UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 AT LOS ANGELES
 
 THE 
 
 DUTY OF CITIZENS 
 
 IN THE 
 
 PRESENT CRISIS. 
 
 THE SECOND EDITION. 
 
 The real Enemies of a free State, are fuck of its own 
 
 ' Citizens as undermine its Liberties. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 .PRINTED FOR R. H, WESTLEY, NO. 2OI, OPPOSITB ST, 
 CLEMENT'S CHURCH. STRAND. 
 
 t 082 6

 
 JN 
 
 S ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 THE Addrefs which forms the firft pages of 
 this work, was writ ten for one of the late po- 
 pular meetings. As many Gentlemen who then 
 defired to become fubfcribing parties, havefwce 
 requeued copies, it is now prefented to them with 
 elucidations. 
 
 I 
 
 301315
 
 THE 
 
 DUTY OF CITIZENS, &c. 
 
 SECTION I. 
 
 ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND. 
 
 ~\\ 7"E who now addrefs ourfelves, -to 
 the People of England, as an ar- 
 gument for a j uft claim to attention, begin 
 by declaring, that we are not men enlifted 
 under any political banner, or pofleiTed of 
 either place, penfion, or emolument from 
 Government; confequently, we cannot be 
 actuated by motives of private intereft, or 
 political influence ; but pride ourfelves on 
 having a nobler ftake depending than either 
 politics or patronage can beftow, our un- 
 alienable Rights as Englimmen ; fecurity of 
 Perfon and Property Liberty our Kin- 
 dred, and our Country ! 
 
 B Thefe
 
 Thefe it is our duty to protect againft 
 lawlefs invaders. Such a flake is indeed fa- 
 cred ! and although it be ours only in cdm- 
 rnon with every individual, yet our being 
 the Fathers of numerous Families, by giv- 
 ing us a manifold and important rifque in 
 the ferenity and profperity of the State, 
 in veils us with the more indifputable right to 
 exert our utmoft abilities, and to invite all 
 reafonable perfons to join with us, in con- 
 ducing to the peace and good order of the 
 Kingdom ; and in fupporting, with united 
 efforts, its prefent Conilitution of King, 
 Lords, and Commons, thoroughly convin- 
 ced, as we are, from the experience of ages, 
 and the furvey of furrounding States, that 
 no other Conftitution, of whatever denomina- 
 tion, found in the page of hiftory, has been 
 more effectually calculated to afford the 
 fame Bleflings of Liberty, Security, and Pro- 
 tection ! Perfection is not the lot of human 
 nature, but as near it as human inftitutions 
 
 can
 
 ( a ) 
 
 tan, the well digefted Theory of our Con- 
 ftitution has approached : a Conftitution, 
 which Britons have contemplated, with 
 an honeft pride, as the juft obje6l of their 
 own glory, and the envy of the European 
 world ! 
 
 This Fabric of Liberty, ^this Monument 
 of our Security, we well know to have been 
 the progreiTive work of ages, effected by 
 men of profound wifdom, and unfullied 
 integrity. Thefe Statefmen, fo able, and 
 diftinguifhed, did alfo adopt every wife 
 precaution to furnifh individuals, in cafes 
 of wrong, with the means of redrefs : And, 
 therefore, as political defects arife, or abufes 
 are introduced, by the excellence of a Con- 
 ftitution, formed of three equal Eftates, re- 
 lief may be always at hand. Thefe three 
 Eftates, of dijlinft intereft, and of equal 
 power, were deliberately formed to acl: on 
 a Syftem eftablifhed on the jealous prin- 
 B 2 ciple
 
 ( 4 ) 
 
 ciple of " Check upon Check/' that in all 
 cafes of encroachment, error, or abufe, each 
 might correct the other ; and preferve the 
 well balanced order of the State. And, by 
 which means, we poflefs the valuable Right 
 of always controuling the PRACTICE of 
 this our beautiful THEORY ; a Right, 
 which, in all emergencies, has been hap- 
 pily exercifed, and can be effectually re- 
 forted to ; a Right, from which we ever 
 have, and muft always find relief ; equally 
 \vell adapted to repel injury, and to court 
 the improvements of wifdom and expe- 
 rience. And, here, let us remind our 
 Countrymen, (of what nothing but a mif- 
 taken infatuation can ever caufe them to 
 lofe fight) that, out of three, the People al- 
 ready poflefs one equal part of the national So- 
 vereignty ; confequently, are in themfelves, 
 through the medium of their Reprefenta- 
 tives, the Houfe of Commons, one perfect 
 branch of the Government, equal in power, 
 
 dignity,
 
 ( 5 ) 
 
 dignity, and influence, with each of the 
 other two e dates feparately taken, and en- 
 titled, on all occafions, even to put a ne- 
 gative on the proceedings of either or 
 both. 
 
 By thefe wife precautions are our Liber- 
 ties, Lives, and Property, fectired from the 
 invafion of tyranny or defpotifm : bleffmgs 
 that are not enjoyed under any other form 
 of Government ! Let not, therefore any 
 clafs of Britons fuflfer themfelves to be de- 
 ceived into an opinion, that they are def- 
 pifed as Cyphers in the STATE, it being 
 the PEOPLE only whom the Legiflature 
 can acknowledge in the perfons of their 
 Reprefentatives the WHOLE HOUSE OF 
 COMMONS, from amongft whom, even the 
 MINISTERS of the COUNTRY, are ge- 
 nerally appointed for the exprefs duty of 
 guarding and preferving their Rights and 
 Privileges : and fo long as this important 
 B 3 branch
 
 branch of the Legiflature the Houfe of 
 Commons, fhall preferve its own Dignity, 
 and Independence, by faithfully adhering 
 to the true principle and fpirit of its infti- 
 tution, it is morally impofiible, even admit- 
 ting that at intervals they may be fubjecl 
 to foine partial invafion, that the RIGHTS 
 of the PEOPLE can ever be annihilated. 
 
 Such is the admirable Conftitution be- 
 queathed to us by our anceftors, under the 
 moft facred injunctions to preferve it : 
 and as human efforts were infufficient to 
 fecure it from the ravages of time, and the 
 encroachment of error, and abufe, they 
 wifely and exprefsly provided the People 
 with the power of correcting them, through 
 the medium of the Houfe of Commons, who 
 are not only perfectly competent, but muft 
 feel it to be their firft duty, and trueft intereft, 
 to preferve the facred and effential balance 
 of the State, 
 
 Let
 
 . t 7 ) ,";. ; r 
 
 Let us now advert to fome of the ftrong 
 Pillars of our protection, the Safeguards of 
 our Freedom. -We have Magna Charta for 
 the Bafis of our Liberty. The Habeas Cor- 
 pus A61 to preferve us from unjuft imprifon- 
 ment. A Grand Jury, formed from among 
 OURSELVES, to fecure us from unfair, 
 or unneceflary profecutions. And petty Ju- 
 ries, formed alfo from among OURSELVES, 
 to protect us againft unjuft punimment in 
 Criminal Cafes, and againft wanton depriva- 
 tion of property in Civil. If diflatisfied with 
 the decifions of thefe Juries fo chofen, we 
 have the means of appealing to other tri- 
 bunals equally well calculated for Relief 
 againft oppreflion, and even againft error : 
 and, laft of all, we have the benefit of ap- 
 plying to the Benignity of a Throne which 
 we OURSELVES have conftituted, for that 
 mercy that inexorable Juftice could never 
 grant : yet, this mercy, this power of par- 
 doningthis laft Refuge of unhappy Crimi- 
 B 4
 
 ( 8 ) 
 
 nals, is the only judicial inequality or fu- 
 periority which the monarch poffeffes over 
 either of the other two Eftates. 
 
 Let not, therefore, anyjealoufy or tenaci- 
 oufnefs of power, (feelings but too natural 
 to human nature,) delude the good fenfe of 
 Englifhmen to deceitful Phantoms artfully 
 placed between us and the folid blefiings 
 in our poneffion ! The power of the mo- 
 narchical branch of the Legiflature over 
 the other two, and that wifely created by 
 OURSELVES is no more than the Power of 
 HUMANITY, of BENEVOLENCE, and of 
 REWARD the Power of doing GOOD ! 
 Whence then any apprehenfion of Injury ? 
 Yet, great pains have been taken, and alarm 
 induftrioufly propagated to fet the King and 
 the People at variance with each other ! And 
 the example of a neighbouring Nation has 
 been held out to us for this very purpofe. 
 We prefume neither to queftion, or to con- 
 demn,
 
 ( 9 ) 
 
 demn, where we cannot poffibly have a right 
 to judge. As Citizens of the world, we wilh 
 Peace and Profperity to France, and to all 
 Nations ! But, one great truth muft be ob- 
 vious to ALL ; and that is, the utter impojji- 
 bility of the example of France being ever Jilted 
 to England. The French did not, like our- 
 felves, poflefs the bleffings of Freedom : the 
 Yoke of defpotic Laws, the interpretation 
 of which was committed to Judges who cor- 
 ruptly purcjiafed their places by public auc- 
 tion, had galled them to DESPERATION ; 
 and they have the inexhauftible Refource of 
 an immenfe Territory, which may poffibly 
 prove competent to the Support of their 
 whole Nation ; and on their own principles. 
 Whereas ours, is fo limited and circumfcrib- 
 ed, as to dictate the abfolute Neceffity of re- 
 forting to NAVIGATION, COMMERCE, 
 ARTS, and MANUFACTURES for SUP- 
 PORT ! It is then manifeft, that were thefe 
 pur neceffary refources neglected, or deftroy- 
 
 ed
 
 cd by convulfion, tumult, or any other caufe, 
 we muft be driven to the favage, naked con- 
 dition of our anceftors : and ranging the 
 foreft for food, muft fubftitute Paint for 
 Ckaihing ; and become a helplefs prey to the 
 firft foreign tyrant who might chufe to in- 
 vade our little Ifiand, and fix our doom ! 
 Ye, therefore, who are Fathers, or mean to 
 befo, facrifice not your rifing generation, nor 
 endanger the peace and future happinefs of 
 our much envied nation under its prefent 
 provident and protecting Conftitution, to 
 any temporary delufion, or vifionary fchemes 
 of reftlefs individuals, whom jealoufy , pafllon, 
 or envy, render blind to the focial benefits 
 which they attempt to interrupt ! 
 
 We learn with grief, the prefent anxie- 
 ty and alarm. We truft that they are not 
 only premature, but will appear to be whol- 
 ly without caufe. However they may have 
 been diffufed, when we find the peace of 
 
 Society
 
 t n ) 
 
 Society difttirbed, and domeftic fecurity 
 threatened, it becomes the duty of all good 
 citizens to unite in exertions to preierve 
 them : and to endeavour, by an union of 
 minds and interefts, to form a ftrong and pro- 
 tecting fhield againft growing Virulence and 
 eventful Convulfion. We, therefore, moil 
 folemnly invite, All the REASONABLE and 
 WELL-DISPOSED PEOPLE OF ENG- 
 LAND, to join in fupport of the KING 
 AND CONSTITUTION, as fettled at the 
 Revolution. In this cafe,we know no diftinc- 
 tion of Party: for, however Parties may 
 differ on fubordinate points, we are confi- 
 dent there cannot be a difference on thefe 
 fundamental Principles. 
 
 Our liberal-minded Countrymen will not 
 fuppofe, that we have any other induce- 
 ment to make this invitation to " UNION 
 AND GOOD ORDER," than that of hav- 
 ing
 
 ing a fimilar Interefl in the State \vith 
 themfelves : but, they will remember, that 
 it is the call of Britons, proud and tenaci- 
 ous of their Liberties jealous of their Birth- 
 rights affectionate to their Kinfmen and 
 hofpitable to all mankind ! That it is a call 
 to incite them to preferve thofe refour- 
 ces, which have produced fo many ineftima- 
 ble Bleflings, fo much real Liberty and 
 true happinefs to Britons, and have made 
 them the admiration and envy of the whole 
 world : that it is, in fact, the Call of THEM- 
 SELVES: the Call of their KING and 
 COUNTRY : that it is the Call of their 
 CHILDREN, and all who look up to them 
 for PROTECTION; of every pledge they 
 hold moft facred ! It is indeed a Call fo 
 facred, that were our Anceftors to arife 
 from the Grave, it would be to fet the ex- 
 ample of OBEDIENCE, and to reproach 
 thofe who mould fail in that indefpenfable 
 duty. Surely it mult have been their laft 
 
 awful
 
 ( '3 ) 
 
 awful injtm(5lion, to preferve this holy Be- 
 queft of liberty perfect and unfullied to 
 the lateft pofterity ! Thefe are the prin- 
 ciples on which we apply to your feel- 
 ings as Britons, and to your allegiance as 
 Citizens and Subjects. 
 
