ships and 4000 Turks. A landing was effected ; but Beirut was bombarded without result, until, eventually, after some Turkish victories on land, Suliman evacuated the town and fell back on Damascus. The British fleet then sailed to Acre, and, with the help of its allies, captured the fortress, thus for the third time at this spot demonstrating the effect of sea-power in the Levant. The Egyptian navy — comprising no less than 2 i battle- ships, 1 7 frigates, and i 8 brigs, with 40,000 men — was all this time shut up with the fleet surrendered by the Turkish admiral in Alexandria. As a * fleet in being,' it might have been used to great advantage : but a few British cruisers sufficed to hold it in check. The French fleet, on which Mohammed AH had relied, never came to his aid. Ibrahim was now thoroughly beaten. With his stricken army, numbering over 60,000 men, he commenced his retreat from Damascus ; but only a remnant of this gallant band and of the host of camp-followers ever reached Egypt. The collapse of Mohammed Ali's dream of empire was thus complete. Nevertheless, it required the almost brutal frankness of a British sea-captain to make him realize his downfall. When Sir Charles Napier arrived at Alexandria, he said to the Pasha of Egypt : ' If your Highness will not listen to my unofficial appeal to you against the folly of further resistance, it only remains for me to bombard you : and, by God, I will bombard you, and plant my bombs in the middle of this room here, where you are sitting ! ' After that, there was nothing more to be said ; and, although Napier's irregular guarantee was repudiated by the Porte and the Powers, Lord Palmerston, who supported him, obtained its essential provisions : the unmolested evacuation of Syria, and a recommendation to the Sultan to leave the Pasha free in Egypt. The retention by Mohammed AH of the hereditary tenure of Egypt was, consequently, con- firmed by the Turkish Firmans of 13th February and 56 INFLUENCE OF SEA-POWER 1st June 1841 ; and the Tribute was fixed at 80,000 purses (;^363,63 5). Broken down by his reverses and, subsequently, by physical infirmities, Mohammed Ali died eight years later, a dotard. The reign of The Career of Mohammed Ali might have been more suc- Aii cessful, if less brilliant, had he applied to himself the lesson taught to Napoleon, which in principle he recognised : the dominating influence of British sea-power, whenever it was exerted. He is reported, by Burckhardt, to have said : ' The great fish swallow the small : and Egypt is necessary to England . . . who must some day take Egypt as her share of the spoil of the Turkish Empire.' But, although he always wished to be the friend of Great Britain, he lent himself readily to the intrigues of her rival in Egypt. He had a wholesome fear of Palmerston and Wellington, neither of whom took him seriously ; but, being ignorant of European politics, he was unaware of Palmerston's domi- nant influence in the cabinets of Europe. The first half of his reign was spent in consolidating his position in Egypt ; the second, in ambitious attempts at winning an empire. He despoiled his country for barren conquests ; and his tyran- nical rule was a curse to his people : but he extended his frontiers, and raised Egypt to the rank of a first-class State. In spite, too, of his reckless expenditure on armaments and military adventures, and the robber-economy he practised in the Delta, he left Egypt more prosperous than he found her. Although his ' reforms ' were mythical ; although his irriga- tion projects and canalization works were inspired by, and carried out for, personal ends, these introduced into the country the European element which its development de- manded. It was his over-reaching ambition in Syria, and his manifest incapacity to pacify and administer the country, that led to the active interference of Europe. He was under the impression that the security of Egypt depended on the possession of Syria ; but, by his tyranny, he roused the entire native population against him, and, through his ignor- ance, he overlooked the cardinal principles of sea-power. That the down-trodden Felldhin should have been led to HISTORICAL RETROSPECT 57 such brilliant victories over their Turkish masters is not so remarkable as it might appear. Ibrahim, himself a great leader, was splendidly served by Suliman, as chief of his staff, and by the foreign mercenaries that composed the conquering elements in his army, as well as by the warlike local levies ; but his easy successes over the Turks were due in a still greater measure to the intrigues of Khusrev, the Sultan's War Minister and the implacable enemy of Mohammed Ali. Khusrev himself wished to be nominated Pasha of Egypt and to lead the Sultan's army against the rebels ; but his Imperial master could not spare him. In revenge for his discomfiture, he wilfully crippled each ex- pedition that set out against Ibrahim. The Sultan having massacred about one-fourth of the Janasseries at Constanti- nople and dispersed the remainder, the Turkish army at that time, in default of the better element that evaded or escaped service, was an undisciplined rabble. With inefficient troops under their command, and with Khusrev's malignant and powerful influence at headquarters causing dissension and producing further disorganization, the Turkish commanders had no chance against Ibrahim's brilliant generalship and dashing exploits. In the year that Mohammed Ali paid homage to his suzerain at Stambul, Ibrahim was received and feted in Eng- land. The latter, after a few months' regency, during his father's imbecility, died in 1848. On the death of Moham- med Ali in 1849, Abbas (the son of Tussun), who had taken over the regency from Ibrahim, succeeded to the Pashalik, in precedence of his uncle Said. Abbas I. was a Turk of the old School. He had no Abbas i.— 1849- sympathy with his grandfather's weakness for Levantine ' ^ institutions and foreign society : indeed, he openly expressed contempt for these, and made some attempts to stem the tide of the European pacific invasion of Egypt. But the opening up of the overland route and the prospect of pillage had attracted a swarm of adventurers and concession-hunters to Egypt, against whom Abbas sought safety in flight. He shut himself up in his palace, refusing all intercourse with 58 INFLUENCE OF SEA POWER foreigners ; he freed trade by abolishing what remained of the commercial monopolies ; he reduced the army, and suppressed public institutions that owed their origin to artificial inflation : in a word, he adopted a severely reac- tionary policy. He was only thirty-six years of age when he became Pasha of Egypt. Five years later, he was assassinated in his palace, and was succeeded by his junior uncle. Said. His brief, inglorious reign was notable chiefly for the introduction of railways in the Delta, in order to facilitate the transit of mails and passengers between Alex- andria and Cairo. These were constructed at the suggestion of the British Government, whose interest in a quick route to India eventually predominated over French obstruction. Said— 1854-1863 Said, having been educated in France, and being of an amiable and pliant disposition, readily fell under the sway of European influence. He admitted all to his intimacy ; and, having been carefully trained to fill his high position, he confidently gathered up the reins of gov^ernment into his own hands, ignoring his native advisers. Egypt being free from public debt, and commerce being unshackled and prosperous, Said made a very good beginning as a benevo- lent autocrat. He protected the peasantry by granting (in 1858) a Land Law, which secured the Felldhin in their freehold rights ; and he extended the railways and canals. Indeed, but for the influence of M. de Lesseps, who, as a prime favourite, hunted him all over the country in the fixed determination to obtain a concession for the cutting of the Suez Canal, the genial Pasha might have succeeded better in giving effect to his good intentions. In 1856, Said finally capitulated, and ratified his promise of 1854, being assured by M. de Lesseps that the canal would be con- structed with French capital and would make the Pasha master of the situation in Egypt. The falsification of these hopes is too evident to-day to require further demonstra- tion. In spite of British opposition to a scheme that threatened her own naval interests and held out little pro- spect of benefiting Egypt, the Porte, as suzerain, eventually confirmed the concession. HISTORICAL RETROSPECT 59 Disease and anxiety broke down the feeble physical and mental equipment of Said, who, after nine years' honest endeavour to benefit his country, died in 1863. From my present point of view — -the influence of sea- Ismail— 1863- power on the history of Egypt — the reign of Ismail was chiefly significant for the opening, in 1869, of the Suez Canal. This event profoundly affected the commercial and naval situation in the Mediterranean, leading not only to the diversion of international commerce and the redistri- bution of trade-centres, but also to the creation of a nodal point in the primacy of the seas which of necessity fell under the controlling influence of the dominant maritime Power, Thus, an Egyptian Question, in its widest sense, was created, second only in importance to the analogous situation on the Bosporus. The labours of George Baldwin, the first British Consul The Suez in Egypt (during the French Revolution), of Mr Briggs, an English merchant at Alexandria, and, in particular, the life-long perseverance and initiative of Lieutenant Waghorn, in Mohammed Ali's reign, had contributed to and resulted in the revival of the overland route to India, thus preparing the way for M. de Lesseps. First under Said, and subsequently under Ismail, the Suez Canal was built and opened as the principal pathway of commerce to the Far East. Intended originally for sailing vessels only, its financial success was ensured by the invention of the compound engine, which economised the consumption of coal, and by the growing commerce of Great Britain, which contributed two-thirds of its receipts. The Company, originally Egyptian, was saved from bankruptcy by the sixteen millions of capital which Ismail sunk — part of which went to pay off the iniquitous Award of Napoleon III. in 1864 ; but it was subsequently alienated, and brought under French administration, or the autocracy of M. de Lesseps. Egypt, at the present day, derives no profit from the Canal, except indirectly through the British Occupation, which is the logical result of its construction. The purchase by Lord Beaconsfield of 60 INFLUENCE OF SEA-POWER Ismail's Suez Canal shares ^ gave Great Britain a loais standi , which she did not before possess in the control of Egypt, and a share with France in the administration of the Canal. The prosperity and safety of this international highway are, or should be, the common concern of Europe and a bond of union between Great Britain and France for the promotion of good and stable government in Egypt. But its neutralization is assured only so long as the integrity of Egyptian territory, under Turkish suzerainty, is preser\-ed. Career of the The Career of Ismail — the prodigal son of a warrior Pasha ga as a — j-jggjj i-,q^ detain me long in the telling. In the apt words of Sir Alfred Milner, it was * a carnival of extravagance and oppression.' ^ He ran amok among the stockbrokers of Europe and carried despotism to the height of crime. In twelve years he spent over one hundred millions of money, and brought Egypt to the brink of bankruptcy. He created liabilities of which not more than about ten per cent, was spent on the constitution and legitimate de\elopment of public works and native institutions. He squandered fortunes in bakhshish^ the building of palaces, vice-regal display and ambitions, and on voluptuous living. But he wasted far more by his reckless and unscrupulous methods of raising money. All this was done in spite of the capable expert advice at his service — an advice which lacked authority — until, by his despotism, Ismail's mad career was brought to a close by the united action of Europe. Everything was in his favour when the prodigal Pasha came to the throne. Egypt's revenue was sufficient for all practical purposes of economical and national development, whilst her public debt barely exceeded three millions. The American civil war had opened up immense markets for cotton, the staple product of Egypt, whereby the exports rose in two years (1862- 1864) from four to fourteen millions in value, and the imports from one to five millions. But, sur- rounded as he was by a host of European finance-mongers ^ Purchased (1875) for ;i{^4, 000, 000 (from which Ismail derived an immediate profit of ^500,000) and now worth about £zo^ooQ,'pt, having previously proposed (3 Jany. 1883) that this ideal but impossible scheme should apply only to the Canal. These negotiations came to naught. HISTORICAL RETROSPECT 71 the pacification of the Sudan through the offices of the Ottoman Commissioner, and in the institution of an enquiry relating to 'the general settlement of Egyptian affairs.' In the event of the points on which the two Governments needed further information being favourably reported on by their respective Commissioners, the High Contracting Parties were to consider the propriety of executing a definitive Con- vention ' regulating the withdrawal of the British troops from Egypt in a convenient period.' Sir Henry Drummond- Wolff and Mukhtar Pasha, being appointed High Commissioners, proceeded to Egypt, where they remained for over a year, the former paying a visit to England at the end of 1886. Both had, in the meantime, reported to their Governments. In January, 1887, Sir Henry returned to Constantinople, Abortive in order to consult with the Sultan, at his urgent request, with^TuVkey concerning the terms of our proposed evacuation. On the 22nd May, a definitive Convention was signed on behalf of the Queen and the Sultan, respectively. The main provisions of this Convention were as follows : (i) The British troops were to be withdrawn at the end of three years, or as soon after as possible, coinciding with the disappearance of internal and external danger to the political and territorial integrity of Egypt ; (2) two years thereafter, British supervision over the Egyptian army was to cease ; and (3) on the exchange of ratifications between Great Britain and Turkey, the Powers were to be invited to give their adhesion to the terms of the Convention, and to recog- nise and guarantee the inviolability of Egyptian territory. Both the Sultan, by reason of his suzerainty, and Great Britain, on account of her responsible position, agreed to mutually recognise their corresponding rights to re-occupy Egypt, should circumstances arise that imperilled the main objects of the Convention ; but, so soon as such dangers were past, they undertook to withdraw their armies. More- over, among other safeguards for the tranquillity and safety of Egypt, a Protocol was attached, providing for the institu- tion of ' a local and uniform jurisdiction and legislature,' to 72 INFLUENCE OF SEA-POWER which foreign residents would be amenable, thereby guarding against the abuses contingent on the Capitulations. It will be seen, therefore, that the proposed right of re- occupation by Great Britain constituted both the strength and the weakness of the Convention — the former because the Tutelary Power endeavoured to meet her obligations and redeem her pledges, the latter because of the opposition of France. France, supported by Russia, energetically opposed the ratification of the Convention by Turkey ; Great Britain at once ratified it, and obtained the moral support of Ger- many, Austria-Hungary, and Italy. Thus, the Triple Alliance sided with the maintenance of the status quo under certain necessary guarantees ; but the present Dual Alliance opposed it. Ratifications being withheld, the negotiations came to naught. Results Nevertheless, this abortive Convention was an important land-mark in British policy, and achieved one notable result. It established the bona fides of Great Britain — to the tem- porary loss of her prestige in Egypt — and it registered the fact that French opposition alone prevented her from re- deeming the promise of evacuation within a definite period. Therefore, morally speaking, all such promises made prior to July 1887, are now null and void, and only those made since that date are binding on her Majesty's Government. Except during the period of the Rosebery-Iddesleigh interregnum at the Foreign Office, the negotiations were conducted, on behalf of the Queen, by Lord Salisbury, whose despatch of 15th January 1887, addressed to Sir Henry Drummond- Wolff, defined the situation in terms of historical importance.^ The British Commissioner was withdrawn ; ^ ' The Sultan is pressing the Government of Great Britain to name a date for the evacuation of Egypt, and in that demand he is avowedly encouraged by one, or perhaps two, of the European Powers. Her Majesty's Government have every desire to give him satisfaction upon this point, but they cannot hx even a distant date for evacuation, until they are able to make provision for securing beyond that date the external and internal peace of Egypt. The object which the Powers of Europe have had in view, and which it is not less the desire of her Majesty's Government to attain, may be generally expressed by the phrase "the neutraliza- tion of Egypt " ; but it must be neutralization with an exception designed to main- tain the security and permanence of the whole arrangement. The British HISTORICAL RETROSPECT 73 but Mukhtar Pasha, his Turkish colleague, has remained in Egypt ever since. He has no definite mission ; but he represents the principle of Turkish suzerainty. He is not wanted in Constantinople, being far too popu- lar as a great military leader ; and he is not wanted in Egypt, except perhaps by the intriguers : in fact, he hangs, like Mohammed's coffin, between heaven and earth. The Regeneration of Egypt, during the last fourteen years, The Regenera- has been the theme of countless critics, both friendly and '°"° ^^ hostile. Her financial recuperation and prosperity, her social and economical emancipation and development, have been the wonder of the world. In spite of every conceivable obstacle placed in its way, the Single Control has raised Egypt from a position of bankruptcy and bondage to the rank of a solvent and progressive State. The reforms and methods introduced into every department of the Adminis- tration will be dealt with elsewhere : and the cumulative effect will then be seen. Here I have simply to record the fact, that the results have not only justified the existence of the Single Control, but, owing to the absence of any con- certed action on the part of the Powers, the tacit mandate of Europe may be said to have been given to the maintenance of the status quo in Egypt. France, with the half-hearted support of Russia, stands alone in her opposition, the effect of which retards reform and shackles Egypt with fetters that Government must retain the right to guard and uphold the condition of things which will have been brought about by the military action and large sacrifices of this country. So long as the Government of Egypt maintains its position, and no disorders arise to interfere with the administration of justice or the action of the executive power, it is highly desirable that no soldier belonging to any foreign nation should remain upon the soil of Egypt, except when it may be necessary to make use of the land-passage from one sea to another. Her Majesty's Govern- ment would willingly agree that such a stipulation should, whenever the evacua- tion had taken place, apply to English as much as to any other troops ; but it will be necessary to restrict this provision, as far as England is concerned, to periods of tranquillity. England, if she spontaneously and willingly evacuates the country, must retain a treaty-right of intervention, if at any time either internal peace or external security should be seriously threatened. There is no danger that a privilege so costly in its character will be used unless the circumstances impera- tively demand it.' (Milner's ' England in Egypt.') 74 INFLUENCE OF SEA-POWER bear very heavily on the country and the people. If, in short, France were to fall into line with the other Powers, there is no reason why the existing Condominium should not eventually lead to the gradual emancipation of Egypt from all foreign Control, apart from certain checks and guarantees that were vaguely and inadequately outlined in the Drummond- Wolff Convention. But, as will be seen when the situation is closely examined, the opposition of France is a constant and apparently inextinguishable factor, which can lead but to one solution — its elimination by force viajeure, as the logical result of conditions thereby created. Under Taufik, the Anglo-Egyptian Administration entered on the path of assured progress and prosperity, and, by degrees, enlisted the sympathies and support both of the people and their representative Ministers. The Liberal and Conservative elements of the Constitution were worthily upheld by two Egyptian statesmen, Nubar and Riaz, whose rivalry and antithesis of policy and character were profound. Both Ministers, but particularly Nubar, who had served every ruler of the Mohammed Ali dynasty, contributed to the success of the Single Control. Both came into serious conflict with the Tutelary Power : and both, in consequence, lost their position and influence — Nubar, over the question concerning the reorganization of the Police ; Riaz, over the appointment of Mr (afterwards Sir John) Scott as Judicial Adviser. Riaz was succeeded by the present Prime Minister, Mustafa Pasha Fehmi, who has always loyally supported the British Control. ' Justice and Water ' — which, in the opinion of Nubar, were necessary for Egypt in order to become ' great and flourishing,' have been given to her in ever-increasing mea- sures, until the peasantry have recognised their emancipation from centuries of thraldom and oppression, and the land has yielded an enormous increase of revenue. Official corruption has practically been eliminated ; rigid retrenchment and a proper system of accounts have saved wastage and secured financial stability ; reproductive public works have increased the revenue ; taxation has been reduced, and large Reserve HISTORICAL RETROSPECT 75 funds have been created. The Service of the Debt is no longer a matter of anxiety. Of internal reforms nothing more need be said in this place. These will be discussed seriatim in the sections dealing with the Anglo-Egyptian Administration. The external dangers to Egypt have now been wholly Reconquest of removed. Her territorial integrity on the Mediterranean * '^ and Red Sea Littorals is guaranteed under the Condominium. The security of her frontiers in the south has been achieved by the gallant exploits of her own army, in co-operation with the British Contingent and under the leadership of British officers. For years after the fall of Khartum, Egypt had to defend her frontiers against the raids of the Dervishes. Osman Digna invested and constantly attacked Suakin, until deprived of his base at Tokar. Hordes of Dervishes kept up an intermittent warfare on the Frontier Province, until Nejumi — the conqueror of Hicks, the leader of the final assault on Khartum, and the ' only general ' of the Khalifa — was defeated, and he and most of his gallant followers were killed, at Toski. The Anglo-Egyptian Campaigns, to Don- gola and to Khartum, together with the operations from Kassala, finally overthrew the power of the Khalifa and crushed the last vestige of his barbarous rule in the Nile Valley. Thus, internally and externally, Egypt now enjoys prosperity and peace under British Control and protec- tion. On the premature death of Taufik in 1892, his son. Abbas Abbas n.-iSgz JHilmi, succeeded to the Khediviate. Taufik had cordially co-operated with the British Control, once it was firmly 'established, without losing touch with native ideas and sym- pathies. He was the solvent between Eastern prejudices and Western progress, and essentially the man of the situa- tion. He thus earned the affection and gratitude of his people, as well as the forbearance and respect of the Tutelary Power. His successor, on the other hand, is frankly reac- tionary, carrying opposition to a point which on more than one occasion has challenged the fate of Ismail. This regret- 76 INFLUENCE OF SEA-POWER table obstruction to the permanence of British reforms will, however, be dealt with in another place. The heir-pre- sumptive is Mohammed Ali, the second son of the lamented Taufik, whose sympathy for English ideals is above reproach. n EGYPT AND SEA-POWER General In Concluding this outline of Egyptian history, I venture princip es ^^ register the general principles which, up to this point, I have sought to establish. The inter-dependence of physical and political phenomena in Egypt is sufficiently marked to serve as a key to the present International situation and to suggest the inevitable solution. The physical and political factors determining and con- trolling the expansion and destiny of Egypt may be outlined as follows : — The zone of deserts which girdles the earth in about the latitudes of the Sahara is nowhere more inimical to the migration of man than in the region under discussion. But for the magnificent waterway of the Nile, Egypt would be overwhelmed by the death-dealing desert which, leaping the Red Sea, pervades Arabia and penetrates northwards through Central Asia to the Pacific slopes. This ' gift of the Nile ' is therefore the chief highway between the deserts that separate the principal centres of population in Europe and Asia ; and consequently, though physically united to Africa, its liistory has been determined by the other continents. At the same time, the organic unity of the Nile Valley is a fact which my detailed analysis of the physical conditions has, I trust, now definitely established. Geographically speaking, Egypt is homologous to the Sea of Marmora, and the Suez Canal is the Bosporus of the modern Mediterranean World. The former unites the seas, the latter draws together the continents, of Europe and Asia. In other words, the Suez Canal being the nexus between East and West, Egypt necessarily becomes the chief nodal point of International commerce, as well as the principal strategic base of sea-power and world-dominion. ON THE HISTORY OF EGYPT 77 The unique geographical position of Egypt has, from time immemorial, challenged the ambition of the Mediterranean peoples whose commercial and political supremacy have in any way depended upon the Command of the Sea. My Historical Retrospect emphasises the insularity of Egypt, the control over which has always been vested in the Masters of the Mediterranean. Thus, the past history of Egypt establishes the theory that her destiny is dependent on the Command of the Sea ; whilst contemporary politics invest this postulate with the force almost of a natural law. The dominant naval Power now controls the fate of Egypt. Truly, * history repeats itself During our era, Egypt has seen nineteen dynasties, none of which have exercised effective political power for more than a hundred years at a time, although de jure dynasties have lasted longer. By 1905, the Mohammed Ali dynasty will have completed its century : but a de facto foreign ': Government has already supplanted it. I particularly wish the reader to bear that psychological date in mind : the centenary of the proclamation of Mohammed Ali as Pasha of Egypt, and of the battle of Trafalgar, which gave us the Command of the Sea. In spite of the most persistent efforts to evade responsi- bility for Egypt, circumstances have driven Great Britain to become sponsor for her future destiny. The well- known economical law, that any re-arrangement of the : channels of commerce must be followed by a re-distribution jof trade-centres, may, and does, partly account for Great I Britain, as the chief possessor of the sea-borne trade of the world, taking a vital interest in the Suez Canal ; but there is another natural law, more elusive but not the less evident, which impels her to exercise a domi- nant political influence over Egypt. This law of empire ;has been so well defined and expounded by the leading authority on the interpretation of sea-power, that I can- not do better than to quote his words, in support of my argument. Captain Mahan, discussing an analogous case, the annexa- 78 INFLUENCE OF SEA-POWER tion of Hawaii,^ with reference to the future sea-power of the United States, remarks : — ' So the Isthmian Canal [Central America] is an inevitable part in the future of the United States ; yet one that cannot be separated from other necessary incidents of a policy dependent upon it, whose details cannot be foreseen exactly. But because the precise steps that hereafter may be oppor- tune or necessary cannot yet be foretold certainly, is not a reason the less, but a reason the more, for establishing a principle of action which may serve to guide as opportunities arise. Let us start from the fundamental truth, warranted by history, that the control of the seas, and especially along the great lines drawn by national interest or national com- merce, is the chief among the merely material elements in the power and prosperity of nations. It is so because the sea is the world's great medium of circulation. Fi-om this necessarily follows the principle that, as subsidiary to such control, it is imperative to take possession, when it can be done righteously, of such maritime positions as contribute to secure command.' Deduction This principle is applied and enforced in another article ^ by the same author, who says : — * Like all natural forces, the impulse [of expansion] takes the direction of least resistance ; but when in its course it comes upon some region rich in possibilities, though unfruit- ful through the incapacity or negligence of those who dwell therein, the incompetent race or system will go down, as the inferior race ever has fallen back and disappeared before the persistent impact of the superior. The recent familiar instance of Egypt is entirely in point. . . , Whether the original enterprise or the continued presence of Great Britain in Egypt is entirely clear of technical wrongs, open to the criticism of the pure moralist, is as little to the point as the morality of an earthquake : the general action was justified 1 ' Hawaii and our Future Sea Power,' by Captain A. T. Mahan, U.S. Navy. {Forum, March 1893.) '•^ 'The Future in relation to American Naval Power,' by Captain Mahan, {Harper s Magazine, March 1897.) ON THE HISTORY OF EGYPT 79 by broad considerations of moral expediency, being to the benefit of the world at large, and of the people of Egypt in particular — however they might have voted in the matter. But what is chiefly instructive in this occurrence is the inevitableness, which it shares in common with the great majority of cases where civilized and highly organized peoples have trespassed upon the technical rights of posses- sion of the previous occupants of the land — of which our own dealings with the American Indian afford another example. The inalienable rights of the individual are entitled to a respect which they unfortunately do not always get ; but there is no inalienable right in any community to control the use of a region when it does so to the detriment of the world at large, of its neighbours in particular, or even at times of its own subjects.' So far. Captain Mahan. The finger of destiny appears, therefore, to point to the eventual acquisition of Egypt by Great Britain. My belief is that this destiny will be fulfilled. And it is because I hold this belief, in common with many others, that I feel the time has come to face the situation frankly and boldly. What that situation is, it will now be my purpose to Conclusion define, in all its bearings : to disclose its responsibilities as well as its advantages, and to prepare the public mind for the inevitable solution of the Egyptian Problem. In spite of the recent recrudescence of an Imperial Spirit — called forth by more than one affront to our national honour, and therefore liable to suffer a reaction — I am by no means convinced that the British electorate is prepared to endorse a policy of annexation, whether by direct or indirect methods. Although the national will may postpone, if it cannot eventually obstruct, that power behind Nature which shapes our destiny, nevertheless so serious a step should not be taken in the absence of public conviction. My purpose, consequently, is to carry conviction to the point of formu- lating a clear and reasoned policy, which shall have the force of bearing down all opposition, both at home and abroad. Furthermore, I am prepared to show that a British Protectorate over Egypt will, in all probability, be gradually 80 INFLUENCE OF SEA-POWER brought about by normal and pacific means, with the tacit consent, if not under the legal mandate, of Europe, if peace can be preserved for another six years. In order to do justice to my theme, and, in particular, to carry conviction to English readers, it will be necessary, not only to connect the Egyptian Problem with the broad issues of the Eastern Question, but also to trace the develop- ment and expansion of the British Empire itself up to the point we have now reached. This collateral evidence will not therefore be a digression, but, I believe, a corroborative argument in favour of the principles I am endeavouring to establish and of the policy I venture to formulate. With such evidence before him, the reader will then have no difficulty in coming to a definite decision as regards the question of future domination throughout the Nile Valley. Ill (Objective Factors) IDENTIFICATION OF BRITISH IMPERIAL POLICY WITH THE EXPANSION OF EGYPT i BRITISH IMPERIAL POLICY ii DEFENCE OF THE EMPIRE T III OBJECTIVE FACTORS i BRITISH IMPERIAL POLICY HE crisis in foreign politics through which we are now Our ■ splendid , . ^ ^ . •, 1 1 ,. ., isolation' passing appears to point to an inevitable re-distnbu- tion of the Balance of Power in Eurasia, in view of which the leading European nations and the United States of America are manceuvring to secure the best strategic positions. Whilst, however, the self-seeking policy of them all is an obvious fact, the preponderating world-wide in- terests of Great Britain necessarily attract the greatest amount of attention and afford many inducements or pre- texts for friendly and hostile combinations. Never, perhaps, within living memory, has the general situation at a period of profound peace been fraught with wider issues. But in spite of threatening incidents and of problems still unsolved, a commendable spirit of moderation and of pacific inter- vention has so far prevailed. To Great Britain the gain has been incalculable : since she has learnt, in unmistakeable terms, her true position among the nations. Many a war has produced a less in- structive object-lesson. Her apparent isolation and the general mistrust with which she is regarded have been met on her side by a demonstration of independence and strength the significance of which will become apparent in the course of my present enquiry. Never before have we entered upon a more critical phase of our existence as an Empire. Never before have we been stronger, for peace or for war, than now. And never before have we had so favourable an opportunity of formulating a national policy which, whilst guaranteeing all vital interests, 83 84 BRITISH IMPERIAL POLICY shall render us independent of European rivalries, except in so far as the Balance of Power is concerned. It is a commonplace to speak of the British Empire as being the greatest, the most powerful, and the most pacific that the world has ever seen. Our Empire is an eclectic epitome of all preceding empires : and therefore signalizes a genuine advance in the development of national life. It owes its origin, its growth, its power, not to statecraft nor to State-aid, and relatively little to aggressive wars. It is not of artificial expansion through the selfish nursing of mono- polies ; still less is it the sequel to an ambitious Imperial policy : for we do not aim at world-dominion, in a military sense. It is the People's Empire — bone of their bone and flesh of their flesh — the creation and the heritage of a free- dom-loving race. In a word, it is a political organism, fulfilling definite national functions ; and, as I shall en- deavour to show, an organic unity, with obvious co-ordina- tion of its parts : not the inarticulate, irresponsible structure conceived by the average British tax-payer. Again, the British Empire makes for peace and not for war. Peace, it has been said, and said with truth, is the greatest of British interests : its preservation is therefore the first duty of our statesmen. Peace at any price we cannot afford to accept ; but peace at a long price is merely a sum in arithmetic to a commercial state such as ours. By peace we gain time to develop along natural lines : and a large measure of time, judged by human standards, is required for so complex an organism as the British Empire to attain to full maturity as a responsible world-power. To ensure peace, however, we must be prepared for war ; and, in these days of mammoth armaments, this necessarily involves a burdensome tax upon national industry : though, properly speaking, it amounts merely to an annual premium on war-policy. Great Britain, owing to her geographical position and sea-power, is to a large extent withdrawn from the issues of Continental politics ; but, as a member of the European system, she cannot escape her share in the responsibility of maintaining the Balance of Power, upon which peace between AND EXPANSION OF EGYPT 85 the nations is based. Her insularity, guaranteed by the supremacy of her navy, carries with it the choice of retiring from any disturbance of the International equilibrium — since her own shores are inviolable — or of throwing her whole weight on the side of peace. Thus, oscillations caused by European strategic movements concern us very nearly, though not so closely and intimately as the other Great Powers, whose vital interests are chiefly Continental. If it were not for our growing responsibilities in the Mediterranean and for the hydra-headed Eastern Question, we might even look forward to the day when our Foreign Policy should become merged in that greater Colonial Policy which takes account of tariff-wars rather than of the strife of nationalities. For, theoretically speaking, the prosecution of a more vigorous and enlightened Colonial Policy must inevitably relieve, almost automatically, the increasing burdens of our Foreign Policy : since an Empire such as ours, united in a more conscious and responsible Kriegsverein, might boldly accept its destiny as a League of Peace and be in a position to defend its integrity against any probable combination of hostile Powers. It is necessary to refer to these elemental conditions of British Policy in order to prepare the ground for the argu- ments that follow, — which, in short, grow out of them. If the prestige which attaches to our sea-power were by ex- perience to be proved as ill-founded as the great Chinese myth, recently dispelled by the achievements of Japan, then the only safety for the British Empire would lie in European alliances. At present we are free, or nominally free, from these dangerous encumbrances : and in this freedom lies the secret of our strength. Our Empire is an Ocean Empire. Only the maritime Powers are in a position to aim a vital blow at our territorial integrity. We have but two land-frontiers to protect against invasion : North- West India, where Nature has raised almost impregnable breastworks, and Canada. Cradled on the sea, it is from the sea we derive our political unity no less than our daily nourishment and our strength as a world- 86 BRITISH IMPERIAL POLICY power. The ocean unites, and does not divide, the scattered members of an empire whose cohesion is dependent on sea- power. Organic Unity If, therefore, it can be shown that this cohesion is no artificial or imaginary bond, but one growing out of the natural co-ordination of its parts, and that the circulation of all vital interests is of necessity stimulated by nourishment from within and by pressure of opposition from without, the organic unity of the Empire becomes a demonstrable fact. If sentiment were the only tie — as is too often asserted — between the Mother-country and her Colonies, the Empire would run grave risks of disruption. Sentiment, however, plays but a subordinate part ; and it is entirely over-ruled by self-interest, which forms the best possible basis for an imperishable union. Historical Let US consider for a moment how this great Empire of e rospec ^^^.^ j^^g grown Up beyond the seas ; what it really is, and what are its national functions. To establish my thesis, I must pursue two lines of argument — the historical and the geographical. Both may be dealt with as briefly as possible. Take, first, the historical, in which the late Sir John Seeley is a reliable guide. When Elizabeth, the much-courted Queen of England, finally decided against the Hapsburg system of royal marriages, which in her time were the object of the highest statesmanship and controlled the dynastic fortunes of States no less than their territorial acquisitions by dowry, she was influenced by her love of peace — national rather than domestic. This fortunate choice, isolating her to a large extent from the battlefields of European rivalry — in spite of her championship of the Reformation — led, by a curious combination of circumstances, to the foundation of the British Empire. She gave us our insularity : not con- sciously,^ nor with any prophetic views of empire, but ^ It is not to be supposed that, in laying the corner-stone of the British Empire, Elizabeth grasped the full meaning and resource of sea-power in our insular position. But it is interesting to note, that one, at least, of her sea-captains understood its leading principle. Writing to his sovereign, on 30th March 1588, Sir Francis Drake remarked : ' Her Majesty and people are not to fear any AND EXPANSION OF EGYPT 87 through the irony of negation. She was anxious to secure peace, almost at any price ; and the secret of her poHcy was ' masterly inactivity.' In the second half of her reign, how- ever, she was forced into a war with the Spanish Monarchy — the united sea-Powers who, by virtue of a Papal Bull, claimed the undiscovered Ocean-world as theirs by Divine Right : and the issues of that war revolutionised Europe. England rose from the sea as a commercial and maritime State, and entered upon a course of legitimised piracy in the New World. When the seventeenth century dawned, the two Protestant States, England and Holland, stood forth as the coming sea-Powers ; and the two Catholic States, Spain and France, faced each other in fixed rivalry for military ascendancy on the Continent. The Dutch Republic and the English Monarchy pursued a common policy, at the expense of Spain and Portugal ; though the former was at first the more enterprising in her efforts to create emporia beyond the seas. England, on her part, was impelled by a blind instinct to seek the line of least resist- ance towards commercial and political independence : in fact, it was only under James, who united the English and Scottish crowns, that Great Britain embarked upon a con- scious policy of colonization, properly so-called. Cromwell himself clearly foresaw the true destiny of England, and interpreted it by his Navigation Act — which aimed a vital blow at the Dutch monopoly over the carrying-trade — as well as by the capture of Jamaica : but under Cromwell we were an aggressive Power, the foremost military and mari- time State in Europe. It required a foreign Prince, William of Orange, to unite the dynastic and commercial interests invasion in her own country, but to seek God's enemy and her Majesty's where they may be found . . . for, with fifty sail of shipping, we shall do more good upon their own coast than a great many more will do here at home.' This was the lesson of the Armada. Moreover, as Drake added, a month later : such a policy would be ' better cheap ' — a recommendation that had much weight with Elizabeth. If British policy there was at that period, it was a policy of piracy, well suited to the times, and in no sense derogatory. Thus, we observe the genesis of our Ocean Empire to be due, not to ambitious designs of conquest such as the Hapsburgs cherished, but to the genius of our sea-captains and the natural adaptability of their followers. 88 BRITISH IMPERIAL POLICY of England and Scotland on the one hand and of England and the Netherlands on the other. The battle of the Boyne laid the foundations of the present European system ; ^ and the War of the Spanish Succession, carrying with it the question of monopoly in the New World, finally settled for us our character as a Commercial State. Elizabeth, Cromwell, and William III. were, therefore, the three rulers who mainly contributed to the growth of British policy. The first withdrew us from European en- tanglements and alliances, and wedded us to the Ocean. The second adjusted, though in a very summary and inadequate fashion, the differences between the two king- doms and Ireland, laid the basis of our commercial policy, and outlined the future greatness and scope of the Empire. The third gave us the rudiments of a durable constitution, freed England and Europe from the French ascendancy, and fixed the main lines of British policy as it exists at the present day. England sought the Ocean for a wider and a fuller life. She found this in America, and, as time went on, in other parts of the world. Sturdy emigrants, driven from their Mother-country by religious persecution ; bold adventurers, to whom the illimitable horizon made an irresistible appeal ; and genuine colonists, who followed in their path : each and all bore with them their birthright of freedom and created new homes in a New World. The great English Revolution, whilst it laid the basis of a national policy, also ushered in that series of wars with France, or chiefly with France, which came to an end only with the fall of Napoleon. This traditional rivalry even 1 The iate Sir John Seeley calls the struggle on the Boyne ' the decisive battle of European civilisation.' Ireland, suffering from the Penal Code, and because of her Catholicism, became the battlefield of Europe ; and was overrun by Dutch, French, and German troops, rather than by English, Scottish, and Irish. This decisive conflict led to the fall of Louis XIV., and changed the map of Europe. In fact, the second English Revolution, says Seeley {Growth of English Policy, ii. 308), ' was an event which decided the whole subsequent course of European history, and was speedily seen to have done so. It is in this respect the unique event in the history of England.' AND EXPANSION OF EGYPT 89 imposed its law upon Europe during the eighteenth century. It was for us a period of incessant strife, during which the Empire grew, not by peaceful settlement, as for the most part it had grown during the previous century, but by conquest. In the Napoleonic wars, the leading land-Power was pitted against the leading sea-Power : and in the end victory remained with the sea. Finally, the Victorian age has been characterised by unexampled Colonial expansion, chiefly through peaceful settlement, and by an unprecedented advance in national life and industry. Our inventors and scientists have re- volutionised the conditions of international intercourse, and have been universal benefactors. The Ocean-world has been Anglicised. We thus see, that, in our search for a national policy, we have oscillated between a pacific and an aggressive attitude — opposite poles, marking the extreme swing of the pendulum. Historical facts appear, however, to indicate that the British Empire finds the widest scope for its dynamic development and expansion under conditions that provide for peace, unfettered commercial intercourse, and unchallenged naval supremacy. The latter, it is true, may be provocative of war : but it is an essential condition of our insularity, upon which the inviolability of our national rights depends, and, as such, counterbalances the immense standing armies of Continental States. If used oppressively, it would undoubtedly lead to a European coalition against us ; but, used in moderation and for the defence of national rights, it is a guarantee for the peace of Europe from which every pacific Power may and does derive advantage. The fundamental principles of British Imperial Policy Principles of , ,,.,- , 1 .1 J British Policy may consequently be embodied in the three watchwords — Conciliation, Amalgamation, and Consolidation : conciliation towards the outside world, amalgamation ot interests within the Empire, and the consolidation of its component parts on the basis of Free Trade, free institutions, and the freedom of the sea. The first may be secured by Diplomacy ; the second by statesmanship ; and the third by naval supremacy 90 BRITISH IMPERIAL POLICY permitting free play to our national genius. With each of these aspects of Imperial Policy I shall deal in due course. Whilst the historical argument in favour of our with- drawal from Continental rivalries may, perhaps, fail to carry the conviction I have sought to establish, much greater con- fidence may be placed in the geographical argument of insularity and organic unity. That, by necessity as well as by deliberate choice, we do occupy a position of isolation (or, as we would say, of independence) in international politics, in consequence of our world-wide interests and the jealousy these excite, is a fact universally recognised ; and, in view of the comparatively recent revival of Colonial enterprise ^ on the part of European States, it is evident that this unfortunate rivalry must increase as time goes on : thus necessitating on our side a corresponding activity in strengthening the bases of British Unity. Not so self- evident, however, is the hypothesis of the organic unity of the Empire. Unity of the A glance at the map may possibly convey a precisely contrary signification, if only to those who suffer from geo- graphical astigmatism. The component parts of the Empire are seen to be situated in every continent and in every sea, and to range through every zone of temperature. All races, ^ This Colonial revival began in 1884, when Germany rushed feverishly into the field. The Times of 20th October, 1896, instituted a comparison between the accessions of territory gained by the respective Powers, with the following results : 18S4. iSq6. Actual Addition. sq. miles. sq. miles. sq. miles. France .... 869,000 3,391,000 2,522,000 Great Britain . 8,530.770 11,129,860 2,599,090 Germany 208,670 1,231,740 1,023,070 Belgium .... 11,370 1,011,370 1,000,000 Italy .... 110,620 610,620 500,000 Germany also has set the pace in the Far East, with results yet to be observed. AND EXPANSION OF EGYPT 91 all religions, all forms of government, are represented in this political microcosm. Nevertheless, they converge to the point of geographical unity. Infinite diversity is the dis- tinguishing mark of our physical environment ; compre- hensive complexity is the obvious character of our political system. We are not, in fact, a simple marine organism, but a highly developed maritime State : not an aggregate of rudimentary functions, but a self-conscious and responsible entity with co-ordinated powers of adaptation. An Empire embracing the world in its every-day national functions, depending for its existence on the Command of the Sea and on the safety of its sea-borne commerce. An Empire which, it is estimated, has cost over five thousand millions Sterling, and is not yet paid for — the National Debt amounting (in 1898) to ;£^634,43 5,704. An Empire whose capitalists have fertilized every civilized country in the world : to whom the world owes two thousand millions Sterling. An Empire whose commercial fleets monopolise sea-borne commerce — that of the United Kingdom alone being valued at i^8 6 5, 000,000. An Empire which enjoys a com- parative monopoly of the external commerce of many extra- European States, as also a predominant share in the com- merce of other foreign countries. An Empire with Diplo- matic and Consular officials in every civilized land and at every commercial centre — a marvellous organization, and a costly one. An Empire with fleets of warships dominating every strategic sea-area, with naval bases and coaling-stations girdling the earth, with cruisers ready, at short notice, to patrol every strategic sea-route or to convoy British mercantile fleets along the ordinary trade-routes. An Empire with a military organization which, though relatively small in detail, is sufficiently effective for a maritime State, with Indian and Colonial establishments kept up at full war- strength or capable of immediate re-inforcement. Finally, an Empire with a complex system of administration which fosters the organic development of British communities from a position of tutelage to that of self-government, and which guarantees individual liberty and equal justice to every subject of 92 BRITISH IMPERIAL POLICY her Majesty. These are the outstanding features of our Empire, Dominant characteristics may be classified and examined under two divisions — internal and external. With the first we associate all Colonial interests ; under the second we group all foreign relations affecting the Empire as a whole. The English Cosmos is primarily constructed out of islands and peninsulas. It is true that Canada, British South Africa, and India are connected by broad bases with continental masses : but, politically speaking, they turn their backs upon the three Continents and face the Ocean. Their centres of gravity impinge upon the shores facing the Mother-country. Australia is an island-continent. New Zealand is anti- podean only as regards her geographical position : in all else she closely approximates to the Mother-country. The minor British Possessions are all islands, portions of islands, or peninsular lands, with few exceptions, of which the most notable are the African Dependencies and two small American colonies. We may therefore claim to be, physi- cally and politically, an Ocean Empire. Other interesting homologies may be noted. Great Britain lies off the continent of Europe and is flanked by Ireland. Australia is situated near the coast-line of Asia and has its satellite-island in Tasmania. Canada, united physically with what were once British Colonies, has its island-pendants in Vancouver and Newfoundland. India, the peninsula-continent, has Ceylon for its jewel. Since, therefore, we find some physical correspondence between the aggregates of the Empire, we may be pre- pared to discover a sympathetic or complementary relation- ship in regard to their political institutions and national life. Canada, Australia, and New Zealand are self-governing Colonies, with a predominant white population — colonies of settlement, built up chiefly by immigrants from the British Isles, which have undergone a natural process of develop- ment and expansion : consequently, their political institu- tions are in close affinity with those of the Mother-country. AND EXPANSION OF EGYPT 93 The same, too, may be said of their national life, under the modified conditions of climate and circumstance, illus- trating the universal law of transformation. The most striking characteristics of our race — free institutions, great industrial activity, and individual commercial enterprise — which contribute to the promotion of British Unity, find unfettered scope in congenial climates and undeveloped lands. It is quite otherwise when we enter the Tropics or penetrate into sub-Tropical countries, where the prodigality of the soil offers an easy livelihood to the indigenous inhabitants. Northern Europeans cannot establish perma- nent homes in climates so dissimilar to their own and in countries where they form a mere fraction of the popula- tion. Their superior attainments and resources enable them, however, to act as rulers and taskmasters. Conse- quently, in all such countries under the British flag we find colonies of exploitation, or Dependencies. Of such are India, the African Colonies and Protectorates, and the West Indies.^ Apart from minor distinctions and the endless qualifi- cations evident in so complex a structure as the British Empire, we are justified in adopting two broad geographical classifications : Colonies of Settlement and Tropical Depen- dencies. Under the former we include Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and, to a modified extent (owing to the pre- dominant native populations). Cape Colony and Natal, all of which lie in the Temperate regions, except the northern part of Australia. Under the latter we group India, all Crown Colonies, Protectorates, and the numerous emporia or commercial settlements, islands, naval and coaling stations lying within the Tropics. So that, when we speak advisedly of British Colonies, we mean only the great self- governing Colonies, which in truth are merely an extension of the Mother-country beyond the seas. The remainder (with 1 In the West Indies, Europeans have, it is true, established permanent homes: but their descendants have undergone inevitable degeneration, by partial assimila- tion with local elements. 94 BRITISH IMPERIAL POLICY the exception of isolated commercial settlements, forming a distinctive class of their own) are, properly speaking, appanages of empire. Other classifications, such as that of the Colonial Office, based upon degrees of self-govern- ment, are equally true ; but, from our present point of view, regarding the Empire as an organic unity, we must rigidly adhere to the biological relations between political aggregates. Colonial Thus, though our Tropical Dependencies are less inti- ommerce ^^^^^y associatcd than are the self-governing Colonies with the internal development of the Empire, they play an important part in its organic functions. The economical inter-dependence between the Tropics and the Temperate zones — the one complementing the other as regards natural and manufactured products — is the measure of this bond of union. Vital circulation between them, or the interchange of commodities, is controlled by the universal law of Demand and Supply, flowing along the lines of least re- sistance. From the Mother-country to the Colonies, this vital circulation is to a certain extent impeded by tariff-barriers, which, as in foreign countries, are raised to protect local industries from being flooded by the enormous volume of British exports. The Colonies themselves are not sufficiently advanced to absorb this pulsating stream of British origin into their undeveloped systems. Consequently, the bulk of British exports (72 per cent.) go to foreign countries ; and chiefly to those from whom we derive our raw materials and food-supplies — exports paying for imports — though India is one of our best customers. On the other hand, from the Colonies to the Mother-country, as also from foreign countries to the United Kingdom, no fiscal barriers are placed in the way of imports — except a few imposts, for revenue purposes only — because of our dependence on the world at large for the greater portion of our food-stuffs and for nearly the whole of our raw material. The juxtaposition of coal and iron leading to the creation of active manufacturing centres. Great Britain, by her fortunate possession of these natural advantages, has become AND EXPANSION OF EGYPT 95 one vast workshop and warehouse from which other nations, as well as our own Colonies, have been compelled to pur- chase, in the absence of local competitive industries or cheaper markets of the same kind. This is one, if not the chief, reason why British Colonies take the bulk of their imports from the Mother-country,^ although, partly for fiscal purposes and partly on account of a constitutional incon- sistency,- they do not discriminate between her and foreign States. The most notable exception is Canada, whose commercial intercourse with the United States is naturally stimulated by geographical contiguity and by the comple- mentary conditions of their respective resources. But, in these days of steam and enterprise, mere mileage is not the chief controlling factor. For practical purposes, cheapness of production and cost of freight are, other things being equal, the true measure of contiguity between centres of demand and areas of supply. These fundamental conditions of British trade are, however, undergoing a change which is not generally recognised. In some respects, commercial intercourse between Great Britain and her Colonies is improving, if not in the same ratio as that between the Colonies and foreign countries. The ties of sentiment, of a common language and methods of business, play an important part in International commerce : but they are not in themselves sufficient to keep the Colonies in leading- strings. Canada and Australia are naturally gravitating, not only towards each other, but towards every open market in which they can dispose of their products : thus, Canada has ^ Colonial imports from foreign countries amount, collectively, to about 30°/^, whilst Colonial exports to foreign countries reach 40%, of the external traffic. ^ The obstructive treaties with Belgium and the German Zollverein (1862 and 1S65, respectively,) do not prevent differential treatment by the United Kingdom in favour of British Colonies, nor differential treatment by British Colonies in favour of each other ; but they do prevent differential treatment by British Colonies in favour of the United Kingdom — a logical inconsistency, if the Empire possess that organic unity which we claim for it. Canada and Australia are no less a part of the Empire than is Algeria a Department of France. By permitting the Colonial clause to remain in our commercial treaties, we practically deny the unity of the Empire. At the same time, it would be very costly to the United Kingdom to abolish it. 96 BRITISH IMPERIAL POLICY important relations with the United States, and AustraHa has opened up a direct market in Germany. India, too, is Hkely to develop her relations with the Far East, and to enter into closer competition with British manufactures. It is true, that the aggregate of our trade with the Colonies, representing only a small proportion of our external commerce, has hitherto varied within narrow limits ; and that the bulk of Colonial trade is with the Mother-country and the Empire : thus proving the connection to be more valuable, com- mercially speaking, to the Colonies than to ourselves. But our community of interests is so vital, so capable of develop- ment in directions that may eventually prove necessitous to the Mother-country, that we cannot afford to see the Colonies one by one achieving their commercial independence. Should they ever, indeed, attain to this, the political tie might be seriously weakened : though, in the case of Canada, this has not proved to be the case. No rational measures should be left untried to identify our respective interests, both as regards inter-Colonial and international commerce : and it is there- fore satisfactory to note that Mr Chamberlain, unlike many of his predecessors at the Colonial Office, is prepared to adopt business principles in the management of our Colonial relations. We are much in need of an English Colbert. Value of In return for the Imperial guarantees which her Majesty's Government are prepared to give for such national objects as the creation of direct steamship and cable communications between Canada and Australasia, the Colonies might reason- ably be expected to lower their fiscal barriers, as Canada has recently done, thereb)' losing the ' favoured nation ' treatment by Germany. In spite of their indirect expense to Great Britain as a maritime Power, all the self-governing Colonies pay their way, costing the Mother-country nothing for local administration ; and the same may be said of our richest Dependency, India, as well as of most of the Crown Colonies. Even Egypt pays for British tutelage and protection. Every other European Power has, on the other hand, to contribute a large annual sum of money towards the maintenance of their Colonial establishments. Consequently, in the sense that AND EXPANSION OF EGYPT 97 Colonies are founded for the benefit of the Mother-country, the British Empire may be said to be the only prosperous Colonial Power of our day. Spain and Portugal, the earliest colonising States of modern times, still retain vestiges of their national glory : but the United States has relieved Spain of Cuba and the Philippines. Holland, who preceded us in the path of colonisation, con- tinues to struggle with a fluctuating balance of profit and loss in the Dutch East Indies — perhaps on account of the poet's stricture : ' In matters of commerce, the fault of the Dutch Is giving too little and asking too much.' France, our traditional rival, has of recent years entered upon a course of ambitious colonial expansion ; and has many possessions beyond the seas— playfully called France d'outre- nier — which are maintained only at a heavy annual deficit.^ Finally, Germany is now serving her apprenticeship as a Colonial Power, and has had to pay heavily for her inden- tures ; although the Emperor already regards Germany as ' a world-power.' ^ Only Great Britain has learnt the secret of making Colonies pay for their up-keep and be prosperous at the same time. Moreover, the colonies and coaling- stations of any foreign Power at war with us are practically at the mercy of the British navy : while our own Colonies afford valuable naval and military bases which are theoretic- ally impregnable, so long as we uphold the Command of the Sea, ^ Roughly speaking, French Colonies cost the mother-country more than those of all other countries put together ; and the French army and navy cost more than those of any other Power. France spends over eighty millions on her Colonies. In 1897, French exports to the Colonies amounted to Ii8 millions: and, assuming the profit to be 20 per cent., the cost price was 95 millions. This showed a net loss of about 60 millions. Moreover, in French Colonies there is, with the partial exception of Algeria, no colonisation, properly so-called, but only military occupation. '^ ' Greater Germany' costs the mother-country eleven million marks annually. It is colonised by some 700 Germans, of whom 250 are officials. The ' thousands and thousands ' of whom the Emperor spoke are chiefly in British Colonies and in the United States. G 98 BRITISH IMPERIAL POLICY International We are HOW in a position to consider the relations between relations the British Empire, as an organic Unity, and its environment of friendly and hostile States. In periods of peace, this relationship is controlled chiefly by economic laws ; in time of war, by the survival of the fittest. The complementary functions between the Tropics and the Temperate zones co-inciding with the actual geographical distribution of our Dependencies and Colonies, it might at first sight appear possible for the Empire to gradually attain to the position of a self-contained State with regard to a dependable supply of food-stuffs, if not also of raw materials : but this ideal consummation, for reasons that are obvious, does not come within the sphere of practical politics. Our Diplomatic relations with foreign States are so inti- mately associated with our commercial connections, that the two cannot be separated. From their conjunction arises that inevitable rivalry, friendly or otherwise, which is as characteristic of national as it is of individual intercourse. There is little or no room for the play of affinities and for community of sentiment in International politics, because the family of nations is composed of units more diverse in struc- ture and temperament than is the family of individual units. For the same reason, when communities spring from a common ancestry — as in the case of Great Britain and her self-governing Colonies — greater correspondence of structure and functions is a natural resultant. But even consan- guinity is no guarantee of peace. Family quarrels and family feuds inevitably arise from incompatibility of temper and hasty actions. Hence the secession of the United States : hence, also, the incompleteness of any Britannic Confederation that does not include the greatest of Anglo- Saxon colonies. Taking things as we find them, however, the British Empire is singularly united, in spite of marked diversity among individual members and of the vast size of the ^gg^'^S^^es. Its mission — if it have a mission — is to weld together the nations of the world by that community of interests which arises spontaneously from free commercial AND EXPANSION OF EGYPT 99 intercourse. Consequently, its policy of Free Trade is an instrument well adapted to achieve this end, theoretically speaking. Our Pax Britannica is to the Old World what the Monroe Doctrine is, or was, to the New World. Thus, Great Britain and the United States may be said to have developed a common national policy, which finds its most eloquent expression in the mutual desire for pacific arbitra- tion on all points in dispute between them, and its fittest instrument in the English language, — the lingua franca of the world and the mother-tongue of no less than 1 20 millions of people.^ It is therefore devoutly to be hoped that the United States will develop sufficient strength to support her share in the burden of promoting universal peace. Universal peace being, however, a synonym for the Millennium, its consideration does not come within our purview. We are not all sure, though we confidently hope, that we are the fittest to survive. Hence the interaction of warring forces, which are only held in check by that frail leash known as the Balance of Power. The Balance of Power in Europe is a calculable factor. Balance of Power It gives its law to the world : and, for the present at least, the European Hegemony is not seriously threatened. We may therefore regard it as the controlling factor in Inter- national relations, and one from which, in spite of our insularity, we cannot wholly emancipate ourselves. The old civilizations, which in Asia still enjoy a large measure of temporal power, are without coherence ; whilst modern civilization is crystallizing through the affinity of world-intercourse, and is developing greater and greater solidarity. Even an Asiatic people like the Japanese can now ^ The Chinese language is spoken by an even greater number (360 millions) of people : but it is strictly localised, and is broken up into numerous dialects, the sole point of union being their common ideographs, or graphic characters. On the other hand, our own language is familiar to many non-English people, and is essentially the medium of common intercourse between the seamen of all nations. The populations of the British Empire and of the United States amount in the aggregate to about 573 millions, or nearly one-third of the total population of the world. The British Empire alone covers one-fifth of the earth's surface, and counts a population of 350 millions. 100 BRITISH IMPERIAL POLICY assimilate it. The ocean is, in fact, the great Amalgamator. All highly developed nations are pressing towards it: cutting canals from their chief inland emporia towards their nearest seaboard, piercing isthmuses that obstruct free maritime in- tercourse, building trans-continental railways and uniting oceans — thus opening up new routes, by rail and steam- ship, for International commerce. It is the age of maritime canals. In time, no doubt, Berlin and Paris will be seaports, as Manchester is to-day. And, above all, when the Nicaragua Canal is built, a new stage of International development will be reached : namely, that in which the Pacific shall vie with the Atlantic for supremacy in human interests, in the same way that the Atlantic competed with the Mediterranean after the discovery of America. The course of empire moves ever westward, and with it the centre of gravit)' of world-power. As the opening up of new channels of commerce gives rise to the inevitable displacement of trade-centres, it follows that, by the inauguration of an inter-oceanic canal in Central America, a new nodal point will be created, by which In- ternational commerce will be profoundly affected. The United States, having already entered the arena as a Colonial Power, will then be forced to take up a positive and progressive, as against a negative and retrogressive, attitude towards the unsolved problems of America and Asia. Commercially, she will benefit more than ourselves from this new ocean-highway ; ^ but, strategically, she will court a serious menace by admitting the navies of Europe, past her chief naval base, into the very heart of her military system. Even if the canal escape neutralization — which, in ' When the Nicaragua Canal is opened, British freights to San Francisco will be handicapped, as compared with the cargoes from the Eastern States of the Union, by practically doubling the present comparative distances. Moreover, the Atlantic States of North America will be within a short distance from the Pacific States of .South America ; although it is believed that, south of Callao, the carrying-lrade, by sailing vessels at least, would follow its present course round the Horn, in order to escape the canal dues and the light baffling breezes under the Kquator. Hut, in that case, steamships would replace sailing vessels, and carry .\mcrican trade further south. DEFENCE OF THE EMPIRE 101 view of the Clayton-Bulvver Treaty, is unlikely — political domination over the isthmus (then the true path for sea- power) cannot vitally affect the nation that holds the Com- mand of the Sea. With Great Britain and the United States dominating or controlling the two foci of International commerce, (the prin- cipal strategic bases of the Eastern and the Western worlds,) a new community of interests will spring up ; and probably lead to an Anglo-American Alliance^ of the most far-reaching character, in which Germany and Japan may find a place. Our Pax Britannica might then secure the peace of the world. ii DEFENCE OF THE EMPIRE Considerations such as these lead one to the conviction, vaiue of Egypt that the possession of Egypt is essential to the consolidation of the British Empire. Egypt lies athwart our path of empire, and blocks the arterial route of our commerce with the Far East. In the hands of a hostile Power, Egypt would be a menace to us. In the possession of a neutral Power, she would still constitute an obstruction, only to be removed, on the outbreak of hostilities, by the violation of International Law. But under the control of the Mistress of the Seas, Egypt represents the principal strategic area in the Old World, linking the United Kingdom with her Possessions in the Far East. Gibraltar, Malta, Cyprus, Egypt — a chain of fortresses strategy and naval bases — in the hands of the dominant Maritime Power, may be said, in popular parlance, to command the Mediterranean. But, as the strength of a chain is that of its weakest link, Egypt would be an encumbrance to us, and ^ Captain Mahan, who, in common with others, inchiding myself, foretold the present expansion of the United States, says: — 'When we [Americans] begin really to look abroad, and to busy ourselves with our duties to the world at large in our generation — and not before — we shall stretch out our hands to Great Britain, realizing that in unity of heart among the English-speaking races lies the best hope of humanity in the doubtful days ahead.' (' A Twentieth Century Out- look,' Harper's Magazine, Sept. 1897.) This is what Mr Balfour aptly calls ' race-patriotism.' 10:2 inilTISH IMPERIAL POLICY a source of danger to the Empire, if she were open to inva- sion by the land-forces of the Great Powers. The ' insularity' of E^ypt — which I claim to have demonstrated in the earlier sections of this book — alone justifies our occupation of that country, which otherwise would conflict with the principles of sea-power, upon which the defence of the Empire is based. Under present conditions, no European Power could seriously menace Egypt until the Command of the Sea had been wrested from us : in which case, the loss of Egypt would be a mere incident in the debacle of the British Empire. Our principal concern is to prevent Tripoli and Syria from falling into the hands of the Dual Alliance. Egypt's most vulnerable frontier is the isthmus of Suez : but, even on that side, deserts oppose obstacles to the invasion of the Delta.^ Therefore, the defence of Egypt is for us chiefly a ques- tion of naval strength, inseparable from the general strategic position in the Mediterranean. It involves, as a corollary, British domination over the entire Nile Valley. This has now practically been secured. And, along the remainder of the route to India, the chief strategic positions have already been occupied by Great Britain. Identity of Thus, the development of Egypt during the present cen- tury has marched step by step with the expansion of the ' The possession of Syria by France would place her, as the ally of Russia, in a favourable position for attacking Egypt by land : because, apart from the Com- mand of the Sea, she could draw her supplies from Russia through countries which, under such circumstances, would probably be Russian. On the other hand, the possession of Syria by Great Britain would require a larger army than we can dispose of or could hope to obtain by raising and drilling local levies. Our policy should be to keep France out of Syria by supporting the new German pretensions in that region, since it seems hopeless to organize an autonomous Stale. Germany, the friend of Turkey, has made prodigious strides, since 1884, in consolidating and advancing her commercial and political interests. Besides drilling the Turkish army and supplying armaments, Germany has created political interests at Constantinople and vested interests in the Asiatic dominions of the | Sultan. In the race for railway extension to the Euphrates Valley, Germany has a front place. It is well, therefore, to remember, that it is essential for us, and vital to our Indian Empire, to dominate the Persian Gulf and all its strategic approaches— or, rather, to prevent any other European Power from securing a footing there. Our decisive battles must be fought at sea, and not on land. DEFENCE OF THE EMPIRE 103 British Empire through the Mediterranean World. In all essential respects, the interests of Great Britain and of Egypt are identical : freedom in the Nile Valley, and peace outside its borders. The Mediterranean may be compared to a bridge, uniting Great Britain with India and the Far East, of which Egypt is the keystone. Commerce will maintain a right of way in time of peace ; but only naval supremacy can secure it in time of war. If the Mediterranean were not the chief strategic area in the world, we might be contented to rely on the Cape route alone : but since it is so constituted — for reasons that will become apparent in the next stage of my enquiry — the British Colonies share equally with the Mother-country in the benefits which the possession of Egypt bestows. The essential duty of our navy is to keep open and pro- tect communications by sea. Whilst the question of naval supremacy can only be settled by fleet actions, resulting in the destruction of the enemy's ships, the chief functions of the navy, as the bulwark of British Unity and the protector of British commerce, are : ( i ) to destroy, or to render impotent through sealing up, the naval forces of the enemy, blockading his ports with squad- rons capable of achieving these ends ; (2) to cut off the enemy's supplies; and (3) to dominate and control every strategic area and trade-route linking the British Isles with her Colonies, as well as to protect British sea-borne commerce in all parts of the world. If our navy prove capable of performing these functions, it will retain the Command of the Sea, thereby guaranteeing the inviolability of our shores and the integrity of the Empire. Since experts concur in the belief that the decisive naval battles of the near future, in which we are likely to be engaged, will in all probability be fought in or about the Mediterranean, the possession of Egypt by Great Britain necessarily becomes a matter of vital concern to her. The question therefore arises : can the Egyptian Problem The Egyptian be solved independently of the Eastern Question, or must a 104 BRITISH IMPERIAL POLICY definite solution be postponed until the Ottoman Empire is partitioned among the Powers ? My belief is, that, since for centuries past the Ottoman Empire has been losing ground — not suzerainties, lightly held, but provinces directly under its control — without causing a general scramble, Egypt will fall, like over-ripe fruit, into the hands ready to receive it. This contention I shall endeavour to establish in the follow- ing pages. IV (Subjective Factors) THE DESTINY OF EGYPT i THE EASTERN QUESTION ii THE BALANCE OF POWER iii FRENCH AFRICAN POLICY M IV THE DESTINY OF EGYPT i THE EASTERN QUESTION Y purpose in this section being to dissociate the General Egyptian Problem from the direct European issues of the Eastern Question, and to connect it with the wider though correlative issues now being established in the Far East, it will be necessary for me to take a broad view of the situation. In effect, this situation points to the creation of a new Balance of Power, owing to disturbance of the equilibrium, both in Europe and in Asia, arising from ( i ) the entrance of Germany into the arena of the Eastern Question, consequent on the adoption of a vigorous Colonial policy, (2) the con- stitution of the Dual Alliance, (3) the rise of Japan as a naval, military and commercial Power in the Far East, (4) the concentration of the scattered energies of Great Britain, and (5) the awakening of America, and her entry into the comity of nations through the acceptance of responsibilities resulting from the conquest of Spanish Colonies. These epoch-making events have entirely altered the character of the so-called Eastern Question. Formerly, this was strictly localized in South-Eastern Europe, where the advance of Russia created a Concert of the Powers to contest her possession of Constantinople. Checked in this direction, Russia naturally expanded along the lines of lesser resistance, towards the confines of India and across Asia to the Pacific shores, thereby displacing the centre of gravity of world- power and giving birth to fresh opposition on the part of nationalities and interests threatened by her domination in Eastern Asia. Since, therefore, the expansion of Russia is 108 THE DESTINY OF EGYPT the exciting cause of the Eastern Question, the issues in the Near East and the Far East cannot be dissociated, but must be considered in conjunction. In this sense, the Egyptian Problenn may be said to be independent of the Eastern Question, because the latter is mainly concerned with the integrity of the Ottoman Empire, or, more directly speaking, with keeping Russia out of Constantinople and preventing a general scramble in the partition of Turkey. Although the dc jjire possession of Egypt must ultimately affect the Balance of Power in the Mediterranean, the de facto Occupation by Great Britain, amounting to a virtual Protectorate, has practically settled an issue which only the united will of Europe can assail. The non-intervention of the Powers up to this point amounts to a tacit mandate, which, for all practical purposes, is suffi- cient for the present to regularise the position of the Tutelary Power. Russia rightly regards herself as the inheritor of the Eastern P2mpire. As such, the possession of Constantinople is as vital to her as the possession of Egypt is to Great Britain : and for much the same reasons. The birth of the P^astern Question may therefore be sought in the policy of Peter the Great, who, with an intuitive knowledge of the effect of sea-power, welded the dynastic fortunes and shaped the destiny of the great Muscovite Plmpire established by him : the result of which was seen in the Treaty of Kainarji (1774), imposed by Russia on her traditional enemy, which, by emancipating the Crimea and opening the Black Sea, proved to PLurope the inability of Turkey to defend her frontiers, and thereby raised questions involving the fate of the Ottoman Empire and the future ownership of Con- stantinojile. The autocratic government of the Tsars, their single-minded and steadfast purpose, the fixity and con- tinuity of their foreign policy, have over and over again, during the last half-century, borne down the fitful and in- con.sequent opposition of P^urope. l^^vents have proclaimed, in unmistakable terms, the destiny of Russia to inherit the lands and the ]K)\vcrs of an enemy she has so often crushed and THE EASTERN QUESTION 109 now holds at her mercy. That this interpretation is not exaggerated, and that the poHcy of Russia has been neither overbearing — considering the circumstances — nor regardless of the interests of Europe, will be seen in the historical retrospect that follows. Impressed by the encroachments of Russia on the north- Historical western borders of the Black Sea, and by the ambitious policy ^"""^p^*^*^ of the Empress Catherine, Pitt, in 1791, first sounded the alarm and called upon the nation to arm against the coming danger. Then, if ever, a British national policy was indicated, the object of which was to prevent Russia from establishing exclusive supremacy over the Ottoman Empire, leading to political domination in South-Eastern Europe. But, although Pitt carried Parliament with him, he did not succeed in his object. Public Opinion in England was not, indeed, seri- ously alarmed until Russia, by her share in the overthrow of Napoleon, and as the head of the Holy Alliance, sought to pose as ' the liberator of Europe.' Nevertheless, we acted with Russia in freeing Greece from the Turkish yoke ; and France herself was forced to join in this popular movement of Christendom. Checked in her advance on Constantinople by the attitude of Europe, Russia then began to expand through Central Asia, and thereby infected the public mind of England with a sense of the danger threatening our Indian frontier. The unseemly quarrel among the Powers regarding the exercise of control over the Holy Places in Palestine, admitted under the Capitulations, was brought to a head by the demand of Russia to be the sole protector over the Christian subjects of the Porte, by virtue of the Treaty of Kainarji. It was this pretension, and not merely the principle of Ottoman integrity, that roused a storm of popular feeling against Russia in 1853. The principle it involved was, that the fate of Turkey was a European and not exclusively a Russian interest : and for this contention we determined to fight. By her military conquests, and by her destruction in 1853 of the Turkish fleet at Sinope, Russia made evident her power no THE DESTINY OF EGYPT to deal as she wished with her stricken foe. She was at that time entrenched beyond the Danube, and possessed a powerful fleet at Sevastopol, her naval base in the Black Sea. Turkey lay at her feet. The Crimean War (i 854-185 5) was undertaken by Great Britain and France, as the champions of Europe, in support of the principle to which I have alluded. Russia's ' treacher- ous act ' at Sinope (which was an ordinary act of war) afforded a pretext for the entry of the Anglo-French fleet into the Black Sea. It was a war dictated by British policy. It was a war directed against Russia's distant naval base, accessible to our sea-power. It was a war which, with the aid of France, exhausted the strength and resources of Russia, resulting in the destruction of her fleet and of her naval and military arsenal. The Turks, under General Sir Fenwick Williams, made a firm stand at Kars, and stopped the advance of Russia in that direction. The Treaty of Paris (1856) was the fruit of all this blood- shed. It created the Concert of Europe, by embodying our national policy as a Public Law of the Continent. It imposed on Russia the relinquishment of all her treaty-rights with Turkey — the result of a century of warfare — and not only the abandonment of Sevastopol, but also the prohibition to create another Black Sea fleet. It consequently released Turkey from naval menace, and from compromising engage- ments regarding her Christian subjects. But, in particular, it admitted the Ottoman Empire ' to participate in the advantages of the Public Law of Europe.' Thus, Turkey was introduced into the European System, and was given a recognised position in the Balance of Power, on the under- standing that she should carry out reforms that were the common concern of Europe and essential to her own emancipated state. Both the war and the Treaty negotiations were conducted principally by the British Government and their agents, with the enthusiastic support and concurrence of the nation. Public Opinion thereby endorsed the policy of Lord Palmerston and the Public Law of Europe. THE EASTERN QUESTION 111 At the time when Mohammed Ali was vigorously advo- cating his rights in Egypt and Syria, and while France was giving him some support, Lord Palmerston wrote (5th June 1838) to the British Ambassador at Paris: 'My own opinion has long been made up. We ought to support the Sultan heartily and vigorously with France, if France will act with us ; without her, if she decline. I foresee difficulty in getting the Cabinet to take any vigorous resolve. Very few public men in England follow up Foreign Affairs suffi- ciently to foresee the consequences of events which have NOT happened.' Three days later, he wrote again : ' The Cabinet agreed that it would not do to let Mohammed Ali declare his independence, and separate Egypt and Syria from the Turkish Empire. That would result in a conflict between him and the Sultan ; the Turks would be defeated [as they were, one year later, at Nezib] ; the Russians would fly to their aid, and a Russian garrison occupy Constantinople and the Dardanelles, which, once in their possession, they would never quit. We are prepared to give naval aid to the Sultan against Mohammed, and intend to order our fleet to Alex- andria, so as to give Mohammed an outward and visible sign of our inward resolve. We should like the French to go there too at the same time. I write this on the supposi- tion that France is honest, and can be trusted. // must not be forgotten that one great danger to Europe is the possibility of a combination between France and Russia^ which, though prevented at present by the personal feelings of the Czar, may not always be as impossible as it is now.' ^ Finally, in 1853, Palmerston stated : ' We support Turkey for our own sake and for our own interests.' Therefore, to us, the most important clauses of the Treaty of Paris were those dealing with the Black Sea. The I question of reforms had, comparatively speaking, merely an academic interest, and did not appeal to the national con- j science, except when this was outraged by more than jan ordinary act of brutality on the part of the Sultan. Our ^ Cameron's Egypt in the Nineteenth Century, pp. 177-8. 