 SECTION
 
 ( H ) 
 SECTION II. 
 
 OF THE GENERAL SUBJECT. 
 
 E foregoing Addrefs was intended for 
 the Prefs previous to the meeting of Par- 
 liamentj when the public mind laboured 
 tinder much dark agitation, and every 
 individual was tempted to regard his 
 neighbour as a traitor to his Country, 
 and an enemy to the good order of fociety. 
 That alarm has now fubfided, and appears 
 to be followed by a general amazement, that 
 the caufe (hould fo fuddenly have vaniihed : 
 but, every true friend to the Conftitution 
 muft rejoice to obferve, that it has dempn- 
 ftrated what never ought to have been fe- 
 rioufly doubted, that neither contrivance 
 nor plot can fhake the loyalty of Britons ; 
 that their fpirits once rouzed and united, 
 they dread not a combination of the whole 
 world ; that to difturb the welfare of thefe 
 united Kingdoms, is, internally, as diffi- 
 cult
 
 ( '5 ) 
 
 cult, as externally* the attempt would be 
 formidable and hazardous ! that Great Bri- 
 tain is inhabited by good Citizens, whofe 
 character for moderation, firmnefs, and good 
 fellowfliip, are not to be diverted from 
 the true interefts of the State, of which 
 they are the real fupport ; that their loyal- 
 ty and attachment to the Houfe of Hano- 
 ver bid defiance to fulpicion ; and that his 
 Majefty reigns in the affections of the peo- 
 ple, notwithftanding the pains which have 
 induftrioufly been taken to fet them both at 
 variance. 
 
 Such is the conftruclion of the late ru- 
 moured infurreclions of the people ! Such 
 is the tower of ftrength on which his Ma- 
 jefty can always fafely rely in the hour of 
 doubt, difficulty, and danger ! Such too are 
 the true features and delineations of the 
 faithful Citizens of thefe united Kingdoms ; 
 and on which I have the happinefs to 
 
 congratulate
 
 congratulate my country ! Fidelity thus 
 tramples on fufpicion, and real attachment 
 inftantly extinguifhes imaginary difaffeclion ! 
 
 Thus we ftigmatize all fuch flanderous 
 imputations, and expofe the dark defigns 
 of hypocrify and corruption, and openly 
 declare to the world, " that the PEOPLE, 
 can never have an intereft in diforder." 
 
 With forrow, I afterwards learnt, that 
 under a falfe impreffion, and as if this 
 declared fenfe of the people were ftill doubt- 
 ed, one of our Reprefentatives in Parliament, 
 had fignified an intention of moving for a 
 partial fufpenfion of the Habeas Corpus A 61, 
 an intention juftly reprobated by that firm 
 admirer and fupporter of our Constitution , 
 that vigilant and incorrupt Statefmen, the 
 FRIEND OF THE PEOPLE," whofe 
 pride is to merit their efteem, and whofe 
 
 life
 
 ( '7 ) 
 
 life has been devoted to the defence of their 
 Liberties* 
 
 The bare fuggeftion of fuch meafures, 
 and the general {late of the Empire, in- 
 duces me to obtrude on my Fellow Ci- 
 tizens, a few admonitions refpec~ling the 
 duties the Common-weal impofe, and 
 which, in my opinion, the fociety, in which 
 we live has a right to require at the hands 
 of each of us, being all equally interefted to 
 maintain and preferve the blefllngs we 
 derive from it: duties, which it is not mere- 
 ly neceflary to acknowledge ; we mould a6l 
 up with ardour to the principles they 
 profefs. 
 
 I have already endeavoured to attract an 
 attention to fome of the ftrong pillars of our 
 conftitution, which form the fafeguards of 
 our liberties. Thefe are, 
 
 C l. One
 
 1. One equal part of the National Sove- 
 reignty of this Nation compofed of 
 the People in the WHOLE HOUSE 
 OF COMMONS. 
 
 2. The HABEAS Corpus Aft, to pre- 
 ferve us from wrongful imprifon- 
 ment. 
 
 3. TRIAL BY JURY to fecure us 
 from unnecefTary profecution, and to- 
 pped!: usagainfl injurious deeifions. 
 
 To them I (hall now fubjoin as infepara- 
 bly connected, 
 
 4. THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS : 
 and as far as I can colle6l from the ge- 
 neral declarations lately publifhed by 
 aflbciations, what the mind of the 
 people is moil directed to, 
 
 5. The revifion and fimplification of 
 the LAWS OF ENGLAND. 
 
 It
 
 ( '9 ) 
 
 It is not my intention to enter into an hifto- 
 rical detail of thei'e feveral articles, of their 
 origin and progrefs, or the means by which 
 they have been gradually matured into ele- 
 mentary principles, forming, as they now do> 
 the Conftitution. My defign is only to in- 
 duce my fellow-citizens to give their own aid 
 to perform thofe individual duties, on the 
 punctual and faithful difcharge of which, the 
 veryprefervation of thofe bleffings which our 
 conftitution diffufes among us fo materially 
 depends. Thefe duties are fo important to 
 every order of fociety and each department 
 of the ftate, that no good citizen ought ever 
 to decline them : yet, it is to be apprehend- 
 ed, that many of the abufes, or inconvenien- 
 cies, now ailed ged to have crept into the 
 practice of Government, may be fairly traced 
 to our own indifference and neglect. As to 
 a defign, that furely is impoffible ; fince the 
 very people who feel thefe alledged in- 
 conveniencies are to be found in each exe- 
 C 2 cutive
 
 ctitive department of the Hate ; and without 
 whofe knowledge and connivance, the en- 
 croachments now thought to be injurious, or 
 to bear hard on the fubjecl, could not pof- 
 fibly have continued. It is only by the af- 
 fiftance of the people that the refponfible 
 executive officers of the ftate are enabled to 
 perform their important functions ; and were 
 they to \vithold their fervices, which com- 
 mon inter eft and honefty forbid, there muft 
 foon be an annihilation of the Government. 
 Therefore, as the happinefs and welfare of 
 our country, and the domeftic comforts we 
 pofTefs, abfolutely depend on the faithful 
 fervices of the people, my confcience tells 
 me, I am not only juftified, but that it is a 
 duty which allegiance to the conftitution de- 
 mands, to offer the following obfervations. 
 
 SECTION
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 TT has been already ftated, " that nothing 
 *- " but a miftaken infatuation can ever caufe 
 " us to forget, that out of three, the people 
 " already poflefs one equal part of the na- 
 " tional Sovereignty, through the medium 
 " of their reprefentatives the WHOLE 
 " HOUSE OF COMMONS/' This is 
 clearly, as great a (hare of the legiflature 
 as they can, confident with their own hap- 
 pinefs defire: and, when properly under- 
 ilood, their good fenfe cannot fail to convince 
 them, that their true interefts pofitively for- 
 bid more. This Houfe of Commons is wholly 
 compofed of the people, whofe free choice of 
 its members individually, certified under 
 their own act, is the onlyjiat under which 
 the folemn oaths of allegiance, fupremacy, 
 and fidelity, can be adminftered ; or any mem- 
 ber admitted to a poflible means of neglecl- 
 C 3 &
 
 ing, or betraying the truft of the people, or 
 differing any encroachment of the trnftees 
 of the executive authority on the privileges 
 of the fubjedt. Nothing can conftitute an 
 acl of the legiflature which has not this con- 
 fent of the people : no tax or money can bo 
 levied : no military or naval armaments main- 
 tained, nor mutiny and defertion punimed, 
 without fuch confent exprefsly and annually 
 obtained : or, in other words, without their 
 verdict as a national Jury of the People, 
 ' that it is right and ought to be done .*" 
 And thus in every queftion which can be agi- 
 tated either in that houfe, or by the other 
 branches of the legiflature, this national jury 
 muft firft approve the meafure before it can 
 be adopted : and if for argument fake, we 
 admit their judgment on any point to be er- 
 roneous, it muft then undergo the rigid fcru- 
 tiny of the other two co-ordinate branches, 
 pofleffing alfo the diftincl property of Juries 
 which our conftitution has wifely defigned, 
 
 to
 
 to correct : fo that by the vigilant exercife 
 of this principle of each jealoufly check- 
 ing and controuling the other, the indivi- 
 dual branches poffefs as much power, as 
 can be exercifed with fafety and benefit ei- 
 ther to themfelves, or to the whole. And 
 hence my conclufions, that the true intereil 
 of the people of England pofitively forbids 
 their poiTefling a larger fhare in the legifla- 
 ttire than the happy conftruction of our pre- 
 fent conftitution allots them" and fo long 
 44 as their Houfe of Commons (hall preferve 
 4( its own dignity and independence, by 
 " faithfully adhering to the true principle 
 *' and fpirit of its institution, it is morally 
 ' impoffible that the rights of the people can 
 *< ever be annihilated."* 
 
 This naturally induces the queftion,What 
 
 is the end of this Inftitution, and in what 
 
 does its principle and fpirit confift ? That it 
 
 fbould be compofed wholly of the people, and 
 
 C be
 
 be a pure, unbiafTed, and independent con- 
 troul in behalf of the people, neither encroach- 
 ing on, nor fuflfering encroachment ; and, in 
 its actions, neither knowing nor being known, 
 by either of the other two eftates ; neither fub- 
 mitting its conduct to influence, nor permit- 
 ting interference ; but, affiduoufly and tin- 
 ceafingly watching, guarding, and preferv- 
 ing this valuable and dignified fpirit, founded 
 on the natural rights of the people. It is 
 the firft duty of our Reprefentatives in their 
 truft, rigidly to preferve this independent and 
 well balanced order, under a fixed fyftem of 
 diftincl and jealous dignity, which forms re- 
 pellants little fhort of declared hoftility to- 
 wards the other two efiates : for the moment 
 they fuflfer this vital principle to be ufurped 
 or infringed, the defign of the institution is 
 fubverted and difordered ; their independence 
 and dignity are loft ; the whole fabric of the 
 conftitution, by the defertion of its appointed 
 guardians, is in danger of being facrificed ; 
 
 and
 
 and under a continuance of mere form, the 
 .people no longer reprefented, are reduced 
 to filent fubmiffion under arbitrary authority. 
 
 Thus, I conceive, the end of this Inftitu- 
 tion is, a general guardianfhip for the peo- 
 ple againft arbitrary power, as dictated by 
 wicked, tyrannical, and fanguinary ufurpa- 
 tions, during the fuperftition and ignorance 
 of paft ages ; and which our patriotic an- 
 ceftors determined it wife, pofitively, and 
 for ever, to prohibit, by eftablifhing an 
 Houfe of Reprefentatives with power, not 
 only competent to its own functions, but qua- 
 lified, as every body knows, by withholding 
 pecuniary fupplies, to dictate to the other 
 two Eftates, whenever the condition of 
 the State fhall demand it. And, on the 
 other hand, all the acts of this branch 
 of the Legiflature being aflented to by 
 the other two (provided they are fuch 
 as do not militate againft the conftitution), 
 
 are
 
 ( 6 ) 
 
 are binding on the people; and, thencefor* 
 ward, it becomes their duty, rigidly, faith- 
 fully, and implicitly to fubfcribe obedience, 
 and to render their perfonal fervices for the 
 accomplifhment of the compact. Hence, 
 the importance of this Houfe to the People, 
 and the necefiity of the free, and judicious, 
 choice of its members : hence, the fource of 
 that jealoufy with which their conduct is fo 
 accurately fcrutinized ; and of the expedience 
 of fuch vigilance being incefiant in its ope- 
 ration ; hence too fhould be decifion of 
 judgment; fevere and unrelenting refent** 
 ment towards fuch of their national Repre-* 
 fentatives as fail in their duty. 
 
 How far our Houfe of Reprefentatives is at 
 prefent, what the fpirit of the conftitution 
 demands, or whether it requires an immedi- 
 ate Reform, is a fubject, of which I fhall not 
 enter into minute difcuflion, as that would be 
 encroaching on a department already engag- 
 ing
 
 ing the moft diftinguifhed characters of this 
 kingdom, whofe brilliant talents, and politi- 
 cal integrity, can only be equalled by their 
 ardent zeal for the public good ; and by that 
 exemplary moderation with which they pro- 
 ceed in afliiming a duty of fuch eflential mo- 
 ment to the liberties of the people ; and 
 which too had been before inoft folemnly 
 promifed by others, yet neverthelefs, preci- 
 pitately abandoned, as foon as the means 
 were obtained of fulfilling the engagements 
 they had entered into. 
 