112 THE DESTINY OF EGYPT systematic evasion of moral responsibility is a terrible indict- ment : the selfishness of our policy became, indeed, the by- word of Europe. The restrictions imposed on the development of a great State like Russia were as vexatious and intolerable as they were unreasonable, and were not to be borne by a Power capable of disputing them. Consequently, Russia seized the first favourable opportunity to burst her fetters. In 1870, when France lay under the iron heel of Germany, and the other Powers were rigidly neutralized, Russia denounced the Black Sea clauses of the Treaty of Paris : and in the fol- lowing year, by the Treaty of London, the neutralization of the Black Sea and the prohibition to establish arsenals were abrogated, a further Convention between Russia and Turkey providing for the size and number of warships which each Power might maintain in those waters. Both these treaty engagements are still in force ; and Turkey continues to uphold ' the ancient rule as to the Straits.' ^ Meanwhile, Turkey had done nothing to redeem her pro- 1 ' By the Treaty of the Dardanelles, of 5th January 1809, between Great Britain and the Porte, it is recited, that ships of war have at all times been pro- hibited from entering the channel of Constantinople, viz. the Straits of the Dardanelles and of the Black Sea, and that this " ancient regulation of the Ottoman Empire " ought in future to be observed towards every Power in time of peace, and Great Britain promises " on its part to conform to this principle." , . . The four Powers, by a Protocol dated loth July 1841, and the same Powers, with the addition of France, by a Treaty signed on the 13th of the same month, engage to respect the ancient rule ; the Sultan by the Treaty also engaging to uphold the rule, while reserving to himself to allow the passage of light vessels in the service of the Missions. This Treaty was superseded by Article 10 of the Treaty of Paris of 1856, and the annexed Convention, which is to have the same validity as if it formed an integral part of the principal Treaty. This Convention is still in force, having been confirmed by Article 2 of the Treaty of London, of 1871, which, however, allows the Sultan to open the Straits in case of necessity to secure the execution of the stipulations of the Treaty of Paris. . . . The so-called " neutrali- zation" of the Black Sea, effected by Articles II, 13, and 14 of the Treaty of Paris, and by the annexed Convention between the Emperor of Russia and the Sultan, after being repudiated by Russia in 1870, was rescinded by Art. I of the Treaty of London, which expressly abrogates Articles 11, 13, and 14 of the Treaty of Paris, together with the annexed Convention, and by a special Con- vention between the Emperor of Russia and the Sultan, of even date with the Treaty of London, and afterwards communicated to the representatives of the other Powers.* (Prof. Holland in The European Cojicer/, pp. 224-7). THE EASTERN QUESTION 113 mises regarding the introduction of reforms. In i860, the massacres (of the Maronites by the Druses) in the Lebanon found the Concert of Europe in a position to deal effectively with the emergency. France, as the mandatory of Europe, occupied the Lebanon ; and a European Commission intro- duced a semblance of order. But in 1866 Europe left Turkey free to wreak her vengeance on Crete, which had been given back to her, in 1830, at a moment when the brave islanders had nearly achieved their independence. Again, in 1875 the Concert failed to deal with the situation arising from the insurrection in Bosnia and Herzegovina. It required the massacres and atrocities in Bulgaria (1875-6) to rouse the public conscience of Europe to a sense of its responsi- bilities : a crisis that led to the definitive Treaty of Berlin (1878). Our own action throughout these events was contemptibly selfish, and absolutely inconsistent with our professions and moral obligations. Moreover, we, who had created the Concert of Europe on the Eastern Question, deserted it in 1876, when all the Powers, including Russia, sought our co-operation. Rather than endorse the definite and practical scheme proposed by Russia, who, in the event of its non- acceptance, threatened to act alone, we sent our fleet to Besika Bay, we declined to subscribe to the Berlin Memor- andum, and we affirmed our neutrality at the Conference at Constantinople. Russia then declared war against Turkey: iand, in a brilliant campaign, brief though it was and in the ; depth of winter, she advanced to Adrianople and threatened the capital. The campaign for Russia was all the more difficult because the Turks held the Command of the Sea. Indeed, Russia herself was more loyal to the principles that governed the Concert of Europe than were we. In the Treaty of San Stefano (which she might have enforced, jhad her naval power been greater) she showed great modera- Ition and practical wisdom.^ Although she had made great ^ The lesson of this war has not been lost on Russia — now the third Naval Power. The progressive annual expenditure on her navy reached seven millions in 1898 ; and the amount appropriated for new construction during the next seven H tt 114 THE DESTINY OF EGYPT sacrifices, and Turkey was entirely at her mercy, (splendid as her resistance had been,) Russia asked Httle or nothing for herself. She stipulated for the free access of all nations, in time of peace and of war, to the Black Sea. She liber- ated the Christian nationalities of the Balkans, and made provision for the protection of the Cretans and Armenians. And she compelled Turkey to abandon her two principal lines of defence against Europe, — on the Danube and in the Balkans. Ottoman independence, which had been a fiction since I 829, was thereby definitely abolished : and serious encroach- ments were made on the integrity of the Empire. But, in effect, the proposals of Russia agreed in principle with our own policy of reform in Turkey — a policy which we had done nothing to support. Emanating from a quarter in which we had been accustomed to seek snares rather than wisdom, we protested against the propositions of Russia, having previously voted ;^6,ooo,ooo for armaments. Our motive, apparently, for this obstructive and blustering action, was to gain for Europe the credit and the advantages which Russia alone was entitled to enjoy. Our excuse was, that the San Stefano Treaty annulled the Treaties of 1856. This was perfectly true : but the Treaty of Paris was based on the utterly fallacious assumption, that Turkey was willing and able to carry out internal reforms, without any practical check or restraint being imposed on her. Thus, our own interests were advanced and upheld at the cost of the Christian subjects of the Porte. We succeeded in our selfish designs. A Conference was held at Berlin to revise the San Stefano Treaty. But the Berlin Treaty did not depart materially from the Treaty of San Stefano. It reduced the area of Bulgarian territory, and out of it created Eastern Rumelia. It replaced a virtual Russian protectorate over Armenia by an ineffective years is twenty millions. The Russian navy is not wanted for the protection of her sea-borne commerce, which only amounts to seventy millions. It is wanted ' to conquer the art of the sea,' in the quaint words of Peter the Great. Its influ- ence is now felt in the Far East : in the Gulf of Pe-chi-Ii, and elsewhere. THE EASTERN QUESTION 115 European protection. As a result, we see to-day massacres in Armenia and constant friction in Macedonia, where ' trouble in the Spring ' is the annual forecast of progress. Then we, who had successfully protested against Russia dealing direct with her vanquished enemy, actually entered into a secret alliance with Turkey, and concluded the in- famous Cyprus Convention, with the object of stopping the advance of Russia in the Asiatic Provinces of the Sultan. The result was that we deeply offended Russia (which led to trouble in Afghanistan), and we proclaimed our duplicity to Europe. Having nothing but Diplomatic representations to fear, Turkey continued on her path of brutal oppression, bestial outrage, and incredible misgovernment, playing off one Power against the other and holding her own against all attempts at coercion. So scandalous did this state of affairs become, that, in 1880, a Conference of Ambassadors was held at Constantinople ; and an Identic Note was issued by the Signatories of the Berlin Treaty. This Note declared, that no reforms had been carried out, and that the shocking misgovernment of the country ' would lead in all probability to the destruction of the Christian population of vast districts.' It also emphasized the fact, ' that, by treaty engagements, Turkey was bound to intro- duce the reforms which had been often indicated,' and that these reforms were to be ' carried out under the supervision of the Powers.' ^ But nothing was done to give effect to our good offices, except the forcible cession of Dulcigno to Montenegro. The net result of all this muddling was seen in 1894-95, when the Sultan deliberately plotted and carried out the massacre of from 50,000 to 75,000 Arm^enians. We could do nothing to avert the extinction of the Armenian nation, nor to save the survivors from forcible conversion to Islam, because, in the words of Lord Salisbury, our fleet could not ^ Cf. ' Our Responsibilities for Turkey,' by the Duke of Argyll, whose lucid and responsible statement forms the indictment I have faintly sketched in these pages. 116 THE DESTINY OF EGYPT ' cross the mountains of the Taurus.' Only Russia was in a position to save the situation : but Russia refused to act alone, allowing it to be assumed that the Cyprus Convention stood in her way.^ Finally, recent events in Crete have displayed the incom- petence of the European Concert to deal with an emergency when circumstances are unfavourable to united action. The fate of No further evidence need be adduced in order to establish Turkey the contention, upon which I base my further arguments, that the fate of Turkey is the common concern of Europe. It is neither an exclusively Russian nor a directly English issue. The Concert of Europe is responsible for its solution, under the corpus juris publici orientalis established by the treaties cited. Our naval supremacy has forced us to take a leading part in the various phases of the Near Eastern Question. Our Imperial expansion has withdrawn us more and more from its direct issues. Hence : uncertainty of aim, inconsistency of action, and bungling diplomacy on our part. Instead of seeking an accord with Russia, sufficient to guarantee our material interests and to support our moral responsibilities, we have adopted a policy of pin-pricks, which has only spurred her on to fresh efforts, although she has not occupied a rood of territory claimed by us. Russia now dominates Turkey ; and British influence at Constantinople has steadily declined. Her alliance with France is directed against British sea- power rather than against the Triple Alliance. The closer one examines the Near Eastern Question, the more evident it becomes, that it is to the interest of every Power in Europe, France not excepted, to keep Russia out of Constantinople as long as possible. The danger to Europe foreseen by Lord Palmerston has taken shape : Russia and France are allied — an Autocracy with a Re- ' We did nothing then to remove that impression — at least, nothing definite. The Convention is still in force, although its obligations have been repudiated by members of her Majesty's Government, speaking from their place in Parliament, on the ground that Turkey has not performed her contingent obligations to 'introduce necessary reforms.' Neither, for that matter, has Great Britain taken any adequate steps ' to make necessary provision for executing her engagement.' THE BALANCE OF POWER 117 public. These extremes of government have indeed met : but their disseverment may be prognosticated with equal prescience. Russia will continue to advance until her frontiers are coterminous with those of the Great Powers of Europe or with buffer States mutually set up between them. Naught but force can restrain her from obeying this natural law. If Russia were at Constantinople, she would bestride the continents of Europe and Asia as a conquering Colossus. With the Black Sea as a Russian lake, the control of the Straits as a safe retreat for her ships, and with the Balkan Peninsula and Asia Minor as new fields for expansion, Russia would indeed become a menace to Europe, and in time might aspire to dominate the Mediterranean lands and Sea} ii THE BALANCE OF POWER The Balance of Power on the Continent is, in effect, the Alliances balance of armaments. Europe is divided into two camps, represented by the Triple Alliance and the Dual Alliance, both of which can put five million soldiers into the field. The Triple Alliance is a League of Peace. The Dual Alliance is a combination for Defence or Offence. Between the members of these rival combinations there exist or have existed certain understandings. Thus, Austria and Russia two years ago came to an agreement over the situation in ^ At present, the Tsar of Russia is advocating a Crusade of Peace, — no doubt with perfect sincerity on his own part. But the Cabinets of Europe are sceptical. It is difficult to reconcile this advocacy with the stern facts, that (i) the Russian war budget for the year 1898 was increased to nearly one-half of that of the seven preceding years — amounting to twenty per cent, of the total annual expenditure of the State ; and (2) that Russia, like France, maintains a navy out of all proportion to her maritime interests. Russia, indeed, has need of peace. She has need of peace until she has built her trans-continental railways, developed the resources of her Asiatic territories, absorbed Manchuria, and turned Port Arthur into a second Kronstadt, as the impregnable naval base for a Pacific fleet. But, that Russia has serious designs on India is a proposition as difficult to believe as the accomplishment would prove. Constantinople and India have, in my opinion, been Political Bogeys that have frightened us out of our wits. Europe will look after the one ; our sea-power and the Himalayas should guarantee the other. 118 THE DESTINY OF EGYPT the Balkans. Italy, under the Marquis di Rudini, coquetted with Russia, in anticipation of a fall. And even Germany, the leader of the Triplice, is supposed to have come to an understanding with Russia regarding- their coterminous fron- tiers. Thus, the members of the Triple Alliance have each sought to conciliate or to neutralize Ru.ssia. But none of them have courted France. France.for a long time after thedownfall of theEmpire.stood isolated, nursing her humiliation and preparing for a war of revenge. She was a standing menace to Europe in those days. In February 1874, when the Emperor of Austria visited St Petersburg, the Tsar, in proposing a toast, used these words : 'In the friendship which binds us and also the Emperor William and the Queen Victoria, I see a sure guarantee of peace.' But, on the lapse of the Kaiserbund, Russia also was isolated. In spite of efforts to keep them apart, Russia and France gravitated towards each other by the force of circumstances. Their union is perhaps onl}' a Platonic alliance, being based on reciprocal interests of the moment : but it has had the effect of strengthening the Triple Alliance, and, in par- ticular, the position of Ital)', whose value has been thereby enhanced. Position of Although debarred from forming permanent and vague Great Britain , , • i alliances with the European Powers, Great Britain has often entered into temporary alliances with them ; and at the present time she is understood to stand in some such re- lationship, for specific ends, with the Central Powers. In general terms, it may be said with truth that the interests of the Triple Alliance and of Great Britain in the Eastern Question are identical : and this identity of interests ma}^ be .said to extend to the Far East. It is difficult, if not impossible, for Great Britain to come to an understanding with France regarding the European issues of the Eastern Question, because our respective interests are diametrically opposed in the Mediterranean. On the other hand, for reasons already stated, it is not only possible, but in the highest degree desirable, for Great Britain to THE BALANCE OF POWER 119 establish an entente cordialc with Russia and to come to a definite agreement with her in the Near East and the Far East.^ Rivalry there may be, and must inevitably be, between the dominant military and naval Powers of Eurasia ; but if there are many points of contact, there are also as many opportunities of compromise : the twin-continents provide ample scope for the development and expansion of both Empires. If diplomacy fail to establish an entente, it must be because our statesmen are blind to the teaching of history. But, happily, they are not altogether blind : every day one sees the shackles falling from their eyes. ' Mervous- ness,' as the Duke of Argyll once stigmatised the popular rancour towards Russia, has resulted in a policy of pin- pricks : but it has not kept Russia out of Merv, nor has our ' scientific frontier ' in North-west India been endangered thereby. Childish obstruction has not prevented Russia from securing ice-free ports on the Pacific : one cannot ' keep out the Atlantic with a mop.' And naught but the united power of Europe can stem the course of Russian expansion towards the Mediterranean. On r-^ May 1877, the Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs Attitude of ^° J ' ' ^ & Russia informed the Russian Ambassador in London, that the Imperial Cabinet ' recognised that, in any case, the future of Constantinople is a question of common interest, which cannot be settled otherwise than by a general understanding ; and that if the possession of that city were to be put in question, it could not be allowed to belong to any of the European Powers.' '^ This correct attitude of Russia towards the Near Eastern Question (although in 1853 and 1877 she acted alone) has been attested by her past, as my Historical Retrospect proves, and is emphasized in the present by her alliance with France — a Power to whom the [possession of Constantinople is a matter of supreme import- ^ Since this was written, an understanding has been arrived at (April, 1899) ] between Great Britain and Russia, as regards spheres of influence in China and I on other points of mutual interest in Asia. But, in the absence of details, I i merely record this welcome news ; and trust it may form the basis of an entente \cordiale. The Agreement is understood to refer only to railway enterprise. ' ^ ' The Great Alternative,' by Spenser Wilkinson (p. 84). 120 THE DESTINY OF EGYPT ance. Is it, therefore, too much to expect of the future, that, whatever and whenever may be the final crisis, Europe will be in a position to deal with it, consistently with the interests of all the Powders ? The ottoman The Ottoman Empire has been intrenched at Constan- Empire ^jj^^pjg f^^. fQ^j- centurics. It has been in a state of decay ever since the loss of its sea-power. It has been in a condition of disruption ever since Russia on the one side, and the Christian Powers of E^urope on the other, pressed heavily on its borders. Two centuries ago, these terrible Turanian invaders, then at the height of their power, stood before the walls of Vienna — the gates of the West : but to-day the Osmanli Turks have been hustled out of Christian Europe ; and their role on the Continent is practically restricted to that of a Political Bogey, which, by permission of its un- christian jealousies, is still permitted to worry its flanks.^ There is now no cohesion between Mohammedan countries : no radiating centre of civilization and culture : and there- fore, as Mukhtar Pasha confessed to me, no progress as a whole is possible. Islam owes its stability chiefly to its intolerance. It has no other power of cohesion. Moreover, the Sultan of Turkey is not the rightful Khalifa, but a usurper : he does not belong to the Quraish tribe ; while the title and office are elective, not hereditary. Islam looks for another Deliverer : and may find him in the Senussi Mahdi, a lineal descendant of the Prophet. The Ottoman Empire has for two centuries been under- going a process of disintegration which shows no sign of ' ' The assumption of a collective authority on the part of the Powers to super- vise the solution of the Eastern Question — in other words, to regulate the dis- integration of Turkey— has been gradual. Such an authority has been exercised tentatively since 1826, systematically since 1856. It has been applied successively to Greece, to Egypt, to Syria, to the Danubian Principalities and the Balkan Peninsula generally, to certain other of the European provinces of Turkey, to the Asiatic boundaries of Turkey and Russia, and to the treatment of the Armenians. ... On the one hand, the Turkish Empire is placed, as it were, under the tutelage of Europe ; while, on the other hand, the claim of any single Power to settle the destinies of that Empire without the concurrence of the rest has been repeatedly negatived.' (Professor Holland in 'The European Concert in the Eastern Question ' — page 2. ) THE BALANCE OF POWER 121 abatement. Her outlying provinces have one by one been wrested from her. Her hold over Egypt is, to-day, a diplo- matic fiction, promulgated by the Powers whose interest it is to maintain in principle the suzerainty of the Sultan. Total disseverance from the Porte would not, therefore, affect the political situation in Egypt, except as a point of International Law ; nor would it materially affect the de facto Balance of Power in Europe : but it would affect the situation in the Far East, by giving Great Britain military control over the Suez Canal and the residuary rights that accrue to Egypt on the lapse of existing concessions. The position consequently stands thus. The law of British Policy empire compels us to annex Egypt : but the Public Law of Europe restrains us. France will oppose an out-and-out annexation, with the moral, if not with the active, support of Russia. In the latter case — which at present seems a most unlikely contingency — we must give Russia a free hand in Turkey, so as to detach her from her ally.^ If the Triple Alliance oppose this arrangement, they must either join us, and so help us to secure Egypt — as against France and Russia, — or they must settle matters between themselves and the Dual Alliance. With Egypt in our hands, we need not greatly fear Russia at Constantinople. This is putting an extreme case, and not one which, in my opinion, is likely to occur — although the mere threat of such action would help our diplomacy. A more natural an(;i gradual solution will be suggested after an enquiry has been made into the present International situation in Egypt. But I advance this policy of coercion, as a last resort, in order to fix the reader's mind on the Far East. The general opinion prevails, that neither France nor, still less, Russia would be likely to make an avowed British Pro- :ectorate over Egypt a casus belli. Moreover, we have no desire at present, and no need, to upset the status quo. The main interests of the Triple Alliance, so far as these The Far East ^ Not long before the outbreak of the Crimean War, the Tsar Nicholas I, iffered Egypt and Crete to Great Britain on the understanding that Russia hould be allowed a free hand at Constantinople. 122 THE DESTINY OF EGYPT exist, in the Far East are in conformity with our own, and therefore also with those of Japan and the United States of America. Against such a combination, the divergent in- terests of France and Russia would carry little weight. It is true that Germany joined the European Concert in im- posing restrictions on Japan, after her victory over China : but we — wisely, I think — held aloof, and thereby identified our interests with the coming Sea-Power of Eastern Asia. The attitude of Germany may be explained on other grounds, and does not invalidate my contention of a com- munity of interests existing between her and our nominal allies in the Far East. It does not, in consequence, seem too much to assert, that Great Britain in Egypt would serve the interests of these Powers, and in a sense guarantee them against the protective tariffs and exclusive policies of France and Russia. We all want the ' open door,' and a secure highway of commerce to the Far East. Under these circumstances, I am unable to see how any serious opposition can be raised to a British Protectorate over Egypt, whenever the time shall come for its declara- tion and under whatever guise it may be assumed. The destiny of Egypt is controlled by our sea-power. The expansion of Egypt is a mere foot-note to the Eastern Question, since the lines of expansion are already fixed. iii FRENCH AFRICAN POLICY As a rider to these reflections, it may be worth while to glance at the general tendency of French African Policy : since, it is only the rivalry of France that constitutes any serious opposition to our occupation of Egypt. Of French policy in Egypt itself, I shall speak exhaustively in another place. andc'o.ruMt ^" "° P^"^^ °^ ^^^ world does the Colonial policy ofjP France show better results, broadly speaking, than in Africa ;j and in no part of Africa has it better chances of success thaiil in Algeria. Nor is this statement subject to any material] qualifications, even if we recall the fact that Algeria has already j FRENCH AFRICAN POLICY 123 cost France four milliards of francs, and is even now admin- istered at an average annual loss of 85 millions. It is evident, that France aims at the creation of a vast empire on the southern shores of the Mediterranean, the nucleus of which must of necessity be Algeria — her premier Colony. Her Protectorate over Tunis, leaving more scope to indi- vidual enterprise, has been productiv^e of encouraging results. Her claims in Morocco and Egypt have been steadfastly upheld. Tripoli, nominally Turkish but practically under the rule of the Senussi confraternity, is dangerous ground, into which France, with her experience of this powerful and highly or- ganized Mohammedan .sect, on the borderland of the Sahara and in Algeria itself, may well hesitate to enter. Further south, the tide of annexation and conquest flows unremit- tingly. It has filled up, like a flood, every unprotected corner and unoccupied waste : so that there now remain no more lands to conquer but the inaccessible countries of the Central Sudan, which are quite able to maintain their independence. In spite of the Hinterland theory — indeed, by reason of it, in the perverse minds of Paris politicians — France has surrounded all the European Colonies on the West Coast of Africa between the Mediterranean and the Atlantic ; and her energies are at present directed towards further encroachments on the fringes of the Sahara and in the Niger basin. These facts are worth noting. They point to an am- bitious Colonial policy, which, although it may have but few- chances of any real and lasting success, cannot fail to thwart and check the aspirations of other European Powers in Africa. As compared with Great Britain, her chief rival, France may be said to hold a far stronger strategic position in North Africa, in so far as that position affects the Balance of Power in the Mediterranean, apart from the Suez Canal. In spite of engagements to the contrary, she has fortified Bizerta, and created a strong naval base there, as well as a secure retreat for her ships (^pace Santiago !). That so well-situated and so well-favoured a Colony as Algeria Algeria should, even at the present day, be a drain on the re- ll 124 THE DESTINY OF EGYPT sources of the Mother-country, is, in truth, a matter of surprise. But the reasons are obvious to those who, Hke myself, have visited Algeria and investigated the causes of its arrested development. These conditions may be summarised as follows : — (i) The natives have been unfairly treated, and the colonists have been 'coddled' ; (2) departmental division of re- sponsibility has led to the practical irresponsibility of the local agents of the Government ; (3) the Colony has been treated as a Department of France — France cPoutre-mer — whereas, in fact, it is a colony pure and simple, in which the European colonists form the mere fraction of a hostile population in- capable of assimilation ; and (4) not sufficient care has been taken to introduce the right kind of colonist — though the days of the colon officiel are over — or even qualified adminis- trators. If an Anglo-Egyptian official were to ' inspect ' Algeria, I imagine he would suggest the following as the leading reforms for adoption : (i) that the administration and the finances should be entirely separated from, although under the supervision and control of, the Mother-country ; (2) that the Governor-General should be invested with more power, and have under his exclusive control the entire civil staff of the Colony ; (3) that the local functionaries and administrators should be more carefully selected and speci- ally trained — above all, that they .should be conversant with the Arabic and Kabyle dialects of the districts under their command ; and (4) that a policy of conciliation towards the natives should be followed. Once the disabilities of the Colony were removed, and more freedom given to the natural development of its resources, there is no reason why Algeria should not realize the limits and hopes of its productiveness and prosperity, and become the nucleus for Colr)nial expan- sion which it is intended to be. These details are introduced for the jjurjjose of demon- strating the incapacity of France to administer Colonial pos.sessions,^ and indirectly to indicate the results that ' In The Situation in Algeria {.Scottish (Geographical Magazine, April 1894) these arguments were elaborated by me. My paper was subjected to a lengthy review by the Rci'ue Fran^aise de I'Etranger, etc. (No. 187, July 1894), the FRENCH AFRICAN POLICY 125 might have been expected had France occupied our position in Egypt. Yet, in Algeria — an ideal African colony — she has had a free hand for over forty years. '^ Tunis, too, offers another instructive parallel, though in Tunis a different direction.^ France occupied Tunis under condi- tions equivalent to those that have fixed us in Egypt. She, also, made similar promises of evacuation, which cir- cumstances prevented her from fulfilling. Dr Macdonnel outlines the case with great clearness in the Ni7ieteenth Century for December 1898, from which the following extracts are taken. The French Expedition landed in Tunis on 30th April 1 88 1, regardless of the protests of the Bey against the violation of his sovereign rights. No .serious opposition was offered. On 12 th May, a French Protectorate was estab- lished by the Treaty of Bardo, the second article of which stated : ' Cette occupation cessera lorsque les autorit^s militaires at tunisiennes auront reconnu d'un commun accord que ['administration locale est en etat de garantir le maintain de I'ordre.' France set up the contention, which is supported by many international jurists, that the Bey was an independent sovereign : but this was not the opinion of the Briti.sh Government. Lord Granville wrote, in June 1880, i.e. before the Occupation : 'In the view of her Majesty's Government, Tunis is a portion of the Ottoman Empire.' (Affairs of Tunis, C. — 2886, p. 5). France promised, that she undertook no conque.st or writer of which said : ' II est bon de savoir ce que pensent de nos actes les etrangers qui nous etudient avec reflexion et sans animosite ; aussi nous semble- t-il utile de faire connaitre par extraits resumees les appreciations de M. White. Nous le faisons meme d'autant plus volontiers que personnellement nous parta- geons son avis.' ^ The French captured Algiers in 1830. It took 27 years to conquer the Hinterland. '^ The development of Tunis shows better results than Algeria because it has not been strangled by red-tape. Being under one-man rule — the French Resi- dent — it is the only Colony that has really succeeded. 126 THE DESTINY OF EGYPT annexation, and that the Occupation was to be temporary. This assurance was often repeated, both in the Chamber of Deputies and to our Diplomatic and official representatives. Thus : — ' M. Barthelemy Saint-Hilaire repeated the assurance so often given, that he considered the annexation of Tunis to France would be a mistake and a misfortune.' (Lord Lyons to Lord Granville, 6th April i88i — or, three weeks before the invasion). ' Le Gouvernement de la Republique ne cherche pas de conquetes ; il n'en a pas besoin.' (M. Jules Ferry, President of the Council, in Chamber of Deputies, i i th April.) ' The Foreign Minister [M. Saint-Hilaire] begged me to report at once to her Majesty's Government, in the name of the Republic and his own name, and in the most formal and explicit manner, the assurance that the French Govern- ment did not intend to annex Tunis. If it should be found necessary to occupy for a time certain points in the Regency with French troops, the Occupation, his Excellency said, would be of an essentially provisional character, and would cease as soon as sufficient security had been obtained for the punctual execution by the Bey of the new arrangements which would be effected by treaty which he would be re- quired to make.' (Lord Lyons to Lord Granville, loth May.) On the same date — two days before the Treaty was signed — the French Foreign Minister informed General Cialdini : ' All the Bizerta territory will be evacuated as soon as the Bey's good faith and respect for the Treaty is secured,' The Treaty of Bardo, itself, was equally explicit. The avowed object was to secure the re-establishment of order and the safety of the French frontier of Algeria. The Sultan and the Bey protested. Italy protested, and looked to Great Britain for support. A French army of over 30,000 men was in possession of the country : and France, immediately after the Occupation became an accom- plished fact, frankly confessed her intention to establish a Protectorate, with all its consequences. FRENCH AFRICAN POLICY 127 These are only a few samples. Their application may be seen in the following remarks of the French Foreign Minister, on 15th April 1884, to a correspondent:^ ' Je suis absolument de votre avis sur le role de I'Angle- terre en Egypte ; vous n'avez qu'a faire ce que nous avons fait a Tunis, ou les choses marchent bien. C'est I'interet de votre grand pays, en meme temps que I'interet de la civilisa- tion et de I'humanite.' It would appear, therefore, that France is scarcely qualified to act, in the name of Europe, as the champion of the Sultan's suzerainty in Egypt, or to pose as the outraged repository of our self-denying ordinances. Although French policy in Egypt is avowedly designed ^ pour embeter les Anglais,' we ourselves gave up, quite recently, our Capitula- tions with Tunis ; and in 1893 we relinquished our carrying- trade between France and Algeria (though we then held the bulk of that trade), in order to permit the enforcement of i protection. Such actions are in striking contrast. ' From the Memoirs of the life of the late Mr Henry Reeve, C. B. THE POLITICAL SITUATION IN EGYPT 1 INTERNATIONAL STATUS 11 THE POPULATION OF EGYPT 111 FACTORS OF EQUILIBRIUM V THE POLITICAL SITUATION IN EGYPT i INTERNATIONAL STATUS (a) TJie Sultan's Suzerainty THE Sultan's suzerainty over Egypt has always been Egrypt loyally recognised, in principle if not in fact, by the Protectoral Power. At the same time, as Sir Samuel Baker pointed out,^ it might with reason be contended ' that the Sultan sold his right of interference when he altered the Mohammedan Law of Succession to the eldest son of the Khedive Ismail for the sum of i^3 44,000 a-year, as an increase of the Egyptian Tribute.' It certainly was then a debateable point, whether the Sultan could sell his positive right and then resume his original position ? But, in my opinion, her Majesty's Government had a much clearer title to contest the Sultan's suzerainty when, after the Arabi revolt had been crushed, the authority of the Khedive was restored : because the Arabi movement was openly supported by the Sultan. Such action, however, was not taken, any more than the extreme step of annexation. We were then, as we are now, supporters of the principle, though not of the practice, of the Sultan's suzerainty. In principle, the Sultan might call upon Egypt to send troops to his aid : but, in practice, this act of fealty would be embarrassing, especially if the Sultan were at war with Great Britain or any European Power. Again, the Sultan's suzerainty extends, presumably, over jj^g sudan the Egyptian — or, rather, Anglo-Egyptian — Sudan : but it cannot touch the predominant partner. These territories, 1 ' Sir Samuel Baker : a Memoir ' (page 336). 132 POLITICAL SITtlATIOX IN EGYPT too, are declared to be inalienable : but the British and Egyptian flags float at Khartum, and elsewhere in the Sudan, between Wadi Haifa and Fashoda. Clearly, the Sultan's suzerainty is a diplomatic fiction, substantiated merely by the fact of his receiving the annual Tribute, which, virtually speaking, is now an indemnity. Status of Sir John Scott, late Judicial Adviser to the Khedive, ^''^ defines the actual status of Egypt in the following authorita- tive terms : — * One word as to the relations of Egypt to Turkey. No doubt, Egypt is still part of the Ottoman Empire. But successive Firmans have conferred so much power on the Khedive, that his relations to the Sultan are rather those of a tributary Prince than of a subject. As Sir Alfred Milner says, in " England in Egypt," " no delegation of sovereign power, short of its absolute abandonment, could well have been more complete." Full administrative autonomy is given by the Firmans in the following terms : " the civil administration of the country with the power of elabor- ating and carrying-out according to what is just all neces- sary regulations and internal laws." (Firman, August 2, 1879.) The Khedive can even make international agree- ments, such as treaties of commerce, provided they have no political character. ' Taxes are levied and money is struck in the name of the Sultan ; and the Khedive can neither part with any of his rights nor abandon any portion of his territory. But, as long as he pays his Tribute, he is practically independent of the Sultan in all matters of internal administration.' {The Times, 22nd January 1899.) {b') Finnans Organic Law Thc I'^irmaus constituting the Organic Law of Eevpt are of Egypt oj i. th(xse f)f 8th June 1873 and 2nd August 1879. Both are still in force. The former, altering the Order of Succession in favour of Ismail's family, by the law of primogeniture, consolidated all previous Firmans ; the latter, or Firman of Investiture of Taufik Pasha, imposed certain restrictions. INTEllNATIONAI. STATUS 133 Textual extracts from these and other operative instru- ments, bearing on the situation, are given in an Appendix (II) at the end of this book. The main provisions may be briefly summarised, as follows : The principle of Egyptian autonomy was laid down in the Administrative Separate Act annexed to the Treaty of London of i 5th July "*°°°™y 1 840. For the due observance and fulfilment of this Act, the representatives of the Great Powers, dealing direct with the Sultan, made themselves responsible. Article V provided subject to that ' All the Treaties and all the laws of the Ottoman Empire pdvYieges""^' shall be applicable to Egypt.' But in the definitive Firman, granted to Ismail, no mention is made of this stipulation, which provides for the Capitulations being applicable to Egypt. The assumption, that these are therefore abrogated, has not, however, been advanced by any of the Great Powers or by the Porte, Again, in Taufik's Firman of Investiture, emphasis is laid Reservation of on two important points of International Law : the pro- dghtr'^" 'mulgation of Conventions concluded between Egypt and Foreign Powers, and the inalienability of Egyptian pre- rogatives and territories. In both cases the representatives of Great Britain and France demanded explanations from the Porte. In reply, the Porte, in the first instance, reduced its claim to a right of veto ; and, in the second instance, an evasive answer was returned, which did little or nothing to clear up the ambiguity of the phrasing. These points are illustrated in my Appendix (II). It will be noted, too, that the difference in address between Ismail's Firman and Taufik's Firman emphasizes a distinct diminution in the authority of the Sultan — i.e. a lapse from the first person to the third person — and that, perhaps in consequence, the Sultan laid particular stress on the inalien- ability of territory, the sacred rights of Sovereign power, and the liability of the Egyptian army to serve in the defence of the Ottoman Empire. I again quote, from the same source, a high legal opinion Legal Opinion on the meaning and value of these Firmans : ' It may be worth noting,' says Sir John Scott, ' that the 134 POLITICAL SITUATION IN EGYPT. Firmans which confer these rights are not mere emanations of the will of the Sultan which he can sanction to-day and abrogate to-morrow. The principle of Egyptian autonomy, which they progressively develop was first declared in 1840 by the Sultan, in co-operation with the European Powers ; and, as recently as 1879, the Firman of Investiture of Taufik Pasha was published, with a protocol of inter- pretation, signed by the representatives of England and P'rancc and the Turkish Minister of Foreign Affairs . at Constantinople.' (c) The Capitulations Limitations to Limitations to the Sovereign power of the Sultan, as power Suzerain of Egypt, are defined in the ancient series of treaties commonly called the Capitulations. Such treaties are held by Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Great Britain, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands, Portugal, Russia, Spain, Sweden and Norway, as well as by the United States of America and Brazil. immunities and France has been the leading champion of the Capitula- '"^fore^n^ers tions in Egypt ; but all the Powers have abused the privileges conferred on their subjects by these treaties, amounting, as they do in effect, to those conveyed b}' extra-territoriality. The immunities enjoyed by foreigners, under the Capitula- tions, are principally : (i) exemption from taxation, apart from customs' dues and land-tax on real property, (2) in- violability of domicile, and (3) exemption, partial or other- wise, from the jurisdiction of local Courts. In spite of the Judicial reforms introduced into Egypt, the Consular Courts still exist. Moreover, the Capitulations introduce all kinds of obstruction to municipal and State legislation : and all ' protected subjects ' of the Powers profit by them, even ' though they be unconvicted criminals. No change in this anomalous, and indeed scandalous, situation is practicable, except with the unanimous consent of the fourteen Powers holding Capitulations with Turkey, .so long as the Sultan's suzerainty is upheld. There is, how- ever, no tax now paid by natives that is not also paid by I'2uro]jcans liable to it. POPULATION OF EGYPT 135 ' The Mixed Tribunals are a compromise between the international principles of extra-territoriality (upheld by the Consular °^^^ Courts) and amenity to the National Tribunals. Their com- position and functions will be referred to in another place. (d) The Caisse Another International restraint on the administrative free- dom of Egypt is exercised through the powers conferred on the Caisse de la Dette publique, which was established by the Decree of 2nd May 1876. This Decree I have published as ^n Appendix (III) ; and any further remarks I have to offer will be made elsewhere. The Powers are represented on the Caisse by six Commissioners. The French, Austrian, and Italian members were constituted in 1876 ; an English member was elected in 1876; a German and a Russian member were added in 1885. ii THE POPULATION OF EGYPT The people of Egypt cling to and feed on the Nile like so Parasites many parasites in the economy of Nature. They owe their existence to the regime of this great river, which brings to them from distant lands soil for their fields and water for their crops. Like a god, the Nile creates and sustains life in the aridity of its desert course. The density of popula- tion in the various Provinces of Egypt necessarily coincides with the areas of highest fertility.^ A Census of the Population was taken in 1897. The Growth and d6cs.y previous (1882) Census was unreliable, owing to its occur- rence on the eve of the Arabi revolt : but it may be instruc- tive to compare the results, during a period that corresponds with the British Occupation. The total population of Egypt in 1897 was 9,734,405. In 1882 it was 6,813,919. In fifteen years, therefore, the population of Egypt has increased by 2,920,486, — or 43 per ^ The density of population to the square mile may be taken, roughly, as follows : — Egypt Proper, 22 ; Sennar, 10 ; Kordofan and Darfur, 9 ; Upper Nile, (north of Lado), 8. In the surrounding States, the figures are, approximately : British East Africa, 10; Abyssinia, from 2.5 in the extreme South to 23 in the Central regions ; Eritrea, 5 ; British Somaliland and French Somali Coast, 3 ; .Italian Somali Coast, 4; Wadai, 27 ; Tripoli, 3. 136 POLITICAL SITUATION IN EGYPT cent. — showing a yearly average of 276 per cent. At the beginning of the century, the population (estimated during the French Expedition) numbered only 2,460,200.^ (a) Tables {Census of 1897)^ The following Tables are taken from the Census of 1897:— Census of 1897 I. — GENERAL POPULATION Population, by Sex : Males (50-8%) ..... 4>947»8so Females (49"2%) .... 4,786,555 9,734,405 II. — Centres of Population Centres of Population : Towns and villages of the sedentary population . 3,675 Hamlets, etc. do. do. . 12,202 Hamlets do. Bedwin . . i>7i2 Camps do. do. . . 540 16,129 Habitations : Houses in occupation .... 1,422,302 III. — Population, according to Mode of Life Total. Percentage. Sedentaries : Natives and Foreigners . . . 9,160,431 94" i Semi- sedentaries : Bedwin living in their own hamlets, or among the sedentary population . 485,303 5* Nomads : Bedwin living in their camps . . 88,671 0*9 9,734,405 loo- ' The population of Egypt, at the time of the Emperor Augustus (27 B.C.); was computed at 25 millions, including Tripoli. It must have been quite 18 millions. And a few centuries later, after the Arab Conquest, it was calculated at about half that numl>er. In 1821, under Mohammed AH, it was about 2,536,400. In 1846, It was al)<)ut 4,476,440. The mean annual increase during the present century has l>een 3 per cent. '■' I received the definite and final results of the Census of 1897 ("Resultats Gt-nd-raux ") too late to make all the necessary corrections, which, for purposes of general comparison, are immaterial. POPULATION OF EGYPT 137 IV. — Nationalities Census of 1897 Population. Egyptians Foreigners Total. 9,621,879 112,526 Percentage. 98-85 i'i5 9,734,405 lOO" Egyptians. Total. Percentage Natives 9>oo7,755 93-62 Born in other parts of the Ottoman Empire 40,150 0-42 Bedwin 573,974 5*96 9,621 879 ] [oo- Foreigners. Total. In Towns In the Greece .... and Villages. Ports. 37,993 182 38,175 Italy . 24,232 235 24,467 Great Britain 17,334 2,223 19,557' France 14,113 42 14,155^ Austria-Hungary . 6,870 247 7,117 Russia 1,271 1,922 3,193^ Germany 1,075 202 1,277 Spain , 765 765 Switzerland . 472 472 U.S. America 286 5 291 Belgium 236 20 256 Holland . 180 67 247 Portugal 31 120 151 Sweden and Norway 63 44 107 Denmark 70 2 72 Persia 1,301 1,301 Divers 758 165 923 107,050 5,476 112,526 ^ Maltese, 6,463 ; Indians, 614 ; Army of Occupation, 4 909. ■^ Algerians, Tunisians, 3,901. ^ Bukhariots, etc., 4 30; A [il tary transport, 1,793- 138 POLITICAL SITUATION IN EGYPT Ceasus of 1897 V. — Religions Population classed according Per- to Religion. Inhabitants. centage. Moslems (0/ a// seas) . 8,978,775 92-23 Christians do. . 730,162 7"5o Israelites do. . 25,200 0*26 Divers .... 268 0"0I 9,734,405 TOO" Per- Christian Cults and Sects. Inhabitants. centage. Copts {Orthodox, Protestant, and R. Catholic) 608,446 83-33 Orthodox (other than Copts) 53,479 7'32 R. CathoUcs do. 56,343 772 Protestants do. 11,894 1-63 730,162 lOO' N.B. — The majority of Copts belong to the Orthodox rite ; and the Protestant Copts are more numerous than Catholic Copts. These' distinctions were not clearly reported on the Census sheets. VI.- —Education Population classed according to Education. Males. Females. Total. Able to read and write 435,993 31,893 467,886 Illiterate 4,511,857 4,754,662 9,266,519 4,947,850 4,786,555 9,734,405 N.B. — The number of male children under 7 years who are not of an age to receive education can be put at about 18 per cent, of the total population ; and deducting also the Bedwin, who do not attend schools, the proportion is as follows, for the male population : Able to read and write, 12 per cent. Illiterate, 88 per cent. In large towns the proportion is as follows : Able to read and write, 29 per cent. Illiterate, 71 per cent. POPULATION OF EGYPT 139 VII.- -Professions Census of 1897 Population classed according to Profession. Males. Females. Total. Both sexes. Having professions, including servants \\'ithout professions . 3,176,734 1,771,116 71,173 4,715,382 3,247,907 6,486,498 4,947,850 4,786,555 9,734,405 N.B. — The number of male agriculturists or cultivators may be calculated at about 2,050,000, forming thus about two-thirds of the male population following a profession. VIII. — Population of Chief Towns (Comparison with Census of 1882) Popul ation Chief Towns. in 1897. in 1882, Cairo . . • I 570,062 374,838 Alexandria 319,766 231,396 Tanta 57,289 33,750 Port Said . 42,095 16,560 Assiut 42,012 31,398 Zagazig . 35.715 19,815 Mansura . 34,997 30,439 Damietta . 1 31,288 34,044 Fayum 31,262 25,799 Damanhur i 27,236 19,624 Kena i 24,364 15,402 Minia : 20,404 17,145 Suez ; 17,173 10,919 Giza !• 16,820 11,410 Beni Suef i 15,297 10,085 Sohag 1 13,930 8,774 Aswan 13,005 6,421 140 rOLITlCAL SITUATION IN EGYPT Census of 1897 lA. SUMMAKy (Comparison with Census of 1882) 1 ' 1897. Inhabitants. INCREASE SINCE 1882. Inhabitants. 7o General Population 9,734,405 2,920,486 43 Sex: Males Females 4,947,850 4,786,555 1,547,766 1,372,720 45 40 Population : Lower Egypt Upper Egypt 5,676,109 4,058,296 1,667,363 1,253,123 42 45 Nationalities : Egyptians . Foreigners . 9,621,879 112,526 2,898,846 21,640 43 24 Egyptians : Natives . . • • Born in other parts of the Ottoman Empire Bedwin 9,007,755 40,150 573,974 2,563,025 8,376 327,445 40 26 133 Bedwin : Living with natives . do. in their hamlets do. in their camps Centres of Population : Native towns, villages do. hamlets Ik-dwin hamlets I Camps of Bedwin 304,417 180,866 88,671 283,104 53,866 9,525 1330 42 9 NUMBER. INCREASE SIN CE 1882. 3,675 12,202 1,712 540 21 3,559 889 413 7o 41 109 325 18,129 4,882 36 POPULATION OF EGYPT 141 X. — Foreign Residents (Comparison with Census of 1882) Census of 1897 DIFFERENCE 1882. 1897. 1897. Nationalities. Percentage — (1897). Foreigners. Foreigners. More. Less. Greece . 33"94 37>3oi 38,175 874 Italy 2172 18,665 24,467 5,802 Great Britain . i7"37 6,118 i9>557 13,439 France . 12-59 15.716 14,155 1,561 Austria-Hungary . 6-32 8,022 7,117 905 Russia . 2-83 533 3,193 2,660 Germany 1-14 948 1,277 329 Spain 0-68 589 765 176 Switzerland 0*42 412 472 60 United States of America . 0'26 183 291 108 Belgium 0-23 637 256 381 Holland 0'22 221 247 26 Portugal 0-I4 36 151 115 Sweden and Norway 0*09 15 107 92 Denmark o'oy 14 72 58 Persia . Various . i-i6\ 0-82J i,476| 1,3011 923/ 748 lOO' 90,886 112,526 24,487 2,847 + 21,640 {b) Characteristics There has been a considerable redistribution of the popu- Movements of lation in the Delta, since 1882, owing to the diversion of ^''^ ^°p"'^"°" commercial traffic. The population is engaged almost exclusively in agriculture, although some attention is paid to the rearing of cattle, etc. (oxen, buffaloes, camels, and donkeys). Trade and commerce form, at present, an insig- nificant proportion of the industrial enterprise of the people. 142 POLITICAL SITUATION IN EGYPT Mussulmans Religion and politics are so closely intertwined in Eastern countries, that we have only to recall the fact of the bulk of the population of Egypt professing the Mohammedan faith, in order to estimate the social condition and economical development of the country. Later, we shall see the cumu- lative effect of British reforms and administration on the well-being of the Khedive's subjects. The Egyptians are less zealous bigots than their co-religionists in the Ottoman Empire, partly on account of their race, and partly, I think, on account of their agricultural and pastoral pursuits. If bigotry and fanaticism there be, these are confined to the towns, where agitators may occasionally be found. A characteristic note of this submissive and God-fearing people may be heard daily at the citadel, during Ramadan, when the sunset gun is answered by a roar of relief from the fast- ing population of Cairo. Copts The Copts do not form an important or influential element of the population of Egypt ; and they are more concerned with promoting their material interests than with the observances of their religion. By the last Census (1897), they were numbered at 608,446 — embracing the Orthodox, Protestant, and Roman Catholic adherents of the Coptic Church ; but it is possible that their number is greater, owing to the attempt of many to evade declaring their male issue, for fear of the conscription. In Upper Egypt, they are found j^rincipally at Assiut, Girga, etc. In the Delta, too, they gravitate to the large towns, where they find em- ]jlo_\'ment as clerks, artisans, gold and silver workers. Their thrifty habits must be the principal cause of their prosperity : since, as a class, they are scarcely so capable as the Mo- hammedans ; and, although they have for centuries been prone to subservience and subject to oppression, they hold a considerable amount of landed and house property, from which the Church ultimately benefits. TheCoptic Prior to Mohammed All's reign, the hostility of the Church ■., , Mussulmans compelled the Copts to worship in secret and to hide their faith. The Church Missionary Society and, after their withdrawal, the American missionaries and POPULATION OF EGYPT 143 United Presbyterians did much to revive the Coptic Church, which was then in a more corrupt state than it is now. The Coptic Patriarchs, in the attempt to concentrate all power into their own hands, acted autocratically, and de- based the Church. Even at the present day, there is con- stant friction between the Patriarchate and the Council, The latter has more than once been suppressed by Cyril, who has been the Orthodox Patriarch for the last twenty- four years, and who, in spite of the agitation among lay members, is not sufficiently amenable to the Government, which endeavours to hold the scales even, or to the elders of the Church.^ The attempts made by the Archbishops of Canterbury and, more recently, by the Pope to acquire influence over the Coptic Church have, so far, failed. At the present time, the Roman Catholic and Orthodox parties, at daggers- drawn between themselves, are wooing the powers that be in Egypt, who have no other object than to safeguard the general welfare. Three years ago, the Pro-Patriarch Macaire- attempted to advance the interests of his party and of the Papacy by carrying the campaign into Abyssinia : but he met with discouraging results. The Abyssinian Church is not very robust : but Menelik patronises Cyril, the Orthodox Patriarch, to whom he gives a small pension, and to whom he looks for the nomination of his Abtma, or Metropolitan. This struggle for ecclesiastical supremacy in Abyssinia is, of course, not without importance, from a political point of view : but the Orthodox Copts, although they are establishing schools 1 It is only within the last three years that the Patriarch has adopted a more conciliatory attitude, and has made concessions to the party of reform. Although he is reported to command great wealth, he is not compelled to account, either to the Government or to the Council, for its disposal. One informant told me, that the Patriarch could command ten millions of money : but a Coptic friend assured me, that the income of the Church (apart from monasteries) was only ;i^500 a month. These resources the Patriarch holds in trust for his successor. Nothing could be simpler or more patriarchal than his mode of life and his surroundings, so far as I could judge from the visit I paid him and to the Coptic dignitaries at Cairo, who received me with the greatest cordiality. 2 Appointed by the Pope and enthroned (July 1899), as Cyril II., at Alexandria. 144 POLITICAL SITUATION IN EGYPT for >-oung people in Abyssinia, have no political propaganda or influence, sutus The Copts live on fairly friendly terms with the Moham- medan population of Egypt. If occasionally there are religious differences, these chiefly arise from local prejudices, such as an objection to a Coptic cemetery in the country. Against their general status they have now no reasonable ground for complaint. But their so-called grievances are formulated under three heads : they complain ( i ) that they do not receive a fair share of honours, (2) that they are not admitted to the higher administrative posts, and (3) that public money is not spent on their churches and church festivals. Such frivolous censures answer themselves. Coptic disabilities have not prevented Boutros Pasha from becoming Minister for Foreign Affairs ; and the Coptic community bears too small a proportion to the Mohammedan population to be specially distinguished or signally favoured, other religious Roman Catholics, under the so-called protection of France and Austria, are found in all the large towns. They and the Greek Church number each over 50,000 adherents. The Armenian Church gathers in all Armenians, except a few hundred who belong to the Armenian Catholic Church under Rome. There are also some thousands of Maronites, chiefly in Cairo, and Syrian Catholics, who have their own places of worship ; while Jews are found in all the large towns. The Protestant Church is, numerically speaking, chiefly represented by the American Mission, which has Presbyteriar chapels and schools all over Egypt. There are also Protes tant or Anglican churches at Cairo, Alexandria, Port Said and Suez. Among Christian cults or sects, the Copts are in a vast majority (8 3*3 3 per cent.). Missionary The American Missionary Society proselytises to a certain enterprise _, . ,-/ , . r, ^^ i extent among Copts ; but its efforts are chiefly directed towards the diffusion of educational and moral influences. As an educational agency, the Mission has achieved a success as remarkable as it has been well deserved. \ The Jesuits, who have more influence than the American POPULATION OF EGYPT 145 Mission, use it to Gallicise their adherents and pupils — whom they seek chiefly in the upper classes ; ^ though they may not care to become the tools of their Government. There are also several French brotherhoods, which were among the earliest arrivals in the mission-field. Broadly speaking — not to mention minor agencies and philanthropic bodies — missionary enterprise in Egypt attempts no propaganda, but relies on educational and personal influences alone. Nor can it be said to carry much weight, except indirectly through the spread of the English and French languages. Of far greater importance, in its influence on the popula- EiAzhar: tion, is the University of El Azhar, at Cairo. This influ- ence, destroyed by Mohammed Ali, has revived under the British Occupation of Egypt, owing to our extreme care not to wound the susceptibilities of the Moslem population. A mot dordre from El Azhar spreads rapidly through the country : but it must have reason on its side in order to meet with general acceptance. Its authority on religious questions being undisputed, El Azhar is, therefore, apt to launch many political dictums under the guise of doctrinal diatribes. The agencies for disseminating the watchwords of Islam Foyer of are vast. The Kadis in every village — to the number of 4000 — have been trained at El Azhar ; so also have the 15,000 teachers in the kuttabs, or schools attached to the mosques. In the latter, moreover, there are at least 14,000 Imams and servitors. These in the aggregate represent an army of, say, thirty-five thousand men — all, more or less, under the influence of El Azhar. Of the educational methods of El Azhar I shall speak in another place. Recently, there appears to have been a rapprochement between the University authorities and the Education Department of the Government : but this is more apparent than real. The Kadis, who are nominated by the Ministry of Justice, are now required to have some educa- ^ A son of Fakhri Pasha is being educated at the Jesuit College at Alexandria, — the principal French educational agency. K ll 146 POLITICAL SITUATION IN EGYPT tional equipment — in particular, some knowledge of Geo- graphy and Mathematics, and some efficiency in Arabic caHgraphy. The EI Azhar students being deficient in these respects, they are not so competent to compete with outsiders for appointments under the Government. Consequently, the University has arranged to participate in the services of thirteen Government teachers. But these Arab teachers being, according to its notion, defiled by contact with Europeans, they are not admitted within the sacred pre- cincts : their classes being extra-mural. This characteristic touch hits off the situation to a nicety. iii FACTORS OF EQUILIBRIUM Aspects of the The Egyptian Question has a two-fold aspect — internal Question and external. The internal conditions are associated with the postulate, that Egypt shall ' stand alone ' : that is to say, be capable of self-government and of maintaining her political integrity. If Egypt were able to stand alone at the present day, there would be no Egyptian Question, properly so called. The external conditions apply to political domination over the Nile Valley, and to the maintenance of Egyptian territorial integrity beyond the confines of Egypt Proper — a point that has already been settled by the down- fall of the Dervish oligarchy, and the complete destruction of their power. With each of these aspects I shall deal in turn. Factors of When I was in Egypt, ' the situation ' was constantly equilibrium . r i- • , ,r , , , commg u]j lor discussion between myself and those who favoured me with their views. One day, I constructed the Table which appears on the next page. This Table seems to me to embody every element of weight in the political situation, and to illustrate more graphically and convincingly than the most elaborate thesis, how susceptible the Egyptian administrative machine is to any disturbance of its e(]uilibrium. ExpUnation We here see the Egyptian Government in a state of just of Table • i i / poise ; and we have only to imagine some of its constituent o < D H c/2 < H :^ J O ■^ w H r^ iy: — -i^O o n C > C :"" >> s vJ 1 u — g 5 — fl s — (h s a H c. c o r.. 2 g c 2 148 POLITICAL SITUATION IN EGYPT factors being subject to agitation, in order to realise the see-saw of local politics. The correlation of its component parts, on either side of the centre of oscillation, is, as nearly as possible, accurate. Clearly, it would not be possible, in a diagram of this kind, to represent the relative weight of each (even if one could make such an estimate) : but the machine, as constructed, may be said to balance on the fulcrum of Finance. The central position of the Caisse, and its consequent capacity to disturb or restore the balance of political factors in the Egyptian Question, will be noted : it is an i)}iperiu7n in hnperio. In all respects but one, the principle of this illustration holds good. The exception is obvious in the outlying pendants of this machine. If you knock away the ' Ottoman Special Mission ' and the ' Legislative Council,' the balance of power would scarcely be disturbed ; but if you remove the British ' Army of Occupation ' and the ' British officers in the Egyptian army,' the voice of the British Agent and Minister Plenipotentiary would be as ' of one crying in the wilderness.' (c?) The Tutelary Power The conflict of In spitc of thc equivocal position of the Protectoral interests Power, Lord Cromer would be quite able to control every element of the political situation in Egypt if he were to receive at all times the full support of her Majesty's Government. But thc British Foreign Office has not the courage of its convictions. In all vital matters, its support is given without hesitation — almost without enquiry : so greatly is Lord Cromer trusted as the deus ex machmd. But, under the complex conditions of British Foreign Policy, it often happens that the situation in other parts of the world precludes any pressure being applied for the promotion of Egyptian interests, when these are opposed b)' France. Under such circumstances, Egypt has to wait ; and under an)- circumstances she has to pay. Though her Majesty's Government may be convinced of the importance of certain reforms, these cannot always be FACTORS OF EQUILIBRIUM 149 pressed at an inopportune moment. To an outsider it might even appear, that the complaisance of France was more important than the need of Egypt — except, as I have said, in matters of vital concern. In the end, of course, all necessary reforms are carried out, no matter what may be the opposition of France : but the constant friction, intrigues, and the anomalous conditions that pre- vail, are very prejudicial and burdensome to Egypt. All the Powers, in one way or another, directly or indirectly, squeeze bakhshish out of that distracted country ; and they will continue to do this, so long as there are Capitulations, International posts, duplication of offices, and general un- certainty regarding the future. If Great Britain were given a free hand, all or most of these abuses would be swept away : and a considerable saving would accrue to the Egyptian exchequer. As things are, however, it requires the greatest tact on the part of Lord Cromer to avoid offending French susceptibilities by any action that may bear the construction or even the appearance of nepotism. To govern Egypt is an easy matter ; but to satisfy France is a Sisyphean task. All this will become clear when my thesis is developed. The Khedive of Egypt, as a constitutional sovereign. The Khedive reigns but does not govern. Nominally speaking, he enjoys a veto on legislation : but this he dare not exer- cise, if it should conflict with the ' advice ' given to him by the British Minister. He need not sign a Decree : and, therefore, under the circumstances, when it is a matter involving organic changes to which he may be opposed, he simply sends back the Decree to the Legis- lative Assembly, as an open protest, and in order to stand well with the country. The Legislative Assembly may deliberate, and make as many amendments as they please : but if the Council of Ministers do not accept those amend- ments, they simply state their reasons for non-adhesion — and there the matter ends. Egypt is not quite ready for representative government. The conflicts between the young Khedive and the 150 POLITICAL SITUATION IN EGYPT Tutelary Power are less frequent now than they were in the past. Some of these have been serious : but in each case the Khedive has been compelled to submit to ' the masterful hand of a British Resident,' to use Lord Dufferin's phrase. The character of Abbas Pasha is that almost of a mono- maniac. Unlike his brother, Mohammed Ali Pasha, the heir-presumptive, he is not in sympathy with Europeans, whom he habitually avoids. Neither is he an Oriental, as is demonstrated by the fact of his marriage with a slave who formerly belonged to his mother.^ He does not maintain intimate relations with his Ministers, who are figure-heads of a virtual Anglo-Egyptian Condominium ; nor does he cultivate relations with the Ulema. His intercourse with the Sultan, which is controlled by the humour of the moment on the Suzerain's part, is con- ducted through the intermediary of the Grand Vizier at the Porte. He has no sovereign power : and he resents it. He is the vassal of Europe. Therefore, he chafes under the restraints imposed on him, and lends himself too readily to the intrigues and machinations of the so-called Nationalist or Young Egyptian party, whose influence over him is of the worst possible kind, morally and politically. His one hobby is building — not public works, like Ismail, whom he resembles only in his voluptuous tastes, but stables for his horses, houses for his chickens, etc. He is, however, said to be amenable to the hand that ' gives him money to pla)' with.' Sir Alfred Milner .states that : 'Should the Khedive remain irreconcilable, no genius on earth could make the present system of Egyptian administration a workable one.'- But this passage was inspired by the baneful influence of the incidents of 1893, when Abbas dismissed Mustafa Fehmi and began to tamper with the discipline of the army, of ' No rigid Mohammedan would contract such an alliance. He might have bought, or Dthcrwisc have procured, her as his property, but should not have made her his first wife. ■•* • England in Egypt.' Pref.ice to the fifth edition, p. xxi. FACTORS OF EQUILIBRIUM 151 which he is the titulary head. Lord Cromer found a way out of these difficulties ; and administered a wholesome lesson, by which the Khedive and the country have since profited. It is clear, that the Khedive must either frankly accept the The Egyptian situation or render himself liable to suffer the fate of Ismail. Our equivocal position in Egypt, which every day becomes less indeterminate, is not only responsible for the intrigues of the Khedive and the Opposition party, both native and foreign, but it also regulates the measure of support given by the Egyptian bureaucracy to the British Control. Egyptians complain, that our power is not sufficiently exercised to en- courage, to protect, and to guarantee the adherence and loyal support of the Native officials, who, finding themselves between Lord Cromer's hammer and the Khedive's anvil, have to be both expert and tactful in order to escape being crushed.^ Some of these timid time-servers naturally ask : ' I am His Highness's dog at Kew : Pray tell me. Sir, whose dog are you?' They want to know, ' hovv^ they stand with us ? ' And until they are assured of our protection, as well as of the per- manence of the British Occupation, they cannot, as a body, be expected openly to espouse our cause. ' In a Report prepared by Mr Cave on the state of Egypt in 1876, he said : 'One of the causes which operates most against the honesty and efficiency of native officers is the precarious tenure of office. From the Pasha downwards every office is a tenancy at will, and experience shows that, while dishonesty goes wholly or partially unpunished, independence of thought and action, resolution to do one's duty and to resist the peculation and neglect which pervade every Department, give rise to intrigues which, sooner or later, bring about the downfall of honest officials.' 'There can be no question,' says Lord Cromer, in his Report for 1899, 'that in these words Mr Cave hit one of the main defects which the Egyptian shared in common with other systems of Oriental administration. When the era of reform set in, there was no point on which those who, like Nubar Pasha, were well acquainted with the condition of Egypt insisted more strongly than on the absolute necessity of affording Egyptian officials adequate guarantees against an abuse of power by those set in authority over them. In the early days of the British Occupation a law was, therefore, passed, which provided that, although an Egyptian official could be removed to the pension list by a decision of the j Council of Ministers, he could not be dismissed from the service unless either his place was abolished, or he had been tried and sentenced to dismissal by a Council 152 POLITICAL SITUATION IN EGYPT Capacity of Lord Cromcr, in his Report for 1898, states: — 'I con- mintstrators cluded my Report of last year by alluding to the fact that the superior officials in the service of his Highness the Khedive, whether European or Egyptian, had heartily co- operated in the work of reform and good government during the period under review, I am glad to be able to commence my present Report by stating that this good understanding has continued to prevail. However much the growing pros- perity of Egypt may be due to the efforts of the European officials who are employed in the Egyptian service, I should be failing in my duty if I did not testify to the fact that those efforts would be relatively unproductive of result were the officials in question not cordially supported by the Ministers under whom they serve. His Excellency Mustafa Pasha Fehmi and his colleagues, in spite of much misrepre- sentation, have rightly judged that the true interests of their country can best be served by hearty co-operation with a body of officials whose sole object is to apply the knowledge they have acquired elsewhere to the good of Egypt.' ^ There are, in fact, plenty of capable Native administrators in Egypt ; but, under existing conditions, it is not to be expected that the country can produce statesmen : because, to develop such powers, Ministers must have an initiative and a freedom they do not possess and cannot, in consequence, of Discipline for the commission of some specific offence. This law, perhaps, erred somewhat on the side of unduly fettering the action of the Executive Government. Cases, indeed, have not unfrequently occurred of officials who, for one reason or another, would probably have been obliged to leave the Government service, had they been serving in any other country but Egypt, but who have been maintained in their positions owing to the stringency of the law, which gives them security of tenure. If, however, this was a fault, it was one on the right side. Broadly speaking, it may be said that the effect produced both by this law and by the manner in which it has been applied, on the general tone of the public service in Egypt, has been excellent. Under its shadow, native officials throughout the country have been encouraged to do their duty honestly and fearlessly.' After quoting particular instances, Lord Cromer adds : ' I make these remarks because it cannot be too clearly understood by the native officials, to whatsoever Department they may belong, that their security of tenure is based on a law which is inviolable.' ' Egypt, No. I (1898): C— 8815. FACTORS OF EQUILIBRIUM 153 enjoy. Nubar Pasha was a statesman of the first rank ; and so to a limited extent was Riaz Pasha : but neither Nubar nor Riaz were able to save Egypt from bankruptcy, though the latter did make some attempt to arrest Ismail in his down-grade career ; and they were quite incapable of adjust- ing the conflicting interests that destroyed the authority of the Khedive. The subordinate officials in the Ministries are all Egyptians, in the widest acceptation of that term.^ In office routine they are expert and zealous. But, once they are advanced to the higher administrative posts, they relax their efforts, shirk responsibility, and shun initiative. They are quite incapable of governing : and, although the Turkish caste may inherit the habit of command, Egyptians will never learn to govern in accordance with European standards of purity and efficiency. The Egyptian Ministers, with few exceptions, are mere puppets, each drawing ^3,000 a-year ; and they are ruled by their English Under-Secretaries. This is as it should be, (except for the waste of Egyptian money,) and no less than is to be expected under the present tripartite regime. The Egyptian officials are under no delusions, that their status and prospects would be improved by any concessions to internationalism or by an increase of French influence. As Tigrane Pasha put it to me : ' Egyptian sympathies are more with the English than with the French. The French are too intolerant and meddlesome. In fact, the English ^ Boutros Pasha, a Copt, once defined an Egyptian as anybody who has settled permanently in the country for a period of fifteen years. Legislation is pending, to regulate the political status of the Ottoman subjects of the Porte, notably of the Syrians, who, although taxed and subject to Egyptian law — if they do not happen to be 'protected subjects' of one of the Powers — are denied the political rights enjoyed by their fellow-Christians, the Copts. ' Under the new law,' says a Times telegram from Cairo, of ist January 1899, 'all persons established in Egypt previous to or during the reign of Mohammed AH, with their descendants, are considered Egyptians for electoral purposes ; and the same applies to all Ottoman subjects established in the country for 15 years, on their making a de- claration of domicile. The sole condition attached is, that applicants shall satisfy the Egyptian law of recruitment, under which every man between the ages of 19 and 23 is liable to military service, but may claim exemption on payment of ;if20.' 154 POLITICAL SITUATION IN EGYPT have always had a predominant influence in Egypt. They are at least generous. Occasionally, crumbs do fall from the table of the rich Englishman ; but none come from the French ; and on the Italian table there are no crumbs at all.' What he and other Nationalists complain about is, that the British Control does not protect Egypt against the extortion of foreign rivalries — a contention that is borne out by the facts already stated and by others that will be given later. In the Department of Public Works, for instance. Sir William Garstin has made strenuous and persistent attempts to advance Egyptians to the higher grades, in accordance with a promise he made, on his appointment, to the Khedive Taufik : but his experience has not been encouraging to others who might be disposed to make similar efforts in that direction. A second-rate Englishman, holding responsible office, would be worse than useless, because he would lower the standard of perfection after which the Egyptians are enjoined to strive. Consequently, none but our most pro- mising young men in the Public Service are given the higher posts, and none but efficient subordinates are permitted to supervise the administration of the various Departments or to conduct their practical work. Relations The relations between Great Britain and Egcypt may be between Great i>J r j Britain and secu and gauged at three points of intimate contact, repre- sented by the Army of Occupation, the British Minister, and the British Officials in the Egyptian Service. In regard to each of these I shall have occasion to speak in my review of the Anglo-Egyptian Administration. The general situa- tion may, in the meantime, be outlined as follows : The British The powers conferred on the British Minister, and Minister , exercised by him with great tact and moderation, are those cf the virtual and responsible ruler of Egypt. Not only has he the right of veto, but from him emanate, directly or indirectly, those large measures of reform which mark the stages of British policy in Egypt. Interfering as little as may be with the machinery of Government or with the discipline and efficiency of the State services, which he leaves under the control of his lieutenants, he acts as the FACTORS OF EQUILIBRIUM 155 adviser and intermediary of the British Government and as the ' referee,' so to speak, of the Anglo-Egyptian Adminis- tration. Whilst the British Under-Secretaries and Advisers have a free hand in Departmental affairs, and in their zeal for progress are handicapped at every step by want of funds or want of men, the British Minister supports or dis- courages the initiation of organic reforms, in accordance with the opportunities or disadvantageous circumstances of the moment. He is thus able to secure some continuit)^ of policy and to provide for the development of Egyptian in- stitutions, without raising issues beyond the influence of the Protectoral Power to enforce, or creating friction that would mar the harmony, such as it is, of the complex situation. That, year by year, the advances in self-government, the The British strides in reform, and the efficiency of the various Depart- ments have been increasingly evident, is primarily and essentially due to the splendid services rendered by the British Officials in the service of the Khedive. Of these, the Advisers — of Finance, of Justice, and of the Interior — take the foremost rank. In particular, the Financial Adviser ^ exercises a practical right of veto, since he holds the purse-strings : thus, no measure involving ex- penditure can be passed by the Council of Ministers without the presence and sanction of himself or his deputy. And since reproductive Public Works are the chief require- ment for the development of Egypt, the British Under- Secretary to that Department exercises functions of the highest importance. Many of the principal Egyptian Officials are men ofE^rptian light and leading, and capable administrators. Under a British Protectorate, these officials would gain confidence in their powers and a zeal for their work which are partly denied them by the circumstances of their present position and the ultimate uncertainty of their tenure of office. The rank and file are manufactured, to pattern, by the Education Department. Patriotic Egyptians tell me that the curriculum of Government Schools and Colleges is ^ The Financial Adviser can initiate reforms through the respective Ministries. 156 POLITICAL SITUATION IN EGYPT designedly intended to turn out men capable of filling only the minor posts : but such a charge is manifestly absurd, since individual capacity is nowhere limited by such artificial restraints. Our masked This ipsc dixit of MachiavcHan designs is, also, often Protectorate ^^^.^^^^^^ y^^ cfitics of ouf Foreign Policy, particularly in regard to Egypt. But the truth is, we appear to be in- capable of formulating any Foreign policy at all, worthy of the name, apart from opportunism. Our blundering honesty is too evident in all our dealings with Egypt. If we have stumbled into a position which our traducers seek to fix on us, it is because of the defects of our qualities. Our standard of efficiency is too high for an Oriental people, like the Egyptians, to reach ; and it has been raised by the sheer competence of the men we have sent out to direct and control them. It is a standard to which Egypt, of her own unaided efforts, can never attain. It is a standard which, apart from the Single Control, she could not maintain for a day. Never- theless, it is the only standard compatible with good govern- ment and the due execution by Egypt of her financial obligations to Europe. In short, the concensus of opinion is, that, if the British Tutelage were withdrawn, and Egypt were allowed a free hand, the country would relapse into anarchy. A Dual Control or an International Control might, indeed, fetter Egypt : but it could not prevent, though it would retard, her inevitable lapse from Western standards. One-man rule is the best possible government for an Oriental country : and the stronger the man, the better the rule. Justice ! Justice ! is what the country cries for. Justice that can be bought and sold is not Justice, though it may be Law. Even International Justice, tempered by politics, is better than that. But Justice that fears no man, and has no ulterior objects, is the only principle of Law that can ensure good government and encourage individual enterprise. Egypt is a country of such marvellous resources, that it is capable of any degree of development, up to the limits of its high productiveness. The Egyptian ])opulation is so indus- trious and tractable, that it is capable, too, of an unusual FACTORS OF EQUILIBRIUM 157 degree of advancement under a paternal government. The progress made in these respects, since 1882, in spite of every conceivable obstacle, is the wonder of the world and the glory of British administration. That, in the process of reorganization, re-adjustment, and reform, we have insensibly acquired vested interests in, and an increased hold on, the country, is not a matter for wonder or reproach. It is the stern logic of duty ; and it is due, in part, to the reflex action of French opposition. Resistance has retarded the momentum only to accelerate it in the end. We have been carried off our feet ; and find ourselves squat- ting in Egypt after all, though in no very dignified position. Natural Law, not national policy, has placed us there, and fixed our position for us. We cannot now evacuate the country, even if we would. This result is gradually dawning on the people of the British Isles. It is a view that has long been held at Paris and at Cairo. Eventually it may penetrate to Downing Street. But until the situation is fairly faced, and our in- tentions, as interpreted by our acts, are honestly avowed, we shall continue to meet opposition in Egypt. English capital, until quite recently, was very shy of Egypt ; but French capital has entered fearlessly, because of the obvious fixity of our tenure. And it is because French capital is so largely invested in the country, that the opposition of the Quai d'Orsay to our declared Protectorate over Egypt need not be greatly feared. Is it not, therefore, childish to keep up this make-believe of eventual evacuation ? Our masked Protectorate is ruinous alike to Egyptian interests and to our own good name. It deceives nobody. We ought in honour to cast it aside, as the French did at Tunis. Noblesse oblige. {If) Internatio7ial Fetters Of the International shackles that fetter the freedom of Egypt's Egypt and reduce her to a position of bondage to Europe, &fr- summarized, the following are the principal Inter- national fetters binding on Egypt : — Inventory of (0 TkeSultan's Suzerainty, which imposes certain obliga- fetters ^j^^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^l^g power of Egypt to perform, and restricts her freedom of action to an extent which, if loyally observed, would conflict with the interests and safeguards of the Pro- tectoral Power. (2) TAe Capitulations, and their derivatives, which confer extra-territorial rights on foreigners, at variance with the ends of Egypt's regeneration and inimical to the amalgama- tion of the Juridical institutions of the country. The Consular Courts are an emanation of the Capitulations. Thus, muni- cipal laws or even a simple Police regulation cannot be made binding on foreigners, except with the unanimous consent of the fourteen Powers holding Capitulations with Turkey. In other words, legislation is imposed by Diplomacy. (3) The Mixed Tribunals, which are a distinct advance on Consular jurisdiction, and a step towards union with the Native Courts. These cosmopolitan Courts have exceeded their powers and have allowed political motives to colour their judgments. Originally instituted for the protection of the bondholders, in actions against the Government, and for the administration of Justice in suits between natives and foreigners and between foreigners of different nationalities, the Mixed Tribunals have developed into another imperium in imperio, in Egypt, and have interfered with the Adminis- trative freedom of the Government on more than one occa- sion — notably in December 1896, in connexion with the proposal to apply a portion of the General Reserve Fund to defray military expenditure in the Sudan, in regard to which a difference of opinion arose among members of the Caisse, when the Court of Appeal decided that, irrespective of the question of majority or unanimity of votes, the Caisse had exceeded its powers. ' In this view of the question,' Lord Cromer states,^ ' the action taken by the majority of ' Hgypt. No. I (1898)— page 30. K FACTORS OF EQUILIBRIUM 159 the Caisse would have been illegal even if the vote had been unanimous.' (4) Hie ' Caisse de la Dette'^ which exercises, through its veto, a check on Administrative Expenditure, and, through the extension of its powers, can actively initiate legislation. The six Commissioners of the Powers, constituting the Caisse, occupy an unique position. Originally the receivers of Revenue set aside for the service of the Debt, in the interest of the creditors, they have, by the force of circum- stances, become the responsible agents of the European Powers in regulating the financial position of Egypt, in accordance with the International agreements made from time to time. (5) The Mixed Administrations, which represent so many outworks of European influence in the internal affairs of Egypt. These, properly speaking, should be controlled by the Civil Service. They are a burden on Egyptian finance, and an unreasonable excuse for the duplication of offices, bakhshish, etc. And (6) moral obligations, restrictions, and limitations of all kinds, imposed on Egypt by the various International compacts and the equivocal position of the Tutelary Power. In regard to each of these heads I have some remarks to offer, apart from those already made and those which more properly apply to the Anglo-Egyptian Administration. Of the Sultan's suzerainty, which connotes the Capitula- The Suitan's tions, nothing more need be said in this place, beyond laying the capituia" emphasis on the fact that the International situation in Egypt practically repudiates it, whilst theoretically upholding it. The Anglo-Egyptian Condominium in the Sudan is equally inconsistent with the principle of the Sultan's suzer- ainty, which now amounts to little more than a standing protest of the Porte. The continued presence of Mukhtar Pasha in Egypt is only one of the many anachronisms in the political situation. The Mixed Tribunals have received a new lease of life, international ■ • 1 • 1 1 T 1 Courts ! expirmg, unless it be renewed, on 31st January 1900, by which time it is hoped that the Powers will have come to l(;0 POLITICAL SITUATION IN EGYPT some agreement regarding the legitimate functions. The French Government, which for eight years opposed the institution of these Courts, now upholds them as the only guarantee of Europe for the proper administration of Justice, in so far as foreigners and European interests are concerned. The Egyptian Government would naturally prefer to improve and enlarge the jurisdiction of the National Tribunals : but, since jurisdictional synthesis ap- pears to be hopeless at present, the Anglo-Egyptian Authorities would renew the powers of these Courts rather than be subject to the checks of Consular juris- diction, which they have largely superseded. In self- defence, the Government must, however, take such steps as shall remove politics from the purview of the Adminis- tration of Justice. The contracts of the Judges of the Mixed Courts lapse with the expiry of the period for which the Tribunals are renewed. Lord Cromer, in his Report for 1898, remarks: 'The h'gyptian Government wishes to be assured that, when, in the e.xercisc of the rights conferred on the Caisse by Inter- national agreement, that body has assented to any specific proposal, the legality of that proposal cannot be questioned.* 'It will be remembered,' Lord Cromer adds, 'that the Mixed Courts were instituted as a substitute for the Con- sular jurisdiction in disputes between natives and foreigners, and between foreigners of different nationalities. This is the principle laid down in Article IX. The contention of: the Egyptian Government is that, in the intention of the Contracting Parties at the time the Tribunals were insti- tuted, the question of jurisdiction was to be decided with sole reference to the nationality of the litigants, and that, the Courts have exceeded their powers by extending their jurisdiction to cases in which any foreign interest is involved.' The practical result of this extension of jurisdiction is that civil cases between natives and natives, which should properly be tried by the Native Courts, are now very often decided by the Mixed Tribunals. There can, I think, be little doubt that the wide interpretation given by the Mixed Courts toi \ FACTORS OF EQUILIBRIUM 161 Article IX., as it now stands, has led to some abuses. The proposal now made by the Egyptian Government is brought forward with the object of rectifying some of these abuses.' Unless this proposal is accepted by the Powers, Egypt may possibly be compelled to exercise her right of with- drawal at will, by denouncing the Conventions establishing the Mixed Tribunals, the sudden disappearance of which would cause a serious dislocation of Egyptian affairs. ' Acts of sovereignty,' Lord Cromer states, ' and all steps dictated by political motives, were not intended to come within the jurisdiction of the Courts, Neither were the Courts to take cognizance of any general administrative measure.' Moreover, only French, Italian, and Arabic are at present recognised by the Tribunals. ' The exclusion of English,' Lord Cromer remarks, ' acts detrimentally to the interests of British and American litigants, and has recently formed the subject of very legitimate complaint on the part of the English Chamber of Commerce at Alexandria.'^ ^ In his Report for 1899, Lord Cromer makes the following comments : — ' It is obvious that the only satisfactory solution of this question would be to place English on exactly the same footing as French, Italian, and Arabic. For the present, at all events, the adoption of this measure is impossible. It would require the unanimous assent of the Powers, and the difficulty of obtaining that assent, which is in all cases considerable, would in this instance be materially enhanced from the fact that some, at least, of the Powers concerned are unable to give their assent without previous reference to their respective Parliamentary I Bodies. j * Under these circumstances, the only course left open was to endeavour to find some remedy for the practical grievances caused by the present system. It is not probable that, in any case, lawyers would plead in English, as all the Judges are not acquainted with that language, but considerable expense and delay is caused to British and American subjects by the necessity of obtaining legalized transla- tions of documents in the English language. 1 ' 1 placed myself in communication with M. Bellet, the President of the Court of Appeal, on this subject, and am glad of this opportunity of expressing my acknowledgments of his ready willingness to do all that lay within his power to remedy the evils of which complaint has been made. The result was the issue of a Circular, of which I inclose a copy (Inclosure i), to the Presidents of the various Tribunals, requesting them to dispense with translations whenever the adoption of such a course was possible. I am, moreover, given to understand that an endeavour will be made to appoint Registrars (Greffiers) who speak English to the Courts where that language is most used.' Lord Cromer adds : L 162 rOLlTlCAL SITUATION IN EGYPT Mixed Admin- Among the principal Mixed Administrations are (l) istrations ^j^^ Railways, Telegraphs, and Port of Alexandria, the receipts from which are paid over to the Commissioners of the Caisse, to meet the interest on the Privileged Debt; and (2) the estates of the Daira Sanieh and the Domains — properties formerly belonging to Ismail or the Khedivial family — the receipts from which are also paid over to the Caisse, to cover the interest guaranteed to the holders of these bonds, or mortgagees. Of these groups of financial obligations, amalgamated in the Debt of Egypt, the first falls properly within the functions of Government to administer ; the second is a cumbersome and expensive method of administration, which it is the legitimate interest of none to uphold, and which certainly is outside the province of any government. Each Administration, which could better be controlled by a single responsible official, is saddled with the services of three Commissioners — of a Frenchman, of an Englishman, and of an Egyptian. The Daira The Da'ira estates and sugar-factories are situated in Upper Egypt. The management of this Commission involved heavy annual deficits until taken in hand by Mr Hamilton Lang, who introduced a better order of things. In 1895, owing to abnormal conditions and adverse causes, the sur- plus of the previous year was changed to a deficit ; but in the years 1896, 1897, and i 898, the Administration showed a handsome surplus, and in 1897 and 1898 a material reduction of the Debt, on the economies resulting from con- version in 1890. In 1898 the estates were sold to a group of French, English and Egyptian capitalists, forming a Syndicate, for the amount of the outstanding Debt — i^6, 4 3 1,500 — on terms, advantageous to the Government, which enable the Syndicate to acquire and re-sell the estates gradually. After 1905, when the Debt will be redeemed, • I do not say that this solution is altogether satisfactory, but it is the best of which, for the present, the circumstances of the case admit.' ^.B. — The following clause has been added for the Tribunal of Mansura : — * As the majority of ships which pass Port Said are English, it would be advisable to have, if possible, assigned to this town, a registrar's clerk, a com- missioner or an interpreter who speaks English.' > FACTORS OF EQUILIBRIUM 163 the buyers will be allowed a sufficient period of time in which to dispose of the remaining lands. The International Administration will then cease. Not only the Government, but also native cultivators, will benefit by this important transaction. The estates, which at present comprise 256,000 acres of good land, support nine sugar-factories. There was a small surplus in 1898, in spite of a bad season. Less satisfactory is the Administration of the Domains, The Domains which the French regard as a stronghold of Gallic influence, it being more exclusively under their control. The original amount of the Domains Loan was ^8,288,000, of which over one-half was paid off by 1896. Subsequent reductions of the Debt have been made ; and about one-half of the estates were sold by 1898: but the Administration has never shown a surplus over annual expenditure. The annual deficits have reached over ^^^275,000, and have never fallen below ;^3 9,000. The outstanding capital of the Loan amounted, in 1898, to ^3,508,800. The estates, which are situated in Lower Egypt, raise cotton, cotton-seed, wheat, and barley. Indian wheat is now being cultivated with success. The estates cov-er an area of over 200,000 acres, a portion of which is leased to native cultivators, the remainder being under the direct management of the Administration. In regard both to the Domains and the Daira Sanieh properties, it may be noted that, the consent of France to the conversion in 1890 of the Privileged Debt was given only on condition that these Administrations should be sub- ject to severe restrictions in regard to the sales of land, by which the process of redemption should be prolonged until 1905- The receipts from the Railways form an important and RaUway Board increasing item of Revenue. The working expenses involve about forty-five per cent, of the gross receipts.^ In 1 896 ^ In his Report for 1899, Lord Cromer makes the following remarks in regard to Egyptian Railways : — ' The railways do not merely suffer from those defects — of which divided re- sponsibility is perhaps the most notable — which are common to all systems of AlezAndria, etc. 164 POLITICAL SITUATION IN EGYPT and 1897, owing to the transport of troops and materiel, in connection with the Sudan Campaign, the annual receipts amounted to i^i, 820,970 and i^ 1,982, 883, respectively, — the highest on record. In 15 years, there has been an increase of 84 per cent. Port of The Port of Alexandria is another Mixed Administration : but I have referred to it, as coming more properly, under Trade and Commerce (p. 302). As regards the Lighthouse Administration, with which it is connected. Lord Cromer, in his Report for 1899, remarks : 'I regret to say that the international administration. They possess some further defects which are peculiar to themselves. In the first place, the working expenses are fixed, by international arrangement, at 45 per cent, of the gross receipts. This proportion is low as compared to railways in other countries. Unfortunately, this is not the only evil. The Law of Liquidation, and the subsequent Decrees which have received international sanction, make no adequate provision for capital expendi- ture on the railways. The proportion of the gross receipts which is at the disposal of the Railway Board, and which is only just sufficient for working expenditure and ordinary maintenance, is, strictly speaking, the only available fund from which money can be taken for the purchase of fresh stock, and, in fact, for all such expenditure as, under ordinary circumstances, is either charged to capital account or exceptionally charged to revenue. The natural result has been that, whilst the country has been rapidly progressing, the railways, being deprived of all power of expansion by the defective administrative system to which they are condemned, have, relatively speaking, stood still. The commercial community complain with great reason of the delays in the transport of merchandise. The Government lose money because they cannot provide the engines and waggons required by traders. At the same time, the members of the Railway Board, and, in fact, I think, every responsible authority in this country, fully recognize the justice of complaints to which they are unfortunately powerless to apply any thoroughly effectual remedy. I have no hesitation in saying that, if the hands of the Egyptian Government were free in this matter, by far the best course would be to borrow at once about ;i^E 1,500, 000, and thus place the railways in thoroughly good working order. The country would gain by this expenditure, and the increased receipts would certainly far more than cover the additional in- terest charge. This mode of procedure being impossible, the only resource left is to fall back on the General Reserve Fund. A programme of expenditure, amounting in all to ;^Ei, 330,000 in five years, has now been sketched out. . . . ' Something, therefore, is being done towards applying a remedy to the evils which are the natural result of the present system, but so long as that system con- tinues in existence it is almost hopeless to expect that the Egyptian Railway Administration can be placed on a thoroughly satisfactory footing. It was strongly condemned by two highly competent authorities. Colonel Marindin and Mr Farrer, who reported on the general question of railway management in Egypt some years ago.' FACTORS OF EQUILIBRIUM 165 negotiations as regards the lighting of the eastern shore of the Red Sea have so far proved unproductive of result. The requisite funds are available. Indeed, the money set apart for the construction of the lights has been invested and is now accumulating at compound interest. ... It is greatly to be regretted that, by reason of the diplomatic difficulties which beset this question, and which arise from the fact that the spots where lighthouses are required are situated in Turkish territory, mariners should be deprived of the ad- vantages of the lights.' ^ The consent of the Caisse must be obtained bv the came c/e /a •' Dette Government for all measures involving financial operations or expenditure on a large scale. No loan can be raised without its concurrence,^ nor, when obtained, can the money be expended without its sanction in regard to details. But, in the present flourishing state of Egyptian finances, perhaps the most objectionable function of the Caisse is its power to limit Expenditure by withholding its assent to items which the Government may regard as ' authorized.' Unless such consent can be obtained, the Government must find the money in the best way they can, or abandon the object for which it is required. In any action at law regarding a dis- pute of this kind, the Government cannot, unfortunately, depend on the Mixed Tribunals giving a judicial decision. The position of the Caisse is, therefore, not unlike that of Reserve Funds a Parliament : it votes supplies out of its savings, by sanc- tioning the employment of monies of the General Reserve Fund, for reproductive public works or for philanthropic and economical measures benefiting Egypt. In general terms, it may be said that the Caisse is usually willing to pro- mote these ends, unless the hands of the Commissioners happen to be tied by their respective Governments. Thus, over two millions have from time to time been voted by the Caisse for public ends. And, in the Budget for 1899, the ^ The Porte has since arranged for the construction of four lights in the Red Sea. '^ The Government can, however, open up with a bank a current account not exceeding one million pounds to meet overdrafts well within its power to repay out of its own resources. 166 POLITICAL SITUATION IN EGYPT Caisse has consented to advance out of the General Reserve Fund i^E 5 50,000, to be expended during the current year on reproductive public works and in relief of other Extra- ordinary Expenditure, properly chargeable to capital account. This benevolent action, commendable as it is, in the interests of the country, may, however, be partly ex- plained by the fact that, when the Reserve Fund exceeds two millions, the Sinking Fund comes into operation, for amortization of the Debt : and, as neither Egypt nor the bondholders require at present to further reduce the Debt, the money can be spent more profitably on public works. ^ The Reserve Fund of the Caisse^ accruing from the econo- mies resulting from the partial conversion of the Debt in 1890, is, on the other hand, inviolate. It cannot be touched except with the consent of the Powers. These conversion economies are invested in Egyptian stocks, and are increased at compound interest by annual increments of about ;C340,ooo. On 31st December 1898, the value of these stocks was i!^E3,2 18,000, showing an increase of ;^E45 1,000 in the course of the year. ' There can be no doubt,' says Lord Cromer, in his Report for 1898, 'that, had the money from this fund been available, the Nile Reservoir would have been constructed on terms somewhat more advantageous to the Egyptian Trea- sury than under the arrangement actually concluded.' Indeed, it is no exaggeration to state that, Egypt will have to pay altogether over four millions for about two millions of actual cost, owing to the terms of payment — ;i^ 157,000 a-year for thirty years, after the completion of the works. ' According to Mr Gorst's Note on the Budget for 1899 : ' When the accounts for 1898 have been closed, and the various payments into the General Reserve Fund efiecled, the amount of the Fund will be ^^£4,085, 000. From this must be deducted the various advances already granted by the Caisse de la Dette out of the Reserve Fund, amounting to ^{,'£1,685,000, and also the amount credited to the affected revenues from the Reserve Fund to make up the reduction of land tax of ;{;E2i6,ooo in 1898. The balance of the Fund at the end of the year will therefore be /■p:2, 184,000,' out of which ;^E550,ooo has been voted for the objects mentioned. FACTORS OF EQUILIBRIUM 167 These apparently onerous terms were, however, forced upon the Government by the attitude of France, whose support could not be relied on for an undertaking of such magni- tude and obvious national importance. Meantime, the Special Reserve Fund of the Caisse may be regarded as a Sinking Fund, which accumulates at compound interest, thereby enabling the Government to trench on the General Reserve Fund, when their own Special Reserve Fund is inadequate to cover Extraordinary Expenditure, Elsewhere I shall refer to the expensive and objectionable character of this Fund. The right of Egypt to dispose of her own Surplus should Disposal of not, in justice, be denied to her, under the present stable "'^^'^^ conditions of government and buoyant finances. As Sir Alfred Milner says, ' it would be immensely to the advantage of Egypt to accept a heavy annual charge for amortization, on condition of being free to deal with the rest of her Revenue as she pleased.' But France has no desire to release Egypt from her leading-strings. Egypt therefore has to pay heavily for European tutelage, and in more ways than one, as will be seen later. Enough has been said, to illustrate the extent to which intemation- alism Internationalism still survives in the Nile Valley. As regards duplication of offices, apart from those posts that are obviously ornamental or political, the objection is not so great as it might appear to be. Side by side with an Oriental Government, European coadjutors are required to give effect to Western reforms. In many, if not most, of the Departments, they each have their separate duties : so that their nationality does not count, save in so far as they may utilize their position for exerting political influence. Far more serious are the abuses of the Mixed Courts and the exactions of the Caisse. These cannot be reconciled with an honest attempt to make Egypt ' stand alone,' because they cripple her very seriously, as events have proved, without effecting the object designed. The half- million required for military expenditure in the Sudan was paid back from funds at the disposal of the Egyptian Illustration; 168 POLITICAL SITUATION IN EGYPT Government, and was partly covered by their share of the surplus, Great Britain advancing the remainder.^ One mio-ht quote numerous instances of the absurdities arisintr from Internationalism. I shall content myself with two. During the first winter I spent in Egypt (1896-97), the Irrigation Department received a grant of ;^E 2 50,000, which was given by the Government on condition that the money should be spent within the year. Therefore, the most economical outlay could not be made, in view of the un- certain future. This is an example of the politics of Accounts : the object of the Government was to prevent the Ccxisse getting its double share of any surplus. The evils of Internationalism are still better illustrated in the Quarantine Board, on which sixteen Powers have their representatives. Although fully competent men, these dele- gates would appear to vote from political and personal motives alone. As every measure requires to be passed by a majority, it is said that one delegate arranges with another how he shall vote, in exchange for reciprocal support on another occasion. Majorities by personal influence are rather dangerous expedients for arranging quarantine : but, happily, there is an emergency committee of three.^ ' I know for a fact, that the French Government offered to settle this case amicably, out of court : but, being confident of the justice of our cause, we re- fused. The result was surprising to all : and no wonder. The question was decided on political grounds alone. The English Judge was not on the panel before which the Appeal was laid. The Austrian, the Italian, and the German Judges were in our favour. The Greek Judge accepted a bribe — or so it is said — and went against the instructions of his Government. The French Government were, however, far from pleased at the result of their obstruction : since they had hoped to make use of the refundment of the half-million, in the way that Russia holds the war-indemnity over the head of Turkey, as a lever for political influence. Moreover, the vested interests of Great Britain were naturally increased by her financial aid to Egypt. ^ I heard some amazing stories of the inefficiency of the Egyptian officials under the Quarantine Board. On one occasion, when the English member of the Board, who also was the President, visited Kosseir, he asked the Egyptian super- intendent at that place, if he kept books ? Oh yes ! the books were kept— in Arabic— and duly shown. Did the Superintendent inspect them ? Certainly : monthly — but he could not read Arabic ! On another occasion, the same official in';pected the important disinfecting-station near Ale.\andria. He admired all the FACTORS OF EQUILIBRIUM 169 Sir Alfred Milner justly stigmatizes the effects of Inter- Evils of inter- nationalism in the following vivid passage on the situation : * Wherever you turn there is some obstruction in your path. Do you want to clear out a cesspool, to prevent the sale of noxious drugs, to suppress a seditious or immoral print — you are pulled up by the Capitulations. Do you want to carry out some big work of public utility— to dig a main canal, or to drain a city — you are pulled up by the Law of Liquidation. You cannot borrow without the consent of Turkey ; you cannot draw upon the Reserve Fund without the consent of the Caisse ; you cannot exceed the Limit of Expenditure without the consent of the Powers. Do you, impeded and hampered on every side, finally lose patience and break through, for however good an object, the finest mesh of the net which binds you, or lay a finger on even the most trivial European privilege — you have a Consul- General down upon you at once. Nay, more, you may have the British Government down upon you, because your action may have brought upon its head the remonstrances of a foreign ambassador, and you may be spoiling some big hand (^ in the general game of foreign politics by your tiresome little Egyptian difficulty. And all the while the foreign papers in Egypt are howling at you for not suppressing nuisances which foreign privilege does not allow you to touch, and for not devoting to further improvements money which international conventions do not allow you to spend. And all the while the natives are grumbling, and with far more reason, because they are not protected against foreign encroachment, and be- cause their money is not set free to be spent upon the objects which they have at heart. And their complaints are naturally directed against their English guides.' ^ Bad as it is, and vexatious as it must be to a zealous official. Internationalism is, however, a mere bagatelle as compared with the studious, the persistent, the almost wonderful apparatus, which seemed perfect ; but, on telling the superintendent to set it in motion, he learnt that it had not been connected with the main : and there was no water ! ^ 'England in Egypt,' pages 73-74. 170 POLITICAL SITUATION IN EGYPT diabolic, opposition of France. No one who has lived in the countr)', and studied the political situation there, can speak in wholly temperate language of the obstruction of France to the regeneration of Egypt. In the next sub- section, I shall endeavour to treat the subject with the respect it deserves : since, of all International fetters, this — futile though it be — is the most intolerable, the most exasperating. (c) The Opposition of France Expose of the It has been said, that the duty of the Opposition in our own Parliament is to oppose. This also is conceived to be the whole duty of France in Egypt, as interpreted by the London Convention : but with a difference. France opposes everything — not because any given measure, any proposed step, ma\' or may not be to the advantage of Egypt, without imperilling the interests of the bondholders, but because the measure or the proposal — whatever it may be — emanates from a Government in which she has no responsible share. Her frankly avowed intention is to do nothing to help us : or, in effect, to do nothing that shall advance the interests of good government which Great Britain is pledged to promote. From this 7io?i posswnus attitude arises the inconsistency of French politicians, who, while constantly calling upon us to evacuate the country, refuse to aid us in training Egypt to ' stand alone.' If any such reproach be made against them, it is met with the excuse that, although Egypt stands in peculiar need of European tutelage, France is not bound to recognise, far less endorse, the existing situation, amounting to an Anglo-Egyptian Condominium. Therefore, like a jealous woman, she would rather injure her own interests than re- nounce the quarrel with her supplanter. She demands a disinterested policy on our part, whilst herself following a most selfish and immoral policy of sheer obstruction. Circumstances, rather than any preconceived and de- liberate policy, have placed Great Britain in a dominant and responsible position in Egypt. France, if she had any designs on the integrity and independence of Egypt, missed FACTORS OF EQUILIBRIUM 171 the opportunity to consolidate her own interests by refusing to share in the liberation of the country from the Arabists, whose rule, had it been established, would have turned Egypt into a Turkish province. Great Britain, with the tacit consent of Europe, restored the authority of the Khedive. Had she then been disposed to claim the droits de conquete, none but France, probably, would have restrained her. Having evolved method out of chaos, she turned her attention to ' the creation of an order of things that possessed the elements of stability,' at the same time voluntarily making a self-denying ordinance. In fulfilment of this pledge, she entered into a Treaty with the Sultan, offering to withdraw her Army of Occupation in three years' time, under favourable conditions, but providing for the right of re-entry in case the stability of the Khedivial Government, for which she had made herself responsible to Europe, were again threatened by internal revolt. Owing to this clause, France opposed the Treaty, which was never ratified. Consequently, Great Britain was compelled to create permanent guarantees in Egypt itself To effect this object, time is required. It is a task far greater than could possibly have been conceived when Great Britain undertook it, and pledged her ultimate retirement. At that period, even the elements of the problem were not sufficiently understood. Financial bankruptcy and political chaos obscured every issue. Merely to put Egypt on her feet again, so as to enable her to discharge her financial liabilities to Europe, seemed to us the be-all and end-all of Diplomacy. Finance lay at the root of all her troubles, and afforded a pretext for European intervention in the Adminis- tration. Thus, the Caisse de la Dette gradually became an iniperiuni in itnperio. But when English 'administrators settled down to their task, and discovered the marvellous resources of Egypt, they, in their passion for thoroughness, were led more and more into comprehensive reforms, in order to develop those resources to the utmost. Thus, a standard of per- fection has been raised, as a natural evolution of the reform- 172 POLITICAL SITUATION IN EGYPT ing zeal of capable administrators, which it will take a long time to reach, even if ever it can be reached by an Oriental country. Resistance has only had the effect observable in all organic growth : it has increased the power of thrust. Thus, French opposition to measures that strengthened the British hold on Egypt has been overcome by methods which ver}- naturally have increased that hold. One cannot set artificial limits to the development of social institutions. Economical laws break down such flimsy barriers. More- over, our diplomacy is not clever enough to devise any scheme of automatic aggrandizement in Egypt : we have simply drifted into our present position on the current of events. France, however, discredits our bona fides. She overlooks the fact, that it is obviously to our interest to create an independent Egypt, capable of maintaining and defending her political and territorial integrity, rather than to accept the enormous responsibility of an open Protectorate. Or, at least, she wishes to share in the European influence exercised over Egypt. She is deeply intrenched in the country : but, whilst claiming to exercise a benevolent interest in its welfare, she, now that the position of the bondholders is absolutely secure, uses her influence almost exclusively for political ends. She poses as the champion of International rights, which Great Britain, who properly is invested with that role, has always respected up to the present ; and she resists many measures of reform, both financial and legisla- tive, that would unquestionably benefit Egypt, simply because she herself would not share, equally with the Tutelary Power, in giving effect to such measures. In a word, she refuses to help Great Britain's work in Egypt until her Majesty's Government give fresh pledges of evacuation within a reasonable time : and, in her opinion, such pledges were best given, not in words, but by the introduction of a tran- sitional form of administration, in which other European Powers (and especially France) were more adequately repre- sented — a government that should provide for the automatic withdrawal of foreign control and supervision. FACTORS OF EQUILIBRIUM 173 Now, that precisely is what her Majesty's Government, according to Ministerial statements, is attempting to accom- plish. It is therefore impossible to reconcile the assurances of Great Britain with the contentions of France, because of the hopeless divergence of view. The Protectoral Power, being alone responsible to Europe for the regeneration of Egypt, must be left to fulfil this task, in accordance with her own ideas, until the tacit mandate is repudiated or with- drawn. This mandate, though irregularly acquired, possesses all the force of legitimacy through the continued acquies- cence of the Powers, apart from France and her ally, in the political situation. The position therefore resolves itself into a rivalry between France and Great Britain for domination over Egypt. Great Britain has borne the burden and heat of the day, and, through good and evil report, has honestly striven to follow a disinterested policy, which circumstances now deny her : since, as I have endeavoured to demonstrate in the earlier sections of this book, the law of empire binds her inseparably to Egypt. France has every reason to be satisfied with the financial stability and economical prosperity of the country, in which, without incurring any risk or responsibility, she so largely shares ; and she would have no reason to complain if Great Britain imitated French policy in Tunis. But, in the meantime, Egypt herself suffers by this rivalry ; and has had to pay bakhshish all round — particularly to France — in order to secure immunity from foreign inter- vention. Thus, reforms are delayed, and Egyptian interests are sacrificed to European cupidity and aggrandizement. In principle, it cannot, for instance, be denied that Egypt would benefit by the introduction of three reforms: (i) the increase of her ' Authorized Expenditure,' in conformity with the growing needs of the country, (2) further economies and conversions of the Debt, and (3) the application of monies now locked up in the Reserve Fund of the Caisse to repro- ductive public works and the lightening of taxation. It is true, that the Caisse has granted considerable sums for public works and the relief of financial burdens : but an enormous 174 POLITICAL SITUATION IN EGYPT balance remains that might with advantage be invested in the development of the resources of Egypt rather than hoarded for the extinction of the Debt. The Debt of E"-ypt, like our National Debt, is a good investment for foreigners and natives alike : and it is absolutely secure under the existing regime. But to borrow at high interest, whilst holding an unprofitable Reserve Fund, in order to provide means for essential public works, is not good finance. France, by provoking such an issue, does a disservice to Egypt which goes far to destroy her political influence and her popularity in the country, whilst at the same time (as in the case of the Reservoir scheme and, indirectly, of the Sudan Campaign) merely rivetting the bonds of the Protectoral Power. No French apologist can justify, on financial grounds alone, the obstruction to the three reforms alluded to. Egypt thus pays, and pays heavily, for the promotion of French political interests. This being so, how can she regard France as her friend, and admit her to a share in her government ? France, according to her foreign critics, has never shown the least regard for the welfare of Egypt : she has always pur- sued a selfish and rapacious policy in that country, which, since 1882, has become a public scandal.^ If France were willing, none of the other Powers, it is freely admitted, would object to Egypt applying a portion of her accumulated savings to more profitable ends than the amortization of the Debt, which, as time goes on, tends to defeat its own object. It amounts to this : that the financial freedom of Egypt means her political independence of Europe, and therefore the elimination of reasons for interference between Egypt and the Protectoral Power. So long as those relations are not clearly defined, and designed to be of a temporary character, France and her ally, or allies, will do their utmost to obstruct, so far as they decently can, the organic develop- ment of the Anglo- Egyptian Administration. But, unless ' The persistent opposition of P'rance to the abolition of the corv/e ; (8) un- fulfilled promises regarding a proposed Press law ; (9) main- taining a separate Post Office ; and (10) refusing to make a Commercial Treaty with Egypt. Of her constant intrigues, of her subventions to a scurrilous Press, I say nothing. Such action may be inspired by the French colony in Egypt alone.^ And, as I have already stated, the obstruc- tion of France is futile. It only makes us do things in roundabout or secret ways, which are wholly un-English : and it gives the local officials a lot of bother. That is all. France recognizes this fact ; and French capital attests it, by its confidence in the status quo. The points in contention between the two countries which, in my opinion, never can be reconciled, are : that the Powers could not agree (i) as to the amount of supervision necessary — quite apart from their relative share in it, and (2) regard- ing the extent to which control should be exercised, in order that Egypt may learn to govern herself — and govern suffi- ciently well, so as to meet her financial liabilities. Only one- man rule can solve such difficulties. I certainly believe that our standard is too high, and in- deed impossible, for Egypt. But if you fix a lower one, the progress of the country will be slower : and slower develop- ment means smaller profits. Perhaps, too, the country is ' There are two so-called deputes de la tiatioti in Egypt, with about a dozen active followers, who keep up the agitation against the British Occupation. The French higher officials maintain, that these Chauvinists exercise merely a personal influence on the French Government, which does not listen to their tirades against P'rench officials in Egypt who display 'Anglophile tendencies.' They, however, may influence the Press. Formerly, in Eastern countries, deputes de la nation were officially appointed. Nowadays, the office is purely decorative and social. FACTORS OF EQUILIBRIUM 179 being exploited, on the principle of a Limited Liability Company, in order to develop its resources to the utmost, in terms of Pounds Egyptian, rather than to alleviate and to improve the position and the prospects of the native popula- tion alone. But who is to fix the standard ? And who shall determine thQ juste-milieu of Administrative efficiency? There can be no agreement on such points, between France and Great Britain : and attempts to solve the problem would only re-introduce the evils of Internationalism. The French constantly reproach us, by asserting that we have not kept faith with Europe. But Europe does not protest. On the contrary, the European Powers have consistently supported our principal measures of reform — even Russia, on more than one occasion, refusing to follow blindly in the path of French obstruction. Finally, it is impossible to say how much French, or how much English, capital is invested in the country. France and England share about equally in the Debt of Egypt. But, as regards the moral debt, there can be no comparison. France has never been the true friend of Egypt : she has always blackmailed the country : and, since 1882, her conduct has been unworthy of the traditions of a great Power, — in particular, of one who poses as the protector of liberal insti- tutions and as the pioneer of P^uropean civilization. But if French Nationalist methods in Egypt are abomin- able, this is not the fault of the French high officials, who, in their private life and intercourse, are worthy representa- tives of the great Republic. Of one in particular, and that the most influential member of the group, I may say, that I have rarely met a more cultured or liberal-minded man. But neither he nor they can control the hot politicians of the Boulevards or influence the Chauvinist ministers at the Quai d'Orsay. According to those leaders of French opinion and policy, perfidious Albion is seen at her worst in Egypt : but impartial critics state, we are there seen at our very best. Let the facts speak for themselves ! Si monumentUDi qiicEris, circumspice. VI THE ANGLO-EGYPTIAN ADMINISTRATION i THE MACHINERY OF GOVERNMENT ii DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION AND ADMINISTRATION : AN HISTORICAL, DESCRIPTIVE, AND CRITICAL SURVEY OF THE DEPARTMENTS OF STATE VI THE ANGLO-EGYPTIAN ADMINISTRATION i THE MACHINERY OF GOVERNMENT {a) Sources of Administrative Authority SUFFICIENT has been said, to illustrate the tripartite British character of the Egyptian Government. Powers of^^ veto and of initiative in legislation are vested in the Khedive, in the International Commission of the Public Debt, and in the British Minister and Advisers : but these powers vary in extent and degree. In effect, all are over- ruled by the authority with which the British Minister has, through the force of circumstances, become invested, on behalf of the Tutelary Power. Not to mention minor distinctions, the practical prerogatives of the British Repre- sentative are sufficiently indicated in Lord Granville's his- torical despatch of 4th January, 1884, in which these words occur : ' It should be made clear to the Egyptian Ministers and Governors of Provinces that the responsibility which rests for the time on England obliges her Majesty's Govern- ment to insist on the adoption of the policy which they recommend, and that it will be necessary that those Ministers and Governors who do not follow this course should cease to hold their offices.' The centralized position of the British Minister in the Government of Egypt, the sources from which he derives his authority, and the checks on his liberty of action, may best be seen in the Table overpage. The Government of Egypt may therefore be said to be Khediviai , , , ^ f T^ .1 r ^1 Authority conducted by the Tutelary Power, m the name ot the 183 H PL. >< o w fe o >^ H H 12; w 5 S o IS K Pi H > P O r W > o H z < '"' Pi w H > CO H t— H <; g H i ;^ Q ■—I < fcn o fe o CO hJ w u u Cii H^ D H O O CO ^ H < 0^ H en D hJ ►J ,^^ o 92 _c oo ^ in ^ CO ^ (U 'C ^^ c &m f=^ o ^ o ^ pu rt •^ c 3 '^ go - '-' o u^ pq (U H S o fl o "3 < .a — o r ^ xa c o *-J3 "S rt M en o ^ ^5 H < >» .2 o a, 3 w < 6^ 3 '> < -5 D ^ ^ MACHINERY OF GOVERNMENT 185 Khedive/ whose veto cannot be exercised if it should conflict with the advice of the British Representative. Decrees are prepared by the various Ministries, and are Legislative sent up to the Council of Ministers for endorsement. They "* °"^^ are then signed by the Khedive : and become law. Legisla- tive Authority therefore reposes in the Council of Ministers and the Khedive. The Council of Ministers is composed of six Ministers of Council of State, under the presidency of the Prime Minister. The British Financial Adviser, or his delegate, has an ex officio right to attend Meetings of the Council of Ministers : and he can veto any measure involving financial change or expenditure, without necessarily assigning a reason. Relations with the Ottoman Special Commissioner, repre- senting the Suzerainty of Turkey, are maintained through the Prime Minister, who also is Minister of the Interior. {b) Representative Institutions The Organic Law of ist May 1883 ^ provides for Repre- Popular sentative Institutions : but, under their restricted functions, which it defines, amendments or resolutions are not binding on the Egyptian Government. The mandate of government is not derived from the Voice of the People. There is no Public Opinion in Egypt. Local .self-government, or the germs of it, is enjoyed by the Municipalities, or ' Local Commissions,' ^ created in ^ The Civil and Military Households of the Khedive are on a modest basis. These, together with the allowances made to the Khedivial Family, draw an annual grant amounting to a quarter of a million pounds, Egyptian. The Khedive has a mounted bodyguard of sixty men. In the Winter, his Highness resides in or near Cairo ; in the Summer, the Court and the principal Ministers adjourn to Alexandria. Turkish is the language of the Court, and is also spoken, almost exclusively, in the highest Egyptian families. ^ See Appendix IV. 'The first nine Municipalities were organized in 1893; but Alexandria and Mansura alone deserve that title, the remainder being, properly speaking, Town Councils. In October, 1898, the Government created a new type of municipality at Mansura, the budget of which is increased by the imposition of optional taxes upon imports and exports : but the Capitulations stand in the way of any considerable extension of the municipal system. These ' Local Commissions ' are composed of 186 ANGLO-EGYPTIAN ADMINISTRATION twenty large towns. Moreover, the fourteen Provincial Assemblies ^ discuss matters affecting the Mudiri'as. The Council of Ministers shows an increasing tendency to respect the popular will, so far as this can be learnt and judiciously supported ; to educate the General Assembly in the principles of government ; and to carry the Legislative Council on all points of internal reform and legislation. It is satisfactory to note, that the Legislative Council spontaneously and cordially approved the Budget for 1899. Legislative The Legislative Council meets about once a month, at Council ^^jj.^^ j^ jg composed of thirty Members, of whom four- teen are nominated by the Government, which, moreover, has the right to delegate any functionary to attend its meetings.- The Legislative Council possesses no power of initiative. Its duty is to examine the Budget and to discuss draft Decrees affecting internal administration. The Government are not bound to accept amendments : but, if these are re- jected, the reasons for such rejection must be assigned in writing. G€nerai The General, or National, Assembly is composed of the ^ "^ ^ six Ministers of State, the thirty Members of the Legislative seven members — namely, the Mudir, who acts as President, local Inspectors of Public Works and the Sanitary Department, and five inhabitants — whilst an Inspector of the Ministry of ths Interior sits on each, but has no vote. The proceedings of the Local Commissions, with the exception of Alexandria and Mansura, are submitted to a Central Board at Cairo. The Budgets are supplied by the Government, and amount to from ;^E400 to ;[fE25oo per annum, according to the importance of the town. On the whole, satisfactory results have followed from the institution of these so-called Municipalities {cf. Lord Cromer's Report for 1899). ' Each Provincial Assembly is composed of from three to eight members, popularly elected, and must meet at least once a year. The electorate is com- prised of males over thirty years of age, able to read and write, who have paid taxes amounting to not less than ;^E50 for a minimum period of two years. * The fourteen members nominated by the Khedive, and (also, I believe) the two additional members named by (government direct, receive ;^E90 per annum. The remaining Members, nominated by the Provincial Assemblies, receive ;i^E2S0 per annum, with certain travelling allowances. (Members of the General Assembly, during its occasional sessions, receive ;{^Ei per day, and travelling expenses.) MACHINERY OF GOVERNMENT 187 Council, and forty-six Notables, Of the latter, thirty-five are chosen from the fourteen Provincial Assemblies, and eleven are nominated by the Government. This popular body is convoked, by special Khedivial Decree, to assemble at Cairo ; and its mandate is for six years. But the General Assembly rarely meets — though it should do so once in every two years ; and its deliberations are extremely brief and ineffec- tual. It has no direct legislative functions ; but it pos- sesses a veto on taxation : no new taxes can, in fact, be imposed without receiving the sanction of the General Assembly. (c) The Bureaucracy The Egyptian bureaucracy is of a very heterogeneous Heterogeneous character. In its native elements, it is composed of the so-called Turkish governing caste, which occupies the highest posts and includes many non-Mohammedan Pashas and Not- ables, and of the large official body of middle-class Egyptians, whatever their origin may be. In its foreign elements, it is composed of International officials serving under the Khedivial Government, and, in particular, of the high officials repre- senting the Tutelary Power. Although there is no aristocracy, properly so called, in The Turkish Mohammedan countries, under the democratic banner of ° '^^"^^ ^ Islam, the wealthy landowners and representatives of the leading families in Egypt, many of whom enjoy the personal distinction conferred by the Pashalik, are trained in the habits of command and enjoy a measure of prescriptive right to preferment, subject only to their ability to per- form the duties of office in accordance with the more rigid conditions now imposed by Western standards of government. Of this oligarchy, the most capable adminis- trators are, perhaps, found among the Christian Pashas, particularly those of Armenian extraction : but there are also many able Turks and Arabs of the old school, who conform, though grudgingly, to the principles of good government. The Turkish and Levantine Beys form 188 ANGLO-EGYPTIAN ADMINISTRATION a still more numerous coterie of this faction. Both hold themselves aloof from the Arab population of Egypt ; and, whilst not regretting the uncertain nepotism of the Turkish suzerainty, many resent the International fetters that re- strain their cupidity, and hate the European standards that impose fitness and morality on the functions of govern- ment. For the most part, therefore, the old-crusted Pashas withdraw to their palaces in the country ; and it is only their more ambitious sons who attempt to qualify for high official posts. In a Mohammedan country like Egypt, it is essential that the majority of Governors of Provinces and other high officials in the Civil Service should belong to the faith of Islam. But there is also a small minority of Christian or European Pashas to whom these posts occa- sionally fall. The Arab The country Sheikhs, who fill minor offices under Govern- ment, are the leading men in the villages to which their properties are adjacent, and possess many aptitudes for local administration. Being Arabs, they do not affect the spurious imitation of European dress and manners. Being ignorant, their places are now filled more and more by their sons, who perhaps have been trained in the Government schools, and who gain on the one hand what they lose by compromise on the other : because education has a disturbing influence on the Oriental mind which is not always an advantage to the first generation. Adminis- trative efficiency is not, however, often reached by the village patriarchs. The Effendi Everybody in the Government Service who is not a Pasha " or a pauper, a Bey or a Fellah, is an p:ffendi. The Effendis are the Brown, the Mr Jones, and the — Robinson, Esq., of ^'^gyptian middle-class society. They represent the rank and file of the Government Offices. They swarm through- out the country wherever a stambuli, or frock-coat, and a tabush are objects of ambition, honoris causa. Copts, Syrians, Jews, Armenians, or Levantines, they are turned into machines and supplied by the Government schools MACHINERY OF GOVERNMENT 189 greatly in excess of the demand.^ But, under good chiefs, they make excellent clerks — especially the Syrians and Copts, who are expert at office-routine and accounts. The Egyptian Civil Service, in spite of its imperfections. The CivU is, in fact, a marvel of perfection for a Mohammedan country. ^"^" Its morale has been enormously improved under the prestige of the British Control ; and its efficiency has been greatly advanced by methods that preclude back-stair influence and put a premium on common honesty and individual aptitude. In some of the Government Departments I have seen work turned out that would be creditable to any country. The Government offices close at two in the afternoon, after which only the high officials are engaged, — principally in Committee work. It was not easy to discover the extent to which foreign The foreign • • • -J .« /^- M o • r T^ , elements supervision is exercised over the Civil Service of Kgypt. But, considering the importance of this subject, in its bear- ing on the ability of Egypt to * stand alone ' — apart from her individual capacity for self-government, to which I have alluded — I took great pains to trace, as it were, the arterial flow of British initiative, and to find out the proportion of European support given to Departmental organization and administration. The result of my enquiries will be seen in the Tables illustrating the next section of this work, which were drawn up last year (1898). But, fortunately. Lord Cromer, in his Report for 1899, publishes the rela- tive numbers, which, although agreeing on the whole with my own estimates, give a more precise and authorita- tive result. This fortunate coincidence therefore enables me to quote Lord Cromer's figures and remarks, in regard to the composition and numbers of the Egyptian Civil Service : — The Table given overpage includes all officials in the employ of the Egyptian Government, except those serving ^ At the same time, those holding Primary and Secondary Certificates can always depend on employment — the Government having more vacancies than they can adequately fill. 190 ANGLO-EGYPTIAN ADMINISTRATION under the War Office and the rank and file, whether European or native, of the Police. The Egyptian Civil Service Nalionalities. Monthly Pay. Total Number. Below £^30. From ;^E30 to ;^E70. Above ;^E70. i Egyptian British .... 10,342 316 213 92 45 10,600 47 455 Italian .... 256 23 6 285 French .... 186 58 19 263 Greek .... 82 7 3 92 Austrian 68 5 4 77 German 21 1 1 5 37 Other nationalities Total Europeans . Grand total . 1 35 964 6 20 61 202 104 1,270 11,306 415 149 11,870 ' It will be seen that there are at present 1 1,870 officials in the Egyptian Service, namely, 10,600 Egyptians, and 1270 Europeans; of the latter, 455 are British. The number of Italian and French officials is about equal, the numbers being respectively 285 and 263. 'In 1882 there were, exclusive of the army, 1242 Euro- peans in the Egyptian service.^ The aggregate number of Europeans is, therefore, at present only twenty-eight more than was the case 16 years ago. On the other hand, the functions exercised by the European officials have undergone a considerable change. A complete analysis of the figures would, without doubt, show that, though there may have been some decrease in the number of Europeans in the subordi- nate places under Government, the number of the superior luiropean officials has increased. ' C/. Egypt, No. 3, 18S3, p. 15. MACHINERY OF GOVERNMENT 191 ' Amongst the Europeans who figure in the Table given above, ninety-four (of whom forty-eight are British) are em- ployed in the service of the Department of Public Instruc- tion. These obviously stand on a different footing to the officials employed in the Executive Departments, One of the principal reasons why they are employed is to train the Egyptians to such an extent as to enable them eventually to take the places of some, at all events, of the Europeans. Deducting these, there remain 1174 Europeans, of whom 407 are British. ' Of these, 892 draw salaries below ^E30 a month. Many of those who appear in this category are engine-drivers, i lighthouse-keepers, and others, employed in various technical I services. I cannot state the precise number of the Euro- peans employed in services of this description, but it must be considerable. ] * One noteworthy point is the relatively large number of Europeans employed by some, at all events, of the Inter- national Administrations. Thus, the whole staff of the Mixed Tribunals (including the Judges themselves) consists of 242 Europeans, of whom only 17 are British subjects, land lOi Egyptians. The staff of the Caisse de la Dette iconsists of 50 Europeans, of whom 2 are British subjects, and 10 Egyptians. The Quarantine Board employs 48 Europeans, of whom 16 are British subjects, and 19 Egyptians. ' On the other hand, the important Department of Finance employs 37 Europeans, of whom 13 are British, and 513 Egyptians. The Interior, in all its branches, and includ- ing the officers of Police, employs 102 Europeans, of whom 62 are British, and 784 Egyptians. The Public Works Department, exclusive of the Ghizeh Museum, employs 72 Europeans, of whom 28 are British, and 450 Egyptians. The Native Tribunals give employment to 14 Europeans, of whom I 2 are British, and 9 1 9 Egyptians. ' In none of these four last-named Departments is the administration internationalized. They are for the most part under Anglo-Egyptian control. 192 ANGLO EGYPTIAN ADMINISTRATION ' The extent to which European agency is really employed in the Government of Egypt may perhaps best be appreci- ated by looking to those columns of the Table given above which show the number of European officials in receipt of more than ^^£30 a month. Excluding 24 officials belonging to the Department of Public Instruction, 282 Europeans are included in this category. Of these, 130 are British, and 152 of other nationalities. 84 British and 97 of other nationalities are in receipt of salaries varying from ;!^E30 to £^70 a month. 46 British and 5 5 of other nationalities are in receipt of salaries of over £Y.yo a month. The maximum salary received by any Egyptian official is ;^E2 700 a-year. This is the salary of an Egyptian Minister. The maximum salary received by an European official is i^E2000 a year. ' It is difficult to draw any very distinct line between superior and subordinate appointments ; but without going into any elaborate analysis of the figures, I may say that the rehabilitation of Egypt, in so far as it has been due to British influence since the Occupation, has been carried out by a body of officials who certainly do not exceed lOO in number, and might possibly, if the figures were rigorously examined, be stated somewhat lower. 'I should add that those 100 have been selected with the greatest care.' So far, Lord Cromer. The object of^the Anglo-Egyptian Administration being to train natives in the methods of self- government and the habits of initiative, foreign supervision and control are abandoned whenever natives are found fit to occupy vacant posts, previously held by Europeans : ^ but, it must be confessed, such opportunities, when France does not object, rarely occur, and the experiments made in that direction have not been encouraging. 1 Sir William Garstin, in the Department of Public Works, has made it a rule to do with only 60 per cent, of British officials, of all grades. Lord Cromer, in a recent letter to the Times, stated, that the number of candidates for employment in the Ministry of the Interior alone was over one hundred and twenty. FINANCE 193 ii DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION AND ADMINISTRATION The Government Executive is centralized at Cairo, where central there are Ministries of the Interior, of Public Works and ^"^"^'^^ Public Instruction, of Foreign Affairs, of Finance, of Justice, and of War and Marine, All the Ministers of State are Egyptians. The Under-Secretaries of State are either Egyptian or English. But, in all the Ministries, a British Adviser or Under-Secretary exercises practical control, under the guidance of the British Minister Plenipotentiary. The Minister of the Interior is the President of the Council of Ministers. {a) Fina7ice Finance is the beginning and the end of all things in The Financial Egypt, in so far as it connotes the International situation. I am therefore constrained to deal with this intricate sub- ject from the historical standpoint, in order to demon- strate that the political independence and administrative freedom of Egypt have depended, in the past, on the degree of her financial stability and on the measure of her emancipation from International Control. This International Control is based on the Law of Liquidation (1880) and on the Convention of London (1885). The Law of Liquidation consolidated the Debt of Egypt and set a limit to Administrative Expenditure. The Declaration, at London, of the Great Powers and the Porte, of 17th March 1885, together with the annexed Convention and the Khedivial Decree of 27th July 1885, constitute a body of International Law, modifying the Law of Liquidation and definitely regulating the Financial situa- tion in Egypt. When, therefore, I now speak advisedly of the London Convention, I mean to include all these Inter- national instruments, which constitute the organic law, so to speak, of the politico-financial autonomy of Egypt. It may readily be understood that, under the circumstances, the position of the Financial Adviser to the Khedive is one of great influence. He and the British Minister practically control the political situation, subject to the International N 194 DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION fetters imposed on their liberty of action, by exercising a veto on legislation. If the Financial Adviser does not oppose a Decree, or Draft Bill, at the Council of Ministers, it is adopted as a matter of course. If he should oppose it, the Council votes with him. Thus, in practice, no adminis- trative measure involving expenditure (as such measures usually do) is introduced to the Council of Ministers before previously receiving his official sanction : since it could not be adopted without his endorsement. The principal officials at the Ministry of Finance are, like the Adviser, Englishmen. Their assistants are either Copts or Syrians, because Mussulmans do not excel in figures and accounts. The simplicity of this Departmental organization therefore absolves me from entering into further details re- garding the Administrative system. The Ministry of Finance depends almost exclusively on British control and super- vision, and is in close touch with all the Departments of State, as well as with the Caisse. Historical I shall coutcnt myself here with quoting an extract from e rospec j^^^,^ Cromcr's Report {ox 1898, illustrating the three distinct phases through which the finances of Egypt have passed during the last fifteen or sixteen years : — ' During the first phase,' says Lord Cromer, ' which lasted from 1883 to about 1887, the whole efforts of the Govern- ment had to be directed to the maintenance of financial equilibrium. The circumstances were such as to preclude the possibility either of affording fiscal relief, however necessary, or of incurring additional expenditure, even for the most legitimate objects. 'By 1887 all danger of insolvency was over. The efforts of the reformers, notably those of the Irrigation officers, began to bear fruit. The period of surplus set in. It was then decided that fiscal relief should take precedence over addi- tional expenditure. The Corvee, which was, in reality, a very heavy and objectionable tax, was therefore abolished at a cost of i^E400,ooo a-year. The land-tax was reduced by ^£430,000. . . . In all, a reduction of direct taxation to the extent of £V.\,\ 00,000 was accorded. At the same time, the salt tax was reduced by 40 per cent., and the postal and FINANCE 195 telegraph rates by 50 per cent. The octroi duties were abolished in the smaller provincial towns. The only increase was in the tobacco duty, which was raised from P.T. 14 to P.T. 20 per kilog. [that is to say, to about one shilling and tenpence a pound, or rather less than one-half the English duty on tobacco]. ' The period of fiscal relief may be said to have been brought to a close in 1894. It was then thought both possible and desirable to pay more attention than heretofore to the very legitimate demands of the spending departments. Accordingly, money was devoted to remunerative objects such as drainage and railway extension, and also to others, such as the construction of hospitals, prisons, and other public buildings, the improvement of education, etc., which, although not directly remunerative, are equally necessary to the well-being of the country. ' Whilst this stage was in course of progress, the Sudan question was raised. As the Legislative Council approves of the Sudan expedition, it would be sufficient, in so far as their observations are concerned, to say that it is impossible to reap all the advantages of an active Sudan policy without incurring certain corresponding disadvantages. One of these disadvantages is that, albeit the money so far spent in the Sudan has been small in amount as compared to the results achieved, it is, nevertheless, obviously true that that money might have been spent on other objects of unquestionable utility. ' Apart from this truism, however, I should wish to remark that, although, as I stated in my last Report, it may have been an open question in 1896 whether the moment had yet arrived for dealing with the Sudan, there can, I venture to think, be scarcely two opinions on the point that it will be an unmixed blessing to the Egyptians when the matter is finally disposed of, and when Egypt has acquired a settled frontier, free from fear of Dervish invasion or incursion. For many years past, the obvious necessity of dealing sooner or later with the Sudan question has hung like a dead-weight round the necks of all who have been responsible for the govern- ment of Egypt. It is, from the Egyptian point of view, well worth making some sacrifice in the direction of postponing 196 DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION reforms, which are avowedly desirable, in order to enable this weight to be removed. I hope and believe that the sacrifice will not be heavy, nor the postponement of much longer duration than it would have been, had the Egyptian frontier remained at Wadi Haifa. Indeed, the facts which I adduce in this Report are sufficient to show that, in spite of the difficulties arising from recent events in the Sudan, the steady progress which has been characteristic of the last fifteen years has as yet received no sensible check.' Report of This progress, in its financial, economic, and social bear- (SutisS ings, is well illustrated in the Statistical Returns {\^'i\-\%97) published by the Government of Egypt in February 1898, and summarized by Sir Elwin Palmer, late Financial Adviser to the Khedive, in the following suggestive paragraphs : ' I, Notwithstanding the increase of about 13 per cent, i.e. 614,195 feddans [or acres], in the cultivated area of paying taxes, the Eand Tax is now less by ;i^E8 5,691 than in 1881.^ The average tax per feddan in 1881 was £\, 2s. od. It is now 1 8s. 3d. The annual tax on land has, since 1891, been reduced by iJ^E507,6oo. Other Direct Taxes have been reduced by ;^E223,ooo ; and Indirect Taxes amounting to i^E 186,000 per annum have been abolished. The tobacco duty having been raised and the smuggling stopped, it now produces over a million, ' Mr Gorst, Sir Elwin Palmer's successor, in his Note on the Budget for 1899, refers to the Land Tax in the following terms : ' The Land Tax is estimated to produce ^{^£4,661,300 as compared with ^^^4,872,700 in 1898. The diminution is due to the fact that a reduction of ;,{^E2 16,000 has been effected in this tax, while allowing for a normal growth of ;^E5,ooo. Some two years ago, when a general valuation of the cultivated lands in Egypt was made, it was found that certain areas were taxed at an amount that was more than one-third of their net rental value. The amount of ;{^E2i6,ooo represents the sum necessary to reduce the Tax on these areas to exactly the third of the net rental value. The Egyptian Government were not in a position to support such a loss of revenue on their ordinary budget, but the Powers have agreed to the deficiency being made up annually from the General Reserve Fund for a period of ten years from the 1st of January 1898. Their assent is subject to certain reservations whicli are not likely in practice to prevent the reduction being carried out annually. Before the end of the period of ten years, it is hoped that a re-assessment of the Land Tax will have been completed, whereby the increased revenue which will be obtained from lands now under-taxed will compensate for this and other reductions which will have to be made.' FINANCE 197 whereas in 1881 the revenue derived from tobacco amounted only to £Egy,i68. ' 2. Scarcely any arrears of Land Tax now exist, whereas in past years the amounts were very large. The expropriations and sales of crops for arrears have been reduced more than 50 per cent, and are now quite insignificant. ' 3. Since 1890, the policy has been to diminish the Direct Taxes, covering the loss of revenue by an increase in the Indirect Taxes, and thus causing a more even distribution of taxes and an increase in the number of taxpayers. The only Indirect Tax, however, that has been raised is the Tobacco Tax, while others have been reduced or even abolished entirely. '4. The taxation per head of population in 1881 was £1, 2s. 6d. In 1897 it was 17s. 9d. — a reduction of 20 per cent. '5. 212 miles of new railway have been opened. There has been an enormous development of the railway and tele- graph traffic. ... A similar development in the Post Office has taken place. ' 6. The Expenditure on Public Instruction has been in- creased by over 37 per cent. The number of schools has risen from 29 to 51, and the number of pupils from 5,366 to 11,304. * 7. The increase in the Judicial receipts shows that the people have learnt to take advantage of the Courts, especially as regards registration of deeds. ' 8. Large sums of money have been expended of late years on Irrigation, z.e. on reproductive works. i 700 kilometres of agricultural roads, 2512 kilometres of drains, 3054 kilo- metres of canals, and 575 kilometres of basin-bank have been constructed in the Provinces. * 9. The number of men called out on Corvee has been reduced from 281,000 to 11,000 men. ' 10. Imports have increased by over ;^E2,6oo,ooo; while, notwithstanding the enormous fall in the price of cotton and sugar, there has been only a slight falling off in the value of the exports. 198 DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION 'II. The tonnage of the Port of Alexandria has increased from 1,250,000 to 2,270,000. ' 12. The amount of bonds outstanding on the Market in 1 88 1 was ;^98, 376,660, Sterling. In 1897 it was ^98,035,780, Sterling — notwithstanding ;^i 3,219,000, Sterling, of fresh debt raised to cover extraordinary ex- penditure, and ;^3, 400,000, Sterling, increase of capital due to conversion. The interest charge in 1881 was j^E4,235,92i. In 1897 it was ^£3,908,684. [It is now ^3.872,239, Sterling.] ' 13. The Market price of the 5 per cent. Privileged Debt in 1881 was ^^^96^. In 1897 the Market price of the same Debt converted into 3I per cent, was ;^I02. 'The 4 per cent. Unified Debt was ;^7if in 1881, and at ;^io6i in 1897. ' 14. The amount of Debt per head of population was, in 1 88 I, ;^I4, 8s. 9d. It is to-day (1897) ;^io, os. 2d.' Debtor Egypt On I st January 1 898, the Debt of Egypt stood as follows : Guaranteed Debt Privileged Debt . Unified Debt Domains Debt . DaYra Sanieh Debt £ Sterling. 8,558,100 29,393.580 55,971,960 3,508,800 6,431,500 less. Bonds held by the Public Debt Commission Balance (Debt of Egypt) 103,863,940 5,828,160 98,035,780 On the 3 1st December 1 898, the total amount of debt was i^ 1 03, 3 7 2, 1 80, of which ^^7,047,580 was held by the Com- missioners of the Debt, thus leaving ^^96, 3 24,600 in the hands of the public. Lord Cromer, in his Report for 1899, remarks 'that the capital amount of debt in the hands of the public reached its highest figure in 1891. It then stood at ;^ 105,609, 100. This was immediately after the conversion of the preference FINANCE 199 stock, which naturally added to the capital of the debt. Since that time the Debt has been reduced by ;^9, 2 84,500. It now stands at only ^1,363,920 above the figure of 1884, which was the year previous to the issue of the Guaranteed Loan of ;^9,424,ooo.' The Revenue and Expenditure of Egypt reach, respec- Revenue and tively, an annual figure of about io| millions: and |-j^^ ^^p^"<*'*"'"« equilibrium of the Budget is adjusted within comparatively narrow limits. As the result of increased production, the Revenue has steadily and notably advanced during the last four years ; and there has always been, since 1889, an actual Surplus — ranging between half-a-miilion and a million — in the general financial results year by year. Consequently, retrenchment in Expenditure has been considerably relaxed. The following figures include Ordinary and Extraordinary Annual Surplus Receipts : Year Revenue Expenditure i;E. Surplus 1894 10,444,650 9.995,641 449,009 1895 10,698,023 9,637,900 1,060,123 1896 11,015,702 10,540,502 475,200 1897 11,442,937 10,752,776 690,161 1898 1 1,348,000 10,864,000 484,000 1899^ 10,600,000 10,560,000 40,000 On the Expenditure side, for 1898, a sum of i^E742,ooo, paid into the General Reserve Fund, is included. In the Estimate for i 899, the Expenditure side includes (l) a sum of ;{^E265,ooo, being the economies resulting from the conver- sion of the Privileged Debt ; and (2) a sum of ;^E4i6,000, being the estimated amount which will, at the end of the year, be paid to the General Reserve Fund administered by the Commissioners of the Debt. Increase of Revenue in 1898 occurred under all the principal heads of account. The main facts of the Financial situation are thus sum- The Financial 1 1 T 1 ^-^ ... 7-, r o Situation marized by Lord Cromer, in his Report tor 1899 : (1899) 1. The accounts for 1898 sho\V a surplus of ^£484,000. 2. The accumulated economies resulting from the partial 1 Estimated, 200 DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION conversion of the Debt in 1890 amounted, on the 31st December 1898, to ;^E3,2 i 8,000. 3. A sum of ;!fE3, 893,000 stands to the credit of the General Reserve Fund, of which ;^E2,6 16,000 is pledged for the execution of various works. 4. At the close of last year, the Special Reserve Fund showed a deficit balance of ^£92,439. 5. After deducting a sum of ^^7,047, 5 80, which is held by the Commissioners of the Public Debt, the outstand- ing capital of the Funded Debt of Egypt amounts to ;^96, 3 24,600. There is no floating debt. 6. The estimates for 1 899 show a surplus of Revenue over Expenditure of i^E40,ooo. 7. The Sudan Budget shows a deficit of ;^E33 2,ooo, which is charged to the Egyptian Treasury. Cost of Inter- Lord Cromer goes on to remark : ' Any summary of the financial situation would, however, be incomplete if something were not said of the loss which is imposed on the Egyptian Treasury, and therefore on the taxpayers of Egypt, by reason of the continuance of the pre- sent financial system. In addition to the sums which go annually to swell the Conversion Economies Fund and the Re- serve Fund, it is to be observed that a large economy might certainly be effected by the conversion of the Unified Debt. ' The following figures give an approximate estimate of the annual charge which is unnecessarily borne by the Egyptian Treasury : — Conversion economies .... <^E336,ooo Interest on Conversion Fund . . 107,000 Surplus paid to Reserve Fund . . 526,000^ Interest on Reserve Fund . . . 145,000 Approximate annual economy on con- version of Unified Debt . . . 470,000 Total . . .^ . . i:Ei,584,ooo > The sum actually paid to the General Reserve Fund in 1898 was ;^E742,ooo, but of this amount ;(;;E2i6,ooo was repaid by the Commissioners of the Debt to make good the loss incurred by the recent reduction of the Land tax. FINANCE 201 ' In addition to this, it is to be remembered that a lump sum of ;^E4,495,ooo (viz., i^E3, 2 18,000 Conversion economies, and £Ki,2y'j,ooo representing the unpledged portion of the General Reserve Fund) is lying in the hands of the Commissioners of the Debt. ' I have not included in the above calculation the extra cost involved by the international character of the various administrative institutions in Egypt. Neither is any account taken of the annual loss caused by the system under which the railways are managed, and to which I shall presently allude in greater detail. ' Broadly speaking, it is no exaggeration to say that inter- nationalism imposes an extra charge of about iJ^ 1,7 5 0,000 a-year on the E!gyptian Treasury. ' Had it not been for the liberal policy adopted of late years by the Commissioners of the Debt in respect to making grants from the General Reserve Fund, the present system would long since have become altogether unworkable. The powers of the Commissioners are, however, limited. They are unable to apply any effective remedy to a radically defective system.' Since 1890, remission of taxation to the following extent Remission of . . taxation has taken place : — Corvee Land tax Professional tax . Sheep and goat tax Weighing tax Sundry small taxes ;!^E400,000 574,0001 180,000 40,000 28,000 53,000 Total . . . ^Ei,2 7 5,ooo2 ' In addition to this, arrears of Land tax to the extent of about ^^TEi, 000,000 have been remitted. - In addition to this, the salt tax has been reduced by 40 per cent. The postal and telegraph rates have been reduced by 50 per cent. Large reductions have been made in the railway rates. The only increase of taxation has been in the tobacco duty, which has been raised from P.T. 14 to P.T. 20 per kilog. The house tax has also been imposed on European residents in Egypt. 20'2 DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION Financial The following remarks by Lord Cromer, in his Report for ^ "^ 1899, will be read with interest : ' It would be difficult to exaggerate the ruin which would have overtaken, not only the population of Egypt, but all who are interested in Egyptian affairs, if the regime of the pre-reforming days had been allowed to continue in existence but a few years longer. It so happened that the mal- administration of the past reached its zenith shortly before a great fall took place in the price of all agricultural produce. Improvements in the system of irrigation, by which the increased quantity produced has in some degree mitigated the effects of the fall in price ; the appreciable fiscal relief, of which the details are given above ; and, generally, the substitution of a civilized, in the place of an oppressive and semi-barbarous, administrative policy, have conjointly enabled Egypt to bear the strain. I have no hesitation in saying that, but for these changes, the Egyptian Treasury would before now have been hopelessly insolvent, and that the condition of the people would have been in all respects deplorable. It is as well to call attention to this point, for it is natural that, as time passes by, not only should the recollection of the old regime fade away, but that even well- informed Egyptians should fail to recognize fully that, but for the reforms of recent years, the sufferings of the people in the present would assuredly have been far greater than anything which they experienced in the past. A Govern- ment conducted on principles such as those which prevailed when I first became acquainted with Egyptian affairs, some twenty-two years ago, would, apart from other defects, have been wholly incapable of coping with the economic crisis produced by the fall of prices during the last few years.' ^"Revlnue '^ ^^^' ^^'""^ "^ ^^^^ Revcuue ^ is derived from the Land Tax, ' Direct Taxes amount to over 5 millions. Indirect taxes sometimes exceed 3 millions. All Imports (except tobacco) pay 8 percent.; and Exports pay I per cent. Foreigners pay Land Tax, Inhabited House Duty, Customs, Octroi ; and, now that the tax on carriages, horses, &c., has been abolished, their last re- maining fiscal privilege disappears. The principal Revenue-producing Adminis- trations are the Railways, Telegraphs, and Post Office, with receipts approximat- ing to 2 millions in the aggregate. By the sale of the Khedivial Mail Steamers to FINANCE 203 which brings in over 4^ millions, annually. The other principal sources of Revenue are the duties from tobacco and the Customs. The receipts from Railways, Telegraphs, Justice, Port of Alexandria, and Miscellaneous Services, also provide a considerable Revenue. The London Convention, which authorized the Guaranteed Distribution Loan of nine millions in 1885, l^id down very stringent rules for the Distribution of Revenue. The Revenue of Egypt is divided between the Caisse, or Commissioners of the Public Debt, and the Government in the following fashion. Certain revenues are assigned to the Service of the Debt.^ These have a first charge on the Revenue of Egypt. A scale of Administrative charges on the non-assigned revenues is ' authorized ' by the International Commissioners of the Public Debt from year to year. This Authorized Expendi- ture, which includes the Tribute to the Sultan and the interest on the Suez Canal shares, being unduly restricted, has never been able to meet the actual Expenditure of the Government. On the other hand, the recurring annual insufficiency for Administrative Expenditure is provided for, in a measure, by the balance which the Commissioners of the Caisse have always in hand, after paying the coupon, or interest on the Debt. This balance in hand is used to make up ] an English Syndicate, this item is removed from the Revenue, without sensibly affecting it. The Administrative Services include receipts from the Mixed Tribunals, Native Tribunals, and Mehkemes, amounting to about half a million ; and a similar amount is produced by Miscellaneous Receipts. ^ The Assigned, or hypothecated, Revenues were enumerated in Art. III. of ! the Decree for the Unification of the Egyptian Debt, &c. (7th May, 1876). These, which have since been modified, as already explained, originally included the revenues of the four Assigned Provinces (Mudirias of Gharbia, Menufia, Behera, and Siiit) ; octroi dues of Cairo and Alexandria ; import duties of Alexandria, Suez, Damietta, Rosetta, Port Said, and El Arich ; Railways ; Tobacco duties ; Salt revenues ; rent of Materia ; sluice revenues and navigation I dues on the Nile up to Wadi Haifa ; bridge of Kasr-el-Nil ; and contributions I of the Daira. The grand total of Revenue devoted to the Service of the Unified I General Debt was then (1876) ;if 6, 475, 256. This was modified by the Goschen- Joubert Decree (Art. V.) a few months later; and subsequent International arrangements have introduced other modifications. j The Revenues now hypothecated for the Service of the Debt are those derived I from the four Assigned Provinces, the Railways Administration, Telegraphs, and ! Port of Alexandria. 204 DErARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION the difference to the Government between the non-assigned revenues and the Authorized Expenditure ; ^ and, should any Surplus remain after this initial and obligatory operation, it is divided equally between the Caisse and the Government. The Caisse'?< half-share of this Surplus is added to the General Reserve Fund. The half-share falling to the Govern- ment is never really sufficient to meet the Administrative needs of the country. The Government has therefore to fall back on its own Special Reserve Fund or to apply to the Caisse for grants from the General Reserve Fund. The effect of this singular and somewhat complicated arrangement is, that, for all ?/;zauthorized expenditure, the country {i.e. the taxpayers) must pay double the amount actually expended in administration. On the other hand, it is true that the half-share of the ultimate Surplus of the Caisse is devoted to the reduction of the Debt ; and, now that the General Reserve Fund has reached two millions — the limit when amortization should come into operation — the Caisse is more disposed to give increased grants to the Government for reproductive public works. So that, if the annual Budgets continue to show buoyancy, financial equili- brium should be restored almost automatically. Perhaps the following Table may help to elucidate this very guarded method of distributing the Revenue of Egypt : Table No. 4. Revenue of Egypt. Assigned Revenue {Caisse). I Provides for Service of the Debt. Non-Assigned Revenue ( Gove7-nmen(). I Fails to provide for Authorized Expenditure, I . Makes up difference between non-Assigned Revenue and Authorized Expenditure. Fifty Per Cent. Fifty Per Cent. to General Reserve to Egyptian Fund {Caisse). Government. ' In the last ten years or so, the insufficiency of non-affected revenues to meet Authorized Expenditure has varied between ;i{^200,ooo and ;^6oo,cx)0, annually. FINANCE 205 There are three separate Reserve Funds connected with Reserve Funds the Financial Administration of the Egyptian Government. These are: (i) The Economies resulting from the partial Conversion of the Debt, which took place in 1890 — a Fund which cannot be touched without the consent of the Powers ; 1 (2) the General Reserve Fund, which, with the consent of the Caisse de la Dette, can be applied to certain specified objects ; and (3) the Special Reserve Fund, which is at the unfettered disposal of the Egyptian Government. The present state of the General Reserve Fund is out- General lined in Lord Cromer's Report for 1899 as follows :— Reserve Fund On the 31st December, 1898, the sum standing to the credit of the General Reserve Fund, the stocks in which the greater part of the money is invested being valued at current prices, was i^E3, 893,000. Of this amount £Y.2,6i6,ooo was pledged for the execution of various works in course of progress, thus leaving an unpledged balance of i^E 1,277,000. A programme of Public Works Expenditure has been made out for the five years from 1899 to 1903, both in- clusive. It is as follows : — Irrigation .... ;^E 1,1 00,000 Drainage .... 