 On this point therefore, I fhall only add, 
 my mite of applaufe to the " FRIENDS OF 
 THE PEOPLE," for their honeft and afli- 
 duous fervices in the prefer vat ion and main- 
 tenance of our happy conflitution ; nor is it 
 
 9. fmall ftep towards their fuccefs, that the 
 elective franchife poflefles one advantage 
 over all other property, that its benefits are 
 pot leflened by being diffufed to plurality 
 
 of
 
 of objects ; for no one man can be in- 
 jured in his privilege of voting by its being 
 extended to another. By thus multiply- 
 ing the right, and by limiting elections to 
 one and the fame day throughout the king- 
 dom, a fair profpecl is afforded of dimi- 
 nifhing conteft, of annihilating bribery and 
 corruption, and other undue influence, and 
 of fatisfying the public mind, that our 
 HOUSE OF COMMONS a6hially iswhat 
 it ought to be, the REAL and GENUINE 
 REPRESENTATION of the PEOPLE. 
 
 SECTION IV. 
 
 HABEAS CORPUS ACT, TO PRESERVE US FROM 
 WRONGFUL IMPRISONMENT, 
 
 A RBITRARY imprifonment has, in all 
 
 ages,been afummary mode of difpofmg 
 
 of individuals, whether obnoxious through 
 
 popularity, or any other caufe. It has 
 
 been
 
 been found convenient to promote the dark 
 purpofes of men perverting difcretionary 
 authority, into minifterial intrigue ; and 
 for the moft part finds a veil in a blind 
 fubmiflion to general confidence. The hif- 
 tory of all ftates furnifhes but too many ex- 
 amples of fo nefarious a practice. And this 
 general hoftility againft human liberty has 
 pointed out the neceflity of providing ftrong 
 entrenchments to fecure it. Our anceftors, 
 afflicted and tortured by the feverities of 
 oppreffion, were early rotifed to feek a re- 
 medy, and they have left us the valuable pri- 
 vilege of Habeas Corpus, as the glorious mo- 
 nument of a triumph over defpotifm. From 
 that moment it has been decided, that the 
 perfonal liberty of Britons fliould no longer 
 be at the difpofal of difcretionary power. It 
 is, therefore, our duty to preferve this glo- 
 rious reftitution made us for all the blood 
 and treafure expended in the conteft. Our 
 laws fo amply afford us the means of doing 
 
 fo
 
 ( 3 ) 
 
 jfo, that no caufes, fhort of that extreme ne* 
 ceffity created by an actual foreign invafion, 
 or internal rebellion, in which the fafety 
 of the ftate is likely to be fhaken, can at any 
 time juftify its fufpenfion. There is at pre- 
 ient not a ihadow of the appearance of any in- 
 teftine difturbance; toairertotherwife,would 
 be a libel on the people ; and the grofleft 
 calumny. 
 
 State neceflity never dictates but on a prin- 
 ciple of felf prefervation : to remedy or pro- 
 vide againft exifting evils, not to create 
 them ; nor can any ftate be interefted in the 
 deftruction of itfelf. The Liberty of Britain 
 is her only bafis founded on Magna Charta : 
 and any doctrine to perfuade Britons, that 
 the Conftitution would ftand when Liberty 
 was defiroyed, would be an infult. That 
 Liberty muft be lafting and immutable ; 
 alike facred to all men, but more efpecially 
 fo to thofe in power, who are purpofely 
 
 placed
 
 ( 31 ) 
 
 placed on duty to guard it even from the 
 breath of invafion : nor would Britons en- 
 dure a law, rendering it liable to inftability, 
 or fuch occafional modification as the crook- 
 ed policy of any exifting adminiftration might 
 capricioufly determine : if it were fo, this 
 only diftinclion between a free ftate and a 
 land of flavery, might foon be removed, and 
 Liberty reduced to a mere infulting pafs- 
 word for treacherous impofition. In this 
 light, the privilege of Habeas Corpus mult 
 be more zealoufly guarded againft contin- 
 gent modification than any other, becaufe 
 more liable to fall a facrifice to the inroads 
 of power. The other component parts of the 
 Conftitution pofleffing repellants, contribute 
 to fupporteach other againft injury or inva- 
 fion : but the Habeas Corpus (lands, as it 
 were, fmgle and detached, and finds no af- 
 fiftance from the reft but in the precarious 
 ilTue of the law ; after a mifchievous aflault 
 has been fuftained* 
 
 The
 
 The fufpenfion of the Habeas Corpus act, 
 is an explicit declaration, that the falutary 
 law which prefer ves perfonal liberty againft 
 wrongful imprifonment, fliall be temporarily 
 repealed ; and that any citizen may be deprived 
 of his Liberty at the difcretion of an officiat- 
 ing magiftrate; and, however flagrant the in- 
 juftice, without the power of reforting to the 
 Habeas Corpus for relief, or as the means of 
 knowing the offence alledged againft him. 
 
 It is true there is no appearance of fuch a 
 declaration at prefent : but a partial fufpen- 
 fion has been in agitation when it was wrong 
 and unneceflary. For if a falfe alarm is to 
 occafion a diminution of our privileges, what 
 may not be juftly apprehended, fhould a con- 
 vulfion take place in the flate, through un- 
 wife, erroneous, or unfuccefsful meafures, in 
 times too portending events of which no 
 human judgment can forefee the end ? Any 
 partial fufpenfion wantonly refolved on, can 
 
 only
 
 ( 33 ) 
 
 | 
 
 only foretell a general one ; the next gra- 
 dation would be a total abrogation. It is 
 our indifpen fable duty to avert this. It (hould 
 too be the firft care of our agents in parlia- 
 ment to guard not that alone, but all our 
 liberties, with vigilance and unceafmg jea- 
 loufy. We depute them to reprefent us with 
 limited powers, and thefe are exprefsly re- 
 ftricted to our benefit. We have no where 
 given them an authority, either directly or 
 implied, to deprive us of our franchifes*^ 
 It was with fevere ftruggles they were 
 
 * Blackftone. VOL. I. p. 161, Ninth Edition, fpeaking 
 of Parliament " It can change or create afrefh, even the 
 " Conftitution of the Kingdom, and of Parliaments them- 
 (t felves as was done by the act of Union, and the feveral 
 " Statutes of triennial and feptennial Elections." As the 
 celebrated author of the Commentaries was too conftitu- 
 tional to infmuate a charge of public coercion or ufurpation 
 againft any of the three Eftates, he could only mean to veft 
 fuch extraordinary powers in the parliament, certain that they 
 would never be enforced but at the exprefs inftance and un- 
 equivocal fenfe of the nation at large ; and mufl wholly con - 
 eentre in that exclufive privilege which enables the People, 
 by their Houfe of Commons, to dictate to the other two 
 Eflates. 
 
 D acquired,
 
 ( 34 ) 
 
 acquired, and our laws have ordained, that 
 they fhall not be eafily parted with. This 
 can only be done by the general and 
 unanimous confent, not only of the whole 
 people of thefe united Kingdoms, but by 
 the concurrence of the other two co-or- 
 dinate Eftates, equally the truftees of the 
 People. To fufpend the Habeas Corpus 
 unneceflarily, therefore, would be to be- 
 tray us, and difgrace themfelves. It 
 would be impofmg a moil ferious and 
 alarming grievance ; and one that the laft 
 neceffity only, arifing from fome public con- 
 vulfion, could juftify ; a neceffity which does 
 not at prefent exift. Are the good peo- 
 ple in a ftate of Rebellion, as has been 
 moft wickedly infmuated, who daily ma- 
 nifeft their loyalty by open and declara- 
 tory acls ? Or are we invaded by a foreign 
 enemy ? 
 
 In order to be enabled to at up to the 
 principles of veneration which we profefs for 
 
 the
 
 ( 35 ) 
 
 the Conftitution, we ought not to fuffer any 
 indifference for it, tinder a blind confi- 
 dence in men, infenfibly to poffefs us *. 
 It belongs to us, to fee that they perform 
 their functions. And it may be confidered 
 as a misfortune, that the generality of the 
 world, pleafed with indolent fecurity, arefa- 
 tisfied to partake of the benefits of fociety 
 
 * The Decemviri of Rome were chofen from among the 
 mod difpaflionate, unambitious citizens, to compile a code 
 of laws for the ufe of v the people, and were entrufted with ab- 
 folute power over the Commonwealth. In private life they 
 were men of auftere morals, rigid integrity, and mild dif- 
 pofitions ; and it was with much difficulty, and not without 
 apparent reluctance that they could be prevailed on to accept 
 the truft : yet foon afterwards, inebriated with power and 
 the advantages of office, they openly threw off the maflc, 
 and became fo odious for their tyranny, that in the third year 
 after their creation, the people were fo highly exafperattd as 
 to demand them from the Senate in order to burn them 
 alive." 
 
 This was no more than the ordinary effecT: of a too ready 
 confidence in their intentions and fervices, and a blind re- 
 liance on their integrity and moderation ; and it teaches us at 
 lead, that we ought not always to fleep, becaufe we have a 
 ftationary watch on duty. 
 
 D 2 without
 
 ( 36 ) 
 
 \vithout any participation of the hazards 
 and fervices by which they are acquired, or 
 interefting themfelves in the means by which 
 they are to be preferved. This indolent fe- 
 curity and unfufpecYmg confidence, has pro- 
 ved one of the fharpeft thorns in the fide 
 of human happinefs. For power not lefs 
 the inftrument of general mifchief than the 
 guardian of public benefit, mould be confi- 
 dered only as the facred ftock of the com- 
 munity ; and even when moft neceflary, but 
 temporarily delegated to individuals for a 
 fpecial fervice ; and like arms diftributed a- 
 mong citizens for the occafional defence of a 
 ftate, to be returned as foon as a fpecific duty 
 has been performed. In a crifis like the 
 prefent, when it is difficult to afiume an al- 
 ternative between civil confufion and abje6l 
 humiliation, it becomes the duty of every 
 good citizen and well-wifher to the Confti- 
 tution, to watch the moment of error or dan- 
 ger ; and when we behold meafures adopted 
 
 which
 
 ( 37 ) 
 
 which threaten to break down the ftrongeft 
 barriers of human fecurity, it behoves us to 
 confult and aflbciate for general protection, 
 as the only means of averting convulfion. 
 
 It has been obferved, that when we depute 
 our Reprefentatives to parliament, we do not 
 inveft them with an authority to difpofe of or 
 even to weaken our privileges. Were that au- 
 thority to be granted in any in fiance, it might 
 be practiced in all ; and that conftitution we 
 fo much revere, and the Liberties emanating 
 therefrom, might in one day be facrificed to 
 defign or neglect, and this region of freedom, 
 be converted into a land of flavery and def- 
 potifm. While the Habeas Corpus retains its 
 virtue, we fleep in fecurity : if not happy and 
 contented, who can we reproach when we 
 feel ourfelves placed beyond the reach of ar- 
 bitrary difpofitions ? But, this a6l once fuf- 
 pended (which may be ferioufly apprehend- 
 ed Ihould we be hurried into HoftilitieS* with 
 D 3 France) 
 
 ? r 
 
 (51315
 
 ( 38 ) 
 
 France) who is fecure ? Or what man can 
 rife in the morning and be certain, that he 
 fhall not pafs the enfuing night in a dungeon, 
 or within the walls of an inquifition, fecreted 
 from his family, not knowing where or how 
 to call for relief? What father of a family is 
 there to be found, whofe chearful fire-fide 
 might not be fuddenly turned into a fcene 
 of horror, fhrieks, and mourning ; their na^ 
 tural protector torn from his endearing 
 ftation ? 
 
 The extreme of neceflity can only warrant 
 fo violent an outrage on the conftitution, 
 Let us, therefore, admonilh our Reprefenta- 
 tives in parliament, and recommend to them, 
 as they value their own liberties, and revere 
 our Conftitution ; as they regard their duty, 
 and bear in remembrance the folemn oaths 
 which enabled them to enter on their 
 functions ; and as they may expect to receive 
 the future confidence of their Conftituents, 
 
 not
 
 C 39 ) 
 
 not to confent on any confideration fhort of 
 *he laft neceflity , that the Habeas Corpus A61 
 mould be even for a moment fufpended. 
 