798,000 Railways (rolling-stock, renewal of perma- nent way, and improvement of Port of Alexandria) . . . 1,330,000 Miscellaneous (schools, prisons, &c.) . 272,000 Total . . ;^E3,5oo,ooo 1 As already mentioned, the value of these Stocks, on 31st December 1898, amounted to ;,^E3, 2 18,000, showing an increase, during the year, of ^£451,000. Commenting on these figures, Lord Cromer, in his Report for 1899, remarks : — * As I have pointed out on previous occasions, the system under which these savings are annually invested in Egyptian stocks virtually acts as a sinking fund, but one of a very expensive and objectionable nature. The large purchases made annually by the Commissioners of the Debt naturally tend to keep up an artificial price. As time goes on, and the accumulations become annually larger, the evils of the present system will, of course, be intensified. The operation of the sinking fund will, in fact, tend more and more to nullify its own effect. ' The present system is, indeed, from a financial point of view, quite indefen- sible. There are only two sound methods of dealing with this money. One is to 206 DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION Special Reserve Fund It is proposed that ^E2, 7 50,000 of this money should be taken from the General Reserve Fund, and that the balance of ^^£750,000 should be charged to the ordinary expenditure account of the Egyptian Government. The Commissioners of the Debt have granted ^E 5 50,000 for expenditure during the current year, and have also agreed to provide in subsequent years a further sum of ;^E720,000 for expenditure on the railways. The grants for irrigation, drainage and miscellaneous expenditure will be considered at the close of each year, with reference to the existing financial situation. The present state of the Special Reserve Fund is outlined in Lord Cromer's Report for 1899 as follows : — On the 31st December 1897, the Special Reserve Fund showed an actual deficit of i^E 3 1 0,4 1 6. Further expenditure, amounting to ^E26o,43 i, had been authorized but not actu- ally incurred at that date : so that the deficit balance was i^E57o,847. The following statement shows the operations during 1898 :— Receipts. Expenditure. Payment of the British Government Share in the Surplus . Miscellaneous Toial /E 778,832 831,616 91,538 Deficit on 31st December, 1897 .... Excess of Administrative Expenditure Commutation of pensions Sudan .... Miscellaneous Surplus . Total . ^E 310,416 347,591 7,450 550,378 7,918 1,223,753 478,233 1,701,986 1,701,986 spend it on the development of the country. The other is to pay off debt at par by drawings in the usual manner. Unfortunately, the adoption of either of these measures is impossible without the consent of the Powers.' In addition to the above sum, the Commissioners of the Caisse hold also the unpledged portion of the General Reserve Fund (;,{^E 1,277, 000) — or, altogether, /'K4, 495, 000 lying idle in their hands. FINANCE 207 Further expenditure, to the amount of ^^"1^570,672, princi- pally on account of the Sudan, had been already authorized in 1898, but had not been actually incurred when the ac- counts were closed. The real state of the Fund at the end of I 898 was, therefore, a deficit of (^K57o,672 — ;^E478,233) /E92,439. The amount of direct taxation per head of pojjulation is, Taxation roughly, ten shillings. There is considerable inequality in the incidence of taxation : ^ but the Egyptian Government are making efforts to remove these inconsistencies, particularK' in regard to the re-assessment of the Land Tax. ' The de- sirability of an equitable redistribution of the Land Tax,' says Mr Gorst, in his Note on the Budget for 1899, 'has long been recognised. The existing assessment, which was made before the British Occupation, was originally verv defective. Large public works have since been constructed which have made great changes in the relative value of different areas. The construction of the Aswan reservoir, which will revolutionize the cultivation of many parts of the country, renders it imperative that this important work should be taken in hand without delay. A Cadastral Survey of the country— which is an indispensable preliminary to an equit- able re-assessment — was begun some years ago ; and it may be hoped that it will be finished in six or seven years.' The Government wish to get the people settled on the land, and to give them a clear and definite record of rights. The taxes are collected in a fashion very different to that Tax-coiiection in the old days of the ktirbash. There is an accountant in every village or two villages. The Land Tax is paid to him, in instalments, falling due as the principal crops are harvested. This is done with the object of enabling the Fellahin to pay their taxes when they can best afford the money. But, as a matter of fact, the Fellahin are a very io"norant indebtedness of , . . , , ' . , , / ^ , the Fellahin and improvident class. Ihey are apt to indulge in pantasia ^ ' It is not unusual,' says Lord Cromer, in his Report for 1896, 'to find land rented at £,'] to £,% an acre paying 18 piastres an acre (feddan), whilst in the immediate neighbourhood land rented at from £7. to £1 an acre is paying as much as 164 piastres.' One Piastre = 2id. 208 DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION and other extravagances, on slight provocation : so that they frequently have to borrow money, as in olden da)'S, from the usurers. With the object of relieving the indebted- ness of the Fellahin and of bringing down the exorbitant rates of interest in certain neighbourhoods,^ the Government, rather than to establish a Land Bank, against which there are strong political and economical objections, voted i^io,ooo, as an experiment, in making advances of i^io and under to petty landowners. The success of this scheme has encour- aged the Egyptian Credit Foncier to take up the business as a private speculation, on equitable terms : although the maximum amount of its advances (iJ^ioo) is far too high to benefit only the poorer classes of Egyptian cultivators.^ Expenditure When Egypt was subjected to the severe Limit of Expenditure, under which she still partially suffers, the country was fighting against bankruptcy. Retrenchment was the order of the day : but retrenchment amounting to restraint, in reproductive expenditure, has been very harmful to the development of her natural resources. All the spending Departments have been handicapped by the want of funds. Moreover, under the anomalous conditions which imposed a heavy tax, as I have already explained, on excess over Authorized Expenditure, amounting to cent, per cent., the Administration naturally turned its attention to relief from taxation rather than to the increased applica- ' Where Levantine and Greek usurers would be asking 40 per cent., the Government stepped in and offered money at 6 per cent., thereby reducing the rate to, say, 12 per cent. - This objection has since been met, as Lord Cromer explains, in his Report for 1899 : — ' A further tentative step has now been taken in the direction of dealing with this question. The newly-created National Bank is about to make advances of small sums up to £20 at 9 per cent, interest. Further, the Bank offers advances up to ;^ioo, at the same rate of interest, to those who wish to pay off their old debts ; repayment to the Bank will be made in five yearly instalments due in October of each year, that is to say, at the time the cotton crop is gathered. All such advances will be reported to the Government, who will instruct the tax-collectors to enter them on the " Wirdes," [or, Schedules of Land Tax] and effect the recoveries with the taxes. . . . 'The experiment will, for the present, be tried in one district only. Should it prove successful, the Bank will be prepared to extend its operations.' FINANCE 209 tion of capital which imposed heav)- fiscal burdens. Under the improved state of the national finances, however, Eg)'pt now enjoys a freedom in Administrative Expenditure which, together with the aid of British capital, enables her to con- template with assurance the ultimate development of the utmost resources of the country. The actual out-of-pocket Expenditure for administering Egypt and the Sudan amounts only to about i!^E3,75o,ooo. The method by which Lord Cromer arrives at this figure is too elaborate for me to quote here : but it may be seen in his Report for 1899 (page 12). The Ministries of Finance and Public Works have prepared Prospective a programme of Extraordinary Expenditure for the coming five years, amounting in the aggregate to 3 1- millions, the details of which I have given under the head of ' General Reserve Fund' {ante p. 205). Extraordinary Expenditure in the Sudan is, at present, an unknown factor ; but for the next five years Ordinary Expenditure will be reduced to a minimum, so as not to bear too heavily on the Egyptian taxpayer. Moreover, in 1903, the Egyptian Treasury will have to meet the payment of an annuity of about ;^E 1 60,000 for the Reservoir works. ' This,' Mr Gorst explains, in his Note on the Budget for 1 899, ' will be an addition to the Administrative Expenditure and will, therefore, under exist- ing arrangements, necessitate an increase of Revenue of ^E3 20,000 to balance the excess Expenditure.^ This eventuality may, however, be contemplated with equanimit}-, in view of the growth of Revenue which the increasing prosperity of the country, and also the action of the Reservoir works themselves when finished, may be expected to produce.' Finally, unless untoward events precipitate a Political Solution, the year 1905 will be the antms mirabilis in the Financial history of Egypt : since the leading International engagements fall in or are subject to re-adjustment at or before that date. } Owing to the method of distributing the Revenue, as shown by me on page 204. O 210 DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION {b) Public Instruction Education bears the aspect of all things temporal in Egypt : it is both National and International. The former has undergone little or no change since the twelfth century. The latter was introduced by Mohammed Ali, in his attempt to mould Egyptian institutions on European models. The first reaches the mass of the people. The second innoculates the body politic. As a race, Egyptians are still enshrouded in the darkness of the Middle Ages. As a nationality, they are awakening from the hypnotism of Islam. And as individuals, freed from the thraldom of despotism, they enjoy many of the privileges and advantages of European civilization. Reuolpecu From the foundation of El Azhar, in the tenth century, up to the second decade of the nineteenth century, this great seat of Mohammedan learning was the centre of religious and secular instruction in Egypt. Even at the present day its influence is conspicuous in the Educational system and agencies of the country. The University-Mosque, with responsible sheikhs presiding over the four Orthodox sects, and with a Principal who, at one time, in the days of Egypt's ascendancy, came to be regarded as the Sheikh El- Islam, was for centuries a foyer of the Faith in the East. And although, nowadays, the University has lost its power, through the general decadence of Mohammedanism, it has never- theless conserved its inherent principles, as a product of Medievalism, and is capable of sheltering many thousands of pupils, students, professors, doctors, and non-descripts within its walls. After the massacre of the Mamluks, in i8i i, Mohammed Ali began to introduce the European system of Education into Egypt — not with any object of raising the masses from the ignorance in which they were steeped, but with the sole intention of creating capable officers for his army and navy and competent officials for the State Administrations. His initial efforts were in the direction of training the teachers — ' J 'Instruction Publu/uc en Egypte, par Yacoub Artin Pacha, /ajxm. PUBLIC INSTRUCTION 211 young Caucasian Mamluks, virtually slaves, and the sons of his officials and officers, who were sent in consider- able numbers to Europe (chiefly to France and Italy) and who, on their return, were drafted into the ser- vice of the State in various capacities. This process of training lasted from 1816 to 1824, during which period Government Schools were created to give elementary in- struction in the natural and exact sciences. Between 1824 and 1839, sixteen Technical or Higher-grade Schools were founded ; and the number of pupils reached eight or nine thousand, all of whom received gratuitous instruction, board and lodging. In 1836, a Ministry of Public Instruction was created. The Primary and Secondary Schools were organized on the model of French Lycees. Pupils were instructed in the Kordn, Arabic caligraphy, languages (Arabic, Turkish, and French), and the elements of mathematics, history, geo- graphy, &c. From the year 1836, this system of Education, which hitherto had been imposed exclusively on non-Egyptians, was extended to the Fellahin : and, in order to obtain pupils for his schools, or grist for his scholastic mills, Mohammed Ali had recourse to coercion — amounting to a conscription. Pupils, thus impressed, were bribed or paid to remain in the schools. Prior to 1836, the Educational agencies of the country were purely military, under the Minister of War ; but after that year of reform, and up to the end of the despot's reign, a Minister of Public Instruction and a Superior Council supervised Education. The Professors were provided by El Azhar, or came from Milan, Paris, and London. More- over, an Egyptian School was founded at Paris, with forty pupils, including several Princes. Ibrahim, during his brief Regency, encouraged his officials and the leading Egyptian families to send their sons abroad, at an early age, in order to obtain the advantages of a European education. Abbas I. was reactionary in this as in other respects. Said, his successor, paid little attention 212 DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION to education, establishing and suppressing schools with charming inconsistency. And Ismail was as enterprising in Education as he was in everything that helped to introduce European methods and models into the Civil, Military, and Administrative Departments of the State : but being anxious, as was his wont, to achieve immediate results, his success was not very great. When Ismail became Pasha of Egypt in 1863, he re- established or revived the schools that had been so neglected during the two previous reigns, and he created others. Thus, there was a Primary and a Secondary or Preparatory School, a Military College, a Polytechnic School, and a School of Medicine. Directors and Professors were imported from France ; whilst natives who had been educated in that country completed the teaching staff. Moreover, Ismail established in 1867 a new Egyptian School at Paris, under a French military Director, to which he sent many promising pupils. Ismail, besides making liberal donations, constituted a Wakf, the revenue of which helped to endow Education ; and he nominated a special Committee, to reorganize Public Instruction. The Military Schools were placed under the Minister of War ; and the Civil Schools, as the others were called, were retained under the Minister of Public Instruction, who, in Ismail's reign, was usually the Director of the Wakfs. Dor Bey, a Swiss, was made Inspector-General of Education : and to him Egypt owes the genesis in reform of most of her Educational Institutions. Primary schools, on European models, were established in the chief centres of population, where, in addition to the usual subjects, English also was taught. Under Ismail, (or Dor Bey,) other Educational agencies were founded : namely — a School of Law, two Normal Schools, the Ecole des Arts et Metiers, and a School of Languages. The financial and political embarrassments of Egypt necessarily handicapped or arrested all these Educational influences ; and although Ismail's successor, Taufik, took a special interest in Public Instruction, it was not until the PUBLIC INSTRUCTION 213 year 1885 that the 'intellectual awakening' of Egypt, as Artin Pasha styles it, showed any sensible results from the introduction of these comprehensive reforms. There have been three distinct phases, or stages, in Egyptian Public Instruction : the first, in which pupils were forced into the schools ; the second, in which j^upils were paid or bribed to attend ; and the third, dating from the British Occupation, in which parents in increasing numbers paid the fees for their children's education. It is not so many years ago that more than half the pupils re- ceived gratuitous education^: whereas in 1898 as many as 86 per cent, of those attending Government Schools were actually paying-pupils. The fees in all Government Schools are very low. Under the Anglo-Egyptian Administration, Education General has made great strides, reaching, in 1897- 1898, when im- portant administrative reforms were introduced, a degree of efficiency very creditable to all concerned. The Egyptians are being educated to understand that they have rights, secured by Law ; and, under the easier and happier condi- tions that now prevail, they take an increasing interest in the advantages of Education, especially in the higher grades, which qualify for lucrative appointments. But to Education, for itself, they are profoundly indifferent. With the exception of the Director-General of Education, Yakub Artin Pasha, whose zeal and high qualifications are well known, probably none of the Egyptian Ministers and Under-Secretaries regard Education (except academi- cally) as the principal means of creating a body of efficient public servants. The general tendency of Public Instruction is to educate the official caste which Mohammed Ali called into existence. This professional or middle class, under the favourable circumstances due to the recognition of Justice and to more peaceful times, is impressed by the benefits derived from Education : but those who fail to obtain employment . under Government are apt to use their superficial knowledge, ' In 1879, only 5 per cent, were paying-pupils. 214 DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION like the disaffected Babus of India, for seditious and other mischievous ends. According to the recent census (1897), 91*2 per cent, of the male, and 99*4 per cent, of the female, population of Egypt are classed as illiterate : that is to say, they are unable to read and write. But, excluding children under seven years of age and the Bedwin population, the proportion of illiterates (male and female) is 88 per cent, of the total population. The small balance of 1 2 per cent, able to read and write include over 1 1 ,000 pupils in the Government schools — an increase of 9000 within the last 10 years — and pupils of the still more numerous non-Government schools, besides the adult popu- lation. Pupils have a free choice as to which of the two European languages they select for the medium of instruction in Government schools. Their parents enjoy entire liberty of action in this respect : and their choice, which has to be stated in writing, has followed very closely on their interpretation of the political situation, which governs it to the extent of determining their vote for the English or French prospect of domination. Thus, at the time of the British Occupation, French was the European language taught in Government schools, and English was wholly neglected ; but, during the present decade, the percentage of English pupils has steadily increased, and the percentage of French pupils has steadily decreased : so that now the relative proportion is almost reversed. The notable change in 1897- 1898, during the Sudan Campaign, speaks for itself On the other hand, the percentages in the Secondary Schools are still in favour of the French, who also maintain a fair average in the Technical Schools and Professional Colleges : thereby in- dicating that, in Higher Education, the French language still holds its ground.^ Considering the liberality of France, who for many years gave free education to a number of young Egyptians, and considering also that the British tenure of Kgypt h.xs only within the last two or three years shown any signs of permanency, PUBLIC INSTRUCTION 215 In his Report for 1899, Lord Cromer gives statistics, in choke of regard to the choice of language as the medium for Instruc- t^^^di^m^for tion, which are most suggestive. As a commentary on the '"^*™'^'^'°° British Occupation, the figures afford an accurate index to the native mind. Lord Cromer prefaces his remarks by stating, that the poHcy adopted by the Anglo-Egyptian Administration in this matter ' may be briefly described as that of linguistic free trade ; ' and he adds : ' No attempt has been made to discourage instruction in French. The number both of French teachers and of Egyptians employed to teach the French language in the Government schools has been more than doubled since 1881. For many years, although the proportion of pupils learning French, respectively to those learning English, was gradually undergoing a change, no diminution in the aggregate attendance at the French classes occurred. On the other hand, English has been placed on the same footing as French. Equal facilities have been provided in both cases. Every parent has been requested to state in writing whether he wished his son to learn French or English. He has been left entirely free to de- cide this question for himself As time went on and the demand for teaching in English grew, the facilities for instruction in that language were naturally increased.' The results obtained under this system may be briefly stated. The Table overpage shows the number of pupils learning English and French, respectively, in the Govern- ment schools, for each year during the last decade : — to the native mind, it is surprising that the difference is no greater. But the predominance of French pupils in Secondary Schools sufficiently characterizes the lead which France has so long held in Educational matters. Whilst French, too, still lingers as the official language in most of the Departments of the Administration, it is, if I mistake not, being gradually displaced by English in this and in other directions. Indeed, I observed during my second visit to Egypt, after an absence of less than a year, increased evidence of the diffusion of English, particularly in public notices, &c. A scheme has now been launched, to establish (for natives and residents in Alexandria, the Delta, and Cairo) English Schools of a strictly undenominational character. Funds for an endowment are being raised. 216 DEPAKTMENTAL ORGANIZATION Numbers. Percentage. English. French. 2,994 3,199 2,852 2,864 2,585 3,748 3,417 3,363 3,150 1,881 English. 26 35 42 44 48 42I 44 45 49 67'^ French. 1889 1890 I89I 1892 1893 1894 1895 1896 1897 1898 1,063 1,747 2,032 2,237 2,434 2,669 2,655 2,800 3,058 3,859 74 58 I 56 52 58 56 55 51 33 My remarks in regard to the choice of language in Higher Education are borne out by the following Table : — Class of School or College. Years. Numbers. Percentage. English. French. English. French. Primary Schools . ,, ,, • Secondary Schools 1 Technical Schools and Col- lege of Agriculture „ ,, Professional Colleges ,, ,, 1889 1898 1889 1898 1889 1898 1889 1898 689 3,389 169 210 144 156 61 104 2,133 1,337 488 305 161 132 212 107 24 72 26 41 47 54 22 49 76 28 74 59 53 46 78 51 74 33 'lotal 1889 1898 1,063 3,859 2,994 1,881 26 67 J This decline is attributed to the acute wave of Anglophobia which swept the country during Riaz Pasha's Ministry in 1894. - Reservoir scheme floated, and .Sudan reconquered, in 1S98. PUBLIC INSTRUCTION 217 General Results are summarized by Lord Cromer in the General /- n • Results following passages : — ' It will be seen : — ' I. That there has been a large aggregate increase in the attendance at the primary schools, and that it is more espe- cially at these schools that the proportion of those learning English has undergone a great change ; ' 2. That there has been some diminution in the aggregate number of pupils in the secondary schools, and that, although the percentage of those learning English has risen from 26 to 41, the majority of the pupils in these schools still prefer to be taught in French ; ' 3. That in the technical schools, where the aggregate numbers remain about the same, the proportion of those learning English has slightly increased ; and ' 4. That in the professional schools, where the aggregate attendance has remained nearly constant, the proportion of those learning English has risen from 22 per cent, to 49 per cent. ' The demand from all parts of the country for trained native teachers in English is far in excess of the supply annually afforded by the three existing training colleges. . . . The impossibility of obtaining any very quick results is more obvious in this than perhaps in any other of the subjects which, taken together, constitute the work of Egyptian regeneration. Nevertheless, the facts which I have adduced above, in a very summarized form, are, I venture to think, a sufficient proof that the steady and continuous labour of the officers of the Education Department are at length beginning to yield some solid results. The success of the technical schools, the reorganization of the School of Medicine, and the encouraging commencements which have been made in the direction both of female education and of raising the general intellectual standard in the country by improving the village schools, are all satisfactory features in the present educational outlook. But the point which perhaps more than any other deserves notice is that evidence is forthcoming of the capability of the Egyptian schools and 218 DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION colle"-es to turn out a number of young men who will be able to take a useful and honourable, albeit sometimes humble, part in the administration of their own country. It would be unduly optimistic to suppose that, for many years to come, the educational system can attain any higher ideal than this.' During the last three or four years, the Education De- partment has concentrated more of its attention on the Kuttabs under Government inspection and on Primary Schools ; whilst the syllabus of Secondary Schools has been considerably lightened, and the course of study reduced to three years. The Government are endeavouring to increase the number of Primary Schools, and, above all, to educate the girls, whose subsequent influence on family life and morals should be beneficial to the State. Thus, girls in the Kuttabs under Government inspection receive a double capitation grant : but more money is required, in order to give full effect to the system of grants-in-aid, which has worked so well in India and elsewhere. Administration The shifts and expedients to which the Education De- partment is put, in order to establish an equilibrium between competing forces, is extraordinary — at least, it would be extraordinary' anywhere but in Egypt, where normal con- ditions are rather the exception. Care has to be taken not to wound native susceptibilities, especially on the score of religion, and to give due weight to the prescriptive rights of France in the Education of the countiy. In particular, though appearances may be saved by having Native, French, and English interests represented in the Administrative branches, matters have to be so arranged, that the balance of votes rests on the European side. In the lower grades of Education, Moslem influence and the sterility of Moham- medan habits of thought and methods of teaching have to be overcome without stirring up fanatical opposition. In the higher grades, it is essential to secure the balance of l'2uropcan influence and methods of teaching. In fact, the religious element is most important in all Educational reforms ; and it is very difficult to deal with. J PUBLIC INSTRUCTION 219 Thus, the Principal of El Azhar, who happened to be sitting on the same Committee as the British Secretary-General, opposed the introduction of a text-book on Logic because he considered the Koran a better guide — as if logic had any religion ! In the direction of Education, the British Secretary- General and Inspector-General has now practically a free hand, in the control both of the Office and of Government Schools and Colleges. Fortunately, the Under-Secretary of State, who is nominally the Director-General of Education, is an Armenian gentleman of wide sympathies and liberal views, wholly in accord with the British Control and with European standards. On the other hand, the Minister of Public Instruction, who has to sign all important documents, is somewhat reactionary. But being on the Superior Council, which has a European majority, and being also salaried only in respect of his portfolio for Public Works — which in the East means ' no pay, no work ' — his concurrence can at all times be procured, since, in effect, his position is merely honorary. The British Secretary-General is, thus, in a position to check any arbitrary interference with the Educa- tional system of the country, due to a change of Ministers (which was a feature prior to 1895), and to secure continuity of policy. I now propose to pass in review the Educational Institu- tions of Egypt under Government control and supervision. § Goverujnent Institutions The Ministr}' of Public Instruction has three Budgets, Budgets connoting in a measure the three stages of Educational development in Egypt, to which I have referred. There is, first, the annual Government grant for Public Instruc- tion, which is being steadily increased, though not so rapidly as the Educational authorities would wish. There is, secondly, the Special Fund derived from the Manage- ment of Estates which Ismail constituted into a Wakf,^ and ^ These estates, the VVadi Tumailat, comprise about 22,000 acres of land retroceded to the Egyptian Government by the Suez Canal Company, on the 220 DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION to which he made other donations. And lastly, there is the annual subsidy ^ paid by the Wakfs Administration in support of their Primary Schools in Cairo which the Govern- ment took over in 1889. The Government Grant has been increased (1899) by two items, to which I shall presently refer. In 1897 and 1898, the Expenditure on behalf of the Administration {Personnel) amounted to nearly ;^E8 8,000 ; and Various Expenses exceeded i^E 17,000. School fees in 1897 reached ^E65,ooo. The number of scholars in 1897 was 11,304; and of teachers, 650. The net annual Expenditure of the Ministry of Public Instruction may be taken, roughly, at between ;^E90,000 and i^E 100,000, and 'CviQ gross ^Expenditure at over ;^E 15 0,000. Central From the Table (No. 5) which illustrates this sub- Administration . Mil 1 ^ /^ 1 section, it will be seen that the British Secretary-General occupies a commanding position in the P^ducational Institu- tions of Egypt. Mr Douglas Dunlop, who fills that post so honourably and so judiciously, is the first Englishman (or Scotsman, to be more precise) who has held responsible office in the Ministry of Public Instruction ; and it may be said with truth, that the permanence and right direction of Educational reforms have coincided more or less with the date of his appointment. He and Yakub Artin Pasha are the leading spirits in this Department of State. It is not so much the lack of funds that cripples the development of Education in Egypt, though more money is und(jubtedly required to provide an adequate and efficient body of Inspectors, to increase the grants-in-aid to the Kuttabs under Government inspection, and for other objects. What Egypt principally needs is a more efficient teach- arhilration of Napoleon III. in 1867. About 8000 acres are under cultivation, the remaining land being at ]! Id ^'^ .- O >^l^^ •a •- 1) .- rtCJ . o E "bic ^ - ^ ! " ^5 i j 1 o i H 1| SL rt r;:^ u ! W 5 t; 'o ^ 'P ■*-< zJ • — ' — cu, = i L-c ^1 bx) c T* s 5^ o >> o OJ o > (-1 i ,Q O bo W w U x; rt J^ — "rt 3 ■> C rt '■3 SE rt ^ OS c c o c — 222 DEPARTiMENTAL ORGANIZATION ino- staff for Secondary Education and for the Professional Schools and Colleges. The Normal Schools are turning out competent teachers for Primary Education ; but Secondary Education professors have to be sought in Europe or selected from the elite of the native teachers in the Primary Schools. National Education therefore runs the risk of becoming too Europeanized. Board of In the Board of Examiners, which grants Primary and Examiners ^^.^^^^^^.j^^^^. Certificates, not only to the pupils and students of Government Schools, but also to others who present themselves for examination, the European element is supreme. The written papers of these examinations are brought in sealed envelopes to the British Secretary- General, who numbers them before submitting them to the Board. At least two, and sometimes three examiners (English, French, and Egyptian), sitting together, have to read each paper. Thus, favouritism is obviated. Management The management of the Wadi Tumailat estates is under of Estates jsj^^tive Administration. That is equivalent to saying, that the Administration is bad and ruinous. But, as money is lacking to spend on its reform, and as business of that character is obviously not a province of Government, it is hoped that an opportunity may be found to realize this property. Khedivi.ai The Khcdivial Library has an annual grant of ^E2000. Library j^^ Wakfs Administration contributes ;^E500 ; and the balance is derived from landed property. The Commis- sioners of the Debt have voted i^E5o,ooo for a new building, the foundations of which are now being laid, as a museum of Arab Art ^ and a library of Arab Literature. The Khedivial ' ' Under the direction of M. Ilerz Bey, about ;i^Eio,400 was spent on the pre- servation of Arab monuments during the year 1898. One-half of this amount was provided by the Wakfs Administration, the remainder being taken from the special grant of ;^K20,ooo made some little while ago by the Commissioners of the Debt fur expenditure of this nature. Four moscjues were taken in hand, the most imiK)rlant being El-Mardani and Kail Bey, on which ;^E200o and ^^EiSoo were rcspeciively cxjiended. A sum of ;^E5oo was spent in buying out some of the small shops and buildings which surround and disfigure many of the monu- ments. £]iiioo was spent on restoring the old city wails. In June 1898 a letter was addressed to the Coptic Patriarch staling that if his community would find a PUBLIC INSTRUCTION 223 Library, under the able direction of a German orientalist, Dr Moritz, is the finest Library in the East. It was founded by Ismail, to house the splendid Korans rescued from the mosques, which now form the basis and perhaps the most interesting feature of the collection of Arab literature. The Library, which is used principally by Europeans, contains also some valuable Arabic and Turkish MSS., and a miscel- laneous collection of books dealing with Egypt, Africa, and the East. The Observatory, under an Egyptian Director, is in a Observatory ruinous state. Funds are needed to put the instruments in order, to begin with. The principal Inspector of Schools, Mr Elliot, was for- inspectorate merly the Director of the Khedivi'a Training College, There is also a French Inspector, four Egyptian Inspectors, and three or four subordinates. But the Inspectorate is in need of competent recruits, to aid the British Inspector- General in this important branch of Educational supervision, which still depends, in too great a measure, on extraneous co-operation. There is now a graduated system of teaching, beginning Curriculum in the Kuttabs under Government control, and passing through Primary and Secondary Schools, up to the Profes- sional Schools and Colleges. Primary Certificates admit to the two Technical Schools and the School of Agriculture. Secondary Certificates admit to the Colleges, — the School of Law and the School of Medicine, etc. In the curriculum of Government Schools, every effort is make to counteract the tendency towards cramming and memorising, which are the fundamental defects of Mohammedan national education ; whilst increasing attention is paid to discipline, deportment, and physical culture, — drill being regularly taught and Eng- lish games encouraged. The new methods introduced, in sum of ;i^E2ooo for the restoration and repair of Coptic monuments, the Govern- ment would provide an equal amount. No reply has yet been received to this communication. The want of interest shown by the Coptic Community generally, in the preservation of their ancient monuments, is greatly to be regretted.' — (Lord Cromer's Report for 1899). 224 DEPARTMEN J AI. ORGANIZATION 1887, into the teaching of Arabic, etc., do not make an inordinate tax on the memory : but they do appeal to the reasoning faculties. And in regard to foreign languages (French and English), the new methods introduced in 1889 use these media as vehicles of instruction rather than as the essential means of acquiring a knowledge of the sciences. Pupils enter the Primary Schools between the ages of seven and ten, and cannot remain beyond fourteen. The four years' curriculum of both the P'rench and the English courses of study are the same. After taking the Primary Certificate, pupils enter Secondary Schools. Those who cannot pass the examination are sent back, or are recom- mended to embrace a commercial career. Pupils entering the Secondary Schools must be over eleven years of age ; and the\' must leave when they are nineteen. The Second- zxy Education course is for three years. The Scholastic year is for nine months, but is interrupted by Ramadan and numerous fetes. In the Primary Schools, the first year is devoted to reading and writing in Arabic; in the second year, a foreign language is taken up, together with object-lessons and geography in Arabic ; in the third year, object-lessons and instruction in geography are given in a European language ; and in the fourth year, history is taught in Arabic, in order that pupils may perfect their composition and style in the vernacular. At the end of the Primary course, about three- fourths of the boys are able to read, to write, and to speak a foreign language more or less correctly and fluently. In the Secondary Schools, less time is given to Arabic, in which pupils with Primary Certificates should be fairly proficient, and more time is devoted to foreign languages. Syllabus The Syllabus of the Primary course of study is as follows : — the Kordn, and Principles of Islamism ; the Arabic language ; Arabic caligraphy ; Arithmetic ; Geometry and Mensuration ; the P:nglish language ; the French language ; English caligraphy ; Object-lessons ; Geography ; History ; Drawing (freehand and geometrical) ; and the Turkish language. PUBLIC INSTRUCTION 225 The Syllabus of the Secondary course of study is as follows : — the Arabic language ; Arabic caligraphy ; Arith- metic ; Geometry ; Algebra ; the English language — {a) as the principal European language studied by pupils in English classes, or {b) as the supplementary European language studied by pupils in French classes ; the French language, with the same distinctions ; English caligraphy : Geography and Physiography; History; Physics; Chemistry; Natural Science (Botany, Physiology, Zoology, Hygiene) ; Drawing ; and the Turkish language. As all Lower-grade appointments in the Civil Service Certificates require a Primary, and all Higher-grade appointments a Secondary, Certificate, the Schools not under Government control (Coptic, European Voluntary Schools, etc.) send up their pupils, on the same terms as pupils of the Government Schools, to be examined by the Board of Examiners. The Education Department thus keeps in touch with the Educational systems of these bodies. The Decree of 4th December, 1891, recognises the validity of Primary and Secondary Certificates for posts under Government. Primary Certificates admit also to Secondary Schools, the Ecole des Arts et Metiers, and the Agricultural College. Secondary Certificates admit to the Polytechnic School, to the School of Medicine, and the School of Law. Moreover, Egyptian Secondary Certificates are now recognised in England, France, and Switzerland on liberal terms. The system of granting Primary and Secondary Certifi- cates is producing excellent results. There is a steady increase in the number of successful candidates at the examinations. But the demand on the part of the State Administrations, as well as of the Higher schools, for young Egyptians who possess either the Primary or Secondary Education Certifi- cates, is, as Lord Cromer remarked in 1897, far in excess of the supply. Lord Cromer, in his Report for 1898, states that, during Kuttabs the last three or four years, the Government have formulated a definite policy for dealing with the vernacular schools P 226 DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION throu' well.^ The boys selecting the French course are, perhaps, of better social standing, being the children or grand-children of parents brought up with French traditions. The classes being limited as far as possible to 30 pupils in each, the double teaching-staff does not necessarily imply duplication ^ I heard lessons in dictation, English grammar, geographj', etc., all of which were verj- elementary. As regards geography, considering how badly this subject is taught at home, I was not surprised to find that the teaching appealed too exclusively to the memory, and that the map-drawing was mechanical and orna- mental. For instance, the boys in one class recognised the leading features of a mountain, drawn on the blackboard, but were unable to apply their knowledge to the extent of finding an example in the Mokattem hills, near Cairo. 228 DEPARTINIENTAL ORGANIZATION of work. Of the 450 pupils, there were then only about a dozen who did not pay school-fees. The boys receive a good meal at midday. Perfect liberty is accorded to them in regard to their religious observances — ablutions, etc. At the moment of my visit, I noticed only six lads in the court off the playground sacred to this purpose. Primary education is given to about lOO Egyptian children, including boarders, in the Abbas Girls' School. This School, of the Higher-grade, was opened in 1895, and placed under an English schoolmistress, who pays particular attention to physical culture. Built out of fines from the Railway employes, the school contains excellent class-rooms and every convenience. Since I was in Egypt, a second higher-grade Primary School for girls has been established at Cairo ; and another school of a similar kind has been created in the Fayum by the spontaneous action of a native local Committee. The attendance, at the end of 1898, in all the girls' schools under the control of the Edu- cation Department numbered 1382. Secondary The Government has attempted to keep pace with the growing demands of the country, and good progress is being made in Higher Education : but there is still some room for improvement, especially in regard to some of the Colleges where technical subjects are taught. One fundamental reform has recently been introduced. The syllabus of Secondary Schools has been lightened, and the course reduced from 5 to 3 years. Formerly, the Syllabus w^as overloaded, and the standard was pitched too high ; with the result that, pro- fessors, in order to satisfy the Examiners, had to cram their pupils, who in any case have a tendency to memorize : and the general intelligence of students was not, therefore, properly developed. But Artin Pasha, my cicerone, assured me that pupils were given a wide range of subjects in order to gain a thorough knowledge of a European language ; because at home they speak Arabic only. In that case, perhaps, the relatively few hours devoted to the acquisition of English and French might, with greater advantage, be PUBLIC INSTRUCTION 229 restricted to a single language. At present, time is lost in acquiring a smattering of a ' subsidiary language.' Few boys survive the Secondary course. They enter at the age of fourteen, or under ; and drop off steadily year by year : ^ because parents get weary of paying fees, and want their sons to marry or settle down in life. As time goes on, the lads get overcrammed, fat, and (especially at the age of puberty) lazy into the bargain. The classes I visited (Geography and History) certainly convinced me, that rote-learning was cultivated to a preda- tory extent. Since then, however, the progress in reform has been rapid. As regards Secondary Education, Mr Douglas Dunlop writes to Lord Cromer : ^ — ' The three Secondary Schools directly under the management of the Public Instruction Department — the Khedivieh School, with an attendance of 273, the Tewfikieh School, with an attendance of 1 70, in Cairo ; and the Ras-el-Tin School, attended by 72 boys, in Alexandria — have all attained a high degree of proficiency, and can lose nothing by comparison with any European schools of similar rank.' At the examination in 1898 for the Primary Education Certificates Certificate (the leaving-certificate for Higher Primary Schools), I 38 1 candidates presented themselves. Of these. (1898) ' In his Considerations stir l' Instruction en Egypte, to which I am indebted for some of my facts, Artin Pasha publishes the following Table : Number of Pupils in the Classes of the Secondary Schools. Years. ist year. 2nd year. 3rd year. 4 th year. 1887 201 74 65 19 1888 190 128 62 56 1889 194 no 89 44 1890 241 140 93 70 189I 257 195 126 75 1892 225 170 129 80 ^ Published in Lord Cromer's Report for 1899, p. 40. 230 DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION 427 were successful : namely, 300 Mohammedans, and 127 Copts. At the examination in 1898 for the Secondary Educa- tion Certificate, 98 candidates were successful. Of these, 59 were Mohammedans, and the remainder (39) were mostly Copts. Since June, 1887, when this examination was first instituted, 670 students have obtained the Secondary Certificate. Secondary Of thesc 6jo studcuts, who received Secondary Certi- ''fi^t'^x^^) ficates, 19 have died, and 4 are returned as ' address and occupation unknown.' Of the remaining 647, as many as 206 have not }'et completed their education, being distributed as follows : — Students in the Higher Colleges of the Egyptian Government 175 ,, in private Higher Colleges in Egypt . . 3 „ in other countries (France, 17; Great Britain, 7 ; Switzerland, 2 ; Austria, i ; Turkey, i) . . 28 Total ..... 206 There remain 441. These are accounted for in the following manner : — Employed in the Egyptian Government Service . . 324 Privately employed ...... 94 Unemployed . . . . . . .23 Total . . . . .441 The result of this analysis is, therefore, to show that, of all those who have so far obtained a Secondary Certificate, and who, having completed their studies, are available for employment, only 23 remain unemployed. Choice of These are Lord Cromer's figures.^ Expressed in another Professions t i r i • i way — though I have not the statistics beyond 1892, m that resi^ect — we can trace the choice of professions made by Students with Secondary Certificates. Out of the 300 students who, between the years 1887 and 1892, obtained Secondary Certificates, no less than i 10 ^ Report for 1899, p. 40. PUBLIC INSTRUCTION 231 entered the School of Law : because, in this popular pro- fession, licentiates are certain of obtaining good posts under Government, some of which are lucrative. Of the remainder, 48 selected Medicine; 31, Engineering; 66, the Teaching profession ; 5, Agriculture ; 2 passed into the Military College ; 1 3 entered the Government Service direct ; 2 2 took up commerce or some other occupation on their own account ; and 3 died prematurely. Again, 155 became students in the Professional Schools and Colleges under Government ; 4 entered the High Schools of Private Educational agencies ; 40 went to Europe to finish their education (most of them at Govern- ment expense); 79 entered the Government Service, directly or indirectly ; 1 1 found other employment ; 6 found no employment at all ; and 2 were lost sight of, apart from the 3 who died.^ This distribution of successful candidates in the examina- tion for the Secondary Certificate is instructive, because it illustrates the directions in which the Scholastic mills are supplying a demand. It will be seen that the vast majority found Government ernployment : and it is from this class that the ranks of the public services are recruited. Most of the Professional Schools and Colleges have had a Professional very chequered history. They have depended largely on colleges the ability of their Directors and Principals, and not a little on the measure of support — in particular, the financial sup- port — extended to them. From the days of Dor Bey, who laboured so assiduously and so intelligently in the cause of Technical and Higher Education, up to the present time, these Schools and Colleges ^ have suffered from frequent changes of policy and from lack of competent professors. Not unfrequently, too, there have been iiiLrigues which have undermined the position and influence of the Directors and Principals. There is still much to be desired in their organization and teaching. But they are making progress. ^ Considerations etc., par Yacoub Artin Pacha. 2 The Training Colleges for Teachers and the School of Agriculture are how- ever, creations since 1880. 232 DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION Technical The ^colc dcs Arts et Metiers, at Bulak, was originally Schools founded in 1875 ; and for some years it was regarded as a kind of Reformatory, owing to the hard labour which the students considered penal. But the dignity of labour was re-habilitated and the moral tone of the School was raised through the reforms introduced, in 188 3- 188 5, by Guigon Bey, who practically created the School, as we now know it. Between 1888 and 1890, there was a relapse to the old methods, owing to a change in the Directorship ; but since 1 89 1, when Primary Certificates were required to admit to the School, the results achieved have been increasingly satis- factory. The present French Director (M. Meunier) and the English head of the workshops are turning out many competent men for employment in the Railways, Telegraphs, and Arsenal.^ There is both an English and a French side of the School, according as the pupils come from the Primary Schools. The course covers from 4 to 5 years, in which pupils are trained in the various handicrafts : but few remain on to the end. They enter at the age of 14 or over, and drop off for the reasons already assigned. When I visited this popular School, in December 1896, there were 300 youths undergoing instruction, of whom about 200 were boarders. Although the inclusive fees amount to only £16 a. year, most of the pupils were non- paying, owing to their nominations, it is said, being obtained through influence. The Ecole des Arts et Metiers is, however, a good practical Institution. It has an excellent foundry, smiths' and work-shops (where engines are occasionally repaired, in order to afford mechanical experience). But the Egyptian youths will not work in these departments, which require ^ Of the 68 pupils who completed their course of training in 1898, all have obtained employment in Government or in private establishments. Thirty-four have been appointed as telegraph clerks ; sixteen obtained technical posts in various State Administrations ; eighteen are employed by various industrial societies, mainly by the sugar factories in Upper Egypt. There is also a Technical School at Mansura, to which reference is made on the next page. PUBLIC INSTRUCTION 233 hard labour : they select, so far as they may, the least fatiguing work possible. Some of the furniture exhibited by them — especially the ntushrabia — is of excellent work- manship. "There is also a Technical School at Mansura ; but it is hampered by the want of suitable premises and crippled ' by the lack of funds to provide a properly qualified staff of teachers and foremen. Still, it is popular ; and it derives a certain income from the orders sent to it by the general public. When the School of Agriculture was first founded (1880), School of o \ ^/) Agriculture an attempt was made to introduce University teaching. It was not until the year 1896, when a new curriculum was adopted, that the practical side of Agriculture was ade- quately recognised, at the expense of theoretical teaching : with the result that an increasing number of students have since taken up the course at the School of Agriculture. This is no more than might have been expected. The Fellah, who is eager to adopt labour-saving appliances, and is open to progressive ideas, does not require a strictly scientific or theoretical training, in the sense recognised by us. Centuries of experience have produced agriculturists whose inborn aptitudes are readily trained to adopt the better methods suggested by scientific culture, — methods which, though common to all rainless regions, are differ- entiated in many respects to the peculiar needs of Egypt. Thus, although the School of Agriculture is now meeting with a greater measure of success than formerly was the case, I believe I am not unjustified in stating, that the annual grant of ;^E4000 might be laid out to greater practical advantage by creating model farms and experi- mental laboratories in the chief agricultural centres of Egypt. But, naturally, the Government do not wish to abandon an institution once started, so long as there are reasonable hopes of its ultimate success. The Commissioners of the Caisse have granted i^E 15,000 for the construction of a school adjoining the present site, affording more suitable premises. Moreover, a grant of ^E2000 has, in 1899, been added 234 DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION to the budget of the Public Works Department, as a subvention to the recently formed Agricultural Society, the chief objects of which are the encouragement of Agri- culture and the study of the numerous questions connected with the cultivation of the soil.^ Youths enter the School of Agriculture, with a Primary Certificate, at about the age of fourteen. Their general education is carried on concurrently with instruction in Theoretical and Practical Agriculture, the curriculum em- bracing Arithmetic, Arabic, English, Chemistry, Physics, and land-surveying. The course of study extends over four years, at the end of which period very few of the students take up Agriculture. The majority enter the Civil Service as clerks, etc. That is why I fail to see the value of the Institution. When I first visited the School of Agriculture, in 1896, there were 40 students, of whom only 16 were paying the annual fees, amounting to ;^24, absolutely inclusive. There were then three English Professors ; and the laboratories were well equipped. About 35 acres of land, adjoining the School, are set aside for experimental farming, on the principle adopted in some of the Indian Agricultural Schools. All the work of cultivating the soil, planting, irrigating, and harvesting, is carried out by the students themselves, without the employ- ment of any hired labour. The produce of each plot belongs tf) the student cultivating it, and may be sold or retained by him for his own benefit. The students have thus some material inducement to work both well and hard : it seems much more interesting and profitable than Secondary Education. ' In his /\ro/e on the Budget for 1899, Mr Gorst remarks : ' The Egj'ptian Landowners take a very great interest in the [Agricultural] Society ; and the Government is anxious to support an institution capable of rendering important services to the principal industry of the country. Besides the above-mentioned subvention, the Government has also placed at the disposal of the Society 300 acres of cultivable land for their experiments.' The Commissioners of the Caisse have been asked fur a grant of ^,^8000, from the General Reserve Fund, for the construction of buildings for the annual shows. PUBLIC INSTRUCTION 235 The School of Law, under the direction of M. Testoud, CoUeges has acquired so high a reputation, that the men trained in it are held to be as competent as the licentiates and doctors of foreign Universities. I have already referred to the popularity, among ambitious young Egyptians, of a legal career. The course of instruction, which was reduced in 1892 to four years, covers Mohammedan Law as well as Roman and French Law. Since 1893, students leaving this School may receive, not only a Certificate of Study but also a diploma, equivalent to a Legal degree. The day is, perhaps, not far distant when the Professional Schools and Colleges may be amalgamated into a University. The School of Law has over 100 students. Each year, the number of successful students who have completed their course is more than adequate to supply the needs of the Magistracy. Police officers also acquire in this School elementary instruction in Criminal Law and Procedure of the Courts. The Government have granted (1899) ^£2000 to the School of Law, in order to establish a section in which instruction will now be given in the English language.^ It may be hoped that this is the first step towards the recogni- tion of English by the Mixed Courts, in which at present the pleading is restricted to Arabic, Italian, and French, thereby involving the translation of English documentary evidence — an unfair tax on the Anglo-American com- munity. ^ In his Report {ox 1899, Lord Cromer remarks : ' I have stated that English has been put on a footing of equality with French in the Government schools. Up to the present time, however, there has been one exception to this rule. The only European language now used in the School of Law is French. The result is that all pupils on the English side of the preparatory schools are practically debarred from entering the legal profession. The treatment of this question has been delayed partly for financial reasons, and partly because in a country such as Egypt, where there was so much to do in the way of reform, it was very desirable to proceed deliberately and not to endeavour to make too many changes simul- taneously. The number of English-speaking pupils in the preparatory schools is now, however, so great that a further postponement would not be justifiable. Provision has, therefore, been made in the estimates for the current year for the establishment, in October next, of an English section in the School of Law.' School 236 DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION The School of Medicine dates as far back as 1837 ; and it has undergone many transformations. Most of the Prin- cipals have been Egyptian ; two or three have been French. Towards 1885, the studies were reduced to bare theory and speculation. These have since been made more practical. But the School of Medicine is not popular, largely because students find difficulty in subsequently obtaining posts under the Ministry of the Interior, for which their training affords no adequate equipment.^ Until the organizing zeal of the English Vice-Principal, who now enjoys practically a free hand, has had time and opportunity to introduce reforms, not much progress can be expected. Polytechnic Mucli the Same strictures apply also to the School of Engineering — or, as it is more commonly called, the Poly- technic School — which has never been on a satisfactory footing. The engineers from the Ministry of Public Works and the Railway Administration have never exercised an intelligent initiative. All reforms have emanated from the outside, and therefore have caused internal friction in the School. The curriculum and syllabus were subjected to considerable modification, when these were revised about fourteen years ago ; and at the present day an English Vice-Principal exercises wide discretionary powers, in which there lies some hope of reform. The Polytechnic School trains more or less competent assistants for the Irrigation engineers and for service under the Ministry of Public Works. But Egyptians have not yet proved their capacity to fill the higher posts in this ' Dr Cooper Perry, of Guy's Hospital, visited Egypt in 1897, and drew up a Report in which he fully explained the changes necessary in the constitution of the School, the curriculum, etc. Effect has now been given to Dr Cooper Perry's proposals ; and, in his Report for 1S99, Lord Cromer remarks : ' It is as yet too early to say how the new organization will work, but the immediate result of adopting the new system is that there is no longer a dearth of students. I give below the number admitted to the School since 1892. It will be observed that a not.-iblc increase took place last year:— 1892, 2; 1893, o; 1894, 4; 1895, 5; 1896. 6; 1897, 14 ; 1S98, 21. ' In accordance with a recommendation made by Dr Cooper Perry, it has been decided to make an annual grant to the School of Medicine with a view to pro- moting scientific research in subjects which possess special importance to Egypt.' PUBLIC INSTRUCTION 237 Department.^ Apart from their technical quaHfications — which are a long way behind those of pupils from Cooper's Hill College — they are incapable of initiative and shun re- sponsibility. It may, however, be noted that Egyptian In- spectors are (or were, in i 898) at the head of the Fifth Circle of Irrigation (Kena) and of the Girga Directorate (Sohag). Egypt has three Normal Schools or Training Colleges Training- for Teachers. These are: — (i) the Normal School (or ° ®^^* Khedivia Lycee) under an English Director ; (2) the Normal School (or Taufikia Lycee) under a French Director ; and (3) the Vernacular Normal School (Dar el-Olum) under an Arab Sheikh. The first was instituted in 1889; the second in 1880; and the third in 1881, The European Schools train teachers in the English and French languages and in Science (for Primary Education), the most promising of whom are sent to Europe — two or three every year — to complete their studies. The Vernacular School prepares sheikhs (between the ages of 18 and 24) who have passed through El Azhar and are studying for the work of teaching in Arabic. In 1895, the Dar el-Olum was incorporated with the largest and most successful Primary School (Nasri'a) in Cairo ; and it was placed under the direction of the ablest native Principal in the Education Department, the syllabus being revised with the view of making the training ^ The Polytechnic School, according to Mr Dunlop, made in 1898 a nearer approach to efficiency than in any previous year : but satisfactory progress con- tinues to be seriously retarded by the faulty, old-fashioned methods of instruction and an overloaded, impractical syllabus. Mr Willcocks, as presiding examiner at the Annual Examinations, reports as follows : — ' We are now in the middle of the transition period between the old days of instruction in Arabic, without text-books and without competent teachers, when none but a brilliant scholar here and there learnt anything at all, and the complete instruction in English, with living text- books and teachers really capable and really desirous to impart knowledge. At such a time, the scholars who have the misfortune to be at the college can only get ordinary instruction, but as soon as the primary schools and secondary colleges begin to turn out students knowing foreign languages well, the Polytechnic School will begin to turn out engineers capable of taking their place by the side of the men who come out in such numbers from the numerous Italian Universities, and who are preferred to-day to the Egyptian engineers by all the contractors working in this country.' — Lord Cromer's Report for 1899. 238 DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION more practical and efficient. ' The Primary School (Nasn'a) has become,' says Lord Cromer, in his Report for 1896, ' the practising department of the training college ; the legal studies have been eliminated, and the college seems no longer open to the reproach of making itself a rallying-point of political and fanatical intrigue. The success of any scheme for the improvement of the Vernacular Schools for Primary education must largely depend upon the efficiency of the professional training of the students of this college.' The young sheikhs whom I saw at the Dar el-Olum appeared to me to be as intelligent as they were dignified. After passing the examinations, they are taken on probation for two years, and then permanently employed as masters in the vernacular. They learn also a little English. This completes my survey of the Government Schools and Colleges. But no description of the Educational Insti- tutions of Egypt would be complete without some reference, however brief, to the numerous private Agencies which, until a few years ago, competed seriously against the Government Schools for the education — and, in particular, for the Higher Education — of the natives of Egypt. § Extra-Government Agencies By means of the examinations for Primary and Secondary Certificates, a large number of denominational or private schf)ols in Egypt are brought, as already noted, into touch with the Department of Public Instruction. About one-half of the candidateswho have presented themselves for Examination have, so far, been educated by extra-Government agencies. Moreover, there is a gradual increase in the number of private schools under Government inspection. In his Report for 1898, Lord Cromer mentions, that in one Provincial town rSohag) a native committee recently opened a boys' school and a girls' school, in which the Syllabus prescribed by the Department of Public Instruction for Primary Schools of the Higher-grade is followed, — the girls' school being ])laced under an English head-mistress. Also, a Primary School of the Higher-grade was opened a few years ago at I PUBLIC INSTRUCTION 239 Deirut, pupils from which met with considerable success at the examination in 1897 for the Primary Certificate. Evidence of this practical result of Government Education must be very gratifying to the authorities. Moreover, as I have already stated, even the University of El Azhar applied, in 1897, for the partial services of thirteen masters employed in the Government Schools. What may truly be called National Education is supplied National 11 1 1 11 , Education by the numerous mosque-schools, all more or less under the influence of El Azhar. In 1897, there were 9660 Kuttabs — village schools, attached to mosques — employing 14,421 teachers, whose instruction of the i 8 i ,000 pupils attending these Lower-grade Primary Schools is, for the most part, worthless. Most mosques contain a hall for reunion or public prayer, a fountain for ablutions and another providing drinking- water, as well as a Kuttab for girls and boys. Many of the mosques are well endowed with landed or house-property, the revenues from which (called wakfs) maintain certain servi- tors, readers, teachers, or savants attached to them for prayer and instruction. Occasionally, a mosque may in- clude a school for advanced students in theology, philo- sophy, and science, as well as a library, or, maybe, a kitchen for the poor, a hospital, a botanic garden, a hostelry for travellers and students, etc. In these National institutions, instruction is always gratuitous ; and the pupils who are sufficiently meritorious receive a written authorization to teach, in their turn : not a diploma, properly so-called, but simply a ' permit to teach ' (Jdjazd)} There are, it is scarcely necessary to add, no ordained priests in the popular theocracy of Islam. It seems proper to introduce at this point some reference The wakfs to the Administration of the Wakfs, or ' property in mort- main bequeathed to the Ulema for religious and charitable uses.' The Wakfs are not, as is sometimes supposed, a religious institution, though they administer the entailed lands belonging to the mosques ; and the attempt has often ^ L Instruction Publique en Egypte, par Yacoub Artin Pacha, passim. 240 DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION been made to invest this administration with a religious aspect, in order to keep off the reforming hand of the Infidel. Although originally a kind of Court of Chancery, to which Moslems bequeathed property for administration on behalf of their descendants, in order to keep it out of the grasp of the Viceroys, the Wakfs have in past times been subject to the depredations of Egyptian rulers, who have diverted funds to their own use or boldly annexed land and house property. Since the officials were appointed by the Viceroy, they were apt to become his creatures. As this is now the only native Administration of any consequence, it is not surprising that the Wakfs stand in much need of reform. But it is only within the last two or three years that the Government have taken any steps in that direction. In his Report for 1897, Lord Cromer remarks : ' When the balance-sheet made up at the close of the year 1895 came to be examined, it was discovered that, whilst the accounts showed a large cash balance, there was in reality a deficit ; deposits and other monies held in trust by the Administration had been treated as if they were revenue. ... It has now been arranged that the Wakfs should be divided into different categories according to their nature. . . . The revenue of each category will be amal- gamated. The surplus of one category will be used to cover the deficit of another. The net surplus of all the categories will form a reserve fund. Thus, the accounts will be simpli- fied. The detection of any abuses will be facilitated. . . . Mere audit will not, of course, rectify abuses, which for a long while past have formed the subject of loud and very legitimate complaints on the part of the native population, but it is a move in the right direction.' These reforms have met with general approval by the large majority of the natives of Egypt ; and the Wakfs have in several directions liberally supported national institutions of an educational character.^ ' In his Report for 1899, Lord Cromer refers at some length to the efforts made by the Financial Department to introduce reforms into the Administration of the Wakfs. I quote the following remarks (pp. 48-49) — ' The Administration of the Wakfs (religious and charitable trusts) is still very PUBLIC INSTRUCTION 241 The University of El Azhar, which hitherto has devoted EiAzhar itself chiefly to Scholastic Theology, is still the chief seat of learning in the East. The Principal enjoys a stipend of irEi200 a year. The Professors and teachers receive no salary, though indirectly they may be remunerated in one form or another. The Students, to the number of eight or nine thousand,^ drawn from all parts of North Africa and the East, are grouped under the four Orthodox rites or sects. Of these students, some 2000 are resident, — each nationality having its special quarter in the University. defective, neither is it probable that any thoroughly effectual remedies will be applied to the existing abuses until the Administration is placed, as was formerly the case, under the direct control of a responsible Minister. At the same time, some improvement has taken place since the year 1895, when the Financial Department was authorized to exercise a certain amount of interference with a view to organizing the system of accounts, and devising a plan which would render possible an effective control over the revenue and expenditure. . . . ' The Financial Department, on taking the matter in hand, naturally insisted on the theory being made to accord with the practice. After a strong opposition, which lasted for more than a year, the unification of the accounts of all the Wakfs was effected. Thus, the system was greatly simplified, and the way was paved for the exercise of some effective control over the expenditure. . . . ' On the final closing of the accounts of 1896, which took place in the course of 1897, it was discovered that there was a deficit of ^E27,ooo. This deficit was made a first charge on the reserve fund of the Administration. . . . ' Before 1S97 it was impossible to obtain any trustworthy information as to the financial position of the Wakfs. It can now be said that the main facts are known. A very patient trial should be given to the present system. If even- tually it be ascertained, beyond all manner of doubt, that, under its present con- stitution, the Administration of the Wakfs is incapable of executing those reforms which are loudly demanded by intelligent native public opinion, the adoption of some more drastic measures will have to be considered. Some improvement is, I am glad to say, already to be noticed. The extravagant expenditure on the Central Administration has been reduced from ;^E68,ooo in 1897 to ^^£63,000 in 1899. On the other hand, the amount granted to mosques has been increased from j^E45,ooo to ^£54,000, thus enabling the situation of the Imams and other servants of the mosques, who are for the most part very poor, to be im- proved. The grant to schools has been increased from ^£4000 to over ;^E7ooo. Lastly, the revenue of the Administration is in excess of the expenditure. The accounts for 1898 are not yet closed, but it is estimated that, after deducting special grants amounting to ;^E23,ooo, which were made in 1897 and 1898 to meet extraordinary expenditure, a real surplus of about ^^£13,000 will remain over to be carried to the credit of the reserve fund.' ^ In the period of its highest ascendency, £1 Azhar is reputed to have held 20,000 students within its walls. 242 DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION Children are taught to read and write, and to learn by heart certain portions of the Koran. They are then in- structed in the elements of Islamism. Entering at the age of six or eight, most boys finish their so-called education at the age of ten or twelve. Those who pursue the higher studies' — commentaries on the Koran and Sayings of the Prophet {hadiths), studies in Moslem Law {tattabu, Sunnd), etc. — remain on until they are twenty or twenty-two years of age. Some, from love of study or love of idleness, spend all their lives in contemplating the perfection of the Prophet and all his Works, within the University walls. But those who take their degrees ijnudari or sJieikh, professor or doctor), so to speak, quit the University and enter the world. When I visited El Azhar, with Mr Douglas Dunlop, we had the advantage of being escorted by the ' proctor ' of the University, and the privilege of an interview with the Principal. I shall not easily forget the impression which this strange Scholastic menagerie made on my mind. Groups of pupils and students, of all ages and Moslem nationalities, were squatting on the ground, round their respective teachers and professors. The younger boys were playing, idling, eating, or scribbling on squares of tin which at one time formed receptacles for paraffin oil — an ubiquitous agent of civilization ; whilst the attention of the teachers was given to anything but the supervision of their classes.^ Only the youths appeared to be occupied, more or less, with serious study ; and, of these, the Moorish students alone gave one the impression of possessing intelligence. Picturesque elements relieved the general squalor of the environment : but the confused medley of prayer and play, study and stupor, were in striking contrast, and did not create respect for this renowned seat of Mohammedan learning. Coptic Schools On the other hand, Coptic Education, though a long way behind that in Government Schools as regards both efficiency and discipline, is far in advance of Mohammedan pedagogics. After an interview with the Orthodox Patri- ' One of the teachers was hunting for parasites. PUBLIC INSTRITCTION 243 arch, 1 was shown over the Cairo institutions by VVahby Bey, the Director of Coptic Schools. The principal school, adjoining the Coptic Cathedral at Cairo, accommodates 6oo boys, of whom about 400 pay fees. The course of instruction in Primary Education covers four years, and includes Arabic, Coptic, Arithmetic, Geography, and a foreign language (French or English). There are about an equal number of English and French pupils. In the Secondary course, which embraces two years only, the same subjects are proceeded with, and Natural Science is taken up. The curriculum is necessarily based on that of Government Schools, in order to enable Coptic boys to qualify for the Education Certificate. But I observed considerable laxity of discipline, and noticed the insanitary state of the class-rooms. The pupils, too, appeared anxious to show off: perhaps they were only the show-pupils? There is a large Coptic School at Alexandria. Smaller schools are found also at Cairo and in the principal towns and villages of Egypt. At Cairo there are two schools for girls — one with 150 pupils; and some attempt is being made to extend female elementary education. The yearly average of Copts who are able to satisfy the examiners for the Primary Certificate is, I believe, about forty in number. A large proportion of the Copts are, how- ever, educated in the Schools of the American Mission, not only in the provinces of Upper Egypt, but also at Cairo. During the reign of Mohammed Ali, the foreign com- Foreigrn munities depended largely on the priests of their respective churches for the secular instruction of their children. But between 1840 and i860 — when English Protestant Societies entered the mission field — numerous foreign Schools and Colleges w^ere opened, in order to meet the educational needs of the growing population. The majority of these, or certainly the most important, were French Catholic founda- tions, to which the children of Syrian Christians were sent in large numbers. The American Mission was established in 1854. The Jesuits did not appear until about 1880. French is taught in all these Schools ; Arabic practically 244 DEPART.AIEXTAI. ORGAN IZATIOX in none — if we except the elementary instruction given to Copts in the American Schools. And whilst French forms the medium of instruction in a large number of the institu- tions, English also is widely diffused by the American Mission. The attempt, in Ismail's reign {circa 1869) to establish what were called Free Schools, open to boys of all nationalities and faiths, succeeded for a time : but, of the three Schools established, under Khedivial patronage — at Cairo, Alexandria, and Port Said — the Free School of Alex- andria alone survived at the end of 1887. In that year, the number of pupils in the European Schools of Egypt was 22,764, of whom no less than 15,000 were Egyptians, — an immense increase during the preceding decade.^ It is not my intention to refer in detail to the numerous foreign Schools and Colleges. The Greek and Italian Schools confine themselves more particularly to the educa- tion of children of those nationalities. The others are more sectarian, with objects, more or less avowed, of proselytism. England has contributed very grudgingly and very sparsely to Education in Egypt : and, therefore, the movement now on foot to establish English Schools in Egypt, of a strictly undenominational character, by raising funds for an endow- ment,- should receive the support it deserves. Hitherto, ' In 1875, there were only about 2000 Egj'ptians included .imong the 9000 pupils in European Schools. - Sir Charles Cookson, formerly H. M. Consul-General and Judge at Alexandria, wrote to the Times, under date ist December 1898, a letter from which I make the following extracts : — ' An admirable site in Alexandria is already secured by the liberality of a British merchant in that city, and an influential committee formed there for carrying out the plan. The schools, in accordance with the articles of association, are, as regards their practical management and curriculum, under a board of governors, to be appointed at the first general meeting of share- holders, and composed mainly of the principal British Anglo-Egyptian officials, with Lord Cromer as chairman ; and the education, moral, intellectual, and physical, is to be that of the best British institutions (on the "modern" side) for training boys and men of the middle and upper classes for professions, commerce, and the public service. A considerable proportion of the capital required is already subscribed by natives and residents in Egypt, of various nationalities and creeds, who have shown their appreciation of the value of an English education, and especially one where no religious propagandism will be possible, by subscrib- ing.' The idea of a Joint-Stock Association has, however, been abandoned in favour of an endowed establishment. PUBLIC INSTRUCTION i>45 the Evangelical schools of the American Mission have been the only media of diffusing a knowledge of the English language, apart from the Government Schools. The Catholic schools have always discouraged the study of English. The Mission of the United Presbyterian Church of North American America has met with a remarkable degree of success, particularly from the educational point of view, with which only I am here concerned. Its agencies cover a vast field, embracing the Delta and Upper Egypt (up to Aswan), with a branch at Kosseir, on the Red Sea. Schools, churches, or other agencies are established in the capitals and in the large towns of every Province. The number of schools alone exceeds 120. In 1896, there w^ere, in the Delta, 49 schools, with 1 1 o teachers, and 4900 pupils. In their Report for 1896, it is stated that 'the number of girls' schools has increased from 25 to 35 during the year, and the number of girls in school has increased from 2579 to 3038 ; while the number of boys' schools has decreased by three, and the number of boys in school has decreased by 3 1 6.' One-third of the number of girls, and three-fourths of the number of boys, are in village-schools, the teachers of which are trained in the Central Schools. The remainder receive advanced education. In the Cairo Boys' School, the religious sects from which the pupils were drawn, in 1896, are represented as follows : Copts, 326; Mohammedans, 210; Protestants, 38; and Others, 66. Of the 640 enrolled pupils, 409 paid, more or less, the fees for tuition, which are even lower than those of the Government Schools. The survey I have made of the Educational institutions ConciusioM of Egypt must now be brought to a close. Brief and im- perfect as this has been, it has doubtless exhausted the patience of the reader. But the importance of the subject, from my point of view, will, I trust, excuse the tedious details and statistics which I have been compelled to intro- duce, in order to illustrate and emphasize the relatively high 246 DKl'AHTMENTAL ORGANIZATION success of Educational reforms under the Anglo-Egyptian Administration. (c) Jtistice Historical Whilst purity of Justice and individual equality before etrospect ^j^^ j^^^^. have inspired every department of the Anglo- Egyptian Administration — representing, as these do, the essential elements of Egyptian autonomy and the funda- mental principle of the British Control — the administration of Justice has been hampered by the peculiar local condi- tions, which provide for no less than four co-ordinate juris- dictions in the country. There are Egyptian Courts and European Courts ^ : mutually exclusive factors that present inapposite conditions for the unification of jurisdiction. It is not, therefore, surprising that the Administrations of Justice and of the Interior were the very last Departments to claim our serious attention. In fact, it was not until the year 1890, when Mr (afterwards Sir John) Scott came to Egypt, that our interference in the Department of Justice — limited and restricted as this has always been — first took definite shape. Between the years 1884 and 1889, the Native Courts having entirely failed to deal with the brigandage then pre- vailing in the Provinces, their jurisdiction was superseded by Special Commissions, whose brief mandates were successively renewed, and whose arbitrary and summary jurisdiction amounted to that of Courts Martial. For five years the Criminal Code of the Native Tribunals remained in abeyance, whilst these Commissions of Brigandage, under the Mudirsj or Governors of Provinces, dealt with nearly all criminal offences in a high-handed and barbarous fashion. Control being thus taken out of the hands of the Ministry of Justice and placed in those of the Ministry of the Interior, there was considerable friction between the two Departments of State, arising from antagonism to the essential principle on ' The Courts of Religious Law ; the Native Courts ; the Mixed Courts ; and the Consular Courts. JUSTICE 247 which the Native Tribunals were based : the separation of the Judicial Authorit}^ from the Executive. Mr Scott, on his appointment in i 890 as Judicial Adviser to the Khedive, at once recognised the need of Egypt to strengthen her National Tribunals ; and, with his Egyptian and Indian experience to guide him, he went the right way to work.^ Instead of making a clean sweep of everything, in the manner attempted by the Commissions of Brigandage, he strengthened the more promising elements, whilst ridding the Administration of its most glaring defects and abuses. Then, by degrees, he introduced important changes of detail and Procedure, and entirely reorganized the Native Tribunals. In particular, he extended the system of Summary Justice, instituted Administrative checks, and purged the Native Bench. In a country like Egypt, the Administration of Justice has special difficulties to contend against, apart from the International fetters that restrict freedom of initiative. The success or failure of any system of Justice depends largely on the impartiality shown in the choice of Judges : but appointment by merit was practically unknown before the British Occupation ; and, in the sphere of Justice, this guiding principle has been followed only in the current decade. In a country like Egypt, the Native Bench is peculiarly susceptible to outside influences. At the present day it has gone far to achieve emancipation : but its absolute independence of external influences cannot be confidently expected in the future, unless the higher administrative posts are retained in the hands of Europeans, whose co- operation provides the necessary backbone to the Executive, and whose presence on the Bench inspires the morale and esprit de corps of the Egyptian Judiciary. In a country like Egypt, perjury or false testimony before the Courts is of common occurrence ; and the people are often afraid to give evidence. This reluctance to denounce crime and the tendency to shield criminals necessarily obstruct the develop- ment of reforms. ' Mr Scott was an Appeal Judge in the Mi.Kcd Tribunals from 1S76 to 1882. 248 DEPARTxAlENTAL ORGANIZATION The reforms introduced (1890- 1898) by Sir John Scott into the Administrative and Executive branches of the Judiciary have more than justified his appointment, which originally met with such strenuous opposition. On his re- tirement last year, he had the satisfaction of leaving Egypt, for the first time in her history, with Courts of Law that claim the respect and confidence of Europeans and Natives alike. The Native Bench has been steadily improving. The long-standing friction between the Ministries of Justice and of the Interior has been removed : and there is now more cordial co-operation between the Parquet, the Mudirs, and the Police in the detection of crime. The Parquet are no longer regarded as interlopers, but as the responsible directors of the Judiciary Police. Categories of A study of the latest Returns shows that the diminution of crime is not confined to a few special localities, but is spread generally over the whole of Egypt. In his Report for 1898, Lord Cromer remarks: 'The total number of crimes committed in 1897 was 1437, as compared with 1850 in 1896 — a decrease of 22 per cent. The categories of crime, which depend more especially on the general state of security, and, therefore, indicate the efficiency of the action of the Police, have diminished in still greater proportion. Robberies committed by armed gangs, com- monl}- known as brigandage, have fallen from 51 to 17; robberies accompanied with violence or other aggravating circumstances, from 440 to 280 ; highway robberies, from 98 to 75. As regards the disposal of these latter categories, 25 per cent, were temporarily filed in 1897 for want of sufficient evidence, or failure to discover the perpetrators, as compared with 31 per cent, in 1896. The remainder were sent forward to the Tribunals, where there were 78 j)er cent, of convictions, as compared with 70 per cent. in 1896.' In his Report for 1899, Lord Cromer gives the latest statistics in these respects : — 'The total number of felonies committed in 1898 was 1342, as compared with 1866 in 1896, and 1424 in 1897. JUSTICE 249 Robberies with violence have fallen from 625 in 1895, and 618 in 1896, to 372 in 1897 and 344 in 1898. The number of felonies committed per head of population was I to 5132 in 1896, I to 6607 in 1897, and i to 7075 in 1898. The number of criminal cases which have remained undiscovered for want of evidence has largely decreased, whilst the number of convictions in cases sent before the Tribunals is steadily increasing, thus testifying to an im- provement in the manner in which the cases are prepared by the local authorities.' A complete revision of the Penal and Criminal Procedure Penai and Codes is now being undertaken ; and it is hoped that the former will be revised in the course of 1899. I may add, that extramural labour is one of the leading features of the Egyptian penitentiary system.^ A new Judicial Tariff, which materially reduced legal judicial Tariff costs, came into operation towards the end of 1897. In regard to this reform. Lord Cromer, in his Report for 1899, remarks : ' Far from reducing the receipts of the Tribunals, this measure has resulted in a considerable increase of revenue, the figures being i^Ei i 5,000 in 1898 as against i^Ei 10,000 in 1897. The number of important cases brought before the Native Tribunals has also materially increased. These facts seem to point to the conclusion that the tendency, which previously existed amongst the Egyptians, to bring their suits, if possible, before the Mixed, in preference to the Native, Tribunals, was due to fiscal considerations rather than to any want of confidence in the Native Courts.' In the Table (No. 6) given overpage, I have endeavoured judicial ^ r -^ ... , . Institutions to exhibit the Judicial Institutions of Egypt in their relation to the Ministry of Justice, in order to illustrate the line of initiative emanating from the Central Executive, and to ^ ' In the course of last year a law was passed allowing prisoners sentenced to imprisonment, in default of fine or costs, the privilege of substituting labour in the place of imprisonment. Up to the close of last year, 40,070 persons had claimed to work rather than be imprisoned. The operation of the new system has enabled the Department to close the prisons for "contraventions" (petty offences) both in Cairo and Alexandria.' H >^ o Ui O m O H H H < 3 Q < u H (A D >— » O > E- t^ — = !- c " - od ' ) ^ rt • — - ti - rt S g oW c ^o:^ CO _rt ^ oj 3 -.^ a cial S istanc Advii nbers [ Ital. "o 'S '-^ o '^ M2 'S ^m"^<^ •P ^- C =i 5 b-n;^ c(XH O i! i_ b/) C s o s o w m t: c~* 1> ,r " c i2 c !u r.-zr ^^ -K c ,„ 3 ^ c35:E,5 a, >> even First [Seve: Jud each W 53 c/;'^ S o -J p "> -^ 1 „ •a c 5 ^ '^'^ ^ rt ^gc^S^ »j I^Sjg-^ c D — ^ ^^^'a u, ^•\^ll S c o D 1- C 1 — s- O i= U rt XI "n .■*o- . 1 •c" -'' (/) c . aS'.S . K ;S rt c o bfl <" rt o SSr-^ - -x: e a.-5 _ :9 .2 Po rs: El Euro Egypt rquet all alTr with Inter rt -^ C c« oj ig-S C O P ched Natio lation of th 1 O o rt rt ^ ^ „_^ S'm _ ^ u! ol 3 -I'l: ^ — - u C 1 reau of iminal jtigation Directoi BJO >'5» c o C ri •^ - ,^ OJ o •C -; >>2- a- D -- rt t: o ^ p c rt c 01 12 S; ^ c >- ^ •;C 'J 5 c .2 < i^H — £ >/i rt ^ p-c "^ OJ -5 ""2^- O-a .S rt ■^1B ° .b - _ .^ ■a ,i; rt O JUSTICE 251 indicate their relative inter-dependence. This tabular state- ment includes only the Egyptian Courts and Administrative branches of the Judiciary. The Consular Courts are wholly outside the Jurisdiction of the Khedivial Government ; as also are the Mixed Courts. Penal Justice is still adminis- tered under the rights obtained by Consuls, according to the Capitulations ; and Civil Justice is given to the Mixed Tribunals, in place of Consuls, as regards cases and claims between Mixed nationalities. I have already dealt with these International Courts, in the earlier portions of this work. It will be seen, from a glance at the Table, that the Department of the Public Prosecutor in the Ministry of Justice has direct relations with the Ministry of the Interior; and that the Committee of Judicial Surveillance exercises supervision over the National Tribunals and the Parquet ; whilst the Mehkemes on the one hand, and the Comite du Contentieux on the other, provide for other national and international conditions. Indirect and inter-relations are indicated at the points of juncture. The Mehkemes are Religious Courts, dealing with ques- The Mehkemes tions affecting the personal status of Mohammedans — such as, marriage, divorce, succession, and registration of title-deeds. Into these Courts, the corruption of which has been so notorious, the Government hesitated to introduce reforms, until their hand was forced by the ever-recurring scandals and the public complaints that made interference a necessity. In his Report for 1898, Lord Cromer outlines the situation as follows : ' The quasi-religious character with which the Moslem public invests these Courts has hitherto precluded any attempt at reform. Ultimately, complaints became so rife that it was resolved to re-organize the procedure, to institute a rigorous system of inspection, and to make no new nominations of Judges who had not a diploma from the University of El-Azhar or from the Mussulman Law School (Dar el-Olum), and satisfied the Board of Selection as to their knowledge of Law. New regulations were there- fore presented to the Council of Ministers, and became law. The chief changes are as follows : — Finality of decision is 252 DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION secured by the institution of Courts of First Instance with a single Appeal ; the Judgment is final and executory after Appeal. The power hitherto possessed by the parties to reopen their case after Judgment no longer exists. Judgment by default on the non-appearance of the de- fendant, after due citation, is introduced. Documentary evidence is allowed as proof; whereas oral evidence alone was previously admitted. Registers are obligatory, in which the citation, the substance of the claim, and the Judgment are entered. These registers are subject to periodical in- spection. Execution of Judgments is effected by the ordinary Administrative authorities. The Ministry has the power of constant and rigorous inspection. The Judges (Kadis) are also subjected to the disciplinary con- trol of a Commission presided over by the Minister of Justice.' All these excellent innovations, Lord Cromer adds, are admitted to be within the limits of Mohammedan Law ; and the changes that have been introduced have been warmly welcomed by the public.^ But reforms of procedure will be of little avail unless the personnel of the Courts can be impro\-ed. The Public The Procureur-General, or Public Prosecutor, is under the Prosecutor ■ , . , ^ , immediate orders of the Ministry of Justice. He is responsible for the investigation and prosecution of crime, through his representatives (the Parquet), attached to all Courts of the National Tribunals. For this purpose alone, the Police are under his orders. Formerly, this Department worked badly with the Police and the Mudirs. The members of ' Nevertheless, reform appears to be as far off as ever. Lord Cromer, in his Report for 1899, remarks : ' Unfortunately, there is in Egypt a wide gap between the conception and the execution of reforms. At the time the Regulations were framed, I felt doubtful as to their application. I regret to say that my fears in this respect have been realized.' The Courts have, in fact, displayed a marked dis- mchnation to depart in any way from their traditional methods of procedure ; and, quite recently, appealed, with success, to the intervention of the Sultan of Turkey, as Khalifa. Lord Cromer concludes with the following pregnant passage : ' The reform of an essentially Moslem institution can most properly be undertaken by Moslems themselves. I can only again express my hope that Egyptians of position and influence will, sooner or later, take this matter in hand and insist on the adoption of measures calculated to improve the administration of these JUSTICE 253 the Parquet were young Europeans, many of whom were unfitted for life in the Provinces ; and the Police objected to receiving orders from men whom they regarded as out- siders. Owing to their inexperience of local conditions and their occasional arrogance, the Parquet were for some time unable to work smoothly with the Provincial authorities. Moreover, in the Central Administration, the Public Pro- secutor and his principal assistants were apt to regard them- selves as a Court of Appeal, to whom questions of adminis- tration vv^ere referable, until their duties were more clearly defined and limited. In 1895, the experiment was made of appointing an Egyptian Procureur-General, in place of a French lawyer : but two years later, after a second Native appointment had been made, the office of Public Prosecutor was given to an Englishman, who now holds it. The experiment of depending on Native talent and initiative thus proved to be premature. It is as well, however, to note that the attempt was made. Owing to the negligence of its prime duty, complaint was frequently lodged against the Department of the Public Pro- secutor, that cases brought before the Native Tribunals were too frequently entrusted to a ' substitute,' or junior member of the Parquet, and were not laid before the Courts in a manner to satisfy the requirements of Justice. All this dereliction of duty has now been checked, serious cases being always conducted by a leading member of the Parquet. The confession of a prisoner on the capital charge is no longer necessary to secure conviction.^ Courts. The difficulties, though considerable, are by no means insurmountable. They have been solved in other countries without in any degree infringing the well recognised principle that the Sheria is immutable. I invite the attention of Egyptian reformers to this subject. If the Mehkemehs could be placed on a really sound footing by Egyptian agents acting on the impulse afforded by a spontaneous expression of Egyptian public opinion, it w^ould do more to convince the world of the self-governing capacity of the Egyptians than any of the some- what irrelevant declamations I occasionally read on this subject. Every real sympathizer with Egyptian aspirations— and there are, I am glad to say, many in this category — would heartily welcome the evidence which would be afforded by the conception and execution of a reform of this nature.' 1 The result has been that in 1898 ten capital charges were executed, as com- pared to five in 1897 and four in 1896. 254 DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION The Parquet At every Mudin'a town and at every Governorat there is now a Director of the Parquet, who is in close touch with the Mudir on the one hand and with the PubHc Pro- secutor at Cairo on the other. The Mudir being at the head of the PoHce, the work of the Parquet is greatly facili- tated by his co-operation. And, as the Public Prosecutor is under the immediate orders of the Ministry of Justice, surveillance and control over all the Parquets are both direct and efficacious. The members of the Parquet, being well versed in Law and highly efficient public servants, do know the value of evidence : whereas the Mudirs are incapable of conducting criminal investigations and prosecution. Moreover, they are not open to outside influence ; and they report direct to the Ministry of Justice. Omissions and imperfections in the preparation of evidence for the prosecution are now (since the reorganization of the Parquet in 1895) becoming increas- ingly rare ; whilst time has done much to remove the objections on the score of youth and inexperience hitherto raised against members of the Parquet. Committee of A further check on the Administration of Justice is Judicial •1111,^ r ^ Surveillance exercised through the Committee of Surveillance, composed of five European lawyers and presided over by the Judicial Adviser, under whom are five Inspectors. The powers of this Committee, which was established in 1 891, as a check on the one- Judge system, have been extended to include the work of the Parquet as well as to supervise the decisions of the National Tribunals. ' The superintendence of the Committee,' Sir John Scott explains,^ 'either by its own action or the action of its Inspectors, does not include any change in any decision, civil or penal, that has been given by any Tribunal in the country. Its sole object is, by letter and circular and oral discussion, to maintain purity and sound law.' Its purview extends over the Summary and First Instance Courts only. The Court of Appeal is not subject to its supervision, but remains the Supreme Native Tribunal of the country. p:ach year the judgments of the 1 Egypt, No. I (1896). JUSTICE 255 Tribunals have improved ; whilst the numerous Circulars issued by the Committee of Surveillance have contributed to form a body of jurisprudence of the highest value.^ There are now established in Lower and Upper Egypt : National forty-five Summary Justice Tribunals, on the one-Judge '^'"'''""^'^ system, which hear claims up to ;^ioo, and award punish- ments extending to three years' imprisonment ; seven Courts of First Instance, with seven to ten Judges attached to each Court ; two Contravention Tribunals, viz. one at Cairo and one at Alexandria ; and the Supreme Court of Appeal, at Cairo, in which there are twenty Councillors, ten of whom are Egyptians, eight are British, and the remaining two are Europeans. These represent and include the National Tribunals of Egypt, the Codes and Procedure of which are based on those of the Mixed, or International, Tribunals. They therefore administer a European system of law affecting the bulk of the population.^ The Summary Courts have been greatly improved since 1895 ; whilst the great increase in their number and jurisdiction has sensibly affected the central Tribunals, which, for less important cases, have automatically developed into Provincial Courts of Appeal rather than being restricted to Courts of First Instance, thus reducing the work of the Supreme Court of Appeal to the more serious cases. Suits about land are the most numerous among the cases brought before the Summary Courts, the majority of which involve trifling sums. Therefore, in order to cheapen and expedite litigation, and, above all, to secure respect for the Law by ensuring immediate judgments and prompt execution, great care is taken to appoint competent Judges, with adequate powers of jurisdiction. As the plaintiff wins in about six out of every seven cases, there does not appear to be an undue amount of vexatious litigation in Egypt. In the Courts of First Instance, decision in cases of ' The ' Recueil de Jurisprudence,' established and edited by M. Sharabati, has also helped to make conflicts of jurisprudence of rarer occurrence. " The Judges at the Provincial capitals and at the 45 Judicial centres are all Egyptian, the majority being Mohammedans. An exception is noted overpage, in the First Instance Tribunals. 256 DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION Appeal from the Summary Courts, in all misdemeanours and suits up to £ioo, is final. Graver offences and higher suits are brought at the outset before the Courts of First Instance, appeal from which is carried to the Supreme Court at Cairo. The Judges of these Courts, in order to estimate the value of oral testimony, require to have a thorough acquaintance with Arabic, as well as a sound knowledge and experience of Law. The Courts of First Instance remain, therefore, mainly in Native hands.^ Happily, the School of Law at Cairo is turning out excellent lawyers. The number of European Judges in the Supreme Court of Appeal was increased in 1896 from seven to ten. The remaining ten Councillors are Egyptians. This strong European element increases public confidence : it should go far to remove the obstacles to the unification of jurisdic- tion in Egypt. If amalgamation of all the Judicial institu- tions of the country be ever attempted, undoubtedly the best solution will be found in strengthening and improving the National Tribunals, which, even at the present day, may be regarded as competent bodies. Unity of In regard to this important point, and in view of the fact Jurisdiction that the mandate of the Mixed Tribunals expires (unless it be renewed) on 31st January 1900, I cannot do better than quote the remarks of Sir John Scott, who, in a letter to The Thnes of 13th February 1899, says : ' The public is already aware that the National Tribunals, which must not be confounded with the Mixed Tribunals, of Egypt have so much improved under English guidance that they have now not only won the confidence of the natives in their disposal of all civil native disputes, but they have also shown remarkable independence in their administration of criminal justice. An important question is now looming in the distance and not very far off. Are not these National Courts of Egypt capable of doing all the judicial work of the country sufficiently well to justify the Egyptians in claiming the (ordinary right of every country to administer ' Tlierc are two European lawyers in the Tribunal of First Instance at Cairo, and one in that of Alexandria. INTERIOR 257 justice to all who dwell within its limits ? One half of the members of the national Court of Appeal are foreign judges, though named and paid by Egypt : indeed, all are English save one excellent Belgian lawyer — the Vice-President of the Court is a sound English lawyer — so that there is every guarantee for sound justice. ' Is not the time coming near when England and Egypt might together announce, as France did singlehanded about Tunis, that there is no longer any necessity for a system of international Courts ? ' It would no doubt be necessary, as France did, to increase for a time the foreign element in the Judiciary ; and it would be equally necessary to guarantee all respect to the religious Mahomedan tribunals, whose judges would remain as they are. But all those interested in Egypt would be glad to see the country invested with full judicial power and relieved of the incubus of an international Judiciary composed of English, French, German, Austrian, Italian, Russian, Ameri- can, Greek, Spanish, Portuguese, Belgian, Dutch, Swedish, Norwegian, and Danish nominees of their respective Govern- ments. * Of course this will not be done in the coming year. But the very remarkable progress of the National Courts has brought this question into the range of practical politics.' ( CO H O m O H < H (7) p< Q < Q iz; < ^ o P <; N S t^ < d o •z. ^ 111 o bo 5 1- 20 aj -r 'C 2 != •• i-* r 0: >» " — o to ^ t/; ^ iiSE J ^ ■5 -r--<; O •v. > S rt =?■ O '^ m ■U w ;n Q h 3 cj^ 3CQ S '.-5 O ^2 3 o ft o<0 - C -^ « •=75 C » 0) T3 ■n "^ o o o^ « c o. ■a D >^ • '= O ."^ ^ 9:3. f i; ♦-> ■ — ■ V • Z o " ^ 'X .5 C C OJ w i> Z uw g »^ a -S ^ ■" S - - - - Q -5^ o .S2 •- .^ M bo's),-:, — ' o u g I, bp •S CL. 5 5 § H,"t; Q Q — §32 2 3 V 1> 3 bj .-3 •- . . > ■" ,■ o 5 .5 I > 3 O U ^ .-2 r2 5 ^ 0) .. ■" o -^ 2'P >^ X ii S § 5 -c " Hospital in the efficient state that has gained for it a wide and well- deserved reputation, by a brilliant surgeon, Dr Milton, whose services as Director were, I regret to add, lost last year through another ' ignoble intrigue,' of which he was the victim. When men of high professional standing like Dr Milton and Dr Sandwith are ousted from responsible posi- tions, in which they are able to perform valuable public services, the inference is that there must be something rotten in the State of Egypt. Happily, it is not my duty to diagnose the case. The Kasr el-Aini Hospital accommodates over 400 patients. The extensive repairs and alterations, commenced in 1893, were completed in 1897. It is now a model institution of its kind. There are two Departments in the Ministry of the The Police Interior which deal directly with questions concerning the Police. That concerned with Discipline, to which three Inspectors (two English, and one German) are attached, is presided over by a British official, and restricts its super- being imposed on its importation ; and total prohibition is difficult to secure. The smoking of hashish is therefore widespread in Egypt ; and it is one of the most fruitful causes of insanity. ' The uselessness of treating chronic hashish-smokers again and again,' says Dr Warnock, ' when they are allowed to revert to their vice outside, is obvious.' 272 DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION vision to military matters connected with the Force ; whilst the Department of Public Security, under an Egyptian Director, deals with the wider issues involving the main- tenance of order and the detection of crime, thus coming into relations with the Ministry of Justice through the Parquet.^ I have already stated, that the institution of classes at the Khedivial School of Law for young officers of the Police has had the effect of disseminating elementary instruction resardino; the Criminal Code and the Procedure of the Law Courts. The pay and position of both officers and men have been improved ; and volunteer service is now said to be taking the place of conscription. The latter reform is certainly most urgent and necessary : because, up to the present, the Police have recruited from time-expired men of the Regular Army — those who have served six years with the colours, and who are either drafted into the Reserve or selected by the Ministry of the Interior for service in the Police. This process of selection results too often in a harvest of unwilling policemen — an obvious anomaly : and suggests that some amalgamation between the Reserve and the Police should be sought. Among other advances, I may mention that an Anthropometric Bureau, for the identification of criminals, has been estab- lished. The Egyptian Police Force in 1898 numbered 5689 non-commissioned officers and men, of whom 128 were Europeans (mostly Italians and Austrians) and the re- mainder were Egyptians. Of the 264 commissioned officers, 230 were Egyptian, 14 were English, and 20 were Euro- peans of other nationalities. Prisons The Prisons Administration is under an English Inspector- General, who is aided by three English Inspectors. When Mr Clifford Lloyd created this Department, in 1883, the Egyptian Prisons were in a shocking insanitary state, and were conducted on a barbarous system, which included the application of torture in order to extort confession from ^ Cf. Table No. 6, ante p. 250. INTERIOR 273 criminals. Although hampered by the lack of adequate funds, the Prisons Department has always shown a fair record of work and reform. Not only are the Provincial prisons clean and orderly, but the convict establishments at Tura and Giza are said to be models for imitation ; and convict labour produces a large annual income.'- In his Report for 1899, Lord Cromer states : 'In 1898 the Commissioners of the Debt granted -;^E33,ooo from the General Reserve Fund for the con- struction of prisons. A further grant of £^.26,000 has now been made, to be expended during the current year. I hope it may be found possible to allot an additional ;^E30,ooo at the close of 1899 for expenditure in 1900. If this is done, the main difficulties connected with the question of prison accommodation will have been solved by the close of 1900. The evils attendant on overcrowding will then disappear.' The Reformatory for Juvenile Offenders, which was recently instituted at Alexandria, has been transferred to Cairo, and is working well. The Slave Trade Department is under an English The Traffic ia D Slaves irector. The excellent Convention of 1877 dealt a vital blow at the institution of slavery in Egypt, technically speaking : but it required the Anglo-Egyptian Convention of 1895 and the two Khedivial Decrees of 1896 to render it operative and effectual in the hands of those who intended to enforce its Regulations. If I allude, at some length, to the results of these negotiations, it is because the question of the Slave Trade has again become a serious one for the Government, in view of the opening up of the Sudan to the policy of Egypt : since, in my opinion, this question must necessarily undermine, for some years to come, not only the pacification ^ The convict prison at Giza supplies blankets, linen, boots, brushes, camel- rugs, and other articles for the use of the prisoners and of the Army. Consider- able quantities of stone are quarried by the Tura prisoners, the largest purchaser being the Public Works Department. Convicts are also employed on military ■works, road-making, etc. S 274 DEPARTINIENTAL ORGANIZATION of the Sudan, but also every economic and administrative measure affecting the development and government of a region which hitherto has depended so largely on slave labour and the Traffic in slaves. That, however, is a subject to which I shall refer more particularly when I come to discuss problems in the Sudan. In this place, it is only necessary that I should review the powers placed in the hands of the Anglo-Egyptian Administration for dealing with slavery as an institution. Although the Slave Trade, as such, has been abolished, the institution of slavery still exists : and it must continue to exist, so long as domestic slaves hesitate to avail them- selves of the freedom to which by law they are entitled. * It is sometimes forgotten,' says Lord Cromer, in a recent Report,^ ' that the advantages of the system of slavery are not wholly on the side of the masters. These latter cannot discharge their domestic servants. Custom often obliges them to maintain a large number of slaves, which have fre- quently been inherited, and thus imposes on them an onerous burthen of which, to my certain knowledge, many would willingly free themselves, were they able to do so.' It is evident that, although slaves continue to be smuggled into the country, in small numbers, there is no open Traffic in Egypt. I can personally testify to one source of this supply. During my journey in the Libyan Desert, in 1898, I learnt that the innocent date-caravans from Siwa, in charge of Mojabra, who are notorious slave-traders, habitu- ally smuggle into Egypt boys and women — but principally boys — who are introduced as their own relatives, and are either sold in the country or are shipped to Constantinople. Siwa is still a distributing-centre for slaves from Jalo, arriving from across the Sahara : and the obstacles which the Sheikhs of Siwa placed in my way, in order to prevent me from penetrating to Jarabub, were, I believe, conceived with the object of concealing the Slave Trade of Jalo (about which we have no definite information), however much they were insjjired by their fanaticism as followers of the ' Egypt, No. 1 {1896). INTERIOR 275 Senussi Mahdi.^ Whereas, formerly, a woman fetched ^40 in the open markets of Egypt, they are now worth only about £10, owing to the risks incurred by their purchasers. Because, when domestic slaves enter a household, they soon learn that their freedom may be procured simply by claiming manumission papers : but they never apply to the Authori- ties until they have first obtained the promise of employ- ment elsewhere, or have contracted marriage, with a view to bettering their position. Thus, there is no real hardship in this form of domestic slavery, as an institution, which is scarcely to be distinguished from the domestic slavery of Mayfair.2 What might easily become an organized labour-traffic in Labour-traffic j Egypt — little better than the Slave Trade — is the system so i widely in vogue for supplying domestic servants, owing to the Slave Trade having been suppressed. The Fellahin will not send out their daughters as servants, having use for them at home ; and besides, the women all marry when they are quite young. Many servants are imported from the ALgean Archipelago, from whence Greeks bring young women, whose mothers entrust them to their care, being persons well-known to them ; and who are introduced as servants into the best Turkish and Egyptian families. These domestics, under their agreement, receive £2 a- month as wages, of which their agent claims his due share, towards the extinction of the debt contracted be- tween them : and, in about two years' time, the girls thus obtain sufficient capital to enable them to return home, if they wish to do so. But, as there is no supervision over this traffic- — -in which not only Greeks engage — abuses occasionally occur, by which women are decoyed into dis- reputable establishments. Resort to the Consuls, or Consular 1 Cf. 'From Sphinx to Oracle,' by Arthur Silva White. (Hurst & Blackett : 11899.) The Senussi are professional slave-traders. ! 2 I heard an amusing story of a smart little Negro slave-boy. His original master 'disposed of him no less than four times, in rapid succession. Each time the lad escaped from his purchaser, and, having obtained a manumission-certificate, re- turned to his first master, to whom he was really attached. Finally, the trick was discovered ; and the master was awarded two years' imprisonment. Il 276 DEPARTxMENTAL ORGANIZATION Courts, appears to be the sole safeguard against breach of contract or personal injury, in a traffic of this kind, which niioht easily degenerate into one of which we have certain knowledge in Belgium and elsewhere in Europe. The main differences between the Convention of 1895 and that of 1877, as defined by Lord Cromer, are as follows : — Conventjouo' 'The punishmeuts which can be awarded to the pur- " chaser and to the vendor, according to their several degrees of culpability, have been clearly defined. Moreover — and this is a provision of considerable importance — the head of the family is rendered responsible for the acts committed by the inmates of his hari'm. Even if no actual complicity on his part can be proved, he may be fined if a slave is intro- duced into his hari'm, whether as the result of purchase or exchange, by any member of his family or by any of his dependents. 'Under the Convention of 1877, offences connected with slavery- and the Slave Trade were tried by Court-martial. This procedure was quite justifiable at the time the Con- vention was framed. In 1877, no Civil Courts, in which confidence could be placed, existed in the country. Such, however, is no longer the case. . . . For the future, the jurisdiction hitherto exercised by the Courts-martial in Egypt Proper will be vested in a special Tribunal composed of five Judges chosen from the Egyptian Court of Appeal, The decisions of this Tribunal will be final. The procedure to be adopted is set forth in one of the Decrees issued on 21st January [1896]. In the Red Sea (except at Suez), and in the territory subject to Egypt lying to the south of Aswan, slavery offences will, as heretofore, continue to be judged by Courts-martial. ... In transferring to a Civil Tribunal the jurisdiction heretofore exercised by the Courts- martial, it has been thought desirable to insure the presence of an luu-opean element in the constitution of the Court. It has, therefore, been provided that, of the five Judges, " two at least shall be Europeans." As a matter of fact, the Europeans will, under the present constitution of the Court of Appeal, be either (jf F:nglish or Belgian nationality.' INTERIOR 277 The Egyptian Government contributes ;^E300 a-year towards the support of a Home for Freed Women Slaves, which the British Anti-Slavery Society established at Cairo fifteen years ago, and which has rendered excellent service in providing employment as domestic servants for women who have obtained their certificates of freedom. As it has not been thought desirable to abolish the legal Repressive status of slavery in Egypt — under which a manumitted slave- ^^^*^*'°° woman may not, by the Koranic law, contract a legal marriage without the consent of her former master — an additional Article was appended to the Decree of 2ist January 1896, by which owners refusing such consent render themselves liable to imprisonment (six months to three years) or to the imposition of a fine (jCKs^ to i^E30o). In effect, therefore, the complete abolition of slavery may be said to have been introduced into Egypt, and to be surrounded with sufficient safeguards for enforcing as much or as little of the law as the Government shall deem expedient. Being in the hands of European experts and Judges, it is perhaps wiser to allow them latitude in these respects, rather than to tie them down to blind and fanatical enforcement of an uncompromising Code providing for the abolition of the legal status of slavery, such as the short Indian Act of 1843. For twenty years past, Slavery as an institution has been moribund in Egypt Proper : and it will die a natural death when our Western civilization shall have been assimi- lated into the body politic. So far, the new Regulations have worked fairly well. Manu- mission bureaux have been established in the Provinces ; and many hundreds of slaves annually claim and receive certificates of freedom.^ The prosecutions of 1894, which were mainly directed against the then President of the Legislative Council, proved to the country that the Govern- ^ In 1897, manumission papers were granted to 450 male and 350 female slaves. The number of slaves liberated during 1898 was 334, of whom 170 were men, and 164 women. Domestic slavery in Egypt Proper may, in fact, be said to be rapidly disappearing. 278 DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION ment made no distinction between persons infringing the law. The Regulations for the control of native vessels trading in the Red Sea are said to have met with little opposition on the part of the owners and captains of dhows. After the retrocession of Kassala to Egypt, the Slave Trade Department posted lOO men of the Camel Corps at that spot, in order to intercept slave-caravans passing through the country of the Beni-Amer Arabs (who have always sup- ported the Traffic) to the Red Sea Coast near Agig, whence slaves are known to be exported to Arabia in Arab dhows.^ The real trouble will arise when Courts-martial in the Egyptian Sudan are set up to deal with the Slave Trade in tho.se regions : for, unless wide discretionary powers are given to the agents of the Anglo-Egyptian Condominium, it will not be ea.sy to pacify the country or to develop its natural resources, ' In regard to the Arabian Traffic in slaves, Lord Cromer, in his Report for 1899, gives the following information : ' A few cases of kidnapping occurred in Upper Egypt during the past year. The boys and girls are taken down to the Red Sea Coast, transported to Arabia, and there sold. I am glad to say that, in some instances, the children were recovered, and the guilty parties brought to justice. It is, however, very difficult to trace the individuals who perpetrate these crimes. They generally belong to the Bisharin or Abaljdeh tribes. Since the reconquest of the Dongola Province more Sudanese have found their way into the Aswan district than was formerly the case. The children become an easy prey to the numerous Arabs who are con- stantly on the watch for a favourable opportunity to kidnap them. There can be no doubt that the traffic in slaves is aided and abetted by the owners of boats who come over from the Arabian coast for the ostensible object of pearl-fishing. I am drawing the attention of the Governor-General of the Sudan to this point. There is also no doubt that the Rasheida tribe, who live in Italian territory, take an active part in the traffic. It is believed that about 50 to 100 slaves are im- ported annually into the Ilejaz from the coast north of Massawa. They are princii)ally Abyssinians, with a few eunuchs. The information on this subject in possession of the Egyptian Slave Trade department has been communicated to the Italian authorities. ' There is no difficulty in finding a sale for slaves in Arabia. At Jidda there are twelve slave-merchants. Their names are well known. I am informed that the price of slaves is : for a male or female of 14 years old, about ^16 ; from 14 to 20, from ;(f20 to Czi^ ; from 20 to 30, ^^30. In Mecca and Medina the prices are about 50 per cent, higher. Eunuchs fetch from £,?>o to ;if lOO.' INTERIOR 279 § Decentralized Organization The Governorat of Suakin, the Mudin'as of Nubia Angio- (formerly the Frontier Province) and of Dongola are admin- fSTn"'" istered by the Mihtary Authorities. The Egyptian Sudan — • formerly the Khalifa's Dominions, and now under an Anglo- Egyptian Condominium — is at present administered by the Military Authorities, with British officers as Governors, Commanders, etc. None of these districts are as yet pre- pared to support a purely Civil Administration : their development in that respect is a work of time. Here, in this place, their bare mention, as appertaining to the functions of Government theoretically belonging to or emanating from the Ministry of the Interior, is all that is necessary. The detailed and comprehensive survey which I shall undertake in the sections dealing exclusively with the Sudan will, I believe, go far to establish the proposition, that the group of territories lying to the south of Wadi Haifa, in the Nile Valley, may be regarded as an expansion of Egypt Proper — almost as a Colonial Possession — rather than as a mere extension of frontier. The Egyptian Sudan is, in my view, sharply dissociated, both physically and politically, from the principles that underlie the economic development and political administration of Egypt Proper : and it were as well that this distinction should be recognized at the outset. I cannot conclude this sub-section without making some The Egyptian reference to the Egyptian Press, if only for the reason that, in the Ministry of the Interior, there is a so-called Director of a Bureau affecting to deal with Press matters : although there is no external evidence to indicate that his position is other than ornamental. There are a good many journals and periodical publica- tions produced in Egypt— fully thirty. Fifty per cent, of these are issued in the vernacular ; and, of the other moiety, one-half appear in the French language. There is only one 280 DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION daily newspaper published in English^: and this — The Egyptian Gazette — is partly recapitulated in French. The remainder are Greek and Italian papers. With few exceptions, these journals are not worth the paper they are printed on, though they usually sell at one piastre, Tariff (2 id). With few exceptions, they are all anti-British, or Nationalist, or, as regards the Greek and Italian issues, more or less colourless. The Egyptia7i Gazette^ published at Alexandria, is the accredited English organ : but, from the editorial point of view, it is surpassed in merit by Le Progres, which also supports the ' Maison Britannique.' The third pro-British organ is the Arabic journal, Al-Mokattani. The Turkish Agency subventions El-Moaiad, its principal mouthpiece, and a sorry crowd of rags in the vernacular. The Palace faction supports, and not infrequently inspires, some of the most rabid prints in the country. The French faction — I had almost written, Agency — subventions the remainder of the Anglophobist journals. The British Agency — although it has the reputation of acting similarly — not only withdraws from the scurrilous newspaper campaign, but treats the Press with profound contempt. Only when personal animadversions transgress even the boundless license of the Egyptian Press, do British officials, in their individual capacity, occasionally insert a dementi. Need of a P^rauce having refused, after having promised, to sanction a Press law — the need for which was too obvious, in con- nection with the suppression of the BospJwre Egyptien — matters have been allowed to take their course. That course is the sedulous circulation of the most malicious falsehoods and of the most grotesque misrepresentations concerning Great Britain and British policy in Egypt. No doubt, many of the Arabic editors believe that they are sup- porting Nationalist principles in opposing the continuation of the British Occupation ; but the reckless diatribes in the French press, which often are reproduced in the vernacular, ' There is also an English weekly print, The Sphinx, confining itself to social news and gossip. PUBLIC WORKS 281 have no such excuse. And although it is true, that there is no public opinion, properly so called, in Egypt, nevertheless it cannot be to the advantage of British prestige and in- fluence that the native population should be nourished on such mental garbage. In short, in the absence of a Press law, there is much need for a sound English organ, with French and Arabic supplements attached to it, which should take up an independent position — in the sense that it should be free from official patronage — and deal with Egyptian politics in a more authoritative and capable manner than that exhibited by the Anglophile journals. True, our good deeds speak for themselves : but even good deeds may be wilfully misrepresented and their motives misinterpreted. And, although it is no less true that the bulk of the popula- tion is immune from politics and wholly ignorant of the political situation, it would in many ways be better to have the masses with us rather than stolidly indifferent. Not that it is possible for the Fellahin, with their limited horizon, their incapacity to understand our ideas of progress, and their dormant, if torpid, fanaticism against all Infidels, to be wholly on the side of the foreigner, as against their former ' Turkish ' taskmasters : but, by protecting them against seditious intrigue and sowing the seed of enlightenment, we might do much to advance our mutual interests, which depend so largely on peaceful and prosperous conditions. Egypt is a country in which a rigid Press censorship would be more than excusable, on account of the subversive foreign elements which undermine law and order and claim license at the price of freedom. (e) Public Works In the earlier sections of this book, I have dealt so ex- haustively with the important subject of Irrigation — which bulks so largely in the Ministry of Public Works — that nothing remains to be considered here except matters of Administration and a few of the contingent Services. Sir William Garstin, the Under-Secretary of State, practi- Central cally controls this Department, to which he has rendered ^ H CO U3 F CQ o eat Rese under Bi complel u o _ O >^^ sr Egyp nd four ctors). The (Whol [to a,ra .— a; bo Sa 2 5 Q Si rt.i3 •sW ±1 ^ D.^^.f •2 c H.^ — — -- »*-. fl) ~ dJ ^ S2j -"■^ is .Offi g I'll <; X o w5 PUBLIC WORKS 283 such distinguished public services. No British official has taken greater pains to educate his Native subordinates, and to recognize and advance native efficienc}- in the higher ranks of the Administration. In Table No. 8, it will be seen that the Heads of Department in the Central Administration are all Egyptians ; and that Native engineers and officials occupy responsible positions, as Inspectors of Circles of Irrigation, and as Directors in the Department of State Buildings, etc. In the Technical Service, too, an Egyptian succeeded in 1897 to the control formerly exercised by an Englishman, who was promoted to the post of Inspector-General of Towns and State Buildings, with satisfactory results. In the Central Executive, a Frenchman occupies the position of Secretary-General ; and one of his countrymen is the Director-General of Antiquities — a Department which con- tinues to rest more or less exclusivel}- in French hands. Finally, the highest and most responsible offices in the Irrigation Service are necessarily held by English engineers. Major Brown, as the Inspector-General for Lower Egypt, and Mr Wilson, as Inspector-General for Upper Egypt, have rendered valuable services to Irrigation. The total Expenditure, on the Irrigation Budget, which Budget varies considerably from year to year, amounted in 1897 to over ;^900,ooo. At the close of that year, the Caisse granted ^E 5 3 0,000 for the construction of two weirs, or supplementary barrages, below the Great Barrage at the head of the Delta, which, it is hoped, will be completed in 1 90 1. Towards no Department of State does the Caisse show greater liberality, since reproductive public works constitute a first charge on the savings of Egypt, and pro- duce over cent, per cent, on the sums thus expended. The great Reservoir scheme will not affect the General Budget until the works are completed in 1903. Relief of the corvee is provided through funds contri- The Cow^e buted by the Government and b}^ the Caisse} Bearing in 1 In 1897, the Government granted ;,^El39,i87, and the Caisse contributed jf £249,994. 284 DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION mind that, whenever a High Flood occurs, the number of men called out on corvee must be enormously increased, to meet a pressing danger to the country, the following figures are interesting : Years. Number of Men for ICX3 days. Character of Flood. 1888 58,708 Very Low. 1889 49,904 Medium. 1890 48,488 j> 1891 44,962 j> [892 84,391 Very High. 1893 32,752 Low. 1S94 49,448 High. 1895 36,982 Medium. 1896 25>794 j> 1897 11,069 Low. 1898 19,405 High. Thus, the total for 1897 was about one-fifth of that for 1888, and about one-third of that for 1893. In his Report for 1897, from which these figures (with the exception of last year's) are taken. Sir William Garstin remarks that : ' The labour which has been bestowed in past years upon the strengthening of the Nile banks and the repairs to the Nile culverts, has undoubtedly largely assisted the attain- ment of the satisfactory results recorded for 1897. Better arrangements for the checking of the numbers, and for pre- venting men from being called out to guard portions of the banks which are safe from danger, have now been made. The Mudirs and the Inspectors of Irrigation have worked cordially together to attain this end, and I hope that even the low figures given for 1897 may be gradually reduced.'^ Unfortunately, the Flood of last year (1898) was high, and raised the total number of men called out. ' Report on the Administration of the Irrigation Department for 1897 : Cairo, PUBLIC WORKS 285 The Government Arsenal, under an English engineer, is The Technical now entirely self-supporting. In 1897 the value of the ^""" work executed was over iJ^E2 1,000. The Government steamers are kept in repair by the Arsenal, which also turns out work for all the Departments — from a scavenger's cart to a shell for the Artillery. In the important duty of inspecting and licensing engines, which often are placed in charge of ignorant natives, the Department has hitherto met with scant success, owing to the obstructive action of the Mixed Courts.^ The Drawing and Mapping Offices, under two French Drawing and chefs du bureau in the Inspectorate-General of Irrigation, offi^r^ produce work that compares favourably with that of Euro- pean cartographers. This Department has hitherto received a grant of from ;£^E3000 to ;^E4000 per annum to meet all the expenses of surveying and production. The hydraulic maps are very satisfactory ; and the offices are well man- aged ; but the triangulation survey of the Delta has proceeded rather slowly. The Drawing and Mapping Offices have now been amalgamated with the new Survey Department under an English Director. Lord Cromer mentions, in his Report for 1899, that all Survey the different Survey Services — viz., the Revenue Survey, the Topographical Survey, the Geological Survey, and the Drawing and Mapping Offices of the Public Works Minis- try — have been united into one Department and placed under the direction of Captain Lyons, R.E. This is an admirable reform, the need for which I had previously emphasized : and I conclude that the Survey Department is officially attached to the Ministry of Public Works.- ' ' The law regulating the licensing and examination of engines in Egypt is in a most unsatisfactory state. The Law Courts, when an engine proprietor is brought before them for infringing rules which aiTect the public safety, fine him, as a maximum, 10 piastres (2s.), and refuse to stop his engine from working. Proceedings are consequently at a deadlock. A Commission is now sitting to revise this Law. It is to be hoped that the Mixed Courts will agree to some changes. Accidents constantly occur from the bursting of steam-engines : until the Law is amended, the Public W^orks Department is powerless to stop their occurrence.' — (Lord Cromer's i?e;/^^r^ for 1899, p. 30.) 2 Since the Geological Survey derived its budget from the Ministry of Public Works, and the Cadastral Survey (for Revenue purposes) was conducted by the Ministry of Finance. 286 DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION The Geological Survey, under Captain Lyons, was origin- ally undertaken to serve the Government as a guide in '^ranting concessions ; and has, from the first, been inti- mately connected with the Ministry of Public Works in such operations as boring for water, testing building-materials, preparing a complete set of Standard Weights and Mea- sures, etc. Each of the Surveys has, in fact, been initiated for some specific and urgent object, and has depended on a capricious budget. The result is, that the Geological Survey — having only a three years' grant — has been very much handicapped.^ By Midsummer 1899, a Reconnaissance Survey, with Geological data, will, nevertheless, be completed for the whole of Egypt Proper (up to Wadi Haifa), including the Oases. A Geological Museum is now being built to house the numerous specimens, samples of building-stones, etc. As no Egyptians could be found to undertake surveying in the desert, all Captain Lyons' assistants have been young Englishmen, whose work, considering the difficulties and drawbacks, has been very satisfactory. The work of this Department will now be more uniform and more closely supervised than formerly was possible. The different staffs being interchangeable and under one common head, economies will be introduced and overlapping avoided. It may even be hoped that some day money will be found for the measurement of a base-line in the Delta. Public Great inconvenience is experienced throughout Egypt in^'s fj^^,jj^^ ^Q ^Yie want of suitable public buildings. As Lord Cromer remarks, in his Report for 1899 : ' It is impossible to meet the ever increasing demands of the various Depart- ments in this connection. At the same time, year by year, .some improvement takes place.' Thus, during 1898, ^E7 5,000 was spent on the new Law Courts in Cairo, ' Undue expedition had to be made. The surveyors were compelled to con- struct a topographical map before being able to plot their own data ; and they had to be trained in this work, whilst at the same time having no inducement to remain in the Service, as the employment was not permanent. These disadvan- tages, and the restricted periods during which work can be carried on in the desert, interposed serious obstacles. But, happily, Captain Lyons is a man of indomitable energy and fertile resource. WAR 287 and on prisons, hospitals, district offices, and other pubh"c buildings. By the end of 1899, it is expected that the Law Courts will be completed, as well as the new Quaran- tine buildings at Tor, for the construction of which a sum of i, £40,000 is available. (/") Foreign Affairs It is hardly necessary to state that the Foreign Affairs of Egypt are the special concern of her Majesty's Government. The Egyptian Minister of Foreign Affairs acts simply as the medium of intercourse between Foreign Diplomatic repre- sentatives at the Court of the Khedive and the Government of Egypt, and as intermediary between that Government and foreign Powers. For all practical purposes, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is a bureau of the British Agency. At the same time, although Lord Cromer may have instructed the Egyptian Minister in the terms of an identic despatch, he himself is visited by a copy of it, which he receives in his capacity of Consul-General. Such little touches of humour go far to brighten the political situation in Egypt, Sir Alfred Milner has pointed out,^ that the prosperity of Egypt in the old days advanced in inverse ratio to the number of Blue books published on Egypt. The extreme brevity of my reference to the Department of Foreign Affairs may equally be regarded as a sign of its effective Administration. There can be only one head in the direc- tion of Foreign Policy. {g) War The organization of the War Office is wholly English. Organization All the high Administrative offices and the contingent 1 Commands are held by British officers in the Egyptian Army. In no other Department does the British Control enjoy the same absolute freedom. The Sirdar is supreme : though he is liable to receive general instructions from her I Majesty's Agent and Consul-General. His Highness the j Mn ' England in Egypt,' to which work I am indebted for the basis of my historical retrospect between the years 1882 and 1892. O H < Q < Q < < O Pi! H U.2 C, , C S w = ° S •5 •-= ^ c c C C oO J2 o "• 4^ _> ,c ■c5 3 1«'3« D u > ffi ■5 3 M C se U> ^ -o *j a> ■3 <;o '5 rt a. J3 3^ a S W "tJort ai ■d a w ^ •a c ffi tM c c ^ 0) -a ^ < D ? bf • — I > ."3 B % ^-^ 73 :h- O C ■•5U WAR 289 Khedive is the Titular Head of the Army, or Commander- in-Chief. The Sirdar is the Executive Commander-in- Chief; and, as such, he controls the entire Organization and Administration. The Adjutant-General is the second in command. The Head-Quarter Staff of the Egyptian Army is under Administration an English Adjutant-General, with Senior Native Officers as Heads of the Arabic and Recruiting Sub-divisions, The Director of Military Intelligence deals direct with the Sirdar, and has relations also with the Adjutant-General. Under his cognisance come also the semi-military Administrations of Sinai and the old Frontier Province.^ For purposes of Administration, the reconquered country is divided into the Provinces of Dongola, Berber, Sennar, Kassala, Khartum, Fashoda, and the Governorat of Sudkin, over which the Sirdar, as Governor-General of the Sudan, exercises supreme control. The Egyptian Army is now quartered almost entirely in the Sudan. In Table No. 9, I have indicated the composition of Table the War Office and the principal Departmental Agencies of the Head-Quarter Staff, etc The Sudan and the Army organization are now so interwoven, and the future require- ments of the reconquered Provinces are so obscure, that it would be premature at the present transition-stage to attempt to give any definite details. There are, at present, 1^2 British officers and 47 British EstabHshment . , r,- 1 (European) warrant and non-commissioned officers on the permanent establishment of the Egyptian Army. The War Office also employs 20 Europeans as engineers, of whom 1 3 are British, 4 Italians, 2 Austrians, and i Greek. One English- man is employed as a schoolmaster ; and there are two French clerks and one Italian. The Finance Department of the War Office divides its Budget Budget under three heads : ( i ) the Ordinary Budget, which may be taken at under ;{^E 5 00,000 ; (2) the Military Ex- ^ Before the recent Campaign, the purely Civil Administration extended to Esneh only. The Frontier Province, for military purposes, remains at present under the Sirdar. Sinai is as before. It would be rash to speculate as to what the eventual organization will be. T 290 DEPAllTJMENTAL ORGANIZATION penditure of Suakin, amounting to about ^£84,000 ; and (3) the Military Expenditure of the Sudan, — a variable quantity. In regard to the last-mentioned Budget, the system adopted is to debit the Sudan with the extra military expenditure, over and above the normal figure, due to the re-occupation of the country. The total increase in the War Office Budget for 1899 is estimated at about ^^£36,000. The Army (including the Army of Occupation) costs about ;^E8o6,ooo. Details in regard to the Sudan Budget will be given in Part IX, Section iv, of this work, dealing with the Anglo- Egyptian Condominium. The total Sudan deficit, which will have to be borne by the Egyptian Treasury, is estimated at about ^^£332,000 for the year 1899. Historical The task of organizing the Egyptian Army, on its dis- bandment at the end of 1882, was entrusted to Sir Evelyn Wood, who, with a handful of British officers to co-operate with him, demonstrated, in a marvellously short space of time, that the Felldhin were capable of being turned into good soldiers. The Egyptian army, which hitherto had been a by-word for cowardice and ineptitude, made such progress during the brief period intervening between its reorganization and the Nile Campaign of 1884, that it was entrusted with the responsibility of guarding the long line of communications to Korti and with garrison and transport duties. Its fighting qualities were, however, never tested until, in 1885 — when the British troops were withdrawn from Dongola and a Frontier Field Force, under Sir Francis Grenfell, the new Sirdar, was organized to replace them — Egyptians and British troops fought side by side in the severe action at Ginnis. Having on that occasion given proof of its capacity to stand up against Dervish onslaughts, the defence of the frontier, which was then fixed at Wadi Haifa, was entrusted entirely to the Egyptian army, which' had been powerfully recruited in its best fighting elements by the organization of several Sudanese battalions. Two years later, the last detachment of British troops, which had been held in reserve at Aswan, was withdrawn. WAR 291 Shortly afterwards, in the Summer of 1889, the Egyptian Force on the southern frontier of Egypt, having sustained an almost constant guerilla warfare with the Dervishes operating from Sarras, and thereby having obtained the necessary training and self-confidence, was enabled to meet the serious invasion of Egypt led by the redoubtable Dervish emir, Wad el-Nejumi, who, in that year, penetrated into Egypt Proper at the head of many thousands of his daring and fanatical followers. General Grenfell, with strong reinforcements, having hurried to the relief of the Frontier Force, the Anglo-Egyptian army threw itself across the line of the Dervish advance : and, at the battle of Toski, dealt a crushing blow, resulting in the annihilation of the enemy, in the death of their principal leaders, and in the destruction of the Dervish power as a menace to Egypt from the south. In the Eastern Sudan, the investment of Su^kin was re- lieved and Osman Digna's power broken up by the victory obtained over the Dervishes at Afafit, in 1891, which enabled the Sudkin garrison to re-occupy Tokar, the only available base for the enemy's operations in that region. In both these decisive engagements, the Felldhin battalions, under their English leaders, showed steadiness under fire ; while the Sudanese regiments displayed those splendid fighting qualities for which they are distinguished. In April 1892, Sir Francis Grenfell was succeeded in his command by the present Sirdar, Lord Kitchener. General Kitchener, as he was at that time, had had ten years' experience of the Egyptian army : and probably no man better knew its capacities and limitations as a fighting- force. Through his vigorous administration, aided by an ever-increasing number of British officers, whose experience of the country and of their individual commands was in- valuable, the Egyptian army developed, under the new regimental system and more encouraging conditions, a discipline and an efficiency which have since proved capable of meeting the severest tests. In the Sudan Campaign of 1 896, the Egyptian army was not too severely tried ; but in the later phases of the Campaign, especially in the final 292 DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION dash on Omdurman, it responded to every call on its endur- ance, fire-discipline, and pluck. Thus, in the short space of sixteen years, the Egyptian army has been converted from a mere rabble into a well organized and highly efficient fighting-force through the energy and devotion of its British officers and drill-sergeants,^ The EgTptjau The Egyptian army now numbers over 20,000 men of "°^ all arms. Indeed, in the absence of statistics — which re- cently have been withheld — one might venture to estimate its numbers at 25,000, officers and men. There arc 12 Fell^hin battalions of infantry, and not less than 9 Sudanese regiments. The cavalry, artillery, and camel corps are also recruited from the Felldhin, who, in the aggregate, must number fully 14,000 men of all arms. The Sudanese battalions have been powerfully recruited from the ranks of the Dervishes, who swarmed into the Anglo-Egyptian camps after every victory, and of whom fully 700 took part in the attack on Omdurman. So that, in estimating the Egyptian army at 25,000 men, I am probably well within the mark. Officers Four of the Felldhin battalions are entirely officered by Natives ; the remainder have British commanders and officers. Egyptian officers are also given the independent commands and exclusive charge of half the camel-corjjs companies and half the cavalry squadrons ; the other moiety being officered by Englishmen. All the Sudanese battalions are commanded by British ofl!icers. One-half of the officers of these Black regiments are men promoted from the ranks. ^ In his Report for 1 899, Lord Cromer makes the following remarks on the Egyptian army : * The military events of the past year must have removed whatever doubts heretofore prevailed as to the value of the Egyptian army as a thoroughly efficient fighting machine. Those erents are so well known that it is unnecessary for me to dwell on them. Where all did so well, as in the recent campaign, I almost hesitate to draw special attention to the achievements of any one portion of the Anglo-Egypiian force. At the same time, I cannot refrain from alluding to the change of front executed in the face of the enemy by Colonel Macdonald's brigade at the battle of Omdurman. This movement has justly elicited the admiration of competent authorities. It could only have been accomplished successfully by highly trained and well-disciplined troops. I doubt if the annals of war contain a more striking instance of the advantages to be derived from constant exercise in the barrack-yard and on the drill-ground.' WAR 293 The Sudanese can rise to the position of adjutant-major (intermediate between major and captain), which confers the rank of field-officer and entails the duties of adjutant ; and, although technically illiterate, they make smart officers. Egyptians from the Militan' School can rise to the rank of Colonel ; and many of them, especially the younger men, become excellent officers and administrators. They are recruited principally from the Turkish, Kurdish, and Cir- cassian families of Egyptian middle-class society. British officers join the Egyptian army with the rank of bimbashi (major). As the medium of intercourse with their Native subordinates is Arabic — the words of command being given in Turkish — the first duty of an Anglo-Egyptian officer is to acquire a knowledge of that difficult language.^ Promotions and staff-appointments are made by selection. No doubt, there Is a certain amount of grumbling among Egyptian officers, who are passed over by young subalterns fresh from England : but, in view of the serious issues at stake — until, in short, the Khalifa had been ' smashed ' — it was not safe to venture further in the experiment of plac- ing responsible commands in the hands of Natives, who hitherto had been found somewhat deficient in self-reliance and lacking in initiative. In the recent Campaign, the British and Egyptian units Brigade of the three arms (cavalry, artiller)', infantry) were brigaded together for active service in the field. The two Divisions of infantry were organized in six brigades, each of four battalions ; and the cavalry and artiller>' of both armies were placed under the direct orders of the Sirdar, as the General Officer in Command. The Camel Corps and the I 3 gunboats were also under British commanders. Thus, all arms were harmoniously combined, and worked without friction, although British troops were under the command of the Egyptian Sirdar. 1 Official correspondence between English officers is, of course, carried on in ' English ; but, between them and the Native officers or non-commissioned officers, Arabic is employed. Orders are given out both in English and Arabic. The senior Native officer is responsible to his British Commander, or Bey, for the interior ecorwmy of the corps. 294 DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION Recruitment Conscription, uiidcr the Recruiting Law,^ is always going on. The Felldhin conscripts are taken as they are required : e.£:, during one year recruits of, say, 19 years of age, and during another year those of 2 i years of age, are selected. But whilst conscription is universal, the relatively small numbers required admit of judicious selection being made ; and there are also many exemptions : ^.^., those physically unfit, only-sons of widows, Bedwins, and large numbers of Arabs descended from those families specially exempted in Mohammed Ali's time, who have not amalgamated with the Fellahin population. The Sudanese regiments are recruited from all parts of the Sudan — volunteers and conscripts : more particularly, from the pure Negro tribes of the Upper Nile — the Shilluk and the Dinka, who are born warriors. The terms of service for Felldhin are six years with the colours, and six years in the Reserve or in the Police ; but for the Sudanese, the period of service is indefinite. No doubt, this is a great tax on the manhood of Egypt : but, in order to reduce the period of military service, it would be necessary to double the staff, so as to give recruits an adequate amount of drill and training, against which there are financial as well as inherent objections. Until the Sudan is thoroughly jjacified, Egypt has need of an efficient army. The h'ellahin recruits are strong and well set up. The Sudanese are lanky, with narrow shoulders and weak chests, but ver)^ wiry and active. The former are quicker at their drill than the latter, and even take a delight in it. But at Aswan I saw a Sudanese regiment, which had been only nine months in the ranks, go through their skirmishing drill with remarkable precision and smartness. § Army of Occupation Although the Army of Occupation is entirely independent of the Anglo-Egyptian Administration, its presence in the countr}- does undoubtedly set free large numbers of the l''gypt'''in Army which otherwise would be employed on ' Recruiting Law of 26 March 18S5, modified by the Law of 12 June 1889. I TRADE AND COMMERCE 295 garrison duty. Moreover, Egypt contributes about ;^8 5,000 a-year for its maintenance. This, under normal conditions, supports an establishment of about 5,000 men — three regiments at Cairo, two at Alexandria ; Artillery, Engineers, Army Ordnance and Service Corps, etc. Of recent years, more cavalry have been introduced. There is a strong garrison at Alexandria ; but the greater number of British troops are stationed in or near Cairo, where they hold the principal strategic positions.^ The Officer Commanding the Army of Occupation has his Head Quarters and Staff at Cairo ; and he maintains direct relations with the British War Office. He and the Officer Commanding the Alexandria Garrison have the rank of Major-General. (//) Trade and Covivierce The increasing prosperity of Egypt may be accurately gauged by an examination of the Statistical Returns which I append to this sub-section. The Department of Customs has had many difficulties to Historical 1 • 1 1 1 11 1 • • • r Retrospect contend against : but, under the able administration ot Caillard Pasha, an Englishman, many of these obstacles have been removed. Ejrance, Russia, and Denmark have, however, not yet signed or adhered to the Commercial Convention which Egypt has negotiated with other countries ; and are consequently under the old Capitulations and Regu- lations (Turkish), which are of no practical use to the Egyptian Administration, as they do not permit of any punishment in cases of fraud against the Customs. Of all the reforms instituted by Mr Caillard, the first and most comprehensive of which was the entire reorganization of the Administration in 1880, none have had a more direct and immediate effect on the increase of Revenue than the Convention concluded with Greece, in 1884, regulating the 1 Namely, in the Citadel, at the Nile Bridge, and at Abbassia. In 1898, there were two regiments at Cairo (one at the Citadel, one at the Nile Bridge barracks) ; while, out at Abbassia, there were one battalion of infantry, Lancers, and Artillery. The Alexandria Garrison then comprised only one battalion of infantry, a detachment of Artillery, and details. 296 DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION introduction of Greek tobacco, and the abolition in i 890 of the old raftieJi system, under which Turkey escaped the duties on imports. These three reforms have largely con- tributed to the growth of Customs' Revenue, apart from the normal expansion of Egypt's foreign commerce. Further- more, Mr Caillard has the merit of having raised the Tobacco revenues from /^E 120,000 to over ;^E i ,000,000. The enormous increase of the receipts derived from tobacco is more particularly due to the measures instituted in 1890, which provided for the suppression of the native culture of the leaf, the increase of the import-duty from 14 to 20 piastres per kilogram (or is. lod. per lb.), and the establish- ment of a monopoly for the importation of Turkish and Persian tombac. The Tobacco revenues in 1898 amounted to ;i^Ei,o8i,ooo. The export of cigarettes (chiefly to Germany, the best customer, and to Great Britain) reached over two hundred millions in 1897 — a figure that was attained in 1898 by Cairo exporters alone. The culture of tobacco is prohibited in Egypt.^ As a natural corollary to the increased duties on tobacco, the Coast Guard Service had to be reformed and strengthened, between 1881 and 1884, and particularly in 1890. Cruisers watch the maritime frontiers ; and a dromedary corps patrols the deserts, whence also a good deal of hashish is smuggled into the countrj' — particularly from the Libyan Coast. As regards the Convention with Turkey, whose trade with Egypt now equals that of France, the Egyptian Treasury at once gained a revenue exceeding ;^E6o,ooo. Formcrl)-, exports destined for Egypt paid duty to the Ottoman Treasury on leaving the Empire ; and Egyptian products consigned to Turkey paid duty to the Egyptian Treasury on leaving the Suzerain country. But, as Turkish products imported into Egypt were much more important than Egyptian products exported to Turkey, the Egyptian Treasury was the loser by this raftieh system. Turkish goods on entering Egypt now pay import duty in common with that imposed on the goods of other foreign countries. ' I!y the Decree of 25th June 1890. \ TRADE AND COMMERCE 297 The Tables illustrating this sub-section— which, for con- Trade Returns venience' sake, I append together — have been compiled or abstracted from Egyptian Government Reports. In order to secure uniformity, for purposes of comparison, I have taken the year 1897 (with one immaterial exception) as the latest, because for that year I possessed the necessaiy data. With these Tables before him, the reader will have no difficulty in arriving at a true general conception of Egypt's foreign commerce. Here, consequently, I may con- fine myself to comments on Its characteristic features. The increasing value and volume of Egypt's foreign Com- Vaiueand 1 • <-¥-• 11 T T-i r T-> Volume of merce may be seen in Table I. The excess of Exports, Trade which is subject, year by year, to the ordinary fluctuations of demand and supply, but particularly to the falling prices [y. Table VII) obtained for her staple products — cotton and sugar — is not necessarily a sign of increased prosperity. The depreciation of values, both on account of exports and impo-ts, has been enormous ; but it has been met and over- come by the steady advance of agricultural development, under which the population has increased its area and methods of production and its capacity for purchasing foreign goods. Formerly, an undue amount — fully one- half — of the exports went to satisfy foreign creditors and to meet the interest on the Debt ; but at the present day Egypt enjoys a direct return in respect of fully two- thirds of her exports. The growth and character of the imports indicate an augmented purchasing-capacity, on the part of the agricultural population, derived from surplus resources, dating from about the year 1890.^ ^ The increase of Imports in 1897 was due chiefly to Textiles, in which Great Britain so largely shares. British goods formed 33 per cent, of the total Imports in 1897, as compared with 31 per cent, in 1896. But the decrease in 1897 of the volume of Egyptian Trade was due to the falling-off in the value of her Exports, as a result of the low prices that prevailed. The new National Bank, under British direction, which enjoys the right of note issue, should materially aid the development of commerce. The Bank has been granted the privilege of issuing promissory notes payable on demand. These notes are not legal tender : but they are received in payment of Government dues. Following are their values : P.T.SO ; ^El ; /Es ; ^^Eio ; ;^E5o ; and ;^Eioa 298 DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION Egypt's best The principal Classes of Imports and Exports may be customer^^the gggj^ jj^ Table II, which illustrates the dominant share of Kingdom Qj-g^i; Britain in the foreign commerce of Egypt. But, whilst this dominant share is still maintained, the propor- tionate share in the volume of Trade has notably decreased : a fact which goes far to prove that, apart from keener com- petition, Great Britain does not use her position in Egypt to monopolise foreign Commerce. In the years immediately preceding the British Occupation, the United Kingdom monopolised the Trade of Egypt (Imports and Exports combined) to the extent of 57 per cent, of her foreign Com- merce ; and in the year 1891, this proportion had fallen to 54 per cent.^ It is now no more than 42 per cent, or about five times that of France. We still take about one- half of the Exports of Egypt, and supply her with over one-third of her Imports : a proportion that has been main- tained for many years past. Our exports to Egypt have increased from ;!{^E2, 5 36,000 in 1889 to ;i^3,976,ooo in 1898. But all countries trading with Egypt have shared equally in the advantages, whilst several have acquired a much greater proportionate share, derived from the financial and economical prosperity of the country. The value of the jute sacks imported in 1898 was nearly ;^E40,ooo greater than in 1897. These sacks are now imported almost entirely from India direct, whereas a few years ago Great Britain sent from one-quarter to one-third of the whole. rtherSntries ^^^ general conditions of Egyptian Commerce, and the extent to which foreign countries participate, may be seen in Table III. After Great Britain, the principal customers of' Egypt are France, Turkey, Russia,^ Austria-Hungary, and the United States of America. The trade of Belgium and! of Germany is, however, undergoing very rapid expansion, as may be seen partially in Table VIII. In 1890, Belgian Imports amounted to only £1 15,000 ; in 1897, these were ' C/. Milner's 'England in Egypt,' p. 263. ' There was a considerable increase in the value of exports to Russia in 1897,! owing to the fact that the quantity of cotton consigned to that country was nearly' half as much .ngain as in the year 1896. TRADE AND COMMERCE 299 worth i^5i3,ooo. In 1890, Imports from Germany were a mere trifle — ^65,000 ; but in 1897, these accounted for no less than ;^307,ooo. The principal Belgian Imports are iron and steel manufactures, machinery, china, and porcelain. The chief German Imports are iron and steel manufactures, machinery, textiles, haberdashery, china, and porcelain. Formerly, those branches of trade, or most of them, were almost monopolised by Great Britain.^ Belgian and German machinery undersells the higher-class goods manufactured in England, because price rather than quality is the principal concern of the Felldhin ; and the Egyptian Railways show- no greater discrimination in many of their contracts. In cotton and sugar, the staple products of Egypt, larger Depredation of yields and growing exports have had to contend against falling prices, to an extent which, but for the extension and improvement of the Irrigation system, would have seriously crippled the State Revenues. This condition of affairs is illus- trated in Table VII. Although the cotton crop has doubled and the sugar crop has nearly trebled since 1882, the average price per kantar^ has fallen to an alarming extent. The increased yield now hardly compensates for the fall in value, because, as the supply of Egyptian cotton and sugar enlarges, prices become so low that the export is constantly checked.^ There has been a considerable increase in the importation Competition of flour, chiefly from France and Russia. The average annual importation of this article from 1881 to 1892 did not exceed 5,000,000 kilog. In 1896 (when there was an abnormal demand) it had risen to 70,000,000 kilog. ; but 1 In 1897, the total value of Textiles imported into Egypt was ^3>6i4>853, of which ;i^2,288,330 fell to the share of the United Kingdom. In the same year, the total value of Metals and Metal Goods imported was £i,iS7'°9^> o. which England's share was ;^474,30i. The figures in 1896 were— Textiles : ;^3,l48,75o (U.K., ;i^i, 952,704) ; Metals and Metal Goods: ;^i, 150,258 (U.K., ;,f392,424). The figures for 1898 are given, in Egyptian currency, in Table II. 2 I kantar = 98^ lbs. ^ Thus, in 1897, there was a reduction of ;,^i,o66,9io in the value of Exports to Great Britain, owing to the low price of cotton, of which England took only about the same quantity as in the previous year. 300 DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION in the following year there was a decrease, French flour, supported by bounties, has to a great extent supplanted the native article : and many mills in Egypt have in consequence been closed. En revanche^ Egypt is greatly improving her export-trade in fruit and vegetables, which, although it may not rival that of Algeria, has risen from ;^E34,ooo in 1889 to ;^E70,ooo in 1897. Moreover, certain articles of Egyptian manufacture {e.g.y butter, soap, refined sugar, and alcohol) are now competing with foreign products. Ninety per cent, of the sporting-guns imported into Egypt in 1 897 were of Belgian manufacture ; while only 5 per cent, were of British origin. These cheap ^ and well- finished guns, whatever their quality may be, meet the modest demand of the Felldhin and Bedwin ; and they find a ready sale because many of them bear trade-marks ^ designedly intended to make the purchaser believe he is buying an English-made gun, the reputation of which is widespread. But our own manufacturers are too high and mighty to compete in this line. Trad«-marks ' During the last few years,' Lord Cromer comments, in his Report for 1898, 'some important decisions have been obtained from the Mixed Tribunals regarding the fraudulent imitation of trade-marks, concerning which no special law exists in Egypt. A good deal of discussion has from time to time taken place as to the desirability of passing a special law. Apart, however, from the peculiar difficulties which beset every attempt at general legislation in Egypt, 1 think it is now almost universally held by those who have paid attention to this subject in Egypt, that such legislation is on the whole unnecessary, and perhaps even undesirable. Owing to the judicial decisions to which I have alluded above, protection can now be obtained without difficulty by the manu- facturers or owners of articles bearing special trade-marks.^ > Prices vary between 1 1 francs and 45 francs. Such as ' London,' ' Damas, London,' and even ' Birmingham, London.' 3 The imports chiefly imitated are bottled beer (British and German), French cognac, Italian liqueurs, cutlery, patent medicines, many ' proprietary ' articles, manufactured tobacco, and, indeed, most articles bearing well-known trad-e- marks. TRADE AND COMMERCE 301 , . . A registry of trade-marks is now established at the Tribunals.' A few leading and well-known British firms send out Commercjai 'J* ra V cll c rs their agents to study the Egyptian markets. These are, no doubt, first-rate men ; but they travel expensively, and do business only on a large scale. German travellers, on tlie other hand, and even French, are ubiquitous. These enterprising agents travel cheaply, and study native wants and peculiarities very closely ; moreover, they are very accommodating, and take no end of trouble to give satis- faction in small orders. Competition being keen, prices leave a very narrow margin of profit. English goods being expensive, and English manufacturers stiff and un- bending — even indifferent — German and Belgian agents are everywhere underselling them. This is particularly notice- able in the supply of engines,^ pumps, etc., the demand for which has greatly decreased since the extension and improve- ment in the Irrigation system. But in Egypt, as elsewhere, the lack of enterprise on the part of British manufacturers has been the same : it is only in higher-priced goods that they hold their own, for the most part. A British Chamber of Commerce was established at Chambers of Commerce Alexandria in 1896. French, Austrian, and Italian Chambers have been in existence for some time. The British Chamber, though a late arrival, has already justi- fied its existence ; but, if it is to promote British trade with Egypt, it will require substantial support on the part of those manufacturers at home whose interests it endeavours to advance. The French Chamber enjoys a Government subvention and has a large non-resident membership ; but the British Chamber is crippled for the want of funds.^ The Customs' Duties are one per cent, ad valorem on customs' Revenue all Exports, and eight per cent, ad valorem on all Imports, ^ Belgian and French engines are sold at a price which is incompatible with tbe use of the best materials : but they come within the purchasing-power of the Fellahin proprietors ; and, being neatly finished, they sell very readily. Life is cheap in Egypt. * Cf. Egypt, No. 2197 (Annual Series) 1897. 302 DErARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION excluding tobacco, wliich, as already mentioned, is subject to a uniform tax of 20 Piastres (four shillings) per kilog.,i irrespective of its value. The cost of collection of the Customs' Revenue is in the proportion of 3 "6 2 of the gross receipts. The progressive growth of the gross Revenue of this Department may be seen in Table V. The Reports published (in French) by the Directorate General are com- prehensive, accurate, and uniform, — in contrast to those issued by some of the Departments of State, which too often fail in these respects. Port of Table IV. illustrates the relative share of the Egyptian Alexandria ^g^.pQi-^g ij-j t^g Foreign Commerce of the country. Fully ninety-three per cent, of this Trade passes through Alexandria. A Return of all Shipping entered and cleared at the Fort of Alexandria, in 1897, is given in Table VI. The proportion of British tonnage was 47 per cent, in 1896, as compared with 43 per cent, in 1895. The pro- portion of British tonnage in 1897 amounted to 49 per cent. of the total steam-tonnage, — there being no British sailing vessels. The total number of vessels which entered the Port of Alexandria in 1897 was 2203 (of which 657 were British), as against 2132 in 1896; and the total tonnage amounted to 2,267,120 tons (1,034,019 tons being British), as against 2,123,951 tons in the previous year. During this period, Briti-sh steamers showed an increase of 59 vessels and 99,569 tons. In 1898, 43 i per cent, of the total number of steamers were British. Compulsory pilotage is now imposed ; and an increasing number of steamers enter the harbour by night. The gross receipts of the Port were ;^E 13 7,000, in 1895 ; ;6^E 14 1,000, in 1896; and ;^E 150,000, in 1897. In 1898, the net receipts were about ;^E8ooo in excess of the previous year (the gross receipts not being stated). But the number of berths available for loading and discharging cargo no longer suffice for the accommodation of the rapidly increasing s. lol. per 11)., or about one-half the English duty on tobacco. TRADE AND COMMERCE 303 traffic. Permanent extension of the quays will eventually become necessary. In regard to this question, Lord Cromer makes the follow- ing statement in his Report for 1899 : — ' The want of quay accommodation, and the imperfect arrangements which have heretofore existed for unloading ships, have recently formed the subject of very legitimate complaint on the part of the mercantile community of Alex- andria. As in the case of the railways, the development of the port has not kept pace with the growing prosperity of the country. A project has been drawn up for the enlarge- ment of the port, but the estimated cost, which is from ;;^E 5 00,000 to i^E/oOjOOO, is, for the time being, prohibitive. In order, therefore, to provide for the most pressing needs, it has been decided to spend «^E8o,ooo from the General Reserve Fund on increasing the width of a portion of the mole from 20 to 90 metres, thus giving a larger amount of storage-room for coal, and' on erecting machinery for the more rapid discharge of colliers. These vessels are now only able to discharge at the rate of 400 tons a-day. With the new machinery it is calculated that they will be able to discharge at the rate of 1 000 tons in 12 or 1 4 hours. These improvements will lead to an economy in the number of berths now allotted to colliers, and will thus increase the space available for general shipping. But the relief afforded will be insufficient to meet the ever-increasing demands for port accommodation. It is to be hoped that, at no very distant date, it will be possible to deal more effectively with this important subject.' Alexandria has more than ever become a British port Khediviai since the sale of the Khediviai Steamships to an English Syndicate, who are now constructing a graving-dock — the only one between Malta and Bombay. These Postal Packets ply between Alexandria, Constantinople, Syria, and Red Sea ports. For many years past, the revenue derived from these Govern- ment steamers had been steadily declining.