 The right of Ele<5lors to inftrucl: their re- 
 prefentatives in parliament has been often 
 debated, though the doubt of its exiftence 
 muft afluredly be unfounded. Elfe, what 
 means the privilege of a free-poftage ? 
 Whence its origin ? But that the correfpond- 
 ence on the duties of their deputation, 
 ihould not be fubje<5l to impediment ? Were 
 it other wife, how could Members conduct 
 themfelves,who are probably ftrangers in the 
 places they reprefent, and whofe avocations 
 in life have never afforded them the oppor- 
 tunity of attaining a knowledge of thofe 
 particular interefts, which it is the object 
 of their miflion to promote ? An elegant wri- 
 ter whofe principles and philanthropy are as 
 fuperior to fufpicion, as to praife, fpeaking 
 of our Houfe of Reprefentatives, lays it down 
 D as
 
 ( 4 ) 
 
 as an axiom, " that the virtue, fpirit, and ef- 
 " fence of it confifts in its being the exprefs 
 " image of the feelings of the nation/' 
 What does this import, but, that, in the 
 true fenfe and fpirit of a delegated truft, 
 our feelings are to be their feelings ; our in- 
 terefts, their inter efts ; and our inftru&ions, 
 their particular duty ? Let us not then, at 
 any time, be deterred from offering either 
 nfeful inftru6lion, or feafonable admoni- 
 tion ; or from motives of cenfurable delica- 
 cy, fee them run wildly into error, or ex- 
 tremes ; and, in the exercife of their func- 
 tions, act with as much indifference to- 
 wards their Conftituents, as if they were 
 treating about the private property of an 
 eftate, the live ftock,and all its appurtenances. 
 Every reprefentative, who knows his duty, 
 and contemns not the hand from whence he 
 derived his commidion, will court our aid, 
 and pride himfelf on his obedience and 
 his fervices. And, I truft, every good citi- 
 zen
 
 ( 4' ) 
 
 ten who venerates the Conftitution, will 
 unite with me in deprecating any injury to 
 this bulwark of our perfonal liberty, fince 
 his tranquillity and fafety are more or 
 lefs involved in it ; and fince the throne of 
 thefe realms is never fo fecurely eftablifhed, 
 as when fupported by public freedom, and 
 voluntary affection. 
 
 SECTION
 
 I 42 ) 
 SECTION V. 
 
 TRIAL BY JURY, 
 
 TO SECURE US FROM UNNECESSARY PROSECU- 
 TION, AND TO PROTECT US AGAINST 
 INJURIOUS DECISIONS. 
 
 WHILST the eloquent and undifmayed DEFENDER 
 of the LIBERTY of the PRESS (hall continue to 
 plead : Whilft the faithful FRIEND OF THE PEOPLE, 
 by defending our rights, continues to ftrengthen our Conftitu- 
 tion ; to enlighten, and to charm his cotemporaries into the 
 emulation of his example; and, whilft we mentally contemplate 
 that glorious monument, erefted for the benefit of the people at 
 the fhrine of virtue, on which ftands infcribed, 
 
 The REDEMPTION 
 
 OF THE 
 
 RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE, 
 
 FROM LONG INSIDIOUS USURPATION, 
 
 THE PROUD REWARD 
 
 OF 
 INTEGRITY UNSUSPECTED, 
 
 AND 
 TALENTS UNSURPASSED, 
 
 TRIAL
 
 ( 43 ) 
 
 TRIAL by JURY, though long familiar 
 to the willing ear of Britons, muft continue 
 to generate new veneration, even among 
 them, and to imprefs diftant nations with 
 its purity, dignity, and importance ; nay, 
 even pofterity will be induced to rival each 
 other in admiration, until the iron arm of 
 fome new found tyranny fhall deface its 
 beauty, or time fhall be no more ! 
 
 The tribute of applaufe being paid to the 
 reftorers of our long alienated right" the 
 * s Power of juries to decide on both Law 
 ft and Facl, in profecutions for Libel ;" 
 and this brilliant conqueft recorded in our 
 hearts ; our next object of confideration 
 is, the means of preferving and handing 
 the facred pledge down to pofterity, as 
 perfect and untainted, as, in its prefent pu- 
 rified ftate, we now receive it. 
 
 Beautiful as we behold trial by jury, in 
 
 theory ;
 
 ( 44 ) 
 
 theory ; and competent as it is to afford us 
 all the bleffings and advantages it promifes ; 
 yet without our farther aid and fupport, 
 even this alluring fabric cannot long with- 
 ftand the infidious attack the undermining 
 fap, which defigning men may, and, in all 
 human probability, will attempt againft it. 
 We ought, therefore, not only to be thankful 
 for its attainment,but gratitude requires that 
 we fhould deferve it by our conduct. 
 
 Had Mr. Fox's Act been obtained thirty 
 years ago, or had its principles been under- 
 flood, and firmly acted up to, as became the 
 duty of a People tenacious of their birth- 
 rights and privileges, how much poignant 
 diftrefs, undeferved punifhment, exorbitant 
 fine, and loathfome imprifonment, would 
 have been unfelt how many unhappy Vic- 
 tims had not, in that period, fallen under 
 thefe fevere afflictions a period, poffibly of 
 more importance to the Liberty of tl^e Prefs, 
 
 the
 
 ( 45 ) 
 
 the ftate of civil government, and the general 
 diflemination of knowledge, than any of the 
 fame duration within the annals of Hiftory? 
 Though this may be a reflection more par- 
 ticularly applicable to men in the habit of 
 committing their thoughts to the prefs, it is 
 not, however, of fmall importance for us to 
 confider the wounds which civilization has 
 fuftained, as a means of preventing them in 
 future. 
 
 Some attentions and fupport this tran- 
 fcendant fabric muft ever require ; not the 
 lead of which is an occafional attendance 
 to ferve on juries. This is fo eafy to ind- 
 ividuals, fo reafonable in itfelf, that a good 
 citizen will blufli at any remiflhefs of which 
 he may be confcious. 
 
 Judge Blackftone has told us, " that it is 
 " the tranfcendent privilege of every Englifh- 
 " man, that he cannot be affected in either 
 
 " hb
 
 ( 46 ) 
 
 " his Property, his Liberty, or his Perfon, 
 " but by the unanimous confent of twelve of his 
 " Neighbours and Equals" What benign 
 comfort, what fecurity of Liberty, Perfon, 
 and Property, does the abftracl imprefiion 
 of this doctrine imperceptibly inftil into our 
 minds ; and how ftiperior does it teach us to 
 value ourfelves over the inhabitants of other 
 regions of the world, where trial by jury is 
 unknown ! Happy had now been diftracled 
 France, inhabited by twenty-five millions of 
 people, could a Frenchman formerly, like 
 ourfelves, have faid " my Liberty, my Per- 
 " fon, my Property are facred, until at leaft 
 " twelve Frenchmen can be found unani- 
 " moufly of opinion, that fact and law 
 " demand that I (hould fubmit to a depriva- 
 " tion of them/' If, then, the prefent mi- 
 feries of Europe may be attributed to the 
 want of that formidable rampart of the peo- 
 ple's rights, the trial by jury, which I moft 
 cordially believe : If we behold defpotifm 
 
 exercifed
 
 ( 47 ) 
 
 exercifed in every ftate throughout the world 
 where trial by jury has not ere<5ted a ftand- 
 ard ; and, if even in our own, where it is 
 known " to be almoft coeval with the coun- 
 " try, and its very inftitution to have given 
 " birth to an imperfect conftitution ;" we 
 find, that the mind of man, naturally prone 
 to tyranny and ufurpatioo, had, in the 
 courfe of time, fo completely undermined its 
 veryefience,as almoft to have reduced an em- 
 pannelled jury to the mere fkeleton of abject 
 obedience to the expounder of the law .--How 
 glorious then ought to be the exultation of 
 Britons ; and how perfonally grateful fhould 
 they feel towards their fellow-citizens, whofe 
 -integrity, eloquence, and undifmayed per- 
 feverance, have reftored to us this blefling ; 
 with the fplendor and purity of its original 
 intention ! ! -Such feelings fhould convince 
 us, that it is beneath the dignity of our 
 character to (hew an indifference, or a difm- 
 clination to ferve on juries ; evafions from 
 
 which
 
 which have been to my own knowledge, 
 fo frequent, as even to have afforded the 
 opportunity and fpecious plea for thofe ufur- 
 pations of which we have hitherto had rea- 
 fon to complain. 
 
 To be fatisfied that this is not an occafional 
 opinion, or fome newly adopted principle, I 
 hope it will not be deemed impertinent 
 to aflert, that ever fmce I have attained 
 the age of qualification, I have never declined 
 acting either as a grand or petty juror ac- 
 cording to the citations I may have received ; 
 and though for many years entrufted with 
 important public duties, I have never fuffer- 
 ed either thofe, or my own private concerns, 
 of whatever nature they may have been, 
 ferve as pleas for the evafion of this my 
 firft duty as an Englifhman. 
 
 Next to the difmclination of ferving on 
 juries, is another evil which has lately ap- 
 peared
 
 ( 49 ) 
 
 peared of no lefs dangerous tendency : I 
 mean, that of the voluntary, though unin- 
 tentional difqualificationsj to act as jurors, 
 by means of fignatures to parochial decla- 
 rations, moft loyally intended, and fo far 
 laudable ; but certainly, in many particulars, 
 infringing violently on our privileges ; and 
 even fatally propagating thofe evils, which 
 a miftaken zeal might have hoped to diffi- 
 pate. It did not perhaps at firft occur, 
 that fuch combinations violated the confti- 
 tution by the erection of tribunals, inquifi - 
 *ions, and inquifitors, as odious in name 
 every where, as arbitrary and illegal in 
 practice, Who would not fhudder, if but 
 for a moment, confidered as an inquifitor ? 
 And yet, how many have voluntarily af- 
 fumed that office ! I will endeavour to illuf- 
 trate this by adverting to fome of the 
 leading points of the declarations in 
 .queilion. 
 
 fcu.- -iui ^J<p* - 
 
 E i. One
 
 ( 5 ) 
 
 i. One of the objects is declared to be, to 
 aid the civil authority in quelling riots, tu- 
 mults, &c. Is not this acknowledging, that 
 the Executive Government is either inade- 
 quate to its functions, or that they are fo 
 badly adminiftered, as to want the neceffity 
 of aid ? And, is it not an afllirance of the 
 exiftence of riot and tumult ; to the truth 
 of which, your declarations and fubfcrip- 
 tions are pledged. I muft affirm it as a truth, 
 that the powers poflefled by the Executive 
 Truftees of this country, are more than 
 competent to their duties ; and, were it 
 otherwife, I hope they are not fo unwife to 
 acknowledge fuch infufficiency by the ac- 
 ceptance of any fuch offers. To pretend 
 that the people are riotous and tumultuous, 
 is a foul imputation a grofs libel on them ; 
 and every one who loves the good order 
 which prevails, and is fatisfied of the com- 
 petency of the Executive Government ta 
 difcharge its functions, muft confider any 
 
 declaration
 
 C 51 ) 
 
 declaration to the contrary as deferving fe- 
 vere reprobation. 
 
 2. Denunciations are iflued againft the 
 circulators of all fuch publications as 
 have a tendency to fedition, and re- 
 wards are held out to informers. Here 
 again, zeal has ftrangely expofed pru- 
 dence ; and a mifchief is propagated by 
 a blind endeavour to avert it. Juft return- 
 ed from the triumph of a late victory in 
 eftablifhing the uncontrolled liberty of the 
 prefs, by an act fupported by the fuffrages 
 of the WHOLE NATION fave THREE OP- 
 POSING VOICES, there is now a precipitate 
 determination to violate it ; and a vir- 
 tual declaration that the nation fliall not 
 have that privilege. And, inftead of the 
 three individuals who officially declared 
 their hoftility to it ; and, therefore, had 
 the eyes of the whole nation directed 
 
 E a to
 
 ( 52 ) 
 
 to their conduct, endeavours are now ufed fo 
 to multiply its enemies, that its true friends 
 may chance to be borne down and fuffocated 
 in the confufion, as will appear ; 
 
 3. When citizens are called on to unite 
 in this aflumed jurifdiclion, with defign to 
 profecute, punifh, reward, &c. Is it then 
 meant to be declared that the eftablifhed laws 
 of the empire, which are fo numerous as to 
 give employment and fortunes to one hun- 
 dred thoufand men engaged in the profeffion, 
 are, neverthelefs incompetent to punifh the 
 offences of which cognizance is thus uncon- 
 ilitutionally aflumed ; and as if there' were no 
 other jurifdidlion ? Under this imprefllon, 
 every man is qualified and capable of becom- 
 ing a vile corrupt informer and an incorrupt 
 judge of libel and fedition ; and in the very 
 fame breath, again dif qualified from acting 
 either as judge, juror, or witnefs, by fumma- 
 rily pre-judging and pre-determining offen- 
 ces
 
 ( 53 ) 
 
 ces even before they have been committed. 
 Thus, unwarily, all the pains are taken which 
 ingenious men can take (and greater inge- 
 nuity was never more requifite) to undo thefe 
 extraordinary doings, by requiring every 
 body to aflbciate ; fo that the probability is, 
 that we may foon have offences to arraign 
 without an unprejudiced magiftrate before 
 whom to arraign them ; and offenders to try, 
 without an impartial jury to decide. Or, if 
 other wife, as all good citizens, not forefeeing 
 or reflecting on the confequences of thefe 
 implied evils, will have united in afTociations 
 which have for their object the pure fup- 
 port of the king and conftitution ; by rafh- 
 ly and injudicioufly mingling the difcordant 
 principles of jarring and reftlefs politics with 
 profeflions of loyalty, by a poifonous com- 
 pofition of loyalty, fedition, and libel, and 
 by a treafonable interference with the laws 
 of the ftate, we fhall leave only fuch of the 
 fufpicious and difaflfected who may not find 
 E 3 employment
 
 ( 54 ) 
 
 employment as informers, to perform the 
 diftinct duties of magiftrate and juror ; and 
 thus become the fole arbiters and difpofers 
 of all the in formations, libels, feditions, riots, 
 and tumults, which the influence and en- 
 ticement of profered rewards, collufion and 
 fecret combination may excite. 
 
 4. Neither are extraordinary denuncia- 
 tions againft productions of feditious or li- 
 bellous tendency, calculated to obtain the end 
 which is promifed. So far from correcting 
 the mifchievous imprefllon, which fuch pro- 
 ductions are admitted to be capable of mak- 
 ing on the public mind ; by fulminatory de- 
 nunciations, it is avowed that there is no abili- 
 ty to over-rule their influence and reafoning ; 
 and, therefore, refort is to be had to violent 
 fuppreffion and fummary condemnation. 
 Thefe denunciations are fo general and un- 
 defined, that it is impoflible to fay precifely 
 what doctrines may or may not be the mark- 
 ed
 
 ( 55 ) 
 
 ed objects of indignation and refentment. 
 If they go to queftion the fcheme of our con- 
 ftitution and government, lam decidedly of 
 opinion, that the eafieft and moft efficacious 
 way would have been to expofe the poifon 
 which the publications in queftion might 
 chance to contain ; and to inftru6t unin- 
 formed Britons in the principles of the 
 conftitution. It is not the conftitution 
 that is bad, but the extravagance and in- 
 trigues of the people in power, which de- 
 form its appearance, and render it hideous 
 tofuch as fee through a diftant medium ; and 
 perhaps only judge of it by the payment of 
 taxes. And this, poflibly, there may be a 
 greater defire of fuppreflTmg, than all the li- 
 bels and feditions, as well thofe which have 
 as thofe which have not appeared . Doubts of 
 our conftitution can only proceed from want 
 of knowledge ; while to explain what the 
 conftitution really is, would be the infallible 
 means of making thofe who live under it fen- 
 fible of the bleflings they derive from it ; and 
 E 4 i of
 
 ( 6 ) 
 
 of increafing their attachment. Such is the 
 defign of this addrefs ; and if it fhould only 
 tend to render one milled citizen a convert to 
 the folid bleflings we poiTefs, the object will be 
 anfwered and my time amply requited. And 
 here I {hall conclude my obfervations on 
 trial by jury with a folemn exhortation to my 
 countrymen, to emulate each other in ful- 
 filling their duty, as Jurors, with alacrity, 
 patience and cheerfulnefs, as the certain 
 means of protecting each other againft op- 
 preffion when attempted ; of preferving the 
 dignity of our laws when offended ; and as 
 the infallible means, of maintaining the King 
 and the People in that uninterrupted affec- 
 tion and harmony which are the reciprocal 
 object and true intereft of both. 
 
 SECTION
 
 ( 57 ) 
 
 SECTION VI. 
 
 THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS. 
 
 obje6l is fo infeparably connected, 
 and interwoven with the general liber- 
 ties, and welfare of mankind, as to com- 
 mand our moft a6tive and lively protection. 
 The liberty of the prefs is indeed the grand 
 cement and organ of fociety ; the faithful 
 channel by which all good works are pro- 
 mulgated, and bad ones cenfured and expo- 
 fed. It is the induftrious and indefatigable 
 agent for the inftant circulation of particular 
 intelligence, and for the deliberate diflemi- 
 nation of general knowledge: the infallible 
 fupport of the honeft, and fafe refort of 
 the injured. It is the jealous avenger of 
 wrongs ; the vigilant guardian of rectitude. 
 It diftributes punifhment to vice and rewards 
 to virtue. It is an impenetrable fhield 
 
 againft
 
 ( 58 ) 
 
 againft oppreflion, and the foul of inte- 
 grity. It is, as it were, the difcerning 
 eye of the public, and refpecls and dif- 
 tinguifhes men as their conduct intrinfically 
 merits. It is the fincere friend of freedom. 
 The implacable enemy of flavery. The in- 
 tellectual mirror of the univerfe defigned to 
 reflect happinefs on mankind, in which every 
 man has an inherent property. And it is fo 
 infeparably attached and affianced to trial 
 by jury, that they are the immutable fupport 
 of each other; and fo long as jurors fupport 
 the prefs, the prefs will fupport jurors. It 
 thus becomes the foul of all our perfonal li- 
 berties ; and the national fafeguard, without 
 which the dogmatical mandate of an ambiti- 
 ous minifter might be rendered the fole ar- 
 biter of civil government and freedom ; and 
 that conftitution which we fo enthufiaftically 
 venerate, foon become a dead letter. 
 
 Such are the virtues and diffufive proper- 
 ties
 
 ( 59 ) 
 
 ties of the prefs : fuch the benefits it pro- 
 fefies to propagate throughout the world, to 
 the unlhackled exercife of which is commit- 
 ted the enviable conftitution of England ! 
 How rigid, then, fhould we not be in main- 
 taining and preferving this univerfal vehicle 
 of human wifclom, in which the happinefs 
 of the world and of generations yet unborn 
 are fo eflentially involved ! With what deter- 
 mination and ardour fhould we not infift on 
 its free ufe; and, how refentful ought 
 we not to be on any abufe likely to en- 
 danger it ! 
 
 Here again, my friends, let us paufe, and 
 unite in paying the grateful tribute of 
 fenfibility: Let us hail the GUARDIAN 
 GENIUS OF BRITAIN, to whofe fplendid 
 talents we are indebted for this lately ac- 
 quired ornament the corner ftone of that 
 heavenly attribute, to which nature gave 
 exiftence, but felected him to emanate its vir- 
 tue
 
 tue and to interpret its intelligence, to the 
 glorious purpofe of encreafing the happinefs 
 of mankind ! Neither let us forget to ap- 
 plaud the valuable fervices which in defiance 
 of every difcouragement and encreafing dif- 
 ficulty, the caufe derived from the long and 
 u nr emitted exertions of the celebrated ora-- 
 tor of the Englim bar, and which fo forcibly 
 contributed to its fuccefs ! 
 
 As I have given my thoughts on the impor- 
 tant ufe of the prefs, I (hall offer fome obfer- 
 vations on the abufe of it. I am well aware 
 that fo extenfive a bleffing cannot be diffufed 
 in a world compofed of human beings, with- 
 out carrying along with it the misfortune of 
 partial evil : yet, where much muft neceflarily 
 be imperfect, we mould look only to the pre- 
 ponderance of the fcale ; and while that is 
 in the favour of virtue, we ought not to be 
 difcon tented. With regard to the evil, good 
 fenfe mould teach us, that violent coercion 
 
 cannot
 
 ( 61 ) 
 
 cannot be the effectual mode of repreffing it. 
 Silence and contempt are the only weapons 
 with which abufes of the prefs in general 
 fhould be combated, and which never fail to 
 inflict a mortal blow. Should, however, 
 the depravity of the times fo much fway the 
 minds of men as to induce them to circulate 
 publications with a view to excite the people 
 to refill, the civil magiftrate, or to obftrucl: 
 the execution of the exifting laws, fuch pub- 
 lications are certainly deferving the cenfure 
 of fociety, and the feafonable punifhment of 
 the law : but, the degree of that punifh- 
 ment and that cenfure (liquid, in all cafes, be 
 determined by fociety in its two-fold delega- 
 tion of juries : I mean that the offences of 
 the prefs, called libels, like every outrage 
 of the laws of fociety, {hould be fubject 
 to a fimilar procefs. This, I conceive, 
 mttft have been the original meaning of our 
 conftitution. Whereas, fuch- offences of the 
 Prefs as are deemed obnoxious to govern- 
 ment,
 
 ment, are now profecuted on ex-officio infor- 
 mation by the attorney general, who is an 
 officer of the crown, wherever or whenever 
 he may be ex-officio inftru&ed to carry his 
 procefs on ifTue direct, before a petty jury 
 only. So that the grand jury, that palla- 
 dium of the liberties of England, " formed 
 " from among ourfelves to fecure us from un- 
 " fair or unneceflary profecution," is in this 
 inftance fuperceded. Nor do I conceive the 
 alteration which I here fttggeft, at all op- 
 pofed by the conftitutional principles of Sir 
 William Blackftone, who fpeakingof ex-officio 
 profecutions (vol. 4. page 308) defcribes 
 them to be, " fuch enormous mifdemeanors 
 " as peculiarly tend to difturb or endanger 
 " the King's government, or to moleft or 
 " affront him in the regular difcharge of the 
 " royal functions : for offences fo high and 
 " dangerous in the punifhment or preven- 
 " tion of which a moment's delay would 
 " be fatal, the law has given to the 
 
 " crown
 
 " crown the power of an immediate pro- 
 " fecution, without waiting for any pre- 
 " vious application to any other tribunal." 
 Here Sir William Blackftone clearly cannot 
 mean promifcuoufly to include profecutions 
 for every defcription of Libel, fortuitoufly 
 and conftruclively arifing in " the free dif- 
 " cuffion and examination of the principles 
 " of civil government, and of all matter of 
 " public opinion." 
 
 An entire alteration, or fome modifica- 
 tion of the prefent practice, was never more 
 necefiary than at this time of innovation 
 and unfettled opinion. The protection of 
 the fubject againft interefted fufpicion and 
 unprovoked oppreffion, is the more urgent- 
 ly called for, as fince the eftablifhment of 
 the aftociations to reward informers againft 
 the circulation of productions of feditious 
 tendency, &c. upwards of one hundred 
 informations, (as I have been told, though I 
 
 fliould
 
 fhould hope the number is fornewhat exag- 
 gerated) have been preferred to the at- 
 torney general for ex officio profecution ; 
 even during the fitting of the GRAND 
 JURY OF MIDDLESEX, in the centre of this 
 metropolis ; before whom two or three 
 informations did however find their way. ; 
 as it was naturally conceived to be the 
 conftitutional jurifdiclion of the kingdom *. 
 
 * The time for profecutions of libels, like thofe on pe- 
 nal ftatutes, ought to be limited: for, if the profecution 
 is not immediate, the evil, which, in the firft inftance, a 
 jury might have arreded, is circulated beyond that reach 
 which is the object of preventative punifhment. And it is 
 doubtful, whether filence for a reafonable time does not 
 even fan&ion a libel. Nor, is the mifchief of long delay at 
 all confined to the original work, fince every vender in its 
 propagated ftate becomes unwarily involved. It is to be 
 hoped the aifociations for rewarding informers on this fub- 
 je&, do not mean their denunciations to extend to ven- 
 ders of copies, before the Country, in the capacity of a 
 Jury, have condemned the original : but, as I have be- 
 fore obferved, it is almoft impoflible to define, either the 
 objects of their difapprobation, the parties likely to be ex- 
 empt from their anger, or ta"e intended extent of fo deform- 
 ed a jurifdiclion. 
 
 Committing
 
 Committing this fuggeftion to the judgment 
 of abler men, I ihall conclude the fubject 
 with an admonitory addrefs to fome of the 
 new formed afTociations ; in the hope of 
 awakening them to a fenfe of that unconfti- 
 tutional conduct into which their intem- 
 perate zeal has plunged them. As free Ci- 
 tizens of the fame ftate with myfelf, I truft 
 they will receive, without paffion or preju- 
 dice, what I prefume to offer. 
 
 The profefTed object of your aflbciations 
 was to declare an attachment to the king and 
 conftitution ; and, thus far, the inftitution 
 could not be too much commended. This 
 was all that the particular exigence requir- 
 ed ; this you accomplifhed. And had you 
 refted there, your conducl: would have 
 claimed the unanimous fupport of the na- 
 tion. But, this laudable object was no 
 fooner obtained, than you corrupted its pu- 
 rity ; and either overzealous, or ignorant, 
 F or
 
 or regardlefs of the means by which the 
 defired end was to be maintained, you adul- 
 terated your loyalty by mingling with it 
 difcordant politics ; and undermined the 
 constitution, by direct attempts to deftroy 
 the very foul of thofe liberties, which are 
 its bed fupport. 
 