^ For that reason, ^ In 1890, the gross receipts amounted to ;^E 140,000. In 1897, these were only ;^E78,ooo. 304 DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION and because the Government had not sufficient capital to pur- chase new steamers, or even to execute necessary repairs, the whole concern was sold in 1897 to an English Company for ;^E I 50,000. An important part of this arrangement, and one that influenced the Government, was that the Com- pany should construct, within four years, a dock 600 feet long, 60 feet broad, and 26 feet deep. Thus, the Port of Alexandria and International commerce will be benefited ; and although the State Revenue will be reduced by about ;^E8o,ooo annually, this loss will be compensated by a similar reduction on the Expenditure side of the account In his Report for 1899, Lord Cromer remarks : Investment of ' For some ycars, after the Occupation of Egypt, but little oreign capita j^j-jj^j^j^ capital Came into the country. This was in some measure due to want of confidence in the political future. In the meanwhile, foreign capitalists sought with some eager- ness for Egyptian investments, and often with success. * A sudden and complete change has now taken place. A very marked disposition has recently been shown to direct the tide of British capital towards Egypt. The tendency is to be welcomed, but inasmuch as in most cases the com- pliance, and in some cases the assistance, of the Government is invoked, a grave responsibility rests on the latter to avoid encouraging any unsound, ill-considered, or purely specula- tive projects. Whilst the influx of British capital into Egypt may do a great deal of good, if it is directed into healthy and really profitable channels, it may, on the other hand, do much harm both to the country, to Egyptian credit, and to the bond fide investors themselves, if the contrary is the case.' Thus, Lord Cromer characterizes one project, in its pre- .sent aspect, as * distinctly unsound.' He says : ' During the last few years, several proposals have been made to the Egyptian Government with a view to establishing cotton manufactories in Egypt. At present, I need hardly say, Egyptian cotton goes to Europe — mostly to Manchester — paying a 1 per cent, export duty, and is re-imported in the form of yarn and ])iece-goods, which pay an 8 per cent. TRADE AND COINIJMEllCE 305 ad valorem import duty. There can be no sort of reason why the Government should oppose any proposal which involves placing the home-made on precisely the same footing as the imported goods. On the other hand, it would, for obvious reasons, be detrimental to both English and Egyptian interests to afford any encouragement to the growth of a protected cotton industry in Egypt. This is what the proposals so far made involve. Whether the industry can thrive without protection is a point on which I am not qualified to express an opinion.' British capital is now freely entering Egypt. It has not only provided the means for carrying out the great Reservoir scheme,^ but it is also invested in larfre suear estates in Upper Egypt, in the Khedivial Steam Packets, and other ventures. Our material interests in Egypt have consequently been enhanced. It is not possible to discover the extent to which British and French capital, or foreign capital generally, is invested in the country. French capital has been confidently intro- duced, because, in spite of the Chauvinists, Frenchmen have recognized the permanent character of the existing situation. But now that a start has been made, and every year signalizes the consolidation of British interests in Egypt, it cannot be doubted that British capital, which does not hesitate to plunge into adventurous schemes in all parts of the world, will take advantage of the safe and remuner- ative openings provided by the healthy development of Egyptian resources. This revival of public confidence has had another remark- investment of 1111 Ti^ -i-T-) r o native capital able development. Lord Cromer, m his Report lor 1899, further remarks : ' Simultaneously with the influx of British capital into Egypt, to which I have alluded above, a somewhat remarkable change has taken place in native public opinion. Heretofore, native capitalists have, with some rare exceptions, invested their money almost ex- clusively in land. Recently, however, a strong disposition 1 The actual amount of British capital involved in this scheme ie, I believe, not more than about two millions sterling, because the Department of Public Works will provide the remainder out of its available funds. U 306 DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION has been shown to seek for investments in industrial and commercial undertakings. The change is on every ground to be welcomed, and the tendency may be encouraged by the Government stipulating, in respect to all such under- takings as are in any degree under its control, that a certain proportion of the share capital should, in all future cases, be reserved for the local market' This tendency exists notably in respect to all commercial projects brought forward under British auspices : with the result that the Government are called upon to exercise ' great caution, with a view to avoiding any semblance of encouragement to enterprises of a doubtful or highly speculative character.' Limited The present condition of the law in Egypt renders it Comparies somewhat difficult to avoid the appearance of conveying approval on the part of the Government to commercial or industrial enterprises. Lord Cromer, who discusses this matter at some length, in his Report for 1899, says : ' The very great practical difficulty in the way of enacting any law which shall be binding on all the inhabitants of Egypt, whether European or native, has up to the present time prevented any attempt being made to bring the Egyptian practice in connection with this matter more into harmony than is at present the case with that of countries in Europe. But the subject is now under consideration, and I may add that the difficulties which beset its treatment are not, I think, altogether insurmountable. In the mean- while, it cannot be too clearly understood by investors both in Egypt and in Europe that the mere fact of a prospectus appearing with the phrase ' Authorized by Khedivial Decree ' or similar words printed on it merely signifies that certain formalities prescribed by the law of Egypt have been fulfilled. The use of this expression does not necessarily imply that the Khedivial Government, or its British advisers, assume any responsibility whatsoever for the absolute ac- curacy of the facts stated in the prospectus. Still less does it imply that the proposal laid before the public is one which will receive pecuniary support, or even encouragement, from the Government' TRADE AND COMMEUC K :U)7 § Statistical Tables The following Tables illustrate the foregoing sub-secticjn on the Trade and Commerce of Egypt : — wW •j-i C^ r< o O 00 r^ rovo -* O ro ■* ro m — c<-)0O — "I ^ COM -^m^orot^ u-iOO ^ Lri On '-'^ l~C ■"-T >-r\o"od i^ ro .vO O '^':l--^t^I\0 OOO ■-• w-i M -^vO ■* CO On On 0» i-Th-rcTrr-rfrrrorrrfro s? M n ivO t^ t^ onnd lO — lo fvi "^ "^ ^^^^^ ''O'^^ "1^ 't! ^ ci i-" O" On lAvo'vO -^ "" O^oo" >< r) ri ►- On ** M n r^ O CO On t^ rO 0^ OnOO CO On O^ O cTro-^i-rrrrorrfTi-ror n •* rONO "^ 1-1 O t^ 1-1 CO f^ O CO " cooo ON OnnO -^ -nOnO ON" r^-+cori ONco ri cooo" onncTco "^ " -T o' 00 > Onoo" rC tC •^ONOO fJ On'+i-iCO OnOn Ond OnOnQ t^LOtJ-it^ON CO o " r^ '^co n r^ (o c) W i-ri (> cK i->~ u-> r^v^ rf i-T rC Sj ci -t- O NO NO 1-1 ci Lo ci r^ ^i-ou-ir^r)NO ONO O ONt^ CO CO c-T i-T i-T pr rf i-Tco" O* OnQ 0NOfl-*0"^ON0 r^NO ON>J~ii-rir^i-0'J->0\0 t:}- « ►, f^l -» -f- ON 'tf-NO On OnncT crNcT t-CocT CO >-n CO PI NO n M " " 't p) oo NO '^ cooo coco iJ-i O Lo O ONNO pT i-T pr i-T CO pP "-T rP -T pf O CO o Lo r-^co CO NO NO CO P) O "-o 1^00 " coco On i— p; 1--^ -tJoo^^no^ "^^^ O^ "„ "^ W i-h'~ pT p? pf On i-Too^no" cood^ V? PI CO CO OnOD -r|- t^ t^ lO >-< ^ CO PI NO CO t^ coco CO On ^ pp CO pr i-T pT CO CO "" i-"" o ONOO O >-i ONPlOOi-iu^cO OnnO ^ CO CO ONCO "^ On 1- NO PI nO " CO t^ LO i-oco^ 1-^ W O'co -? ONNfT On pP — "no" ^ ViJOnloloO QOO QnO --no NO O ONl^coco-t;C>ONO_ rf >^ ^ cono" >-0 lo CO CO CO r^NO LO ':J- CO PI " O ONOO On On ON On On On On OnCO 00 COCOOOCOCOCOCOCOCOOO % o H pi o X w Q H o Cl, (73 w < 3 <-; t/) I— I oJ t/0 ^-% o PL, b/3 (U o 1 ^ Pi u I— I » c-a Tl- - On rf 'A PO ^:? PI — CO r^ l^ r->. «^ «• ■o ' - 'O »A o %^ CL. W 3 *rt 00 "^ CO t^ O oo > ^» NO r^ p< u^ 00^ - PI n M PI pr CO 'A — — PI ^ « •* LTN CO r>. & pT CO t» < •o !i £ s ON NO "nnO no O ri nO ri r^ CO ■■ On CO WO On M O = T3 O On NO O 00 no" ■^s t^ u-i - -rco t^ NO O^tN. ^ On -a . pr CO w H OS O P. S |« H^ 3 "> PI CO PI o -^ ^- "- ri t^ wo On l^ ri rj- — r^ WO — V CO i^ OnnO vO ki^ rt t^ 00 00 ^ »« « p^ "t Pl^ •* ro 00 _f U) •—1 « CO — ' CO O M < 1 (I] • r-'^ ^ 'J ^_^ fl> rt r-^ ^- ° ^ c« 3^ « • ,_^ • < O -:3 - ^— J r^ c -^ o ^ 1 O 1 > tables, I ilding) a ivoodwor o p 2 t o H o «J 3 T ^ « iS, Veg (for b ports— es . s and Articl z < rtT3 X ^ o ^ w C3 4^ O 308 DEPARTJMENTAL ORGANIZATION TABLE III. Valuk of Merchandise imported, exported, in transit, and re-exported during the Years 1896- 1897, with Countries of Origin or Destination. Country of Origin or Destination. Total. Imports. Merchandise Tobacco. United Kingdom Brit. Medn. Possns. . Brit. Possns. in Far East Germany , U.S. America . Austria-Hungary Belgium . China and Far East . Spain France French Medn. Possns, Greece Italy . Morocco Persia Russia Switzerland Turkey Other Countries Grand Totals ri897 •\i8 6 /1897 •\I8^6 1-1897 U896 ri897 •\1896 ri897 •U896 ri8u7 •\1896 (1897 •\1896 /I897 •I 1890 (1-97 •\1896 .('18971 •U896 / 1897 I 1 1 896 J /1897 • L1896 (1897 •\1896 (1897 •\1896 [1897 •I 1896 [1897 • L1896 (1897 • 1 1896 (1897 •I 1896 fi897 •I 1896 ri897 •\1896 £^ I 10,144,601 10,663,025 i35>992 123,084 587,422, 618,500! 807,901 683,882: 1,097.323 1,013,285 1,248,4691 1,341,117! 533,996 488,740 136,509 96,708 277,249 297,463 2,343,272 2,517,415 34,319 40,728 128,132 102,713 846,1; 50 717,704 49,543 30,840 38,495 64,647 2,114,574 1,845,215 434,972 488,002 2,450,47s 2,472,707 561,872 424,323 23,971,666 24,030,098 £^ 3,536,425 3,053,854 114,518 103,005 496,572 523,444 299,551 281,756 118,072 78,156 752,433 697,108 500,2821 457,823 99,2951 78,1091 2,488 1,865 1,205,917 1,291,932 31,198 32 375 37,678 44,968 417,129 332,468 49,541 30,321 29,137 52,639 378,462 371,162 27,372 19,986 1,534,535 1,538,972 451,549 327,153 In Transit. («) I Re-ex- Exports. portat on £-E 3,040 1,976 5,343 6,046 216 224 91 70 1,542 1,341 5,016 4,776 333 225 7 15 6 12 272 188 7 52,058 38,885 713 704 2 6,586 6,275 729 658 j445,207 449,842 1 350 I 271 £^ 597,429 556,403 58 61 480 335 10,082,1541521,518 9, 3'7, 096:511, 508 69 701 433 75 45 333 926 822 61 185! 210 139! 1,3301 I,2I9j 2,4781 525 1,906 1 3,5941 114 5,932,078 6,972,681 8,407 8,9261 64,248 68,674 ! 418,600 325,928 970,620 927,8741 459,208 610,931 27,624 25,9721 26,258 12,619: 274,217 I 295,472 j 1, 1 16,708 1 1,208,7991 2,662' 7,179 21,414! 15,326 417,676 370,905 £^ 75,629 78,111 7,666 5,046 25,906 25,803 89,659 76,059 7,089 5,914 31,111 27,869 5,757 4,645 10,904 5,632 53^ lU 19,44^ 15,67-! 45: 1,17: 16,92 3,34! 10,82: 13,48! 17! 341 1,442 4,449 1,732,913 1,473,080 403,090 463,4751 3,88 362,481 ,106,34 6 72 44, 3,78 385,561 81,574 53,916 94,73 28,28 42,89 605,738 12,321,220 441,0^ 564,302: 13,232, 108 405,0^ (a) Including tobacco, tombac, and cigars. TRADE AND COJMJNIEUCE .SO 9 b/) O H C< o f-l l^ On < on w C/J VO u- ON o CO CJ 03 V3 r-| rt t/j OJ (U > > r^ nJ -t-J (D hn ^ '— a W -13 U Pi a, W >» ^ S bJD o (.^ u o D \^ (J o U w s > p < n '^ U w H < o > < c o Ovo li-j-^oo O ""l-Tf VO M- *^ W'>O-|-00O^Tl- w • • * On M i-H w ^rt \0 ro 00 i5' 1— 1 o X. i-T to a. -t o P) M w >- -t- -t 1 nOmoOOnvOu-jOmvO p- oo O 00 . j O^VO -^l^vo M M rOi-i Q so o M O i2 , . VT) lo cT d" (n" ^ w c?; i-C ocT N P< 1-1 k4 o rT M l-i N X fs ro ro N M ro cT ro 1 l-l M ^ 'c^ W O >0 VO O r^ 1^- • CO ri c _ ro O 2'« 1 S? °^ "-L '^ '^„ ^ ^ ■ ■ ■ ■ t^ ro VO "^ c O lo O VO VO lO VO »o 6 N-^wOMfDrOi-i 00 00 i r-rT VQ VQ to Tj- r-^ LQ fo to T\ vd~ VO t^ 1-^ hT i-T vo" "O^ H O lO lO I g w w j O ON r> M 1 lO -^ to to i2 ^ o Q. Q> O O f^voN MOO rrivo'^vO ro Tl- VO a vO'O fOM iH rOior^PJ O VO O VO ON Tj ro q_ 00 00_ M^ On CO M3_ ^ rO ro ro "„ o^ c n! W vor^rOwi-r-^M''-^rotO VO ro c? r~ ^ t^ O VO VO vO vO CO 1-1 o O ro 1-4 1 lU oo" oo" o" S ^ H-t vorO^OONVOt^OOOvO O t^ M VO 00 M -rl-OO rOO\00 OO row ^ M VO Cv 1 hi CO voCO rocO O vovoCO M vO_^ Tf VO O 1 < W cT ds o" CO CO hT o" "-T d" -+ t^ VO 1-^ O 1 H V? vOCOONWh-mDCOMw t-^ ro : ^ Ov O 1.^ tHi 1— ' hH ro -"i- M M ' W N r^iO i^>0 t^vo <~-'0 r-vo r^ VO *^ VO OnOnOnOsO^OnCTnOnOnOn ON as OV ON U5 ooooooooooooooooooco CO CO 00 00 t '"' *^, ^ '"' "^ . ^ '"', > / ^ / V / vH^ • ' ' ^ 1/2 o • ... - .J < ^ H o '1-72 c3 'd O U2 u i ^ .Si o s s ^ rt :f < < 1 <| Oh OD S W W O 310 DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION 00 a\ 00 I 00 00 V > 3 W o w > o H D CJ O K H O O > w VO r~ 'i- ro 00 04 o o O 1 o t^ t^ UO o o o O) 00 o_^ o o 00 t— 1 u-> 01 OS 00 1 '■' Ov o" VO t^ oo VO CO ■* OV o^ o^ M c>r I-^ oo 05 ^ r^ Ov oo o oo 00 OO 00 l-l 00 rH 00 to vd" 04 o 00 VO oo T^ t^ M Ov o Ov m VO Ov ! M M 00 00 lO oo Ov i OO VO Ov 00 rs op dv VO 04 r^ l-H n oo VO CO VO VO O o oo Ov 05 00 i-H c> vo" vo" CO 00 O Ov ON O Ov 00 On U-5 't Hh 1^ CO_ O^ Ov 00 r^ cfv Vo" J^ VO 04 t— 1 'l- OO OO VO t~-. '^ ^O 0) Ov 1895 o" VO CO" dv CO 00 00 04 lO 1 VO OS oo w O ^ u-i i-T j Cii 00 oo" 'f 04 < l-H 04 O OO oo OV o» 1 M VO oo Ov '^ '^ OV 1 > ■<*< °° r~ lO ' 00 VO VO 0) OO VO OS 00 1-1 04 00 oT oo *« 1 1—1 00 1—1 CO O 04 O 04 •^ 1 r^ 04 OV CO 04 04 o 04 00 VO VO IM 00 CO O OO 00 o OS 00 F— 1 vo" VO oo" CO VO VO 00 ^ r^ oo" I— 1 VO 'I- ov ! "^ 1 VO Ov oo 1 VO VO ro 04 lO CM h-l 04 ^ i CO 00 VO CTv O OS 00 1-1 VO VO VO o" 1 00 M vo" oo" ' 00 VO ■^ t-t U-) O VO M VO t^ 0) r^ Ov j Ov M o 1 l^ VO M 1 00 Ov 04 04 1-1 t^ t-» VO 1 ^^ t VO I OS 00 1-1 oo" oo" '^ 1 00 vo" 00 ^ 1 o 04 OO I— 1 hH o <^ CO 00 VO^ 1 u-> VO 1 1 IH . . dq . . w s^ . . s^ t/T c^" hJ >-) < H '— -'^"— N o '— ^'— N O & H H Q o o CJ 03 O o o a, a, G X o o o a o t=iUi H H TRADE AND COMMERCE 31 Table VI. Return of all Shipping at the Port of Alexandria during the Year 1897. Entered. Steam. Sailing. Total. Nationality. Number of Vessels. Tons. Number of Vessels. Tons. Number of Vessels. Tons. British 657 1,034,019 657 1,034,019 P rench 139 280,359 J 39 280,359 Austro-Hungarian 135 241,173 5 1,079 140 242,252 Italian III 198,699 9 5,388 120 204,087 Russian 83 179,049 83 179,049 Ottoman 35 20,141 742 106,315 777 126,456 Greek . 84 60,064 100 22,102 184 82,166 German 35 61,369 35 61,369 Swedish 19 33.365 19 33.365 Roumanian . 16 io,57S 66 17 io,t)4i Belgian 4 4.321 4 4,321 Danish 2 2,975 2 2,975 Samiote 21 2,918 21 2,918 Dutch . I 2,035 I 2,035 Montenegrin ... 799 3 799 Bulgarian . Total . 309 I 309 1. 321 2,128,144 882 138,976 2,203 2,267,120 ,, for the year preceding 1,302 1,999,815 830 124,136 2,132 2,123,951 Cleared. Nationality. Steam. Sailing. Total. Number of Tons. Number of Tons. Number of Vessels. Vessels. Vessels. British 663 1,046,886 663 1,046,886 French 139 278,333 139 278,333 Austro-Hungarian 136 242,842 5 1,079 141 243,921 Italian 114 203,515 5 3,412 119 206,927 Russian 86 185,572 86 185.572 Ottoman 31 18,175 683 93,529 714 111,704 Greek . 88 63,955 96 21,494 184 85,449 German 35 59,946 35 59,946 Swedish 17 29,317 17 10,641 Roumanian . 16 10,575 I 66 17 29.3'7 Belgian 4 4,321 4 4,321 Danish 2 2,975 2 2,975 Samiote 18 2,126 18 2,126 Dutch . I 2,035 I 2,035 Montenegrin 2 374 2 374 Bulgarian . Total I 309 I 309 1,332 2,148,447 811 122,389 2,143 2,270,836 ,, for the year preceding 1,286 1,972,852 819 121,832 2,105 2,094,684 312 DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION TABLE VII. Customs: Cotton and Sugar Crops, showing increasing Exports counteracted by falling Prices. (i Kantar = 98^} lbs.) Year. Cotton Crop. Sugar Crop. Kantars. Average Price Kantars. Average Price 1882 1883 1884 1885 1886 1887 1888 1889 1890 1891 1892 1893 1894 1895 1896 1897 2,846,237 2,293,537 2,871,500 3,629,000 2,872,426 2,996,485 2,722,954 3,237,558 4,159,405 4,765,341 5,220,510 5,033,235 4,619,233 5,256,128 5,173,000 5,684,000 3-207 3-181 2-983 2-690 2-6o6 2737 2-821 2-967 2-706 2-346 I "934 2-ii8 1-685 2-001 2-149 1734 26,687,322 21,850,642 24,701,953 44,659,420 38,251,160 44,627,342 42,355,647 32,949,206 26,879,612 46,683,831 55,248,742 55,113,243 56,394,235 55,145,775 73,597,218 72,918,250 0'02I 0-018 0-015 0-013 0-012 O-OI I 0-013 0-015 0013 0-012 0-013 0-014 O-OI I o-oo8 o-oio o-oo8 TABLE VIII. Value of Imports from Belgium and Germany during the Years 1890- 1897. Year. Annual Value of Imports (in £, Sterling). Belgium. Germany. 1890 1891 1892 1893 1894 1895 1896 1897 115,594 262,599 367,945 236,320 384,581 348,120 469,499 513,131 65,735 154,411 184,354 192,998 236,715 221,800 288,872 307,133 VII THE SUEZ CANAL International Interests in the Highway between East and West i POLITICS ii COMMERCE M VII THE SUEZ CANAL i POLITICS Y principal object in this Section is to outline the Treaty- • 1 o- • • r , , ^~ obligations international Situation, in so far as this affects the inoperative free use of the Suez Canal, in time of peace and of war, by the ships of all nations, subject to the conditions that provide for the exercise of British Control as the Tutelary Power in Egypt. In effect, so long as the British Occupa- tion lasts, International interests must technically be com- promised by the status quo. Thus, the Convention between the Powers respecting the Free Navigation of the Suez Maritime Canal, signed and ratified at Constantinople in 1888, remains a dead-letter. Its provisions can only become operative through the restoration of the status quo ante, although in principle it forms a precedent to which in practice Great Britain may be called upon to adhere. Considering that the apparent object of our Occupation Attitude of the of Egypt is to secure control — euphemistically called freedom of transit — over the Suez Canal, in presumptive or technical violation of Article XII. of the Convention of 1888 ;^ and considering that the Powers of Europe having interests or Colonial Possessions in the Far East cannot view with indifference the dominant position of Great Britain in Egypt : it follows that, upon the attitude of these Powers towards 1 Article XII. reads as follows : ' The High Contracting Parties, by application of the principle of equality as regards the free use of the Canal, a principle which forms one of the bases of the present Treaty, agree that none of them shall endeavour to obtain with respect to the Canal territorial or commercial advantages or privileges in any international arrangements which may be con- cluded. Moreover, the rights of Turkey as the territorial Power are reserved.' The British Occupation was, of course, antecedent to this Convention. 316 THE SUEZ CANAL the question of neutralizing or otherwise regulating the situation regarding this great highway of International intercourse must depend the ultimate solution of the Egj'ptian Question. Because apart from the Suez Canal problem there would be no Egyptian Question, properly so called : since the solution of the one involves the settle- ment of the other. It may be said at once, in general terms, that — with the exception of our ancient ally, Italy — the attitude of the Powers towards this vital question, as evidenced by the Suez Canal Commission (Paris) in 1885, cannot readily be reconciled with the attitude of her Majesty's Government : but, at the same time, accomplished facts have to be reckoned with. Any alteration of the status quo involves a com- promise or a violation : that is to say, the Powers must either compromise their interests, in order to implement the Convention of 1888, and thereby secure the conventional recognition of their Treaty-rights in regard to the Suez Canal, or the Tutelary Power must continue to violate^ the principle of equalit}- as regards the free use of the Canal and the principle of neutrality as regards territorial immunity by her Occupation of Egypt, which, of course, ]jreceded the Convention of 1888. Control of But, for my part, I cannot see how any conventional the Canal . . , , , , r regulations can be expected to stand the test of war, when self-denying ordinances are apt to be overruled by fo}-ce majeure. Command of the Sea necessarily involves the Control of the Canal, as such, however greatly you re- strict or extend the ' sea-approaches,' however rigidly you enforce the recognition of neutral zones, and however generously you interpret acts of hostility and rights of war. Nevertheless, since recognition of a general principle is not without its value, as a deterrent to war, it may be de- sirable if, in this place, I attempt to define the points of initial divergence and eventual agreement between the ' SiiLijecl to the general reservation made l)y the British Delegates to the Suez Canal Commission, 1885 {v. p. 338). POLITICS 317 maritime Powers of Euroi)e in regard to the freedom of transit and the inviolability of rights in the Suez Canal. {a) Historical Retrospect The Suez Canal, like the Barrage, was French in concep- Creators of the tion and execution. But like the Barrage, too, its practical utility was derived from the sacrifices of Egypt and the action or enforced support of Great Britain. It is customary in France to speak of the Suez Canal as the sole creation of French genius, in spite of British opposition, and to regard it as an inviolate stronghold of French influence, because it is and always has been a French Administration. This view is, however, subject to material qualifications. I have already sketched, in outline, the early history of the Canal. Projected in 1854 by M. de Lesseps, who in that year gave definite shape to the plans of his countryman, M. Linant de Bellefonds, and obtained the formal consent of the Viceroy (Said Pasha), the Suez Canal scheme was the logical outcome of the labours of Baldwin and Waghorn — two Englishmen- — in the development of the Overland Route. Because Lord Palmerston disapproved of this scheme, on Attitude of the ground that it would create an Egyptian Question, the "^*" analogy that we had always opposed it is too closely pressed by our French critics, and is in direct contradiction to the following testimony by M. Linant de Bellefonds : — 'In 1840,' this able engineer writes, 'England and the East India Company wished for a canal. In 1841 I signed a contract to that effect with the Peninsular and Oriental Company; and in 1842 the Indian Government accepted my project with enthusiasm.' ^ The scheme was, in principle, opposed by Lord Palmerston, and on sufficient grounds, as events have proved : but this opposition was never pushed to extremes, owing to the independence of Egypt, which Palmerston himself had done so much to secure, and to the friendship he cultivated with the French P2mpire. 1 'Egypt in the Nineteenth Century,' by D. A. Cameron, page 236. 318 THE SUEZ CANAL Sared from The Original object of the Suez Canal was to serve sailing failure ^.g^^gjj^ only.^ As M. de Lesseps himself asserted, ' ordinary steamers, not men-of-war or mail-packets, could not afford to go to India under steam because of the great quantity of coal required.' Mr Cameron, from whom I quote,- goes on to remark : ' Even at the present time it would take a fast clipper ship the better part of a month to beat up from Perim to Suez, because of the narrowness of the Red Sea. This difficulty was overcome by the invention of the compound engine for steamers, which saved nearly half the fuel, and enabled them to utilize the Canal. In the opinion of Sir John Stokes, had the canal been opened in 1862 it would have been a financial failure, because the ships of that day could not have used it. Only the invention of the compound engine gave it a chance of success. Yet another factor must be mentioned — the extraordinary growth of our mercantile steam marine, owing to this invention before the canal was opened. Nevertheless, the enterprise was bankrupt. In 1871-72 its twenty-pound shares had fallen to seven, and no dividends could be paid. Then it was that England came to the rescue by persuading the Powers at the Con- stantinople Conference to allow the Company a surtax of 40 per cent, on the tolls. Combine these separate strokes of good luck derived from England, add the sixteen millions received from Ismail, and we see why the Suez Canal became a success.' Concessions The provisional Act of Concession of 1854 authorized the formation of a Company, under the direction of M. de Lesseps, to be named the Compagnie Universelle du Canal Maritime de Suez, the director of which was always to be named by the Egyptian Government and chosen as far as possible from the shareholders most interested in the enter- prise. The authoritative Concession of 1856 confirmed the previous Act and defined its scope, powers, obligations, etc. The definitive Convention of 1866, between the Viceroy of ' M. de Lesseps, when trying to raise money in England, stated : ' It is not your steamers that I am wooing, but your fleet of sailing ships now going round the Cape.' — Cameron's ' Egypt in the Nineteenth Century,' page 241. - Ibid. POLITICS 319 Egypt and the Suez Canal Company, amalgamated and confirmed, exceptis excipiendis, all previous instruments,! and was sanctioned by the Imperial Firman of 19th March 1866. The only provisions in this cumulative Convention to convention of which attention need be drawn are the following- : '^*^ Article 8 admitted the liability of the Egyptian Govern- ment to pay to the Company, before the close of 1869, sums of money which in the aggregate amounted to over one hundred million francs, and of which eighty-four million francs were due under the inequitable Award of Napoleon III. in 1864. Article 9 placed the Maritime Canal and all its 'dependencies' under the Egyptian Police. Article 10 reserved the right of the Government to occupy strategic positions. Article 1 1 made provisions for the Adminis- trative Services of the Government. Article 1 5 declared that, in default of renewal, the Concession to the Company shall terminate ninety-nine years after the opening of the canal.- Article 16 declared the chartered Company to be Egyptian, in origin, and therefore subject to the jurisdiction of Egypt ; but in its financial constitution and corporate capacity it remained, under a special Convention, subject to French Law regulating Joint-Stock Companies. Under this Article, provision is specifically made concerning litigation, misdemeanours, etc. Excavation work was commenced in 1859 ; and the Canal inauguration ■^. of the Canal was opened for traffic in 1869, in the reign of Ismail, who entertained his European guests with princely hospitality. In obtaining his Concessions from Said Pasha, M. de its political *^ significance Lesseps asserted that his scheme would make Egypt 1 These included, in addition to the above-mentioned: (i) the Decree of 1856 — abrogated by Art. i of the Convention of 1866 — regarding t'ellahin Labour, (2) the Convention of i8th March 1863, retroceding a section of the Sweet-water Canal, (3) the Convention of 20th March 1863, regulating the financial partici- pation of Egypt, and (4) the Convention of 30th January 1866, regarding the sale of the Wadi Tumailat, etc.— Egypt, No. 23 (1883). 2 Article 16 of the Act of Concession of 1866 provides that, ninety-nine years after the opening of the Canal, the Egyptian Government shall enter into possession, after indemnifying the Company for fixtures, viatiriel, etc., according to agreement or arbitration. But in case of renewal, tlie Company, under its fresh Concession, shall pay certain Royalties to the Government. 320 THE SUEZ CANAL independent of England, and that the Canal would be built with French capital. In opening the Canal to the commerce of the world, Ismail declared that he had united Africa to Europe. In his answer to the Academy speech of M. de Lesseps, M. Renan averred : ' The isthmus cut becomes a strait, a battlefield. A single Bosporus has hitherto sufficed for the troubles of the world : you have created a second and much more important one. In case of naval war, it would be of supreme interest : the point for the occupation of which the whole world would struggle to be first. You have marked the field of the great battles of the future.' ^ Lord Palmerston, foreseeing this end, abstained from encouraging it. Lord Beaconsfield, recognizing accom- plished facts, obtained for Great Britain, by the purchase of the Suez Canal Shares belonging to Ismail (;^4,ooo,ooo), a material interest in the Canal Administration. And finally. Lord Cromer, by his steadfast action and consistent polipy, has raised permanent guarantees in Egypt which postulate our future domination over the Highway between East and West. France, by persisting in her great engineering work, brought about the British Occupation, as a natural sequence. France, by refusing to act with us in 1882, left us alone to bear the responsibility. France, by blindly obstructing the work of reform, has riveted the bonds which bind Egypt to England, Sic vos non vobis. {b) International Negotiations The British That M. dc Lesseps regarded the Suez Canal as a family ccupati^n ^Qj^(,gj.j-j^ j^g^y i^g gggj^ jj^ ^j^g attitude he assumed towards us when, in 1882, the British Admiral was instructed to occupy the Canal in order to protect it against the Arabists, who threatened to destroy it. The great Frenchman tele- graphed to Arabi : 'Jamais les Anglais n'y pen^treront, jamais, jamais ; ' and further insisted : ' Make no attempt to intercept my canal. / am there. Not a single English ' Cameron's Egypt etc., p. 236. POLITICS 321 soldier shall disembark without beinc^ accompanied by a French soldier. / answer for everything.' To which Ardbi replied : ' Sincere thanks. Assurances consolatory, but not sufficient under the existing circumstances. The defence of Egypt requires the temporary destruction of the Canal.' ^ A Conference of Ambassadors was held at Constantinople An abortive (June-August 1882), much against the Sultan's wish, with f^'y"'"" ^ reference to the proposed intervention of Turkey and to temporary measures for the protection of the Canal. But it led to nothing.^ Four months later, Lord Granville, on behalf of her British Majesty's Government, addressed an important Circular ^"^''"'*'^' '^' Despatch to the British Ambassadors at Paris, Berlin, Vienna, Rome, and St Petersburg. The following is an excerpt : — 'Foreign Office, January 3, 1883. — One result of recent occurrences has been to call special attention to the Suez Canal, firstly, on account of the danger with which it was threatened during the first brief success of the insurrection ; secondly, in consequence of its occupation by the British forces in the name of the Khedive, and their use of it as a base of the operations carried on in his Highness' behalf, and in support of his authority ; and thirdly, because of the attitude assumed by the Direction and officers of the Canal Company at a critical period of the campaign. ' As regards the first two of these points, her Majesty's Government believe that the free and unimpeded navigation of the Canal at all times, and its freedom from obstruction or damage by acts of war, are matters of importance to all nations. It has been generally admitted that the measures taken by them for protecting the navigation and the use of the Canal on behalf of the territorial Ruler, for the purpose of restoring his authority, were in no way infringements of this general principle. 1 Cameron's Egypt etc. , p. 244. 2 Lord Granville, however, consented that the final Protocol might declare : ' that an amicable understanding exists between the European Cabinets that no definite settlement of the Egyptian Question is to take place except with the " communication" or "consultation" [not "co-operation"] of all the Powers.' — Prof. Holland's ' European Concert in the Eastern Question.' X 322 THE SUEZ CANAL ' But to put upon a clearer footing the position of the Canal for the future, and to provide against possible dangers, they are of opinion that an agreement to the following effect might with advantage be come to between the Great Powers, to which other nations would subsequently be invited to accede : — ' I. That the Canal should be free for the passage of all ships, in any circumstances. ' 2. That in time of war a limitation of time as to ships of war of a belligerent remaining in the Canal should be fixed, and no troops or munitions of war should be dis- embarked in the Canal. ' 3. That no hostilities should take place in the Canal or its approaches, or elsewhere in the territorial waters of Egypt, even in the event of Turkey being one of the belligerents. ' 4. That neither of the two immediately foregoing con- ditions shall apply to measures which may be necessary for the defence of Egypt. ' 5. That any Power whose vessels of war happen to do any damage to the Canal should be bound to bear the cost of its immediate repair. ' 6. That Egypt should take all measures within its power to'enforce the conditions imposed on the transit of belligerent vessels through the Canal in time of war. ' 7. That no fortifications should be erected on the Canal or in its vicinity. ' 8. That nothing in the agreement shall be deemed to abridge or affect the territorial rights of the Government of Egypt further than is therein expressly provided.' ^ Attitude of The attitude of France, on the general situation, may be gauged by the following extract from a despatch addressed (17th Jany. 1885) by M. Waddington to Earl Granville : ' The re-establishment of financial and administrative order in Egypt is not the only question which the Powers are necessarily anxious to settle at the present time. There are others, of an equally urgent character, which affect their interests in the highest degree. The Government of the 1 Egypt. No. 19(1885). POLITICS 323 Republic, trusting to the sentiments of justice and of friendly feeling which have always animated the Queen's Government, count upon their consent to enter upon the examination of these questions at the earliest possible moment. Amongst them, and of priman.' importance, is the establishment of a definitive arrangement to guarantee the free passage of the Suez Canal at all times to all the Powers. The examination of this great European problem might be undertaken at once, by means of a Conference or otherwise, without awaiting the issue of the proposed inquiry- into the financial situation.' ^ After preliminar}^ negotiations,- a Declaration was issued DecUration of at London, on 1 7th March 1885, containing these passages: — ^''°'^«° • '»5 ' Whereas the Powers have agreed to recognize the urgent necessit}^ for negotiating with the object of sanctioning, by a Conventional Act, the establishment of a definitive regulation destined to guarantee at all times, and for all Powers, the freedom of the Suez Canal : It has been agreed between the seven Governments above named that a Com- mission composed of Delegates named by the said Govern- ments shall meet at Paris on the 30th March, to prepare and draw up this Act, taking for its basis the Circular of the Government of her Britannic Majest}' of the 3rd Januan,- 1883. A Delegate of his Highness the Khedive shall sit on the Commission, with a consultative voice. The draft drawn up by the Commission shall be submitted to the said Governments, who will then take measures to obtain the accession of the other Powers. The Undersigned, Pleni- potentiaries of Great Britain. Germany, Austria- Hungar\-. France, Italy, Russia, and Turkey, furnished with the necessar}^ powers, declare b}- these presents that their re- spective Governments mutually engage to observe the fore- going stipulations.' 1 Egj-pt. No. 19 (iSSs). * During these negotiations, M. Waddington, the French Ambassador at London, remarked to Lord Granville that ' the Canal was a French undertaking ' : and received the reply, that ' the Canal was supported principally by British com- merce, and that the proposals for the Commission originated with her Majesty s Government.' 324 THE SUEZ CANAL Suez Canal The Sucz Canal Commission accordingly met at Paris on commiss^n ^^^j^ Marcli 1 88 5, with M. Billot, Minister Plenipotentiary, in the Chair. Great Britain was represented by Sir Julian Pauncefote, Permanent Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and by Sir Charles Rivers Wilson, Controller-General of the National Debt Office. The other Powers and Govern- ments represented by their respective Delegates were — Germany, Austria- Hungary, Spain, France, Italy, the Nether- lands, Russia, Turkey, and Egypt. Both Great Britain and France tabled Draft Treaties, the latter not being content with the acceptance of the British Circular as a sufficient basis for discussion. A sub-Commission was appointed, and reported to the Full Commission, which held its last Sitting on 13th June 1885. Draft Treaty Without attempting to do justice to the debates, on points '^^ of form as well as of matter, the final Draft Treaty submitted by the Delegates may be accepted as a sufficient indication of the views of the Governments represented on the Com- mission. This Draft Treaty, together with the parallel Observations which reserve and place on record the divergent or qualifi- cative views of some of the Commissioners, was as follows : — Draft Treaty. Observations. The Governments of being desirous of establishing by a Conventional Act a definite system destined to guarantee at all times and for all the Powers the free use of the Suez Maritime Canal, and thus to complete the system under which the navigation of this Canal has been placed by the Firman of His Imperial Majest)' the Sultan, dated the POLITICS 325 Draft Treaty. Observations. 2 2nd February 1866 (2 Zilkade 1282), which sanc- tioned the Concessions of His Highness the Khedive, have named as their Plenipotenti- aries, that is to say : Who, having communi- cated to each other their respective full powers, found in good and due form, have agreed upon the following Articles : — ARTICLE I The Suez Maritime Canal shall be for ever free and open, in time of war as in time of peace, to every vessel of commerce or of war, without distinction of flag. Consequently, the High Contracting Parties agree not in any way to interfere with the free use of the Canal in time of war as in time of peace. The Canal shall never be subjected to the exercise of the right of blockade. ARTICLE II The High Contracting Parties, recognizing that the Fresh-water Canal is indis- pensable to the Maritime 326 THE SUEZ CANAL Draft Treaty. Canal, take note of the en- gagements of His Highness the Khedive towards the Universal Suez Canal Com- pany as regards the Fresh- water Canal. They undertake not to in- terfere in any way with the security of this Canal and its branches, the working of which shall not be exposed to any attempt at obstruction. ARTICLE III The High Contracting Parties likewise undertake to respect the plant, estab- lishments, buildings, and works of the Maritime Canal and of the Fresh-water Canal. Observations ARTICLE IV No fortification shall be erected which may serve for an offensive operation against the Maritime Canal on a point commanding or threat- ening it. No point commanding or threatening its course or entrance shall be occupied by a military force. ARTICLE V The Maritime Canal re- maining open in time of war This Article is accepted by the German, Austro-Hun- POLITICS 327 Draft Treaty. as a free passage, even to the ships of war of belligerents, ac- cording to the terms of Article I. of the present Treaty, the High ' Contracting Parties agree that no right of war, no act of hostility, nor any act having for its object the direct preparation of an operation of war, shall be committed in the Canal, or in its approaches, or in the ports of access, or in the territorial waters of Egypt, even though the Sublime Porte should be one of the belligerent Powers. Vessels of war of belli- gerents shall not revictual or take in provisions in the Canal and its ports of access, except in so far as may be strictly necessary. The tran- sit of the aforesaid vessels through the Canal shall be effected with the least possible delay in accordance with the regulations in force, and with- out any other stoppage than that resulting from the exig- encies of the service. Their stay at Port Said and in the roadstead at Suez shall not exceed twenty - four hours, except in the case of distress. In such case they shall be Observations. garian, Spanish, French, Neth- erlands, Russian, and Turkish Delegates, under reserve that the extent of the territorial waters of Egypt shall be here- after defined by an arrange- ment between the Powers. The British and Italian Delegates accept it under reserve that the words, ' or its approaches, or in the ports of access, or in the territorial waters of Egypt,' be replaced by the following : ' and its ports of access, as well as within a radius of 3 marine miles from these ports.' 328 THE SUEZ CANAL Draft Treaty. bound to leave as soon as possible. An interval of twenty-four hours shall always elapse be- tween the sailing from a port of access of a belligerent ship and the departure of a ship be- longing to the hostile Power. ARTICLE VI Vessels shall not disem- bark or embark either troops, munitions, or materials of war in the Canal and its ports of access. Observations. ARTICLE VII Prizes shall be subjected in all respects to the same rules as the vessels of war of belligerents. ARTICLE VIII The Powers shall not keep any vessel of war in the waters of the Canal (includ- ing Lake Timsah and the Bitter Lakes). Nevertheless, they may The British Delegates pro- pose that this Article be amended in the following manner : — ' In time of war belligerent Powers shall not disembark or embark within the Canal either troops, munitions, or materials of war.' The Italian Delegates accede to this amendment, maintaining, however, after the words, ' within the Canal,' the words, ' and its ports of access.' POLITICS 329 Draft Treaty. station vessels of war in the ports of access of Port Said and Suez, the number of which shall not exceed two for each Power. This right shall not be exercised by belligerents. ARTICLE IX A Commission composed of the Representatives in Egypt of with whom shall be associated a Delegate of the Egyptian Government, with consulta- tive voice, shall sit under the presidency of a special Turk- ish Delegate. In order to provide for the duty of pro- tecting the Canal, it shall come to an arrangement with the proper authorities for insuring its free use ; it shall supervise, within the limits of its powers, the application of the clauses of the present Treaty, and shall inform the Powers of the measures which it shall consider neces- sary to insure their execu- tion. Observations. The British Delegates propose to substitute the following text : — ' The Representatives in Egypt of the Powers Signa- tory of the present Treaty shall watch over its execution, and inform their respective Governments, without delay, of every violation, or danger of violation, of its provisions which may arise. In case of war or of in- ternal troubles, or other events threatening the safety or the free passage of the Canal, they shall meet on the summons of one of their number to proceed to the necessary verifications. They shall inform their respective Governments of the proposals which may appear to them advisable to insure the protec- tion and the free use of the Canal.' The Italian Delegates agree to this amendment. 330 THE SUEZ CANAL Draft Treaty. ARTICLE X The Egyptian Government shall take, within the limits of their powers, resulting from the Firmans, and under the conditions provided for in the present Treaty, the necessary measures for in- suring the execution of the said Treaty. In case the Egyptian Government should not have sufficient means at their dis- posal, they shall call upon the Sublime Porte, who shall concert with the other Powers Signatory of the Declaration of London of the 17th March 1885, with a view to decide by common accord the mea- sures to be taken to respond to this appeal. The provisions of Articles IV, V, VI, and VIII shall not interfere with the mea- sures which shall be taken in virtue of the present Article. ARTICLE XI Similarly the provisions of Article IV, V, VI, and VIII shall not interfere with the measures which His Imperial Majesty the Sultan and His Highness the Khedive, in the name of His I mjicrial Majesty, Observations. The British Delegates only accept this article subject to the omission of the words, ' and under the conditions provided for in the present Treaty,' and to the accept- ance of their amendment to Article IX. The British Delegates only accept this Article on condi- tion that the following words be omitted : — 1, 'In the name of His Imperial Majesty,' and 2. ' By their own forces.' POLITICS 331 Draft Treaty. Observations. and within the Hmits of the Firmans granted, might find it necessary to take in order to insure by their own forces the defence of Egypt and the maintenance of public order. In case His Imperial Majesty the Sultan or His Highness the Khedive should find it necessary to avail themselves of the exceptions for which the present Article provides, notice thereof shall be given to the Powers Signatory of the Declaration of London, ARTICLE XII The measures to be taken in the cases provided for by Articles X and XI of the present Treaty shall not in- terfere with the free use of the Canal. In the same cases, the erection of permanent forti- fications is prohibited. ARTICLE XIII The High Contracting Parties, by application of the principle of equality as re- gards the free use of the Canal, a principle which forms one of the bases of the present Treaty, agree 332 THE SUEZ CANAL Draft Treaty. that none of them shall en- deavour to obtain, with respect to the Canal, terri- torial or commercial advan- tages, or privileges in any international arrangements which may be concluded. Moreover, the rights of Turkey as the territorial Power are reserved. ARTICLE XIV With the exception of the obligation expressly provided by the clauses of the present Treaty, the sovereign rights of His Imperial Majesty the Sultan, and the rights and immunities of His Highness the Khedive, resulting from the Firmans, are in no way affected. ARTICLE XV The High Contracting Parties agree that the en- gagements which result from the present Treaty shall not be limited by the term of the Acts of Concession of the Universal Suez Canal Company. ARTICLE XVI The provisions of the pre- sent Treaty shall not interfere with the sanitary measures in force in Egypt. Observations. The British Delegates, being without instructions, are unable to accept this Article. POLITICS 333 Draft Treaty. Observations. ARTICLE XVII The High Contracting Parties undertake to bring the present Treaty to the knowledge of the States which have not signed it, and to invite them to accede to it. On minor points, not without significance, some ad- ditional observations may be permitted. The Sublime Porte made the following Declaration, through Musurus Pasha, the Turkish Ambassador at London, on 30th March 1885 • — ' The Sublime Porte maintains its reservations respecting Turkish Lord Granville's despatch of the 3rd January 1883, and understands that an insertion will be made in the Conven- tional Act of the International Commission assembled in Paris for the settlement of the Suez Canal, to the effect that the Government of His Imperial Majesty the Sultan shall have full right to take the necessary measures for the defence of Egypt, whether against a belligerent State, or in Egypt itself in case of internal disorders.' The Porte, moreover, made a general reserve on the final reading of the Draft Treaty. On 3rd April 1885, Lord Lyons, the British Ambassador BntishNote at Paris, embodied the views of her Majesty's Government in a Note Verbale, which he sent in to the French Govern- ment, containing the following passages : — 'The proposals in the Circular of 1883 are entirely based on the principle of an arrangement whereby the Signatory Powers agree to commit no act which will interfere with the free navigation of the Canal, the Terri- torial Power being bound by the same engagement subject only to its sovereign right of self-defence, the reservation of which has been made by the Sultan a condition of his 334 THE SUEZ CANAL consent to the scheme. The proposals in the French draft appear on the contrary to be based on the principle of active interference in the control of the Canal by means of an International Commission and of armed vessels. Moreover, they impose upon the Signatory Powers the obligations of an international guarantee, as well as that of deciding what measures shall be taken in case of the inability of the Khedive to provide for the defence of the country and the enforcement of the proposed Treaty. It appears to her Majesty's Government that these proposals do not tend to the completion of an arrangement upon the bases of the Circular of 1883, but are rather the embodiment of a new project based upon an opposite principle.' French Note Whereupon, the French Government issued, two days later, a Note Verbale, in which the following passages occur : — ' It is true that the English draft contemplates only an agreement by which the Powers should bind themselves to commit no act which could impede the free navigation of the Canal, while the French draft adds thereto enforce- ment, by admitting that the Signatory Powers may in- tervene in order to insure that the arrangement agreed upon shall be respected. But it cannot be said that in con- templating an intervention such as this, in certain cases and under given conditions, the French Government act on a principle contrary to that of England, the only subject under discussion being the measures calculated to prevent the infringement of the Regulations which shall have been agreed to. Moreover, none of the proposed stipulations can be considered as affecting the rights of the Sovereign Power of Egypt, which have been reserved, with the exception of the servitude to which it has consented from the very com- mencement for the sake of securing the freedom of the Suez Canal.' •Neutrality' Lord Granvillc specially cautioned the British Delegates to avoid the use of the word ' neutrality,' as applied to the Canal, and to adhere to the term ' freedom ' or ' free naviga- tion,' as used in the British Circular and Declaration. But, POLITICS 335 in reply, the Delegates remarked : ' there is no ground Uj apprehend any inconvenience from the use which may have occasionally been made by the Delegates of the word " neutrality," inasmuch as there has been a common accord from the first that the term, as applied to the Canal, had reference only to the neutrality which attaches by inter- national law to the territorial waters of a neutral State, in which a right of innocent passage for belligerent vessels exists, but no right to commit any act of hostility. ' Questioned by the Italian Ambassador as to the proposal Territorial to fix the limits of the territorial waters of Egypt, Lord '^^'"^ Granville replied that ' her Majesty's Government doubted the expediency . . . and thought that the matter should be reserved for negotiation between the Powers. I said,' Lord Granville adds, ' the object to be obtained was to secure Egypt from attack in consequence of her forming part of the Ottoman dominions, but that in the present unsettled state of affairs as regards the Red Sea Coast it would be difficult to decide the limit between the jurisdiction of Egypt and the territory over which the Porte claimed authority.' ^ An attempt was made to set up an analogy between the Surveillance Suez Canal and the Danube, in order to justify the ap- pointment of an International Commission to supervise the Treaty-obligations. But against this unnecessary innovation the British Delegates raised objections, on the ground that the foreign Representatives in Egypt would of necessity, in the discharge of their official duties, watch over the observance of the Treaty, and report to their Governments any danger of its infraction. At one of the Sittings, Sir Julian Pauncefote disposed of Th.- English '=>'•' _ ^ Argument this question in an admirable speech, from which the follow- ing passages are taken : ' The Danube is a great waterway passing through several 1 Earl Granville to Sir J. S. Lumley— Egypt, No. 19 (1885) p. 55. All these extracts are, in fact, taken from the above Blue Book, which contains the Correspondence respecting the Commission, together with the Protocols and Proces-Verbaux. 336 THE SUEZ CANAL States, and one whose material conditions presented, at the time the Commission of the Danube was estabhshed, great obstacles to navigation. It was necessary to carry out important works to clear the bed of the river. The ships which navigated it were obliged to submit in succession to the Regulations of each of the Riverain States. It was necessary to create a new system applicable to the whole course of the river, to elaborate uniform Regulations for navigation and to fix a tariff, to have immense works carried out, and to employ a numerous staff for the management of the navigation. An International Commission was then indispensable to effect these various objects, and to exercise a control over the new organization. What analogy can there be between such a state of things and the question which occupies us : namely, to secure freedom of transit through the Suez Canal ? The Canal passes through the territory of a single State. It belongs to a private Company, which is governed by the Concessions and the laws of the territorial Power, a Company which has carried out all the works connected with the Canal at its own cost, and which directs the navigation by means of its own regulations and by the aid of a large staff. In all these respects, there is no differ- ence between the Suez Canal Company and the Company of a railway traversing Egypt. Why, then, should the Powers desire to interfere in the affairs of the Company ? Since the opening of the Canal, no difficulty has arisen either with merchant-ships or vessels of war. Everything has proceeded with perfect regularity. It has been sufficient to carry out the Company's Regulations. The interference of an Inter- national Commission in the navigation of the Canal will be not only useless, but injurious in many respects ; and it is remarkable that Great Britain, whose interests in this question preponderate (since her trade represents about 80 per cent, of the Canal traffic,) claims no other guarantees, as the present ones seem to her to be sufficient. It is said that in case of war it would be important to have an International Commission on the spot. Shall this Commission then sit with arms folded, until some Power threatens to violate the POLITICS 337 Treaty ? When this menace really exists, it will be time for the Powers to consult as to what they should do. It is possible that, in such a case, some international measures of protection would have to be taken, but the idea of a Com- mission has never occurred to the British Government, and it has not been proposed in the bases of the Circular. Basis No. 6 intrusts to the territorial Power alone the task of en- forcing the Treaty. The French proposal is in complete opposition to this stipulation : and the Sub-Commission is well aware that the acceptance of this basis of the Circular is one of the formal conditions of the agreement to be arrived at.' Sir Charles Rivers Wilson supported the declarations of his colleague ; and, further, pointed out that, by the institu- tion of a Commission, three authorities would be brought face to face in the Canal : (i) the Egyptian Government, as Territorial Power ; (2) The Company, in virtue of its Con- cessions ; and (3) The International Commission, by virtue of the Treaty. The point in dispute was, however, met in a conciliatory compromise spirit by the British Delegates, who agreed to the com- promise noted under Article IX. of the Draft Treaty {g.y.). Sufficient has now been said, to illustrate the views of the various Delegates, which, it cannot be doubted, were, and are to-day, the views of their respective Governments. France, throughout the discussions and negotiations, endeavoured to internationalize the Canal. Great Britain, on the other hand, whilst freely admitting ' that the Canal should be free for the passage of all ships in any circumstances,' sought safe- guards for the independence and territorial rights of Egypt, of which she was and is still the guardian. In order that there should be no misunderstanding in British Draft , 1 reaty : 1805 regard to the views of her Majesty's Government, the British Commissioners drafted a definitive Treaty ' to insure the free use of the Suez Canal, such as would be accepted by the Delegates of Great Britain.' In submitting this Draft to the Commission, Sir Julian Pauncefote, on behalf of her Majesty's Government, made the following reservation : Y 338 THE SUEZ CANAL British ' The Delegates of Great Britain, in presenting this text of the Treaty as the definitive system destined to guarantee the free use of the Suez Canal, consider it their duty to formulate a general reservation as to the application of its provisions in so far as they would not be compatible with this situation (namely, the present transitory and exceptional condition of Egypt), and might fetter the liberty of action of their Government during the Occupation of Egypt by the forces of her Britannic Majesty.' ^ If this Draft Treaty, drawn up by the British Commis- sioners, is compared with the Convention of 1888, it will be seen that all the essential points in the former have been given effect to in the latter, which also includes some of the reservations made by other Governments. Convention of The definitive, but inoperative. Convention between Great Britain, Germany, Austria-Hungary, Spain, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Russia, and Turkey, respecting the Free Navigation of the Suez Maritime Canal, was signed at Constantinople on the 29th October 1888 ; and Ratifications were deposited at Constantinople on 22nd December 1888. The text of this important document is as follows : — (Translation). Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, Empress of India ; His Majesty the Emperor of Germany, King of Prussia ; His Majesty the Emperor of Austria, King of Bohemia, etc., and Apos- tolic King of Hungary ; His Majesty the King of Spain, and in his name the Queen Regent of the Kingdom ; the President of the PVench Republic ; His Majesty the King of Italy ; His Majesty the King of the Netherlands, Grand Duke of Luxembourg, etc. ; His Majesty the Emperor of All the Russias ; and His Majesty the Emperor of the Ottomans ; wishing to establish, by a Conventional Act, a definite system destined to guarantee at all times, and for all the Powers, the free use of the Suez Maritime Canal, and thus to complete the system under which the naviga- ^ Kgypt, No. 19 (1885) p. 305. POLITICS 339 tion of this Canal has been placed by the Firman of His Imperial Majesty the Sultan, dated the 22nd February 1866 (2 Zilkade, 1282), and sanctioning the Concessions of His Highness the Khedive, have named as their Pleni- potentiaries, that is to say : — Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, Empress of India, the Right Honour- able Sir William Arthur White, her Ambassador Extra- ordinary and Plenipotentiary ; His Majesty the Emperor of Germany, King of Prussia, M. Joseph de Radowitz, his Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary ; His Majesty the Emperor of Austria, King of Bohemia, etc., and Apostolic King of Hungary, M. Henri, Baron de Calice, his Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary ; His Majesty the King of Spain, and in his name the Queen Regent of the Kingdom, Don Miguel Florez y Garcia, his Charge d'Affaires ; The President of the French Republic, M. Gustave Louis Lannes, Count de Montebello, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of France ; His Majesty the King of Italy, M. Albert, Baron Blanc, his Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary ; His Majesty the King of the Netherlands, Grand Duke of Luxembourg, etc., M. Gustave Keun, his Charg^ d'Affaires ; His Majesty the Emperor of All the Russias, M. Alexandre de Nelidow, his Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary ; His Majesty the Emperor of the Ottomans, Mehemmed Said Pasha, his Minister for Foreign Affairs ; Who, having communicated to each other their respective full powers, found in good and due form, have agreed upon the following Articles : — ARTICLE I The Suez Maritime Canal shall always be free and open, in time of war as in time of peace, to every vessel of com- merce or of war, without distinction of flag. 340 THE SUEZ CANAL Consequently, the High Contracting Parties agree not in any way to interfere with the free use of the Canal, in time of war as in time of peace. The Canal shall never be subjected to the exercise of the right of blockade. ARTICLE II The High Contracting Parties, recognizing that the Fresh- Water Canal is indispensable to the Maritime Canal, take note of the engagements of His Highness the Khedive to- wards the Universal Suez Canal Company as regards the Fresh- Water Canal ; which engagements are stipulated in a Convention bearing date the i8th March 1863, containing an expose and four Articles. They undertake not to interfere in any way with the security of that Canal and its branches, the working of which shall not be exposed to any attempt at obstruction. ARTICLE III The High Contracting Parties likewise undertake to respect the plant, establishments, buildings, and works of the Maritime Canal and of the Fresh-Water Canal. ARTICLE IV The Maritime Canal remaining open in time of war as a free passage, even to the ships of war of belligerents, accord- ing to the terms of Article I. of the present Treaty, the High Contracting Parties agree that no right of war, no act of hostility, nor any act having for its object to obstruct the free navigation of the Canal, shall be committed in the Canal and its ports of access, as well as within a radius of 3 marine miles from those ports, even though the Ottoman Empire should be one of the belligerent Powers. Vessels of war of belligerents shall not revictual or take in stores in the Canal and its ports of access, except in so far as may be strictly necessary. The transit of the afore- said vessels through the Canal shall be effected with the least possible delay, in accordance with the Regulations in POLITICS 341 force, and without any other intermission than that resulting from the necessities of the service. Their stay at Port Said and in the roadstead of Suez shall not exceed twenty-four hours, except in case of distress. In such case they shall be bound to leave as soon as possible. An interval of twenty-four hours shall always elapse between the sailing of a belligerent ship from one of the ports of access and the departure of a ship belonging to the hostile Power. ARTICLE V In time of war belligerent Powers shall not disembark nor embark within the Canal and its ports of access either troops, munitions, or materials of war. Rut in case of an accidental hindrance in the Canal, men may be embarked or disembarked at the ports of access by detachments not exceeding looo men, with a corresponding amount of war material, ARTICLE VI Prizes shall be subjected, in all respects, to the same rules as the vessels of war of belligerents. ARTICLE VII The Powers shall not keep any vessel of war in the waters of the Canal (including Lake Timsah and the Bitter Lakes). Nevertheless, they may station vessels of war in the ports of access of Port Said and Suez, the number of which shall not exceed two for each Power. This right shall not be exercised by belligerents. ARTICLE VIII The Agents in Egypt of the Signatory Powers of the present Treaty shall be charged to watch over its execution. In case of any event threatening the security or the free passage of the Canal, they shall meet on the summons of three of their number under the presidency of their Doyen, in order to proceed to the necessary verifications. They shall inform the Khedivial Government of the danger which they may have perceived, in order that that Government may take proper steps to insure the protection and the free 342 THE SUEZ CANAL use of the Canal. Under any circumstances, they shall meet once a year to take note of the due execution of the Treaty. The last-mentioned meetings shall take place under the presidency of a Special Commissioner nominated for that purpose by the Imperial Ottoman Government. A Com- missioner of the Khedive may also take part in the meeting, and may preside over it in case of the absence of the Otto- man Commissioner. They shall especially demand the suppression of any work or the dispersion of any assemblage on either bank of the Canal, the object or effect of which might be to interfere with the liberty and the entire security of the navigation, ARTICLE IX The Egyptian Government shall, within the limits of its powers resulting from the Firmans, and under the condi- tions provided for in the present Treaty, take the necessary measures for insuring the execution of the said Treaty. In case the Egyptian Government should not have sufficient means at its disposal, it shall call upon the Im- perial Ottoman Government, which shall take the necessary measures to respond to such appeal ; shall give notice thereof to the Signatory Powers of the Declaration of London of the 17th March 1885 ; and shall, if necessary, concert with them on the subject. The provisions of Articles IV, V, VII, and VIII shall not interfere with the measures which shall be taken in virtue of the present Article. ARTICLE X Similarly, the provisions of Articles IV, V, VII, and VIII shall not interfere with the measures which His Majesty the Sultan and His Highness the Khedive, in the name of His Imperial Majesty, and within the limits of the Firmans granted, might find it necessary to take for securing by their own forces the defence of Egypt and the maintenance of public order. In case His Imperial Majesty the Sultan, or His High- POLITICS MS ness the Khedive, should find it necessary to avail them- selves of the exceptions for which this Article provides, the Signatory Powers of the Declaration of London shall be notified thereof by the Imperial Ottoman Government, It is likewise understood that the provisions of the four Articles aforesaid shall in no case occasion any obstacle to the measures which the Imperial Ottoman Government may think it necessary to take in order to insure by its own forces the defence of its other possessions situated on the eastern coast of the Red Sea. ARTICLE XI The measures which shall be taken in the cases provided for by Articles IX and X of the present Treaty shall not interfere with the free use of the Canal. In the same cases, the erection of permanent fortifications contrary to the pro- visions of Article VIII is prohibited. ARTICLE XII The High Contracting Parties, by application of the principle of equality as regards the free use of the Canal, a principle which forms one of the bases of the present Treaty, agree that none of them shall endeavour to obtain with respect to the Canal territorial or commercial advantages or privileges in any international arrangements which may be concluded. Moreover, the rights of Turkey as the terri- torial Power are reserved. ARTICLE XIII With the exception of the obligations expressly provided by the clauses of the present Treaty, the sovereign rights of His Imperial Majesty the Sultan, and the rights and immunities of His Highness the Khedive, resulting from the Firmans, are in no way affected. ARTICLE XIV The High Contracting Parties agree that the engagements resulting from the present Treaty shall not be limited by the duration of the Acts of Concession of the Universal Suez Canal Company. 344 THE SUEZ CANAL ARTICLE XV The stipulations of the present Treaty shall not interfere with the sanitary measures in force in Egypt. ARTICLE XVI The High Contracting Parties undertake to bring the present Treaty to the knowledge of the States which have not signed it, inviting them to accede to it. ARTICLE XVII The present Treaty shall be ratified, and the ratifications shall be exchanged at Constantinople within the space of one month, or sooner if possible. In faith of which the representative Plenipotentiaries have signed the present Treaty, and have affixed to it the seal of their arms. Done at Constantinople, the 29th day of the month of October, in the year 1888. (L.S.) W. A. WHITE. (L.S.) RADOWITZ. (L.S.) CALICE. (L.S.) MIGUEL FLOREZ Y GARCIA. (L.S.) G. DE MONTEBELLO. (L.S.) A. BLANC. (L.S.) GUS. KEUN. (L.S.) NELIDOW. (LS.) M. SAID. The foregoing Treaty meets most, if not all, of the objec- tions raised at Paris in 1885, and gives effect to the reserves made by the Delegates to the Suez Canal Commission. It may also be regarded as subject to the general reservation, in effect if not in fact, made on that occasion by the British Delegates, on behalf of her Majesty's Government, status Under existing circumstances, it would appear to be impossible either to ' internationalize 'or to ' neutralize ' the Canal, in the sense claimed by the advocates of these specious policies. But you can emancipate it, to the extent attempted by the above Treaty, from the International COMMERCE 345 Law that applies to territorial waters and treat it as the ' open sea,' subject to vested interests and sovereign rights under Concessions, Firmans, Treaties, etc. The emancipa- tion of the Suez Canal cannot materially affect the Mistress of the Seas ; nor can the sterilization of its inherent capacity for defence greatly matter to a mobile navy capable of exercising Command over the sea-approaches. Whether or not the Suez Canal would be used in time (if War-risks war is a moot point. Many risks have to be incurred in wartime, as a choice of evils. The fact, however, remains, that the Canal could be blocked for a long time simply by sinking two ships, laden with cement, one on top of the other. Moreover, it would be an easy matter to wreck the Canal with explosives. The Treaty of 1888 expressly provides against such acts, and prohibits the right of blockade : but Conventions do not cover war-risks. Indeed, an ' accident ' similar to that which wrecked the U.S. ship Maine might possibly occur even in the Suez Canal. ii Commerce {a) Statistical Returns From the Report for 1897,^ addressed to her Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs by the British Suez Canal Directors, the following statistics have been taken : The net tonnage for 1897 shows a decrease of 660,910 Tonnage tons as compared with that of the previous year, and of 549,010 tons as compared with that of 1895. The amount of Canal dues has fallen proportionately Dues from 79,569,994 fr. in 1896 to 72,830,545 fr. in 1897, being a decrease of 6,739,449 fr. The number of vessels which passed through the Canal Traffic was 3434 in 1895 ; 3409 in 1896 ; and 2986 in 1897 : of which 2318 in 1895, 2162 in 1896, and 1905 in 1897 ^ Pari. Papers : Commercial — No. 4 (1898). 346 THE SUEZ CANAL carried the British flag. The tonnage (as well as the number of British vessels) has decreased, having fallen from 6,062,587 in 1895 and 5,817,768 in 1896 to 5,319,136, tons, in 1897. But during the same period, the tonnage of German vessels has increased from 693,645 in 1895 to 806,279 in 1896 and to 858,685, tons, in 1897. Percentages The percentage of British vessels and their tonnage in 1897 was 63*8 and 68, respectively, as against 63*4 and 68 per cent, in 1896. There has been a slight increase in the percentage of German, French, Dutch, and Norwegian vessels. Merchant Of 2,15 5 merchant-vessels and vessels in ballast, of a net vesses ^.^j^j-^^gg of 5,481,913 tons, passing through the Canal, 1,609, of a net tonnage of 4,349,993 tons, were British, being 74 per cent, of the number and nearly 80 per cent, of the tonnage ; 231, or 1 0"6 per cent., were German vessels, whose tonnage was 9*8 per cent, of the whole ; France, Holland, and Norway together furnishing a total of 97 per cent, of the vessels and 7*1 per cent, of the tonnage of the carrying-trade to the East through the Suez Canal. War-ships Of the 78 warships and transports that passed through the Canal in 1897, 42 were British, 8 were Italian, 8 were Dutch, and 6 were French. Duration of The mean duration of passage for all vessels navigating Passage ^j^g Canal shows a decrease from 18 hours 38 minutes in 1896 to 17 hours 44 minutes in 1897. In 1897 the percentage of vessels navigating by night was 95 per cent., as against 94 per cent, in 1896. Draught of The maximum draught allowed for vessels passing through the Canal is 25 feet 7 inches: and 391 vessels, drawing more than 24 feet 7 inches, used the Canal, as compared with 360 in 1896, 228 in 1895, and 172 in 1894, representing a percentage of 5"i in 1894, 67 in 1895, iO'6 in 1896, and i2-i in 1897. Troops There was a very considerable decrease in 1897 in the number of troops carried through the Canal, owing chiefly to the cessation of French and Italian military operations in Madagascar and Abyssinia, respectively. The Returns COMMERCE 34' show 92,639 military passengers in 1897 as against 198,520 in 1896. In the year 1870, 26,758 passengers were carried through Passengers the Canal ; in 1880 the number had risen to 98,900, in 1890 to 161,352, and in 1897 to 191,224. I append a General Annual Return of Shipping and Fluctuation of Tonnage that passed through the Suez Canal from its To^agl *" inaugural Year to the end of 1897, together with the Transit Receipts : — Number Mean Net Year. . of Vessels. Gross Tonnage. Transit Receipts. Tonnage per Vessel. 1869 10 10,557 Fr. 54,460 657 1870 486 654,915 5,159,327 898 1871 765 1,142,200 8,993,732 995 1872 1,082 1,744,481 16,407,59^ 1,071 1873 1,173 2,085,072 22,897,319 1,166 1874 1,264 2,423,672 24,859,383 1,290 1875 1,494 2,940,708 28,886,302 1,345 1876 1,457 3,072,107 29,974,998 1,439 1877 1,663 3,418,949 32,774,344 1,416 1878 1,593 3,291,535 31,098,229 1,425 1879 1,477 3,236,942 29,686,060 1,532 1880 2,026 4,344,519 39,840,487 1,509 1881 2,727 5,794,491 51,274,352 1,517 1882 3,198 7,122,125 60,545,882 1,586 1883 3,307 8,051,307 65,847,812 1,746 1884 3,284 8,319,967 62,378,115 1,787 1885 3,624 8,985,411 62,207,439 1,748 1886 3,100 8,183,313 56,527,390 1,860 1887 3,137 8,430,043 57,862,370 1,881 1888 3,440 9,437,957 64,832,273 1,930 1889 3,425 9,605,745 66,167,579 1,951 1890 3,389 9,749,129 66,984,000 2,033 1891 4,207 12,217,986 83,422,101 2,067 1892 3,559 10,866,401 74,452,436 2,166 1893 3,341 10,753,798 70,667,361 2,292 1894 3,352 11,283,854 73,776,827 2,398 1895 3,434 11,833,637 78,103,717 2,460 1896 3,409 ^2,039,858 79,569,994 2,511 1897 2,986 11,123,403 72,830,545 2,645 348 THE SUEZ CANAL {b) The Sues Canal Administration Great Britain, France, Belgium, Germany, and Holland are represented on the Board of Directors of the Suez Canal Company, sitting at Paris. The local Administration is centralized at Ismailia, which is practically a French town, with some 7,000 inhabitants.^ All the officials are of French nationality. Report for The Report presented to the Annual Meeting held at Paris on 27th June 1898, under the presidency of Prince d'Arenberg, showed that the total Receipts for 1897 were over 6\ million francs less than those for 1896: but a Surplus of 39,315,000 francs was announced. The Reserve Fund amounted to over 2\ million francs above the Statutory amount ; and a dividend of 90 francs was declared. The con- tinued decline in the Shipping and tonnage using the Canal was attributed to commercial depression. The so-called Defence Committee again denounced the London programme for the reduction of the rates, pointing out that the dividend had fallen from I05i fr. in 1891 to 90 fr. in 1897, after drawing on the Reserve Fund. The Chairman stated that the widening of the Canal was being carried out, and that the Receipts for 1898 showed an upward tendency. {c) Addendum compar^ative The following Retum, published by the Board of Trade Foreign Trade jn 1 898, forms an instructive corollary to the arrested develop- ment of the Suez Canal Traffic during the present decade. It shows the total Imports and Exports of the principal European Countries and of the United States for each of the Years 1891, 1894, and 1897. ' In 1882 the population of Ismailia was 3364. In 1897 it was 6886. COMISIERCE 349 § Iviports Countries. 1891. 1894. 1897. £ £ £ France . 237,532,000 ^91)796,000 205,500,000 German ZoUverein ) and German '• Empire {a) ) 228,540,000 210,250,000 249,575,000 Belgium 124,785,000 108,123,000 123,633,000 Holland {b) . 1 1 1,260,000 120,603,000 140,329,000 Russia (b) 37,934,000 55,957,000 58,981, ooo^ Austria-Hungary (b) 51,143,000 58,333,000 62,938,000 Denmark 18,590,000 19,387,000 21,330,000! Sweden (b) 20,470,000 19,510,000 19,906,000^ Norway . 12,390,000 11,444,000 13,345,0001 Spain 36,054,000 31,185,000 32,306,000^ Portugal. 11,243,000 10,818,000 11,392,0002 United States (c) . 176,024,000 136,457,000 159,319,000 United Kingdom . 435,441,000 408,345,000 451,029,000 JVoie. — Special Imports are Imports for Home Consumption. § Exports Countries. 1891. 1894. 1897. £ £ £ France . 189,220,000 164,984,000 192,124,000 German ZoUverein j and German \ Empire {a) ) 176,980,000 162,995,000 197,785,000 Belgium 113,880,000 96,982,000 113,491,000 Holland {b) {d) . 94,786,000 92,709,000 123,255,000 j Russia {b) 70,739,000 66,875,000 68,993,0001 Austria-Hungary {b) 65,559,000 66,290,000 63,854,000 Denmark 13,835,000 14,648,000 15,771,000! Sweden {b) . 17,943,000 16,590,000 18,905,000! Norway . 7,243,000 7,333,000 8,209,000! Spain 36,455,000 26,772,000 35,337,000! Portugal 7,163,000 8,176,000 8,443,000- United States {c) . 184,267,000 185,863,000 218,957,000 United Kingdom . 309,114,000 273,786,000 294,174,000 yVo/"^.— Special Exports are Exports of Domestic Produce. (a) Exclusive of Transit Trade, the value of which has not been computed since 1890. {b) Special Trade. {c) Years ended 30th June. {d) The produce of the Dutch Colonies is included under the head of Domestic Produce in Holland. • , 1 ■ c 1 These figures relate to the year 1896, the latest year for which the mtorma- tion has been received. ^ Provisional figures, subject to rectification. VIII REGENERATION OF EGYPT A British Guarantee IN Theory and in Practice i NEED AND SUCCESS OF THE SINGLE CONTROL ii A FINANCIAL PROPOSAL VIII REGENERATION OF EGYPT i NEED AND SUCCESS OF THE SINGLE CONTROL THE Regeneration of Egypt is one of the most notable monuments of the century. That an Oriental country, corrupted by centuries of misgovernment, should, in spite of foreign dissensions and depredations, rise superior to the conditions which arrested its development, is a fact that can be explained only in one way. The master-builder of Modern Egypt, Lord Cromer, concludes his Report for 1898 in these words : 'As each successive year of the British Occupation of The need of Egypt passes by, two facts acquire an ever increasing degree of prominence. The first is that the present regime, which has now lasted for fifteen years, has conferred, and is still conferring, the utmost benefit on the Egyptians and on all who are concerned in the welfare of Egypt. The second is that, whatever be the defects of that regime — and it cannot be doubted that, whether the matter be regarded from the English or from the Egyptian point of view, it possesses certain defects — the circumstances are such as to render it impossible to substitute any preferable system of govern- ment in its place. A satisfactory solution is certainly not to be found in any premature movement in the direction of more effective Egyptian autonomy, or in internationalizing the Egyptian Government, or, lastly, in any combination of either of these two systems. ' For the present, what Egypt most requires, and for man>- years to come will require, is an honest, just, and orded\- Administration, and the establishment of the supremacy of the law in the widest sense of the term, on so firm a footing 353 z 354 REGENERATION OF EGYPT as to render practically impossible any return to that personal system of government which, twenty years ago, was well nigh the ruin of the country, as it has been that of so many Oriental States. It is conceivable that, at some future time, the Egyptian question may pass from the administrative into the political stage, and that a moment will arrive when the method of government may be discussed with advantage to all the interests, whether foreign or native, which are con- cerned. For the present, however, that moment would appear to be distant.' and the This sanguine forecast should, however, apart from official necessi y ^p^-jj^jg^^^ l^g qualified by an a posteriori argument. The reconquest of the Egyptian Sudan, and the establishment of an Anglo-Egyptian Condominium in those regions, render it practically impossible for the Tutelary Power to relax her hold on Egypt, so long as the situation in the Delta is a menace to the stability of Native institutions and to the tranquillity of the Nile Valley. It required no prophet to foresee this end, which was obvious from the first.^ And it demands no elaborate argument to establish the premise, that the stability of Egyptian institutions depends on the continuance, for an indefinite period, of the Control which since 1882 has been so wisely exercised by Great Britain. From fetters to Under International Control, Egypt was weighted with multiple fetters that prevented her moving hand or foot without the unanimous consent of the Powers. Under the Dual Control, the guardians of law and order pulled different ways, but made some progress towards their destination. Whilst now, under the Single Control, Egypt enjo}'s com- parative freedom, even though she be handcuffed to the Pax Britannica. ^ Shortly after the announcement of the advance to Dongola, I wrote an article on ' The Coining Struggle on the Nile ' for the North American Review. Pub- lished in September 1896, it outlined the situation in such a manner that, if issued to-day, it would not be found incomplete or inaccurate. Indeed, events were so easy to forecast, except the rapid advance and unvarying success of the .Sirdar, that it is impossible to believe her Majesty's Government could have been ignorant of the effect of their intervention. As to its cause, that also was shown to be other than the ostensible one. freedom THE SINGLE CONTROL 355 Can Egypt ' stand alone ' ? That, after all, is the proviso Bntish pledge, which qualifies all our pledges to Europe ; although, as I have already shown, the earnest attempt to redeem them was frustrated by the action of France in upsetting the Drummond-Wolff Convention and has ever since been nega- tived by her blind opposition. That those pledges have been honourably recognised, in spirit, is proved by the con- tinuance of Europe's tacit mandate, which has never been seriously challenged. That they have not been redeemed, in the letter, is due, in general, to the force of circumstances, and, in particular, to the ignorance in which we entered on our task. The Regeneration of Egypt has been a colossal work of reform. Can Egypt stand alone ? The evidence I have brought Can E^ypt together in the sections dealing with the Anglo-Egyptian Administration is in itself sufficient to answer that question in the negative. The extent to which Egyptian institutions require alien support, the measure of British initiative, super- vision, and control, are there shown to embrace and permeate every Department of State. Take away these props, elimi- nate these braces, and the Egyptian edifice, which to-day is a monument that compels the admiration of the world, would, in the words of the master-builder, ' tumble down like a child's house-of-cards.' ^ Egypt cannot stand alone. This is the verdict of every No official in the country, and of every impartial critic who visits the country. It is the verdict, too, of the French. All concur in the belief, all share in the conviction, that Egypt would quickly relapse into anarchy if foreign support were prematurely withdrawn. But with a difference : The French believe that a return to the Dual Control, '^^ J^?^^'^'"'^ not to Internationalism, would equally safeguard the stability of Egypt, and would more adequately represent the interests of Europe (meaning France). But is that the opinion of Europe ? No such view has been advanced ; nor could it for a moment be upheld, in view of the glaring proofs to the contrary, of which I have given many examples. 1 ' Memoir of Sir Samuel Baker,' p. 363. 356 REGENERATION OF EGYPT Neutralization Others bcHeve that some form of neutraHzation might be imposed on Egypt, to the exclusion of British Control. But how, under this specious guise, are you to provide for stability ? How are you to guarantee integrity ? It is a contradiction in terms. Even the neutralization of Belgium requires an army to safeguard it, and the good-will of Europe to guarantee it. Egypt would require a navy, and much else besides. The British i-aj French Control, according to the measure of its exercise, would inevitably lead to denationalization. Multiple Control would lead, as it has always led, to demoralization. Egypt requires that genius for compromise, that marvellous power of adapting means to an end, that singleness of purpose, strenuous and sustained effort, and strict integrity, which characterize the rulers of India. The Anglo-Egyptian Administration is based on the Anglo-Indian raj. Why withdraw The need of the Single Control has been demonstrated by its success. Not only Egypt herself, but every country having dealings with Egypt, has benefited by this financial and political stability. Why, therefore, withdraw it ? Because France wishes it ? That is the only argument — if it be an argument — that appears to prevail in the field of diplomacy : and, considering the extent to which French capital is involved, it is extremely doubtful whether France, as a nation, would, under circumstances that did not challenge her national honour, be prepared to push this argument to its logical sequence. Because Egypt wishes it? If by Egypt you mean the so-called Nationalists, these, apart from their august l^atron, are a negligible quantit)-. No doubt the Khedive and the Palace party wish it. The masses of the people — the tax- payers, the petty landowners — and the best elements of Egyptian society infinitely prefer their assured position, little as they may understand the cause of it, to the grinding tyranny of Turkish taskmasters. If the voice of Egypt could find utterance, her cry would be : ' Away with all Infidels ! but we beseech thee, O Lord ! to dispense Justice and Water in due measure.' THE SINGLE CONTROL 357 Because England wishes it? If England — if her Majesty's Government — really wished to retire from Egypt, then assuredly no more inconsistent and compromising step could have been taken than to initiate the rect^nquest of the Sudan.i Our African frontiers now march with those of Egypt in the Nile Valley : and it is difficult to say where, throughout this vast area, English rule begins and where it ends. To most people it appears to begin and end in the Pax Britannica. This childish make-believe deceives nobody — least of all, Our masked our French rivals ; and it has all the disadvantages, to Egypt as well as to ourselves, that in truth it would possess if there were any reality in it. Under this sham Protectorate, Egypt is overweighted with burdens and cannot adequately be protected against exactions. Under a recognized Pro- tectorate this would be changed, to the advantage of all concerned. Great Britain would have a free hand to carry out reforms which now are checked by foreign obstruction. Egypt would be free to develop her great natural resources and to dispose of her own savings, without either compro- mising the interests of others or endangering her own financial credit. A great burden would be raised from the shoulders of the Executive Government, and an unjust tax on the economical development of Egypt would be for ever removed. An immense saving would result to the Egyptian Exchequer, not to speak of fresh economies and reduction of interest ^ ; commercial enterprise would be stimulated, and foreign capital pour into the country ; the reactionary elements of the situation would die a natural death, having nothing to nourish them ; the governing classes would more openly and cordially co-operate with the Executive, and many Adminis- ^ The argument that, because we were responsible for the evacuation of the Sudan, we were morally bound to restore it to Egypt, might have received some credit, had we, at the same time, made any serious attempt to rid the country of her foreign blackmailers— Egj^pt's worst enemies. The argument that makes for the indefinite extension of the British Occupation of Egypt, m.ikesalso for a permanent Occupation of the country, now that the Sudan has been thrown open to our joint policies. ' Rights of conquest ' apply equally to Egypt (18S2) and to the Sudan (1898). - Vide ante, p. 2(X>. 