 By correfpondence with each other, and 
 by circulating fuch prints only as tend ta 
 fupport your own unfcrutinized doctrines : 
 by condemning indiferiminately all others 
 as " libellous, or feditious, exciting to riot 
 " or tumult/' you every where fet the mod 
 fubtile engines in motion fo far to deftroy 
 the liberty of the prefs, as to referve the 
 exclufive abufe of it to yourfelves. And 
 you ftill expect that thefe corrupted chan- 
 nels will poflefs fufficient virtue to render 
 every man a convert to the principles they 
 promulgate. The people of a free ftate are 
 however not to be dragooned into affection 
 
 and
 
 and reverence for fuch opinions of " fedition 
 " and libel, riot, and tumult," as you may 
 wifli to eftablifh. 
 
 Be aflured, that the liberty of the prefs, the 
 " implacable enemy to flavery" is too firmly 
 rooted in the heart of the world, to be fhaken 
 by any fuch facrilegious efforts ; that the 
 happinefs of mankind is too deeply involved 
 in its prefervation to withhold their moft ac- 
 tive faculties in its defence ; and in branding 
 its opponents with all the opprobrium at- 
 tached to declared enemies of the human race. 
 Be advifed, and avert farther reprehenfion 
 from this " jealous avenger of wrongs." 
 Retire from impending difgrace ; and puri- 
 fy your adulterated loyalty. Remember, 
 that the liberties of thefe kingdoms are the 
 fole and infallible fupport of the confti- 
 tution ; and that all fbcieties tending to un- 
 dermine it are treafonably hoftile. 
 
 Haften then, though late, to reftore your- 
 F 2 felves
 
 ( 68 ) 
 
 felves to the dignity of citizens of a free 
 flate. 
 
 SECTION VII. 
 
 THE REVISION AND SIMPLIFICATION OF THE 
 LAWS OF ENGLAND. 
 
 " LAW is nothing but REASON REFINED, or REASON 
 " REGULATED; the refults of Ccunfel and Wifdom, 
 " after long and mature deliberation." 
 
 HAKEWELL MOD. TENKXDI PARLIAMENT!. 
 
 A S the good order of fociety is the fup- 
 port of every ftate, fo good laws form 
 the eflence of fociety. Free governments 
 more efpecially inculcate thefe maxims. 
 The knowledge too of the laws mould be the 
 eflential ftudy of individuals, fince it is im- 
 poflible for them to be obeyed, or focie- 
 ty to be undifturbed by infringements, 
 whilft they are either unknown, or not 
 thoroughly underftood. Where the evil 
 
 of
 
 ( 69 ) 
 
 of doubtful laws exifts, it is morally im- 
 poffible that a people can be free from 
 error. And hence arifes the expedience of 
 their fimplification. Laws fhould be re- 
 duced to the imderftandings of the mod un- 
 informed, who, in all populous dates, com- 
 prife the great mafs of the inhabitants. 
 The object of philofophical enquiry is the 
 happinefs and profperity of the human 
 race. But, what can fo materially affect 
 that happinefs as an ignorance of the means 
 by which it is to be promoted and fecured ; 
 an ignorance that progreffively encreafes 
 with population ; by which fociety gradu- 
 ally lofes the benefit of legal advantages, in 
 proportion as her exigencies encreafe ; and 
 the fame caufes too which fwell the evil, 
 augment the difficulty of the remedy. 
 
 / 
 
 On thefe principles it is my wifh to fugged 
 the neceflity of a revifion of the laws of Eng- 
 land. That they are wife and good ; have 
 F 3 been
 
 ( 7 ) 
 
 been infpired by virtue, and framed by in- 
 tegrity, are truths univerfally acknowledged. 
 But they are known only to a few, and 
 perhaps not perfectly comprehended by 
 any. They are by time, incident, and the 
 precautions of paft ages to protect perfonal 
 liberty and fecure property, become foexten- 
 five, that the life of man is too (hort to obtain 
 a per feel: acquaintance with them. A fact 
 continually exemplified by frequent declara- 
 tions from the bench, and the doubts of 
 the moft able, learned, and profound law- 
 yers. Hence, it is evident that civil law, 
 which fhould be open to the under {land- 
 ing of all, is become an abftrufe fcience, 
 never wholly acquired by any ; and as far 
 as attainable, entirely confined to the fmall 
 circle of profeflional men, become fuch by ex- 
 penfive education. Another evil is, that our 
 code abounds with obfolete flatutes, which 
 prove ancient and modern practice to be fo 
 much at variance, as to dictate the neceffity 
 
 either
 
 cither of expunging the one, or correcting 
 the other. Nor is the influence of thefe evils 
 confined to the profelfion of the law ; it 
 extends to each department of the ftate; 
 and every corner of the conftitution is more 
 or lefs fubjecl: to it. We fo often fee the law 
 called forth to interpret the conflitution, 
 that they are virtually at the mercy and dif- 
 pofal of the few profeffional gentlemen whom 
 fuccefs may have created general arbiters and 
 referees, with competency to decide what is 
 or is not law and conftitution. It is far 
 from my intention to infmuate, that they 
 are either unfit for the truft or have 
 facrificed their duty to their intereft: 
 but I am of opinion, that it is of too feri- 
 ous import to be fo confided : too facred 
 to be depofited with any but the people at 
 large ; and that it can never be too vigilantly 
 watched or too delicately handled. I con- 
 tend, therefore, that the law and conftitution 
 ihould be clearly and diftin6lly defined, and 
 F 4 fo
 
 ( 7* ) 
 
 fo perfectly intelligible as to admit of ex- 
 planation by every man who either can or 
 cannot read ; that whoever becomes liable 
 to the penalties of infringement, fhould 
 at lead know how to avoid them ; and that 
 thole who are aggrieved in that property, 
 the lofs of which probably may precede the 
 the lofs of perfonal liberty, ihould poflefs the 
 means of legal defence in pleading their own 
 caufe if they chufe it, without the neceffity 
 of ruining themfelves by the refources of 
 precarious technical affiftance. Such was the 
 ancient rule of thefe kingdoms, and, without 
 doubt it ftill prevails in remote parts of them ; 
 and, as, in this we may trace the origin of 
 trial by jury, the difficulty of reftoring this 
 practice will appear lefs formidable. Trial 
 by jury, originated in the aflemblage of el- 
 ders and neighbours of the fame vicinage 
 where queftions arofe, to hear grievances and 
 to judge as their experience might direct : 
 and here parties were, confronted, each relat- 
 ing
 
 ( 73 ) 
 
 ing his own tale in the language of unlet- 
 tered fimplicity. This was the ufage in 
 their own vicinage; and, when carried from 
 home to fair or market, (the general extent 
 of their foreign concerns), if in their deal- 
 ings, any difputes or difagreements arofe, 
 they immediately reforted to the court of 
 piedfpoudres (or dufty feet) at which the 
 lord's fteward, prefided ; that term imply- 
 ing that their differences muft be frem, and, 
 therefore moft likely to be diverted of deceit, 
 falfehood, or impolition. Thus, it may be 
 feen, that trial by jury, which originated 
 more in neceffity than defign, " is almoft 
 <c coeval with the country, and that its very 
 " inftitution gave birth to an imperfect 
 " conftitution/' 
 
 But, even in more modern times, and 
 long fubfequent to the difcovery of print- 
 ing, the fame cuftom of parties pleading 
 for themfelves continued, until printed 
 
 ilatutes,
 
 ( 74 ) 
 
 ilatutes, introduced in a foreign language, 
 became fo multiplied that individuals were 
 no longer competent to conduct their own 
 caufes ; and it was this confufion and in- 
 competence that introduced fcientific plead- 
 ing. Hence, we may judge, how practi- 
 cable it would now be, fo far to revert to 
 the ancient cuftom, as for individuals un- 
 attended by counfel, to relate their own 
 wrongs before a jury of liberal Englifhmen ; 
 and for that jury to decide thereon. If, then, 
 this be poflible, where lies the objection ? The 
 impracticability indeed can only exift in the 
 number and abftrufenefs of our ftatutes ; 
 for, the people are not lefs competent 
 to relate, or juries to hear and under - 
 fland, than formerly. The advantages of 
 the prefs have been diffufed to all clafles 
 of fociety; for even thofe who cannot 
 read, have greater opportunities of hearing ; 
 and, confequently, the general underftand- 
 ing of the people muft be proportionably 
 
 enlarged :
 
 ( 78 ) 
 
 enlarged : f b that it is evident complainants 
 as well as juries poflefs ftronger powers of 
 relating, comprehending, and deciding, than 
 in more fimple ages. Another advantage, 
 which this practice would indifputably pof- 
 fefs, is, that cafes would be perfectly ge- 
 nuine, and lefs liable to that miftatement, 
 \vhich is the inevitable confequence of a re- 
 cital running through many channels. An 
 individual, who has a cafe at law, muft, by 
 the prefent mode, firft: relate it to his Soli- 
 citor the Solicitor to Counfel and the 
 Counfel to the Jury. In each of thefe ft ages 
 the original ftory lofes fomething of its 
 energy : and the man who ftarts with a good 
 caufe, ultimately finds its fubftance fo waft- 
 ed or evaporated during a circuitous pro- 
 grefs, as to leave only its fliadow to be de- 
 cided on *, 
 
 Of 
 
 * A perfon neceflitated to appeal to the laws of hi* 
 country, is firft obliged to add to the eftablifliment of his 
 cxpcncc, that of a Solicitor, for whofe time and fervices 
 
 he
 
 Of this, if prefent at the trial, he has 
 too frequently the mortification to be fen- 
 fible, and he is almoft the only one debar- 
 red from interference. Whereas, had he 
 been allowed to tell his own ftory to the 
 jury, this could never have happened ; con- 
 fequently, he retires indignantly, and with 
 forrow from the fcene, difcontented with 
 
 he muft pay, as well as for thofe of his clerjcs. He is next alfo 
 obliged to pay this Solicitor for the employment of two Bar- 
 rifters and their clerks. And, when his caufe is brought 
 into Court, he muft then contribute to the maintenance of 
 the officers of that Court. All this time he is unceafmgly 
 contributing to the purfe of the ftate by ftamps, paper du- 
 ties, &c. Terrified with this burthenfome expence, he will 
 be ftrongly prompted to afk himfelf, how long it is likely to 
 laft. He now finds, that all the preceding grievances 
 are comparatively trifling, and unworthy his uneafinefs ; 
 for, irretrievably involved, he perceives the caufe is no 
 longer his own, but entirely at the difpofal of his Solicitor, 
 as are pofllbly all his fortunes along with it. His intereft 
 indeed is become fecondary only ; and having no claim on 
 the] perfonal affection of his Solicitor, his reliance againft 
 impending deftruclion is folely on the ability and refponfibi- 
 lity, which may attach on the profeflional character he has 
 employed. 
 
 the
 
 ( 77 ) 
 
 the law, and pofTibly ruined by its de- 
 cifion. 
 
 When a man muft have recourfe to the 
 laws of the fociety in which he lives, by the 
 fnnplicity of thofe laws he ought, at lead, to 
 be enabled to fee his way through them ; 
 inftead of involving himfelf, as at prefent he 
 inevitably muft, in a dark inextricable 
 labyrinth. 
 
 The fupport of all the liberal part of the 
 profefTion may at leaft be looked for, whofe 
 fuperior fenfe and integrity oppofe prejudice? 
 and whofe purfuits are confcientioufly regu- 
 lated by their profefllonal motto" for the 
 benefit of mankind." 
 
 By converfation with feveral of them on 
 the fubjecl;, I have the fatisfaclion from 
 authority to exprefs their unanimity of fen- 
 timent : " that a careful revifion of our laws 
 " is highly expedient, and would fo fimplify 
 
 legal
 
 ( 78 ) 
 
 " legal procefs, as greatly to reduce theex- 
 " pence, and render it eafy of accefs to all ; 
 " though they confefs that fome impediment 
 " would arife in the branch of conveyancing, 
 " owing to the various exifting diftin6tions 
 " in the tenure of property." I fee encour- 
 agement then, on which to congratulate my 
 country on fome profpect of the accomplifh- 
 ment of their wifhes ; and am myfelf perfect- 
 ly per fuaded, that the branch of conveyancing 
 may be as fufceptible of concife modification 
 as any other part of our fyftem of jurifpru- 
 dence ; and that an eftate may be conveyed 
 as fecurely in one as in one hundred fkins of 
 parchment in ten lines as in ten thoufand ; 
 of which I have lately feen many inftances 
 under a fhort aflignment of title-deeds, pur- 
 pofely devifed and adopted to avoid the en- 
 ormous expence of a formal conveyance in 
 full legal extent ; cujlomarily , and, therefore I 
 fuppofe necejfarily, enumerating and recapi- 
 tulating pofieflbrs and deeds for a century 
 
 paft.
 
 ( 79 ) 
 
 paft. Why the pofieffion of title-deeds, and 
 a receipt for the money, under a concife con- 
 veyance, fhall not fecure property as effectu- 
 ally, as iuch recapitulatory deeds now in ufe ; 
 and why an act of the legiflature fhould 
 not fanclion a fummary practice, I fubmit to 
 the confideration of the community*. 
 
 The extraordinary aflertions of fome of 
 the declaratory focieties, induced me to en- 
 
 * Let us advert to a deed of conveyance called an Englifh 
 POTTAH or title-deed, now in ufe in our fettlements in 
 India, the depofit of which,, under a form of mortgage,, 
 equally concife, is implicitly accepted as fecurity for money , 
 The value of the land is known by its fituation. The deed 
 is regiftered, and runs as follows: " A Pottah is hereby 
 f{ granted unto John Doe, of Lincoln's Inn, for one 
 " hundred acres of land, fituate, lying, and being in the pa- 
 " rifh of Mimms in the county of Herts, the land-tax of 
 " which is 1 61. 6s. 8d. per ann. This land was the property 
 " of Richard Roe, of Gray's Inn,who acknowledges to have 
 " received the full confideration agreed on for it, and now 
 " relinquishes all claim unto the faid John Doe and his 
 " heirs for ever.* 1 
 
 The whole expence of conveyance and regiftering does 
 not exceed fifteen pence ! ! ! 
 
 ter
 
 ter on this fubje<5t, which is treated as a 
 caufe of extreme hardfhip, calling aloud for 
 reform : but from the difficulty of the fub- 
 jecl, it is, probably, the leaft likely to un- 
 dergo that deliberate and difpaffionate dif- 
 cuffion, which alone can effecl it. To that 
 end, I have however endeavoured to do, 
 \vhat, thus far, has appeared my duty as 
 an individual. 
 
 I mall now clofe this head with recom- 
 mending to the people of England, to fignify 
 their wifhes by inftru6iions to their refpeclive 
 reprefentatives in parliament, whofe imme- 
 diate province it is, to explore and revile all 
 the laws, for the purpofes of fupporting 
 the good, amending thofe that are bad, and 
 propoling new ones. To enable them to do 
 which, the nation allows a very competent 
 eftablifhment of law-officers. Till that de- 
 fir able end be accomplifhed, I fhall take the 
 liberty of reminding all my fellow-citizens, 
 
 whom
 
 whom the formidable chaos of our laws 
 may difcourage, to feek redrefs by another 
 mode, and to refort to friendly and brotherly 
 references of arbitration, in a JURY of Two 
 or THREE, without the formal and expen- 
 five intervention of Courts, Judges, Coun- 
 fel, and Solicitors, inftead of a JURY of 
 TWELVE which cannot aflemble without 
 them. This is a condudl which the great 
 mercantile body of London aflbciated at 
 Lloyds have moft ftrongly recommended by 
 their example. 
 
 SECTION
 
 SECTION VIII. 
 
 THE PEOPLE'S WEIGHT IN THE GOVERNMENT, 
 
 RESPONSIBILITY OF MINISTERS, 
 
 AND CONCLUSION. 
 
 TN endeavouring to perform what I deem 
 -* a duty, I fhall not apologize to my fel- 
 low-citizens for treflpafling on their time, 
 in the difcuflion of the prominent features 
 of the Britifh constitution. I fee fo many 
 real and folid advantages that I am con- 
 cerned to think they fhould not be better 
 understood. It was defigned by our an- 
 ceftors, and it can only be the intention, 
 that every citizen fhould alike feel and par- 
 take of them ; and if he does not, I am per- 
 fuaded that it mult proceed from a want of 
 the proper knowledge. 
 
 Why fhould ENGLAND, at this time, be 
 
 lefs
 
 ( 83 ) 
 
 lefs the object of our admiration and affec- 
 tion than at any former period? Not on 
 account of her antiquity ; for years have 
 added to her value ! It cannot be, that {he is 
 no longer willing to adminifter relief to the 
 poor and helplefs, or to employ the young 
 and active in her arts, manufactures, navi- 
 gation, and commerce ! It cannot be that> 
 under a fyftem of protecting laws, her in- 
 dependence is eftablifhed. Neither can it be, 
 becaufe all thefe bleffings are happily diffiif- 
 ed among the people by a gracious Sove- 
 reign ! ! whofe manifold virtues, whether 
 contemplated as a hulband, a fathej, or a 
 friend, both in his public and private cha- 
 racter, are undeniable, and whofe fole mo- 
 tives are unbounded humanity and affec- 
 tion ! 
 
 An idea has been induftrioufly circulat- 
 ed, that the people are defpifed as a multi- 
 tude and cyphers in the ftate. The pofi- 
 G 2 tion
 
 ( 84 ) 
 
 tion I fhould hope to be impoffible ; and 
 the face of the country ftamps it fo. A 
 view of the government evidently manifefts 
 that, although the eftablifhed plan of its 
 adminiftration delegates authority to fepa- 
 rate eftates, in the character of truftees for 
 the community, there can actually be but 
 one, and, politically, only two parties, the 
 KING and the PEOPLE ; and that there 
 does not exift a middle clafs. For, what 
 are the nobility but a fmall number fup- 
 pofed to be frlected and dignified by their 
 virtues and fervices, and politically entruft- 
 ed, for the BENEFIT of the PEOPLE, with 
 the intermediate fituation of a COUNCIL 
 and JURY of the NATION ? 
 
 The People are the real and folid fupport 
 of the (late ; and inftead of not exifting any 
 where, they are to be feen in all Rations, as 
 the prominent figure in the fcene. Are they 
 in the management of the government ? 
 
 there
 
 there can be no government without them. 
 Are they poflefled of power ? They are, as 
 being the national truftees conftitutionally 
 appointed by their popularity. Do they 
 make laws for the State ? They wholly pof- 
 fds, in their Houfe of Commons, the depart- 
 ment which can dictate laws. Do they judge 
 of the breaches of thofe laws ? We find them 
 in the chara6ter of JURORS interpreting and 
 fupporting what they themfelves have en- 
 a61ed as LEGISLATORS. Are their deci- 
 fions to be fulfilled ? We find the people at 
 once obeying and executing ; and that with- 
 out their fervices, breaches of the laws would 
 render laws inefficient. Are the people ag- 
 grieved ? We fee them appealing to thcm- 
 felves in that department of the ftate in which 
 they are purpofely .ftationed to defend their 
 liberties, to redrefs their own grievances'; 
 and by checking the popular truftees in 
 the abufe of power, and upholding the 
 other two Eftates, as the certain means of 
 G 3 averting
 
 ( 86 ) 
 
 averting oppreffion and difcontents, we be- 
 hold the people preferving that conftitution 
 which is the bafis of all. Are the people in 
 all the public offices and departments of the 
 ftate? Without them the doors of no aflem- 
 bly would be unlocked. Are they employed 
 in the army and navy ? Without them, there 
 could be neither. Do they cultivate the land 
 and employ .the manufactures for their own 
 benefit? Without fuch affiftance the firft 
 would be unproductive, and the latter fall 
 into decay. 
 
 POPULARITY \ . is another term for 
 the GOOD-WILL of the PEOPLE, is indeed 
 the proud prize of all men : the great 
 ftruggle of ftatefmen : the only CONSTI- 
 TUTIONAL method by which they can or 
 ought to become the minifters of the people 
 entrufted with the management of the Hate. 
 
 When grievances are felt, the conftitution 
 
 which
 
 which tells us, " that the King can do no 
 wrong," teaches us alfo, that the caufe is 
 only to be looked for, and can be found but 
 among the PEOPLE : and in order to af- 
 certain, in what clafs of them, we have but 
 to enquire of OURSELVES, who, among us, 
 has the power to inflicl grievances ? Or, 
 who, being in pofleffion of power, has the op- 
 portunity of abufmg it ? And, in this en- 
 quiry we are, firft, directed to thofe indivi- 
 duals of the people, whofe POPULARITY 
 created them the TRUSTEES of the execu- 
 tive power; and we fhall next advert to 
 fuch part of them as have been felecled to 
 fill that department of the ftate, whofe infti- 
 tution was defigned as a CONTROUL FOR 
 THE PEOPLE. And, it is here we fhall 
 difcover the fource of the evil. 
 
 By thus inveftigating the caufe, we have 
 new reafons to admire the well defigned or- 
 der of our conftitution ; and fhall find our 
 
 G 4, fyftem
 
 ( 88 ) 
 
 fyftem fo perfect, that thefe departments 
 cannot err feparately : they can only do fo 
 together and by connivance: for, if the 
 truftees of the executive power abufe their 
 truft, the controuling power, with no lefs 
 wickednefs, muft betray theirs. If each per- 
 form its controuling functions, neither can 
 be wrong ; and no caufe of grievance or dif- 
 content can poffibly exift. For, when they 
 do exift, they can only proceed from fuch a 
 collufion and combination of the executive 
 and reftraining truftees againft the people at 
 large, as fubverts the fabric of government. 
 It is here therefore, whenever the ftate be- 
 comes difordered, that the people muft direct 
 their attention ; and, as they with the confti- 
 tution to be preferved, muft apply the re- 
 medy : to effectuate which, they have the 
 choice of two conftitutional alternatives ; one 
 of which refers to their reprefentatives ; and 
 the other to the crown. They may admo- 
 nifh their refpeclive members individually 
 
 or 

 
 or apply to them, in their collective capacity, 
 by petition : and they can alfo legally, en- 
 treat his majefty, to refer the remedy to the 
 people at large, by putting an end to the 
 truft of their reprefentatives by a diffolution 
 of the parliament 
 
 The well known principle of our confti- 
 tution, " that the King can do no wrong," 
 can never be too often repeated, or too feri- 
 oufly inculcated : no fyftem of ethics ever 
 contained a ftricler truth : for, our conftitu- 
 tion is fo wifely founded on popular princi- 
 ples, that the king has but the power of 
 doing GOOD. Minifters only are jefponfi- 
 ble to the nation at large for every thing that 
 is wrong, be the caufe what it may ; their 
 truft and nomination meaning this or no- 
 thing. And thus they enter on their duties, 
 under the fevered penalties to which men 
 can poflibly be fubjecled. It is, however, to 
 be lamented, as perhaps the leading caufe of 
 
 national
 
 ( 9 ) 
 
 national calamities, that authority once ob- 
 tained, minifters do not always recollect, ei- 
 ther that they are the fervants of the com- 
 munity, or even remenjber the objects which 
 induced the people to truft them. Some 
 men poffibly confider confiftency of conduct 
 as incompatible with the dignity of general 
 confidence: and few, indeed, are the inftan- 
 ces where the allurement of ftationhas been 
 deliberately rejected on a rigid principle of 
 duty. Were the minifters of the people 
 more faithful, or as upright as they muft be 
 when dependant on popular fupport, con- 
 vulfion would have been lefs known, calamity 
 fcarcely felt, and animofity among nations 
 had long fubfided. 
 