358 REGENERATION OF EGYPT trative checks might then be aboHshed : with the result that Eg)'pt would enjoy renewed and assured prosperity, the purity of Justice would be safeguarded against political intrigue, and the amalgamation of the Judicial systems would become possible. Finally, the policy of Egypt, instead of tossing and drifting on the troubled sea of Doubt, might be shaped to nobler ends than the payment of the Coupon and the pacification of foreign freebooters. In sober truth, this would be the inevitable result of a de jure recognition of the de facto situation. But, in the words of Lord Palmerston, which I have already quoted : ' Very few public men in England follow up Foreign Affairs sufficiently to see the consequences of events that have NOT happened.' It is admitted on all sides that the equivocal situation of Great Britain in Egypt is derogatory to ourselves and un- satisfactory to others. At the same time it does not pre- vent, it only checks and retards, the great work of reform : it causes us to do, in a roundabout and un-English fashion, things that were better and more effectively accomplished in the light of day. Justice, to hold the scales even, should be blindfolded, not gagged. Reforms, admitted in principle, should not be called upon to pay bakhshish for their practical application. The work of all would be lightened, the self- respect of all would be increased, by the recognition of accomplished facts. Great Britain does exercise a de facto Protectorate over Egypt : and all the verbiage in the vocabularies of apologists, all the shams in the repertory of humbugs, cannot disguise it. Only the British electorate is hoodwinked. The Policy of That fatal polic)^ of Drift, which has led us into so many African disasters, left us stranded in Egypt, like Moses in the bulrushes. It is feared that the same opportunist policy will continue to inspire the statesmen of Downing Street. We are marking time in Egypt, until we can screw up courage to advance to meet our destiny. What that destiny is, I have endeavoured to demonstrate : the Mistress of the Seas, in the time to come, as in times past, must dominate and control the highway between West and East. THE SINGLE CONTROL 359 Domination cannot be secured apart from its responsi- whenisa bility. Control cannot be exercised with fettered powers. .^0°!^^*- But in the New Diplomacy an instrument has been forged *°''^'*^ to serve the ends of a degenerate race : the subterfuge of Language. A Protectorate is no longer a Protectorate unless you call it so. Thus, the word Protectorate was not expressly used in the Treaty of 17th December 1885, which established an actual French Protectorate over Madagascar ; nor was it employed in the Treaty of 12 th May 1881, when France assumed a Protectorate over Tunis. Therefore, the word Protectorate is a word to be banned. But the actual Protectorate is no less a fact on that account : rather, it is a fact the more readily recognized because it does not challenge opposition nor technically infringe Treaties. Consequently, in any future arrangement with Egypt, it When it is may be necessary to call a spade an agricultural instrument, styled: The agricultural instrument which, in my opinion, is destined to turn the soil of Egypt into a British Protectorate, sub rosd, is a financial expedient which I now venture to introduce and advocate with the confidence born of the support it has received from the high officials in Egypt whom I have con- sulted on the subject. In a word : neither French obstruction nor the Khedive's As, for instance hostility are the worst evils that beset Egypt. All that is wanted is that her Majesty's Government should take up a resolute attitude, confess that we cannot fix a date for evacuation, and throw off the International fetters. If Great Britain were to guarantee the Debt of Egypt, International interference would cease. The Capitulations would remain, and with them the International position, unless we nego- tiated successfully for their abolition or boldly declared a Protectorate. Egypt is so m.arvcllously rich, so capable of development, that there would be no financial risk in guaranteeing her Debt, because such guarantee would involve and imply a free hand, amounting to a Protectorate. Would Parliament endorse such a Policy ? It is because what wouJd I have grave misgivings on that score, that the present say ? work has been undertaken. Since this book was planned, 360 REGENERATION OF EGYPT in its present form, now over two years ago, public opinion in England has undergone a considerable change in regard to Egypt, which has lightened my task : but I still believe that Parliament is in need of the arguments which it has been my object to supply, in order to justify a step which, in my opinion, is as serious as it is inevitable. 19CS In or before the year 1905, this question must be settled one way or another. Failing a Protectorate, which would be preferable, the proposal I am about to explain appears to be the best way out of the Egyptian labyrinth. x\t least it is practical, by meeting the circumstances of the case, whilst at the same time preparing the ground for an issue which we cannot abandon unless we give up all thoughts of empire and all claims to maritime supremacy. ii A FINANCIAL PROPOSAL Since Finance is at the root of all things Egyptian, a financial settlement would amount almost to a political solution. But not quite. The suzerainty of Turkey would remain, with all its consequences. Financial Law The Powers are all and severally, under existing Conven- ^^ tions, bound to observe the Financial Law of Egypt, which also has received due recognition, in so far as that was necessary, on the part of the Sultan. The Financial Law of Egypt, in all its bearings, has been analysed in the earlier sections of this work. Here I have simply to deal with its application to the question at issue. Obligations Any alteration in the Financial Law would, no doubt, require the assent of the Great Powers who subscribed to the Law of Liquidation (1880) and to the Convention of London (1885), because it would affect the Debt of Egypt, a portion of which is guaranteed by the Powers, and the relations of Egypt to her creditors. It might also require the assent of the fourteen Governments holding Capitulations with the Suzerain Power, in so far as it affected the civil rights and political status of foreigners resident in Egypt. But these legal issues, if challenged, can only be decided by the Tribunals of Egypt — by the Mixed Tribunals, if they are A FINANCIAL PROPOSAL 3G1 then in existence, or by the National Tribunals (Court of Appeal). It is scarcely necessary to add that, in view of the law-suit brought against the Egyptian Government in re- gard to the appropriation of money from the General Reserve Fund to the expenses of the Dongola Expedition, any such Appeal to the Mixed Tribunals would be treated b)^ the Court, under its present constitution and through the powers which it claims to exercise, in a similar fashion. But the mandate of the Mixed Tribunals expires in February 1900, unless in the meantime the Egyptian Government obtain adequate guarantees for the unfettered exercise of their sovereign rights. Considering also the Judgment given by the Mixed Court of First Instance on 9th December 1884, and the successful opposition of the Powers, regarding the suspension of the Sinking Fund, on the recommendation of Lord Northbrook, together with the scheme under which Great Britain offered to guarantee a new Loan of ;!^ 5, 000, 000, at 31 per cent., etc., it would seem that any fresh proposals of the kind might meet with the same fate — rejection. In the Preamble of the Decree for the Unification of the Decrees Egyptian Debt (7th May 1876) it is provided that — ' Whereas, in order to make it possible for the Treasury and the Daira Sanieh^ to satisfy these different debts, and to better secure for the future the interests of the creditors by a measure in conformity with the public exigencies, it has been found opportune and useful to unify all these debts by establishing one General Debt, bearing interest at the rate of 7 per cent., and redeemable within sixty-five years ' — that is to say, in or before 1940. Article XVIII. of the Goschen-Joubert Decree (18th November 1876) declares that — ' The Commission of the Public Debt is permanent until the entire Debt is redeemed.' Finally, the Egyptian Government engages, under Article Restrictions XXXVII. of the Law of Liquidation, to contract no new 1 The provisions of this Decree as to the Daira are abrogated by the Decree of iSth November 1876 (Texts No. xiv.) and the Law of Liquidation (Arts. 40-62). iVIoreover, by the new arrangement to which I have elsewhere referred, the Daira Sanieh Debt will be extinguished in 1905. 362 REGENERATION OF EGYPT Loan without the assent of the Caisse} Moreover, under the Sultan's Firmans, a similar restriction is provided for. These International conditions are very stringent. At the time they were imposed, Egypt was tottering on the brink of bankruptcy, after a ' carnival of extravagance ' and financial riot. But at the present day the financial position and the credit of Egypt are both assured and sound. Still, Inter- national engagements can only be rescinded by International agreement. The mandate of the Caisse is concurrent with the life of the Debt, which is extinguishable in or before 1940. The Ca/sse It is true that the objects stated in the Preamble of the Decree constituting the Caisse ^ have already been fulfilled, and that, therefore, the existence of this imperium in imperio is an anachronism ; but, in view of its political significance, the Powers would be justified, according to the strict letter of the law, in upholding Article XVIII of the Goschen- Joubert Decree : ' The Commission of the Public Debt is permanent until the entire Debt is redeemed.' The way out In Order, therefore, to guarantee the Debt of Egypt, it would be necessary for Great Britain to redeem the entire Debt and to raise a fresh Loan without a Caisse de la Dette. The Decree of 7th May 1876, which I have quoted {supra), merely states that the Debt is ' redeemable within sixty-five years.' But here another engagement interferes with any such action being taken before the year 1905. In the year 1890, during the discussions and negotiations concerning the conversion of a portion of the Debt, we undertook not again to convert certain portions of the Debt or to pay them off for a period of fifteen years.^ But in ' Aucun nouvel emprunt, de quelque nature que ce soit, ne pourra etre emis par notre Gouvernement, que sur I'avis conforme de la Commission de la Dette. II sera loisible toutefois a notre Ministre des Finances de se procurer des avances, en compte courant, dans la limite maxima de ;^E2,ooo,ooo.' (Art. XXXVII., Law of Liquidation, 17th July 1880). ' See Appendix III., page 453. ' Article 6 of the Khedivial Decree of 6th June, 1890, relating to the Conversion of the Privileged Debt, states : " La nouvelle Dette Privilegiee, la nouvelle Dette Domaniale et la nouvelle Dette Daira Sanich ne pourront etre remboursees avant I'expiration d'une periode de quinze annees, sous reserve, pour les Dettes Domaniale et Daira Sanieh, des dispositions cdictces par les articles 7, 8 et 9 du present Decret." Other or contingent obligations were incurred under the Law of Liquidation A FINANCIAL PROPOSxVL 363 1905 — when also the Daira Sanieh Debt will be redeemeci — there will be no International engagements that would prevent us from adopting the course I have suggested. France would, no doubt, object ; but the other Powers, whose financial interests would be amply secured under a British guarantee, might, under favourable political circum- stances, be prepared to acquiesce in a solution which benefited them financially without actually compromising their political interests in a greater degree than at present. On financial grounds alone, it is obviously absurd to pay four per cent, for a Debt which now stands at over 108. No other country would be so quixotic. A British security on a 3i per cent. Debt would be ample. It should not be beyond the power of Diplomacy to arrange such a settlement and to compromise with the Sultan as regards his shred-bare Suzerain rights. As between England and France, the Debt of Egypt is held in about equal proportions ; and Egypt herself is investing nearly all her savings in her own stock, — over three millions having been devoted to buying up her debts at a premium of 8 per cent, instead of paying them off at par. To say that the position is radically wrong — unfair to The responsi- Egypt and crippling to the Tutelary Power — is only to affirm a paradox which characterises the situation. Should we, then, in the interests of Egypt and in satisfaction of our legitimate aspirations, undertake the responsibility of guar- anteeing the entire Debt, with all its consequences ? That is the question which concerns us in this place. In the opinion of the experts, there would be no financial risk in such an undertaking, provided we were allowed a free hand in the Administration. No financial risk whatever : on the contrary, a sound investment. The legal question can be decided only by the Judicial Questions o ^ ^ .at issue authorities. The political issue is a matter for compromise. (1880) ; under the Decrees of 27 July 1885, 30 April 1888, 26 October 1878 ; by the Conventions of 31 October 1878 and 14 April 1880; in interviews between the Egyptian Government and MM. Rothschild, etc. But these, though per- tinent to the question, do not affect my present contention. 364 REGENERATION OF EGYPT But there is, in the general situation, and in this solution of it, a simplicity which meets many of the objections that would attach to a formal Protectorate : in particular, it does not technically violate any of the Treaties and Con- ventions that bind Egypt hand and foot and allow her pockets to be picked. It would not wholly satisfy us — nothing but a recognized Protectorate can do that. It would not satisfy France — nothing but complete evacuation would do that. It would not satisfy the Sultan — nothing, perhaps, but bakhshish can do that.^ But it would meet the requirements of the case, under which, in five years' time, a new and more equitable arrangement must be made, if Eg)'pt is to meet her liabilities and fulfil her responsi- bilities in the Sudan."' If we guaranteed the Debt, many of the abuses arising from the Capitulations, which hamper internal reforms, and under which Europeans can resist complying with essential regulations, would be swept away. Apart from special Conventions with Egypt, the Capitulations pure and simple with Turkey would remain ; and these, being too slight to affect our position, would eventually be surrendered, as in Tunis, because Europeans would prefer to avail themselves of Egyptian institutions. Alternatives The only otlier alternative to the declaration of a British Protectorate would be for Egypt herself, by some ingenious financial expedient — of which, in the Aswan scheme, Vv'e had a notable example — to pledge all the resources of the country (the unhypothecated revenues of which would alone suffice to cover the Capital Sum), under the ' On the other hand, a high authority informs me that, in his belief, no financial consideration would induce the Sultan to waive his sovereign rights, owing to his prestige as Khalifa, which would suffer thereby. It is certainly true that the Sultan can find money, when he wants it, — as in the Greek Cam- paign, when four millions were spent, the origin of which was obscure. Still, I have great faith in bakhshish. ■^ I have it, on the authority of the French Member of the Caisse, that, although Egypt has six millions (in round figures) for Administrative purposes, this will not suffice for administering the Sudan also. It remains to be seen whether Administrative needs will be admitted as Authorized Expenditure, the chance of which seems very doubtful. A FINANCIAL PROPOSAL 365 guarantee of the Protectoral Power, which of course would find the ready money : and so arrive at the same end by a more circuitous and thoroughly Egyptian wa>-. This method would not, I believe, technically involve a Loan, strictly so called — a little financial jugglery would settle that — and it would meet the legitimate objections of the Sultan.^ But, in spite of all this ingenious sophistry, which provides But why not a way out for a courageous policy, the opinion in Egypt °"^*' is that we shall drift. We shall drift, and gather ever- increasing onus on the way, until, to break through it all, we shall, as in times past, be called upon to make greater sacrifices and greater efforts than ever before. This opinion is not without some foundation. The Egyptian Government can always puddle along, in its own peculiar way. For all essential purposes money can be found, somehow. The administration of the Sudan will be a military one, for some time to come. The money-spend- ing Departments can mark time a little longer, until the clouds roll by. There is no reason, in short, why we should not go on as we are going. There is only a remote possibility of the financial situation forcing a solution of the Egyptian Problem. This appears to be the official \ lew in Egypt, 7^^^//^ de inieuxr' It is perhaps too sanguine and unreasonable to look for ^ Compare with this, Sir Samuel Baker's Scheme, pubHshed in his Memoir (Macmillan). 'If,' he wrote, in January 1885, 'the European Powers should insist upon a joint-guarantee for a loan of ten millions to Egypt, we shall be checkmated. I have written direct to Gladstone, suggesting an immediate alliance with Egypt, through special treaty with the Sultan, by which England shall engage to defend Egypt from all danger, internal and external, guaranteeing the integrity of the country as a portion of the Ottoman Empire : this alliance to be permanent. The British Military Occupation to be sine die, as the Protecting Power. The British Government to guarantee a loan. ... If he will boldly do that, he will save our influence.' 2 As an illustration of the timidity of the British Government, I may state that it took two years to obtain their consent to the financial arrangements under the Aswan scheme, the publication of which filled Egypt with joy and even evoked the cordial congratulations of the Khedive, who, under circumstances I am not at liberty to mention, possessed the power, for forty-eight hours, to raise the opposi- tion of the Caisse, had he been disposed to do so. 366 REGENERATION OF EGYPT statesmen in England who are wise enough and courageous enough to forestall events of such far-reaching consequences : but my belief is, that if her Majesty's Government were to adopt a policy more in conformity with English ideas of justice and honour than the peddling, tinkering policy we have hitherto pursued in Egypt, the British electorate would support them, if only on the wave of enthusiasm that has carried us to Khartum, and enable them to regularize and consolidate Anglo-Egyptian rule throughout the Nile Valley. Because of the The need of the Single Control has been demonstrated. ^ Control that is fettered is no control ; and unfettered control can be obtained only by throwing off the International top- hamper. But whether we choose to walk in fetters or as free men, our course is the same. It is pointed out by the finger of Destiny. Some day we must establish a British Pro- tectorate over Egypt : and if the reader should still have any doubt on that point, I think it will be removed by the considerations advanced in the concluding sections of this book. The theoretical British guarantee for the Regeneration of Egypt remains to be implemented in practice. IX THE SITUATION IN THE SUDAN Anglo-Egyptian Condominium i THE NATIVE RACES ii HISTORICAL RETROSPECT iii THE TITLE-DEEDS OF THE NILE VALLEY iv THE ANGLO-EGYPTIAN CONDOMINIUM IX THE SITUATION IN THE SUDAN TO adequately present all the factors, physical and Limitation* political, which affect or control the situation in the Sudan would require a volume in itself. The extremely meagre and generalized survey I have taken of the Nile Basin, in order to establish its geographical unity and to illustrate its means of communication, must suffice as a framework for my political studies. Only in regard to the inhabitants of the Nile Valley and to salient events in its history, do I feel justified in adding some additional details, in order that my examination of the political situation may not be lacking in essential elements. For many years to come the task of the Anglo-Egyptian The task of the Condominium must be confined to the pacification of the Sudan, the reorganization of the tribes under a military ad- ministration, and the institution of a system of Justice and Government which shall have for its object the restoration of law and order and the recognition of the first principles of civilization. Until this initial work has been successfully accomplished, it would be premature to discuss, although we may faintly outline, the prospects of economic development. Good Government cannot be raised on the ruins of anarchy until the debris has been cleared away and solid founda- tions have been laid for ' an order of things possessing the elements of stability and progress." Trade and Commerce cannot replace slavery and robbery until social order and Justice have been established in a region that has never known either. Respect for the Law cannot be gained until the new-comers inspire their subjects with the necessity and the advantage of conforming to it. And, finally, commercial development has no chance of success until the question of 2 A 370 THE SITUATION IN THE SUDAN Slavery and slave-labour, upon which hitherto it has de- pended, has been definitely defined and adequately dealt with, although commercial enterprise of a kind may in the meantime find many openings. Exploration must precede Exploitation ; the fertilization of capital must prepare the ground for rich returns. Legiti- mate commerce must supplant illicit traffic : and the prime essential of legitimate commerce is the existence of institu- tions that inspire or compel it to renounce illicit gains. All this has to be created, ab ovo. Even the very population is wanting, established on the soil in sufficient numbers, to pro- vide a revenue for the Government and the means of developing the resources of the Sudan. i THE NATIVE RACES After the In the ' Development of Africa,' the first edition of which Deluge . was published nine years ago, I stated, with reference to the loss of the Sudan : ' As for Egypt — -whose dominion before its downfall was gradually creeping south — at the present day she has absolutely no hold whatever upon the Sudan, though a stronger Power behind her, Great Britain, is endeavouring to save some of the flotsam and jetsam from the wreck. The Sudan is a closed book to us ; but when it is re-opened, there should be stirring incidents chronicled in its pages.' Ohrwalder, and Slatin, and Wingate have told us much : but the book that has been opened has yet to be read. The Sudan has been depopulated. Carnage and despotism have ruled for fourteen years. The bloody tale has yet to be told in all its revolting details. We know little as yet of what has happened in the heart of the Egyptian Sudan, except that it has suffered and bled. And so of the population : judging from the conditions before the Downfall, we may hazard a few general remarks on its probable distribution to-day. Of Dongola and the Nile up to Meroci and Sennar we have, however, more pre- cise information ; and the same may be said of countries bordering: on Ucranda. THE NATIVE UACES 371 {a) Distribution of the Population The distribution of the populations of Africa is rci^ulatcd Climatic mdc by the systems of cHmate, which determine also the condi- tions of tribal occupations. This law is illustrated very forcibly in the Nile Valley, where the latitude of El Obeid, the capital of Kordofan, represents the equatorial or median line. North of this zone, there is a scanty rainfall ; south of it, the rainfall is plentiful. Thus, the camel-owning tribes in the north, and the cattle-owning tribes in the south, find their occupations and their mode of life determined for them by Nature.^ In the north, the country is a desert, and the people are nomads, principally Arabs ; in the south, the Negro race begins and becomes the more homogeneous as the Equator is approached. Northwards, the Mohammedan religion is professed ; southwards, the Pagans prevail. In Darfur the races are mixed : and there we find iron-working Negroids. In Kordofan the cattle-owning Arabs are the dominant race : and they have pushed their ' sphere of influence ' right up to the Abyssinian highlands, occupying, until recently, the fertile districts of Sennar and Meroe. To the south, the cattle-owning Negroids have been left in almost undisturbed possession. This, broadly speaking, is the general distribution of races. As regards numbers, the Baggara, being the dominant The path of \ ^ ^ anarchy people, will, no doubt, have mcreased under the ruthless rule of the Khalifa. The Shilluk Negroes, who formerly occupied one of the most populous regions in Central Africa, have probably been reduced in number, owing to their prox- imity to the Baggara and their impressment in the Dervish ranks. The Dinka — another fine race of Negroes — having been left in comparative peace, will probably have increased their numbers : they are a sedentary people, possessing no horses or camels,^ and are quite able to defend their country ^ Cf. Wingate's ' Alahdiism and the Egyptian Sudan,' p. 8. - All the districts on both sides of the White Nile, between Dar Nuba and Abyssinia, and between the Bahr el-Ghazal and Khartum, are, broadly speaking, infested with the is^ts^ fly during the rainy season, which drives the cattle-owners northwards. 372 THE SITUATION IN THE SUDAN against Dervish incursionists. On the other hand, the Shukrie and the JaaHn have been almost exterminated. It is estimated that the former population of the Sudan has been reduced b)- fully 60 per cent. Sedentaries The mixture of races in the northern regions is necessarily very marked, owing to invasions and incursions. Thus, the indigenous Nubians, or Negroes, have been displaced by Arabs, Turks, and others : and the intermixture of races is very complex. But most of the agriculturists of Kordofan, Darfur, and Sennar are of the Nuba race, professing Moham- medanism and practising paganism. In the chief towns and villages — particularly in Berber, Khartum, and Sennar — every Eastern nationality commingled in former times. Slave-traders From this distribution, it will readily be understood how, in the past, the bandit Baggara were the most active agents of the Slave Trade, drawing their supplies from the south and forwarding slaves to Khartum, which was the principal distributing-centre. The interruption of that traffic by Gordon was, in fact, one of the chief exciting causes of the Mahdist rising. Borderianders We have secu what admirable soldiers the Upper Nile Negroes make ; but the best military material is, un- doubtedly, found in the watershed-country between the Bahr-el-Ghazal and Congo basins : between Makraka and Dar Fertit, where the A-Zande tribes occupy an inter- mediate ethnological position.^ These light-coloured warriors are not Negroes : their relationship belongs, rather, to the Galla and Somali. More vigorous, both mentally and physi- cally, than their Negro neighbours, they have also attained a relativel)' higher stage of culture. Their occupations are chieflv hunting; and agriculture. Their states are well organized ; and, in spite of tribal feuds, they are an united nationalit)-, speaking a common language. Great judgment will be required on the part of the English and French ' In 1877, -some 1500 Zande of Makraka were found suflicient to keep under conlrol fully 11,000 of the indigenous tribes. Gordon and Emin placed great confidence in them. The Zande are also the dominant race in the Upper Ubangi basin. THE NATIVE RACES 373 Commissioners who may be called upon to dclimii this borderland region, unless the conventional basin of the Congo be accepted as an arbitrary frontier.^ The A-Zand^, or (as the Arabs call them) Niam-Niam, are warriors and cannibals ; as also are their neighbours, the Monbuttu, a light-coloured race, who have reached an even higher relative degree of civilization and are said to number 1,500,000. {b) Tribal Characteristics Two distinct peoples occupy the source-region of the Nile Ethiopian — Ethiopia in its extended sense : the sedentary agriculturists, ''"''^^ and the wandering herdsmen. The latter are of lighter colour, of nobler attributes, and in most cases the dominant race. The Waganda are in many respects the most promin- ent of these tribes : and they form the basis of the popula- tion in Uganda.^ Then there are the Wahuma, a shepherd clan, who keep strictly apart from their neighbours, and consequently do not assimilate with them : although the royal famil}' of Uganda are of Wahuma descent. Both the Waganda and Wanyoro are warlike, and are well equipped. They carry spears and shields into battle, and occasionally bows and arrows ; many also possess muskets. Their feudal strength is due to the military organization under which they are trained : for every efficient man is a warrior. Practically, all the peoples within ' In an admirable article, running through three monthly numbers of the Scottish Geographical Magazine (1899), Mr Capenny gives full and exclusive information in regard to the Upper Ubangi Basin, etc., to which reference should be made. I quote the following paragraph, to illustrate the connection between the Nile and Congo basins : — ' Formerly the lines of communication between the Mbomu basin and the Bahr el-Ghazal passed mainly through Dem Bekir, Dem Guju, and Uem Zubeir, to Wau and Meshra-er-Rek. From Dem Zubeir the caravan highways led by way of Gondu through Shakka and Dara to the Nile at Khartum and Dongola. The caravan highway between Dar Banda and Dar Fur was that reported by Browne and Earth. But there is also a caravan highway from Dar Banda through Dar Runga and Wadai to Benghazi. According to De la Kethulle, Arab caravaniers come annually in the dry season to Yangu in Dar Banda. From Yangu to Kuka, in Dar Runga, this caravan highway passes through Mereke, Dombago, Yanguru, Sabanga, Moniba, Wundu, and Mbele or Bele.' - In Usoga, as in Uganda, all are Waganda. In Unyoro, Toru, Koki, etc., all speak Kinyoro and have Wahuma chiefs. In Karagwe there are various mixed tribes from the Nile. Masai-speaking tribes border on Usoga, in the cast. To he north of Usoga and east of Unyoro the tribes are also mixed. 374 THE SITUATION IN THE SUDAN the source-region of the Nile are allied in race and language. Upper Nile The Shilluk are undoubtedly pure Negroes. Their war- egroes j.j^^ character has obtained for them an evil reputation : but it must be remembered that they have only defended their homes against the Egyptian spoiler and the slave-trader. A branch of the Shilluk, the Jur, and the Luri resemble them in every respect ; while the numerous tribes of the Dinka, though disunited, are allied by blood. The Nuer, another warlike people, resemble the Shilluk and Dinka. The Bari are primitive and inaccessible, but are said to be intelligent. The Shuli and Madi, on the other hand, though standing in blood-relationship to the Bari, are a vigorous agricultural people, who, in the past, ver}- readily submitted to the Egyptian domination. The Upper Nile territories were at one time among the most densely populated regions of Africa ; but they have been devastated by constant slave-raids : in consequence of which, the shepherd people have, as a rule, for protective purposes, larger villages than the agricultural. Raiding for cattle has been the leading motive of all native military undertakings in Africa : and, in the Nile territories, the slave-traders have in this way robbed the shepherds in order to pay the agriculturists, besides securing for themselves the usual complement of victims. In the industrial arts, and particularly in the working of iron, the Upper Nile Negroes take high rank among the natives of Africa. Their family life, though differing in few respects from that of other Negroes, has, however, been profoundly affected by the depredations of the slave-traders. Of the ten million inhabitants of the Egyptian Sudan, before the Mahdist revolt, the Negroes of the Upper Nile were said to compose seven millions. The Baggara Tl^c tribes and numerous clans of the Baggara are the finest race and greatest scoundrels in the Sudan. But for them, the Khalifa could not have exercised his despotic rule for so long a period of time. But for them, the insurrection might have been crushed. And but for them, the fugitive THE NATIVE RACES .{75 Khalifa might now be regarded as a negligible quaiUil)-. Cattle owners and raiders, slave owners and traders, ihc)' are the scourge of the Egyptian Sudan. Under their leader, the so-called Khalifa, they still threaten the Kgyptian posi- tion between Abba Island, the birthplace of the Dervish cause, and the uplands of Kordofan, where probably thc>- will receive their coup de grace. Of the camel-owning Arab tribes north of Khartum, the Desert Nomad« principal are the Hadendoa, Amarar, Bisharin, and Ababdeh, in the eastern desert, and the Kabbabish in the western desert, in regard to which a few remarks may be offered.^ The tribes north of Aswdn form a group apart, familiar to tourists. The Arab, Bija, and Nuba races which inhabit this i)or- tion of the Nile Valley, between Khartum and Aswan, fall under three groups — the Hamitic, the Semitic, and the Nuba. The Ababdeh, the Bisharin, and probably also the Kabbabish, belong to the Hamitic group ; and they form part of the Bija or To-Bedawiet-speaking race of which the Hadendoa and the Amarar of the Eastern Sudan are also members. The Ababdeh are found between Aswdn and the Red Sea, south of the old Kena-Kosseir road, where they have lived since Roman times. They are the recognised guides of caravans through the Nubian desert and up the river to Khartum and Sennar. Their character for faithlessness and duplicity is notorious. The Bisharin are found in the western portion of the Suakin-Berber road and between Abu Hamed and the Rea Sea. Purer in blood than the Ababdeh, and speaking To-Bedawiet more exclusively, they are essentially nomadic. As active trade-carriers, they are celebrated for their breed of camels. The Kabbabish form probably the largest Arab tribe in the Sudan, extending westwards from the province of Dongola, and southwards to the confines of Darfur, where formerlx- 1 Cf. Sir Charles Wilson's 'Tribes of the Nile Valley, north of Khartum. (Journal, Anthrop. Inst., vol. xvii., p. 3.) 376 THE SITUATION IN THE SUDAN they were known to be in touch with the Baggara slave- traders, when they monopoHsed the transport north of Kordofan. They speak pure Arabic : but their origin, though doubtful, is usually ascribed to Berber descent. The Amarar and Hadendoa are well-known Bija tribes in the neighbourhood of Suakin. Riverain tribes There have been so many displacements, massacres, and migrations among the riverain tribes during the Reign of Terror, that we must await official reports before any reli- able information in regard to them can be given. Thus, the important Jaalin tribe — which never was reconciled to Egyptian rule, and was the first to rise in revolt against the Khartum government — has been practically wiped out by the heavy hand of the Khalifa. ii HISTORICAL RETROSPECT Landmarks It is not my intention, since it would not serve my immediate purpose, to sketch the history of the Sudan- important as its study undoubtedly is for the proper under- standing of the problems that now confront the Anglo- Egyptian Administration. My object will be sufficiently served if I simply indicate salient landmarks, which define the situation in regard to Egypt and establish her claims to the resumption of sovereign rights. (rt) Occupation of the Sudan Mohammed I have already referred to Mohammed Ali's conquest of All's conquest ,ioj i-i the budan, which was undertaken for the purpose of recruiting his army from Negroes of the Upper Nile, and was partly inspired by the reputed wealth of Sennar, where gold was said to exist in large quantities. Ismail's ex- pedition in 1820 easily dispersed the Mamluks, some of whom escaped to Darfur, while others reached the Red Sea ; and this, his ostensible, object having been achieved, he continued his march towards Sennar, where he was joined by his biT)ther, Ibrahim. Uniting their forces, they advanced into Dar Fazokl, on the upjDer waters of the Blue Nile. HISTORICAL KETROSPECT \M7 When the news of the massacre of Ismail and his officers by the Meg, or ruler, of Shendy reached Kordofan, Ahmed Bey, the Defterdar, who, in the words of Colonel Stewart,^ ' had wrested that province from the Darfur Sultan,' marched with his army against Shendy. In the general massacre that ensued, the Meg himself escaped towards Abyssinia. The Defterdar, after again defeating the rebels near Khartum, and advancing up the Blue Nile to the neighbourhood of Abu Haraz, then returned to Kordofan. In 1826, Khurshid Pasha, the renowned and really honest Governor of the Sudan, led expeditions up the White Nile against the Dinka of Fashoda as well as into Dar Tagala, in Kordofan. Towards the end of 1834, after a brief visit to Egypt, Khurshid went to the Ab)-ssinian frontier in order to repel a threatened attack on Sennar, where some rebels were in open revolt. The Abyssinians were defeated ; and their leader was taken and impaled. In 1836, the Abyssinians, after attacking the Kalabat ]:)ro- vince, retreated into their mountain-fastnesses. Khurshid was replaced in 1837 by Ahmed Pasha, during whose Governorship Mohammed AH visited the goldfields of Dar Fazokl. In 1 84 1 a rebellion was quelled at Kassala ; and the Sudan was divided into seven Mudin'as.- A succession of effete Governors followed. When, in 1856, Said Pasha, the Viceroy, visited the Said Pasha Sudan, his Highness was only restrained from evacuating the country by the prayers of the sheikhs and notables, who declared that ' inevitable anarchy would result from such a measure.' The Viceroy therefore instituted (or, rather, ordered) many reforms, such as — prohibiting the collection of taxes by soldiers and arranging that these should be paid through the sheikhs, reducing taxation on irrigation, providing for the collection of imposts after the harvest, and 1 Lieutenant-Colonel D. H. Stewart, in his Report on the Suiian—Y.gy^^X, No. II (1883)— from which also I take most of the ensuing particulars in this sub-section. 2 Fazokl, Sennar, Khartum, Taka (Kassala), Berber, Dongola, Kordofan. ;378 THE SITUATION IN THE SUDAN arranging for an Assembly of Notables to meet once a year. Musa Pasha, in 1862, reorganized the system under which taxes were then collected. Military In 1 865 a mutiiiy broke out in Taka (Kassala), owing to the Negro troops being in arrear of their pay. It was suppressed by Jaafer Pasha Mazhar, with the aid of troops which he brought from Egypt and took to Taka, via Suakin : and the Negro soldiers were sent to Egypt. Jaafer Pasha then went on to Khartum ; and was appointed Governor- General. In the following year, he made a tour of in- spection in the Sudan ; and, on returning to Khartum, he asked to have the Negro troops sent back. Massawa In the Same year (1866) Massawa and Suakin were and Suakin y \ / placed under Egyptian rule, by arrangement with the Sultan of Turkey. Bahr ei-Ghazai In I 8/0, an expedition under Helale, a native of Darfur, was sent into the Bahr el-Ghazal to seize the copper-mines at Hofrat-en-Nahas ( = copper-mine), and thereby gave rise to the idea of conquering the country.^ Equatorial Between 1869 and 1873, Sir Samuel Baker commanded Province an Egyptian Expedition - to the Upper Nile, the object of which was defined in his Firman as follows : ' (i) to subdue to our [i.e. the Khedivial] authority the countries situated to the south of Gondokoro, (2) to suppress the Slave Trade, (3) to introduce a system of regular commerce, (4) to open to navigation the great Lakes of the Equator, and (5) to establish a chain of military stations and commercial depots, distant at intervals of three days' march, throughout Central Africa, accepting Gondokoro as a base of operations.' Absolute and supreme authority over all the countries of the Nile basin, south of Gondokoro, was conferred on him by this Firman. Baker did not, of course, succeed in sup- pressing the Slave Trade ; but his territorial annexations ' W. G. Browne (1792- 1796), during his three years' captivity in Darfur, first heard of these mines. '■^ Sir Samuel Baker was the first Englishman to fill a high post in the service of the Khedive. He was given the rank of Major-General of the Ottoman Empire with the title of Pasha. HISTORICAL RETROSPECT 371) between Gondokoro and the Equator, and the fortified posts that he estabHshed along the Hne of least resistance, opened up a practicable path for the introduction of an Egyptian Administration. He annexed Unyoro to P2g\pt. establishing a fortified station at Masindi, and ' occupied ' the Shuli country, etc. Senhit, on the northern border of Abyssinia, was annexed Red Sea to Egypt ^ in 1870 by a German named Munzinger. Senhit, although paying tribute to Abyssinia, was practically independent, under its own sheikhs, and was said to enjo)- French protection. Munzinger Bey was then made Governor of the Red Sea Provinces ; but, five years later, in attempting a similar annexation to the south of Massawa, he was assassinated. In 1874, Colonel Gordon was appointed Governor- Darfur General of the Equatorial Province, in succession to Sir Samuel Baker. In the following year, Zibehr Pasha, with his slave-soldiers (Bazingers) and Danagla, entered on his conquest of Darfur, under the orders of Ismail Pasha Eyub, the Governor-General of the Sudan, who assisted him with troops, rifles, etc. In 1875, also, Rauf Pasha conquered Harar Harar and annexed vast territories to Egypt. Owing to frontier quarrels, war was declared against Abyssinia Abyssinia in 1876 ; but the Egyptians were defeated. The Abyssinians took a very large number of prisoners, including Hassan Pasha, the son of the Khedive. In 1877, Colonel Gordon was appointed Governor- Gordon General of the Sudan, including Harar and the Equatorial Province. Most of his time was spent in rapidly traversing the countries under his rule and scourging the slave-traders. He suppressed Harun's rebellion in the Darfur Province, and Suliman's rising in the Bahr el-Ghazal." In 1880 Rauf Pasha became Governor-General ; and in Mohammed the following year Mohammed Ahmed declared his divine mission and raised the banner of revolt. ^ The Egyptian annexation was not recognised by Abyssinia, and was not im- plemented beyond the limits of the citadel at Keren. 2 Suliman, son of Zibehr, was taken by Gessi Pasha and shot. Hence the blood-feud between Zibehr and Gordon. 380 THE SITUATION IN THE SUDAN The Egyptian At the Outbreak of the insurrection, the Egyptian Sudan covered an enormous area, the extent and the boundaries of which were defined by Colonel Stewart, in 1883, as follows : — ' Its length from north to south, or from Aswan to the Equator, is some 24 degrees, or about 1650 miles. Its width from Massawa (about 40° East) to the western limit of the Darfur Province (about 22h° East) is from 1200 to 1400 miles. Beginning near Berenike, on the Red Sea Coast, the Sudan boundary follows the 24th parallel to some indefinite point in the Libyan Desert : say, the 28th meridian of longi- tude. Thence it follows a south-westerly direction till it meets the north-western corner of the Province of Darfur, in about the 23rd meridian of longitude. From that point it trends almost due South till about the i ith or I2th parallel; and then following a south-easterly direction, through Mon- buttu and the Albert Nyanza, till it strikes the entrance of the Victoria Nyanza.^ From this point it trends north- east, and, including the Province of Harar,- reaches the Indian Ocean about Cape Guardafui ; and thence follows the coast-line back to Berenike.' Egyptian These somewhat vague boundaries may be supplemented by the recapitulation of the Egyptian garrisons, towards the close of 1882, when the Mahdist revolt had taken a firm hold of Kordofan, Darfur (or Dar Fur, ' the land of the Fur,' as it should more correctly be written), Dar Fertit, and Sennar. The Egyptian garrisons between AswAn and Khartum were — Korosko, Wadi Haifa, Dongola, Debba, Berber, Omdur- man, and P21-Fun. The Egyptian garrisons between the Nile and the western limits of Darfur were — El-Kaua, ¥A- Obeid, Bara, Et Towaish, Darra, Foga, Om Shanga, El- Fasher, Kebkebia, and Kolkol. The Egyptian garrisons between the Nile and the Red Sea were — Abu Haraz, Sennar, Karkoj, Gos Rejeb, Kassala, Gera, Suk-Abu-Sin, Matama, Senhit, Amadib, Massawa, Sinkat, Tokar, Suakin. ' Roughly speaking, the Congo-Nile watershed. 2 Colonel Stewart adds the following rider : ' I have thought it best to include the Province of Ilarar within the boundaries of the Sudan, as not alone is Harar under the Sudan Government, but, also, so little is known about the intervening country, that it is impossible to say where one province should begin and the other end.' HISTORICAL RETROSPECT 381 The Egyptian garrisons on the Gulf of Aden were — Zeila and Berbera, with Harar in the interior. The Egyptian garrisons south of Khartum, besides El-Kaua, were — Fashoda, Shambe, Bohr, Lado, Dufli, Wadelai, and Fauvera, on the river ; and, in the interior, there were garrisons at Meshra- er-Rek, Dem Suh'man, Wau, KurshukaH, Jur Ghattas, Rum- bek, Ayak, Madi, Kabayendi, and Makraka. These garrisons are designated in order to estabHsh the Hmits of Egyptian sovereignty and to indicate the localities under Egyptian occupation at the time of the Mahdist insurrection,^ the need of which will be seen later on. We have only to compare this list with the position in Flotsam ^ad 1 89 1, in order to indicate the area of the Sudan that was^^^**"" dominated by the Dervishes. The Egyptian garrisons, in February 1891, were — Aswan, Korosko, Wadi Haifa, Sarras, and a post in the Nubian Desert ; Suakin, and Tokar. These were all that were left of the long list I have given, and included two posts (Sarras and Tokar) which in 1888 were in Dervish hands. (l?) TJie Reign of Tei^ror The story of the Reign of Terror is soon told. A fanatical The Downfall Dongolawi rouses a slave-driven and oppressed population to take up arms against Egyptian taxgatherers and Pashas. The Dervish hordes, augmenting with every success against their former masters, inflict a crushing defeat on Hicks' ill- fated army, and invest the Egyptian garrisons. The ' onl\- Englishman ' is entrusted with the mission of retiring those garrisons : but, deserted by his Government, he is hemmed in at Khartum. The ' only General ' is sent to relieve him. A forlorn hope of British soldiers is led the longest and the hardest way round to its goal, along the line of greatest resistance : but struggles manfully and heroically against heavy odds, until — it really is ' too late ' ! Khartum suc- cumbs : and English chivalry loses its noblest representati\e. The curtain fell on the darkest scene in Darkest Africa. And after ^ See Map in Wingate's ' Mahdiism ' etc., page 32, and succeeding maps. There were 40,000 Egyptian troops in the Sudan at the outbreak of the rebellion. 382 THE SITUATION IN THE SUDAN For fourteen years it hid from us the Reign of Terror, save for the disclosures by the fugitive captives of the KhaHfa. Egypt, during that period, defended her frontiers against guerilla attacks, and defeated the last despairing effort of the Dervishes to invade the Delta. Egypt's last Governor in the Sudan, Emin, ' the Faithful,' held the Equatorial Pro- vince — Hat el-Istiva — until relieved of his responsibilities by our ' only Explorer.' On the frontiers and in the border- lands of the Egyptian Sudan, European Powers made pacific, honorific, and specific annexations of territory. And in the principal Native State of that part of Africa — Abyssinia — European Powers intrigued against the powers that be and the powers that well may be. But of these events and the results I shall have occasion to speak hereafter. The Reign of Terror was brought to a close by the Power which was partly responsible for its inauguration. (c) Re-co)iq7icst of tJie Sudan Motives The re-conquest of the Sudan is the rehabilitation of the Tutelary Power. It is not a theatrical revenge for a hero's death. Rather, it is the answer to French Chauvinism and Gallic aggression which was registered at Fashoda. Belated sympathy for Italian reverses in Abyssinia did not inspire the unexpected fiat of the British Government to advance towards Dongola, nor could Egyptian arms have saved the situation after Adua. No quickened sense of duty towards the Sudanese hurried British battalions up to the walls of Omdurman. It was a race for Fashoda, or what Fashoda implied in the scheme of French annexationists. 1 need not detain the reader by establishing this proposition, since I have already done this in the North American Review for September 1 896 : and the truth is no longer hid from us. But it is a matter of historical importance that this point should be noted, on account of its bearing on the question of domination in the Nile Valley, connter-moves France, who for years carefully nourished an underhand scheme of unfriendly action towards Great Britain in the Upper Nile — France, who openly concerted with the Negus HISTORICAL RETH()SPP:CT 383 for the overthrow of Italian supremacy in Abyssinia, and suppHed arms to a savage State for use against a European adversary — France, who secretly coquetted with the Khalifa' in order to check the Anglo-Egyptian advance — France, the friend of Liberty, became the Apostle of License: and, as such, she was no friend to Egypt or to civilization. That is another point which should be borne in mind. 'I have reason to believe,' .said the able correspondent ofTheDongoU The Times, telegraphing from Cairo on I2th March 1896, '"""p^'^"- '"^ ' that the Egyptian troops are to advance at once up the Nile to occupy Dongola.' That was the first intimation the public received of the approaching re-conquest (jf the Sudan. It took both Egypt and England by surprise. The first step was to despatch Egyptian troops, with their English leaders, to the front. These troops had to confront phenomenal obstacles — storms and floods, and an outbreak of cholera — and to build up their communications by rail and river, until (on 7th June) they were rewarded by the victory over the Dervishes, on a battlefield selected by the latter, at Ferkeh. Egyptian troops and Egyptian gunboats then advanced steadily southwards, brushing aside such re- sistance as was offered at Hafir and Dongola town ; and, by the end of September, Egyptian rule was re-established in the Province of Dongola, with feelers and outposts extend- ing beyond Merawi. Thus, the winter of 1896- 1897 was passed, undisturbed by the enemy. The extended and open front of the Egyptian army The Desert . . , Campaign: 1897 imperatively called for fresh guarantees agamst a Dervish invasion. The important strategic position of Abu Hamed was then held by the' enemy, to dislodge whom was the objective of the 1897 Campaign. The railway was boldly launched into the Nubian Desert; the rail-head crept rapidly and surely towards the Dervish post, until within striking distance of Abu Hamed : when the river-column, by a forced march, through difficult country, delivered an attack on 7th August. Abu Hamed was taken by the Egyptian army under Major-General (now Sir Archibald) Hunter, with trifling loss : and the effect of this victory caused the precipitate evacuation 1 Cf. an unsigned article in the Contemporary Review for December 1897. 384 THE SITUATION IN THE SUDAN of Berber. The Dervishes withdrew : the Egyptians — not to lose so favourable an opening — advanced. Berber, the key- to the Sudan, was promptly re-occupied. The railway was hastened forward ; reinforcements were detrained, before the close of the year, at a short distance from Berber : and the Anglo-Egyptian Authorities gathered force for the last heat. The Fall of British troops were called up. In this final struggle Doi^nio°^:'T^8 nothing could be risked. An Egyptian reverse would have redoubled the task on the accomplishment of which, having deliberately accepted it, we had pledged our honour, Mahmud, the Dervish emir, and that ubiquitous rascal Osman Digna, with their united forces, were marching on Berber. They, however, held up at the confluence of the Atbara, and comfortably intrenched themselves in a zariba. Here the Sirdar came out to have a look at them. The Dervish force numbered about 19,000 men. The Anglo- Egyptian army was composed of 13,000 men. The odds were good enough for the Sirdar : and he went for them. Under the demoralization created by some sharp artillery practice, the Anglo- Egyptians stormed the zariba^ killed three-fourths of the defenders, and chased the remainder away. This victory, which cost over 500 men in killed and wounded, broke the Dervish power for offence and seriously damaged the Khalifa's prestige. With reinforcements, bringing his army up to 22,000 men, including some picked British regiments, the Sirdar then advanced slowly up the river. It was a pilgrimage to the Mahdi's tomb, in sight of which Cross and Crescent combined to overthrow the false prophet. This sanguinary and decisive engagement took place on 2nd September 1898. The Khalifa was put to flight ; his forces were scattered and ridden down.^ On the same evening, the Sirdar entered Omdurman, and released the European captives. Subsequently, the British and Egyptian flags were hoisted together at Khartum ; and divine service was celebrated at the spot where Gordon fell. ' Of the 40,000 Dervishes who received the Sirdar outside Omdurman, fully one-half were accounted for in killed and wounded. Our loss was less than at the Atbara. HISTORICAL RETROSPECT 385 Nemesis, in the person of Slatin Tasha, pursued the Khahfa, but failed to round off the victory by his capture. Before the end of the year, the Dervishes had been cleared out of the Eastern Desert also. The Egyptian Sudan was reconquered. In January 1899, an Anglo-Egyptian Condominium was Angio^ 1 • 1 1 . . Eg^yptian proclaimed over the territories evacuated by Egypt in Condominium consequence of the Dervish insurrection, in the reclamation of which Great Britain had materially shared. A distinguished Italian military writer, General Luchino T^e 'little Dal Verme, recently published an interesting brochure on the Overthrow of the Mahdists, from which I excerpt the following Table, giving the particulars of every action fought against the Dervishes by the Anglo-Egyptian and the Italian forces between December 1885 and September 1898. This, together with the affair settled by Colonel Lewis in the Eastern Sudan, in December 1898, con- stitutes the ' little bill ' for the reconquest of the Sudan.^ Day. Month. December Year. Action. Commander. Forces. Dervishes. Killed. Wounded. 30 1885 Ginnis Gen. Stephen- 4,000 6,000 7 34 17 January ... 1888 Handub ... son Col. Kitchener 500 2,500 10 22 20 December 1888 Gimmeiza Gen. Grenfell 4,000 2,000 6 46 2 July ... I8S9 Argin Col.Wodehouse 2,440 4,500 20 52 3 August . . . 1889 Toski Gen. Grenfell 4.200 3.300 25 140 25 Jime 1890 Agordat Capt, Kara ... 300 800 10 20 19 Feljruary I89I Tokar Col. Holled Smith 2,000 7,000 12 46 16 June 1892 Serobeti ... Capt. Hidalgo 300 600 14 22 21 December 1893 Agordat Col. Arimondi 2,lS0 9,000 102 125 17 July 1894 Kassala Gen. Baratieri 2,600 2,600 28 40 2 April 1896 Mt. Mokram Col. Stevani ... 3.097 |- 5,000 127 281 3 April 1896 Tukruf Col. Stevani ... 2,693 7 June 1896 Ferkeh Gen. Kitchener 6,000 3.500 22 86 23 September 1896 Dongola ... Gen. Kitchener 6,000 3,000 2 8 7 August ... 1897 Abu Hamed Gen. Hunter ... 3.500 700 23 64 8 April 1898 Atbara Gen. Kitchener 13,000 19,000 82 478 2 September 1898 Omdurman Gen. Kitchener 22,000 40,000 46 342 1 Commenting on this Table, General Dal Verme writes :— 'The figures which indicate the number of the Dervish forces can only be approximately accurate. Those which refer to the forces sent against them are, however, precise, because based upon official reports. The English certainly 2 B 386 THE SITUATION IN THE SUDAN But, although the Sudan has been reconquered, it has not yet been pacified. Cost of the As regards the cost of the Sudan Campaign, from the Sudan ° r- fc> > Campaign spring of I 896, when it was decided to move forward from Wadi Haifa to Dongola, up to the present time. Lord Cromer publishes the following Table in his Report for 1 899 : Railways. Telegraphs. Gun-boats. Military Expenditure. Total. Dongola Campaign ... Subsequent military operations, Khartum Railway extension ... Total 181,851 699,521 300,000 8,299 i3>526 ;^E 65,869 89,065 526,601 ^E 725,641 1,328,713 300,000 1,181,372 21,825 154.934 996,223 2,354,354 ni THE TITLE-DEEDS OF THE NILE VALLEY My object in this section is to bring together, and subsequently to analyse, all the title-deeds or other docu- ments which define or in any way restrict the exercise of sovereign and territorial rights within the Basin of the Nile. The discussion of such a subject must obviously be unattractive to the general reader ; but, it is scarcely necessary to add that, in its bearing on the domination of the Nile Valley, the matter is of prime importance. Legitimate claims to the exercise of territorial rights can only be substantiated by documentary evidence, little as, in the last resort, such evidence may be held to affect national issues which override treaties concluded under circumstances that have ceased to exist. This functional development of Treaty-rights is the cause of constant friction between the High Contracting Parties, owing to their divergence of view being inspired by conflicting in- swept away Mahdism, and the applause of the civilized world is theirs. But the Italian .soldiers fully did their duty. On six occasions they were opposed to superior numbers of Dervishes — except at the taking of Kassala, when the forces were nearly equal — and on six occasions they were victorious.' TITLE-DEEDS OF NILE VALLEY 387 terests. But recognition of the fundamental principle, which, sui generis, underlies every International compact, must be noted in order to be understood and should be mutually acknowledged in order to be binding. In view, therefore, of any subsequent disputes arising from the course of recent events, I propose to supply the data upon which the dis- cussions must necessarily be based. {a) Historical Synopsis In Sir Edward Hertslet's valuable work, ' The Map of Africa by Treaty ' (Second and Revised Edition),^ these documents have been published in an authoritative form, accompanied by Notes which aid the reader to understand and apply them. From his Notes on the Boundaries of Egypt, I make the following excerpts :- — On the 15th July 1840, a Convention was concluded Firmans, etc. between Great Britain, Austria, Prussia, Russia, and Turkey for the Pacification of the Levant, by which it was agreed that the administration of the Pashalik of Egypt should be granted to Mohammed Ali and his descendants. The principal provisions under this Convention are given in an Appendix (II) at the end of the present volume. On the 13th February 1841, a Firman was addressed by the Sultan, Abdul Medjed, to Mohammed Ali, Pasha of Egypt, in which the boundaries of Egypt were thus defined — ' I grant unto thee the Government of Egypt within its ancient boundaries, such as they are to be found in the map which is sent unto thee by my Grand Vizier now in office, with a seal affixed to it.' This map was not published with the Firman, nor is a copy of it now forthcoming. But in the Fro-Memorid which accompanied a Note addressed by Fakhri Pasha, then Egyptian Minister of Justice, to M. de Martino, the Italian Agent and Consul-General at Cairo, in July 1881, it was stated: that, in the Firman of 13th February 1841, the frontiers of the Egyptian territory on the West Coast of the 1 This work, in three vols., was pubHshed in 1896. Suakin, etc. 388 THE SITUATION IN THE SUDAN Red Sea were limited to the Bay of Roway, in 21° 05' N. Int. (about the latitude of Jidda). On the same day (13th February 1841) another Firman was issued by the Sultan, conferring" upon Mohammed Ali the government of the Provinces of Nubia, Darfur, Kordo- fan, and Sennar, with their Dependencies beyond the limits of Egypt ^ ; but the boundaries of these Provinces were not defined. Massawa, In May 1865, a Firman was issued by the Sultan, Abdul Aziz, assigning to Ismail Pasha, then Viceroy of Egypt, the administration of the ports of Massawa and Suakin, in conjunction with the Mudiria of Taka. And in another Firman from the Sultan, dated 27th May 1866, modifying the Order of Succession and granting further privileges to the Viceroy, it was stated — ' I have determined that, henceforth, the Government of Egypt, with the territories which are annexed to it, and its Dependencies, with the Kaimakamates of Suakin and Massawa, shall be transmitted to the eldest of thy male children, and in the same manner to the eldest sons of thy successors.' ^ In 1870 an Egyptian Governor was appointed over the Coast from Suez to Cape Guardafui. In the Pro-Memorid which accompanied the Note from ^ Cf. Anglo-German Agreement of 15th November 1893, Art. IV: 'The territories to the west of the boundary line traced in the present Agreement, and in the preceding above-quoted Agreements, shall fall within the British sphere ot influence, those to the east of the line shall fall within the German sphere of interest. It is, however, agreed that the influence of Germany in respect to her relations with Great Britain shall not extend eastwards beyond the basin of the River Shari, and that Darfur, Kordofan, Bahr el-Ghazal, as defined in the map published in October 1891 by Justus Perthes, shall be excluded from her influence, even if affluents of the Shari shall be found to lie within them.' Cf. also the Anglo-French Agreement of 21st March 1899 (p. 420). - On 7th September 1877, an Agreement was entered into between the British and Egyptian Governments, by which the former engaged to recognise the jurisdiction of the Khedive, under the suzerainty of the Sublime Porte, over the Somali Coast as far as Ras Hafun, on certain specific conditions : but these conditions have not been fulfilled. Article II of this Agreement provided for the non-cession of Somali Territory to any Foreign Power ; and Article V provided for the Sultan's assurance to that effect — but this has never been given : and the Agreement is therefore inoperative. TITLE-DEEDS OF NILE VALLEY 389 Fakhri Pasha to the ItaHan Agent and Consul-General at Cairo, of July 1881, already referred to, it was said that this Firman comprised all the West Coast of the Red Sea, from the Bay of Roway as far as the Straits of Bab ei- Mandeb. On the 8th June, 1873, another Firman was issued by Sultan Abdul Aziz to the Khedive of Egypt, in which it was stated that the Egyptian Succession extended to ' the Khediviate of Egypt and its Dependencies, with the Ka'imakamates of Suakin and Massawa and their De- pendencies : ' thus confirming the Firman of 27th May 1866. On 2nd August 1879, a Firman was issued by the Non-cession of Sultan Abdul Hamid II. to the Khedive of Egypt (Taufik J^^i^t^^^' Pasha), confirming the privileges which had already been granted to his Highness and to former Viceroys, and con- ceding others ' within the ancient limits and comprising the territories annexed thereto.' In this Firman (as I have elsewhere mentioned) it was declared that the Khedive could not, under any pretext or motive whatsoever, hand over to others, either wholly or in part, any of the privileges granted to Egypt, and entrusted to him, and which were an emanation of the prerogatives inherent to the Sovereign power ; nor any part of the territory. In an official Note addressed on the same day by Sawas Pasha to her Majesty's Ambassador at Con- stantinople, it was explained that this passage in the Firman only related to the rights, privileges, and pre- rogatives which had been previously and personally granted to the Khedive of Egypt. On 30th November 1881, a Khedivial Decree was issued Eastern Sudan constituting the Eastern Sudan — comprising the Mudin'a of Taka (Kassala), the Governorships of Suakin and of Massawa, Senhit, and Kalabat, with their Dependencies — a separate Governorship, independent of the Governor- Generalship of the Sudan, the Governorship of the Coast of the Red Sea being attached thereto. On 2nd December 1883, the Commander of H.M.S. ' Ranger ' informed the Governor-General of the Eastern 390 THE SITUATION IN THE SUDAN Sudan that he had received information that her Majesty's Government had decided to maintain Egyptian Authority at Suakin, Massawa, and the Red Sea Ports. Suakin On 6th February 1884, the British Government an- nounced its intention of protecting Suakin. Abandonment In May I 884, it was decided that the Egyptian Authori- Coast ties and troops should be withdrawn from Harar ; [to be followed by the retirement of the Egyptians from the whole of the Coast which they had theretofore occupied from the Straits of Bab el-Mandeb to Ras Hafun, including the ports of Tajura, Zeila, and Berbera. FaUof Khartum was captured by the Mahdi on 26th January Khartum „ ^ 1885. ?f'Dongi)'ia Dongola was evacuated by Egypt on 5th July 1885. Gulf of Aden The Porte had exercised, for a considerable period, rights of sovereignty over the territory between Bab el-Mandeb and Zeila, which, though never formally admitted by the British Government, had not been practically disputed. But the claims of the Sultan to sovereignty over the Somali tribes Som4ii Coast between Zeila and Ras Hafun (Meduddu) had been re- peatedly denied by her Majesty's Government ; and the Porte had never accepted the condition under which her Majesty's Government were prepared to admit their sovereignty under the Convention of 7th September 1877, between the British Government and the Khedive.^ The abandonment of the Somali Coast by the Egyptian Government put an end to the Convention of 7th Septem- ber 1877, by which the jurisdiction of Egypt over this Coast was conditionally recognised by Great Britain ; but which had never been carried into effect in consequence of the Sultan having failed to comply with the condition con- tained in Article V. Evacuation of In July 1 884, the Egyptian Government determined to withdraw from the Sudan, under stress of force 7najeure : and orders were sent to evacuate Kassala, Senhit, Amadib, Kalabat, and Kirri.^ 1 Vide ante, footnote to p. 388. - Vide ante. Colonel Stewart's Boundaries, and the list of Egyptian garrisons, p. 380. TITLE-DEEDS OF NILE VALLEY 301 On 2 1 St September 1884, a Treaty was concluded be- France and tween France and Tajura, for the cession to France of the ^*^"''* territory of the Sultan of Tajura from Ras Ali to Gubbed Kharab ; and on the 1 4th December, of the same year, certain further cessions of territory were made by the Sultan of Tajura to France.^ On 3rd February 1885, the Italians occupied Massawa, itaiy and and issued a Proclamation to the population, the opening paragraph of which stated : ' The Italian Government, in accord with the English and Egyptian, and without doubt also with the Abyssinian, have ordered me [Rear- Admiral Caimi] to take possession of the Fort of Massawa this day, and to hoist the Italian flag by the side of the Egyptian.' A Proclamation to the same effect was issued by the King of Italy on loth February 1885. On the 9th December 1888, a Treaty was concluded itaiy and the Daoakil Coast between the King of Italy and the Sultan of Aussa, Head of the Danakil, by which the Sultan recognised the whole of the Danakil Coast from Amfila to Ras Damara (opposite Perim Is.) as an Italian Possession.^ On the ^~ February 1888, an Exchange of Notes took Angio-French place between the British and French Governments, with Guiy^o^'fajura regard to their respective rights in the Gulf of Tajura and Coast on the Somdli Coast. The following provisions of this arrangement may be noted : (i) The Protectorates exercised, or to be exercised, by Great Britain and France shall be separated by a straight line starting from a point on the coast opposite to the wells of Hadu and passing through the said wells to Abassuen ; ^ Namely, territory comprised between Adaeli and Ambado. The Treaty of 2ist September 1884 was officially notified to the British Government on nth February 1885. The remaining French Treaties on that Coast are— (i) Conven- tion between France and the Danakil for the cession of Obok, etc., nth March 1862 ; (2) Treaty of friendship with the Sultan of Gubbed, 9th April 1884 ; and (3) Act signed by the Sultan of Tajura for the cession of Ras Ali, Sagallo, and Gubbed Kharab, i8th October 1884. '^ The Italian right of sovereignty is recognised in Article III. Article V re- cognises the Italian Protectorate over all the Sultan's States and Dependencies. Article XII cedes Gambo Kona, as a commercial depot, for victualling caravans to or from Assab. 392 THE SITUATION IN THE SUDAN from Abassuen the line shall follow the caravan road as far as Bia-Kabuba, and from this latter point it shall follow the caravan road from Zeila to Harar, passing through Gildessa. (2) Her Britannic Majesty's Government recognise the Protectorate of France over the Coasts of the Gulf of Tajura, etc. The Government of the French Republic recognise the Protectorate of Great Britain over the Coast to the east of the above line, as far as Bender Siyada/ etc. (3) Reciprocal self-denying ordinances are exchanged, Harar (4) The two Governments engage not to endeavour to annex Harar, nor to place it under their Protectorate ; but do not renounce their rights to oppose third parties.^ (5) The road from Zeila to Harar to be open to the com- merce of both nations, as well as to that of the natives. (6) The two Governments engage to take all necessary steps to prevent the Slave Trade and the importation of gunpowder and arms in the territories subject to their authority.^ On the same day (9th February 1888) the Marquis of Salisbury despatched a Note to M. Waddington, reserving, and himself agreeing to respect, the suzerain rights of the Sultan. Pr tect"r"t^ ^^ ^^^^ Agreement, the British Government not only re- (Tajura) cognised the Protectorate of France over the Coasts of the Gulf of Tajura, but also a French Protectorate in the Mussa Islands — over which the British flag had been hoisted in December 1884 — and in the islet of Bab. prot ^"*'t*' -^y ^^^ same Agreement, France equally recognised the (Somali Coast) Protectorate of Great Britain over the Somdli Coast. On the 20th July 1887, a Notification was issued to the Powers, in pursuance of the General Act of the Conference of Berlin (26th February 1885),* that the Somali Coast, from Ras ^ The present easterly limit of British Somaliland. -Harar is now occupied by Abyssinia — a Native State, and not a 'Power' within the meaning of the Treaty. •' Gunpowder and arms were imported by the French authorities at Jibuti and sent in large quantities to Abyssinia, during the recent Italian Campaign. * 'Art. XXXIV. Any Power which henceforth takes possession of a tract of land on the Coasts of the African Continent outside of its present possessions, or which, being hitherto without such possessions, shall acquire them, as well as the TITLE-DEEDS OF NILE VALLEY :^93 Jibuti to Bender Siyada, had been placed under British Protection. No objection was raised. On the 13th December 1889, an Order in Council was passed in which, Section III (i), it was stated that, subject to certain provisions, it should apply ' to the places and terri- tories for the time being comprised in the Protectorate of the Somali Coast,' etc. But this Order, providing for British jurisdiction, has not yet been put into operation. On the 15th April 1891, a Protocol was signed between Italian Sphere the British and Italian Governments, recognising the fact that the Italian sphere of influence inland commenced at Ras Kasar, on the western shore of the Red Sea, and extended to the Blue Nile. This Protocol delimited, in principle, the highlands of Abyssinia, then held to be within the Italian sphere. Article II conceded the right of Italy to occupy Kassala temporarily, in case of military necessity, but reserved Egyptian rights over the said territory. The detailed provisions of this Protocol, together with Mr (now Sir) Rennell Rodd's Treaty of 1897, will be given in the next sub-section, in discussing the Abyssinian frontier. On 22nd March 1892, a new Firman of Investiture was Egryptian ..... boundaries addressed by the Sultan to his Highness the Khedive (Abbas confirmed Hilmi), in which the boundaries of Egypt were thus alluded to : — ' In consequence of the decree of Providence, the Khedive Taufik Pasha being deceased, the Khediviate of Egypt, within its ancient limits, as indicated in the Imperial Firman, dated 13th February 1841, as also on the [apocryphal] map an- nexed to the said Firman, and the territories annexed in conformity with the Imperial Firman, dated May 1865, has been conferred on you, in virtue of my Imperial Irad6.' It was further explained, in a telegram addressed by the Smaj^^^,^ Grand Vizier to the Khedive, on 8th April 1892, that the Sinaf Peninsula — that is to say, the Territory bounded to the Power which assumes a Protectorate there, shall accompany the respective act with a notification thereof, addressed to the other Signatory Powers of the present Act, in order to enable them, if need be, to make good any claims of their own.' 394 THE SITUATION IN THE SUDAN east by a line running in a south-easterly direction from a point a short distance to the east of El-Arish to the head of the Gulf of Akaba — was to be continued to be administered by Egypt. The fort of Akaba lies to the east of this line. Basin of the On the I 2th May 1894, an Agreement was entered into ^^^"^ ' ^ between the British Government and the Congo Free State respecting East and Central Africa, to which Notes were added declaring that the claims of Turkey and Egypt in the Basin of the Upper Nile were not ignored. On 1 8th June 1894, a British Protectorate over Uganda was notified, and was published in the ' London Gazette * on the following day. These and the ensuing International negotiations, together with the definitive Agreement with France published at the moment of writing (28th March 1899), will be examined in detail in the analysis that follows. The entire Basin of the Nile being delimited, in principle,, we are now in a position to definitely define the Treaty- rights of Egypt and her neighbours. {b^ Analysis of Treaty-rights Egypt Proper The ' ancient boundaries of Egypt,' as set forth in the Firmans of the Suzerain, have never been accurately defined : but, in regard to Egypt Proper, these have not been the subject of dispute. Apart from the Palestine frontier, which was indicated in the telegram supplementing an omission in the Firman of Investiture of 22nd March 1892 {vide supra^ P- 393)> the northern and eastern frontiers march with the sea-coasts. In the west, however, the Libyan Desert is a No-man's Land, in which frontiers are lost in a sea of sand. Tripou frontier The frontier between Egypt and Tripoli, on all published maps, including the general Map of Africa in Sir Edward Hertslet's authoritative work, is shown to include Jarabub, the sanctuary and fortress of the Senussi : and doubtless that was the ' ancient boundary.' But it is not the frontier which is recognised by the Egyptian Government, nor the frontier which would be acceptable to the Senussi Mahdi, who exercises in that part of Africa, not excluding Barka, TITLE-DEEDS OF NILE VALLEY 395 an influence and a power transcending and technicall>' infringing the sovereign rights of Turkey. As a result of my visit to the Oasis of Siwa in 1898, I am able to define the frontier which is tacitly recognised by the Egyptian Government and by the Senussi sheikhs, respectively. Starting from a point located at half-a-day's journey, or ten miles, to the west of Siwa town, the frontier extends northwards to the Gulf of Solum, leaving the port of Jerjub in Egyptian territory and Jarabub in the Turkish Vilayet of Tripoli. The caravan road from Siwa to Jerjub, which the Siwans regard as their natural port, would necessarily remain in Egyptian territory.^ § The Libyan Desert South of the oasis of Siwa, one enters the heart of the An Egyptian Libyan Desert, which, in accordance with our recent Agree- ^"^ "^ ment with France, is left, in principle, within the Egyptiaii sphere of influence. This region of the Sahara, in which desert conditions are Boundaries more pronounced than in any other part of the world, has no natural boundaries. But although its physical limits are undefined, its conventional boundaries are politicall}- recog- nised. Tripoli and Barka in the north, Fezzan in the west, the ancient boundary of Egypt in the east, the high- lands between Tibesti and Ennedi and the open desert in the south, — these may be said to delimit the Libyati Desert on all sides, from the political point of view. In the heart of this enclave of pitiless Desert lies a group TheSenussi of oases usually passing under the name of Kufra. At one of these inaccessible oases (Joffa), the Senussi Mahdi has established himself From this centre, which is connected by etapes, or oases situated at one-day's journey apart, extending between Wadai and Barka, the Sheikh el-Senussi 1 The Oasis of Siwa belongs to Egypt, who is represented by a Mamur. It is attached to the Mudiria of Damanhur. But, practically, the Siwans enjoy Home Rule, under their own sheikhs, although they pay taxes to the Khedivial Government. For one hundred miles to the west of the Delta, Egyptian Authority is represented chiefly by the Coast Guard Service. 396 THE SITUATION IN THE SUDAN exercises dominant control over vast areas of the Sahara. The principal Senussi settlements in the borderlands of the Libyan Desert (apart from Kufra and Barka) are Aujila, Fezzan, Tibesti, Borku, Wanyanga, and Ennedi. Tripoli and This powcrful Mohammedan Sect, numbering several * QuesUon milHons of adherents, is destined to play an important role in the history of North Africa and of Islam ; but, having dealt with the subject so fully in a recently pub- lished work,^ I desire in this place simply to record its significance, without attempting to explain its bearing on the pacification of the Sudan. One thing is, however, certain, and to that I must allude : Any European Power attempting to occupy Tripoli would inevitably find itself in opposition to the Senussi, whose base of communications is now established at Bengazi. Should any attempt be made to cut off their supplies of arms and ammunition, which freely enter at this port, under the averted eyes of Turkish officials, such an attempt would in itself be sufficient to rouse the Senussi to revolt, the consequences of which would injuriously affect every State holding territory in North Africa. It would be in the highest degree unwise, on the part of Italy or of France, to take any steps to change the status quo in Tripoli, which, anomalous as it may be, is fraught with serious issues to Egypt. The settlement of Tripoli involves the solution of the Senussi Question, which at present is dormant, though big with fate, TripoUand The Anglo-French Declaration of 21st March 1899 has been misread in Italy to imply the recognition, in principle, of Tripoli as a French sphere of influence. Tripoli, being a Turkish vilayet, cannot fall within the sphere of a European Ptjwer, the Sultan himself being a Signatory of the Berlin Act of 1885. Clause i of this Anglo-French Agreement, containing the usual self-denying ordinances, is specifically restricted to ' the line of frontier defined in the following paragraph ' — that is to say, sotith of the fifteenth parallel. If, as our Italian friends assume, it applied to the regions delimited in Clause 3 — that is to say, north of the fifteenth ' 'From Sphinx to Oracle': Hurst & Blackett, 1899. TITLE-DEEDS OF NILE VALLEY 397 parallel — and therefore threw open Tripoli to the exclusive policy of France, the acceptance of such an interpretation would reciprocally exclude France from acquiring ' territory or political influence ' in the Libyan Desert or in Egypt Proper. As a matter of fact, the delimited zones in Clause 3, by ' starting ' from the southern frontier of Fezzan, the true Hinterland of Tripoli — namely, ' from the point of inter- section of the Tropic of Cancer with the sixteenth degree of east longitude ' — and running south-east and south to the frontier of Darfur, impliedly excludes Tripoli from delimita- tions, even in principle, that concern third parties : or, in other words, the Ottoman Empire. The effect of this Declaration is to leave the Libyan Desert within the Egyptian sphere, and to respect the status quo in Tripoli. The Protest of the Porte (28th March 1899), based on the extravagant claims in Said Pasha's despatch of 1890, is therefore invalidated. § Abyssinia, etc. The boundaries of Abyssinia are very unsettled, owing to the withdrawal of the bogus Protectorate of Italy : but it is possible, even at this stage, to define them with a tolerable degree of certainty. It is scarcely necessary to add, that the matter is of considerable importance, although the urgency is not great, in view of the Anglo-Egyptian Condominium having been definitely established. Abyssinia is the most important Native State in that part Political of Africa ; and, since it lies within the hydrographical basin of the Nile, its political relations with Egypt deeply concern the Tutelary Power. Its foreign relations, although in the capable hands of a Menelik, are, unhappily, subject to a deep-seated intrigue on the part of two Powers whose object for many years past has been to set up a counterpoise against British domination in the Nile Valley. The disaster of Adua, the enforced withdrawal of Italian claims, and a succession of European missions courting the friendship of the Negus Nagasti (King of Kings) of Ethiopia, have combined to nourish the arrogance of the Abyssinians, whose claims to territorial 398 THE SITUATION IN THE SUDAN expansion, as set forth in Menelik's Circular of 1891, and as interpreted by Count Leontieff's so-called appointment to the Equatorial Province, are a sufficient indication that the reconquest of the Sudan and the settlement of the Fashoda difficulty were matters of urgency and importance to Egypt. Historical This pseudo-Christian State has a dense population of hardy mountaineers, composed of diverse ethnical elements. Originally peopled from Arabia, and converted to a primitive form of Christianity in the fourth century, the northern regions remain Arabic in type, whilst in Southern Abyssinia and Shoa the basis of the population is Negroid. Explorers and missionaries made the country known to Europe over a century ago ; and the Indian Government despatched a mission to Shoa in 1841 : but, apart from the events that led up to the British Campaign of 1867- 1868 — when Theodore, the bandit King, committed suicide, and Johannis proclaimed himself Negiis — our relations with Abyssinia have been very slight. Sir William Hewett in 1884 and Sir Gerald Portal in 1887 were despatched thither on special missions, in connection with the pacification of the Sudan ^ ; but her Majesty's Government left Abyssinia severely alone until, in 1897, Mr Rennell Rodd headed an important mission, the object of which was to negotiate a treaty of friendship with Menelik and to secure the neutrality of the Negiis during the Anglo-Egyptian Campaign against the Dervishes. In 1 867-1 868 we conquered the northern province of Tigre, but evacuated it when the main object of the Expedition had been accomplished. In 1889, on the death of Johannis, in the action against the Dervishes at Matama, Menelik, then independent King of Shoa, took advantage of the anarchy that prevailed and proclaimed himself Negus. The famous Ucciali Treaty, which dates from that period, was definitely denounced in 1893 by Menelik; and the fighting in 1895 and 1896 resulted in the final overthrow of ^ Admiral Hewett went to make arrangements with King John in regard to the withdrawal of Eg)ptian garrisons, including Kassala. Portal's unsuccessful mission was to procure peace for the Italians. TITLE-DEEDS OF NILE VALLEY 399 Italian pretensions. The French, Russian, Itah'an, Turkish, Dervish, and British, Missions were the principal incidents of 1897. Since his accession, Menelik has been occupied in con- Meneiik solidating his rule over Abyssinia. He has succeeded in crushing the Gallas and in bringing the turbulent Rases into subjection. The Mohammed AH of his country, he is a wealthy monopolist and an autocrat; nourishing schemes of civilization and progress, of which he is the sole native advocate, he welcomes the emissaries of Europe ; astute, and mistrustful of European intrigues, he plays off one Power against the other : but he never loses sight of the dominant position of Great Britain, nor neglects to safeguard the independence of his own country. Queen Taitu — his consort, who had previously been favoured by four husbands — is his wisest counsellor ; and many Europeans reside at his Court, which at present is fixed at Addis Abbaba — an encampment situated at the foot of the Entotto hills. Having no issue, succession to the throne will, as is in Succession any case the mode in Abyssinia, fall to the strongest Ras.^ In place of the free-booting rabble of former days. Armed strength Menelik has created a standing army of over 70,000 men, under the independent commands of their feudal lords. Each Ras (general) can account for from five to forty thou- sand men. Behind this standing army, a sort of militia, numbering 140,000 men, can be raised in a few months. But the patriotism of the Abyssinians would, in case of national danger, draw every able-bodied man — Gallas, slaves, and others — into the ranks. Thus, some 200,000 men met ^ There are no less than forty Rases, or governors, and princelings who can set up some pretensions to the throne. Ras Mangasha Tekkem, Governor of Amhara, though not of the royal family, is perhaps the leading Ras. And there is another Ras Mangasha, a natural son of King Johannis, who is and always has been in revolt ; but, since Italy refused to support his claims, his opposition is not serious. Ras Makunan, a son of Menelik'* sister, is a famous tjeneral. Ras Alula is dead. Ras Mikhael is a son-in-law of the Negus. And there are numerous kings and sultans recognising Menelik's sovereignty. Under no previous ruler has Abyssinia been more united. Menelik himself is very popular: and it is his policy to retain the affection of his subjects as well as the adherence of petty chiefs. 400 THE SITUATION IN THE SUDAN the invasion of Italy ; and, of this number, fully three- fourths were armed with rifles. In spite of absence of discipline, cartridges without powder, and weapons of every description, the Abyssinians, in their own mountains, are a formidable foe. Their tactics are to overwhelm and crush the enemy by sheer superiorit)' of numbers ; but in the plains they would be quite unable to stand up against a disciplined force, such as the Sirdar could lead against them : and this fact is well known to Menelik, who, after Fashoda, abandoned the wild scheme of advancing his frontiers to the White Nile, though he still hopes to make good his pretensions in Kedaref and Kalabat.^ Internal The fairy stories told in France of the progress made in the civilization of Abyssinia must be taken cum grano. The French and Russian emissaries have certainly innocu- lated the country with the spirit of progress : but the effect lies all on the surface. Railways, telegraphs, telephones, and Posts have been introduced or projected. There is a French Directeur des Posies Ethiopiennes, with Post Offices at Addis Abbaba and Harar. Artistic postage-stamps, made in France, bear the portrait of Menelik. And there is a mail about once a week to Jibuti, whence a Company, under the concession to M. Ilg — Menelik's Foreign Adviser — hope to complete the railway now being constructed to Harar and beyond. But whilst the French Government pay all the expenses, and Menelik takes all the receipts, of the Pastes Ethiopie7i7ies, the telegraph-wires are used chiefly by the monkeys, for gymnastic performances ; and Menelik himself sadly mistrusts the iron road as the surest introduction of the mailed fist. Not desiring a port on the Red Sea, which could always be bombarded and taken by the navies of 1 It is said that the famous lionchamps mission failed through the jealousy of the French Resident, M. Lagarde. This mission was to have acted in co-opera- tion with an Abyssinian army of 30,000 men. Its object was to tal^e possession of the right bank of the Nile, and join hands with the French Expedition under Marchand at Fashoda. France, Abyssinia, and the Khalifa were at one time in collusion, more or less, to filch the Upper Nile from Egypt : but the success of Sir Rennell Rodd in diplomacy and of the Sirdar in the field of action entirely defeated this scheme. TITLE-DEEDS OF NILE VAEEEY 401 Europe, Menelik has been anxious to secure, what he has now obtained, a depot through which he can draw materiel of all kind free from the vexatious imposts of the Italian Protectorate. Thus, Harar,^ which was conquered by Menelik in 1887, Harar has been converted from the res nulliiis of the Anglo-French Convention into an Abyssinian ' port,' or trading-post with Europe — principally with France, through Jibuti.