 The Britifh government can alone infpire 
 the hiftorian with pride to communicate 
 to pofterity, that amid fcientific corrup- 
 tion, when the reprefentatives of nations 
 virtually acted on a fyftem of defection, the 
 
 people
 
 ( 9' ) 
 
 people of England had the glory to ele<5l a 
 minifter, who, faithful to VIRTUE and HIM- 
 SELF ! apprehending a confpiracy among the 
 other truftees againft thofe interefts which 
 the vox-popuH had ftationed him to defend, 
 and fcorning to become a party, he honour- 
 ably founded the alarm, and refigned a func- 
 tion that could only prove advantageous to 
 himfelf *. How oppofite to this is the condu6l 
 of minifters in general, be their country or 
 the nature of their government what it may. 
 Poflefled of power, they foon become willing 
 to confider it as committed to them for their 
 
 * In March 1782, Mr. Fox was chofen Secretary of 
 State. In July following, finding a majority of the cabinet 
 oppofing the expectations of the Nation, he refigned. In 
 April 1783, the voice of the People replaced him. With 
 the lofs of his India Bill, he again quitted his ftation. That 
 Bill would alone immortalize him ! Though fupported by 
 the almoft unanimous applaufes of the Houfeof Commons, 
 it was overruled in the Honfe of Lords. It is now feen, that 
 the operation of that Bill would have produced a relief of 
 the burthens of the People to the amount of three millions 
 annually. 
 
 own
 
 ( 9* ) 
 
 own private advantage, and the fupport of 
 their partialities and friendfhips. Their ex- 
 ertions no longer defcending to the relief of 
 public burthens, are converted into a fyftem 
 of finance. And merit alone confifts in ex- 
 tent of the Excife, afieffment, and contribu- 
 tion. Treafure is amafled from the labours 
 and induftry of the people. And, the monf- 
 ter thus torn from their bowels and exhi- 
 bited to view ! they are taught to admire and 
 to adopt it, as the happy fruit of minifterial 
 talent. Minifters have, however, thefe trea- 
 liires at their difpofal, and ufe them but as 
 the means of their own fupport. When we 
 furvey a Houfe of Reprefentatives, whole 
 duty it mould be to prohibit abufe of power, 
 and wafte of money, we fee men with views 
 and paflions to gratify : and who even go into 
 the aflembly in purfuit of places, penfions, 
 and honours. The application of thefe four- 
 ces of corruption, fupported by extenfiye 
 armed eftablifhments, frequently conftitute 
 
 the
 
 ( .93 ) 
 
 the whole fcience of government. And the 
 power to conduct it thus left indefinite, its 
 operation will ever be directed to create fin- 
 ance, in order to multiply patronage, and fo 
 perpetuate its own exigence. 
 
 It is thus that minifters too often become 
 thefole arbiters of tleir own conduct, and like 
 the Decemviri of Rome, hefitate not to un- 
 made and maintain their fituations at all 
 hazards. It is thus, that callous to remon- 
 ftrance, they revile and employ hirelings to 
 decry the condu6l of men capable of expo- 
 fing them as a means of removing oppofition. 
 They ftrive to blind the People againft their 
 true friends, and to fow diflention among 
 them, by obloquy, invective, and falfe impu- 
 tations. Individuals of them are fometimes 
 feen threatening the cabinet with retiring on 
 their thus acquired popularity, as a means 
 of commanding acquiefcence to obnoxious 
 meafures: fometimes terrifying the people 
 
 with
 
 with the force of prerogative. And even 
 under portending conflict -to the country, 
 flipulating and contending among them- 
 felves for the feleclion of places or the ex- 
 tent of corrupt influence ! 
 
 Such practices in any ftate only warn us 
 to be circumfpect in our own, and to feel the 
 happinefs of being able to avert them. 
 Whenever, therefore, attempts are occafion- 
 ally made to fet the King and the People at 
 variance ; by inducing the King to doubt the 
 fidelity of the people and the people to be 
 jealous of the royal prerogative, we (hall be 
 juftified in our conftruclion of the motives 
 of fuch conduct, in our intermediate agents ; 
 and thus trace with certainty the fource of 
 our wrongs. Whatever may be the caufe 
 of our fufferings, we are directed by the con- 
 flitution to look for it among minifters, with 
 whom alone our controverfies muft be. To 
 what elfe can we attribute all the mileries 
 
 and
 
 ( 95 ) 
 
 and blood [hed with which England has at 
 any time been afflicted ? Our hiftory indeed 
 affords but one inftance of any conteft really 
 and wholly between the King and the Peo- 
 ple. I refer to the fecond James ; and here 
 the inequality was fo great (which it will 
 always be under fimilar circumftances) that 
 in order to decide it, the people had but to 
 declare their determination, and to leave the 
 King a free paflage by which quietly to ef- 
 fect his efcape. The cafe of Charles the firft 
 was different. It was not a conteft between 
 the King and the People. It was a ftruggle 
 between the vicious part of the community, 
 and individuals feeling and acting like men 
 determined on freedom. The former par- 
 took of, and, therefore, were attached to a 
 fyftem of tyranny and flavery , concealed un- 
 der the difguife of divine right, pafllve obe- 
 dience, and non-refiftance. To thefe there 
 fprangupa third, and ultimately the pre- 
 vailing party. This, which had been enabled 
 
 to
 
 to ere6l a ftandard with the inftruments and 
 from the difcords of the other two, was, 
 through the ignorance of the People, fcan- 
 daloufly fuffered to ftab the confutation, by 
 pardoning, or rather overlooking thofe mi- 
 nifters and abettors of the deceived King, 
 \vhofe lives fhould have been the juft forfeit ; 
 and inhumanly butchering the Sovereign in 
 defiance of his inviolability. The people at 
 large were doomed unavailingly to repine 
 until the period of the Revolution. 
 
 I repeat, therefore, what I fliould feel 
 myfelf happy if I could fo engrave on the 
 heart of every one, that it fhould extend it- 
 felf with time, fpurn at all infidious and cor- 
 rupt attempts to create a jealoufy of our be- 
 loved fovereign. In every inftance of the 
 kind, his exemplary virtues fhould ftigma- 
 tize fuch efforts with the odium of treafon- 
 able falfehood. It is only the intermediate 
 truftees of power appointed by ourfelves and 
 
 accountable
 
 ( 97 ) 
 
 accountable to us for their conduct, of whom 
 \ve have to be jealous; who when we enable 
 them to fulfil their mod folemn pledges for 
 our benefit, fcornfully forget the hand which 
 foftered them, and the return due to it ; and, 
 thenceforward, only devife means beft calcu- 
 lated to fcrengthen themfelves under fuch 
 pretences and fubterfuges, as the undefined 
 branches of our conftitution may furnifh to 
 their ingenuity. 
 
 Confide, then, in your King, he is the 
 conftitutional defender of liberty; and the 
 watchful guardian of your happinefs : but, 
 fuffer not your attention to be afleep to the 
 condu6l of fuch of your intermediate agents 
 Rationed as his Minifters: they alone have 
 the power to injure; and equally poflefs 
 the means of deceiving the King, and of im- 
 pofing on you. Were thefe agents always 
 as vigilant, faithful and difinterefted, as you 
 are aclive in encouraging them by your con- 
 H fidence,
 
 fidence, domeftic tranquillity would not 
 be liable to violation, or furprize ; nor could 
 any impudent intrigue, or coarfe, infulting 
 impofition be attempted to fow difcord ; to 
 profcribe fome as rebels ; and brand all 
 with difaffeclion, infurrection, and fedition. 
 In a free ftate, a general fearch warrant, 
 incomplete only in legality, is backed by 
 the terrific influence of office, and the hover- 
 ing menaces of military force, while the 
 people themfelves indignantly defy the 
 teft! And at the fame time prove them- 
 felves good citizens throughout the na- 
 tion, ftruggling who (hall be the firft to ex- 
 hibit the pureft loyalty, the moft exemplary 
 attachment to the conftitution, and the moft 
 rigid fubordination to legal magiftrates and 
 to the exiting laws ! 
 
 Artifices of the grofleft complexion, when 
 fanctioned by authority, eafily command the 
 credulity of the people. The extraordinary 
 
 and
 
 ( 99 ) 
 
 and abrupt manner in which parliament was 
 convened, countenanced the late delufion: 
 and, judging by events, individuals might be 
 induced to conceive the whole as a pre-con- 
 certed plan infidioufly contrived to operate 
 as a cover for fecret purpofes, which, confid- 
 ently with the public pledge of neutrality, 
 dared not to be avowed, but which diftant 
 continental connections might eafily lead us 
 to conjecture. It is eafy to deceive, -difficult 
 to undeceive ; and this difficulty encreafes in 
 proportion as the original artifice has fpread. 
 But, in this inftance ,what expofes the delufion, 
 is a review of the meafures which have been 
 adopted ; the fhort fitting of parliament ; the 
 failure of an houfe when it had been appoint- 
 ed to meet ; the almoft inftant adjournment 
 in the midft of alledged danger ; and that 
 too for as long a period as in times of 
 uninterrupted tranquillity ; had there been 
 any real foundation for an apprehend- 
 ed convulfion, the fteps taken were in- 
 H 2 fufficient
 
 fufficient to the avowed object. But the 
 adjournment of parliament, has, unequi- 
 vocally declared to us, that more was not 
 requifite. If the alarm had not been previ- 
 oufly ftipprefied, or the political feint ex- 
 ploded, the removal of which was the avowed 
 object of our national conftituents afTem- 
 bling, furely they would never have ad- 
 journed themfelves. Safety of the ftate, and 
 duty, had forbidden it. The fitting of 
 parliament always infpires the nation with 
 confidence ; it is the Stationary /^z/gvz/ from 
 whence the people take their motions ; and 
 the late fudden call of it was wholly in that 
 fpirit. And its early adjournment clearly 
 manifelled, that thejlorms of the ftate were 
 not alarming. 
 
 Although the general tremor of ap- 
 prehenfion has fubfided, the mifchievous 
 impreffion it has left on the public mind is 
 much to be deplored ; and it is more than 
 
 ever
 
 ever incumbent on us to be circumfpect in 
 performing our refpeclive duties, by which 
 alone the people can effectually recover their 
 wonted weight and dignity ; and the proper 
 balance of government can be reftored. It 
 is an evil peculiar to a popular government, 
 that in all extraordinary cafes it is liable to be 
 hurried into extremes by the artifices of de- 
 figning men, who deriving confidence from 
 fuppofed probity, whenever they depart 
 from that character to fuit the necefilty of 
 the moment, it is under an artful difguife 
 only that they prevail, and it is fo long 
 before the confirmation fubfides, that the 
 correction of the mifchief becomes next 
 to impracticable. Under fuch an undue in- 
 fluence, a middle way, between licentious 
 oppofition and flavifh fubfervience, is diffi- 
 cult. For as the one party acquires, the other 
 proportionably lofes ftrength ; and the re- 
 fult generally is fuch an abfolute preponder- 
 ance on one fide, as to be little fhort of an- 
 nihilation
 
 ( 102 ) 
 
 nihilation on the other. In fuch a conjunc- 
 ture, thofe who exert themfelves to correct 
 a fyftem fo deftruclive in its operation to 
 the order of the ftate, are the true friends of 
 both, and merit diftinguifhed rewards from 
 their country. Our late agitation evinces 
 this truth. We have feen attachment to 
 the conftitution teftified at the expence of 
 freedom ; and we have feen the cenfure of 
 a fmgle book, even before its merits had 
 been decided on by the law, confidered as a 
 fjgnal for a fyftematic exertion to annihilate 
 the liberty of the prefs, that grand luminary, 
 which has already refcued, and which only 
 can preferve the world from ignorance and 
 flavery. By this outrageous attack the rights 
 of mankind have received a wound, to be 
 healed only by the foftering hand of juries, 
 and by an accurate and nice difcrimination 
 of their duties and jurifdiclion. 
 
 BRITONS ! We cannot too facredly ve- 
 nerate
 
 nerate our prefent conftitution, the govern- 
 ing principles of which are in full vigour 
 and luftre, and only vulnerable when we 
 neglecl: to perform our duty in defend- 
 ing the true balance between liberty and 
 prerogative, as eftablifhed by law. We 
 never can too highly value our now unlimited 
 right of trial and decifion by Jury, which it 
 depends on ourfelves to maintain ; and fo 
 long as we preferve it in its purity, it will fup- 
 port our liberties, though every other branch 
 of the conftitution fhould perifh . We never 
 can atone, either to the prefent, or to genera- 
 tions yet unborn, for fuffering an injury 
 to be committed againft our juftly-boafted 
 birth-right the liberty of the prefs. And 
 our unbounded power as jurors, purpofely 
 created for its protection, will render us 
 the more criminal, if we betray that facred 
 truft. We cannot be too watchful over the 
 truftees of power, nor too fcrupuloufly con- 
 traft their engagements to obtain our confi- 
 dence,
 
 ( 104 ) 
 
 dence, \vith their manner of fulfilling their 
 obligations. We never can too ferioufly refent 
 any unconftitutional interference of ;; mili- 
 tary power, which ought to have no ftrength 
 but againft the enemies of our country. 
 Nor can \ve be too tenacious of public free- 
 dom, which is but a temporary bequeft to be 
 tranfmitted undiminifhed to our children. 
 We can never be too confident in a King, who 
 fteadfaftly refts his throne on the affections 
 of the People ; nor too zealoufly maintain the 
 LIBERTY of BRITAIN ; the protection of 
 which, fays Judge Blackftone, " is a duty 
 " which the People owe to themfelves, who 
 " enjoy it ; to their anceftors, who tranf- 
 mitted it down; and to their pofterity, 
 " who will claim at their hands, this, the 
 " beft birthright, and nobleft inheritance of 
 " mankind." 
 
 FINIS. 
 
 082 6
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA AT LOS ANGELES 
 
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