- The Communica- caravan road to Khartum passes through Matama (Kalabat) and Suk-Abu-Sin (Kedaref) to Abu Haraz, and along the left-bank of the Blue Nile : hence the importance of these regions to Egypt. Hence also the recent visit (March 1899) of the Sirdar to Kedaref Caravan routes also lead from Khartum and Abu Haraz to Gos Rejeb, on the Atbara. The whole of this region is commanded by Kassala. With this slight introduction, we may now examine the Boundaries boundaries of Abyssinia, in the hope of reaching a satis- factory settlement. A Treaty between Great Britain, Ethiopia, and Egypt Great Britain, ,' . , IT „ r> "-T-i • Ethiopia, and was signed at Adua on 3rd June 1884. Ihis treaty was Egrypt negotiated with King Johannis by Admiral Sir William Hewett, representing her Majesty the Queen, and Mason Bey, Governor of Massawa, representing the Khedive. The principle it set up is the reason of my quoting it. Article I provided for the free transit of all goods through Massawa to and from Abyssinia. Article H restored Bogos to Ethiopia.*^ Article HI provided for the withdrawal of the garrisons of Kassala, Amadib, and Senhit. Article VI was as follows : — - ' His Majesty the Negusa Negust agrees to refer all differences with his Highness the Khedive, which may arise ' Harar, occupied by Egypt between 1874 and 1884, was given up on the advice of Great Britain. Menelilc has placed it under the rule of his nephew, Ras Makunan. The Hararis are a mixture of Galla and R'hotta. - The railway under construction to Harar (186 miles) is projected to Addis Abbaba (470 miles). The import and export trade, combined, of Jibuti is worth about 25 million francs per annum. " Bogos was handed over to Abyssinia on 12th Sept. 18S4. 2 C 402 THE SITUATION IN THE SUDAN after the signing of this Treaty,^ to her Britannic Majesty for settlement,' This amounts to the recognition, in principle, of the Tutelary Power in Egypt. Italy and The Treaties between Italy and Abyssinia having been yssinia ^gj-j^j,-|^|-g(j ^y ^\^q recent war, the Convention signed at Addis Abbaba on 26th October 1896, between Major Nerazzini, on behalf of Italy, and King Menelik, replaces them, until a definitive Treaty has been signed. Negotiations are proceeding favourably : and it is probable that the Mareb-Belesa-Muna line will be accepted as the permanent frontier between Eritrea and Abyssinia. The territory to the north would remain in the possession of Italy ; and, in the event of this proposed frontier being accepted, Italy would undertake not to cede the fertile provinces of Sera6 and Ocule-Kusai to any State but Abyssinia in the event of the withdrawal of Italy from the high-plateau. Egypt and On 25 th Juue I 895, an Agreement was signed between ^ the Egyptian and Italian Governments for regulating the dependence of the semi-nomadic tribes and for defining their respective frontiers between the Khor Barak a and the Red Sea. Sir Herbert (now Lord) Kitchener, the Sirdar, repre- sented Egypt. Article I defined the boundary-line as follows : ' In the district between the Red Sea and the Baraka, the frontier-line betw^een Egypt and Eritrea shall follow a line which, starting from Ras Kasar [the northern limit of Eritrea], joins the principal branch of the Karora, about two kiloms. from the Coast, and follows the course of the Karora up to a point marked " Karora " on the map. The frontier then follows the watershed between the torrents Aiet and Merib on the north, and the torrents Falkat and Sela on the south, up to a point on the plateau of Hagar-Nush, to be fixed by the delineators ; and from the point so fixed shall proceed to join the Baraka at a point which is also left to the delineators to establish, following a clearly ^ Ratified by her Majesty on 4th July 1S84, and by the Khedive on 25th Sep- tember 1884. TITLE-DEEDS OF NIEE VALLEY 403 determined natural line. From the Baraka, the line of frontier goes straight to the intersection of the 1 7th parallel, north, with the 37th meridian east of Greenwich.' From this point, southwards, the frontiers between Ethiopia Angio- Egyptian and the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan remain to be fixed. But, Sudan pending a definitive treaty, the frontier-lines defined in the Protocols between Great Britain and Italy of 24th March 1891, and of 15th April 1891, respectively, outline the conventional boundaries. These Protocols were completed by the Agreement of 5th May, 1894, defining the boundaries of the British and Italian spheres of influence in the regions of the Gulf of Aden and Somaliland. The frontiers therein defined may be accepted as a provisional and rough delimitation of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan towards Abyssinia ; and, as such, they may be given here. The first Clause of the Ang-lo- Italian Protocol of 2 4th (Juba to Blue ^ . ^ Nile) March, 1891, gives the line of demarcation between the British and Italian spheres, from the River Juba to the Blue Nile :— ' The line of demarcation in Eastern Africa between the spheres of influence respectively reserved to Great Britain and Italy shall follow from the sea [Indian Ocean] the mid- channel {thalweg) of the River Juba up to latitude 6° north, Kismayu with its territory on the right bank of the river thus remaining to England. The line shall then follow the 6th parallel of north latitude up to the meridian 35'' east of Greenwich, which it will follow up to the Blue Nile.' The Anglo-Italian Protocol of 15th April, 1891, com- (Blue Nile to pleted and defined this boundary-line up to Ras Kasar. The first Clause of this Protocol reads as follows : — ' The sphere of influence reserved to Italy is bounded on the north and on the west by a line drawn from Ras Kasar ^ on the Red Sea to the point of intersection of the 17th parallel north with the 37th meridian east of Greenwich. The line, having followed that meridian to 16' 30' north ^ Cf. supra, p. 402 : Agreement between Italy and Egypt, modifying the frontier between Ras Kasar and the Khor Baraka. 404 THE SITUATION IN THE SUDAN latitude, is drawn from that point in a straight Hne to Sabderat, leaving that village to the east. From that village the line is drawn southward to a point on the Gash twenty English miles above Kassala, and rejoins the Atbara at the point indicated as being a ford on the map of Werner Munzinger 'Origmal-Karte vo?i Nord Abessmicn imd den Ldn- dern am Mareb, Barca, und A^iscba, del. i 864 ' (Gotha : Justus Perthes), and situated at 14° 52' north latitude. The line then ascends the Atbara to the confluence of the Khor Kaka- mot (Hahamot), whence it follows a westerly direction till it meets the Khor Lemsen, which it descends to its confluence with the Rahad. Finall}', the line, having followed the Rahad for the short distance between the confluence of the Khor Lemsen and the intersection of 35" east longitude, Greenwich, identifies itself in a southerly direction with that meridian, until it meets the Blue Nile, saving ulterior amend- ments of detail, according to the hydrographic and orographic conditions of the country.' Undeiimited Italy, having withdrawn her so-called Protectorate over towards Abyssiuia, leaves this frontier-line, accepted in principle by yssinia Qj-g^^. j^j-jtain, to be re-delimited, as between Great Britain and Abyssinia, from the western frontier of Eritrea to the northern frontier of Italian Somaliland, both of which frontiers were outlined between Italy and Abyssinia in i 896. This undeiimited frontier lies between a point on the Upper Atbara and a point on the Juba rivers. Somiiiiand Por the Same reason, the boundary of British Somaliland in the south now meets the northern frontier of Italian Somdli- land at the point of intersection defined in the Anglo-Italian Protocol of 5th May 1894 and in the Treaty (Annex 3) between Great Britain and Ethiopia of 1897.^ This is explained in the following paragraphs, dealing with the inland boundaries of British Somaliland. The Agreement between Great Britain and Italy of 5th May, 1894, defined their respective spheres of influence in Somaliland, etc. To the east of the point of intersection ' That is to say, the intersection of 47° east of Greenwich with the 8th parallel of north latitude. TITLE-DEEDS OF NILE VALLEY 405 above noted, the frontier-line between British and Italian Somdliland runs, in accordance with the first Clause of the Agreement, ' from the 48th degree of longitude east of Greenwich to the intersection of the 9th degree of north latitude with the 49th degree of longitude cast of Greenwich, and [then] follows that meridian of longitude to the Sea ' — i.e., the Gulf of Aden. Annex No. 3 to the Treaty negotiated by Mr Rodd with Ethiopia^ modified the Anglo-French boundary of ^ February 1888, and the Anglo-Italian boundary of 5th May 1894 — already alluded to — and delimited the southern boundary of British Somaliland in such a manner as to leave the Isa Habrawal country within the Abyssinian sphere."^ It is not clear, what return Great Britain received for this concession : but possibly some secret understanding was arrived at. The Treaty itself contains six Articles. Article I gives Great Britain 1 1 • r 11 1 - and Abyssinia full liberty to the subjects of or persons protected by each 01 1897 the Contracting Parties ' to come and go and engage in commerce in the territories of the other,' but forbids ' armed ^ Signed by the Emperor Menelik II., and by her Majesty's Envoy, at Addis Abbaba, I4lh May 1897. Ratified by the Queen, 28th July 1897. Acknow- ledged by Menelik, 8th December 1897 — amounting to exchange of ratifications. - Mr Rodd's version is as follows : — ■ Mr Rodd to Ras Makunan : Harar,June 4, 1897. ' Peace be unto you. 'After friendly discussion with your Excellency, I have understood that His Majesty the Emperor of Ethiopia will recognize as frontier of the Britisli Pro- tectorate on the Somali Coast the line which, starting from the sea at the point fixed in the Agreement between Great Britain and France on the 9th February 1888, opposite the wells of Hadu, follows the caravan-road, described in that Agreement, through Abbassuen till it reaches the hill of Somadu. From this point on the road the line is traced by the Saw mountains and the hill of Egu to Moga Medir ; from Moga Medir it is traced by Eylinta Kaddo to Arran Arrhe, near the intersection of latitude 44° east of Greenwich with longitude 9° north. From this point a straight line is drawn to the intersection of 47° east of Green- wich with 8° north. From here the line will follow the frontier laid down in the Anglo-Italian Protocol of the 5th May 1894, until it reaches the sea. ' The tribes occupying either side of the line shall have the right to use the grazing-grounds on the other side, but during their migrations it is understood that they shall be subject to the jurisdiction of the territorial authority. Free access to the nearest wells is equally reserved to the tribes occupying either side of the line. . . .' 406 THE SITUATION IN THE SUDAN bands from either side to cross the frontier of the other on any pretext whatever without previous authorization from the competent authorities.' Article II deals with the Somdli frontiers in the sense already referred to. Article III states that ' the caravan route between Zeila and Harar by way of Gildessa shall remain open throughout its whole extent to the commerce of both nations.' Article IV concedes to Great Britain the usual ' favoured nation ' treatment ; but ' on the other hand, all material destined exclusively for the service of the Ethiopian State shall, on application from his Majesty the Emperor, be allowed to pass through the port of Zeila into Ethiopia free of duty.' Under Article V, ' the transit of fire-arms and ammunition destined for his Majesty the Emperor of Ethiopia through the territories depending on her Britannic Majesty is authorized, subject to the con- ditions prescribed by the General Act of the Brussels Conference' of 1890. Finally, under Article VI, his Majesty, etc., etc., ' engages himself towards the Govern- ment of her Britannic Majesty to do all in his power to prevent the passage through his dominions of arms and ammunition to the Mahdists, whom he declares to be the enemies of his Empire.' Uncovered It will thus be sceu that his Majesty the King of Kings, etc., etc., receives a good deal more than he concedes. In- deed, he concedes practically nothing under this treaty, which for all present purposes may be regarded as strangely ineffective, unless some secret — though why secret ? — -under- standing exists in regard to the undelimited frontier, already indicated, or to the political situation. To assume that we can take what we want, now that we are established at Khartum, and Italy is confined to the Benadir Coast, is not to remove the danger of conflicts with Abyssinia, but rather to court it. I therefore presume that Mr Rodd's diplomacy was more successful than the public have any idea of. The Treaty itself gives no hint of this : but rather suggests a difficulty that proved insuperable. It is scarcely necessary to add that, with France and Russia firmly in- trenched in Abyssinia, the situation is by no means reassur- TITLE-DEEDS OF NILE VALLEY 407 ing ; and, until a definitive frontier is fixed, our relations with Menelik must necessarily be at the mercy of intrigues and misunderstandings. Abyssinia is, in fact, the one weak and critical point in our settlement of pending questions concerning the pacification and delimitation of the Anglo- Egyptian Sudan. § Equatorial Regions The following reference to the boundaries of the British sphere of influence on the East Coast of Africa was made in a despatch addressed by the Marquis of Salisbury to the late Sir Gerald Portal, her Majesty's Commissioner and Consul-General, on 22nd March 1892 :^ ' The boundaries of the British sphere north of the Territories of German sphere on the East Coast of Africa are defined in Africa the 1st Article of the Anglo-German Agreement of the 1st July 1890, and in the Anglo-Italian Agreement of the 24th March 1891. ' There are three distinct divisions of the territory com- prised in the British sphere of influence on the East Coast of Africa — ' I. The dominions of the Sultan of Zanzibar leased to the British East i\frica Company, extending from Wanga to Kipini, with an inland frontier 10 miles from the Coast, and including the islands of Lamu, Patta, and Manda.^ ' 2. The Territory administered by the Company under its Charter (3rd September 1888). ' 3. The Territor}' not at present administered by the Company.' The limits of the Territory leased by the Sultan of Zanzibar to the British East Africa Company are described in the Note written by Acting Consul-General Holmwood to the Sultan on the 3rd December 1886.=^ The Note refers, in addition, to ports north of the Juba. ' Africa, No. 4(1892). Quoted in Sir Edward Hertslet's ' Map of Africa by Treaty,' p. 170, whose ' Notes' are also embodied with the reference in question. ■■* Under Concessions dated 24th May 1887; 9th October 1888; 4th March 1890; and 5th March 1891. 3 This Agreement, or exchange of Notes, is published in Hertslet's ' Map of Africa by Treaty,' p. 754 sec/. 408 THE SITUATION IN THE SUDAN The second division, or Territory administered by the Company, under its Charter, ' includes territory held b\- the Company under Grants, Concessions, Agreements, or Treaties, in accordance with Clause i of the Charter, subject to the provisions of Clause 3, which stipulates that no power shall be exercised under such Grants, Concessions, Agreements, or Treaties until copies shall have been furnished to the Secretary of State, and he shall have signified his approval, absolutely or conditionally. The claims of the Company are recorded in letters and Treaties, all of which have received the formal approval of the Secretary of State. Under the 2nd Clause of the Charter, the Company is authorized and empowered to extend its territory from time to time, but such extension is subject to the approval of the Secretary of State and to the conditions of the 3rd Clause.' The third division, or Territory not then (1892) ad- ministered by the Company, ' comprises all territory not included in the other two divisions. This is liable to diminution in proportion to the extension of the Company's administration.' To the changes that have taken place since the above despatch was written, I shall refer subsequently. Uganda 1 On the 20th August I 89 1, the British East Africa Com- pany announced its determination to withdraw from Uganda, which was definitely confirmed on the 17th May 1892. On the 3rd March 1892, a Treaty was concluded by Captain Lugard, on behalf of the British East Africa Com- pany, with Mwanga, King of Uganda, by which the Company agreed to afford protection to the Kingdom of Uganda, and the King acknowledged the suzerainty of the Company.^ But this Treaty was not ratified. On the 29th May 1893, Mwanga entered into a Bro- visional Agreement with Sir Gerald Bortal, H.B.M. Com- missioner, in which it was recorded that the British East Africa Company had definitely withdrawn from Uganda, ' Cf. Sir Edward Ilertslct's ' Map of Africa by Treaty,' p. 172. - Africa, No. i (1893) p. 25. TITLE-DEEDS OF NILE VALLEY 409 and that, pending the decision of her Majesty's Government on the whole question of Uganda, Mwanga had bound him- self to certain specified conditions, and entered into certain engagements, with the object of securing British protection, assistance, and guidance. One of these engagements was that he would make no treaties or agreements of any kind with any European, of whatever nationality, without the consent and approval of her Majesty's Representative.^ This Treaty was ratified.^ A British Protectorate was proclaimed over Uganda on the 1 8th June 1894. The following Notification, issued from the Foreign Office on that date, was published in the ' London Gazette' for 19th June 1894 : ' It is hereby notified, for public information, that under and by virtue of the Agreement concluded on the 29th May 1893, between the late Sir G. Portal and Mwanga, King of Uganda, the country of that ruler is placed under the Protectorate of her Majesty the Queen. ' This Protectorate comprises the Territory known as Uganda proper, bounded by the territories known as Usoga, Unyoro, Ankoli, and Koki.' The boundaries of the Protectorate were, however, sub- sequently extended. The following Notification, published in the ' London Gazette,' was issued from the Foreign Office on 30th June 1896 : ' The territory of Unyoro, together with that part of the British sphere of influence lying to the west of Uganda and Unyoro which has not hitherto been included in the Uganda Protectorate, is placed within the limits of that Protectorate, which includes, also, Usoga and the other territories to the east under the administration of her Majesty's Commissioner and Consul-General for the Protectorate.' On I ;th Tune 189;, a Notification was issued from the British East Foreign Office, and published in the 'London Gazette' of (Protectorate) i8th June 1895, to the following effect: ^ Africa. No. 2 (1894) p. 18. '•^ Namely by Col. Colville's Treaty with Mwanga, 27th August 1894. Approved by H.M.G. 4th January 1895. 410 THE SITUATION IN THE SUDAN ' It is hereby notified for public information that the territories in East Africa under the influence of Great Britain, lying between the Protectorate of Uganda and the Coast, and between the river Juba and the northern frontier of the German sphere, not being already under British protection, are placed under the Protectorate of her Britannic Majesty.' The boundaries of British East Africa were consequently defined, in the above documents, on all sides except towards the Nile Valley, the frontiers of which marched with the conventional limits of the Congo basin. Upper Nile The position in regard to the Upper Nile Territories was outlined in the following Explanatory Despatch,^ dated 23rd May 1894, from the Earl of Kimberley to Mr Hardinge : — ' When her Majesty's Government decided upon assuming the Protectorate of Uganda, it became incumbent on them to consider the position of Great Britain as regards that part of the British sphere described in the Anglo-German Agreement [ist July 1890] as the western watershed of the Nile." It was understood that in 1890 arrangements were made between the Administrator of the Congo Free State and the late Sir W. Mackinnon, under which the East Africa Company agreed to waive in favour of the Free State any powers which it might acquire in the territories so described as a Chartered Company administering in the British sphere with the sanction of the Crown. The docu- ments recording whatever arrangements may have been concluded were not officially communicated to, nor sanc- tioned by, her Majesty's Government, and obviously could not have validity without that sanction. The Free State Administration, however, appears to have considered that, in virtue of these arrangements, it was justified in sending exploring parties into the territory affected by them. The expeditions are believed to have travelled over a consider- able portion of the territory, and it appears that their leaders made treaties and established posts. ^ Published as a Parliamentary Paper — Africa, No. 4 (1894). " Art. I, § 3 (British sphere)— 'To the west by the Congo Free State, and by the western watershed of the Ijasin of the Upper Nile.' TITLE-DEEDS OF NILE VALLEY 411 ' Her Majesty's Minister at Brussels was, from time to time, directed to point out that, though her Majesty's Government had no accurate information as to the destina- tion and proceedings of these expeditions, the territory thus explored was well known to be included in the British sphere of influence. ' Her Majesty's Government, in examining this situation in connection with the Protectorate of Uganda, desired, in order to put an end to all controversy as to these proceed- ings, to arrive at an arrangement which would be satisfactory to both parties. They could not fail to recognize the sacrifices which had been made in endeavouring to open up the country by his Majesty the King of the Belgians, whose efforts to promote the civilization of Africa have commanded their warm sympathy. ' On approaching his Majesty, they found him fully disposed to enter into an arrangement which, while en- abling him to continue the work he had commenced, would record his recognition of the position of Great Britain in her sphere, and of such claims as Egypt, and, through her, Turkey, may have to the Equatorial Provinces ^ whose administration was abandoned owing to the evacuation of the Sudan. ' I enclose copy of an Agreement- by which His Majesty, having recognized, on behalf of the Congo State, the British sphere of influence as laid down in the Anglo-German Agree- ment of 1890, received from Great Britain leases of the territory specified in the Agreement under certain conditions. ' Her Majesty's Government are satisfied that, under the Agreement, this portion of the British sphere will be ad- ministered in a spirit in full accordance with the requir' jggg . 1st July 1890; and 14th April 1S93. 7 ay 2 ug. •' The River Shari flows into Lake Tsad, — an inland drainage-area. 2 D 418 rHE SITUATION IN THE SUDAN was arranged as early as 1885) was finally delimited in 1 894 by the Boundary Protocol of 4th February. On the 15th March 1894, a Convention was concluded at Berlin between the German and French Governments which con- firmed that Protocol. The French France, having definitely arranged her frontier with the Sphere in Central Africa Congo t vec State, by the Boundary Agreement of 14th August 1894,^ and having, in her Convention with Great Britain of the 14th June 1898, adjusted and defined the territorial and other interests of the two nations in the region of the Niger, was left with a vast but vague sphere of influence, the boundaries of which towards the Central Sudan were necessarily undefined. Whilst recognizing, in principle, the reserved rights of Egypt in the Provinces of the Sudan formerly under Egyptian rule, she, nevertheless, repudiated the title of the Tutelary Power to implement those rights by the Campaign of re-conquest then in pro- gress, in so far as such re-occupation should, directly or in- directly, benefit Great Britain. On the assumption that two wrongs make a right — that she would be merely imitating the action of Great Britain in Unyoro, etc., by herself occupy- ing territory on the Upper Nile that formerly belonged to Egypt — France despatched three Expeditions from the Congo with the object of establishing stations in the Bahr el-Ghazal and of planting the French flag at Fashoda.^ Rival Claims In this shc ignored the fact, that her relations with Egypt were not of the intimate, reciprocal and responsible ^ Already quoted — supra, pp. 413-414, "^ The three Expeditions sent out by France were direct challenges to British pretensions in the Nile Valley. The first was despatched immediately after the Anglo-German Convention (1890). The second — a large military expedition under Colonel Monteil — was sent out after the Anglo-Congolese Convention {1894): and the French Chambers enthusiastically granted the funds. The third was the Marchand Mission, proper. Both Monteil and Liotard were instructed to ad- vance into the Bahr el-Ghazal, towards Fashoda, where Prince Henry and Com- pany were to join hands from Abyssinia. Marchand was instructed to hold Fashoda against all comers. On British representations being made, Monteil was recalled ; but Liotard proceeded to invade the Bahr el-Ghazal. Hence Sir Edward Grey's warning in the House of Commons. — (C/. an article by ' Diploma- ticus' in the Fortnightly Review for December 1898,) TITLE-DEEDS OF NILE VALLEY 419 kind enjoyed by Great Ikitain. In principle, and so for as treaty-engagements were concerned, France may be said to have had an equal title to re-conquer for Egypt and herself — but not for herself alone — territories in the Sudan that had been evacuated in consequence of the Mahdist insurrec- tion. But, in practice, this was impossible. The Anglo- Egyptian army alone represented the so\'ereign rights of Egypt, and alone overthrew the Dervish dominion. What- ever arrangements ensued on the re-conquest of the Sudan, concerned Great Britain and Egypt, mutually. Neither the consent of France nor the concurrence of Europe were necessary, except in regard to financial liability, in order to justify or to authorize the Anglo-Egyptian Administration in their campaign of re-conquest, in which the sovereign rights of Egypt were alone involved. Consequently, her Majesty's Government intimated, in the Fasboda plainest terms, that any attempt on the part of France to steal a march upon Egypt would be regarded as ' an unfriendly act.' ^ In spite of this open and repeated warning,'^ the French expeditions operating in the Bahr el-Ghazal established stations there ^ ; and, eventually, Major Marchand reached the Nile at Fashoda, where he hoisted the French flag. The Sirdar, shortly after the fall of Omdurman, himself visited Fashoda, which he found to be temporarily occupied ^ In his Treatise on Inttrnational Law (1895), W. E. Hall states (p. 135) : — ' The understanding that a territory is within a sphere of influence waj-vs off friendly Powers : it constitutes no barrier to covert hostility.' - Anglo-German Agreement (July 1890) ; Anglo-Italian Agreement (Mch. 1891); Anglo-Congolese Agreement (May 1894); Sir E. Grey's Statement (Mch. 1895) ^nd Mr Curzon's Statement (April 1896) in the House of Commons ; and numerous official representntions to the French Government direct (Egypt, Nos. 2 and 3, 1S98). •* The French posts said to have been established in the Bahr el-Ghazal were — Tambura, Kodjale, Diabere, ' Poste des Rapides,' and Meshra-er-Rek — the ' port ' or landing-place for the upper waters — besides one at a village 50 miles further downstream. Liotard crossed the Congo-Nile frontier, and occupied Tambura in February 1896. Fashoda was occupied by Marchand before the fall of Omdur- man. ' But for the arrival of the British flotilla, Marchand's escort would have been destroyed by the Dervishes' : (Lord Salisbury to Sir E. Monson). 420 THE SITUATION IN THE SUDAN by 130 men under Major Marchand, who refused to with- draw or to haul down his flag, pending instructions from his Government. The Sirdar formally protested ; and, having established posts at Fashoda and Sobat, he returned to Khartum, whence he reported to the Anglo-Egyptian Authorities. Diplomatic representations and negotiations followed : and an Agreement was arrived at in March 1899. This Agreement was embodied in a Joint Declaration, which took the form of an addition to the IVth Article ^ of the Anglo- French Convention of the 14th June 1898, regulating the boundaries between the British and French Colonies, possessions, and spheres of influence to the west and east of the Niger. Anglo-French The Anglo-Freucli Declaration of 21st March 1809 is of Agreement : 1859 sufficient importance to print in extcnso : — The Undersigned, duly authorized by their Governments, have signed the following Declaration : — The IVth Article of the Convention of the 14th June, 1898, shall be completed by the following provi- sions, which shall be considered as forming an integral part of it : I. Her Britannic Majesty's Government engages not to acquire either territory or political influence to the west of the line of frontier defined in the following paragraph, and the Government of the French Republic engages not to ^ The IV Article, after completing and defining the northern frontier of Nigeria, concludes as follows : ' The Government of the French Republic recognizes, as falling within the British sphere, the territory to the east of the Niger, comprised within the above-mentioned line, the Anglo-German frontier [which it joins on the southern shores of Lake Tsad, 35' east of Kuka], and the sea. The Government of her Britannic Majesty recognizes, as falling within the French sphere, the northern, eastern, and southern shores of Lake Tsad, which are comprised between the point of intersection of the 14th degree of north latitude with the western shore of the lake and the point of incidence on the shore of the lake of the frontier determined by the Franco-German Convention of the 15th March 1894,' — or, in more direct language, the shores of Lake Tsad outside the British and German spheres. C/., also, Egypt, Nos. 2 and 3 (1S98) — ' Correspondence with the French Government respecting the Valley of the Upper Nile.' The whole Agreement was ratified on 13th June 1899. TITLE-DEEDS OF NILE VALLEY 421 acquire either territory or political influence to the east of the same line. 2. The line of frontier shall start from the point where the boundary between the Congo Free State and French territory meets the water-jiarting between the watershed of the Nile and that of the Congo and its affluents. It shall follow in principle that water-parting up to its intersection with the I ith parallel of north latitude. From this point it shall be drawn as far as the 15th parallel in such manner as to separate, in principle, the Kingdom of Wadai from what constituted in 1882 the Province of Darfur ; but it shall in no case be so drawn as to pass to the west beyond the 2 1 st degree of longitude east of Greenwich (18" 40' east of Paris), or to the east beyond the 23rd degree of longitude east of Greenwich (20'' 40' east of Paris). 3. It is understood, in principle, that to the north of the 15th parallel the French zone shall be limited to the north- east and east by a line which shall start from the point of intersection of the Tropic of Cancer with the i6th degree of longitude east of Greenwich (13'' 40' east of Paris), shall run thence to the south-east until it meets the 24th degree of longitude east of Greenwich (21° 40' east of Paris), and shall then follow the 24th degree until it meets, to the north of the 15 th parallel of latitude, the frontier of Darfur as it shall eventually be fixed. 4. The two Governments engage to appoint Commis- sioners who shall be charged to delimit on the spot a frontier-line in accordance with the indications given in paragraph 2 of this Declaration. The result of their work shall be submitted for the approbation of their respective Governments. It is agreed that the provisions of Article IX of the Convention of the 14th June, 1898, shall apply equally to the territories situated to the south of the 14' 20' parallel of north latitude, and to the north of the 5th parallel of north latitude, between the 14' 20' meridian of longitude 422 THE SITUATION IN THE SUDAN east of Greenwich (12th degree east of Paris) and the course of the Upper Nile. Done at London, the 21st March 1899. (L.S.) SALISBURY. (L.S.) PAUL CAMBON. Results Under the 2nd Clause of this Agreement, the entire basin of the Bahr el-Ghazal and Bahr el-Arab, including Dar Fertit, and the Province of Darfur ^ are thrown outside the sphere of influence of PVance. Under the 3rd Clause, the boundary-line unites the frontier of Fezzan, in the Turkish vilayet of Tripoli, with the frontier of the Province of Darfur ' as it shall eventually be fixed,' in the sense already explained by me,- leaving the Libyan Desert within the x^nglo-Egyptian sphere, and abandoning the highland regions of Tibesti, Borku, Ennedi, and the Sultanate of Wadai to the French sphere.^ The concluding paragraph has reference to equality of 1 The limits of the Province of Darfur in 1882 were roughly indicated in Colonel Stewart's Report [Egypt, No. 11 (1883) page 6]: 'Beginning near Berenike on the Red Sea Coast, the Sudan boundary follows the 24th parallel to some indefinite point in the Libyan Dessert, say the 2Sth parallel \sic\ of longitude. Thence it follows a south-westerly direction till it meets the north- wester?! corner of the Province of Darfur, in about the 2yd parallel of longitude. From that point it trends almost due south till about the l\th or I2th parallel [of latitude], and then following a south-easterly direction ..." etc. The ' north- western corner of Darfur ' was, I believe, in the Mahamid country, near the intersection of the 22nd meridian with the 15th parallel. As regards Dar Fertit, this Frontier Province was officially recognized in 1873, when Zibehr paid ^15,000 a-year to the Khedive for the Governorship of Dar Fertit and Shaka. It was, of course, a slave-trade preserve. Zibehr conquered Darfur in 1874. Gessi overthrew Suliman, his son, in 1879. In 1883, Lupton claimed a surplus for Dar Fertit of about ^60,000 per annum. Dar Fertit is a valuable Province, which, for three centuries, has been under the hereditary rule of its Zande chiefs. Dr Junker estimated the population at 1,500,000, of whom 500,000 were Zande. (C/i an article by J. T. Wills in the Fortnightly Review for December 1898.) In the Scottish Geographical Magazine for February 1899, et seq., there is a very elaborate article on 'The Khedivic Possessions in the Basin of the Upper Ubangi,' which students of this subject will find valuable. The author endeavours to ascertain the former limits of Egyptian Possessions in that region. - S2ipra, p. 397. •^ All these regions are inhabited by independent tribes under the influence of the Senussi Mahdi. Wadai has a population of nearly three millions. The Senussi Sultan Yusef is reported (1899) to be dead. ANGLO-EGYPTIAN CONDOMINIUM 423 treatment ' in all matters of river-navigation, of commerce, and of Tariff and fiscal treatment and taxes of all kinds,' as between the subjects or citizens and ' protected persons ' of both nations, for a period of not less than thirty years, within an area which, roughly speaking, constitutes the Central Sudan. This free-trade area, as it may be called, unites the basin of the Tsad with the basin of the Nile, the French Ubangi with the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, under re- ciprocal but unfettered fiscal conditions. It is, however, specially to be noted, that no provision is made for a so- called French ' port on the Nile ' — similar to the two ' pieces of land' on the Niger which, under Article VIII of the Convention of 1898, were to be 'granted on lease to the Government of the French Republic, for the objects and on the conditions specified.' ^ It will thus be seen that, in her Agreement with France, integrity of the • 1 1 Nile Valley Great Britain obtained all that she ever claimed, on behalf of herself and Egypt : in a word, recognition of the unity and integrity of the Nile Valley. I have no hesitation in saying that, in every detail and in all respects, Lord Salisbury's Agreement is a masterly document, which, unlike so many African treaties, covers every reasonable risk and infringes no vested interests or International engagements. It com- pletes the long series of Agreements, etc., by which the entire Nile Valley, except towards Abyssinia, is delimitated or recognized as an Anglo-Egyptian sphere of influence, subject only to certain well-known reservations as regards political status. It is the last, but not the least, of the Title- deeds to the Nile Valley under which the identity of British and Egyptian interests is clearly signalized. iv THE ANGLO-EGYPTIAN CONDOMINIUM On the iQth January 1899, an Agreement was signed An^io- /-^ J 1 Egyptian between her Britannic Majesty s Government and the Agreement; ^ ^,. __., , ,. ri- 1. 19th January Government of his Highness the Khedive o\ Egypt, ,899 ^ Clause 4 of the Form of Lease states : ' A portion of the land so leased, which shall not exceed lo hectares in extent, shall be used exclusively for the purposes of the landing, storage, and transhipment of goods, and for such purposes as may be considered subsidiary thereto,' etc. (Treaty Series, No. 15, 1899.) 424 THE SITUATION IN THE SUDAN relative to the future Administration of the Sudan,^ the text of which was pubHshed in the Journal Officiel of the same date. This Agreement — which I pubHsh in extenso as an Appendix (V) — provides for an Anglo- Egyptian Con- dominium in the Sudan, under conditions and within limits that are duly specified. Limits In Article I, the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan is defined as including 'all the territories, south of the 22nd parallel of latitude, which : (i) have never been evacuated by Egyptian troops since the year 1882 ; or (2) which, having before the late rebellion in the Sudan been administered by the Govern- ment of his Highness the Khedive, were temporarily lost to Egypt,^ and have been reconquered by her Majesty's Govern- ment and the Egyptian Government, acting in concert ; or (3) which may hereafter be reconquered by the two Govern- ments acting in concert.'^ Flags Article II states that 'the British and Egyptian flags shall be used together, both on land and water, throughout the Sudan, except in the town of Suakin, in which locality the Egyptian flag alone shall be used.' One-man rule Article III notifies that 'the supreme military and civil command in the Sudan shall be vested in one officer, termed the " Governor-General of the Sudan " ' ; and it mentions the manner of his appointment. Martial Law Article IX states : 'Until, and save so far as it shall be otherwise determined, by Proclamation, the Sudan, with the exception of the town of Suakin, shall be and remain under martial law.' For the provisions under the remaining Articles, the reader is referred to Appendix V. Inauguration The British and Egyptian flags were hoisted together at ^ The third clause of the Preamble sets forth : ' And whereas it is desired to give effect to the claims which have accrued to her Britannic Majesty's Govern- ment, by ri^ht of cotiquest, to share in the present settlement and future working and development of the said system of administration and legislation ' ; etc. The italics are mine. 2 Cf., supra, p. 380. ' Vide 1st foot-note on p. 425. ANGLO-EGYPTIAN CONDOMINIUM 425 (among other places) Khartum, the seat of government, and at Wadi Haifa, the northern limit.^ A Khedivial Decree, of 19th January 1 899, appointed the Sirdar, Lord Kitchener of Khartum, Governor-General of the Sudan. Lord Kitchener of Khartum is not only Sirdar of the The Governor- Egyptian Army, which now is quartered almost entirely in the Sudan, but he is also Governor-General of the recon- quered country, which, for purposes of administration, is divided into the Provinces of Dongola, Berber, Sennar, Kassala, Khartum, and Fashoda,- Suakin has been placed, by the Agreement of loth July 1899, under the general regime. The Sudan and the Army organization are so interwoven, Administratioo and the future requirements of the Sudan are so obscure, that it would be premature at the present stage to discuss details. In general terms, it may be said that the Military and Civil Administration of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan will repose in the hands of the British Governor-General and Commanders, aided by the Mudirs of Provinces, a Civil Financial Secretary, and a Civil Staff. The old P'rontier Province will, for the present, remain also under the Sirdar, for military purposes.^ The Accounts for 1898 show the following results : — Budget Revenue .... £^ 3 5, 000 P^xpenditure . . . 235,000 Deficit . . . 200,000 The net charge on the Egyptian Treasury was ^E 13,000 less than was anticipated. The estimated Revenue of the Sudan for 1899 is ;^E5 1,500, of which ^^£26,500 is expected from Land and Date taxes and .^E 12,000 is put down to Suakin. The estimated Expenditure for 1899 is ;^E383,2 72, under the main heads of account which in- ^ The northern limit of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan is an east-and-west line drawn nine miles north of Wadi Haifa. The southern limit may be fixed, con- ventionally, at the tenth parallel of North Latitude (say Fashoda). - This approximates, as far as it goes, to the arrangement in Gordon's time (1879)- ■' Vide ante, p. 289, et secj. 426 THE SITUATION IN THE SUDAN ' The Sirdar alone' dicate Departments of the Administration.^ It will there- fore be seen, that the Sudan deficit for 1899, which will have to be borne by the Egyptian Treasury, is estimated at i^E33 1,772. But such estimates are, at present, merely experimental, in the absence of practical experience. This gives a general idea of the Administration. Its more precise character was outlined in the speech to the assembled Sudanese Sheikhs and Notables made by Lord Cromer, on 5th January i 899, at Omdurman, the importance of which justifies the following extracts.- In the course of his remarks, Lord Cromer said : — ' I am glad to meet you all here to-day in order to con- gratulate you on having been freed from the tyranny of Dervish rule by the military skill of the Sirdar and his officers and the gallantry of the British and Egyptian troops. You see both the British and the Egyptian flags floating over this house. This is an indication that, for the future, you will be governed by the Queen of England ' The following estimated Expenditure is published in Lord Cromer's Report for 1899 : Central Administration Finance 8,020 Justice Medical and Sanitary Education Field allowances 1,760 2,976 1,984 2,237 Buildings Post Office . 5,000 3,000 Telegraphs , Administration (including Police) 4,500 75.113 Railways Military Suukin 50,000 197,455 26,517 Total 383,272 In a Reuter telegram (dated Cairo, 24 January 1899) giving a forecast of the Sudan Budget for 1899, the expenses of the Provinces of Dongola, Berber, and Kassala, were estimated each at ^£12,426; Sennar and Fashoda, each at ;^E8,354 ; and Khartum, at ^£21,127. According to this arrangement and estimate, the Central Administration of the Provinces claimed ;^El8,032, to include 6 Governors, 12 Inspectors, and 52 other officials; the Districts, ^E2l,ioo. A detachment (about 250 men) of a British regiment was stationed at Khartum during the Winter months. - Extracts from a Reuter Telegram, dated Cairo, 5lh January 1899. ANGLO-EGYPTIAN CONDOMINIUM 427 and the Khedive of Eg)'pt. The sole representative in the Sudan of both the British and Egyptian Governments will be the Sirdar, in whom both the Queen and the Khedive have the fullest confidence. No attempt will be made to govern the country from Cairo, still less from London. You must look to the Sirdar alone for justice and good government : and I do not doubt that you will have no cause for disappointment. ' The Queen and her Christian subjects are devotedly attached to their own religion, but they also know how to respect the religion of others. The Queen rules over a larger number of Moslem subjects than any Sovereign in the world, and these live contented under her beneficent rule. Their religion and religious customs are strictly respected. You may feel sure that the same principle will be adopted in the Sudan. There will be no interference whatever in your religion.' At this point, one of the Sheikhs present asked whether this engagement included the application of the Mohammedan Sacred Law. Lord Cromer replied in the affirmative, which evidently caused great satisfaction.^ Continuing his speech, his lordship said : — ' I am aware that many abuses occurred under the old Egyptian regime in the Sudan. No Law Courts worthy of the name existed, taxes were heavy in amount, and illegal exactions in excess of taxes were of frequent occurrence. You need be under no fear that these abuses will be re- peated. You doubtless have heard that the Egyptian Government of the present day is animated by a very dif- ferent spirit from that existing in former times. I trust before long it will be possible for the Sirdar to institute some simple Law Courts in which equal justice will be dis- ^ In his Report for 1899, Lord Cromer remarks : — ' I take this opportunity of mentioning that the promise which I made to the assembled Notables on the occasion of my recent visit to Omdurman, to the effect that the Sacred Law of Islam would be treated with respect, does not in any way tie the hands of the Government in dealing with this matter. The Sheria is applied in Egypt, but slavery, if not dead, is moribund.' 428 THE SITUATION IN THE SUDAN tributed to all, rich and poor alike. You will, of course, have to pay taxes, but they will be moderate in amount and fixed according to ancient custom, which is very similar in all Moslem countries. You may feel sure that, when once you have paid the amounts legally due, no further irregular exactions will be made. A few English officers will be resident in each district in order to ensure strict compliance with these principles. ' You must not, however, expect the Government to do everything for you, but must also bestir yourselves. I trust you who are men of influence will use that influence in the cause of order and tranquillity, and especially that you will encourage those with whom you are brought in contact to resume the cultivation of their fields, which now can be carried on without fear of molestation. I hope before I come here again that it will be possible for the Sirdar to have allowed you to return to your old homes in the town of Khartum, which before long will be greatly improved. *I beg you to remember these words which I have spoken and to repeat them to your countrymen. You may feel assured that they truly represent the principles whereby the Sirdar in the future will be guided in the administration of the Sudan.' Lord Cromer's address was listened to with great atten- tion by the Sheikhs, who frequently gave expression to their approval. It is a sufficient indication of the spirit in which Great Britain undertakes her responsible task in the Sudan and of the paternal character of the new regime. The Mixed Tribunals of Egypt are to have no jurisdiction either in the reconquered territories or at Suakin.^ ' The Sirdar alone ' is the administrative formula. ^ Sir John Scott, in a letter to The Times, dated 20th January 1899, points out the original limits of the Mixed Tribunals. These, he states, ' were fixed at the opening of those Tribunals by Decree ; and Aswan was settled as the furthest northern limit of their jurisdiction. This Decree was promulgated, and became law ; it was never the subject of protest by the Powers who founded the Courts, and was followed in one decision of the Court of Appeal of the Mixed Tribunals. As these Tribunals have only three centres — Alexandria, Cairo, and Mansura : all in Lower Egypt — it is impossible to give them jurisdiction beyond Egypt Proper: and the reservation is excellent.' A new Judicial system must be created before the country can bo entered by Europeans. ANGLO-EGYPTIAN CONDOMINIUM 429 At the invitation and on the proposal of Lord Kitchener, Gordon the British public subscribed in a kw months the sum ofcolkge*' -if 1 00,000, and more, for the institution at Khartum of a British College, as a ' pledge that the memory of Gordon is still alive among us, and that his aspirations are at length to be realized. . . . Our system,' says the Sirdar, its founder, in his identic letter to the newspapers, ' would need to be gradually built up. We should begin by teaching the sons of the leading men, the heads of villages and the heads of districts. . . . The teaching, in its early stages, would be devoted to purely elementary subjects, such as reading, writing, geography, and the English language. Later, and after these preliminary stages had been passed, a more advanced course would be instituted, including a training in technical subjects, speciall}- adapted to the requirements of those who inhabit the Valley of the Upper Nile. The principal teachers in the College would be British, and the supervision of the arrangements would be vested in the Governor-General of the Sudan. I need not add that there would be no interference with the religion of the people.' ^ The system of teaching will follow on the lines of the Higher Primary Schools at Aswan and Wadi Haifa. Arabic will be the basis of instruction. All the Foreign Missions which formerly were engaged in Missionary missionary enterprise in the Sudan have made proposals to ^ ^'"P"^^ renew or extend their work : but it is understood that these projects have not met with much encouragement. Their time has not yet come. In the extremely delicate task of pacifying the Sudan, missionaries might do more harm than good, unless their propaganda were wholly abandoned. For some time to come, the greatest tact and forbearance TheSiave will be necessary, in order to avoid the risk of stirring up religious fanaticism or racial antipathy. British promises to Sudanese tribes have been broken or evaded so often in the past, that it will take some time to restore confidence in the pledged word which elsewhere is held equivalent to our bond. 1 The ' Gordon Memorial Institute ' would, in my opinion, have been a more appropriate name. But this by the way. 430 THE SITUATION IN THE SUDAN In particular, the greatest circumspection will be required in all matters affecting the institution of slavery and in all measures dealing with the slave-traders. Even Gordon, the scourge of the slavers, knew how to be tolerant on occasions ; and Baker, who first took up this task of Sisyphus, only afterwards came to recognise the fact, that the extirpation of the Slave Trade must be a gradual, organic process. In a word, since slavery is indigenous, you must find some means to replace what you destroy, before you begin to undermine the foundations of social order in the Sudan. The zealous Abolitionists of England must be content to leave their cause in the hands of English officers and gentlemen, whose knowledge of local conditions and whose responsibilities to the State render them the best judges of what is possible and what is not, pending a new order of things which shall make the buying and selling of human beings not only illegal but also without profit. Until that time comes, the ordinary police-measures and the semi- military Administration should be sufficient and strong enough to supervise and control domestic slavery in the Sudan ; whilst the Anglo-Egyptian Government can be trusted to wage a holy war against the professional slave- hunters, as against all other disturbers of law and order.^ ^ Lord Cromer, in his Report for 1 899, refers at some length to the question of slavery. The following passages occur^ among his remarks : ' With the reconquest of the Sudan, a new chapter in the history of anti-slavery operations begins. It has at last been found possible to strike a decisive blow at the main prop which holds up the institution of slavery. So long as slave-raiders were free to roam about those provinces in Central Africa from which the slaves have heretofore been principally drawn, it was hopeless to expect that the supply could altogether be cut off. Means would always be found for transporting cap- tured slaves to their ultimate destinations. These provinces have now fallen under the influence of an European Power, and, moreover, of that Power which, more than any other, has been distinguished for the zeal and interest which it has displayed in the anti-slavery cause. It would be difficult to exaggerate the im- portance of this achievement in connection with the effect which must ultimately be produced on slavery as an institution. What has heretofore been the chief recruiting ground for slaves is now closed to the slave-raider. I do not say that slave-hunting operations will now no longer be possible, nor that all channels for the transport of slaves from the centre of Africa to the coast will be closed. Such, unfortunately, is not the case. Other provinces are still open to the slave-raider. It is well-known that an active Trade in Slaves exists between Wadai and the ANGLO-EGYPTIAN CONDOMINIUM 431 Article XI of the Anglo-Egyptian Agreement of 1899 distinctly states that 'the importation of slaves into the Sudan, as also their exportation, is absolutely prohibited : Provision shall be made by Proclamation for the enforce- ment of this Regulation.' And Article XII upholds the Brussels Act of 1890 in regard to the importation, sale, and manufacture of fire-arms and munitions, etc. During the Dervish rule, the Slave Trade flourished throughout the Sudan. Major (now Colonel Sir Reginald) Wingate, in his standard work on Mahdiism, stated (1890) : ' The main collecting depots, in addition to Omdurman, are Kalabat, Beni Shangul, and El Fasher, where there are large slave-markets. Those collected at Kalabat are for the most part Abyssinians ; while those at El Fasher [Darfur] are generally captured in the raids made on the surrounding tribes. Beni Shangul is the collecting-station for Dar Bertat, Roseres, and Dar Fazokl. From these three stations slaves are sent in gangs to all parts of the Sudan. The principal Slave market is, of course, in Omdurman.' (p. 478.) All this systematized slave-trading and organized slave- raiding will be summarily suppressed by the Anglo-Egyptian Government. And that, after all, is what most people associate with the Slave Trade, apart from the iniquitous export Traffic,^ which is its worst feature, and which can now coast lying between Tripoli and Alexandria. The Trade is fostered by the followers of Sheikh Senussi. At the same time, having regard to the blow which has now been struck, and to the further fact that the whole, or the greater part, of Africa appears to be gradually falling within the sphere of influence of some one or other European Power, it is not too much to say that, for the first time in the history of anti-slavery operations, there seems to be some real prospect of final and complete success. Time will, without doubt, be required ; but it is permissible to hope that, under the influences now at work, the next generation will see the almost entire extinction of the institution of slavery. Although there is every reason to hope and believe that the Slave Trade in the Sudan is a thing of the past, domestic slavery will probably continue to exist for some while to come. . . . Lord Kitchener is obviously in a far stronger position for deal- ing with this question than was the case with General Gordon fifteen years ago. It is, however, one of great difficulty, and will require very careful treatment. I am not at present prepared to discuss it. All I can say is that the importance of the subject is fully recognized, but that any hasty or premature action is much to be deprecated.' ' Slaves were taken to the Red Sea ports, where Arab merchants purchased them, in exchange for lead, fulminate, etc., and shipped them to Arabia. 432 THE SITUATION IN THE SUDAN be stopped at the sources of supply — so far as any organized Traffic is concerned. Fashoda offers a valuable post for observation in these respects.^ With the entire basin of the Nile under a united, if not yet uniform system of, Government, with railwa}'s and com- munications growing up under a strong Administration, it will in time be possible to deal effectively and compre- hensively with the question of slavery and the Slave Trade. The timid attempts, at evasion rather than at repression, made in British East Africa are, perhaps, not very re- assuring to those who hold — and justly hold — that Great Britain is shirking her mission of giving freedom to all who claim the protection of her flag : but our tinkering policy at Zanzibar is not likely to commend itself to the Sirdar, who is strong enough to carry through what in his judgment he may consider opportune and right, if only as the founder of a College dedicated to the memory of Gordon and pledged to uphold Gordon's aspirations. Communica- Colonel Stewart, in the concluding Remarks on Slavery, in his Report on the Sudan,'^ stated : ' When all, however, is done that can be done, I look with more hope on the opening up of the country, and in the extension of legitimate trade, to bring slavery to an end than on the most stringent Treaties that can be devised ; and I am convinced no instrument will be more effective in bringing about this result than a rail- way bringing Khartum within an easy distance of the Sea.' That, too, is the opinion of all experts : rapid and easy com- munications, but, above all, legitimate commerce. The Slave Trade in itself does not pay. All slave-routes are ^ Fashoda was one of the best, if not the best, of the strategic points from which the Slave Trade of the Upper Nile could be held in check ; but the Egyptian Governors at that station too often connived at the Trafiic, thus rendering abortive many of Baker's efforts at its suppression. Gordon, therefore, established at Sobat, a short distance above Fashoda, a station to fulfil the functions of the latter. ^ Cf. Colonel Stewart's Remarks on Slavery, in his Kep07-t : Egypt, No. 1 1 (1883) page 23, seq. He states the principal slave-routes to be: * (i) Obeid- Dongola ; (2) Omshanga-Dongola ; (3) Kubbe-Assiut ; (4) Khartum-Debba ; (sy Obeid-Del)ba ; (6) Kassala-Suakin-Massawa ; (7) Wadai-Murzuk-Tripoli ; (8) Berber-Suakin ; (9) Berber-Korosko. ' ANGLO-EGYPTIAN CONDOMINIUM 433 trade-routes in Africa ^ ; but railways are pioneers of legiti- mate commerce. The railway from Egypt Proper to Khartum is advancing at the rate of 200 yards daily ; and it is expected to reach the metropolis of the Sudan in November i 899. A raihva)' from Khartum to the Red Sea Coast — probably via Abu Haraz, Kedaref, and Kassala — is projected. The first section (to Abu Haraz) may be built in 1 900, so as to tap the rich grain-supplies of Kedaref And, as regards the proposed extension southwards to Uganda, it cannot be doubted that, should the necessity arise, such a railway would be built, in order to connect the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan with British East Africa.' By the beginning of 1900, there will be one continuous line of rail — although, unfortunately, with a break of gauge at Luxor — between Khartum and Alex- andria : and that, after all, is the prime essential. Once the sudd is broken up, a clear passage can easily be maintained (as it was in Gordon's time), by which river-communication will be possible throughout the year, as far south as Lado- Dufli (Fola rapids).'^ Over one-third of the railway through British East Africa — Mombasa (Kilindini) to the Victoria Nyanza — is already built ; and its completion is promised in three years' time. But between Uganda and, say, Lado, on the White Nile, only a railway can bridge the interrupted communications.'* 1 Cf. 'The Development of Africa ' (Chapter VI — 'The Traffic in Slaves') in which this fundamental principle is established by me. - In the meantime, and for some years to come, the free waterway between Khartum and Fashoda, open at all seasons, will suffice. When British rule is consolidated, a railway may become a necessity. In that case, the proposed Cape-to-Cairo railway would be a valuable connecting link ; and, should Germany co-operate, and build also a tributary line to the East Coa^t, it might even pay the immense cost of construction, at some distant date. At present, however, com- mercial intercourse between British East Africa and British Central Africa is sufficiently served by the natural communications, in the path of which there are no obstructive fiscal barriers, in view of Art. VIII of the Anglo-German Con- vention of 1890 and Arts. II and IV ofthe Berlin Act of 1885, which make adequate provision for exemption of dues and freedom of transit. {Cf., supra, p. 412 seq.) ^ Cf. the section dealing with the River Nile, supra, pp. 7-12. ■* As regards communications between Lado and Fashoda, Lord Cromer's Report for 1899 contains the following information : — ' Exploration beyond the point where the Sobat effects its junction with the 2 E 434 THE SITUATION IN THE SUDAN Commercial It wcre premature to speak of commercial development until political and administrative stability afford an adequate guarantee for the investment of capital. British capital, which fought shy even of Egypt, is now clamouring at the gates of the Sudan. That is the way of British capital. ' The Sirdar alone ' has attracted it. Nile is greatly impeded by the dense tangled mass of vegetation known by the name of the "sudd." The sudd is encountered as far down-stream as Abba Island, but it never impedes the main channel of the river below the junction of the Sobat. . . . ' Immediately after the occupation of Fashoda, last September, a gun-boat was sent up the Bahr-el-Ghazal to within a short distance of Meshra-er-Rek. Almost the entire journey was made through a vast marsh, though there are occasional patches of dry land. A second reconnaissance, made six weeks later, showed the Bahr-el-Ghazal channel to be completely blocked by the sudd from a point 15 miles north of the junction of the Bahr-el-Arab. 'The gun-boats failed to penetrate up the Bahr-el-Jebel, which is the main branch of the White Nile. It was blocked by sudd almost at its mouth. Natives report that the block extends for a long distance, and that open water is only reached a few miles north of Shambeh. A reconnaissance up the Bahr-el-Zeraf proved more successful. The gun-boats reached, though with difficulty, a point some 195 miles from its mouth (approximately, latitude 70° 35'), whence the trees of the White Nile (Bahr-el-Jebel) could be observed some 8 to 10 miles distant. The work of cutting through the mass of sudd separating the two rivers would have been a most laborious operation, necessitating special appliances. A subse- quent reconnaissance showed the navigation of the Bahr-el-Zeraf to have become much more difficult, owing to the fall of the river. . . . ' A reconnaissance up the Sobat showed this river to be a good navigable stream. At a distance of 212 miles from its junction with the White Nile it becomes two rivers, that flowing from the east being called the Adura (and in its upper reaches the Baro), whilst the southern river, shown on the maps as the Juba River, is locally known as the Pibor. Reconnaissances were made up the Adura for a distance of 30 miles. According to native report, it is navigable for a considerable distance further. This was the route taken by the Marchand Mission on its return journey. A reconnaissance was also made up the Pibor for a distance of 75 miles, at which point further navigation became impossible. The general character of the country between Fort Sobat to within 10 miles of the junction of the Sobat, Adura, and Pibor Rivers may be described as an immense alluvial plain, swampy near the river banks, with flat grass-land beyond stretching to the horizon. Not a sign of a hillock is to be seen anywhere. The landscape is, however, varied by extensive woods, which come down to the water's edge where the banks are firm. The current is about 2h miles an hour. The depth is over 20 feet throughout. The width of the river is from 150 to 200 yards. A fortified post has been established at Nasser (a former Egyptian station), some 180 miles up the Sobat from its mouth, and 30 miles down-stream of the junction of the I'ibor with the Adura.' ANGLO-EGYPTIAN CONDOMINIUM 435 The Sudan will absorb oceans of capital ; and in time, under a stable Government, some return may be yielded. But the Egyptian Sudan is not a second India. It is a desert. Darfur formerly had some trade with the Sudan — a trade in ivory and slaves — but in itself it possesses nothing to create an export-trade. The Bahr el-Ghazal is rich in natural resources ; but it is a very unhealthy region. Kordofan is a wilderness. Sennar, and the valleys of the Blue and White Niles, although malarious and unhealthy, offer certain attractions to capitalists ; but south of Sennar, there can be no question of commercial development for some time to come.^ Although the trade of the Egyptian Sudan was estimated in 1883 at ;^2,ooo,ooo, it was nearly all illicit gain. The Sudan always cost Egypt money — fully ;!^200,000 a-year — except for a brief period during Gordon's Governor-General- ship, when the Sudan Budget was made to balance somehow, on paper. Dongola was the only Province that really paid its way, even under Ismail's corrupt regime. The so-called Island of Argo and certain districts south of the Cataract region are fertile and valuable ; and the Province, once populated and irrigated, should yield a rich return. The fundamental fact, which never should be forgotten, a Tropical . , Dependency is, that the Egyptian Sudan is Egypt's India — a Tropical ^ The ' Equatorial Province,' which falls within the sphere of British East Africa, is, on the other hand, a valuable region. The eastern districts }deld ivory, ostrich feathers, oil, etc. The western districts yield ivory, indiarubbcr, palm-oil, skins, etc. Formerly, all the trade of the Equatorial Province was a Government monopoly. The total trade of tlie whole of Central Africa is not worth 17 millions Sterling, even on the most liberal estimate. The trade of the Egyptian Sudan formerly comprised the following products — gum, ivory, ostrich feathers, tamarind, senna, hides, gutta-percha, honey, dhnra (a kind of millet), salt (local trade and currency), rhinoceros horns, indigo (small quantity), musk, palm-oil, and a vegetable fat used in scents. This list is taken from the Report (p. 22) of the late Colonel Stewart, who added: 'All the districts south of Khartum, between the Niks, and also about Karkoj and Kedaref [in Dar Sennar], are celebrated for their corn-growing capacity, and may be said to be the granary of the Sudan.' This is true to-day : and, doubtless, a railway from Khartum \.o Kedaref (a district claimed by Menelik, but one to which the Egyptian Govern- ment has prior and better rights) will be the result. The fertile country of Meroc Island, between the Atbara and Blue Nile, will thus be opened up. 436 THE SITUATION IN THE SUDAN Dependency. It is a colony of exploitation rather than of settlement : because Egyptians themselves do not thrive in the Sudan, in which the)- are no more at home than we ourselves are in Egypt, or than are the people of Northern France in Algeria. Economically speaking, the Sudan, in relation to Egypt, is subject also to much the same reservations and restrictions, vmtatis mutandis, as those which differentiate and separate Northern from Southern Queensland. The Sudan, but sparsely inhabited by natural and semi-civilized peoples, is to Egypt merely a field for political expansion and commercial enterprise. At best, it is a colony of exploitation, in which a moderate amount of capital may be usefully employed. In the wake of But, in a political sense, the integrity of her Sudan De- aj pgj-,^gj^(,y jg ^g -^j^^l {-Q Egypt as the integrity of Ireland is to us. No hostile Power can be tolerated within its gates. The surrounding deserts and the sea round off the unity of her dominion. The expansion of Egypt — under her natural Protector, the Mistress of the Seas — must follow in the wake of the British Raj. Fruitfulness and riches grow up in the path of the Pax BritoMuica. The Renaissance of Egypt has dawned. X THE PATHWAY OF EMPIRE (Pax Britannica) i DOMINATION OF THE NILE VALLEY ii PAX BRITANNICA X THE PATHWAY OF EMPIRE i DOMINATION OF THE NILE VALLEY IN the concluding words of his Report for 1899, Lord RehabUitattoo Cromer remarks : ' For many years past, those who have been in any degree responsible for the management of Egyptian affairs have kept prominently before their eyes the desirability of accomplishing two main objects. One of these was to occupy Khartum. The other was to store the waters of the Nile. During the past year, the first of these objects was accomplished, and arrangements were made which render the execution of the second a matter of certainty within a few years. . . . The year 1898 may, therefore, be said to have been singularly eventful. ' Henceforth, an additional and very important feature will be added to the work of Egyptian reform. It will be closely allied to the various issues which cluster round the work of rehabilitating the neighbouring Provinces in the Sudan. This latter problem presents some special difficul- ties of its own. The artificial obstacles which have, in some degree, retarded progress in Egypt will, indeed, be wanting. On the other hand, the country is in a far more backward condition than was the case with Eg>^pt when the work of reform was taken seriously in hand. It can scarcely be said that any germs of civilization exist. The ph}-sical obstacles to be overcome are considerable. Neither, so far as can be judged, does the country possess that marvellous recuperative power which has done so much to facilitate the task of the Egyptian reformer. . . . ' Time is, above all things, required. The main 440 THE PATHWAY OF EMPIRE condition of ultimate success [in the task of introducing ci\ilization into the Sudan] is, I venture to think, that whatever measures are taken should be deliberate, and that the work of reform should not be hurried. It has taken sixteen years to elevate Egypt to its present relative degree of prosperity.' ^ 'Artificial Thcsc words of Lord Cromer — which reach me at the moment of writing — happily confirm the views I have ex- pressed. The 'artificial obstacles' which alone stand between Egypt and the work of reform do not exist south of Wadi Haifa. Being artificial, they cannot long withstand the organic development of administrative autonomy and political unity which now prevail in the Nile Valley. Lord Cromer's The succcss of the Single Control — or one-man rule — is °"^^due, in no small measure, to the master-mind of Viscount Cromer, who, having formulated a definite policy, has stead- fastly pursued it to a logical conclusion, — refusing to be hurried, refusing to be either cajoled or bullied. Had the Foreign Office been left to follow its opportunist and vacil- lating policy, we might now have been tossing on a sea of troubled uncertainty. Definiteness of aim and the adapta- tion of means to an end are as essential to Foreign Policy as is the compass to the mariner. We have arrived at our haven: and it remains now to pay the port-dues, after Europe has given us a clean bill of health. Value of Egypt Egypt is the fulcrum of our Foreign Policy. She stands about midway, in Diplomacy and in Naval Strategy, between our Eastern and Western Empires. She is the nodal point which adjusts our Foreign Relations and balances our Imperial Possessions. In Egypt, therefore, the political equilibrium is most easily disturbed or restored. The Colossus that bestrides the isthmus of Suez necessarily holds a commanding position. Gateoftiie Egypt is the Gate of the East. The storm-ridden con- quests of bygone centuries have ravaged the country, leaving it immalleable, immutable, and dumb. Successive Sea-Powers have drained its treasuries and impounded its ' Egypt, No. 3 (1899). DOMINATION OF NILE VALLEY 441 granaries. The Sea- Power of to-day has come to stay, so long as the British Empire shall last. Egypt, the Gate of the East, opens on the Nile Valley — Pathway of the pathway of empire. l^ritish rule dominates the Valle>- of the Nile from its source to its effluence, and, indeed, from sea to sea. The degree of that domination is the measure of our rule, graduating, as it does, in a descending scale of consolidation : from an Imperial Protectorate to a mere Military Occupation on the one hand, and to an Admini- strative Occupation on the other. In the Upper Nile Valley, a British Sphere of Influence unites the British East Africa Protectorate with the Anglo- Egyptian Condominium, which extends between Fashoda and Wadi Haifa. British rule in the south and British sea- power in the north converge at the gates of Egypt, in which a British army is already in possession and British tutelage is recognized. Railways will shortly unite the inland regions with the maritime bases. A glance at the Table (No. lo) overpage will be sufficient to convince the most hardened sceptic, that, apart from the ' artificial obstacles ' or International fetters in Egypt Proper, the Valley of the Nile is now dominated by the Mistress of the Seas. It is impossible — clearly impossible, to my mind — that, Unity under these circumstances, an alien Master or an unstable Native Government should be tolerated by the Tutelary Power in P^gypt. The de facto situation must shortly receive a de jure recognition. Administrative unity must correspond with organic unity. A uniform system of government must weld together the correlated parts under one recognized and responsible ruler. A British Pro- tectorate, or its equivalent, must be proclaimed through- out the Nile Valley.^ ' The independence of Abyssinia is, of course, essential to the realization of such a scheme. And, in order to secure this, it would be greatly to the advantage of Great Britain to obtain possession of the French concessions in the Gulf of Aden (Tajura Bay, etc.). The Gambia might be given in exchange for these— a fair equivalent, amounting lo an analogous situation. Both Powers would gain by this exchange. w Pi <: ^ 1— w ?: p-l C/) 1 ^ w w X H ^ ^ tn o o Q ih; rt ?3 > 2^ < ^ ^ o "si 1 < "y D^ w C ^ W 5^ /nUrnaiion- al Fetters. Abyssinia, etc. l-i 2^ -a s - — — 2i 'it. ci •** •— Q .-. 5 o-'c: •1* ■% D-r: ^ ^ (^ -^ ""^ pi .ScuJl- I : 1 2,(>o seq. Lemsen, Khor, 404 Leontiefl", Count, 39S Leopold II., Sovereign of Independent Congo State, 413 Lepanto, battle of, 43 Lesseps, M. de, 58 ; 59 ; and the Suez Canal, 317 seq. Library, the Khedivial, 222 Libyan Desert, the, boundaries, 395- 397; uitliin the Anglo- Egyptian Sphere, 422 Liquidation, Law of, 193 Lloyd, Mr ClilTord, 69; 259 Loans, Egyptian, 452 ; 456. — See also Debt of Ei;ypt London, Convention (1885) of, 62, 69, 193 ; Declaration of, concerning the Suez Canal, in 1885, 323 Lunatic Hospital, 270 Luri, the, 374 Luxor, 433 Lyons, Captain, 285 Macdonai.d, Colonel, 416 Mackinnon, Sir William, 410 Mahagi, 41 3-4 '5 Mahan, Captain, U..S.N., quoted, 78 Mahdist revolt, the, 381 seq. Mahdists, the, and Abyssinia, 406 Mahmud, Dervish emir, 384 Makun.nn, Ras, Treaty with Sir Rennell Rodd, 405 (foot-note) Mamluks, the, 41 ; 46 ; 48 Mamurs, 264 ; 266 Manda, Is., 407 Marcliand, Alajor, at Fashoda, 419 Mareb, R., 402 Martial Law, in the Sudan, 424 Martyr, Colonel, 416 Masindi, 379 Massawa, 378 ; 388 seq. Medical Officers, 268 Medicine, School of, 236 Mediterranean, the, as a strategic area, 103 Mehkemes, the, 251 Menelik, Negi'is of Abyssinia, 397 seq. Merchandise, Categories of (Imports and Exports), 307 ; Value of, 30S. — See also Commerce Meroe, Is., 435 (foot-note) Meslira-er-Rek, 434 (foot-note) Military Administrations, 288. — See also tVar, and Sudan Milner, Sir Alfred, Prefcue x Milton, Dr, 271 480 INDEX Ministers, the Council of. — See Council of Ministers Missionary enterprise, in Egypt, 144 ; in the Sudan, 429 Mixed Administrations. — See Adminis- trations, Mixed Mohammed All, Pasha of Egypt, Con- quest of Sudan, 376 ; Despotic rule of, 51 ; the Dynasty of, 45 seq., 449 ; Fall of, 54 ; Reign of, 56 Mojabra, and the Slave Trade, 274 Mombasa (Kilindini) railway terminus, 433 Moncrieff, Sir Colin Scott-, 16 Moors, Expulsion of the, from Spain, 42 Moritz, Dr, 223 Mosque, Law, the, 268 (foot-note). — See also Kiittabs and Azhar Mougel Bey, 16 Mudirs, 264 Muna, 402 Municipalities, 185 ; 263 ; 265 Munzinger Bey, 379 Murchison Falls, 8 Mussulmans, in Egypt, 142 Mwanga, of Uganda, 408 Napoleon Bonaparte, invasion of Egypt, 45-46 Nasser, Anglo-Egyptian post at, on the Sobat R., 434 (foot-note) National Education, 239. -— 6'^i? also Kiittabs atid Azhar Navarino, Battle of, 51 Negroes of the Upper Nile, 372 ; 374 Nejumi, Wad el-, 291 Neutrality, of the Suez Canal, 334 Neutralization, of Egypt, 356 Niam-Niam. — See Zandi Nile Basin, 3 seq. ; physical insularity, 28 Nile River, 7 seq. \ Upper, 7 seq.; Middle, ID seq. ; Lower, 12 seq. ; Delta, 12 ; Regime of, 13 seq. ; Dis- charge of, 15 ; Speed of current, 16 ; Blue, 9; 13; 403; 435; White, 8; 13 ; 435 Nile Valley, Political isolation of, 28 ; Control of Upper, 29; the Title deeds of, 386 seq. ; Historical Sy- nopsis, 387 ; Egyptian Boundaries confirmed, 393 ; Analysis of Treaty- rights in, 394 seq. ; Upper Nile Territories, 410-416 ; Territorial In- tegrity of, 423 ; Domination of the, 430 seq. ^ See also Anglo- Egyptian Condominium, 423 seq. Nomads, 375 Normal Schools, 237 Northbrook, Lord, 69 Nuba race, in the Sudan, 375 Nubar Pasha, 69 ; 74 ; 259 Nubia, Province of, 388 Nuer, the, 374 Oases, the, 4 ; 266 Observatory, the Khedivial, 223 Occupation, the Army of, 294 ; British, of Egypt, 183 seq. — See also Anglo- Egyptian Cofidominium, 423 ; Domi- nation of the Nile Valley, 439 ; and Suez Canal, 315 seq. Ocule-Kusai, 402 Officials, the British, 155 ; Egyptian, 155- — See also Civil Service Omdehs, 263 ; 265 Omdurman, decisive battle of, 384 Ommyades, the, 40 Opthalmia, 270 Organic Law of Egypt, the, 132 ; 457 seq. Organization, Departmental, 193 seq. Ottoman Special Commissioner, the, in Egypt, 185. — See also Turkey Ottomans, the, 41 ; and sea-power, 43 Overland Route, the, 317. — See also Suez Canal, 315 seq. Palmerston, Lord, and Mohammed All, III Paris, Treaty (1856) of, no Parquet, the, 252-254 Patta, Is., 407 Pauncefote, Sir Julian, and the Suez Canal Commission (1885), 335 seq. Perennial Irrigation. — See Irrigation Persian Empire, the, and Egypt, 33 Pibor, R. (Juba R.), 434 (foot-note) Police, the Egyptian, 261 ; 265 ; 271 ; and Military Recruits, 294 Policy, British, in Egypt, 358 ; French, in Egypt, 175 seq. Polytechnic School, 236 Population of Egypt, the, 141 seq. Portal, Sir Gerald, 398 ; 408 Press, the Egyptian, 279 seq. Prisons Administration, 272 Privileged Debt, the, 198 Professions, Choice of, by successful Candidates at Examinations, 230 Prosecutor, the Public, 252 Protectorate, our masked, in Egypt, 156; 357 Protocols. — See under respective sub- jects Provincial Councils, 457 seq. INDEX 481 Ptolemies, the, and sea-power, 35 Public Works, Department of, 281 seq. ; Central Administration, 281 ; Budget, 283 Quarantine, Board, 168; measures, 269 ; Parks, at Alexandria, 270 Rahad, R., 404 Railway Board, the, 163 Railways, Egyptian, 163 (foot-note); in the Sudan, 433 ; and ' Cape to Cairo ' project, 433 (foot-note) Rainfall, 5 Rainy Seasons, 6 Ras Kasar, 402 ; 403 Recruitment, for Egyptian Army, 294 Red Sea, Drainage-area, 3 ; Littoral, 388 seq., 402 ; Provinces, 379 ; Rail- ways (projected) to, 433 ; Slave Trade of, 278. — See also Abyssinia and Sudkin Reformatory, 273 Reforms, needed, 173 ; obstructed, 178 Regime of the River Nile. — See Nile River Religions, Census of 1897, 138 Representative Government in Egypt, 185 Reserve Funds, 165 ; the three, 205 seq. Reservoir Scheme, the, 25. — See also Irrigation Revenue of Egypt, the, 199 ; Sources of, 202 ; Distribution of, 203 ; Assigned, or hypothecated, 203 (footnote). — See also Revenues Revenues, Hypothecated ; 454 ; 456 Riaz Pasha, 69 ; 74 Ripon Falls, 8 Rodd, Sir Rennell, 393; 398; 405 Rogers Pasha (Sir John), 267 Roman Catholics, in Egypt, 144 Roman Empire, the, and Egypt, 36 Roseres, 431 Ross, Colonel, 17 Rudolf, Lake, 4 ; 416 Russia, and Turkey, 108 seq. -, attitude of, in the Eastern Question, 1 19 ; in Abyssinia, 400 Ruwenzori, Mt., 8 Said, Pasha of Egypt, reign of, 58 ; Visit to the Sudan, 377 Sandwith, Dr, 267; 271 San Stefano, Treaty of, 113 Schools, American Mission, 245 ; Coptic, 242 ; Foreign, 243 ; Primary, 227; Professional, 231; Secondary, 2 H 228 ; Technical, 232. — See also Kdu- cation, and Colleges Scott, Sir John, 74 ; 247 Sea-ports of Egypt, 309 Sea-power, Influence of, on the History of Egypt, 33 seq. ; Egypt and, 76 seq. — See also Defence of the Empire, lOl seq. ; Balance of Power, 117 seq. ; and Domination of the Nile ValUy, 439 ^eq. Seasons, in the Nile Valley, iS Security, Public, Department of, 272 Semliki, R., 8 Senhit, 379 ; 389 ; 401 Sennar, Province of, 388 ; 435 Senussi, the, 275 ; 395 ; Question, 396 Serae, 402 Service, the Egyptian Civil. — See Civil Service Shakur Bey, 265 Shambeh, 434 (foot-note) Sharaki Works, 17 Shebeli, R., 417 Sheikhs, Arab, as Government Officials, 188. — See also Omdehs Sherif Pasha, 69 Shilluk, Negroes, 371 ; 374 Shipping, Return of, at Alexandria, 311 ; Suez Canal, 347. — See also Sea- ports Shoa, 398 Shukrie, the, 372 Shuli, country, occupation of the, 379 ; Negroes, 374 Sinai Peninsula, 393 Single Control, the, established, 67 ; Egypt under the, 68 seq. — See also Anglo- Egyptian Administration, 183 seq. Sinking Fund, the, proposed Suspen- sion of, in 1885, 69 ; 166 Sirdar, the, supreme at War Office, 289. — See also Kitchener {Lord) Siwa, oasis of, and the Slave Trade, 274; 395 . . Slavery, Repressive legislation, 277 ; Regulations against, 431 seq. Slave Trade, the, 273 seq. ; and Sir Samuel Baker, 378; in the Sudan, 429 seq. Slave-traders, ^z.—See also Slave Trade Smith, Dr Donaldson, 416 Sobat, R., 9 ; 14; 416 ; Anglo-Kgyptian post established on, 420 ; Recon- naissance up, 434 (foot-note) Solum, Gulf of, 395 Somali Coast, 390 seq. 482 INDEX Somaliland, 403 ; British, 404 ; Italian, 404 Sovereign rights, reservation of the Sultan's, 133; inahenability of, 453. — See also Suzerainty and Turkey Stability, Financial, 202 ; Political, 146 seq. Status, International, of Egypt, 131 seq. ; of Suez Canal, 344 Steam Packets, 302 Suakin, 279 ; 378 ; 388 seq. ; restored to general regime in Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, 425 Succession, Mohammed Ali Dynasty, Line of, 449 ; Order of, 449 ; 451 Sudan, the Egyptian, Conquest of, by Mohammed Ali, 50 ; and the Sultan's Suzerainty, 131 ; Provinces, now under the Military Authorities, 289 ; Campaigns, 291 seq. ; Political Situ- ation, 369 seq. ; Native Races, 370; Distribution of Population, 371 seq. ; Tribal Characteristics, 373 seq. ; His- torical Retrospect, 376 seq. ; Bound- aries and Egyptian Garrisons, 380 ; Reconquest of the, 75 ; 382 seq. ; List of Battles in, 385 ; Cost of recent Campaign, 386 ; Title-deeds of the Nile Valley, 386 seq. ; Egyp- tian Boundaries confirmed, 393 ; Analysis of Treaty-rights in, 394 seq. ; Anglo-Egyptian Condominium, 279 ; 423 seq. ; the Governor-General of, 425 ; Administration, 425 ; Budget, 425 ; Departments of Ad- ministration, 426 (foot-note) ; Mis- sionary enterprise in, 429 ; the Slave Trade in, 429 ; Communications in, 432 ; Commercial development of, 433 ^^'7- — '^'^'^ '^''^^ J\^i7e Sudd, the, and Communications, 433 Suez Canal, the, 59 ; Treaty obliga- tions inoperative, 315 ; Attitude of the Powers concerning, 315 ; Control of, 316; Plistorical Retrospect, 317 seq. ; Concessions, 318; Inauguration, 319; Political significance, 319; International negotiations concern- ing, 320 seq. ; Paris Commission (1885), 324 ; Convention of 1888, 338 seq. ; Commerce, 345 seq. : Ad- ministration of, 348 Sugar Crop, 299 ; 312 Suliman Pasha, 51 ; 53 Summary Courts, 255 ; 264 Surplus, disposal of, Egypt's right to, 167 ; the Annual, 199 , Surveys, Department of, 2S5 :>cq. Suzerainty, the Sultan's, 158; 159; 364. — See also Sovereign Rights, and Turkey Syria, Ibrahim's Campaign in, 53 ; loss of, 55 ; strategic value of, 102 (foot- note) Tatura, 391 ; 392 Taka, Mudiria of, 388 ; 389 Tanganyika, Lake, 412; 414 Taufik, Khedive of Egypt, 66 seq. Taxation, 207 ; remission of, 201 Tax-collection, 207 Tcheme, battle of, 44 Tel-el-Kebir, effect of British victory at, 68. — See also Ardbi Temperature, 5 Territorial, Rights in Egypt, 131 seq. ; Rights in the Sudan, 394 seq. ; Waters of Egypt, 335 Tibesti, 396 ; 422 Tigre, Province of Abyssinia, 398 Title-deeds, of Egypt, 132 seq., 450 seq. ; of the Sudan (Egyptian) and Upper Nile Territories, 386 seq. Tobacco Revenues, 296 Tokar, re-occupation of, 291 Toski, battle of, 291 Town Councils {Coininissioiis locales), 265. — See also Municipalities Towns, Chief, of Egypt, population of, 139 Trade and Commerce, 295 seq, — See also Coininerce Trade-marks, 300 Tribal Characteristics in the Sudan, 373 seq. Tribunals, the Mixed, 158-159; Lord Cromer on, 160 ; Languages recog- nized by, 161; 256; limits of Juris- diction, 428 (foot-note) Tribunals, the National, 255-256 Triple Alliance, the, 116 ; 117 ; 121 Tripoli, 102; 123; frontier, 394; and the Senussi Question, 396 Tsad Basin, 423 Tunis, F"rench Protectorate over, 123- 126 Turkey, abortive Convention (Drum- mond-Wolft") with, 71 ; the Fate of, 116, 120; and Tripoli, 396; and Egypt, 450 seq. — See also Ottoman, Sovereign, and Suzerain Turkish, oligarchy in Egypt, 187 ; Agency, and the P^gyptian Press, 280 Tutelary Power, the, in Egypt, 148 seq. — See also Great Britain, and British INDEX 483 Ubangi, French, 423 ; Upper, 373 (foot-note) Uganda, 373 ; British Protectorate over, 394 ; 409 seq. ; 408 ; railway to, 433. — See also Waganda Uncultivated lands, 20 Unified Debt, the, 198 Unkiar-Skeiessi, Treaty of, 54 Unyoro, 373 ; annexation of, 379 ; 409. — See also H'anyoro Upper Nile and Territories. — See Nile Usoga, 409 Vegetation, 4 Venetians, the, and Egypt, 41 Vernacular School, the (Dar el-Olum), .237. Victoria Nyanza, 8 ; railway communi- tion with, 433 Village Communities, 265. — See also Gaffirs, Omdehs, and Sheikhs Wadai, 395 ; 421 ; 422 Wadelai, British flag hoisted at, 416 Waganda, the, 373. — Sec also Uganda Waghorn, Lieut., and the Overland Route, 59 Wahiihi War, the, 49 Wahuma, the, 373 Wakfs, the, Administration, 239 Wanga, 407 Wanyoro, the, 373. — See also Unyoro War, Ministry of, 287 seq. ; Adminis- tration of, 289 ; European Establish- ment, 289 ; Budget, 289. — See also Army {Egyptian) Warnock, Dr, 270 War-risks, regarding Suez Canal, 345 Water-supply, 6 ; in the Delta, 269 Willcocks, Mr, 16 Wilson, Sir C. Rivers, and the Suez Canal Commission (1SS5), 337 Wingate, Sir Reginald, quoted, 431 Wolff, Sir Henry Drummond-, and the abortive Convention with the Porte, 71 seq. Wood, Sir Evelyn, 290 Zande, the A-, 372 Zanzib^ir Coast, the, 407 Zeila, 392 ; 406 Zeraf, Bahr el-, 434 (foot-note) Zoology, 12 PRINTED BY TURNBULL AND SPEARS, EDINBURGH UC SOUTHf RN Rf CIONAL LIBRAH' ■ • AA 000 900 951 5 Ifr-^Jy^^-fi'jpik "n^.